Explaining Caribbean Family Patterns - Schwartz Research Group

Explaining Caribbean Family Patterns

The anthropology of the Caribbean has been called “the battle ground for competing theories regarding family structure” (D’Amico-Samuels 1988: 785). Anthropologists were confounded by a distinct regional family structure, including late age at marriage, high rates of births to single women, matrifocality, child dispersal, de facto polygyny, serial monogamy, and severe beating of children. Early scholars dismissed these patterns as “disintegrate” (Simey 1946), “uncivilized” (Matthews 1953: 302), “normless,” “distorted” (see Smith 1996: 35, 54), “promiscuous,” and “dysfunctional” (see Smith and Mosby 2003). Subsequently, no comprehensive and satisfactory explanation for the patterns was ever achieved.

In this article I revisit the literature and illustrate how enigmatic traditional Caribbean Family patterns can be understood with regard to four simple material factors: the value of the household in surviving a harsh natural and economic environment; the role men played as financiers in the establishment of these households; the role women played as managers of these households; and the role children played as laborers in making the households productive. It is this later point, the economic utility of even very young children—a point that many scholars seeking to understand Caribbean family patterns documented but largely neglected and even denied as causal factors—that completes the insights other scholars have made and makes traditional Caribbean family patterns logical. In reinserting the importance of children into the analysis, Caribbean family patterns make sense as a logical outcome of the basic material challenges impoverished people of the region face.


Dysfunctional Family Patterns

One of the patterns that most concerned and perplexed scholars was a seemingly contradictory complex of behaviors toward reproduction. Girls were kept in the dark about the processes of how pregnancy happens. Two-thirds of Blake’s (1961) ninety-nine female Jamaican respondents said they knew “nothing” of sexual relations and pregnancy before their first union. Typical were women who said, “Me did know that boy and girl can do it. But I didn’t know you would have baby” (Blake 1961: 52) and, “when I find myself with a child I never know what happen” (Blake 1961: 53). Young female Barbadians that Greenfield (1966) interviewed complained that “repeated admonitions about ‘staying away from boys’ never included a discussion of ‘what to stay away from’” (Greenfield 1966: 109); many of the girls “were angry at their mother for not preparing them for motherhood” (Greenfield 1966: 109).

In contrast to the treatment of daughters, Caribbean parents did nothing to punish the sexual aggressiveness of their sons or, for that matter, the sexual aggressiveness of men who seduced their daughters. Indeed, they encouraged it. As Wilson (1969: 71) noted early on, “almost every ethnographic report from the Caribbean mentions a double standard of sexual morality.” In Jamaica, “the proof of a man’s maleness is the impregnation of a woman” (Clarke 1966: 96). In Guyana, “for a man to have children all about is a matter of pride” (R. T. Smith 1956: 141). In Andros Island “boys are like dogs”; they are expected to have sex; if they don’t they are “sissy;” and “in order to attain adult status a man must have premarital as well as extramarital sex relations” (Otterbein 1966: 67). In Martinique, fathers impress on their sons “expectations of masculinity” (Horowitz 1967: 64). In Trinidad, “It is a glory for a man to dupe a woman into having sexual intercourse with him. If you can’t . . . you are not a ‘famous man’” (Freilich 1968: 962; see also Clarke 1957: 91, 96; Smith 1956: 141, 1988: 137). The behavior is such that a UN report on the subject concluded that “it is reasonable to argue that in the Caribbean as a whole sexual harassment represents behavior which is largely normalized” (Lewis 2003).

Ignorant of the mechanics of conception and confronted by sexually aggressive males of all ages, young Caribbean women were left defenseless in preventing unwanted first pregnancies. For those who might try to “break the vicious circle” (Kerr 1952: 81; see also Freilich 1968: 52), there was censure, ridicule, punishment, and intimidation. Adolescent girls were terrorized with the specter of what could happen if they took contraceptives or resorted to abortion: contraceptive use was considered sinful and associated with physical and mental disorders (Buschkens 1974: 223; Kerr 1952: 25; Cohen 1956). Coitus interruptus was abhorred, as illustrated by one of Blake’s informant who equated it with murder, “it is a sin, because you are destroying your blood, it is like killing a child” (Blake 1961: 201).

When young women did get pregnant for the first time, the “almost ritualized” reaction of her mother provided more evidence for those scholars who saw the entire process as dysfunctional (Senior 1991: 76). The discovery was accompanied by violence and quarrelling; and the girl was often thrown out of the house, but then quickly taken back in (for Barbados, see Greenfield 1966 and Handwerker 1989: 62; for Providencia, see Wilson 1961a: 128; for Suriname among the Paramaribo, see Buschkens 1974: 225; for Guyana, see R. T. Smith 1988: 145; and for Jamaican examples, see Kerr 1952).

Clarke (1966: 99) described the scenario in Jamaica:

The discovery is greeted with noisy upbraiding, the girl is severely beaten, and in many cases turned out of the house. In the second stage the girl takes refuge with a neighbor or kinswoman. After a period, which may be quite short, the kinsfolk and neighbours intercede with the mother on her behalf, and the girl is taken back into her mother’s home for the birth of her child.

It was precisely these types of seemingly contradictory behaviors—keeping girls in the dark about the mechanics of pregnancy, encouraging male sexual aggressiveness, and beating daughters when they did get pregnant—that early scholars were referring to when they described Caribbean family patterns as “dysfunctional.” But what I try to show in the rest of this article is that in the context of the importance of households, children, and the challenges confronted by impoverished people of the Caribbean, these practices were anything but dysfunctional. On the contrary, the view of them as dysfunctional was the consequence of a presumption by social scientists that children were a material burden. But for impoverished people of the Caribbean, quite the opposite was the case.


In Jean Rabel, Haiti, it was of the greatest importance that a woman bear children (see Schwartz 2009). In St. Vincent it was believed that a woman who cannot have children is “tragic, sad, and pitiable” and similarly, “a man who could not have children is equally scorned, and his masculinity and virility are called into question” (Gearing 1988: 235). In Jamaica, “a child is God’s gift,” “nothing should be done to prevent the birth of a child,” and “no woman who has not proved that she can bear a child is likely to find a man to be responsible for her” (Clarke 1966: 95–96). In summarizing the results of 1,600 interviews from the extensive Women in the Caribbean project (WICP 1979–1982), Senior (1991: 68) noted that “childless women are scorned,” they are “mules” and “beyond the pale of society.”

The “dysfunctional” behaviors described above evolved not as an aversion to high fertility, but as a mechanism of guaranteeing it. By keeping young women in the dark about the mechanics of reproduction, making them afraid of birth control, and encouraging male promiscuity, one could argue that impoverished people of the Caribbean, especially mothers, were setting up the conditions that made pregnancy unavoidable. By intentional design or simply the consequences of radical pronatalism, daughters were rendered defenseless against the processes that initiated their reproductive careers. As for the beatings, mothers were arguably not punishing daughters so much as they were assuring their control over the newborn child. Indeed, as will be seen, throughout the Caribbean, elder mothers deliberately tried to commandeer the offspring of their nubile daughters. The behavior of parents can ultimately only be understood with respect to dependency on households, female control over those households, and the value of child labor in making the household productive. To begin assessing the pattern, I want to first show how changes in the plantation economy that dominated the region for more than four hundred years gave way to the primacy of the Caribbean household as a unit of production and survival.


The Plantation Economy and the All-Important Household

Plantations were so much a part of the Caribbean that anthropologist Charles Wagley (1957: 8) defined the region as “plantation America.” In the colonial economic heyday of the region, massive importations of labor from Europe and Africa helped make corporate plantation economies such as Saint Domingue (the French colony that would become Haiti) and later Jamaica and Barbados the most productive on earth. But in the shadow of the plantation emerged another economy, one based on the household and linked through the informal economies found throughout the Caribbean with their internal rotating market systems. The system emerged from the corporate plantations money saving tactic of allotting slaves provision grounds where they planted staples for consumption. The slaves also traded the goods, giving birth to rotating daily markets. The Caribbeanist scholar Mintz (1974: 130–55: 1985) called this the “slave proto peasantry” and it gave way to an economy so dynamic that in Jamaica, one-fifth of all the colony’s currency was in the hands of slaves (Barickman 1994).

In most of the Caribbean the transition from proto to more developed peasant economy began in the 1830s postemancipation era. Through purchases, squatting, share-cropping, and government land reform programs, the impoverished semi-subsistence market producers acquired more land, the regional rotating market system expanded, and households became an important hedge against starvation, uncertain employment, and the economic vicissitudes and predatory wage labor strategies of the plantations. As in the colonial times, plantation owners granted or rented workers “provision grounds” encouraging “peasant” production, but Caribbean low-income farming adaptation can be understood not only as a “mode of response” to the plantation system, it can also be understood as a “mode of resistance” as well (Mintz 1974b: 131–56). The household and regional subsistence economy provided a haven from onerous and low-paid plantation labor. Haiti was an exception to other countries in the Caribbean. Because the country obtained independence earlier than other colonies, because of the extremity of the social upheaval and near absolute victory of the slaves (if not political victory,  their de facto economic liberty) the process of transition from proto- to full-blown peasant economy began much earlier in Haiti (with the 1791 revolution) and the transition became more complete than in any former Caribbean colony.

But for the Caribbean in general, it was with emancipation that the transition began and with it a kind of struggle was born. On the one hand, the plantation economy, although weakened, continued to exist: managers continued to encourage workers to reproduce their own means of existence; they paid meager wages; recruited new migrants from India and Asia; and used vagrancy laws and restricted access to the most productive lands in an effort to force ex-slaves and the newer immigrants to work. On the other hand, many prospective workers retreated into the regional household-based farm economies. As in the case of Haiti, on some islands the farmers seemed to win with the full-blown “peasant” domination of regional rotating market systems and the near-total disappearance of plantations. But what emerged on most islands was a system where plantations still controlled the best and most productive lands while the impoverished ex-slaves were left the steeply sloped, rocky, and eroded marginal lands upon which they underwrote their own costs of reproduction. They planted survival-oriented crops such as sweet potatoes, yams, manioc, peanuts, millet, taro, and plantains; and they fished, foraged, hunted feral animals, tended their own small stocks of chickens, goats, pigs, cattle, and traded intensely with other households in weekly rotating markets.

Typical was the former British Caribbean, a region that included Antigua, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, St. Kitts, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and Trinidad and Tobago. As late as 1988, plantations held the best lands while 70 percent of all people lived in rural areas on small plots (Heath 1988: 431; Sahlins 1972; Beckford 1972). The same pattern prevailed throughout the lower Caribbean Basin. Even in cases of Amerindians such as Miskitu in Nicaragua—traditionally dependent on fishing, foraging and swidden agriculture—classic Caribbean household subsistence strategies took hold (Nietschmann 1979). But the growth of the informal household-based economy was tempered by another major demographic trend: male wage migration.1

Male Wage Migration

Wage migration entered into the plantation versus household equation in a powerful way. Following emancipation in 1838, men in the Lesser Antilles migrated to Trinidad and Guyana to work on sugar cane plantations (Richardson 1975: 395–96). The period between 1880 and 1924 was what Brereton (1989: 101) referred to as “the great age of migration” when men throughout the islands migrated to work on the Panama Canal, first for the French (1880 to 1893) and then for the Americans (1903 to 1914); they built the trans-isthmus railroad (1851 to 1855, 1904 to 1912); they migrated to work in the massive U.S.-engineered fruit empires of Central America (1870s to present), the British sugar empire in Guyana (1800s to 1970s), the originally U.S.-engineered sugar empire of Cuba (1890s to 1950s), the Dominican Republic (1880s to present), and Florida (1960s to present); up until 1924 they migrated to New York and even as far away as Ontario to pick apples. Beginning in the 1940s they went to the oil fields of Maracaibo and refineries of Aruba and Curacao; those from the British Islands went en masse to rebuild Britain after WWII. They migrated to U.S. mining operations throughout the region, such in bauxite mines in Jamaica (1944 to present) and Guyana (1940s to 1970s). During the 1960s and up until the present they continued to travel to England to work in factories, dig tunnels, and lay pipe; to Guyana to work in bauxite mines; to the U.S. and British Virgin Islands to build hotels; and to the United States to work as itinerant agricultural laborers.2

Many if not most of the migration patterns continue and new ones have been added such that Deere et al. (1990) could justifiably write that today the Caribbean exports more of its people than any region on the planet. While the migrants were sometimes women—an increasing phenomenon in recent years (Aymer 1997; Barrow 1997; Springfield 1997; Quinlan 2005)—the vast majority were male. The result was that reproductive-age women remaining on Caribbean home islands often outnumbered men as much as two to one (see table 1).

An integral part of the social pattern that emerged was that men were expected to use migration as a source to underwrite the establishment of a family and homestead. Richardson (1975: 398) would write that in Carriacou “often a young man is not considered an appropriate suitor by parents of a prospective bride unless he has completed a sojourn working overseas”; and in Guyana, R. T. Smith (1956) reported that “if men wanted to fully participate in adult social life they often had to migrate.” The outstanding manifestation of this trend was male house building.

Caribbean low-income households may sometimes have passed generation to generation in a matrilineal fashion, as with Solien’s (1959) “consanguineal female headed households,” but they came into being and only came into being in association with a union between a man and woman. Caribbean men were always the ones who underwrote the construction of the house and they held titular right to the homestead for life. The pattern was so consistent that we can elevate it to the status of a rule: in a review of twenty Caribbean ethnographies for twenty different Caribbean countries, Keith Otterbein (1965) found that in every case for which there was data (fifteen of twenty islands), the primary ingredient for conjugal union was that men provided a house (see also R. T. Smith 1956: 146; M. G. Smith 1961: 465; Philpott 1973: 120–21, 142; Sutton and Makiesky-Barrow 1970: 310).

Thus, what anthropologists found when they began studying family patterns in the mid 20th century was the consequence of over 150 years of adaptation to the weakening of the plantation economy, the importance of the household in surviving a harsh natural and economic environment, and the importance of male wage migration as a means to financially underwrite the household. These are points upon which anthropologists have always agreed. After all, it was not an argument; it was a description of Caribbean island economies. After that point, however, consensus crumbled such that social scientists were never able to agree on the determinants of Caribbean conjugal patterns and kinship.

I believe that I can show why scholars never agreed—and in another article I attempt to do so (see article here and also see here) —but for the remainder of this article I want to show how seemingly dysfunctional behaviors such as keeping girls ignorant of the mechanics of pregnancy, encouraging male sexual aggressiveness, and ritual daughter beating, are linked to the plantation-peasant-migration economy, specifically through the critical role of children as a domestic labor source. The important thing is to keep our eye on the household. But in doing so, in showing the causal connection between the Caribbean household and the value of children in making it productive and family, courtship, and childrearing practices in governing the work regimes of children, it is also necessary to dispel a series of academic myths that have emerged over the more than fifty years of anthropological study in the region.

Matrifocality and the Myth of the Female Bread Winner

Caribbean men have sometimes been portrayed in the literature as failures (Blackwood 2005: 8–9); as “victims of their social environment” (Quinlan 2006: 476); as aggressive, sexist, and disrespectful (Lewis 2003); and as feckless and deadbeat fathers (Massiah 1982, 1983; Jackson 1982; Barrow 1986: 162; Brodber 1986: 46; Ho 1999). Certainly there are some Caribbean men, perhaps even many, who neglect their familial responsibilities, and in all fairness to feminist activists, this trend of male irresponsibility has without doubt increased with the recent transformation of the Caribbean economy from one based on traditional household-based subsistence strategies to one oriented toward industry and tourism, a transformation that was occurring precisely at the time that feminist scholars entered into the region (1960s to the present). But for the traditional Caribbean, the conditions were different.

The role of the Caribbean male not only as financier for the construction of homesteads but also as significant source of cash in the growth of the homestead and rearing of children should never have been in doubt. Barrow (1986: 161) found that all her informants “at some stage in their life histories received support from male partners.” Senior (1991: 154) noted that “husband/partner is cited most frequently as a source of additional income.” But it was much more than “additional income”; in most cases it was the principal source of “income.”

Philpott (1973: 143) found that in the two communities he studied, fifty-four of eighty-one (66.8%) of female-headed households depended on remittances that came largely from men. George Cumper (1961) surveyed 1,296 Barbados households (5,364 people; a random sample of 2 percent of the Barbados population). In only two of Cumper’s categories of female-headed households (White Collar and Landless Labor) did males contribute less than 50 percent of all income; and in no category of male-headed households did men contribute less than 75 percent of family income.3

Male spouses were important, but in lieu of late age at marriage and even conjugal unions, it was “baby fathers” who stood out most as monetary contributors to household upkeep. In Montserrat, Stuart Philpott (1973) found that fathers of young children in the household sent the most money; this meant fathers who had not yet set up an independent homestead with the mother and therefore the money was being contributed to the grandparents’ household. Over 70 percent of female-headed households depended primarily on remittances from the parents of resident grandchildren. Even in male-headed households, 80 percent depended on remittances from parents with resident children in the household (Philpott 1973: 137, 141–42).

The importance of money from baby-fathers was such that a struggle between mothers and girlfriends was common. In Barbados, for example, mothers tried to break up their sons’ unions. As one woman recounted to Penn Handwerker (1989: 63):

There is a saying—I’ve heard it a lot: ‘Mothers-in-law break up most marriages.’ The mother be tellin’ the man he forgettin’ her! And the wife be tellin’ the man “when you going to grow up and cut the apron strings!”

As in most societies, the man’s mother usually lost. Thus, Caribbean parents found their interests best focused on daughters. Where scholars measured preference for daughters versus sons, daughters came out way ahead. In Jamaica, for instance, Sergeant and Harris (1992) found that 79 percent of mothers interviewed preferred to give birth to a daughter. As in Jean Rabel, Haiti, the reason girls were favored was because they were a more dependable source of labor and physical assistance (see Schwartz 2009). Also, as in Jean Rabel daughters were a source of child laborers (i.e., grandchildren), arguably the most important determinant of Caribbean kinship and family patterns. These are points taken up soon. But first, I want to finish with this other important issue, that of money from men, and the fact that the most efficacious way of getting it was via a daughter.

Parents, especially mothers, took a keen interest in prospective sexual partners of their daughters. Parents in Jamaica instructed the girl to, “tell her mother of his advances . . . he will then be investigated . . . and subsequently either be accepted or rejected” (Blake 1961: 69). In Barbados, men were selected at “meet-hims,” church socials where parents could censor suitors. Upon approval, they subsequently had sex in the girl’s home (Handwerker 1989: 62). Similarly, according to M. G. Smith, “Under the Carriacou regulation of mating, young girls may not reply to the addresses of their suitors without the permission of their parents or household heads” (M. G. Smith 1961: 468).

So important were financial contributions from men that there emerged what appeared to outsiders a type of institutionalized prostitution. Women and their families conceptualized female sexuality as a commodity and were unwilling to allow daughters to engage in even casual relationships with men who could not afford to give them money or material gifts (Handwerker 1993: 45; 1989: 77,87; Hill, 1977: 279–80, 282, 305; Ashcraft 1968: 67-68; Freilich 1968: 52; Otterbein 1966: 105; M. G. Smith, 1962: 93,110–22, 226, 234–35; Stycos and Back 1964: 161).

The material demand attached to a girl’s sexual acquiescence often meant that girls engaged in their first relationship with older men. Blake found that in her sample of sixty-five Jamaican women, at least ten of the first female sexual experiences were with a man from five to fifteen years older than the girl; in an additional eight cases the man was at least fifteen to twenty years older; and in thirteen cases Blake could not ascertain the age difference but nevertheless, “whereas for instance, she was only 14 or 15,” the man was “already trained in a trade,” “an itinerant laborer,” “domiciled with another woman,” “had many women,” “and so on” (Blake 1961: 90–91). The pattern prevailed throughout the Caribbean, where men were on average six years older than their spouses (Roberts, 1957: 206–7; Massiah 1983).

On the other side of the equation, if men wanted to enter into relations with a woman or, as seen earlier, to establish a homestead with a woman, they had to find money. To do so they fished, raised animals, foraged, cultivated agricultural plots, built houses, and pursued virtually any gainful opportunity available to them. But as seen, wage migration presented itself as a fast way to bypass poverty on home islands and obtain the money to build a house and begin raising a family. Parents were primary agents in making this a norm; they often refused to allow their daughters to go with men who had not yet been abroad (R. T. Smith 1953: 108; see also Hill 1977: 281; Philpott 1973: 120–21; Ashcraft 1968: 67–68; M. G. Smith 1961, 1962: 113, 117; Wilson 1961b; Otterbein 1965; Kundstadter, 1963). And so, as seen, men migrated. They migrated such that by the latter 20th century Aaron Segal (1987: 44) could describe the Caribbean as having “borne the deepest and most continuous impact from international migration of any region in the world.”

Thus, the reluctance to tell daughters or younger counterparts about the mechanics of pregnancy, the lack of censure of sexually aggressive males, and the beatings upon discovery of a first pregnancy and even male migration itself were arguably related to financial contributions from men. Children were an indispensable part of the equation in that it was the birth of a child that assured the continued flow of money. Suggestions of “secrecy” aside (Handwerker 1989: 62), parents were fully aware of what to expect when they allowed men to hang around their daughter: according to Senior (1991: 75), “pregnancy is expected.” A Vincentian woman in her mid-thirties recalled, “’the fella went home and speak with them so they expect anything. Because if somebody come home and you allow that child to go out with that person, you expect anything to happen” (Senior 1991: 75). “In other words,” Senior clarifies, “if they allow the girl to go out with a boy they are tacitly acknowledging that she is a woman and ripe for womanly experience” (Senior 1991: 75).

Parents allowed girls to go out with specific suitors, but as seen, they did so with an eye toward his ability to provide. When girls did get pregnant, the parents, especially mothers, wanted to know who was responsible so they could demand support. Senior (1991) found that among the 1,600 WICP informants, it was the “greatest disgrace” that a father could not be named:

It’s terrible, one of the worst things in life, it’s a shame you having sexual intercourse with so many men and the next thing you get pregnant and you don’t know who the father.

Do you know girls like that?

Yes, we have one like that. She has two children and she don’t know who the father of both.

So she didn’t call any names?

Yes, she called names. Names! A child got to have names. Somebody got to be the father. (Senior 1991: 79)

In effect, one reason mothers beat daughters upon discovery of pregnancy was so the girl would name a father. This tendency fed another anthropological myth, that of the deadbeat Caribbean father. But naming a father was not as difficult as some Caribbeanists have suggested, for, feminist critiques of the traditionally negligent Caribbean male aside, men were eager to claim paternity.

The Caribbean Father

Caribbean children almost always had fathers. In Andros Island, “most illegitimate children used their putative father’s name” (Otterbein 1966: 76). The same was true in Martinique (Horowitz 1967: 56) and St. Lucia (Crowley 1957); and in the Carriacou community, where M. G. Smith (1961: 470) found that out of more than two hundred children, only five had an obscure paternity. In his original formulation of the “matrifocal family,” R. T. Smith (1956: 133) too dwelled upon the importance of the father’s image; he found it was “inconceivable in British Guyana that a child should be fatherless,” children almost always took the surname of their father, even when illegitimate, and “in the overwhelming majority of cases the father is known and recognized by the entire community” (see also Cousins 1935: 47; Cohen 1956: 668; Charbit 1984: 38). Lazarus-Black (2001), the only anthropologist to systematically study paternity suits in the Caribbean, observed only one case in nine years where a man denied paternity in court.

Male eagerness to claim paternity and the associated prestige gave women power in that they could decide to which man they would assign paternity (Chevannes 2002). This sometimes gave way to a manipulation of the opportunity to choose who the father was; in Haiti this is known as a kout petit. In the British Caribbean, assigning paternity to a man who is not the biological father is known as “giving a man a jacket.” Indeed, some women took the opportunity to assign paternity to two or more fathers, one publicly and the others in secret.

In short, contrary to what has emerged as an almost mythical image of the deadbeat Caribbean father, Caribbean men were often eager to claim paternity. Moreover, while abundant scholarly attention has been devoted to matrifocality, the role of man as underwriter and lifetime member of the household cannot be gainsaid. Otterbein (1965: 75) measured the association between female-headed households and male absenteeism manifest in male skewed sex-ratios and got a .81 correlation. Yves Charbit (1984: 32) got an almost identical correlation with data from surveys done in subsequent decades (.71).

The lessons to be learned are that a male spouse, while perhaps not always present, was the major financial underwriter of the Caribbean household, a household member as well, and if present, was considered the household head. Unless he was dead: when I added widowhood to Charbit’s model above, the equation yielded a correlation of .92 (an R square of .84).4 But as will be seen below, none of this is to say that Caribbean women did not play a dominant role in the governing of the homestead.

Autonomous Caribbean Households Controlled by Women and the Importance of Children

It is with women and their role as decision makers in Caribbean households that it becomes clear how and why the value of child labor played a determinant role in Caribbean marriage and kinship patterns. In Anguilla, “the woman is the family manager; she is subordinate to her husband, but not subservient” (Walker 1968: 114); In Guyana, “the mistress of the house receives money and garden produce . . . she is solely responsible for its management once it has been handed over to her” (R. T. Smith 1956: 138). In Barbuda, “within the household, women take over exclusive management. . . . There are no tasks for men within the physical confines of the house” (Berleant-Schiller 1978: 259, 264). In Jamaica, “of most importance to a woman is her own yard” (Durant-Gonzalez 1976: 39). Even in Barbados, where Handwerker drove home the authority of the father, “authority . . . was not accompanied by men’s participation in household affairs” (Handwerker 1989: 81). In summary, there really was something going on in terms of the prominence of Caribbean women in the domestic sphere: as a consequence of male migration and de facto absenteeism, women were left in control of households.

On many islands, women also controlled local exchange. As in Jean Rabel, Haiti, where the madanm sara and marchann dominate both retail and intermediate exchange (Schwartz 2009), female higglers and hucksters and small vendors from Jamaica to Guyana dominated both retail marketing of farm produce and much of wholesale interisland trade (Mintz 1955, 1971, 1974; Walker 1968; Pollock 1972; Massiah 1983: 12–17; Griffith 1985; Lagro 1990; Lagro and Plotkin 1990; Mantz 2007). And it is here that we can see the significance of children enter into the equation, for the critical component in the adaptation being described was child labor.

In St. John, “women were able to play such an active role in the extra-domestic activities partly because children were used as labor power as soon as they were old enough” (Olwig, 1985: 118–19). In Jamaica, “children lighten the work of adult women . . . by assisting in the easier tasks such as sweeping, watering the animals, collecting kindling, hauling water, picking fruit from the trees, and going to the neighborhood shop” (Davenport, 1961: 436–37). In Barbuda, “by the time a girl is eleven or twelve she can run a household and often does” (Berleant-Schiller 1978: 259). Even in the case of land-scarce Barbados, “growing children help reduce the woman’s work load, and most women are well aware of this fact” (Greenfield 1966: 107).

Female control of the exchange economy was favorable in lieu of male absenteeism and wage migration. But what underwrote this particular configuration of marketing and male wage migration was the household; women were free to control the local retail marketing economy and men to migrate because membership in a productive household guaranteed their security, and what freed them from the tasks of the household were children and the labor contributions they made. Moreover, rather than being a commonsensical observation accepted by anthropologists, the importance of child labor to women is perhaps the most overlooked and consistently denied aspect of Caribbean family patterns, one that has led to a misunderstanding of the process. The point is thrown into stark light when one considers another behavior that social scientists considered “maladaptive” and “dysfunctional”: violence exercised against children, largely by mothers.

Beating the Hell out of Children

The physical beating of children was common. In Jamaica Clarke (1966: 156) reported, “there was hardly a case where our informant did not expatiate upon what he called the ‘floggings’ he or she had received in childhood.” In Suriname, “No part of a child’s body is safe from blows. . . . In some yards it is not uncommon even for older children (especially boys) to be suspended naked by the arms from the branch of a tree and given a thrashing with a stick” (Buschkens 1974: 239). This violence against children has been called “repressive, severe, and abusive” (Leo-Rhynie 1997; Sharpe 1997) and “developmentally inappropriate” (Sloley 1999; see Smith and Mosby 2003 for a summary), but it too was part of adapting to harsh living conditions and it was a direct outgrowth of the critical role of children in household livelihood strategies.

In Curacao, “when a child reaches the age of five or six, parents begin to impose behavior by directing the child’s chores and by using a belt or switch” (Hill 1977: 297). In St. Vincent, children are considered to misbehave if they are “lazy and shirk work,” they receive “corporal punishment . . . discipline is taken seriously” (Gearing 1988: 194). In Barbados, “as the children grow older they help the mother with many of her duties. By the age of five, children have ‘chores,’ the neglect of which is punishable by beating” (Greenfield 1966: 107). In Haiti it was seen that the objective was for the child to be “thinking about the switch in everything he does.”

In an anthropological projection of Western ideals, the Caribbean father was sometimes depicted as the sterner disciplinarian (Clarke 1966: 107, 159; R. T. Smith 1956: 134; Handwerker 1989: 86). But just as it was women who controlled the homesteads, it was women who most often disciplined children. In the Bahamas, “mothers are often the providers of discipline” (Bethel 1993: 7). Among the Black Carib, “the woman had the responsibility of raising the children, caring for their needs, disciplining them” (Solien 1959: 57). In Anguilla4 “child discipline is in the hands of women” (Walker 1968: 114). In Suriname, “it is chiefly mothers who mete out punishments” (Buschkens 1974: 239). In Guyana, “fathers beat their children very infrequently and certainly much less frequently than do mothers and mother substitutes” (R. T. Smith 1956: 13). In Jamaica, “in all aspects of home training the mother is the principal actor . . . the authority of the mother is never questioned any more than the child’s duty of obedience to her” (Clarke 1966: 118–20); and “this part of training is carried out almost exclusively by the mother” (Cohen 1956: 671). In Bermuda, “wives-mothers carry out the most part of the socialization of the children . . . and are also the disciplinarian figures” (Paul 1983: 100).

As the managers of households, women commanded children and they did so with the objective of making the household productive. What underwrote survival was the link between the household, female career as manager of a productive household, and the labor of children. Moreover,  older women were at the height of their economic power as market women and heads of mature and productive homesteads stocked with working children. It was these older women who had the greatest interest in the reproductive behavior of their nubile daughters and in assuring the replenishment of the household labor supply.

Older Women

The stability of Caribbean economies and the continuation of the homestead depended most heavily on the women who managed them. Because women also often controlled the local retail marketing economy of produce, because this economy was based on household production, and because children were a critical source of labor, they, children, were most critical to women. And they were most critical not as adults, as most researchers addressing the issue have argued (Handwerker 1989: 88; Smith 1962: 236; Otterbein 1963: 170; Philpott 1973: 123; Brittain 1990: 57; Murray 1977); they were most important as children. It is this issue of children that makes the rest of “dysfunctional” Caribbean family patterns understandable. Radical pronatalism, a complex of cultural beliefs and behavior from keeping girls in the dark about the mechanics of pregnancy to sending them off alone or leaving them in the house with sexually aggressive but financially capable older men, the entire complex is ultimately underwritten by the fact that children were not the burdens so often presented in the literature.

Even in the case of the mother’s ritual beating upon discovery of a daughter’s pregnancy, seen earlier, close examination reveals that what ethnographers where witnessing was more than simply assuring the identification of the father and procurement of child support; it was part of an institutionalized struggle between mother and daughter for control over children. In Suriname, Buschkens (1974: 226) wrote of the grandmother’s “refusing to part with these grandchildren, which she has come to regard as her property.” In Trinidad, there was a custom for the first child of a marriage to “belong to the grandparents,” something that Stewart (1973: 98) tells us “ensured the continued membership of young workers in each household” (see also Rodman 1971: 82). While calling the grandmother “ma” or “mama” or “muma,” the children were taught to refer to their own mother by her pet name, as if she were another sibling (see Buschkens 1974: 226; Durant-Gonzalez 1976; Greenfield 1966; R. T. Smith 1956: 144–45). In Barbados, if the grandparents fostered the child, the couple was “relieved” of responsibility but they also “relinquished their parental rights” (Handwerker 1989: 63). Even Clarke (1966), who like many of her contemporaries saw children as a burden and the entire institution of high pronatalism, odd marriage patterns, and daughter beating as dysfunctional, went on to explain that, “we found no instance where the grandmother resented the presence of the child in her home . . . they ‘gladden the home,’ they are a source of companionship, they are useful” (Clarke 1966: 100, 180; see also Cohen 1956: 668; and see Philpott 1973: 140, for bitter competition over possession of children for their labor value).

The benefits that accrued to older women who controlled the process are manifest in the sheer demographic weight of grandchildren. Throughout the Caribbean, young women typically began bearing children while still living in their parents’ household; 40 to 75 percent of all births on Caribbean islands are to single women; 25 to 40 percent of children lived in homes where neither parent is present and most of these were homes of grandparents (Philpott 1973: 137; Clarke 1966: 202–4; M. G. Smith 1961: 457,470–71; Cohen 1956: 668). Moreover, while money from men is a preeminent issue, the even greater importance of children is evident in the struggle between mothers and daughters-in-law for support from sons. While mothers tried to break up union and to get support from sons for themselves, it was the mothers of men’s children—and the mother’s mothers—who most often prevailed. Everywhere in the Caribbean, the value of young children to men and women who shared control over them overrode that of contributions from adult children and sons’ loyalty to their own mothers. All of this brings up the question, why did men bother to cooperate with the system in the first place?5

Why Men Cooperated

One reason why men so readily conformed to demands of females for support was pressure. As seen, women and their families promoted a system in which female sexual acquiescence, motherhood, and domestic servitude were associated with remuneration from males. They selectively encouraged relationships with men who had money; and they attached similar values to male migration, encouraging if not compelling men to go overseas in search of money to invest in homesteads and families back home. And so men migrated; they did so in fantastic numbers; and they did so precisely so that they could give the money to the mothers of their children and invest in households. Those who did not, lost respect (Handwerker 1989: 80); they lost rights to inheritance (Philpott 1973: 127); their wives cuckolded them and assigned paternity for offspring to other men (Otterbein 1966: 70–75, 115); their own children refused to help them (Handwerker 1989: 91); they were censured (Philpott 1973: 178-179); they suffered “ridicule,” “isolation” and “abuse” (M. G. Smith 1962: 70; see also Smith 1956: 158; Greenfield 1966: 119; Rodman 1971: 178; Senior 1991: 8).

But male conformance did not derive from pressure alone. Caribbean males had the option of never coming home. When away working as migrants, they could have stayed overseas. And some did. But for the many who returned, the most fundamental reason for conformance was quite simply because investment in a house back home, in the woman who would manage it, and in the children who would make it productive was the best shot most had at dignity, liberty, social security, and financial independence from a system in which corporate plantation enterprises sought to use them at the lowest possible cost. Industrial agriculture, mining, and massive building projects might have paid little, but when men migrated from the poorest regions to distant plantations or construction sites, they were able to save money by sleeping on the sites and bunking in barracks or sharing houses with other men and, in doing so, were able to return home with a sizable savings.6


Summarizing, while many young Caribbean women may have been reluctant to begin childbearing, the ethnographic record suggests that most often older women—and to a lesser extent their spouses—favored the idea of their daughter’s pregnancy and they sought to arrange it so that it would happen with men who could and would provide support. These interests were expressed in the institutionalized complex of behaviors seen above, from encouraging male sexual aggressiveness, to encouraging migration, to keeping young women ignorant of the processes that would allow them to avoid first pregnancies, to censoring financially unsuitable suitors while permitting older, financially capable men to slip through. Moreover, it was precisely the drive to get money from men and male absenteeism that led to rates of illegitimate births as high as 70 percent of all births; it also led to “brittle unions” in the form of polygyny and to serial monogamy; and to the late age at entry into union.

But as we have seen, there was more to it than money. It was ultimately not migration or child support in itself that caused “peculiar” Caribbean family patterns. Money from men does not explain why women did not stick by one man, especially if the man was away earning money and sending back remittances. It does not explain why men and women bothered to get married toward the end of their reproductive careers, after all their children were already born. And it does not explain the high birth rates that until recently prevailed throughout the region. The answer to what ultimately drove pronatalism, distinct Caribbean family, kinship, and courting practices, as well as male conformance, and the pursuit of overseas employment to meet financial responsibilities associated with women and children was not money or sex, per se, but rather  dependence on a livelihood strategy in which the household was the foundation and child labor the fulcrum point in making the strategy successful. It is also this causal concatenation of variables with the importance of children as labor at the base that explains one of the most counterintuitive phenomena in the demographic literature, why Caribbean women bore more children when there were fewer men present, i.e., fewer men, more babies, the subject of another blog (see article here).


  1. For the transformation of islands from plantation economies to dual plantation/peasant economies, see Mintz 1974, 1985, Scarano 1989, Brereton 1989; for Dominica, see Gardner and Podolefsky 1977; for Martinique, see Baber 1982, Horowitz 1959; for Barbados, see Lowenthal 1957, Henshall 1966; for Carriacou, see Richardson 1975, Heath 1988; for Commonwealth Caribbean, see Heath 1988: 431, Beckford 1972; for St. Vincent, see Rubenstein 1977, Grossman 1997; for Antigua, see Augelli 1953; for Barbuda, see Berleant-Schiller 1978, Gaspar 1991.
  2. For Caribbean migration, see Lowenthal and Comitas 1962, Foner and Napoli 1978; Frucht 1968; Crane 1971; Pollock 1972; Palmer 1974; Sutton and Makiesky 1975; Taylor 1976; Hill 1977; Midgett 1977; Green 1979; Rubenstein 1977, 1979; Plummer 1985; Perusek 1984; Pollock 1972; Richardson 1975: 396–98; R. T. Smith 1953: 93; McElroy and Albuquerque 1988; for U.S.-engineered plantations, Balch 1927; Millspaugh 1931; Montague 1966; Williams 1970; Castor 1971; Lundahl 1983; Perusek 1984; Segal, 1975; Saint-Louis 1988; for Jamaica, see Griffith 1985; Pollock 1972.
  3. George Cumper (1961) surveyed 1,296 households with 5,364 people (a random sample of 2 percent of the population). Cumper broke his sample into eight occupational groups and male- versus female-headed households. In only two of Cumper’s categories of female-headed households (White Collar and Landless Laborer) did males contribute less than 50 percent of all income and among male-headed households in only the category of Domestic Labor (58%) did men contribute less than 75 percent of family income (table 4 below).

  1. On average, Caribbean women marry younger and live longer than men. Average age for entry into common law or “consensual union” in the traditional Commonwealth Caribbean occurred at 29.9 for females and 36.4 for males (Roberts 1957; see also Massiah 1983: 14); and Caribbean life expectancy in 1960 was 66.3 for females versus 62.2 for males. These figures mean that compared to men, Caribbean women had 10.6 years more of life after union than their spouse. Congruently, Caribbean households headed by widowed females were high, ranging during the 1960s and 1970s from 11.4 percent in Guyana to 34.1 percent in St. Vincent (Massiah 1983: 19).
  2. “These people work abroad for awhile and then return to Anguilla to plant crops, build houses, and work at whatever comes to hand. Lack of opportunities for employment, droughts and the slow pace on the island leads to economic need and a restlessness which results in another trip abroad . . . .Despite the large disproportion of women on the island the role of the female is quite apparently subordinate to the man. . . . [But] the total responsibility for day-to-day home cooperation, care of financial resources and child discipline is in the hands of women. . . . As one respondent said, ‘The woman is the family manager; she is subordinate to her husband, but not subservient’” (Walker 1968: 114).
  3. Wages in Haiti or Jamaica at the turn of the 20th century were ten cents per day, one-tenth to one-twentieth the one to two dollars per day workers could make migrating to work the Panama Canal (Petras 1988: 179–80; Plummer 1985; Perusek 1984).  It should also be acknowledged that staying abroad was not always an option. In 1924, a new law cut off immigration to New York; in the 1930s the depression ended migration; in 1937 Cuba, the Batista government brutally rounded up and exported Haitians, and in the same year the Trujillo regime in the Dominican Republic massacred some twenty thousand of them (Balch 1927; Millspaugh 1931; Montague 1966; Williams 1970; Castor 1971; Lundahl 1983; Perusek 1984; Segal 1975; Saint-Louis 1988).

Works Cited

AAA (AgroActionAllemande). 1998. Market Analysis of Jean Rabel Unpublished report by Thomas Hartmanship. Bonn: Germany.

Abraham, Eva. 1993. Caught in the shift: The impact of industrialization on the female-headed households in Curacao, Netherlands Antilles. In Where did all the men go?, ed. J. Mencher and A. Okongwu. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Adams, Lorraine. 1994. North didn’t relay drug tips. Washington Post, Oct. 22: 1.

Allman, James. 1980. Sexual union in rural Haiti. International Journal of Sociology of the Family 10:15–39.

———. 1982a. Haitian migration: 30 years assessed. Migration Today (1):7–12.

———. 1982b. Fertility and family planning in Haiti. Studies in Family Planning 13(8/9):237–45.

Allman, James, and J. May. 1979. Fertility, mortality, migration and family planning in Haiti. Population Studies 33(3):505–21.

Alphonse, Henri. 1996. Haiti-agriculture: last battle of the coffee planters. Amsterdam: InterPress Third World News Agency (IPS).

Ashcraft, Norman. 1968. Some aspects of domestic organization in British Honduras. In The family in the Caribbean: Proceedings of the first Conference on the Family in the Caribbean, St. Thomas, Virgin Islands, March 21–23, 63–73. Rio Piedras, P.R.: Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of Puerto Rico.

Augelli, John P. 1953. Patterns and problems of land tenure in the Lesser Antilles, B.W.I. Economic Geography 29(4):362–67.

Aymer, Paula L. 1997. Coming from the Caribbean: Knowledge production and cultural transformations. In Uprooted women: Migrant domestics in the Caribbean. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Baber, Willie L. 1982. Social change and the peasant community: Horowitz’s Morne Peasant reinterpreted. Ethnology 21(3):227–41.

Balch, Emily Greene. 1927. Occupied Haiti. New York: The Writers Publishing Company.

Barickman, B. J.1994. “A bit of land, which they call roca:” Slave provision grounds in the Bahian Reconcavo, 1780–1860. The Hispanic American Historical Review 74(4):649–87.

Barrow, Christine. 1986. Finding the support: A study of strategies for survival. Social and Economic Studies 35(2):131–77.

———, ed. 1997. Caribbean portraits: Essays on gender ideologies and identities. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers.

Bastien, Remy. 1961. Haitian rural family organization. Social and Economic Studies 10(4):478–510.

Bazile, Robert. 1967. Demographic statistics in Haiti. In The Haitian potential. New York: Teachers College Press.

Becker, Gary. 1960. An economic analysis of fertility. In Demographic and economic change in developed countries: A conference of the universities—National Bureau Committee for Economic Research, 209–31. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Beckett, Greg. 2004. Master of the wood: Moral authority and political imaginaries in Haiti. PoLAR: The Political and Legal Anthropology Review 27(2):1–19.

Beckford, George. 1972. Persistent poverty: Underdevelopment in plantation economies of the third world. New York: Oxford University Press.

Berggren, Gretchen, Nirmala Murthy, and Stephen J Williams. 1974. Rural Haitian women: An analysis of fertility rates. Social Biology 21:368–78.

Berleant-Schiller, Riva. 1978. The failure of agricultural development in post-emancipation Barbuda: A study of social and economic continuity in a West Indian community. In Boletin de Estudiois Latinoamericanos y del Caribe, Dec 25:21–36.

Bernstein, Dennis, and Howard Levine. 1993. The CIA’s Haitian connection. San Francisco Bay Guardian, November 3.

Bethel, Nicolette. 1993. Bahamian kinship and the power of women. Master’s thesis, Corpus Christi College.

BiblioMundo. 2006. Haiti La Diaspora. At www.bibliomonde.net/donnee/haiti-diaspora-293.html, accessed April 19.

Bilsborrow, Richard E. 1987. Population pressures and agricultural development: A conceptual framework and recent evidence. World Development 15(2):183–203.

Bilsborrow, Richard E., and C. R. Winegarden. 1985. Landholding, rural fertility and internal migration in developing countries: Econometric evidence from cross-national as data. Pakistan Development Review 24(2):125–49.

Blackwood, Evelyn. 2005. Wedding bell blues: Marriage, missing men, and matrifocal follies. American Ethnologist 32(1):3–19.

Blake, Judith. 1954. Family instability and reproductive behavior in Jamaica. Milbank Memorial Annual Conference:26–61.

———. 1961. Family structure in Jamaica; the social context of reproduction. In collaboration with J. Mayone Stycos and Kingsley Davis. New York: Free Press of Glencoe.

Blumberg, Rae Lesser. 1993. Where did all the men go? Boulder, CO: Westview.

Blurton-Jones, Nichol. 1993. The lives of hunter and gatherer children: Effects of parental behavior and parental reproductive strategy. In Juvenile primates, ed. Michael E. Pereira and Lynn A. Fairbanks, 309–26. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Bock, John, and Sara E. Johnson. 2004. Subsistence ecology and play among the Okavanga Delta people of Botswana. Human Nature 15(1):63–82.

Bongaarts John. 1978. A framework for analyzing the proximate determinants of fertility. Population and Development Review 4(1):105–32.

———. 1982. The fertility-inhibiting effects of the intermediate fertility variables. Studies In Family Planning 13(6/7):179–89.

———. 1987. The proximate determinants of exceptionally high fertility. Population and Development Review 13(1):133–39.

Bongaarts, John, and Robert C. Potter. 1983. Fertility, biology, and behavior: An analysis of the proximate determinants. New York: Academic Press.

Bongaarts, John, O. Frank, and R. Lesthaeghe. 1984. The proximate determinants of fertility in sub-Saharan Africa. Population and Development Review 10(3):511–37.

Boserup, Ester 1965. The condition of agricultural growth: The economics of agrarian change under population pressure. Chicago: Aldine.

Bouwkamp, John C. 1985. Sweet potato products: A natural resource for the tropics. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.

Branche, C. 2002. Ambivalence, sexuality, and violence in the construction of Caribbean masculinity: dangers for boys in Jamaica. In Children’s rights: Caribbean realities, ed. C. Barrow. Jamaica: Ian Randle.

Brereton, Bridget. 1989. Society and culture in the Caribbean. In The modern Caribbean, ed. Franklin W. Knight and Colin A. Palmer. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Britannica Concise Encyclopedia. 2007. www.answers.com/topic/french-guiana


Brittain, Ann W. 1990. Migration and the demographic transition: A West Indian example. Social and Economic Studies 39(3):39–64.

———. 1991a. Anticipated child loss to migration and sustained high fertility in an East Caribbean population. Social Biology 38(1-2):94-112

———. 1991b. Can women remember how many children they have borne? Data from the east Caribbean. Social Biology 38(3-4):319–32.

Brockerhoff, Martin, and Xiushi Yang. 1994. Impact of migration on fertility in sub-Saharan Africa. Social Biology 41(1-2):19–43.

Brodber, E. 1974. Abandonment of children in Jamaica. Kingston, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of West Indies.

———. 1986. African-Jamaican women at the turn of the century. Social and Economic Studies 45:23–60.

Brown, Janet. 2002. Gender and family in the Caribbean. At www.kit.nl/exchange/


———. 2007. Fatherhood in the Caribbean: Examples of support for men’s work in relation to family life. In Gender equality and men: Learning from practice, ed. Sandy Ruxton, 113–30. At www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/resources/downloads/gem-13.pdf.

Buschkens, W. F. L. 1974. The family system of the Paramaribo Creoles. Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff.

Cadet, Jean-Robert. 1998. Restavec: From Haitian slave child to middle-class American. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Cain, Mead. 1977. The economic activities of children in a village in Bangladesh. Population and Development Review 3:201–7.

Caldwell, John C. 1976. Toward a restatement of demographic transition theory. Population and Development Review 2(3/4):321–66.

———. 1982. Theory of fertility decline. San Francisco: Academic Press.

Caldwell, John C., and Pat Caldwell. 1987. The cultural context of high fertility in sub-Saharan Africa. Population and Development Review 13(3): 409–37.

Camus, Michel-Christian. 1993. Filibuste et pouvoir royal. Revue de la Société Haitienne d’Histoire et de Geographie 49(175).

CARE. 1996. A baseline study of livelihood security in northwest Haiti. Tucson, AZ: The Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology, University of Arizona.

———. 1997. An update of household livelihood security in Northwest Haiti monitoring targeting impact evaluation/Unit December. Port-au-Prince, Haiti: CARE International.

Castor, Suzy. 1971. La occupation norteamericana de Haiti y sus consequencias. Mexico: Siglo Veintiuno Editores.

CELADE (Centro Latinoamericano y Caribeño de Demografía). 2000. América Latina: Proyecciones de población urbano–rural population 1970–2025 [Latin America: Projection Of Urban–Rural Population 1970–2025]. Santiago, Chile: Centro Latinoamericano y Caribeño de Demografía (CELADE / CEPAL). Available at www.eclac.cl/Celade/publica/bol63/BD63.html, accessed April 30, 2006.

Census Records. n.d. Archives de France, Section D’outre-Mer, Aix-En-Provence, G1/509.

Charbit, Yves. 1984. WFS Scientific Reports no. 65. Voorburg, Netherlands: International Statistical Institute.

Chayanov, A. V. 1925. Peasant farm organization. Moscow: The Co-operative Publishing House.

Chevalier, George-Ary. 1938. Etude sur la colonisation francaise en Haiti: Origines et developpement des propriétès Collette. Revue de la Société Haitienne d’Histoire et de Geographie 9(31).

———. 1939. Etude sur la colonisation Francaise a Saint-Domingue. Revue de la Société Haitienne d’Histoire et de Geographie 10(33).

———. 1940. Un colon de Saint-Domingue pendant la révolution. Pierre Collette, Planteur de Jean Rabel. Revue de la Société Haitienne d’Histoire et de Geographie 12(36).

Chevannes, B. 2002. Fatherhood in the African-Caribbean landscape: An exploration in meaning and context. In Children’s rights: Caribbean realities, ed. C. Barrow. Jamaica: Ian Randle.

Chomsky, Noam. 2004. U.S. & Haiti. Third World Traveler Z. At www.thirdworld

traveler.com/Haiti/US_Haiti_Chomsky.html, accessed February 3, 2007.

CIA. 2007. World Fact Book. At www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook, accessed April 15, 2006.

Clarke, E. 1966 (originally published in 1957). My mother who fathered me: A study of the family in three selected communities in Jamaica, 2nd ed. London: George Allen and Unwin.

Clement, Christopher. 1997. Returning Aristide: The contradictions in US foreign policy

in Haiti. Race and Class 39(2):21–36.

Clesca, Eddy. 1984. La domesticité juvénile est-elle une conséquence du sousdeveloppement ou le produit de la mentalité d’un peuple? In Colloque sur l’enfance en domesticité. Conference Report, Institut du Bien-Etre Social et de Recherche & UNICEF.

Coale, A. 1986. The decline of fertility in Europe since the eighteenth century as a chapter in demographic history. In The decline of fertility in Europe, ed. Coale and Watkins, 1–30. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Cock, James H. 1985. Cassava: New potential for a neglected crop. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Cohen, Yehudi A. 1956. Structure and function: Family organization and socialization in a Jamaican community. American Anthropologist 58:664–87.

Cole, Johnnetta B. 1985. Africanisms in the Americas: A brief history of the concept. Anthropology and Humanism Quarterly 10(4):120–26.

Comhaire-Sylvain, Suzanne. 1958. Courtship, marriage and plasaj at Kenskoff, Haiti. Social and Economic Studies 7:210–33.

———. 1961. The household at Kenscoff, Haiti. Social and Economic Studies 10:192–222.

Comitas, Lambros. 1964. Occupational multiplicity in rural Jamaica. In Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society, ed. E. Garfield and E. Friedl, 41–50. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Corbett, Bob. n.d. Haiti: Miscellaneous topics. At www.webster.edu/~corbetre/Haiti/

misctopic/misctopic.htm, accessed April 6, 2006.

Coreil, Jeanine. 1980. Traditional and Western responses to an anthrax epidemic in rural Haiti. Medical Anthropology 4:79–105.

Coreil, Jeanine, Deborah L. Barnes-Josiah, Antoine Agustin, and Michel Cayemittes. 1996. Arrested pregnancy syndrome in Haiti: Findings from a national survey. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, New Series, 10(3):424–36.

Courlander, Harold. 1960. The Hoe and the drum: Life and lore of the Haitian people. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Cousins, W. M. 1935. Slave family life in the British colonies: 1800–1834. The Sociological Review 27:35–55.

Crahan, Margaret E., Franklin W. Wright, and Roger N. Buckley, eds. 1980. Africa and the Caribbean: The legacies of a link. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.

Crane, Julia G. 1971. Educated to migrate: The social organization of Saba. Assen, Netherlands: van Gorcum.

Cross, Gary. 2004. The cute and the cool: Wondrous innocence and modern American children’s culture. New York: Oxford University Press.

Crowley, Daniel J. 1957. Song and dance in St. Lucia. Ethnomusicology 9 (January):4–14.

Cumper, George E. 1961. Household and occupation in Barbados. Social and Economic Studies 10(1):386–419.

Dalton, George. 1974. How exactly are peasants “exploited”? American Anthropologist 76(3):553–61.

D’Amico-Samuels, Deborah. 1988. Review of Coping with poverty: Adaptive strategies in a Caribbean village by Hymie Rubenstein. American Ethnologist 15(4):785–86.

Das Gupta, M. 1994. What motivates fertility decline? A case study from Punjab, India. In Understanding reproductive change: Kenya, Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Costa Rica, ed. B. Egero, M. Hammarskjold, 101–33. Lund, Sweden: Lund University Press.

Davenport, William. 1961. The family system of Jamaica. Social and Economic Studies, 4(1):420–54.

Davis, Kingsley. 1963. The theory of change and response in modern demographic history. Population Index 29:345–66.

Davis, Kingsley, and Judith Blake. 1956. Social structure and fertility: An analytical framework. Economic Development and Cultural Change 4(4):211–35.

Deere, Carmen, Peggy Antrobus, Lynn Bolles, Edwin Melendez, Peter Phillips, Marcia Rivera, and Helen Safa. 1990. In The shadows of the sun: Caribbean development alternatives and U.S. policy. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Dehavenon, A. 1993. Where did all the men go? An etic model for the cross-cultural study of the causes of matrifocality. In Where did all the men go?, ed. J. Mencher and A. Okongwu. Boulder, CO: Westview.

DeLancey, V. 1990. Socioeconomic consequences of high fertility for the family. In Population growth and reproduction in sub Saharan Africa: Technical analyses of fertility and its consequences, ed. G. T. F. Acsadi, G. J. Acsadi, and R. A. Bulatao, 115–30. Washington, DC: World Bank.

Denton, E. Hazel. 1979. Economic determinants of fertility in Jamaica. Population Studies 33(2):295–305.

Divinski, Randy, Rachel Hecksher, and Jonathan Woodbridge, eds. 1998. Haitian women: Life on the front lines. London: PBI (Peace Brigades International). At www.


Doggett, Hugh. 1988. Sorghum. New York: John Wiley.

Dorélien, Renand. 1990 [1984]. Résumé de la communication sur « interprétation des données statistiques relatives à l’enfance en domesticité recueillies à partir des résultats d’un échantillon tiré du recensement de 1982.» Atelier de travail sur l’enfance en domesticité. Port-au-Prince, 5, 6 et 7 décembre 1990. Port-au-Prince: Institut du Bien-Etre Social et de Recherche & IHSI.

Doyle, Kate. 1994. Hollow diplomacy in Haiti. World Policy Journal 11(1):50–58.

Driver, Tom. 1996. USAID and Wages (contribution to a dialog on Bob Corbett’s Haiti list). At www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/index-d.html, accessed September 3, 2008.

Duany, Jorge. 1984. Popular music in Puerto Rico: Toward an anthropology of “Salsa.” Latin American Music Review 5(2):186–216.

Durant-Gonzalez, Victoria. 1976. Role and status of rural Jamaican women: Higglering and mothering. Master’s thesis, University of California, Berkeley.

Eaton, Joseph W., and Albert J. Mayer. 1953. The social biology of very high fertility among the Hutterites: The demography of a unique population. Human Biology, 25:206–64.

Ebanks, G. Edward. 1973. Fertility, union status, and partners. International Journal of Sociology and the Family 3(1):48–60.

Ebanks, G. Edward, P. M. George, and Charles E. Nobbe. 1974. Fertility and number of partnerships in Barbados. Population Studies 28(3): 449–61.

Ebanks, G. Edward and Charles E. Nobbe. 1975. Emigration and fertility decline: The case of Barbados. Demography 12(3):431–45.

EMMUS-I. 1994/1995. Enquete Mortalite, Morbidite et Utilisation des Services (EMMUS-I). eds. Michel Cayemittes, Antonio Rival, Bernard Barrere, Gerald Lerebours, Michaele Amedee Gedeon. Haiti, Institut Haitien de L’Enfance Petionville and Calverton, MD: Macro International.

EMMUS-II. 2000. Enquête Mortalité, Morbidité et Utilisation des Services, Haiti 2000 (EMMUS-II). Cayemittes, Michel, Florence Placide, Bernard Barrère, Soumaila Mariko, Blaise Sévère. Haiti: Institut Haitien de L’Enfance Petionville and Calverton, MD: Macro International.

EMMUS-III. 2005/2006. Enquête mortalité, morbidité et utilisation des services, Haiti 2000 (EMMUS-II). Cayemittes, Michel, Haiti: Institut Haitien de L’Enfance Petionville and Calverton, MD : Macro International.

FAO (Food and Agricultural Organization of the United States). 2006. The state of food and agriculture. Prepared by a team from the Agriculture and Economic Development Analysis Division. F.L. Zegarra, team leader. At www.fao.org/docrep/

v6800e/V6800E02.htm, accessed May 2, 2006.

Fass, Simon. l988. Political economy in Haiti: The drama of survival. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.

Feight, C. B., T. S. Johnson, B. J. Martin, K. E. Sparkes, and W. W. Wagner. 1978. Secondary amenorrhea in athletes. Lancet 2:1145–46.

Foner, Nancy, and R. Napoli. 1978. Jamaican and Black American migrant farm-workers: A comparative analysis. Social Problems 25:491–503.

Foster, George M. 1953. Cofradia and compadrazgo in Spain and Spanish America. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 9:1–28.

———. 1969. Compadrazgo and social networks in Tzintzuntzan. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 25:261–78.

Francis, Donette A. 2004. Silences too horrific to disturb: Writing sexual histories in Edwidge Danticat’s Breath, eyes, memory. Research in African Literatures 35(2):75–90.

Frazier, E. Franklin. 1939. The Negro family in the United States. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

———. 1957. Black bourgeoisie: The rise of a new middle class. Glencoe: The Free Press.

Freeman, Ronald. 1962. The sociology of human fertility: A trend report and bibliography. Current Sociology 11(2):35–68.

Freilich, Morris. 1967. Review of The Andros Islanders: A study of family organization in the Bahamas, by Keith Otterbein. American Anthropologist 69(2):239.

———. 1968. Sex, secrets and systems. In The family in the Caribbean: Proceedings of the first conference on the family in the Caribbean, St. Thomas, Virgin Islands, March 21–23, 47–62. Rio Piedras, P.R.: Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of Puerto Rico.

Friedlander, Dov. 1969. Demographic responses and population change. Demography 6(4):359–81.

Frisch, R. E. 1978. Population, food intake and fertility. Science 199(4324):22–30.

Frisch, R. E., and J. W. McArthur. 1974. Menstrual cycles: Fatness as a determinant of minimum weight for height necessary for their maintenance or onset. Science 185:949–51.

Frisch, R. E., R. Revelle, and S. Cook. 1971. Height, weight and age at menarche and the “critical weight” hypothesis. Science 194: 1148.

Frucht, Richard. 1968. Emigration, remittances, and social change: Aspects of the social field of Nevis, West Indies. Anthropologica 10(2):193–208.

———. 1971. Black society in the New World. New York: Random House.

Fuller, Anne. 2005. Challenging violence: Haitian women unite women’s rights and human rights special bulletin on women and war. At acas.prairienet.org. accessed October 19, 2006. Originally published in the Spring/Summer 1999 by the Association of Concerned Africa Scholars.

Fund for Peace and Foreign Policy. 2007. The failed states index. Foreign Policy. At www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=3865.

Fuson, Robert H. 1987. The log of Christopher Columbus. Trans. by Robert H Fuson. Camden, ME: International Marine.

Gambrell, Alice. 1997. Women, intellectuals, modernism, and difference: Transatlantic culture 1919–1945. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Gardner, Richard, and Aaron M. Podolefsky. 1977. Some further considerations on West Indian conjugal patterns. Ethnology 16(3): 299–308.

Gaspar, Barry. 1991. Antigua slaves and their struggle to survive. In Seeds of change, ed. H. Viola and C. Margolis, 130–37. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Gearing, Margaret Jean. l988. The reproduction of labor in a migration society: Gender, kinship, and household in St. Vincent, West Indies. Dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Geggus, David Patrick. 1982. Slavery, war, and revolution: The British occupation of Saint Domingue 1793–1798. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Georges, Josiane. 2004. Trade and the disappearance of Haitian rice. Ted Case Studies Number 725. At www.american.edu/TED/Haitirice.htm, accessed April 4, 2006.

González, Nancie L. 1969 [1958]. Black Carib household structure: A study of migration and modernization. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

———. 1970. Toward a definition of matrifocality. Afro-American anthropology: Contemporary perspectives, ed. Norman E. Whitten and John F. Szwed. New York: The Free Press.

———. 1979. La estructura del grupo familiar entre los Caribes Negros Guatemala, Ministry of Education, 1st ed.

———. 1984. Rethinking the consanguineal household and matrifocality. Ethnology 23(1):1–15.

Graham S. 1985. Running and menstrual dysfunction: Recent medical discoveries provide new insight into the human division of labor by sex. American Anthropologist 87:878–992.

Green, Howard. 1979. Basin migration and dollar flows. Caribbean basin economic survey 5(2):12–15.

Green, William A. 1977. Caribbean historiography, 1600–1900: The recent tide. Journal of Interdisciplinary 7(3): 509–30.

Greene, Margaret E. and Ann E. Biddlecom. 2000. Absent and problematic men: Demographic accounts of male reproductive roles. Population and Development Review 26(1):81–115.

Greenfield, Gerald Michael. 1994. Latin American urbanization: Historical profiles of major cities. Westport, CT: Greenwood.

Greenfield, Sidney M. 1961. Socio-economic factors and family form: A Barbadian case study. Social and Economic Studies 10(1):72–85.

———. 1966. English rustics in black skin. New Haven: College University.

Griffith, David C. 1985. Women remittances and reproduction. American Ethnologist 12(4):676–90.

Grossman, Lawrence S. 1997. Soil conservation, political ecology, and technological change on St. Vincent. Geographical Review 87(3):353–74.

Guengant, Jean-Pierre. 1985. Caribbean population dynamics: emigration and fertility challenges. Conference of Caribbean parliamentarians, Heywoods, Barbados.

Hallward, Peter. 2004. Option zero In Haiti. New Left Review 27. At newleftreview.org/A2507.

Handwerker, W. Penn. 1983. The first demographic transition: An analysis of subsistence choices and reproductive consequences. American Anthropologist 85:5–27.

———. 1986. The modern demographic transition. American Anthropologist 88:400–17.

———. 1989. Women’s power and social revolution: Fertility transition in the West Indies. Newbury Park: Sage.

———. 1993. Empowerment and fertility transition on Antigua, WI: Education, employment, and the moral economy of childbearing. Human Organization 52(1):41–52.

Harner, Michael J. 1970. Population pressure and the social evolution of agriculturalists. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 26: 67–86.

Harris, Marvin. 1968. The rise of anthropological theory. New York: Harper & Row.

———. 1979. Cultural materialism: The struggle for a science of culture. New York: Random House.

Harris, Marvin, and Eric B. Ross. 1987. Death, sex, and fertility. New York: Columbia University Press.

Harrison, Lawrence E. 1991. The cultural roots of Haitian underdevelopment. In Small country development and international labor flows, ed. Anthony P. Maingot. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Hawley, A.1950. Human ecology. New York: Ronald.

Heath, B. J. 1988. Afro-Caribbean ware: A study of ethnicity on St. Eustatius. Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania.

Henriques, Fernando. 1949. West Indian family organization. American Journal of Sociology 55(1):30–37.

Henshall, Janet D. 1966. The demographic factor in the structure of agriculture in Barbados. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 38:183–95.

Herskovits, Melville J. 1925. The Negro’s Americanism. In The New Negro, ed. Alain Locke. New York: Albert and Charles Boni.

———. 1937. Life in a Haitian valley. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Hill, Donald R. 1977. The impact of migration on the metropolitan and folk society of Carriacou, Grenada 54. Part 2, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History. New York: AMNH.

Ho, Christine G. T. 1999. Caribbean transnationalism as a gendered process. Latin American Perspectives 26(5):34–54.

Hobart, Mark, ed. 1993. An anthropological critique of ignorance: The growth of ignorance. New York: Routledge.

Horowitz, M. 1959. Morne-Paysan: Peasant village in Martinique. Dissertation, Columbia University.

———. 1967. Morne-Paysan, peasant village in Martinique. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

Hostetler, John A. 1974. Hutterite society. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.

Howell, Nancy. 1979. Demography of the Dobe !Kung. New York: Academic.

HSKI (Haitian Street Kids Inc). 2007. Family circle boys home: The solution. At


Hugo G. 1997. Intergenerational wealth flows and the elderly in Indonesia. In The continuing demographic transition, ed. G. W. Jones, R. M. Douglas, J. C. Caldwell, R. M. D’Souza, 111–33. New York: Oxford University Press.

Ibberson, Dora. 1956. Illegitimacy and the birth rate. Social and Economic Studies 5:93–99.

Iverson, Shepherd. 1992. Evolutionary demographic transition theory: comparative causes of prehistoric, historic and modern demographic transitions. Dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Jackson, J. 1982. Stresses affecting women and their families. In Women in the Caribbean project, ed. J. Massiah, 28–61. Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies.

Johnson, Allen W., and Timothy Earle. 1987. The evolution of human societies. California: Stanford University Press.

Joy, Elizabeth. 1997. Team management of the Female Athlete Triad. Round Table 25(3):95.

Keen, F. G. B. 1978. Ecological relationships in a Hmong (Meo) economy. In Farmers in the forest: Economic development and marginal agriculture in Northern Thailand, ed. Peter Kunstadter, E. C. Champan, S. Sakhasi, 210–21. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Kerr, Madeline 1952. Personality and conflict in Jamaica. Liverpool: University Press.

Kundstadter, Peter. 1963. A survey of the consanguine or matrifocal family. American Anthropologist 65:56–66.

———, ed. 1967. Southeast Asian tribes, minorities, and nations. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

———. 1971. Natality, mortality and migration of upland and lowland populations in northwestern Thailand. In Culture and population: A collection of current studies, ed. Stephen Polgar, 46–60. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.

———. 1983. Cultural ideals, socioeconomic change, and household composition: Karen Lua’, Hmong and Thai in Northwestern Thailand. In Households: Comparative and historical studies of the domestic group, ed. Robert McC. Netting, Richard R. Wilk, and Eric J. Arnould, 299–329. Berkeley: University of California Press.

———. 1993. Man in the mangroves: The socio-economic situation of human settlements in mangrove forests. The United Nations University. Tokyo, Japan.

———. 2002. Human population dynamics: Cross-disciplinary perspectives. Helen Macbeth and Paul Collinson, eds. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

———. 2004. Hmong marriage patterns in Thailand in relation to social change. In Hmong/Miao in Asia, ed. N. Tapp, J. Michaud, C. Culas, and G. Y. Lee. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm.

Lagro, Monique. 1990. The hucksters of Dominica. Port of Spain: United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

Lagro, Monique and Donna Plotkin. 1990. The agricultural traders of St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Grenada, Dominica and St. Lucia. New York: United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

Laguerre, Michel. 1979. Études sur le vodou Haïtien: Bibliographie analytique. Fonds St-Jacques: Centre de recherches Caribes.

Lancy, David. 2007. Accounting for variability in mother-child play. American Anthropologist 109(2):273–84.

Larsen Ula, and James W. Vaupel. 1993. Hutterite fecundability by age and parity strategies for fertility modeling of event histories. Demography 30(1):22.

Larson, Eric H. 1981. The effects of plantation economy on a Polynesian population. In And the poor get children, ed. Karen L. Michaelson, 39–49. New York: Monthly Review.

Lazarus-Black, Mindie. 2001. Interrogating the phenomenon of denial: Contesting paternity in Caribbean magistrates’ courts. Political and Legal Anthropology Review 24(1):13–37.

Lee, B. S. and S. C. Farber. 1984. The influence of rapid rural-urban migration on Korean national fertility levels. Journal of Development Economics 17:47–71.

Lee, R. 1996. A cross-cultural perspective on intergenerational transfers and the economic life cycle. In Seminar on intergenerational economic relations and demographic change: Papers, 1–25. Liege, Belgium: International Union for the Scientific Study of Population [IUSSP], Committee on Economic Demography.

Lee, Y. J., W. L. Parish, and R. J. Willis.1994. Sons, daughters, and intergenerational support in Taiwan. American Journal of Sociology 99:1010–41.

Lenaghan, Tom. 2005. Haitian Bleu: A rare taste of success for Haiti’s coffee growers. Development Alternatives Inc. At www.dai.com/pdf/developments/HaitianBleu-DAIdeasDec05.pdf, accessed April 20, 2006.

Leo-Rhynie, E. A. 1997. Class, race, and gender issues in child rearing in the Caribbean. In Caribbean families: Diversity among ethnic groups, ed. J. L. Rooparine & J. Brown, 25–56. Greenwich, CT: Ablex.

Lewis, David Levering. 1981. When Harlem was in vogue. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Lewis, Linden. 2003. Gender tension and change in the contemporary Caribbean. From expert group meeting on “The role of men and boys in achieving gender equality.” DAW in collaboration with ILO and UNAIDS, 21–24 October 2003 Brasilia, Brazil.

Leyburn, James G. 1966 [1941]. The Haitian people. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Liebenstein, H. M. 1957. Economic backwardness and economic growth. New York: Wiley.

Lillard, L. A., and R. J. Willis. 1997. Motives for intergenerational transfers: Evidence from Malaysia. Demography 34:115–34.

Locher, Uli. 1975. The market system of Port-au-Prince. In Working papers in Haitian society and culture, ed. Sidney W. Mintz. New Haven, CT: Antilles Research Program, Yale University.

Locke, Alain. 1925. Foreword to The New Negro, an interpretation. New York: Albert and Charles Boni.

Lowenthal, David. 1957. The population of Barbados. Journal of Economic and Social Studies 6:471.

———. 1963. Occupational multiplicity in rural Jamaica. In Symposium on community studies in anthropology, ed. V. Garfield and E. Friedl. Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Lowenthal, David, and Lambros Comitas. 1962. Emigration and depopulation: Some neglected aspects of population geography. Geographical Review 52(2):195–210.

Lowenthal, Ira. 1987. Marriage is 20, children are 21: The cultural construction of conjugality in rural Haiti. Dissertation, Johns Hopkins University.

———. 1984. Labor, sexuality and the conjugal contract. In Haiti: Today and tomorrow, ed. Charles R. Foster and Albert Valman. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

Lundahl, Mats. 1983. The Haitian economy: Man, land, and markets. New York: St. Martin’s.

Mackenzie, Charles. 1830 [1971]. Notes on Haiti, made during a residence in that republic, Vol 1. London: Frank Cass.

Mamdani, Mahmood. 1973. The myth of population control: Family caste and class in an Indian village. New York: Monthly Review Press.

———. 1981. The ideology of population control. In And the poor get children, ed. Karen L. Michaelson, 39–49. New York: Monthly Review Press.

Mann, Jim. 1993. CIA’s aid plan would have undercut Aristide in ’87–88. Los Angeles Times, October 31.

Mantz, Jeffrey W. 2003. Lost in the fire, gained in the ash: Moral economies of exchange in Dominica. Dissertation, University of Chicago.

———. 2007. How a huckster becomes a custodian of market morality: Traditions of flexibility in exchange in Dominica. Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 14:19–38.

Marino, Anthony. 1970. Family, fertility, and sex ratios in the British Caribbean. Population Studies 24(2):159–72.

Marshall, Dawn I. 1985. International migration as circulation: Haitian movement to the Bahamas. In Circulation in third world countries, ed. R. Mansell Prothero and Murray Chapman, 226–40. Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Massiah, Joycelin. 1982. Women who head households. In Women and the family, ed. J. Massiah, 62–130. Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies.

———. 1983. Women as heads of households in the Caribbean: Family structure and feminine status. United Kingdom: UNESCO.

Maternowska, Catherine. 1996. Coups d’etat and contraceptives: A political economy analysis of family planning in Haiti. Dissertation, Columbia University.

Matthews, Dom Basil. 1953. Crisis of the West Indian family. Caribbean Affairs Series. Port of Spain, Trinidad: University of the West Indies.

Maynard-Tucker, G. 1996. Unions, fertility, and the quest for survival. Social Science & Medicine 43(9):1379–87.

McElroy, Jerome, and Klaus Albuquerque. 1988. The impact of migration on mortality and fertility in St. Kitts-Nevis and the U.S. Virgin Islands. Caribbean Geography 2(3):173–94.

———. 1990. Migration, natality and fertility: Some Caribbean evidence. International Review 24(4):783–802.

McGowan, Lisa A. 1997. Democracy undermined, economic justice denied: Structural adjustment and the aid juggernaut in Haiti. Washington, DC: Development Group for Alternative Policies.

McPherson, Matthew and Timothy Schwartz. 2001. The Defeminization of the Dominican Hinterlands: Conservation Implications for the Cordillera Central. The

Nature Conservancy: Arlington, Virginia.

Mencher, Joan P., and Anne Okongwu, eds. 1993. Where did all the men go? Female-headed, female-supported households in cross-cultural perspective. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Metraux, Rhoda. 1951. Kith and kin: a study of Creole social structure in Marbial, Haiti. Dissertation, Columbia University.

Midgett, D. K. 1977. West Indian migration and adaptation in St. Lucia and London. Dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

Millspaugh, Arthur C. 1931. Haiti under American control: 1915–1931. Boston: World Peace Foundation.

Mintz, Sidney. 1955. The Jamaican internal marketing pattern: some notes and hypothesis. Social and Economic Studies 4(1):95–103.

———. 1971. Men, women and trade. Comparative Studies in Society and History. 13:247–69.

———. 1974. Caribbean transformations. Chicago: Aldine.

———. 1981. Economic role and cultural tradition. In The black woman cross-culturally, ed. Filomina Chioma Steady, 513–34. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.

———. 1985. From plantations to peasantries in the Caribbean. In Caribbean contours, ed. Sidney W. Mintz and Sally Price, 127–53. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Mintz, Sidney, and Eric R. Wolf. 1950. An analysis of ritual co-parenthood (compadrazgo). The Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 6(4):341–65.

Modiano, Nancy. 1973. Indian education in the Chiapa highlands. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

Mohammed, Patricia. 1986. The Caribbean family revisited. In Gender in Caribbean development, ed. Patricia Mohammed and Catherine Shepherd, 170–82. Mona, Jamaica: University of the West Indies.

Montague, Ludwell Lee. 1966. Haiti and the United States: 1714–1938. New York: Russel and Russel.

Moore W. E. 1945. Economic demography of Eastern Europe. Geneva, Switzerland: League of Nations.

Moral, Paul. 1961. Le Paysan Haitien. Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose.

Moreau, St. Mery. 1797. Description de la partie Francaise de Saint-Domingue. Paris: Societe de l’Histoire de Colonies Francaises.

Mosher, William D. 1980. The theory of change and response: An application to Puerto Rico, 1940 to 1970. Population Studies 34(1):45–48.

Munroe, Ruth H., Robert L. Munroe, and Harold S. Shimmin. 1984. Children’s work in four cultures: determinants and consequences. American Anthropologist 86:369–79.

Murphy, Martin F. 1986. Historical and contemporary labor utilization practices in sugar industries of the Dominican Republic. Dissertation, Columbia University.

Murray Gerald F. 1972. The economic context of fertility patterns in a rural Haitian community. Report submitted to the International Institute for the Study of Human Reproduction. New York: Columbia University.

———. 1976. Women in perdition: Fertility control in Haiti. In Culture natality and family planning, ed. John Marshall and Steven Polgar, 59–79. Chapel Hill, NC: Carolina Population Center.

———. 1977. The evolution of Haitian peasant land tenure: Agrarian adaptation to population growth. Dissertation, Columbia University.

———. 1991. The phantom child in Haitian voodoo: A folk-religious model of uterine life. In African creative expression of the divine, ed. Kortright Davis, Elias Farajaje-Jones, and Iris Eaton. Washington DC: Howard University School of Divinity.

Murray, Gerald, Matthew McPherson, and Timothy T. Schwartz. 1998. Fading frontier: An anthropological analysis of social and economic relations on the Dominican and Haitian Border. Report for USAID (Dom Repub).

Murthy, D. 1973. Loss of potential fertility due to unstable unions in Haiti. Unpublished manuscript, Harvard School of Public Health.

Nag, Moni. 1971. The influence of conjugal behavior, migration and contraception on natality in Barbados. In Culture and population: A collection of current studies, ed. Stephen Polgar, 105–23. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.

Nag, Moni, Benjamin N. F. White, and R. Creighton Peet. 1978. An anthropological approach to the study of the economic value of children in Java and Nepal. Current Anthropology 19:293–306.

Naval, G. 1995. Evaluation of the crisis program of the catholic relief services in Haiti. Final report. Port-au-Prince, Haiti.

Nene, Y. L., Susan D. Hall, and V. K. Sheila, eds. 1990. The pigeonpea. Andhra Pradesh, India: International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics.

Newsom, Lee Ann. 1993. Native West Indian plant use. Dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Nicholls, David. 1974. Economic dependence and political autonomy: The Haitian experience. Occasional Paper Series No. 9. Montreal: McGill University, Center for Developing-Area Studies.

Nietschmann, Bernard. 1979. Ecological change, inflation, and migration in the far western Caribbean. Geographical Review 69(1):1–24.

Nonaka, K., T. Miura, and K. Peter. 1994. Recent fertility decline in Dariusleut Hutterites: An extension of Eaton and Mayer’s Hutterite fertility study. Human Biology 66(3):411–21.

Notestein, F. 1945. Population—the long view. In Food for the world, ed. T. W. Schultz, 36–57. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

NPR (National Public Radio). 2000. A restavec’s tale: Jean-Robert Cadet. February 18. At www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=1070500.

———. 2007. Haiti’s dark secret: The restavecs: Servitude crosses the line between chores and child slavery. March 27, 2004 National Public Radio broadcast by Rachel Leventhal and Gigi Cohen, NPR Weekend Edition. At www.npr.org/


Nutini, Hugo G., and Betty Bell. 1980. Ritual kinship: The structure and historical development of the compadrazgo system in rural Tlaxcala. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Nzeza, Koko. 1988. Differential responses of maize, peanut, and sorghum to water stress. Master’s thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville.

N’zengou-Tayo M.J. 1998. “Fanm se poto mitan”: Haitian woman, the pillar of society [Fanm se poto mitan: la femme Haïtienne, pilier de la société]. Mona, Jamaica: Centre For Gender And Development Studies, University Of The West Indies.

Oloko, Beatrice Adenike. 1994. Children’s street work in urban Nigeria: Dilemma of modernizing tradition. In Cross-cultural roots of minority child development, ed. Patricia M. Greenfield and Robert R. Cocking, 197–224. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Olwig, Karen Fog. 1985. Cultural adaptation and resistance on St. John: Three centuries of Afro-Caribbean life. Gainesville: University of Florida Press.

Onwueme, I. C. 1978. Tropical tuber crops. New York: John Wiley.

Oprah. 2007. “Slavery” in Haiti and Ghana. From the show “A special report: The little boy Oprah couldn’t forget.” At www2.oprah.com/tows/slide/200702/20070209/


Otterbein, Keith. 1963. The family organization of the Andros Islanders. Dissertation, University of Pittsburgh.

———. 1965. Caribbean family organization: A comparative analysis. American Anthropologist 67:66–79.

———. 1966. The Andros Islanders: A study of family organization in the Bahamas. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press.

———.1970. The evolution of war: A cross-cultural study. New Haven, CT: HRAF Press.

———.1986. The ultimate coercive sanction: A cross-cultural study of capital punishment. New Haven, CT: HRAF Press.

———. 1994. Feuding and warfare: Selected works of Keith F. Otterbein. New York and London: Routledge.

———. 2004. How war began. College Station: Texas A&M University Press.

Oxfam. 2005. Food aid or hidden dumping? Separating wheat from chaff. Briefing paper. At www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/issues/trade/bp71_foodaid.htm, accessed May 1, 2006.

Palmer, Ransord W. 1974. A decade of West Indian migration to the United States, 1962–1972: An economic survey analysis. Social and Economic Studies 23(4):572–87.

Paul, Max. 1983. Black families in modern Bermuda. Göttingen, Germany: Edition Herodot.

Perusek, Glenn. 1984. Haitian emigration in the early twentieth century. International Migration Review l8:4–18.

Petras, Elizabeth McLean. 1988. Jamaican labor migration: White capital and black labor. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Philpott, Stuart. 1973. West Indian migration; the Montserrat case. London, Athlone Press.

PISANO. 1990. Rapport relatif aux resultats de l’enquete de donnes de base de Jean Rabel. Theis, W, S. Lund, and T. Janssen, eds. Hindenburgring, Germany: Juillet Istrupa Consulting.

Plummer, Gayle. 1985. Haitian migrants and backyard imperialism. Class and Race XXVI, 4:35–43.

Polgar, Steven. 1972. Population history and population policies from an anthropological perspective. Current Anthropology 13(2):203–11.

Pollock, Nancy. 1972. Women and the division of labor: A Jamaican example. American Anthropologist 74(3):689–92.

Price, Richard. 1966. Caribbean fishing and fisherman: A historical sketch. American Anthropologist 68(6):1363–83.

Quinlan, Robert. 2005. Kinship, gender and migration from a rural Caribbean community. Migration Letters 2(1):2–12.

———. 2006. Gender and risk in a matrifocal Caribbean community: A view from behavioral ecology. American Anthropologist 108(3):464–79.

Reher, David Sven, and Pedro Luis Iriso-Napal. 1989. Marital fertility and its determinants in rural and urban Spain, 1887–1930. Population Studies 43:405–27.

Richardson, Bonham C. 1975. The overdevelopment of Carriacou. Geographical Review 65(3):390–99.

Richardson, Laura. 1997. Feeding dependency, starving democracy: USAID policies in Haiti. Boston: Grassroots International.

Richman, Karen E. 2003. Miami money and the home gal. Anthropology and Humanism 27(2): 119–32.

Roberts, G. W. 1957. Some aspects of mating and fertility in the West Indies. Population Studies 8:199–227.

Rocheleau, Dianne. 1984. Geographic and socioeconomic aspects of the recent Haitian migration to South Florida. In Caribbean migration program. Gainesville: University of Florida, Center for Latin American Studies.

Rodman, Hyman. 1971. Lower-class families: The culture of poverty in Negro Trinidad. New York: Oxford University Press.

RONCO. 1987. Agriculture sector assessment: Haiti. Marguerite Blemur, ed. Washington: RONCO Consulting Corporation.

Ross R. T., and M. Cheang. 1997. Common infectious diseases in a population with low multiple sclerosis and varicella occurrence. Journal of Epidemiology 50(3):337–39.

Rotberg, Robert I., and Christopher A. Clague. 1971. Haiti, The politics of squalor. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Rouse, Irving. 1992. The Tainos: Rise and decline of the people who greeted Columbus. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Rubenstein, Hymie. 1977. Economic history and population movements in an eastern Caribbean Valley. Ethnohistory 24(1):19–45.

———. 1979. The return ideology in West Indian migration. In The anthropology of return migration, ed. Robert Rhoades. Papers in Anthropology 20:330–37.

———. 1983. Remittances and rural development in the English-speaking Caribbean. Human Organization 42(4):295–306.

Safa, Helen I. 1986. Economic autonomy and sexual equality in Caribbean society. Social and Economic Studies 35(3):1–21.

———. 1995. The myth of the male breadwinner: Women and industrialization in the Caribbean. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Sahlins, Marshall. 1972. Stone age economics. Chicago: Aldine.

Saint‑Louis, Loretta‑Jane Prichard. 1988. Migration evolves: The political economy of network process and form in Haiti, the U.S. and Canada. Dissertation, Boston University.

Sargent, Carolyn, and Michael Harris. 1992. Gender ideology, childrearing, and child health in Jamaica. American Ethnologist 19(3):523–37.

Scarano, Francisco A. 1989. Labor and society in the nineteenth century. In The Modern Caribbean, ed. Franklin W. Knight and Colin A. Palmer. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

———. 1984. Sugar and slavery in Puerto Rico: The plantation economy of Ponce, 1800–1850. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Schellekens, J. 1993. Wages, secondary workers, and fertility: A working-class perspective of the fertility transition in England and Wales. Journal of Family History 18: 1–17.

Schwartz, Timothy. 1992. Haitian migration: System labotomization. Unpublished master’s thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville.

———. 1998. NHADS survey: Nutritional, health, agricultural, demographic and socio-economic survey: Jean Rabel, Haiti, June 1, 1997–June 11, 1998. Unpublished report, on behalf of PISANO, Agro Action Allemande and Initiative Developpment. Hamburg, Germany.

———. 2000. “Children are the wealth of the poor:” High fertility and the organization of labor in the rural economy of Jean Rabel, Haiti. Dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville.

———. 2004. “Children are the wealth of the poor”: Pronatalism and the economic utility of children in Jean Rabel, Haiti. Research in Anthropology 22:62–105.

SCID (South-East Consortium for International Development) 1993. Report: Farmer needs assessment exploratory surveys: CARE Northwest region 2, 3 & 4 South-East. Richard A. Swanson, William Gustave, Yves Jean, Roosevelt Saint-Dic, eds. Consortium for International Development and Auburn University. Work performed under USAID contract No. 521-0217-C-0004-00.

Scrimshaw, Susan. 1978. Infant mortality and behavior in the regulation of family size. Population and Development Review 4:383–403.

Segal, Aaron. 1975. Population policies in the Caribbean. Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath.

———. 1987. The Caribbean exodus in a global context. In Caribbean exodus, ed. B. Levine. New York: Praeger.

Senior, Olive. 1991. Working miracles: Women’s lives in the English-speaking Caribbean. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Sergeant, Carolyn, and Michael Harris. 1992. Gender ideology, child rearing, and child health in Jamaica. American Ethnologist 19(3):523–37.

Sharpe, J. 1997. Mental health issues and family socialization in the Caribbean. In Caribbean families: Diversity among ethnic groups, ed. J. L. Rooparine & J. Brown. Greenwich, CT: Ablex.

Simey, T. S. 1946. Welfare and planning in the West Indies. Oxford: Clarendon.

Simmons, Alan Dwaine Plaza, and Victor Piché. 2005. The remittance sending practices of Haitians and Jamaicans in Canada. At www.un.org/esa/population/publications/


Simpson, George Eaton. 1942. Sexual and family institutions in Northern, Haiti. American Anthropologist 44:655–74.

Singer, Merrill, Lani Davidson, and Gina Gerdes. 1988. Cultural, critical theory, and reproductive illness behavior in Haiti. Medical Anthropology Quarterly 2(4):379–85.

Skari, Tala. 1987. The dilemma. Refugees March:27–29.

Sloley, M. 1999. Parenting deficiencies outlined. The Jamaica Gleaner Online. At www.jamaicagleaner/1999117/news/n1.html, accessed April 2, 2002.

Smith, Delores E., and Gail Mosby. 2003. Jamaican child-rearing practices: The role of corporal punishment. Adolescence, Summer. At findarticles.com/p/articles


Smith, Jennie Marcelle. 1998. Family planning initiatives and Kalfouno peasants: What’s going wrong? Occasional paper/University of Kansas Institute of Haitian Studies, no. 13. Lawrence: Institute of Haitian Studies, University of Kansas.

Smith, M. G. 1957. Introduction. In My mother who fathered me: A study of the family in three selected communities in Jamaica, by Edith Clarke. London: George Allen and Unwin.

———. 1961. Kinship and household in Carriacou. Social and Economic Studies 10(1):455–77.

———. 1962. West Indian family structure. Seattle: University of Washington.

———. 1966. Introduction. In My mother who fathered me: A study of the family in three selected communities in Jamaica, 2nd ed., by Edith Clarke. London: George Allen and Unwin.

Smith, R. T. 1953. Aspects of family organization in a coastal negro community in British Guiana: A preliminary report. Social and Economic Studies 1(1):87–112.

———. 1956. The Negro family in British Guiana. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

———. 1988. Kinship and class in the West Indies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

———. 1996. The matrifocal family: Power, pluralism and politics. New York and London: Routledge.

Smucker, Glenn Richard. 1983. Peasants and development politics: A study in class and culture. Dissertation, New School for Social Research.

Solien, Nancie. 1961. Family organization in five types of migratory wage labor. American Anthropologist 63(6):1264–80.

———. 1959. The consanguineal household among the black Carib of central America. Dissertation, University of Michigan.

Sommerfelt, Tone, ed. 2002. Child domestic labour in Haiti characteristics, contexts and organisation of children’s residence, relocation and work. A FAFO report to UNICEF, ILO, Save the Children UK and Save the Children Canada.

Springfield, Consuelo Lopez, ed. 1997. Daughters of Caliban: Caribbean women in the twentieth century. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Stepick, Alex. 1984. The roots of Haitian migration. In Haiti—today and tomorrow, ed. Charles R. Foster and Albert Valdman. Lanham, MD; University Press of America.

———. 1982. Haitian refugees in the U.S., Report No. 53. London: Minority Rights Group.

Stewart, John O. 1973. Coolie and creole: Differential adaptations in a neo-plantation village-Trinidad, West Indies. Dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles.

Stycos, J. Mayone. 1954. Haitian attitudes toward family size. Human Organization 23(1): 42 –47.

Stycos, J. Mayone, and Kurt W. Back. 1964. The control of human fertility in Jamaica. New York: Cornell University Press.

Sunday Telegraph. 2007. The plight of Haiti’s child slaves. By Pete Pattisson, at

Sutton, Constance, and Susan Makiesky-Barrow. 1975. Migration and West Indian racial and ethnic consciousness. In Migration and development: Implications for ethnic identity and political conflict, ed. Helen I. Safa and Brian M. du Toit, 113–44. The Hague: Mouton.

———. 1975. Women, knowledge, and power. In Women cross-culturally: Change & challenge, ed. Ruby Roehrlich-Leavitt, 581–600. The Hague: Mouton.

———. 1970. Social inequality and sexual status in Barbados. In Sexual stratification: A cross-cultural view, ed. Alice Schlegel. New York: Columbia University Press.

Szwed, John F. 1970. Afro-American musical adaptation. In Afro-American anthropology, ed. Norman F. Whitten and John F. Szwed. New York: Free Press.

Taufa, Tukutau, Vui Mea, and John Lourie. 1990. A preliminary report on fertility and socio-economic changes in two Papua New Guinea communities. In Fertility and responses, ed. John Landers, 35–46. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Tauheed, Linwood F. 2003. Brown—Then and now: Social science and the shifting Brown paradigm. Speech given January 25, 2003 at the University of Missouri—Kansas City School of Law.

Taylor, E. 1976. The social adjustment of returned migrants to Jamaica. In Ethnicity in the Americas, ed. Frances Henry, 213–29. The Hague: Mouton.

Toro, Julio Cesar, and Charles B. Atlee. 1980. Agronomic practices for cassava production: A literature review. In Cassava cultural practices: Proceedings of a workshop held in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, 18–21 March 1980. Ottawa, Canada: International Research Development Research Centre.

Treco, Ria N. M. 2002. The Haitian diaspora in the Bahamas. Dissertation, Florida International University.

U.S. Department of Commerce. 2006. Haiti country reports on economic policy and trade practices—1998 key economic indicators. Trade Compliance Center. At trade.gov/mac, accessed April 13, 2006.

U.S. Department of Labor. 1998. Haiti: Child labor in Haiti. Bureau of International Labor Affairs. At www.dol.gov/ilab.

Ulysse, Gina. 1999. Uptown ladies and downtown women: Informal commercial importing and the social/symbolic politics of identity in Jamaica. Dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

UN Globalis. 2006. Global methodology for mapping human impacts on the biosphere . At globalis.gvu.unu.edu.

UN Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery 1956 Convention 138 under the Child Labor Code. At www.ilo.org/public/english/dialogue/actrav/genact/child/


Underwood, Frances W. 1960. The marketing system in peasant Haiti. In Papers in Caribbean Anthropology, ed. Sidney W. Mintz. New Haven, CT: Yale University.

UNICEF. 1993. Les enfants en situation spécialement difficile en Haiti. Port-au-Prince: Author.

———. 1997. The state of the world’s children. New York: Author.

———. 2006. Fertility and contraceptive use: Global database on contraceptive prevalence. At www.childinfo.org/eddb/fertility/dbcontrc.htm, accessed May 3, 2006.

UNIFEM. 2006. UNIFEM in Haiti: Supporting gender justice, development and peace. UNIFEM Caribbean Office, Christ Church, Barbados. At www.womenwarpeace


United Nations. 1999. Human development report. New York: Author.

———. 2000. Indicators on income and economic activity. United Nations Statistics Division. At www.un.org/Depts/unsd/social/inc-eco.htm.

———. 2005. World population prospects. The 2004 revision population data base. At esa.un.org/unpp, accessed February 3, 2007.

United Nations. 2006. Demographic yearbook.At unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/

products/dyb/dyb2.htm, accessed March 24, 2007.

United Nations Development Programme. 2004. Millennium development goals look out of reach for increasingly impoverished Haitians. At www.undp.org/mdg/news2.


———. 2006. Human development indicators 2003. At hdr.undp.org/reports/global/


UNOPS. 1997. Ministère de la planification et de la coopération externe (mpce) direccion departmental du Nord-Ouest July) Éléments de la problématique déparetmentale (Version de Consultation) Programme des Nations Unies pour le Développement (PNUD), Centre des Nations Unies pour les Établissements Humains (CNUEH-Habitat), Projet d’Appui Institutionnel en Aménagement du Territoire (HAI-94-016). Port-de-Paix, Haiti.

UPAN. 1982. Projections des besoins et services dans le domaine alimentaire et nutritionnel, Port-au-Prince, Haiti.

Vaessen, Martin. 1984. Childlessness and infecundity. Comparative Studies no. 31. Voorburg, Netherlands: International Statistical Institute.

Vassiere, Pierre de. 1909. Saint Domingue la societe et la vie Creoles sous l’ancien regime (1629–1789) Paris: Perrin.

Verschueren, J. 1984. Le Diocese de Port-de-Paix: La Mission Montfortaine de’Haiti 1871–1936. Informations & Recherches Mission Montfortain. Port-au-Prince, Haiti.

Veschuren R. 1955. La sucrerie Foache a Jean Rabel. In Revue de la Société Haitienne d’Histoire et de Geographie 27(97).

Victor, Rene. 1944. Recensement et demographie. Port-au-Prince, Haiti: Imprimie de l’Etat.

Wagley, Charles. 1957. Plantation America: A culture sphere. In Caribbean studies, a symposium, ed V. Rubin. Jamaica: Institute of Social Economic Research.

Walker, Della M. 1968. Family and social structure in Anguilla. In The family in the Caribbean: Proceedings of the first conference on the family in the Caribbean, ed. Stanford N. Gerber, 111–16. Rio Piedras: Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of Puerto Rico.

White, Benjamin. 1973. Demand for labor and reproduction in a Javanese village. Dissertation, Columbia University.

———.1976. Production and reproduction in a Javanese village. Dissertation, Columbia University.

———. 1982. Child labor and population growth in rural Asia. Development and Change 13:587–610.

WHO (World Health Organization). 1999. World Health Organization multinational study of breastfeeding and lactational amennorhea pregnancy and breastfeeding: World Health Organization task force on methods for the natural regulation of fertility III. In Sterility and Fertility 72(3):431–40.

Wikipedia. 2006. Economy of Haiti. At en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_Haiti, accessed April 5, 2006.

Williams, Eric. 1970. From Columbus to Castro. London: Vintage Books.

Williams, S. J., N. Murthy, and G. Berggren. 1975. Conjugal unions among rural Haitian women. Journal of Marriage and the Family 4:1022–31.

Wilmsen, E. 1978. Seasonal effects on dietary intake on Kalahari Kung. Proceedings of the Federation of American Societies for Experimental Biology 37(1):25–32.

———. 1982. Biological variables in forager fertility performance: A critique of Bongaarts Model. Working Papers no. 60. Boston University: African Studies Center.

Wilson, Peter. 1969. Reputation and respectability: A suggestion for Caribbean ethnology. Man 4(1):70–84.

———. 1961a. The social structure of Providencia Isla, Columbia. Dissertation, Yale University, New Haven.

———. 1961b. Household and family on Provendencia. In Social and Economic Studies 10(1):511–27.

———. 1973. Crab antics: The social anthropology of English-Speaking negro societies of the Caribbean. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Wolf, Eric. 1955. Types of Latin American peasantry: A preliminary discussion. American Anthropologist 57(3):452–71.

Wolf, Eric, and Sidney W. Mintz. 1957. Haciendas and plantations in middle America and the Caribbean. Social and Economic Studies 6:380–412.

Wood, J. W. 1995. Dynamics of human reproduction: Biology, biometry, demography. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.

World Bank. 1998. Haiti: The challenges of poverty reduction. Report #17242-HA Volume 1 1998. Poverty Unit and Economic Management Unit and Caribbean Country Management Unit. Latin American and Caribbean Region.

———. 2002. A review of gender issues in the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Jamaica. Report No. 21866-LAC. December 11th , Caribbean Management Unit, Latin America and the Caribbean Region.

Yelvington, Kevin A. ­2001. The anthropology of Afro-Latin America and the Caribbean: Diasporic dimensions. Annual Review of Anthropology 30:227–60.

Zelizer, Adriana. 1985. Pricing the priceless child: The changing social values of children. New York: Basic Books.

Zuvekas, Clarence Jr. 1978. A survey of the literature on income distribution and the fulfillment of basic human needs in the Caribbean region. Caribbean Regional Working Document Series #3. Washington, DC: USAID.