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Hungaro-Polonica. Young Scholars on Medieval Polish-Hungarian Relations. Ed. Dániel Bagi – Gábor Barabás – Zsolt Máté. Történészcéh Egyesület, Pécs, 2016

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Hungaro-Polonica. Young Scholars on Medieval Polish-Hungarian Relations. Ed. Dániel Bagi – Gábor Barabás – Zsolt Máté. Történészcéh Egyesület, Pécs, 2016

Hungaro-Polonica. Young Scholars on Medieval Polish-Hungarian Relations. Ed. Dániel Bagi – Gábor Barabás – Zsolt Máté. Történészcéh Egyesület, Pécs, 2016

RA = Regesta regum stirpis Arpadianae critico-diplomatica. -Az árpád-házi királyok okleveleinek kritikai jegyzéke, ed. Imre Szentpétery -Iván Borsa. (Budapest, 1923(Budapest, -1987 RGIX = Les registres de Grégoire IX. Recueil des bulles de ce pape publiées et analysées d'après les manuscrits originaux du Vatican par Lucien Auvray, t. I-IV. (Paris, 1890(Paris, -1955 RPR = Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, ed. August Potthast. (Berlin, 1874) SRH = Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum tempore ducum regumque stirpis Arpadianae gestarum" I-II. ed. Emericus Szentpétery (Budapestini, 1937(Budapestini, -1938 Reprint: ed. Kornél Szovák -László Veszprémy (Budapest, 1999) SRS = Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum. Oder Sammlung Schlesischer Geschichtschreiber, ed. Gustav Adolf Stenzel et al. (Breslau, 1835(Breslau, -1902 Thietmari Chronicon = Thietmari, Merseburgensis episcopi, Chronicon, ed. Marian Zygmunt Jedlicki (Poznań, 1953) Thuróczy, Chronica = János Thuróczy, Chronica Hungarorum. I. Textus, ed. Erzsébet Galántai -Gyula Kristó, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Medii Recentisque Aevorum. Series Nova vol. 7 (Budapest, 1985) VMH = Vetera monumenta historica. Hungariam sacram illustrantia. I-II, ed. Augustinus Theiner (Romae, 1859(Romae, -1860 ZDM = Zbiór dokumentów małopolskich [Collection of the Documents from Lesser Poland], ed. Stanisław Kuraś -Irena Sułkowska-Kuraś (Wrocław, 1962-) ZSO = Zsigmondkori oklevéltár 1387-1425, I-XII [Cartulary of the Sigismund period 1387-1424, I-XI] ed. Iván Borsa -Norbert C. Tóth -Elemér Mályusz et al. (Budapest, 1951 Dániel Bagi University of Pécs PrefaceThe present volume contains the edited version of papers delivered in Pécs at the turn of September and October 2015, on the occasion of the "1 st Meeting of Young Medievalists" working on the Medieval History of Hungary and Poland. The workshop was organized by the Institute of History of the University of Pécs, jointly with the Department of Medieval History at Marie Curie Skłodowska University of Lublin, and sponsored by the Embassy of the Republic of Poland in Budapest as well as the "Historians' Guild" (Történészcéh) at the University of Pécs. This association, whose membership consists of the present and former students of history, is one of the most powerful student associations at the University of Pécs, based at the Institute of History.The idea to organize a workshop for the upcoming generation of researchers dealing with Hungarian and Polish relations in the Middle Ages, was motivated by many reasons. I started my academic career, influenced by my teachers, with a work on Polish-Hungarian historical relations, and in 1999 I defended my doctoral thesis written on the Polish policy of Louis I of Anjou. While preparing the dissertation and after its defence I started thinking about further possibilities of research on Polish-Hungarian relations in the Middle Ages. It was clear to me, that Polish-Hungarian relations have a huge literature, describing and analysing common historical events affecting the destiny of both countries. However, I had to recognize and admit that this kind of research activity could never grow up to establish itself as a historiographical school, as it happened for example to the Bohemian-Polish or German-Polish historical research on medieval subjects. No doubt, the concept of parallelism of Polish and Hungarian History was created not by historians but the nobilities of these countries in the 16 th and 17 th centuries. Poland and the aurea libertas of the Polish nobility granted by royal privileges served as an example to follow for the Hungarian noblemen of that age, since the Hungarian nobility felt to be threatened both by the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy; the first power occupied part of the Kingdom of Hungary, while the latter withheld to provide that rights and privileges to the nobility which were supposed to be necessary for noblemen, who identified themselves with the nation itself. Therefore, the Polish, and later the Polish-Lithuanian nobility became the ideal for their Hungarian contemporaries which con-tributed to the creation of terms describing a similar, or indeed, a same historical development in case of Hungary and Poland. Terms like conformitas, bona vicinitas, and first of all, the idea of the antermurale christianitatis influenced the thinking of many generations, and coloured not only the imagination of Hungarian-Polish relations of the forthcoming centuries, but also had a retrospective effect on the research of the medieval period of Polish and Hungarian History. Consequently, terms created later on, came to be used for earlier events, which originally had nothing to do with these definitions. These terms were to determine the priority research fields too, and thereby limited the choice of possible approaches to the topic itself, the golden thread of which was related to my doctoral thesis, namely the dynastic relations.One of the possible ways to break out of this state of affairs seems to be to place the issue of Hungarian-Polish historical relations in a wider context and analyse them comparatively from a regional perspective, i.e. the East-Central-European horizon. I must admit, this idea is not a brand new one, and in post-war Europe it had two major schools. The first one, created mostly by historians who were forced to emigrate after or before World War II and represented by many Hungarian, Polish, Czech and Slovak Historians, imagined East-Central-Europe on the pattern of their own historical traditions such as the idea of antemurale, (strongly represented for example by Oskar Halecki), or the Great Moravian Empire, and the latter tradition was inherited by the modern Czech and Slovak Historiography. The second pattern was conceived and developed primary by Marxists in the fifties of the 20 th century, who, by trying to avoid any national narratives, created a special term, "East-Central-Europe", characterized by so-called struc-tures, such as statebuilding, structure and development of nobility etc. Despite the Stalinist origins of this conception and the struggles of its earliest representatives to make a sharp discontinuity in national histories, there can be no doubt that the latter approach is more useful. To analyse a historical region from many comparable points of view may result in a new knowledge about distinct subjects of research, as it has been presented in the studies written in the last decades by German, Polish, Czech, Slovak and Hungarian colleagues.So, I was very glad that beyond Hungarian and Polish younger medievalists there were also colleagues present at the workshop from other countries too, from Slovakia, Germany or even France, working on topics placing the history of Hungary and Poland in a wider, not just regional but even European context, and showing new ways of approach to the same topic, emphasizing thereby the the-matic program of the workshop.The papers, printed in this book, are of different in content and nature, but the scale is pretty wide: it ranges from political history to iconography and ecclesiastical history, including Medieval Latin philology, research on narrative sources, history of art, and even economic history. Obviously, the texts are of different scholarly level. Some of them are products of prospective or even defended doctoral theses, others represent graduate or even undergraduate academic level, and others again have been written by researchers, academic colleagues with a longer professional experience. Despite all differences regarding length, the-matic variety, diverse methodological approaches, all papers presented in the recent volume are supposed to be either a beginning or a new step of individual research interests.Finally, I would like to express my acknowledgment to the co-editors of the book, Dr. Gábor Barabás, Research Assistant at the Department of Medieval and Early Modern History, and Zsolt Máté, PhD student at the Department of Contemporary History, who, despite their different research interests, helped enthusiastically to find financial resources to organize the meeting and cover edition costs. Without their consilium and auxilium neither the workshop nor this volume could have been organized and edited. Last but not least, I have to express my gratitude to the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Pécs for hosting the work-shop in the academic facilities. Studies IntroductionThe description of Saint Adalbert and Bruno of Querfurt's missions and of the events linked to them in the third book of the Chronicle written in the eleventh century by Adémar de Chabannes is one of the most problematic sources concerning the oldest history of Poland and Hungary. For a long time, this fragment was often considered as a twelfth century interpolation and scholars gave little credit to this account; moreover, the presence of numerous mistakes and confusions in Adémar's work also contributed to enhance this lack of trust. However, we can see in the most recent history of the scholar discussion on this text that its authenticity is now widely recognized thanks to codilogical and paleographical discoveries. We can also notice a significant rise of the interest for this text: several scholars focussed on the episode of the donation of Charlemagne's golden throne to Bolesław I of Poland by the emperor Otto III and on the "story of the lance" 1 but other specialists also studied the description of Saint Adalbert's mission. However, Adémar of Chabannes' presentation of Central Europe received less attention from the historians, even though they often underlined the numerous mistakes made by the chronicler.In spite of this situation, an analysis of the information concerning Poland and Hungary in the 31 st chapter of the third book of Adémar de Chabannes' Chronicle can bring some interesting results, especially if we take into consideration the origin of this author. He lived indeed very far from the described areas, much further than Thietmar of Merseburg for instance; we shall then examine the influence of this situation on his text, and his examination must be completed by a reflexion on the nature of the sources he could have at his disposal. In order to answer to those questions, the first part of our study will analyse Adémar's historical and geographical description of Poland and Hungary at the turn of the first and the second millennium A. D, whereas the second part will try to determine the nature of the sources used by the chronicler, a task which we will lead us to examine carefully the link between Adémar's chronicle and the now lost Liber de passione sancti Adalberti. I. Informations about Poland and Hungary in Adémar's Chronicle.The fragment concerning Central Europe in the 31st chapter of the third book of Adémar de Chabannes' Chronicle begins with the presentation of the two mains protagonists: Saint Adalbert et Bruno de Querfurt, who the author seems to confuse with Bruno of Augsburg (and to a lesser extent with Bruno of Saint Gall). Adémar continues his parallel narration since he describes the modest way of life of Adalbert, his conversation with the emperor Otto III and its decision to go the polliana provincia; he relates also Bruno's decision to go to mission to the province of White Hungary, which according to our chronicler is called this way in order not to be confused with Black Hungary, whose inhabitants are "of the same dark colour as the Ethiopians".After that, our author focussed once more on Adalbert. He mentions that the former Bishop of Prague (for Adémar: archbishop) converted four provinces to faith: "Polliana", "Sclavania", "Waredonia", and "Cracovia", and he also describes his martyrdom by the Pincenati. Our chronicler also underlines the fact that his body was finally acquired by "the king of Sclavania Botesclavus", which must of course be identified with Boleslas the Brave, first king of Poland. Adémar then returns to Bruno and ascribes to him the conversion of Russia, the baptism of the king of Hungary Gouz/Stephen, an association of name which proves that Adémar confused Saint Stephen of Hungary with his father Géza. He also adds that in this occasion the Emperor Otto gave Stephen the spear of Saint Maurice and a Nail of the Holy Cross. After this, the chronicler describes Bruno's mission to the Pincenati, his martyrdom and the fate of his remains.Adémar relates then the miraculous way in which Charlemagne's tomb was found by Otto the Third and reports that Otto sent Charlemagne's Golden Throne to the king Botesclavus, in order to get a relic from Saint Adalbert; our chronicler finally mentions that king Botesclavus accepted this gift and sent him one arm of the former bishop of Prague. 2 This short description of the text proves that Adémar's knowledge of the territories located East of the Ottonians Lands is quite weak. He does mention neither rivers nor mountains from this area and presents all the political entities, be it duchy, kingdom or even lands inhabited by pagan tribes, using the word "provintia", which suggests a lack of knowledge about the real nature of those territories. Moreover, his sentence about Bruno's conversion of Russia is not clear and some researchers stated that our chronicler saw Russia as a part of Hungary. His knowledge of the pagan tribes is not better since he obviously confuses the Prussians and the Petchenegs. We must finally underline that he mentions only one town, Prague, (in Adémar's work: Pragra) which he located "in provintia Bevehem" (Bohemia); we must also note that Prague appears twice in that fragment, the first time as a civitas, the second time as an urbs, which might suggest that Adémar did not really know how to describe the capital city of the Přemyslid state.other terms, but the mention that its king was Botesclavus suggest it refers to some area ruled by Boleslas the Brave. However, the most enigmatic name mentioned by Adémar in his list of the lands christianised by Adalbert is clearly the third one, that is to say "Waredonia": some researchers, like the editors of the Chronicle in the MGH, suggested that it could be distorted form of the word Wenedonia (land of the Veneds/Vends=Western Slavs), whereas others try to link it to the Varangians, but it is also possible that this word has another meaning: it could indeed be linked with the river Warta, 4 which is mentioned in Thietmar's Chronicle as the limit of the territories for which Mieszko I had to pay a tribute to the emperor. 5 The list of lands christianised by Adalbert according to Adémar of Chabannes remains thus a puzzle quite difficult to solve, but we must add that geographical precision was clearly not our chronicler's priority when he wrote this list. As already underlined by several researchers, like for instance the author of the introduction to the last edition of Adémar's Chronicle Pascale Bourgain, the whole fragment concerning Saint Adalbert and Bruno of Querfurt has a rather strong hagiographical character. 6 In this context, the environment of the missionaries was by far less important that their actions or the circumstances of their deaths. Therefore, this enigmatic list must also be analysed from this point of 4 Hypothesis proposed by Dr Rafał Simiński during an informal discussion in Środa Śląska the 24th of October 2008 after my paper for the conference "Terra cognita" organised by the university of Wrocław. 5 Thietmari Chronicon II, 19. 6 Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon, introduction LVIII. view; with this new angle, the most important element appears to be not the lands in themselves but their number, 7 and we must keep in mind fact that our chronicler himself clearly indicates this number ("[…] quattuor istas provincias"). The number four has indeed a very strong symbolical meaning associated with the idea of universality, and examples of geographical description construction in four parts in order to suggest universality are well known around the year 1000: we can quote for instance the famous miniature of the Evangeliar of Reichenau, which displays an allegoric presentation of (from left to right) Sclavinia, Germania, Gallia and Roma, 8 or the famous text of Gerbert of Aurillac containing the exclamation: "nostrum, nostrum est imperium Romanum!" and a list mentioning Italia, Gallia, Germania and "the powerful kingdom of the Scythes". 9 In this context the presence of four elements in the list has to prove the importance of the Christianisation work of Adalbert and to present him as kind of "Apostle of the Slavs"; however, the question of the real meaning of the geographical terms was clearly far less important for our chronicler. II. Adémar's sources and the problem of the Liber de passione sancti Adalberti.Although Hungary and Poland are mainly the background of the story of Adalbert and Bruno and the precise description of those areas was not a priority for Adémar, this fact in itself does not explain all the confusions and inexact elements of this fragment. This situation is clearly linked with the sources used by our chronicler, and a significant number of specialists affirm that Adémar was informed orally by some foreign travellers: Pascale Bourgain suggests that Adémar's informator could have been some German clerk, who would have also informed him about the foundation of the bishopric of Bamberg in 1007, 10 whereas Darius Baronas states that it could have two Greek monks from the Sinai. 11 However, we cannot exclude the possibility that Adémar's owned at least a part of this information to one participant of the pilgrimage of the Count of Angoulême, who travelled to Holy Land via Bavaria and Hungary and whose greeting in Hungary by the king Stephen is mentioned in one of the last chapters of Adémar's work. 12 The 31 st chapter of the third book Ademar's Chronicle is also frequently mentioned as one of the works influenced by the so called "Liber de passione sancti Adalberti" quoted by the chronicler Gallus Anonymus in his description of the encounter of Gniezno between Otto the Third and Boleslas the 10 Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon, introduction LVII-LVIII and LXIX. 11 Darius Baronas, The year 1009: St Bruno of Querfurt between Poland and Rus, Journal of Mediaeval history 34 (2008) 13. 12 Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon III, 65. Brave. 13 We can indeed find some similarities between the text of Adémar and the work of the Gallus Anonymus, 14 13 […] sicut in libro de passione martiris potest propensius inveniri. -Galli Anonymi Chronicae et Gesta ducum sive principum Polonorum, ed. K. Maleczyński, in MPHSN 2 (Kraków, 1952) The comparison of those two texts shows two main analogies, but also two important differences.The first analogy is of course the fact that spear by the Emperor is presented by both authors as the spear of Saint Maurice and that the spear came with a nail from the Holy cross; the second one is the mention by both texts that Boleslas the Brave gave an arm of Adalbert to the emperor.The first main difference is the identity of the person who receives the spear given by the Emperor: for Adémar, it was Saint Stephen of Hungary, whereas the Gallus Anonymus states that it was Boleslas the Brave. The second difference, which is linked to the first, concerns the nature of the gift given by the Emperor to Boleslas the Brave: according to Adémar, the Piast ruler received the golden throne of Charlemagne but the Gallus Anonymus mentions that the gift given to Boleslas was the spear of Saint Maurice.The presence in both chronicles of the same description of the spear and of the mention that Boleslas gave the arm of Saint Adalbert to the Emperor helps us to determinate the origin of those information: since they both appear only in our two chronicles, they probably come from the only source which seems to have been used by both authors, namely the so-called Liber de passione sancti Adalberti, which is now lost but whose existence and use by Adémar de Chabannes and the Gallus Anonymus are accepted by a majority of researchers. The work of the anonymous chronicler being more reliable that Adémar's chronicle in that matter, we can then conclude that this in all likelihood, the lost Liber de Passione contained a description of the encounter between Boleslas and Otto the Third during which the Polish ruler gave the arm of Adalbert to the emperor who gave him a spear, which was probably described in this lost source as the spear of Saint Maurice with the nail of the Holy Cross.However, this attempt of reconstitution does not really explain why Adémar wrote that the Emperor gave the spear to Saint Stephen and the Golden throne of Charlemagne to Boleslas. In his monography on the chronicle of the Gallus Anonymus, Dániel Bagi wrote that it is unlikely the Liber de passione described the gift of both a Polish and a Hungarian spear but he adds that theoretically this possibility cannot be ruled out and he underlines that since we do not know the text of the Liber de passione, we can only make suppositions 15 . With those methodological warnings in mind, I would like to present here a possible scenario for the explanation of the differences between the fragment written by Adémar and its counterpart into Gallus's Chronicle.As already mentioned above, in the chapter 65 of his last book, Adémar describes the pilgrimage of the Count of Angoulême in 1026, and mentions that he was greeted in Hungary by the king Stephen. 16 It is then possible that Adémar 15 Dániel Bagi, Królowie węgierscy, 83. 16 "Stephanus rex Ungriae cum omni honore eum suscepit et muneribus ditavit." -Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon III, 65. was informed by one member of the retinue of the Count, who stopped at Limoges (moreover, we shall also keep in mind that Ademar has been monk at Saint Cybard d'Angoulême and had close ties with town), 17 that the Hungarian king had a spear as an insigne of power, a fact that is clearly proven by Saint Stephen's portrayal on the casula of Székesfehérvár, which however was embroidered only in 1031, 18 and by the denary bearing the inscription LANCEA REGIS. 19 On the other hand, Adémar probably knew the account of the Liber de passione concerning the encounter between Otto the third and Boleslas the Brave, although it is likely his source of knowledge came from oral transmission, perhaps from the same person that would have informed him about the foundation of the bishopric of Bamberg, although it is not certain. We can then propose the hypothesis that our chronicler saw an apparent contra-diction in those two accounts and try to correct it by attributing the spear given to Saint Stephen of Hungary; However this would have let Boleslas without present and this could explain why 17 Adémar ascribed him the throne of Charlemagne, an element which appears only in Adémar's chronicle but which is obviously based on the opening of Charlemagne by Otto the third, a fact documented by Thietmar's Chronicle, 20 and that Adémar could have heard of from one his sources. III. ConclusionAs the present communication aimed to show, the analysis of the information concerning Poland and Hungary given in the 31 st chapter of the third book of Adémar's Chronicle in order to determine their sources is a very difficult task, not only because of the numerous mistakes contained in this fragment, but also of its nature and of its author's goals. The rather marked hagiographical dimension of this chapter has been indeed stressed by some specialists of Adémar's works and the remarks made above lead us to confirm this view. The tone of this fragment is of course to be put in relationship with the use of a hagiographical source such as the so-called Liber de Passione Sancti Adalberti by our chronicler, although he had probably only an indirect access to this text. It is also likely that Adémar had more than one source of information about the lands in which Saint Adalbert and Bruno of Querfurt led their missions around the year 1000; this "double channel" would explains some particularities of the text, like for instance the differences between Adémar's version of the "story of the spear" and the version of this event in the 20 Thietmari Chronicon IV, 29. chronicle of the Gallus Anonymus, but this seducing hypothesis does not explain all the singularities of this fragment. Bibliography Sources Editions and traductions of Adémar's ChronicleAdemari Cabannensis Chronicon, ed. Pascale Bourgain. Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis vol. 129 (Turnhout, 1999).Adémar de Chabannes, Chronique, ed. Yves Chauvin -Georges Pon, (Turnhout, 2003). Marta Graczyńska Jagellonian University, CracowThe Cathedrals -The Problem of Place and Space: Origins and Reasons of their Existence in Central Europe (Hungary, Bohemia and Poland)One of the most important and fundamental places related to the Christian liturgy are cathedrals. Since the beginning of Christianity, due to their function, cathedrals have played an essential role for religious communities. Each cathedral was reserve of a bishop -the only person who was entitled to administer the sacraments of baptism, marriage, and confirmation. Bishops' duties also included the administration of the priesthood sacrament and taking a care of the lower clergy. Apart from the ecclesiastical responsibilities, a bishop also had legislative duties -his authority extended over all of the faithful within his diocese. 1 And thus it is explained why that the Greek term ἐπίσκοπος (bishop) means also: a 1 I.e. Jerzy Strzelczyk, "Niektóre problemy chrystianizacji Europy wczesnośredniowiecznej" [Christianization of Europe. Selected Issues], in Nihil super fluum esse. Prace z dziejów średniowiecza ofiarowane prof. J. Krzyżaniakowej, ed. J. Strzelczyk -J. Dobosz (Poznań, 2000) 51-73. guardian, protector, supervisor. To become a bishop one had to be at least thirty years old. 2 And as mentioned above, the place associated with a bishop was a cathedral (Greek: καθέδρα). 3 In a literal translation, a bishop was 'sitting on the cathedral' -a term deriving from the fact that originally the world 'cathedral' referred only to a chair or a throne raised above floor level. Gradually, with time, the term was transferred to the building in which the chair/throne was located. We can suppose that during the development and growth of Christianity, in the areas that used to belong to the Roman Empire, bishops and the places of their governance were one of the most important elements of the social order.The 7 th century Church organisation, in the 10 th century expanded further East -to the newly Christianised areas of Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland. The three states had been undergoing some rapid social, cultural, and political changes already since the mid-9 th century, due to both external and internal impulses, pressures, and forces. One of dynamic factors was the introduction of Christianity -an element that left a very distinctive mark on these countries. Dukes of the ruling dynasties in these states. i.e. Arpads, Premyslids, and Piasts, adopted Christianity and opened their countries to transformation. The religious change required the creation of suitable and right conditions for conducting evangelisation of the subjected to the dukes' peoples, which included creating for each area the archbishop's metropolis and dioceses.The creation of sovereign Church organizations in the Piasts and Arpads' states after the year 1000 significantly influenced the prestige of the rulers -and thus it also changed the meaning of the rule itself. The changes occurred also in places chosen as the seats of bishops; as these became centres for the most important elements of power at that time -secular, belonging to a duke or a king; and religious, tied with the office of a bishop. 4 The described process was reflected in the architectural forms of palatia, episcopia, and churches. Remains of bishops and dukes' palaces (palatia and episcopia) either are not preserved or have not been discovered yet; 5 and thus, the structures available for study (archaeology-wise and by historians of art) are the churches. Importantly, often-times the churches consisted not only of single buildings, but formed so called cathedral groups/complexes -a baptistery and smaller churches concentrated around a Canonical cathedral. 6 The founders of the churches were in general secular rulers -they were also responsible for the maintenance of these religious buildings. 7 For them the cathedrals were not only the seats for bishopric responsibilities and authority, but also and in fact mainly they were for the rules the places for ostentation and for legitimating and of their secular power. 8 In the main, the churches were erected within relatively narrow span of time after setting the metropolis. But as indicated by archaeological research, the establishment of a bishopric was not synonymous in time with the commencement of its church construction (i.e. of a cathedral). Such information comes from the dating of archaeological remains (scientific absolute dating, stratigraphy, and ceramic pottery dating) when compared with written sources (for instance: information about a date of the consecration of a church or of its main altar). 9 It is worth pointing out here an important factor strongly influencing the available for the study information. Analyses of cathedrals centres history show that, due to for instance a fire and wars, the religious buildings were often subjected to considerable destructions. But their very important function -a visible sign of a ruler's sovereignty -influenced decisions of their sometimes repetitive reconstruction and rebuilding. And thus appeared stratigraphical architectural complexes, with phases of the same building erected above and on remains of the previous ones. This is also one of the reasons why archaeological excavation in cathedrals are truly difficult to conduct and frequently the research is not possible. The negative excavation conditions naturally contribute to sometimes uncertain and inconclusive recognition and interpretation of the examined remains.The independent province of Church organisation in the Arpads state was created in the year 1001. Before this moment, between 997 and 1001, the bishopric in Veszprem was created. It is assumed it have been a part of the archbishopric of Salzburg. 10 On the basis of establishing archbishopric in Esztergom (1001) a network of subordinate bishoprics with the seats in Veszprém, Győr, Eger was formed. After 1009 next bishoprics seats were created, in Kalocsa (as a titular archbishopric till the beginning of the 1160's), Győr, Pécs, Eger was formed. 11 The network structure became denser since the 1040s, with the founding of bishoprics in Alba Iulia, Bihar, Csanád, Vác, Nitra, and between 1087-1091 in Zagreb, the last bishopric seat was created.The forms of cathedrals erected in theses centres are known mainly from the results of archaeological excavation that started at the beginning of the 19 th century and some of these still carry on till nowadays. 12 The archaeological work resulted in uncovering remains of cathedrals in Esztergom, Kalocsa, Veszprém, Pécs, Eger, Alba Iulia, and Vác (dated to 11 th century). Remains of other cathedrals -as they are known to exist from written and from iconographic sources -have not yet been uncovered (i.e. Csanád). Even though, the archaeological excavations revealed only fragments of the architectural complexes, we are still able to establish in approximation the original form of the early-Arpads cathedrals. 13 They were three-aisles basilicas, but excluding the case of Kalocsa where the numbers of aisles are still under discussion. 14 The forms of their eastern parts can be divided into two types. The first had all three naves ended with apses (as in Esztergom, Eger, and probably also in Vác 15 ). In this Ecclesiastical Province], in Lux Pannonie. Esztergom az ezer éves kulturális metropolis, ed. I. Horváth (Esztergom 2001) 57-63. 12 Béla Zsolt Szakács, "The Research on Romanseque Architecture in Hungary: A Critical Overview of the Last Twenty Years", Arte Medievale 4 (2005) 31-44. 13 Béla Zsolt Szakács, "Cathedrals in the Early XIII th Century in Hungary", in Secolul al XIII-lea. Pe Meleagurile Locuite de Către Români, ed. A. A. Rusu (Cluj-Napoca, 2006) 179-205. 14 Current, unpublished fieldwork results by Gergely Buzás. 15 Gergely Buzás, "Pest megye középkori művészeti emlékei" [The Medieval Art Remains of Pest County], in Pest megye monográfiája I/2, ed. A. Zsoldos (Budapest, 2001) 223-254. case the apses' walls were transferring each other smoothly without any faults and distinctions in their course. Each apse's diameter was equal to its adjacent nave's width. In the central nave there was also a choir -elevated a few steps above the level of the church; this part was probably also separated from the flanking aisles. In the second type (buildings in Veszprém, Kalocsa, Pécs -1 st Phase, and Alba Iulia) only the main nave ended with an apse with the diameter equal to the nave's width. The side naves probably ended with straight walls. Because of the considerable destruction of the described buildings, at this stage of the archaeological research it is not possible to establish the internal spatial outlines of their choirs. The bodies of the naves all of the basilicas were simple, without a transept or towers. The western parts of the early-Aprads' cathedrals also represented two main formal types. 16 They had either straight, closed façades (as in Veszprém, Pécs, Alba Iulia, Eger) or expanded westworks (as in Kalocsa, Esztergom, and Vác). The spatial outline of the westworks had various forms. In Vác in the western part, on the axis of the main nave there was a closed hall crypt, visible as an apse in the external walls. Due to considerable destruction of the church, we cannot tell if the apse was flanked by a pair of towers. Another architectural design was applied in Kalocsa. But for this foundation there are currently two interpretations of the uncovered remains. Researchers conclude that in this place the western part consisted either of a pair of towers, or with two pairs of towers. Due to the above mentioned destruction of the remains, it is not yet possible to reconstruct the internal outline of the cathedral at Kalocsa. 17 The Bohemian (Czech) diocese had already been formed by the end of the 10 th century. But throughout the whole of the 11 th century it was not an independent province of the Church. The seat of the bishop was located in Prague. The erected building that was to be the bishop's church, also had the three-aisled basilica form. Both parts (western and eastern) of the cathedral had an expanded formal spatial outline. The aisles ended with apses. The central nave ended with a choir with an eastwards extending presbytery that ended with an apse -additionally, this part of the building was elevated above the floor level of church by a hall crypt (located underneath the nave). The western part of the church consisted of a transept and a western choir, which ended with an apse and was elevated above the naves' level. Also, in this part of the church had towers, located on the eastern side of the transept. 18 The independent province of the Church organisation in the lands ruled by the Piast Dynasty was an outcome of the Gniezno Meeting in the year 1000. Due to the set up agreement established there, the seat of the archdiocese became Gniezno with subjected dioceses in Kraków, Kołobrzeg, and 17 Imre Henszlmann, Die Grabungen des Erzbischofs von Kalocsa Dr. Ludwig Haynald (Leipzig, 1873). 18 Jan Frolík -Jana Mařikova-Kubková -Eliška Růžičková -Antonín Zeman, "Nejstarší sakrální architektura Pražského hradu. Výpověď archeologických pramenů" [The Oldest Religious Architecture of Prague Castle. Termination of Archaeological Sources], Castrum Pragense 3 (2000) 203-207, 289-353. Wrocław, while the bishopric of Poznań was temporarily exempted from Gniezno's jurisdiction. 19 Then, by the end of the 11 th century, a bishopric in Płock was created.The results of archaeological research at most of the above listed places, the cathedrals were erected soon after the bishops were appointed. The setting in Kołobrzeg is still unknown, while interpretation of architectural remains uncovered in Wrocław raises numerous questions and controversies. 20 Unfortunately, the centres with uncovered remains of cathedrals have them preserved in conditions, which do not allow for a clear reconstruction of their plans. The cathedrals in Gniezno and in Kraków are known only from very fragmentary remains. In Gniezno the uncovered part of the cathedral contains only an outline of a three-aisled eastern choir -it allows us to establish only the width of the building. In Kraków the surviving remains are so poor that they allow only for formulation of very hypothetical ideas about the cathedral's form. The building was supposed be a three-19 I.e. Gerard Labuda, "Aspekty polityczne i kościelne tzw. "zjazdu gnieźnieńskiego"" [Political and Ecclesiastical Aspects of the so called "Congress of Gniezno"], in Ziemie polskie w X wieku i ich znaczenie w kształtowaniu się nowej mapy Europu, ed. H. Samsonowicz (Kraków, 2000) aisled, transept basilica with the eastern choir ending with three apses.There is a different situation in regards to the uncovered remains of the cathedral at Poznań. After the last verification research the form of the cathedral was outlined very accurately. 21 It was a three-aisled basilica with an expanded formal and spatial structure of both the western and eastern parts. In the eastern part there was a low transept with an elevated choir in the central part. The choir was above a crypt and ended with an apse. The western structure also had a low transept. The uncovered remains allow for reconstruction of the spatial outline in two ways. Either the westwork had a centrally placed tower with a gallery (empore), or it the westwork was without any tower at all. In the central part of the body of the nave there was the main altar of an expanded architectural form.The early-Piasts cathedrals were negatively impacted by the events of the late 1030s. The weakening of the central power and a wave of social unrest destabilised the Church organisation. On the top of that, Bretislaus I, the Premyslid Duke of Bohemia took advantage of the unstable situation by invading and looting parts of the Piasts' state. The destroyed, during the events, seats of bishops in Gniezno, Poznań, and in Wrocław were restored only in the second half of the 11 th century. Even though the bishopric buildings in Kraków were not damaged during the events, they were still 21 Aneta Bukowska, Najstarsza katedra w Poznaniu. Problem formy i jej genezy w kontekście architektury około roku 1000 [The Oldest Cathedral in Poznań. The Problem of the Form and its Origin in the Context of Architecture around the Year 1000] (Kraków, 2013). also rebuilt at that time. The newly constructed complexes were three-aisled basilicas -and that was the only resemblance to the former buildings, because each of the cathedrals used different formal and spatial settings. The cathedral in Gniezno had the plan of transleptless basilica, its eastern part ended with apses. The central part of the choir consisted of an eastwards extending presbytery, which was probably risen a few steps above the church floor level. In the central part of the nave a structure of the confession of St Adalbert (St Wojciech) was constructed. This structure was slightly rebuilt at the end of the 11 th century -its western part of expanded into a two-towered formation. The main form of the cathedral in Poznań did not undergo such considerable changes. Most likely, the western part was rebuilt and expanded. Certainly this phase of the building had a tower structure with a gallery (empore) -and thus the basilica became a double-choired structure.As mentioned above, the cathedral in Kraków underwent changes as well. A section of the old eastern part was used in the new building. The central part changed, as a choir built on a crypt was placed there. The western part was completely remodelled. In this phase, it consisted of a choir that was elevated on a hall-crypt and was flanked by porches and towers. Thus, also this cathedral took the form of a double-choired basilica. Also, from the west an atrium adhered to the complex.In the second half of the 11 th century the cathedral in Płock was constructed. Current information about the building does not allow for a complete reconstruction, but its outlook can be outlined. It was probably a three-aisled, transept basilica. The transept arms and the nave ended with apses with slightly narrower diameters than the width of the naves and side aisles. In such a way both in the external and internal wall setoffs appeared. The western part of the building is not known at all. 22 As we can see from the above presented formal analysis of the 11 th century cathedrals, they presented one architectural type, but with variants. All architectural foundations were three-aisled basilicas. Most of those built in the early-Arpads period are of simple plan. Only in Kolacsa cathedral there had an expanded tower structure. In Vác the western part was also expanded, but the emphasis was put on the interior of the building rather than the external outlook. The single early-Premyslids cathedral in Prague had in its form almost all the architectural elements known at that time -a double-choir and an expanded westwork; both elements influenced the more open character of the internal space. In the case of the early-Piasts cathedrals there was a variety of forms, from a transeptless basilica to the application of quadratische Grundplan.In the spatial and formal structures of the described cathedrals two important elements appear -galleries (empore) and memoria. Both were designed to elevate and underline the importance of individuals related to the cathedrals (i.e. a ruler, who during the liturgy sat in the gallery; and memo-ries of the ones who were buried in the churches). Application of a gallery (empore) can be theoretically deducted as applied in the cathedrals in Kalocsa and Prague, but their existence can be expected more certainly in the cathedrals of Poznań and Kraków. Memoria were built, accordingly to the current state of research, in the cathedrals of Prague, Vác (?), Gniezno, and Poznań. Both structures are highlighted in the architectural space of these cathedrals.We ought to pay attention to the distinction of some of the mentioned elements of cathedrals. One can ask about their purpose and who was influencing the construction process. Can such elements as elevation of choirs above the church's nave floor, incorporation of a gallery (empore) into the space of a westwork, or distinguishing a burial with an architectural structure in the cathedrals tell us something? The examples I wanted to focus on particularly are the complexes in Prague, Gniezno and in Pécs. In all three cases, before the basilica type churches were erected, with the function of cathedral, the same tasks had been entrusted to already existing buildings. In Prague and in Gniezno the earlier buildings were rotundas built in the 10 th century, while in Pécsu there was probably an early Christian church -so called the Cella Septichora. 23 Since the bestowal of status of metropolis to Prague (973), Gniezno (1000) and Pécs (1009), until almost mid-11 th century no new church buildings were erected. Furthermore, both Prague and Gniezno, since they begun turning into bishops' centres, they were already the 23 Gergely Buzás, "A pécsi székesegyházak a román korban" [The Cathedral of Pécs in the Romanesque Era], Archeologia -Altum Castrum Online (2013) 1-43. depositaries of relics. In the Church of St Vitus in Prague remains of St Wenceslaus were placed -the Premyslid Duke of Bohemia. While in Gniezno, in the Rotunda of Virgin Mary, the relics of the Five Martyr Brothers and then the relics of St Adalbert were deposited. After the fire in 1018, the cathedral was rebuilt in a basilica form, but its central point was the memoria erected in the earlier phase. The memoria did not change its place also in further phases of the 11 th century cathedral, i.e. in phases of rebuilding that took place in the 40s, 60s, and 90s of that century. 24 The cathedral in Prague got its form as a developed basilica only by the end of the 11 th century. Earlier on, i.e. 950-1060, the church was a rotunda, which was expanded architecturally. Initially, the rotunda had one apse, but then three more apses were added in the mid-11 th century. Two of the four apses contained burials of saints, and the western apse probably contained a gallery (empore). Only the second half of the 11 th century brought considerable changes to the cathedral outlook. However, it has to be pointed that the former church, i.e. the rotunda, was encompassed and incorporated into the walls of the newly constructed foundation. 25 Other existing buildings on the Hrad (the Castle Hill) did not allow for the old rotunda to be in the central part of the new cathedral and thus it dominated the plan of the eastern part. 24 Tomasz Janiak, "Z badań nad przestrzenią liturgiczną romańskiej katedry w Gnieźnie" [Research of the Liturgical Space of the Romaesque Cathedral of Gniezno], in Architektura romańska w Polsce. Nowe interpretacje i spojżenia, ed. T. Janiak (Gniezno, 2009) 129-174. 25 Frolík -Mařikova-Kubková -Růžičková -Zeman, "Nejstarší sakrální architektura", 145-208.The situation in Pécs, where no relicts were held, was slightly different. The basilica type cathedral erected in Pécs in 1040s, contained the burial of its founder Peter Orseolo. The cathedral was built at a distance from the older Cella Septichoria and was not linked to its form. A similar archi-tectural solution was applied in the cathedral foun-dation in Poznań, where in the already existing basilica, near the Altar of the Holy Cross, burials of the rulers were placed. And as shown by the recent research in Kalocsa, also in this case the burial of its founder, bishop Astrik, was located in the central nave, just before the altar. 26 Also in all of the churches (except for Pécs -as no remains are preserved to examine) erected just after mid 11 th century, the westworks containing a gallery (empore) were applied. Information inferred from available plans of cathedrals, i.e. a bipolarity or emphasis on the western part and the medio ecclesae, seems to underline the permanent presence of the sanctified power. The power that was obtained either by a martyr's death (St Wenceslus and St Adalbert -in Prague and in Gniezno), or by episcopal ordination (St Adalbert in Gniezno and in Prague, Astrik in Kalocsa), or finally by the royal anointment. Of course not all founders of cathedrals at the time had a crown, but certainly each one was striving for one. Their ambitions were illustrated in the architecture of the cathedrals -the seats of bishops authority, which could and did provide an adequate setting for the rulers who were aspiring to be accepted into the circle of the Christian kings. Bibliography: Secondary literatureFrolík, Jan -Mařikova-Kubková, Jana -Růžičková, Eliška -Zeman, Antonín, "Nejstarší sakrální architektura Pražského hradu. Výpověď archeologických pramenů" [The Oldest Religious Architecture of Prague Castle. Termination of Archaeological Sources], Castrum Pragense 3 (Praha, 2000). Bernadett Benei Hungarian Academy of SciencesContributions to the Study of the 11-12 th Century Texts of the Hungarian Chronicle I. Historiographical introductionIn the beginning of this paper about the results of my grammatical studies on the Hungarian Chronicle's 11-12 th century texts, I would like to shortly discribe the relevant theories of the Hungarian historiography. Many mediavelists have already treated the texts, mostly lexical and stilistical studies have been done. Most of the historians agreed with the so-called ancient-gesta 1 which was either written during the age of Saint Ladislas (1077-1095) or Coloman (1095-1116), and was continued in the 12 th century during the reign of Stephen II (1116-1131) and the Álmosline kings, maybe under the reign of Géza II (1141-1161).There are medievalists who claim the possibility of another chronicle redaction in the end of the 12 th or at the 1 In connection with the formation of the ancient gesta there are different theories. János Horváth Ifj. thought that it might have been written during the reign of Andrew I. (1046-1060). According to József Gerics it might have been created in the era of Solomon (1063-1077). Bálint Hóman hypothesized that the ancient gesta is from the late Ladislas-era (ca. 1090). György Györffy and Gyula Kristó thought that it might have been written during the reign of Coloman (1095-1116). Madzsar Imre placed the formation of this historical work to later ages, to the reign of Géza the II (1141-1162).beginning of the 13 th century. Gyula Pauler studied lexically the 11-12 th century texts in the end of the 19 th century and declared that the author of the chronicle told different episodes with similar phrases. 2 From these he thought that during the reign of Béla III or in the beginning of the 13 th century the chronicle might have been redacted. Other evidence for the redaction can be found in the character of Saint Ladislas in the chronicle, who has the attributes of the saints: has visions and does miracles. In the Middle Ages it was highly unlikely that somebody is discribed as a saint in his life, so this part of the chronicle should have been written circa 1192, when Ladislas was canonized. If it's true, as Gábor Thorockay also thinks, then maybe the chronicle has given the source of the Ladislaslegends. 3 Kornél Szovák studied chapter 139 of the chronicle which revealed the usage of the word tetrarche in the following expression: duces et tetrarche Theutonicorum cunctique barones et optimates. Since this is about Ladislas's election, according to Szovák, the word might refer to the form of government of the Latin Empire of Constantinople in the 13 th century. 4 Lajos J. Csóka derived the first Hungarian historical summary from a monk of Pannonhalma. 5 Paradoxically, we don't know much about Anonymus, even though his work, the Gesta Hungarorum from the 12-13 th century, is fully preserved and available for studies. Gyula Kristó compared lexically and stilistically the Gesta Hungarorum with the Hungarian Chronicle and found similarities in 10 subjects, as follows: the idea of knighthood; xenophobia; clan-names; understanding of the Civil Law, paying attention to juridical questions; diploma-formulas; awareness of the Troian story; schooling, knowledge of the university-system; usage of external works; characterizations; rarely used phrases and narrative modus. Based on these results, Kristó in 1994 built up a theory which says that a contemporary of Anonymus, perhaps a monk, who might have studied at one of the western-european universities, maybe in France, took the ancient gesta and its continuations, and redacted the texts according to his own conception. This means that the chronicle, as we know it today, is the work of one author from the end of the 12 th or the beginning of the 13 th century. 6 5 Nobody has examined the texts gramatically until now, although the method isn't unknown to the mediavelists in Hungary. During my Phd studies I attemp to fulfil these examinations and affirm or contradict the theories built up by Gyula Kristó and others, and to do so, I will examine the different linguistic usages in the chronicle. I have began my researches with studying the participial constructions: accusative and nominative cum infinitivo and ablative absolutus. II. The usage of the accusative and nominative cum infinitivo in the Middle Ages and in HungaryI would like to start with the description of the usage of the accusative and the nominative cum infinitivo in the classical Latin. A typical trait of Medieval Latin is that clauses with conjunction can be used instead of the accusative or nominative cum infinitivo from the Age of Emperors' Latin. For example instead of video patrem venire, there stood video, quod pater meus venisset. This fact, that in the late antiquity the accusative and nominative cum infinitivo lost their substantiality, is connected to the effect of the Biblical Greek language. 7 The Greek conjunction οτί had the same causal meaning as the Latin quod or quia. 8 The usage of the clause introduced with a conjunction gradually conquered space primarily among early Christian authors. However this usage hasn't squeezed out totally the accusative and of the Old Hungarian Gesta in the Early 13 th Century], Századok 149 (2015) 301-332. 7 Stotz, Handbuch 394. 8 Ibid.,403. nominative cum infinitivo. There weren't strict grammatical rules in connection with these constructions in the Middle Ages, the usage depended on the author and on the kind of text he wanted to create. For example, in his sermons, Saint Augustine used clauses introduced with conjunctions more frequently than the accusative cum infinitivo or the nominative cum infinitivo, because it stood much closer to the spoken language. However, Tertullian and Ciprian have preferred the accusative cum infinitivo and the nominative cum infinitivo in their works, but made exception, when they citated the Bible. 9 Researches have shown that from the 9 th to the 12 th centuries in the medieval Latin texts used three to seven times more accusative cum infinitivo or nominative cum infinitivo than clauses introduced with conjunction. 10 According to Peter Stotz after the 12 th century this rate has shifted in favour of the clauses introduced with conjunction. This can be explained with the more practical linguistic usage of the scholasticism (dicendum quod, notandum quod). These rates of the accusative or nominative cum infinitivo and clauses may be an important and useful pointer to clarify the issue of the formation of the text, and also show how an author's attitude was towards the ancient language standards. 11 Analyzing the language of the Major Legend of Saint Stephen, Tamás Körmendi demonstrated, that the author of the legend used the clause introduced with conjunction only twice, in the other 31 cases he used the accusative cum infinitivo. This proves that the author of the Major Legend kept himself to the rules of the classic grammatical standards, and disliked the medieval clause-drafting. There aren't any nominative cum infinitivo in the Major Legend. 12 In connection with the Chronicle's 14 th century continuation during the Angevin-era, which was analyzed by Szilvia Somogyi, it is easy to observe that its text followed the classic grammatical standards. 13 Because of the easier handling of the text I have divided it into 5 parts according to the kings:1. to notice that there are lot of clauses introduced with conjunctions in it's text. In 44 cases the clauses are introduced with quod, in 35 cases with ut, in two cases with quia, and in 4 cases without a conjunction were the clauses drafted.We can get however somewhat more nuanced picture if we individually group the chapters of the chronicle according to their usage of the grammatical constructions. Then we have 4 kinds of groups. The first one consists of those chronicle chapters which follow the classic grammatical standards, use correctly the accusative cum infinitivo. The second group's chapters use instead of accusative cum infinitivo just clauses introduced with conjunction. The third group consists of those chapters which mixed the mentioned usages, and in the fourth group there are those chapters which don't have accusative cum infinitivos or clauses introduced with conjunctions. 24 chapters of the chronicle use the accusative cum infinitivo in accordance with the grammatical rules. 18 chapters just use clasuses introduced with conjunction, in 27 chapters can be found both constructions, and in 27 chapters (ca. the quarter of the hole text) there aren't any accusative cum infinitivos or clauses. Three of the mentioned divided parts have all types, approximately in equal proportions. There are two exceptions, the first part, which is about the reigns of Saint Stephen, Peter Orseolo and Samuel Aba, which contains only one clause introduced with conjunction. The other exception is the last part, which is about the reigns of the Álmos-line kings. It hasn't got a chapter, which uses just accusative cum infinitivo.It is evident that there are consecutive chapters that form coherent units. Any at least three successive chapters which share the usage or non-usage of the accusative cum infinitivo can be considered as such. Although overall can be found more accusative cum infinitivos than clauses introduced with conjunctions in the texts, there aren't any 3-chapter units which use only these constructions. There are though 4 units which use accusative cum infinitivo, but each consist of only two chapters. There are two sections in the analyzed part of the chronicle which are purely medieval and which respond to all the above criteria. Both of them feature in the part about the reigns of Solomon, Géza I and Saint Ladislas. (c. 97-99: Solomon and the dukes make peace thank to the mediation of bishop Desiderius (Dezső); c. 122-126.: battle of Mogyoród, vision of Saint Ladislas, the coronation of Géza I). This proves, according to Peter Stotz's statement, that the number of the clauses introduced with conjunctions has increased in medieval Latin texts in the end of the 12 th century. So, Gyula Pauler might be right, and these chapters were written in the end of the 12 th century, after Saint Ladislas was canonized.Coming to the chapters 97-99, we have to state that in chapter 98 appears bishop Desiderius, who mediated between Solomon and the dukes. According to Lajos J. Csóka, this bishop's role is strikingly similar to Desiderius Chanadian bishop's mediator activity from the 13 th century, whose name can be found in the diploma of Pannonhalma, which dates back to 1213. The author of the chronicle might used this 13 th century bishop as a model for the role of the bishop of the chronicle. 14 So these chapters might have been created in the beginning of the 13 th century based on the usage of the clasuses introduced with conjunction. Although chapter 139 analyzed by Kornél Szovák is standing alone, it's medieval constuctions allow us to presume that this chapter is also an interlining from the mentioned period.It's a characteristic of the chronicle that in the whole text the accusative cum infinitivos with participium imperfectum activi can be found in the position of the verbum regens:Aba audiens Petrum ab Hungaris derelictum et ab Herrico … susceptum (326,[7][8]; 15 cesar… videns… periculis se esse perplexum (349, 11); 16 videntes agmina ducis fugere (384, 19-20.); 17 dicens regem Hungariae esse hominem suum (440, 2-3.); 18 credentes ipsum esse filium regis Colomani (448,[5][6]. 19 Based on these constructions we may assume one author.The whole text contains only 12 nominative cum infinitivos or equivalent clauses. In 10 cases were used nominative cum infinitivo in accordance with the classic grammatical standards and in two cases clauses were used. Both of them has the quod as a conjunction. In the first third of the text can be found half of the nominative cum infinitivos. The two clauses with the quod are in the part about Solomon, Géza I and Saint Ladislas: notatur, quod fides in mulieribus non sit (369, 6.); 20 videtur michi, quod tu fidelis sis duci (387, 4-5.). 21 14 Csóka,A latin nyelvű,528,544,554,[549][550][551]559,560. 15 SRH I. 326. 16 Ibid.,349. 17 SRH I. 384. 18 Ibid.,440. 19 Ibid.,448. 20 Ibid.,369. 21 Ibid.,387. There are also two regular constructions in this part, both of them in chapter 121. There is one nominative cum infinitivo in each last two parts of the chronicle. It can be stated that except two cases the author of the chronicle has followed the classic Latin grammatical rules. Based on these structures, not so much can be declared in connection with the authorship, since this number of the constructions isn't significant. However, if we consider the distribution of the constructions, visibly the first third of the chronicle's text abounds with nominave cum infinitivo, compared to the last two thirds. This fact does not serve as enough evidence to declare that the chronicle is a work of more authors, rather consider an imprint of an early drafting, which is incorporated into the text we know today. III. The usage of the ablative absolutus in the Middle Ages and in HungaryThe ablative absolutus (participium absolutum) -similarly to the accusative cum infinitivo -stood for abbreviating clauses. The construction was used very frequently in medieval Latin. The ablative absolutus like in ancient times, was used when the noun in ablative case corresponded with the mainclause's subjective. 22 Frequently occured that the noun corresponded with the main-clause's object: congregato omni populo… interrogavit eos. 23 Many times the object wasn't named in the main-clause, so it had to be deduced from the 22 Stotz, Handbuch, 261-262. 23 Ibid.,262. ablative absolutus: destructis omnibus his locis hicque (eos/ea) mutavit in melius. 24 The phrase in ablative absolutus, frequently with a noun or a pronoun in dative case, connected to the main caluse's predication: abiit Reinardus, fratre relicto nil absens (sc.ei) misit. 25 In late antiquity and in medieval Latin the subject of the ablative absolutus was often omitted, if it was possible to complete it depending on the meaning of the whole sentence: respondentibus 'etiam' ostendi sibi expostulat. 26 Sometimes the participal element of the ablative absolutus is a neutral participium perfectum, in this case it's a verb intransitive (valedicto recessit), or a subjunctive accusative cum infinitivo or clause introduced with conjunction (is cum diaconum vidisset, cognito, quod Romanus esset). 27 It can be seen from the example, that in the participal position frequently stands the trained form of verbs, which expresses information and perception: cognito, audito, viso.The author of the Major Legend of Saint Stephen used the ablative absolutus 43 times in his text, except one case these constructions fitted with the classic grammatical standards. The exception is irregular in form: instead of the -e ending of the participal element of the ablative absolutus, he has usedi: tempore sue predestinationis iam instanti. The ablative absolutus constructions were used for abbreviating time clauses, causal clauses and modical clauses. The author has never abbreviated conditional or concessive subordinations, his constuctions were conventionally formed. 28 The author 24 Ibid., 262. 25 Ibid., 262. 26 Ibid., 262. 27 Ibid.,[262][263]Major legend of,[88][89][90] of the chronicle continution from the Angevin-era has used the ablative absolutus according to the classical grammatical standards. 29 In the 103 chapters of the Arpadian chronicle's analyzed part there are 181 ablative absolutus, which were proportionally distributed in the text. These constructions abbreviated time clauses: postmodum vero congregato exercitu (313, 9.) (348, 7-8.); 36 Bohemis ad conflictum venire non audentibus (365, 14-15.) 37 In few cases also conditional clauses were abbreviated with the construction: non posse regnare […] nisi fratre suo Bela extincto (353, 15.); 38 si ita est, talibus militibus repugnantibus non recuperabis regnum (399, 15.). 39 The ablative absolutus was never used for abbreviating concessive subordination. There aren't any ablative absolutus mancus in the text, which is illustrative of the Latin language from this era. The most common topics in connection with the usage of these constructions can be observed, are: life and death: 29 Somogyi, Angevin Continuation, 229. 30 SRH I. 313. 31 Ibid., 339. 32 Ibid., 373. 33 Ibid., 333. 34 Ibid., 351. 35 Ibid., 432. 36 Ibid., 348. 37 Ibid., 365. 38 Ibid., 353. 39 Ibid.,399. vivente Sancto Stephano rege (317, 12.), 40 eo mortuo (319, 26-27.), 41 eodem mox ibidem interfecto (368, 9-10.), 42 diplomatic negotiations: consilioque habito (337, 5-6.), 43 roborate federe pacis (378, 9.), 44 wars: commisso igitur proelio inter utrumque (332, 1.), 45 gathering information: his auditis contristatus est rex (359, 33.), 46 illi hoc viso (340, 36.), 47 and in the descriptions of religious actions: cantatis igitur matutinis (382, 12-13.), 48 celebrataque missa, omnibus rite peractis (402, 25-26.). 49 The entire text of the chronicle is filled with audio and colligo formed ablative absolutus constructions: hoc audito, collecto exercitu. These are conventional phrases which can be found in any historical works, because of this fact, they don't prove that the today-known text could be a work of one author.It's very interesting, that there are stilistically wellformed ablative absolutus constructions in the text. The two elements of the structure as parts of a framework round the other adjuncts. There are more examples from the text of the chronicle for this, each of the mentioned five parts has stilistically well-formed constructions. 40 Ibid., 317. 41 Ibid., 319. 42 Ibid., 368. 43 Ibid., 337. 44 Ibid., 378. 45 Ibid., 332. 46 Ibid., 359. 47 Ibid., 340. 48 Ibid., 382. 49 Ibid.,402. 1. Saint Stephen, Peter Orseolo, Samuel Aba: Aba vero congregato Hungarorum exercitu 50 (325,6-7.) 51 Petro itaque per fugam de manibus Hungarorum elapso (325, 10-11.) 52 Petro rege cum presidio suorum in Hungaria relicto (333,17.) 53 2. Andrew I, Béla I: regalibus itaque nuptiis iuxta fluvium Morua celebratis (351, 16-17.) 54 federibus pacis firmiter roboratis (351,17-18.) 55 completo regni sui anno tertio (360, 16-17.) 56 3. Solomon, Géza I, Saint Ladislas: Bohemis ad conflictum venire non audentibus (365, 14-15.) 57 plurimis eorum ibidem in ore gladii prostratis (371, 7-8.) 58 residuis autem eorum in captivitate subactis (371, 8-9.) 59 50 Words bolded by the author. 51 Ibid., 325. 52 Ibid., 325. 53 Ibid., 333. 54 Ibid., 351. 55 Ibid., 351. 56 Ibid., 360. 57 Ibid., 365. 58 Ibid.,371. 59 Ibid.,371. manibus itaque regis et ducum in fidei pignus extensis (374,11-12.) 62 Ibid., 398. 63 Ibid., 426. 64 Ibid., 448. 65 Ibid.,318. 66 Ibid., 328. 67 Ibid.,336. 2. Andrew I, Béla I: relictis tentoriis et clipeis et universis supellectibus suis abiectis (350, 27-28.) 68 regalibus itaque nuptiis iuxta fluvium Morua celebratis et federibus pacis firmiter roboratis (351, 16-18.) 69 omnibus Teutonicis ibidem interfectis et ducibus eorum comprehensis (357, 5-6.) 70 3. Solomon, Géza I, Saint Ladislas: rex igitur et gloriosi duces fere omnibus paganis interfectis et omnibus Christianis a captivitate liberatis (369, 9-10.) 71 plurimis eorum ibidem in ore gladii prostratis, residuis autem eorum in captivitate subactis (371, 7-9.) 72 post hec collectis exercitibus, nunciis frequenter missis tandem rex et dux venerunt Strigonium(378,4.) 73 militibus suis interfectis et ipsis graviter vulneratis (391, 17-18.) 74 celebrataque missa, omnibus rite peractis precipit rex (402, 25-26.) 75 4. Coloman, Stephen II: -5. Almos-line kings: Béla II, Géza II: quo regnante regina Elena habito consilio (446, 24.) 76 68 Ibid., 350. 69 Ibid., 350. 70 Ibid., 357. 71 Ibid., 369. 72 Ibid.,371. 73 Ibid.,378. 74 Ibid.,391 75 Ibid.,402. 76 Ibid.,446. Perhaps the stylistically more valuable framed ablative absolutus-structures and construction-accumulation could prove the theory of one author, but this statement is weak. So it can be declared that the analyzing of the ablative absolutus structures has given no results in connection with the authorship or with the possibly redactions. The presented result can be understood as just a partial issue, further grammatically and stylistically analyzises are required for a certain statement in connection with the authorship and the redaction of the Hungarian Chronicle. IV. ConclusionsAfter the analyzing the usage of some participal constructions: the accusative cum infinitivo, the nominative cum infinitivo and the ablative absolutus we have got different results. The author of the 11-12 th century chronicle, similarly to the authors of the Major Legend of Saint Stephen and the Chronicle continuation from the Angevin-era, favored the usage of the accusative cum infinitivo against the clauses introduced with conjunction, considering the number of appearance of these structures in the text. However, while studying the dominant grammatical solutions, a more complicated result can be observed: the whole text of the chronicle is filled by medieval grammatical structures. There aren't sharply separate parts, acting purely according to the classic grammatical rules, which can help us judge which parts of the chronicle has written earlier. Still, there are definite parts of the text of which can be said, that they had been written in the end of the 12 th or the beginning of the 13 th century according to the usage of accusative cum infinitivo. If it's true, it could prove the redaction from the same period as it has been declared by Gyula Pauler, Lajos J. Csóka, Gyula Kristó and Kornél Szovák. The participium imperfectum activi form as a verbum regens can be the characteristic for the author. The nominative cum infinitivo was used much less frequently, and due to the lower number far-reaching conclusions can not be drawn from them. The ablative absolutus constructions of the chronicle are in accordance with the classic grammatical standards. Although the whole text of the chronicle is filled with hoc audito and collecto exercitu types structures, they aren't able to clear the question of the authorship. Perhaps the above presented stilistically more valuable framed ablative absolutus-structures and construction-accumulations could prove the theory of one author, but these statements are weak. So it can be declared that the analyzing of the ablative absolutus structures has given no results in connection with the authorship or with the possibly redactions. These presented results are just partial issues, further gramatically and stilistically analyzises are required for a certain statement in connection with the authorship and the redaction of the Hungarian Chronicle. 1 By the "comparative method of research" I mean the comparison of realities in different societies with similar character or in the same time period in order to conceptualise and point out similarities and differences, and also (in historiography of Central Europe notably in the research of the 10 th to 12 th century) the custom to apply, with caution, the knowledge from one region (or time period which is sometimes referred to as the "retrospective method") to another where is an information gap. See Charles C. Ragin 4 For the purposes of the paper, the word "office" is used rather loosely. Several or all of the courtly offices fully formed and became more institutions-like in the late medieval period. In the 10 th to 13 th century they were in a process of formation, strongly depended on the particular person holding it, the ruler as well as other circumstances at the courts of kings and dukes 5 before 1300 in Central Europe. 6 This paper is written mainly from the standpoint of the Hungarian Kingdom, with the focus on the Bohemian and Polish realities as a source for comparison. BibliographyIn the research of royal courts in medieval Europe the handbooks or other treatises on administrative order of the courts are pivotal sources. 7 Some estimate that these actually existed only after the 1260s, 8 but there are several documents pre-dating it, congruent in part with the form and/or content, namely e. g. De ordine palatii (882) about the court of Charlemagne 9 or Constitutio domus regis (around 1136) in England. 10 De ordine palatii was written by Hinkmar, bishop of Rheims a lifetime after Charlemagne's death, but he 5 The historical-semantic definition of a "court" and how it is to be viewed (as a space, as a group of people, as an idea etc.) continues to be discussed in historiography, see Dvořáčková-Malá -Zelenka, Curia ducis, 12-23, 24-35. In this paper the term is mainly used in a sense of the highest dignitaries/offices in the dominion connected to the ruler. 6 E. g. Dvořáčková-Malá -Zelenka, Curia ducis; Tibor Szőcs, A nádori intézmény korai története 1000-1342 [An Early History of the Palatinal Institution 1000-1342], Subsidia ad historiam medii aevi Hungariae inquirendam 5 (Budapest, 2014); Agnieszka Teterycz-Puzio, "Wczesnopiastowska organizacja administracyjna w X i XI wieku" [Early Piast Administrative Organisation in the 10 th and 11 th century], Słupskie Studia Historyczne 9 (2001) 245-257. 7 In Slovak (dvorské poriadky), Czech (dvorní řády) and Polish (porządek dworu) verbatim translation "orders of the court"; Dvořáčková-Malá -Zelenka, Curia ducis, 17. 8 Werner Paravicini, "Europäische Hofordnung als Gattung und Quelle," in Höfe und Hofordnungen 1200-1600, ed. H. Kruse -W. Paravicini, Residenzenforschung 10 (Singmaringen, 1999) 14; see Dvořáčková-Malá -Zelenka, Curia ducis, 17. 9 Hincmar von Reims, De Ordine Palatii, in Thomas Gross -Rudolf Schieffer ed., MGH, Fontes iuris 3 (Hannover, 1980). 10 Dvořáčková-Malá -Zelenka, Curia ducis, 17. claimed he based the account on the (unpreserved) work of Adalhar, the abbot of Corbie and an advisor to Charlemagne. 11 This document is especially interesting in the Central European milieu when the theories are applied, that the common structure and similar development of the courts throughout Europe (implementation of the "western model" in Central Europe) 12 were shaped after the Frankish Empire. 13 Hinkmar's report on the palatine (freely translated) goes as follows: Because the king and the queen were overloaded with duties, they had to delegate. The matters of church were appointed to apocrisarius or capellanus, the secular matters to comes palatii. Among other duties, he was in 11 Hincmar, De Ordine Palatii, 54-55. 12 Szűcs, Three Historical Regions, 315-317. 13 Impulz, 9 (2013) . The Hungarian historiography leans more towards the idea that the inspiration came through the Bavarian court (e. g. Szőcs, A nádori intézmény, [25][26]300 charge of legal affairs, especially judicial proceedings; in matters not covered by law, he decided with the king. When one wanted to get to the king, he was the one to approach. The economic aspects of running the court were covered by the queen and the chamberlains (camerarii). 14 The idea of translatio gets complicated by crossovers between the competences and nomenclature in the process of development of the Central European courts, as well as the 14 68-72. fact, that they took on a life of their own after their initial establishment in the Carolingian fashion in the particular setting. In the earlier period -10 th to 12 th century -there is complete lack of sources that would be more than just circumstantial. Chronicles and sporadic mentions that allow concluding some aspects of the character of the courtly offices are interesting, but hardly substitute for any official/royal documents or enactments as seen in the West or in the later periods. This led some to ascertain, that for this timeframe "when deciding specific competences [of the dignitaries of court] we are to a large extent dependent on the designators/titles of the offices, from which at least the general information about their field of activity is to be concluded." 15 This is well fitted for those offices, which titles are quite literal like magister agazonum (the master of stablemen) or magister pincernarum (master of cupbearers/butlers), but becomes increasingly problematic when the differences and shifts in the character and competences of the namesake dignitaries in Central European countries are considered.In the case of Hungarian palatines, they emerge from the sources in the 13 th century gradually separating from the court and establishing their judicial powers, documented by a novelty -palatine issued charters. 16 It is generally agreed upon, even for the earlier period, that the palatine was "politically the highest non-dynastic secular dignity after the king in medieval Hungary", 17 "most prominent among the 15 Dvořáčková-Malá -Zelenka, Curia ducis, 48. 16 Szőcs, A nádori intézmény, [51][52][53]Tibor Szőcs (ed.), Regesta palatinorum et vices gerentium tempore regum stirpis Arpadianae criticodiplomatica (Budapest, 2012) 324. 17 Szőcs, A nádori intézmény, 300.counts", 18 "one of country's head officials" (the second being the archbishop of Esztergom) 19 and king's "principal representative". 20 Some state that he was originally the administrator and the head of the royal court and step by step he became the king's deputy, mainly in the legal and judicial matters, as well as the commander of the military. 21 There are few mentions of the palatine in the early legal sources. The article III of the third book of the Laws of king Ladislas I, from the last third of the 11 th century, is titled De palatino comite. It states that he was the custodian of the "regis et curie sigilli" and that he was not supposed to take it away with him. His judicial authority is also apparent here, since there is a mention of those "whom he is permitted to judge". 22 34-35. mentioned in the article XXXVI of the first Laws of the king Coloman, which concerns the duty of noblemen to equip the king with horses under several circumstances. They were supposed to claim their travel expenses that were to be reimbursed from the palatine. 23 The next legal document that concerned palatines was the Golden Bull of 1222, well into the 13 th century. 24 However, in the Kingdom of Hungary, it is possible to compile a list of the noblemen who held the office 25 from as early as 1055, due to the custom to include their names as well as the title they held in the subscription of the royal charters.Palatine was ex usu the first secular dignitary after the representatives of Church, 26 which corresponds with seeing him as the primus inter pares of the Barons. This allows answering one of the questions opened in the introduction. In Hungarian Kingdom it is not unreasonable to give the basic definition of palatine based on this; to define the palatine as a nobleman marked in a royal charter as one. That said, the proposal isn't to completely exclude those noblemen, who 23 27 just that seeing him as the absence of such confirmation should be considered. 28 On the other hand, the same cannot be applied in the Bohemian Dukedom/Kingdom. Setting aside the debate whether or not there actually ever was an office of palatine, 29 the customary subscriptions in Bohemian charters are different. It is not unusual that the list of noblemen testifying to the issuance of a charter consists only of names with no titles. 30 Therefore, it would be ill-fitted to base the definition of palatine, or most other dignitaries of the court in Bohemia, on the subscriptions of charters. The main sources used in the research significantly differ in character. In Czech historiography, the questions regarding palatines are answered via in-depth linguistic analysis of the terminology used in narrative sources (for the most part in the Chronicle of Kosmas). 31 When considering the Hungarian palatines, chronicles and other narrative sources offer some interesting 27 Zsoldos,Magyarország világi archontológiája,15,23,281,338. 28 This correspondence with the methodology proposed by Janken 29 Dvořáčková-Malá -Zelenka, Curia ducis, 48-56. 30 See CDB e. g. I, 80 (1080) 87 (no offices listed); 246 (1169) 217-218 (with offices); 270 (1174) 239 (some offices listed). 31 Dvořáčková-Malá -Zelenka, Curia ducis, 48-56. insides, 32 but hardly can be the bases of the research, especially for the 11 th and 12 th century. After all, there isn't really a preserved equivalent in Hungarian Kingdom on par with Kosmas in the Kingdom of Bohemia and Gallus Anonymous in Poland at that time.Even though it is possible that there either never was a palatine on the Bohemian court or that the title ceased to exist rather quickly, 33 the Bohemian and Hungarian situations are still opened to comparison. The "first after king" in the secular hierarchy of the royal court in the Bohemian circumstances was the camerarius / summus camerarius / camerarius Boemie (chamberlain). 34 The term more often used for the equivalent office in Hungarian Kingdom was the magister tavernicorum (master of treasury/treasurer) which conclusively existed from the second third of the 12 th century onward. 35 Interestingly enough, several palatines were the masters of treasury before they took the office -Mika was magister tavernicorum 1198, palatine 1199-1201, 36 Dionysus, son of Ampod guarded the treasury 1216-1224 and became palatine 1227-1228, and again in 1231-1234, 37 Dionysus Tomaj was the treasurer 1224-1231 and palatine 1235-1240, 38 32 See my previous paper: Arpádovskí palatíni vo vybraných naratívnych prameňoch [Arpadian Palatines in Selected Narrative Sources], Historické štúdie 49 (2015) 227-240. 33 Dvořáčková-Malá -Zelenka, Curia ducis, 48-56. 34 Ibid, 75. 35 Zsoldos, Magyarország világi archontológiája, 61. 36 Ibid, 332. 37 Ibid, 295. 38 Ibid. the master of treasury between 1231 and 1235 was Nicholaus, who is in 1233 referred to as the son of palatine Nicholaus, probably the palatine in the years 1219-1222 and 1226. 39 In the Polish historiography two palatines -Sethei (Sieciech) 40 and his later successor 41 Scarbimirus (Skarbimir) -gained fame through the narration of Gallus Anonymous, where they play an important role. They are named circa twenty times in the chronicle, but Sieciech has the title "palatine" attached only once and Skarbimir twice, plus once he is mentioned as princeps militie. 42 It seems that in the Polish environment the term comes palatinus merged and is used synonymously with voivode (wojewoda). 43 The Polish trans- 39 Ibid,[18][19]62. It is considered that the magister tavernicorum traditionally acted as the supreme judge of all people belonging to the chamber, including its count with his staff and the burghers of the royal towns. Engel, The Realm, 154. 40 For the extensive list of Polish literature on the subject of Sieciech see Janusz Kurtyka, "Sieciech", in Polski Słownik Biograficzny, vol. XXXVI, 1995-1996 www.ipsb.nina.gov.pl/index.php/a/sieciech# (3/2016). 41 At the beginning of the 22 nd chapter of his second book Gallus mentioned that after the revolt and removal of Sieciech, the Duke did not appoint new palatine. "Dux ergo Wladislavus pristinae seditionis reminiscens, quum Zetheum de Polonia profugavit, quamvis aetate debilis et infirmitate fuerit, nullum tamen in curia sua palatinum vel palatini vicarium praefecit, omnia namque per se ipsum vel suo consilio sagaciter ordinabat, vel cuilibet comiti, cuius provinciam visitabat, curiae responsionem et sollicitudinem commendabat." -Gallus Anonymus, Galli Chronicon, in MPH I, 443. 42 Ibid.,435,448,430,476. 43 Gieysztor, Urząd wojewodziński, 317-325;Id., Wojewoda, Słownik starożitnooeci słowiańskich VI, (Wrocław, 1980) 486-487; Pleszczynski, The Birth of a Stereotype, 90-98; Teterycz-Puzio, "Wczesnopiastowska organizacja", 255-256; Kurtyka, "Sieciech" -the palatine is referred to as "palatyn (wojewoda) polski, najwyższy dostojnik Władysława Hermana"; similarly, the entrance about Skarbimir (Janusz Bieniak, "Skarbimir", in lation of the Latin denomination of an administrative territory of e. g. Palatinatus Cracoviensis is "Województwo krakowskie" 44 (Voivodeship of Cracow), which is comparable with the situation in the German lands, where the term Palatinatus is synonymous with the administrative Pfalz and comes palatii/palatinus with (Hof)Pfalzgraf. 45 The terminological shift in the meaning throughout the Central Europe was already analysed in several works. 46 In the Hungarian context, there is an administrative territory in the Kingdom that was a voivodeship, and that is Transylvania. The name of the office of the dignitary over- Polski Słownik Biograficzny, vol. XXXVIII, 1997 www.ipsb.nina.gov.pl/index.php/a/skarbimir# /3/2016/), palatine in sources, refers to him as "wojewoda". See Zbigniew Góralski, Urzędy i godności w dawnej Polsce, (Warszawa, 1983) 45 Irmfried Eberl, Pfalzgraf, III. Ottonen-, Salier-und Stauferzeit; Pfalz, Palast, in LexMA 6, 1993LexMA 6, -1996. The specific territory of Palatinate (formed in 12 th century from the lands of the counts palatine of Lotharingia /Lorraine/; divided into the Rhenish/Lower and the Upper Palatinate) were the lands of the count palatine, ergo controlled by the leading secular prince of the Holy Roman Empire. In early medieval period, German palatines served as stewards of royal territories in the absence of emperors. Since 1214, when Frederick II granted the lands to Louis I, duke of Bavaria, the Wittelsbach dynasty controlled them. "Palatinate", in Encyclopaedia Britannica, [online] www.britannica.com/place/Palatinate (5/2016). 46 Gieysztor, "Urząd wojewodziński", 317-325; Teterycz-Puzio, "Wczesnopiastowska organizacja", 245-257; See also Józef F. Spors, "Ze studiów nad urzędami w Polsce w XI i XII w. Wojewoda, komornik, pod-komorzy" [From Studies on Offices in Poland in 11-12 th Centuries. Voivod, Bailiff, Chamberlain], Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 44 (1992) 26-53. seeing it varies in the Latin sources, from the princeps Ultrasilvanus, 47 through dux Transsyluanus, 48 to the Woiawoda. 49 The originally Slavic word voi(e)vod(e) can be translated to Latin literally as dux exercituum, with the military co-notation connecting it back to the other term used by Gallus as a title for Skarbimirprinceps militie.When it comes to the military competences of Hungarian palatines, it is a problem to distinguish what was connected with the office and what was regular part of being a nobleman in the inner circle of the king. 50 Several palatines led military expeditions, either with king or in his name. That does not necessary mean that it was part of their duties as palatines; several led military expeditions before or/and after they were palatines (e. g. Dionysus de genere Türje). 51 Specifically exercitus palatini is mentioned in Carmen Miserabile of Rogerius de Apulia, canon and later archdean in Oradea, Sopron and archbishop of Split, a narrative account of the Mongol invasion in 1241. 52 The troops led by the palatine Diony- 47 Zsoldos, Magyarország világi archontológiája, 36. 48 CDAC II, 222 (1260) 322; this is a case where the title is part of the titulature of the (junior) king. 49 sus Tomaj (unnamed by Rogerius) guarded the eastern border of the Kingdom for several months before he send one of his soldiers to tell the king that without help they will fall. 53 A description of troops led by palatine on other occasion is also present in the Chronicon Pictum. 54 The title princeps militie occurs in connection to a possible Hungarian palatine -the already mentioned Samuel Aba is thus titled in the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle. 55 after (at first) successful revolt against Peter Orseolo. 56 He was married to the sister of St Stephen and is considered to be the first palatine in Hungarian Kingdom. 57 Some proclaim that it is to be taken for granted that the office of palatine was established by St Stephen I and that Samuel held it during his reign. 58 Some postulate that he was made palatine after the wedding with the princess, which fitted into the king's administrative reforms, and elevated Samuel with his territory (Eger) from provinciality to the higher ranks. 59 Some express their views more cagily, saying only that he was in a "position of responsibility" on St Stephen's court, 60 or follow strictly the sources which date Samuel's supposed palatinate in the years 1038-1041, into the time after death of St Stephen and after the coronation of Peter Orseolo. 61 The absence of a royal charter in which Samuel Aba would be labelled as palatine (or just mentioned, for that matter), doesn't have much information value, since it would be extraordinary for the first half of the 11 th century, if it existed. When it comes to other sources, in the Gesta Hungarorum anonymi notarii Belae regis he is 'only' mentioned as 56 Kosztolnyik, Hungary...890s to 1063, 332-337;Engel, The Realm, 29. 57 Zsoldos, Magyarország világi archontológiája, 15, 281 58 Szőcs, A nádori intézmény, [26][27][28][29]300. 59 Steinhübel,Nitrianske kniežactvo,193,232,318,427,[453][454]. 60 (Bratislava, 1986) 170; Gyula Kristó, "Nádorok" [Palatines], and László Szegfű, "Sámuel Aba", in Korai Magyar Történeti Lexikon (9-14. század), ed. Gy. Kristó -P. Engel -F. Makk (Budapest, 1994) 474, and 592-593. a king. 62 In most of the versions of Chronici Hungarici compositio saeculi XIV. he is only as "quidam comes". 63 Samuel is titled comes pal(l)atii in the hagiographic document De Sancto Gerhardo episcopo Morosenensi et martyre regni Ungarie from the second half of the 13 th century 64 " -SRH I, 324-325; Chronicon Pictum, fol. 24r. The "quidam comes" is rather dismissive towards Samuel, and can be viewed as an attempt to discredit him -the domestic noblemen who usurped the throne from the king with a foreign origin might have been a touchy topic in the period. Chronici Hungarici was composed under the rule of the Anjou kings (See SRH I, 219-237) and even though the parts concerning the first Árpad kings were taken from older sources, some alterations might had been made, especially when taken in account the problems Charles Robert had with so called 'oligarch-palatines', about which see Szőcs, A nádori intézmény, 107-114; so the title palatine might have been omitted on purpose. 64 (Budapest, 2006). The quoted text is paragraph heading, in the text of the paragraph itself Samusel is still "quemdam comitem nomine Abam." milite 66 in the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle, which was also most likely composed in the 13 th century, so around two hundred years after his death. None of this means that he wasn't a palatine, but neither that he was. The most substantiated conclusion is that in the 13 th century, it made sense to the author of De Sancto Gerhardo to connect the title of palatine to Samuel Aba, either because he had access to some nowadays unknown source or because the level of power Samuel Aba achieved -overthrowing the ruling king and becoming the ruler himself -was coherent with the position the palatines at that time enjoyed in the Kingdom. The use of princeps militie in Hungarian-Polish Chronicle can fall into the same category, but on a more hypothetical level. The author mixed several historical figures and events together, so Alba in the Chronicle is not strictly speaking just Samuel Aba. It cannot be ruled out, that the author knew the work of Gallus Anonymous -he actually mentions Sieciech with the title of palatine 67 -and the "princeps militie" might have been a reference to it, or at least he could have adopted the title in the Polish/local environment, and not necessarily "have a Western origin" as some say that the terminological use of the title supports the believe in the Western origin of the Chronicle's author. 68 The comparability of the Central European models of courts is undeniable, but in no way simple. As stated about the court of Bohemia, neither court was just an application 66 Homza, Uhorsko-poľská kronika p. 18, 150. 67 Ibid., 176. 68 Ibid., 151. of a foreign system, nor was any of them autochthonous. 69 It is not possible to compare the three dominions with a strict approach, either looking only on the namesake offices or searching for equivalent dignitaries with rigorously same competences. As for the office of palatine, barely existent in Bohemia, and on its peak with Sieciech and Scarbimir in the 12 th century in Poland, in the Kingdom of Hungary it became "specific and unique institution" 70 death of Roman Mstislavič 3 in 1205, 4 although the Hungarian endeavour concerning Galicia was already noticeable at the time of King Béla III. 5 Roman was killed in the battle of Zawichost, while he was fighting certain Polish dukes (Leszek the White and Konrad of Masovia). 6 His widow, Maria, had no choice but to try to protect the interests of their sons, Daniel and Vasilko. In this situation she turned to the Duke of Cracow, Leszek the White, while seeking the support of Andrew II as well. 7 The Hungarian king arranged a personal meeting with Maria and came to an agreement with Leszek in 1206. 8 The next conflict broke out in 1213, when Andrew II planned a campaign to support Maria and Daniel. On his way to Galicia he learned about the assassination of his wife, Gertrud of Merania. 9 The king turned back to Hungary, while his army, led by Vladislav Kormiličič, continued marching to Galicia. After his first successes Vladislav functioned as the Hungarian governor of Galicia. The widow of Roman seemed to be unsatisfied with the turn of events, so she contacted Leszek the White again. Daniel raised an army with the support of the Cracowian duke and defeated Vladislav in the battle by the river Bóbrka. 10 Despite this victory, Leszek and Daniel could not accomplish the much desired territorial control. 11 The reaction of Andrew II to these events was a campaign against Cracow. According to certain suppositions, the Hungarian king planned to place his second son, Coloman as king on the throne of Galicia as early as 1213. 12 Later on he wrote about this issue to Pope Innocent III and he described the plan as the idea of certain boyars of Galicia, the so-called Hungarian party. 13 In this situation Leszek found himself in a dilemma: he could either fight the Hungarian king or cooperate with him. The Duke of Cracow chose the second option as the events of 1214 show us. 14 In the fall of this year one of the most important actions of the selected era took place, namely the meeting of Spiš (Scepusia, Szepesség) of Andrew II and Leszek the White. The meeting of the rulers was also a turning point in the life of Prince Coloman, the second son of the Hungarian king. In the so-called agreement (or treaty) of Spiš Andrew and 10 Font, "II. András orosz", 124-125; Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 11. 11 Font, "II. András orosz", 125; Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 11. 12 RA no. 294. See: Font, "II. András orosz", 125-126; Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 11-12. 14 Font,"II. András orosz",[125][126]Hollý,"Princess Salomea",12. Leszek came to the decision that their alliance should be confirmed by the marriage of Coloman and Salomea, the daughter of Leszek. 15 Concerning the effects of the agreement one can find two contradictory opinions. On the one hand, and this is the conventional view, the agreement is considered favourable especially for the Hungarian king, since according to the agreement Coloman should have ruled over Galicia as king, while Leszek only got Przemyśl and Lubaczów in return. 16 On the other hand it has to be emphasised that the daughter of the Cracowian duke was engaged to a member of the Árpáds, and this kind of event had happened only once since 1138, so Leszek could benefit from the prestige of this marriage. 17 According to some scholars he could even secure the coronation of Salomea in the agreementat least, later events can point to this conclusion. 18 As a result of the agreement of Spiš Coloman was placed in Galicia at the end of 1214, and was waiting for the coronation, perhaps already in the company of his bride. 19 It is interesting, however that there is no mention of Salomea in the 15 Font, "II. András orosz", 125; Nataša Procházková, "Koloman Haličský na Spiši pred rokom 1241" [Coloman of Galicia in Spiš before 1241], in Terra Scepusiensis. Stan badań nad dziejami Spiszu, ed. R. Gładkiewicz -M. Homza (Levoča -Wrocław, 2003) 244; Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 12. 16 Font, "II. András orosz", 125. 17 Hollý,"Princess Salomea",12,14,15. Cf letter of Andrew II, which he sent to Pope Innocent III. 20 In another royal charter from the following year we learn about the papal grant of Coloman's coronation. 21 Yet, it is also questionable if Salomea was crowned too, at the inauguration of her husband. Gerard Labuda, for example, denied this possibility, based on the assumed age of the duchess. Furthermore, he assumes the participation of the Cracowian bishop, Vincenty Kadłubek at the coronation. The Slovak historian Karol Hollý, on the contrary, interprets this hypothesis as an indicator of Salomea's attendance of the ceremony. 22 It is also possible to suppose multiple acts: namely that the unction and the first coronation was performed right after the meeting of Spiš in Hungary, Esztergom, while the second one with the crown sent by the pope only later. 23 Márta Font earlier counted with one coronation and dated this event to the pontificate of Innocent III, so before July 1216 and she thought it was performed in Galicia. 24 At the outset of the 20 th century Ubul Kállay claimed that the coronation had happened in Hungary at the turn of 1215 and 20 RA no. 294. It can be assumed that it was composed before the meeting of Spiš. For that see Hollý,"Princess Salomea",15. 21 RA no. 302. 22 Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 16-17; Gerard Labuda, Zaginiona kronika z pierwszej połowy XIII wieku w Rocznikach Królestwa Polskiego Jana Długosza: próba rekonstrukcji [A Lost Chronicle from the First Half of the 13 th Century in the Annales of the Polish Kingdom by Jan Długosz] (Poznań, 1983) 54-55. 23 Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 17. 24 Font, "II. András orosz", 126-127. For the changes in her opinion see her upcoming work on Coloman (Márta Font, "Kálmán és Salomea. A koronázás problémái" [Coloman and Salomea, Problems of the Coronation], in In memoriam Koszta László, ed. T. Fedeles -Zs. Hunyadi (Szeged, 2016) in print. 1216. 25 In the 1920s Polish historian Bronisław Włodarski, and recently the Slovak Nataša Procházkova also opted for the Hungarian location, while earlier Gerard Labuda had argued for a coronation in Galicia. 26 In Salomea's case it is even more difficult to come to a conclusion about her participation, since there are even less sources known. The date of her leave of Cracow itself is questionable, so we do not know exactly when Salomea was brought to Galicia to Coloman. According to the traditional view it did not happen right after the meeting of Spiš or even after the coronation of the Hungarian prince, 27 since the daughter of the Cracowian duke was in a very young age. Otherwise it is also assumed that Leszek did not intend to observe the terms of the agreement, so it is not surprising that there is no evidence of the coronation of Salomea. 28 Karol Hollý on the other hand emphasised the weak points of this argumentation. The doubts based on the age of the duchess, for instance, can be refused by many analogues. Concerning the intentions of Leszek the White, he employs the 25 17-18. evaluation of the agreement of Spiš and states that its outcome was favourable for the Polish duke, so he was rather interested in preserving the deal. 29 And as the most important argument he came up with the letter of Andrew II sent to Pope Innocent III in 1215, in which we can find a passage about the accomplished marriage. 30 Furthermore, Hollý refers to the later legend of Salomea reporting on her trip to Galicia at the age of three, right after the agreement mentioned several times. 31 In connection with this idea he takes it probable that the young couple was crowned together. 32 We cannot decide this question though definitely, yet, the queen status 33 of Salomea is thanks to his husbands' title not doubtful, as her addressing in the letter of Pope Gregory IX in 1234 proves it. 34 The "rule" of the new king in Galicia did not last long, and probably ended in 1221 or 1222 at the latest. It is questionable if Coloman and Salomea spent the whole time there, or they were expelled in 1219 from Galicia, and got back there later as a result of a Hungarian campaign. 35 The end of the Ruthenian episode of the life of the royal couple caused the attack of Mstislav Udalyj, the duke of Novgorod. Peace was restored through the engagement of Andrew, the third son of Andrew II, and the daughter of Mstislav. 36 Coloman 29 Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 18. 30 RA no. 302. 31 Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 18-19. 32 Ibid. 19-20. 33 Although it did not require the act of coronation. 34 RGIX no. 2126. See Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 19-20. Márta Font didn't deny the possibility of the coronation. Font, "II. András orosz", 128. 35 Cf. Font, "II. András orosz", 128-129; Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 22-23. 36 Font,"II. András orosz",129;Font,[213][214] and Salomea had to move to Hungary in this situation: first they settled in Spiš, 37 but in 1226 Coloman followed his elder brother, Béla, as the Duke of Croatia and Dalmatia. 38 Coloman and the monastery of SpišColoman got in touch with Polish matters, however, already before becoming the Duke of Slavonia, 39 in Spiš. As we mentioned already, after his return from Galicia he spent many years there, in the north-eastern part of Hungary, in a location near his former Kingdom, as well as Poland. 40 We do not know about an active political role of Coloman (or Salomea) of this time, but there is one case in which the prince and his Polish connection could have played an important role. So, it is very likely that Coloman was the founder of the Cistercian monastery of Spiš (Savnik -Spišský Štiavnik), or at least 37 25-26. his father managed to do it with his cooperation. 41 It has to be mentioned as well that according to other views the monastery was founded by Dionysius, son of Ampud, the Hungarian master of the treasury (magister tavernicorum regalium). It also has to be considered that he was the count of Spiš in 1216 and he later became a close trusted man of Coloman. 42 The significance of this foundation can be found in the circumstances of its own formation. On the basis of the statute of the general chapter of Cîteaux 43 we know that the abbots of the Polish monasteries Sulejów and Koprzywnica were sent to examine the petition of Dionysius concerning a new monastery. They must have found there suitable conditions, because the right was granted to Dionysius to bring monks there from another Polish monastery, Wąchock. Among the medieval Cistercian monasteries in Hungary this one was quite a unique case considering the circumstances mentioned, because the other foundations happened from French or Austrian bases (the new monasteries were filiates of Clairvaux, Pontigny or Heiligenkreutz). 45 Only three other abbeys belonged to the Morimond-group besides the monastery of Spiš: Cikádor, Borsmonostor and Zagreb. 46 However, the role of the Polish monasteries can be explained by the fact of geographical closeness, 47 or internal colonization 48 as well, but the presence of Coloman in Spiš by the time of the foundation (1223) 49 allows us to take his Polish contacts into consideration as one of the reasons for the participation of the mentioned monasteries. 50 It is interesting too that there is no other known evidence of a Polish participation in the ecclesiastical matters of Coloman, which perhaps can be explained by the distance between Slavonia and the Polish lands. 45 László Koszta, "Die Gründung von Zisterzienserklöstern in Ungarn 1142-1270", Ungarn-Jahrbuch 23 (1997) 66-68;Font, Dinasztia, Hatalom, Egyház, 409-413. 46 Font,Dinasztia,Hatalom,Egyház,412; Koszta, "Die Gründung von", 76. 47 Font,Dinasztia,Hatalom,Egyház,413. 48 Romhányi, "The Role of", 190. 49 Keglevich, "A szepesi apátság", 5. 50 Martin Homza stated that the initiative of the foundation had come from Salomea herself, although he later modified this presumption. Martin Homza, "Vzťahy Spiša a Malopoľska od roku 1138 do roku 1241" [Relations between Spiš and Lesser Poland from 1138 to 1241], in Zborník príspevkov k slovenským dejinám, ed. J. Bobák (Bratislava, 1998) 106, 111. See: Procházková, "Koloman Haličský", 245; Vida, "A ciszterci rend", 462. Papal Protections and ColomanThe next relevant topic of the Polish-Hungarian relations concerning the life of Coloman and Salomea was the papal protection of two Polish duchesses and their sons. On 23 rd December 1233 two charters were issued in the papal chancellery, both addressed to the Duke of Slavonia. 51 These letters were meant to secure the protections of the Apostolic See given to Grzymisława of Sandomierz 52 and to Viola of Opole. 53 Due to their requests Pope Gregory IX took the widowed duchesses under his and Saint Peter's defence, as we learn this from the charters sent directly to the duchesses. 54 Prince Coloman was ordered as a lay conservator 55 to protect them, their children as well as their belongings and rights. 56 The papal protection of laymen was not an extraordinary phenomenon in the first half of the 13 th century, as this practice was growing under the pontificate of Innocent III. 57 The significance of these cases, however, is the role of the Hungarian prince. Though he was not the only appointed protector, as the archbishop of Gniezno and the bishop of Wrocław were involved in both cases as ecclesiastical guardians concerning Viola, together with the bishop of Olomuc, 58 while in the case of Grzymisława with the bishop of Cracow. 59 Coloman was neither the only temporal power entrusted by the pope. The interests of Grzymisława had to be guarded by Henry the Bearded, Duke of Silesia, 60 who previously had acted many times in favour of the duchess and maintained an especially good relationship with the papacy. 61 M. Bolom-Kotari -J. Zouhar (Hradec Králové, 2012) 193, 198-199;Fried, Der päpstliche Schutz, 290. 54 RPR. no. 9337. RGIX no. 1645;RPR no. 9351, RGIX no. 1647. 55 Fried, Der päpstliche Schutz, 309-310. 56 For the papal protection see Fried, Der päpstliche Schutz, and Gábor Barabás, "Viola opolei hercegnő és Kálmán szlavón herceg. Egy historiográfiai vita margójára" [Duchess Viola of Opole and Coloman, Duke of Slavonia. Contribution to a Historiographical Dispute], Világtörténet 37 (2015) 6-7; Id., "Prinz Koloman und Herzogin Viola von Oppeln. Beitrag zu einem historiographischen Disput", Ungarn-Jahrbuch 32 (2016) 2-3. 57 Fried, Der päpstliche Schutz, 264-265. 58 The reason of the papal mandate given to the Hungarian duke and the tasks imposed on him, although similar, were not the same in the two cases. The ground for Coloman's assignment can be traced down through the analysis of the situations of Grzymisława and Viola and their connection to the Duke of Slavonia or broadly to the Hungarian royal family. The case of the duchess of Sandomierz seems to be clearer than the other one, so we will examine it first.She was the widow of Leszek the White, the mother of Salomea, and the mother-in-law of Coloman. The Cracowian duke was murdered at the meeting of the Polish dukes in Gąsawa on 27 th November 1227. After this event Władysław III Laskonogi (Spindleshanks), ruler of Greater Poland and Konrad of Masovia, the brother of Leszek fought for the throne of Cracow. The widow of Leszek renounced the rights of her son in favour of Władysław in 1228, so she received the territory of Sandomierz in return. After the death of Laskonogi Henry the Bearded became the greatest supporter of mother and child against Konrad of Masovia. 62 The Duke of Silesia, as already mentioned, helped Grzymisława contacting the Apostolic See: his contribution was inevitable, 62 since the widow and her son by this time were captured by Konrad. 63 Concerning the papal mandate of Coloman we can state with relative certainty that the reason for it can be found in his kinship with Grzymisława. The Polish historian, Benedykt Zientara was of this opinion as well, 64 while Karol Hollý the role of Salomea emphasizes. 65 Unfortunately we do not possess any concrete data concerning Coloman's activity in the interest of his mother-in-law. It is furthermore questionable, if the Hungarian prince could do or wanted to do anything at all in this situation. On the one hand the distance between Poland and Slavonia (the latter being the southwestern part of Hungary) has to be emphasised, although we have to take into consideration that the prince possessed the territory of Spiš until his death, 66 an area directly neighbouring Lesser Poland. On the other hand it has to be underlined that by the time of the issuing of the papal charter the duchess already had been freed from her captivity, while later, thanks to the mediation of the Polish prelates, an agreement was made between Henry and Konrad in which the rights of Grzymisława and her son, Bolesław 67 were likewise secured. 68 63 Zientara,Heinrich der Bärtige,[173][174][175][176][284][285][286]Henryk II Pobożny,28,[106][107][108][109][110]235. 64 Zientara, Heinrich der Bärtige, 285. 65 Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 28-29. 66 Cf. Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 26; Homza, "Król Halicza Koloman", 148. 67 For the assumable role of Salomea in the later marriage of her brother, Bolesław the Shy with the latter Polish saint, Kinga, daughter of King Béla IV see Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 31-32; Kozłowski, "The Marriage of", 80-99. Cf. Wiszewski, Henryk II Pobożny 158-160, 235-236. 68 Zientara, Heinrich der Bärtige, 286-287.The second case is not as simple as the previous one, since the connection of Viola to Coloman cannot be proven easily. She was the widow of Duke Casimir of Opole, who died in 1230, or perhaps already in 1229. After the death of her husband Viola became the guardian of their sons, Mieszko and Władysław, and as a regent the leader of the Duchy of Opole-Racibórz. 69 This situation, however, did not last long: in 1231 the already mentioned Silesian duke, Henry the Bearded, as the closest male relative of the young children, claimed the guardian status above them, and so the rule over Opole. 70 His purpose was probably to secure the resources of the duchy for himself in the struggle for rule over Cracow. 71 Therefore, his pushing Viola into the background can be understood only indirectly as part of the conflict of the Piast stirpes. 72 In this situation Duchess Viola turned to the Apostolic See in 1233, trying to secure her and her sons rights against the demands of the neighbouring Silesian duke. The already mentioned papal charters 73 show us that Pope Gregory IX granted the request of Viola. He also decided on the mandate of ecclesiastical and temporal protectors, but it remained partially ineffective similarly to the proclamation of the papal protection. As we mentioned, Henry the Bearded had especially good relations with the papacy, 74 so he could manage to solve the problem with a compromise. Due to this settlement Henry remained the guardian of the underage princes, but he acknowledged their right for Opole, while he, in fact, did not give up the real power over the duchy. In return, Viola and her sons could take possession Kalisz and 70 Wiszewski, Henryk II Pobożny 28,124,[155][156]235. For the practice of the custody by the mothers or by closest male relatives cf. Pavol Hudáček, "The Legal Position of Widows in Medieval Hungary up to 1222 and the Question of Dower", Historický Časopis 62. Supplement (2014) 11. 71 Zientara, Heinrich der Bärtige, 280-281; Dziewulski, "Bułgarka księżną opolską?", 172-173; Swoboda, "Księżna kaliska Bułgarką?", 77. 72 Casimir himself was not directly involved in the struggles, although he was occasionally part of several alliances. Cf. Barciak, Książęta i księżne, 70;Zientara, Heinrich der Bärtige, 207-239. 73 RPR no. 9349;RPR no. 9337, RGIX no. 1645;RPR no. 9348, RGIX no. 1646. 74 Zientara,Heinrich der Bärtige,[173][174][175][176]289. Ruda in Greater Poland, which were occupied recently by Henry the Bearded. 75 Before we get back to the question of Coloman's involvement, we have to state concerning this case that we do not know any sign of a practical activity of the Slavonian duke in the interest of Viola. The only clue for his apostolic mandate is the several times-mentioned papal charter. 76 Due to the lack of further information on Coloman's possible arrangements we are not able to find the cause of this papal mandate, so we have to focus on the other party, i.e. Viola. There is no evidence of any Hungarian-Polish interaction form the 1220s or from the time after the death of Casimir which could explain the participation of Coloman. Nevertheless, the situation of Grzymisława presents itself as a potential parallel case, so we have to examine too, if Viola had any direct connection to Coloman at all.About the descent of Viola, in contrast to later chapters of her life, 77 sadly, there is only one single data known, the notice of Jan Długosz in his work Annales Regni Poloniae form the 15 th century. The annalist wrote the following passage for the year of 1251 concerning the death of Viola: "Viola genere et natione Bulgara, Ducissa de Opol, moritur". 78 basis of this information Viola in Polish historiography is traditionally considered a Bulgarian duchess. 79 This theory is, however, not the only one present, since according to other views Viola could have a Hungarian, Ruthenian, 80 and Dalmatian or Croatian 81 origin as well. In this paper we cannot present all arguments about the various views concerning Violas descent, 82 but we have to try to answer the remaining question: What was the reason for the papal mandate of Coloman?First of all, we have to stick to the disputed descent of the duchess. As already mentioned, on the basis of the other case we have to assume that there could be some connection between the protected Polish widow and the Slavonian duke. It seems to be very tempting to agree automatically with the Hungarian version, which could easily explain the duty of the Hungarian king's son. In the case of Coloman one has to 79 See Dziewulski, "Bułgarka księżną opolską?"; Barciak,Książęta i księżne,44,[69][70]89,114,120;Zientara,Heinrich der Bärtige,280;Jasiński,Rodowód Piastów śląskich,[501][502]506 [10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17][18]Id.,"Prinz Koloman und",[7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15] take into consideration that the Dalmatian, or even the Ruthenian origin of Viola could also be a reasonable supposition. 83 The question itself is more difficult than a simple choice between theories, since there are many details in the various hypotheses which deserve further considerations.For instance, a Hungarian royal charter of 1246 84 was used for the identification of Viola, in which we can learn about the participation of an unknown Polish duke at the crusade of Andrew II in 1217-1218. The letter itself is probably not authentic, 85 and it is known only from a later transcript. 86 Yet, it is interesting, how a single passage was used as a source for the Bulgarian origin, 87 as well as for the Hungarian, 88 or a Dalmatian one. 89 It has been assumed that Casimir of Opole was the Polish duke, who accompanied the Hungarian King on his crusade 90 and on his way back home he found a Bulgarian wife from the family of the tsars. 91 Even though this assumption wastaken into consideration as right, it still would not be enough evidence for any of the versions concerning the descent, in our opinion. It has to be at least mentioned that this imaginable involvement of the 83 See: Dąbrowski, "Slovak and Southern", 113-116 84 RA no. 843. 85 János Karácsonyi, Hamis, hibáskeltű és keltezetlen oklevelek jegyzéke 1400-ig [Catalogue of Forged, Wrong-and Undated Diplomas until 1400] (Budapest, 1902) 18. 86 In a charter of King Ladislaus IV (1272-1290) which was issued on the 7 th September 1274. DL 401 19. 87 Dziewulski, "Bułgarka księżną opolską?". 88 Horwat, Książęta górnośląscy, 25-26. 89 Dąbrowski, "Slovak and Southern", 115-116. 90 Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, 156-169. 91 Dziewulski, "Bułgarka księżną opolską?", 166-169.Opolian duke could itself be a reason behind the latter mission of Coloman, the son of Andrew II.Regarding the origin of Viola the Ruthenian version has to be taken into consideration as well, since the role of Coloman could be explained this way through a relationship between the duchess and the duke, dated from the time when he was the ruler of Galicia. 92 It is also interesting in this point of view that between 1214 und 1217 Casmir of Opole had an especially good relationship with Leszek the White: this situation could be a possibility for a Ruthenian marriage for the duke of Opole. 93 The Ruthenian origin of Grzymisława can also be taken into consideration as a clue regarding Violas assumable Eastern-Slavic heritage too, 94 especially concerning the papal mandate of Coloman. This assumption, however, cannot be supported by any concrete source, so it remains only a hypothesis.Concerning Coloman's Polish relations there is another connection we have to take into consideration, since beside his mother-in-law there is another relative of his, who played an important role in the examined matters of the early thirties, Henry I the Bearded. His wife Hedvig (Jadwiga) of Silesia was the sister of Gertrud of Merania, mother of Coloman, 92 Font, Árpád-házi királyok, 204-214, 217; Zientara, Heinrich der Bärtige, 285. 93 See Zientara, Heinrich der Bärtige, 207-208, 256; Dziewulski, "Bułgarka księżną opolską?", 163-165. 94 Cf. Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 13; Dąbrowski, "Piasten und Rjurikiden", 178. therefore the Silesian duke was a kin to him. 95 We have already mentioned Henry's role in both cases, so the presumption that Coloman's papal mandating could be in connection with this kinship, is possibly not really far from the reality. It has to be emphasized, however that Henry was the fellow temporal protector of his nephew only in the case of Grzymisława. Concerning the papal protection of Viola, the Silesian ruler was, on the contrary, even the opponent, against whom the help of the Apostolic See was sought for the widowed duchess. We think it is possible, but not provable that the parallel involvement of the related dukes in the first case could led to the idea of Coloman's dual authorization at the papal Curia.If we get back to the question of the nature of the relationship between Coloman and Viola, we have to analyze the papal charter sent to the duke. In this text there is no evidence of any kinship between the protected person and the authorized protector. 96 It does not mean, however that this state of affairs rules out the possibility altogether, since neither does the other papal diploma contain a clue to the relationship between Coloman and his mother-in-law.Regarding Coloman's tasks we have to examine the papal mandates as well. The one about the protection of Viola, unlike the other, cannot be found in the papal register 97 -a 95 See Zientara, Heinrich der Bärtige, 163, 175; Procházková, "Postavenie haličského kráľa", 70; Wiszewski, Henryk II Pobożny, 69-77. Cf. Kozłowski, "The Dynastic Horizons", 92. For the possible effects of such kinships on the relations of the relatives involved see Dąbrowski, "Piasten und Rjurikiden", 189. 96 VMH I. no. 204, RPR no. 9352, RGIX no. 1649. 97 Cf. RGIX condition that can complicate the question even further. It has to be emphasised, however that not every papal charter can be found in the registers, 98 since there was never a goal to reach a fullness: the documents were selected on the basis of various criteria, such as juridical relevance, 99 or the petition of the recipients of the charters. 100 In the case of a papal protection the situation is further complicated by the fact that the protected persons had their share in its proclamation, as well as in the delivery of the charters to the protectors. 101 In the case of Viola it could have an effect on the tradition of the text. Every single charter can be be found in the register of Pope Gregory IX 102 except this one, which is known to us only thanks to an edition from the modern era. 103 The reason for this situation is (and probably will remain) unclear, but there is no reason to doubt the authenticity of the charter, and so the authorisation of Duke Coloman.Searching for the possible causes of the papal mandate of the duke the hypothesis has to be mentioned as well that Coloman could have been chosen for the task in the papal Curia either by mistake or due to his relations to Duchess Grzymisława, since the duties of the protection were given to Coloman within a very short time span, and this situation could cause the dual authorization. In the daily work of the papal chancellery, especially by the delegated jurisdiction in the audientia litterarum contradictarum, undeniably there can be found many defaults, 104 but in the case of a papal protection it is hard to imagine a total coincidence concerning the selection of a secular protector. The order to protect Viola, her sons and all their rights was given to Coloman, 105 so we do not think it is possible that the task of the duke was the result of a misunderstanding. The authorisation of the Slavonian duke probably cannot be explained by his assumed experience in matters of papal protections either, because beside these two cases we do know not many similar episodes from the life of the King of Galicia, although there are some: in October 1233, i.e. in the same year, Ninoslav, the Ban of Bosnia was taken under the protection of the Apostolic 104 See Gábor Barabás, "A pápai kiküldött bíráskodás Magyarországon a kezdetektől a 13. század közepéig" [Delegated Papal Jurisdiction in Hungary from the Origins to the Middle of the 13 th Century], Történelmi Szemle 55 (2013) See, 106 Coloman, as the Duke of Slavonia, Croatia and Dalmatia was also informed about the papal decision. 107 The fight against the heretics in the Balkans was the reason behind the papal protection of the Hungarian prince, 108 when Gregory IX gave him a similar assurance about the safety of his family and belongings on 17 th October 1234, while he was supposed to lead a campaign against the heretics of Bosnia. 109 In short, it has to be stated about the examined question that according to our knowledge on the genealogy of the Árpáds 110 there is no evidence of any person with the name Viola. Nevertheless, it cannot be excluded that the Duchess of Opole was a Hungarian or even a member of the royal family. Concerning this question one argument, namely the pa-pal authorisation of Duke Coloman has been almost completely disregarded until now. 111 In the light of the involvement of the Arpadian prince, the Hungarian origin of Viola seems to be more plausible than previously assumed, although the Ruthenian and even the Dalmatian possibilities cannot be disapproved either. ConclusionAt the end of this short summary about the Polish relations of Duke Coloman we can underline the fact that his Polish wife, Salomea and so his kinship with Leszek the White had an enormous effect on the intensity of the connections mentioned. The matters of the reign and life of the young couple in Galicia and the papal protection of Grzymisława, the mother of Salomea, can confirm this statement splendidly. Coloman had however a second Polish link as well, his aunt, Hedvig (Jadwiga) of Silesia, who was the sister of the murdered Hungarian queen, Gertrud of Merania. This way the Silesian duke, Henry I the Bearded, the husband of Hedvig was a kin to Coloman as well. This connection, however, was less reflected in the life of the Duke of Slavonia. The direct crossing of their oeuvres can be observed only regarding the two papal protections. In the case of Grzymisława Henry was the fellow laymen protector of Coloman, while concerning Viola he was his opponent, who the duchess of Opole had to be protected from. There is no evidence of any direct interactions between the Hungarian prince and the Polish participants. The questions concerning the reason of Coloman's papal authorisation and his contact with Viola are therefore unique topics, since the origin of the duchess is a long disputed issue in the Polish historiography, to which the papal mandate of Coloman could be a small contribution. Bibliography Stefan Albrecht Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz Three New Manuscripts of the so CalledChronicon hungarico-polonicumThe so called Chronicon Hungarico-polonicum, which has recently met the increased attention of historians 1 , is a text However, we may suppose that in most cases the Polish annalists did not refer to any original manuscript of the chronicle but probably used a revised version. 2 The editio princeps of the compositio maior was edited in 1823 by Hipolit Kownacki, there were further editions by Stephanus Ladislaus Endlicher, Stanislaw Pilat, Florian Marianus and Jozsef Deér 3 , the editio princeps of the compositio minor was edited in 1897 by Wojciech Ketrzynski 4 . The cur-rently valid edition is the three-columned edition by Béla Karácsonyi which takes all known manuscripts into consideration, the middle column giving the text shared by both versions, the left one the special text of the compositio maior and the right one that of the compositio minor. His abbreviations will be used in the following. 5 Another edition, presenting the chronicle in the form of a mixed text, has recently been presented as a Slovakian translation by M. Homza. 6 Previously known manuscriptsUp to now, the following manuscripts of the Chronicon Hungarico-Polonicum have been known: Z = Warsaw, BN, BOZ 28. The best edition of the longer version is that of the Codex Zamoyski, a parchment from the end of the 14 th century, measuring 25.4cm x 18cm on 97 folio pages, written in a marked gothic minuscule, which seems to indicate a connection to an Italian school. The chronicle starts on fol. 90r and ends on fol. 96v. Also, the manuscript includes a description of the life of Alexander the Great, the chronicle of Gallus Anonymus, the so called Spominki krakowskie (Notes from Cracow) on the years 1439 and 1437-1447, a 14 th century revised version of the Vita et miracula sancti Stanislai by Vincent of Kielcza (inc. tradunt), the Rocznik Traski (Traska´s Annals) and a number of other texts.C (S in Grzesik) = Cracow, Muzeum Narodowe, Zbiory Czartoryskich, Codex Cracovienis Czartoryskianus 1310. A Polish-made copy of the chronicle from the second half of the 15 th century is found in the Codex Cracovienis Czartoryskianus 1310 which, on 949 pages, includes several works copied most of all from Z; the Hungarian-Polish chronicle is on fol. 349r-359r. 7 K = Lost today is the Codex Varsovianus Krasinskianus [of the Krasinski Library in Warsaw] 83, a paper manuscript from the 16 th century which is missing since World War II. According to the only known description, the chronicle could be read on fol. 7r-v. W = Wroclaw, Ossolineum, Codex Vratislaviensis Ossolianus I.818 Another paper manuscript from the 15 th century is the Codex Vratislaviensis Ossolinianus I.818, containing most of all theological texts. On fol. 177v there are the first lines of the chronicle like the older edition (Z). O = Wroclaw, Ossolineum, Codex Vratislaviensis Ossolianus II. 1944. This is a paper manuscript of 433 folio pages bearing the headline Passionale. The manuscript dates from the 15 th century and, as the editor believed, is probabiliter ex Polonia oriundus. This manuscript is a variant of the Legenda aurea, orig-inating from a Polish environment, and consists of 211 legends. On fol. 371r-375r it gives the only known text of the Vita s. Stephani regis Ungarie (BHL 7922), that is the shorter edition of the Hungarian-Polish chronicle, which is why it serves as the basis for the comparison to the here presented manuscripts. Furthermore, as an appendix it includes a number of other saints, some of them from Lesser Poland (Stanislaus), some of them from Silesia (Hedwig), some of them from Bohemia (Adalbert, Ludmilla, Wenzel, Prokop) some of them from Hungary (Elizabeth, Emmerich). 8 New manuscriptsApart from the above mentioned, already known manuscripts, the shorter version of the Chronicon or the Vita s.Stephani (BHL 7922) is also found in three other codices which have been overlooked so far.These are a manuscript from Prague (P in the following) and a manuscript from Magdeburg (M in the following).The Prague manuscript 9 , which is today kept at the National Library in Prague (Národní knihovna České republiky) under the signature XIV.A.7, probably originates from Bohemia itself, from the last third of the 14 th century, probably at about 1380, however not earlier than 1366 and not later than 1400. It is a carefully made, two-columned parchment manuscript of I+376 folio pages of the size of 38cm x 27cm and a text area of 25cm x 17.5cm with about 40 lines per page.This manuscript is a compilation of Vitae based on the Legenda aurea, most of which are entered according to the course of the liturgical year. At the end of the manuscript only the names of the most famous saints are given, whereas at the beginning also the names of less well known saints are entered. Probably the manuscript was copied from a compilation of a number of sources. The compilatory nature becomes particularly obvious from the fact that some texts exist two times. When compiling the text, one did not care about a standardized volume, instead some texts are rather short martyrological notes, others are very voluminous, the longest ones concern Saints Gallus and Livinus. In particular, the manuscript includes a number of Bohemian saints. For example, we find the Legend of Ludmilla Fuit in provincia Boemorum, the Translatio Ludmile, the Vita and Translatio of St Wenceslaus, the Vita of St Prokop and the Vita of the Five Holy Martyr Brothers (De quinque fratribus) according to the version by Cosmas of Prague.The fact that the Legenda quemadmodum or Tempore Michaelis imperatoris is missing, suggests that the original compilation dates from earlier than the mid-14 th century. 10 10 See "Tempore Michaelis imperatoris", and "Legenda Quemadmodum", in Magnae Moraviae Fontes historici II. Textus biographici, hagiographici, liturgici (Brno, 1967) 255-257; 289-291. On the spread of these parts among the Legenda aurea manuscripts see e. g. Barbara Fleith, Studien zur Überlieferungsgeschichte der lateinischen Legenda aurea, Subsidia Apart from the Vita sancti Stephani regis Ungarie, also the Vita Henrici regis Ungarie (BHL 2529b) indicates that the original compilation was somehow related to Hungary; there is evidence for relations to Silesia by a Sermo venerabilis Clementis pape de canonizacione Hedwigis and the Minor legenda de sancta Hedwigi (BHL 3767d) (253 r -257 r ) 11 .The other manuscript (Ms. Magdeb. 138) comprises the summer part of the huge Magdeburg Legendary. 12 It is a two-columned paper manuscript from the stocks of the Domgymnasium with IX, 443 pages of the size of 31.5cm x 21.5cm, the text area being of the size of ca. 25cm x 15cm. It was written by several hands, among them also those involved in Ms. Magdeb. 26 (giving the winter part of the Legendary) which bears the date of 1459 and is also written on the same type of paper, which is why also Ms. Magdeb. 138 may be supposed to date from the same period of time. Both hagiographica 72 (Bruxelles, 1991); Anežka Vidmanová, "Legenda aurea a Čechy" [Legenda aurea and Bohemia], in Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda aurea (Praha, 1984) 11-64. manuscripts originate either from Magdeburg itself or from its closer environment, which is suggested by the existence of local legends and anecdotes. Probably the Legendary was meant for the use of the Magdeburg Cathedral Chapter. Except the Vita of St Stephen, the manuscript also includes the Materia Langobardorum et cronica imperatorum, a version of the Latin version of the Sächsische Weltchronik where we also find a report about a great tournament which is said to have happened in Magdeburg in 1278, furthermore there is a letter by a certain Simon from Constantinople, telling about the fall of the city in 1453. The Legendary is a compilation of several martyrologies and legendaries, it is based on the Legenda aurea, furthermore on the Speculum historiale by Vincent of Beauvais, on the Liber pontificalis and "probably also [on] a Legendarium Halberstatense", furthermore on some unknown sources. Several texts might indicate a connection to Bohemia or Prague, a fact of which U. Winter did not take much notice. First there is a "biography based on Bruno of Querfurt´s Vita s. Adalberti", together with a report about his translation and Otto III´s visit to Gnesen, whose existence, however, may also be connected to the cult of Adalbert in Magdeburg. Also there may be a Polish background. The Legendary shows a clearer relation to Bohemia, as it includes a legend of St Wenceslaus extended by a miracle: In 1391 the Saint is said to have extinguished a fire in Halle, for the promise of being venerated there. Further indications of a Bohemian connection are the Ludmilla legend Fuit in provincia Boemorum, the Translatio s. Ludmillae with a different end (BHL 5028) and an abridged version of the Vita of the Five Martyrs (BHL 1148) ending with quattuor autem aliorum in Praga cum maximo honore seruantur et recoluntur.Furthermore the Legendary includes a Vita of St Hedwig. The Vita of St Stephen is found on pages 144vb -147vb. It is written by a superficial hand -several times lines had to be deleted, due to the scribe´s eyes losing track, and had to be written again at the correct place. The fact that the selection of entries is the same as that of the above mentioned Prague manuscript might indicate a certain degree of a common tradition.The last manuscript is dated to 1435 and comes from the Abbey of Sieciechów (S). Due to water damage, it is difficult to read or cannot be read at all (National Library, 13 . The relation of the manuscripts to each otherBasically, the manuscripts show the same stock of texts. However, they are characterized by a number of variations which make it impossible to assume that manuscripts O or M are copies of the older one P.In particular, M and P both show a number of differences from O which, however, are in most cases not very significant, such as: How the manuscripts are related to each other cannot be concludingly clarified. Mss. P and O are closer related to each other -they show almost identical texts with only little differences. However, the latter fact rules out that O might be a copy of P. Indeed, we may postulate a common original. The relatedness of the two mss. is further underlined by the fact that in each case at least the Vita of St Emmerich is found in almost the same wording. 16 It is remarkable in this context that P does not include the Vita of St Stanislaus. Either it was already missing in the original from which P was copied or it was added only later or, however, it was left out later, due to lack of interest in these Polish affairs.O15How M and P are related to each other is much more difficult to say. Basically, due to its many omissions, completions and changes M is much different from P and of course also from O; more than only a few of them might be due to the superficiality of the scribe who is certainly North German, others again are due to his (or the scribe´s of the original) ability to make reasonable (completing) comments. Fur- 16 thermore, M and P in comparison to O show a few connecting differences, some of which also document a closer relationship to BHL 7921. Just the same, there are some significantly connecting differences to M and Z, namely the common use of the name cruwatia in contrast to dacia in the other two mss.Finally, a few words to the manuscript "S": Ms. S is almost identical with the well-known ms. O. Nevertheless, the differences indicate that it is based on a better original, although here is no reason to assume that O was copied from it.Thus, reading traa in contrast to craa O19,23 confirms the readings of P and M. There are similar results if, for example, in all manuscripts including S transmisit is contrasted to transiuit in O47,3. S also confirms the reading parentes in P and M in contrast to the obviously mistaken per gentes in O71,38f. Whereas these differences suggest that the scribe of S copied its original more carefully than the scribe of O, the following differences allow for the conclusion that S may hardly have been the immediate original of O: Thus S shows -correctlysignum whereas O40,6 writes lignum, which was already corrected appropriately by Ketrzynski (due to the considerable differences in O, P and M it seems as if this passage was difficult to read already in the common original), instead of senseless descendit in O16,16 (that may be explained by wrong solution of an abbreviation), S disimproved disperavit (PM: discessit), similarly S wrote predicanda instead of the more correct preparanda O70,3. Finally it must be remarked that S, other than O, used consequently the Germanic name Henricus, for which O used Hungarian Emericus.Whereas previously all manuscripts came from Poland, the two new ones P and M draw our attention to an environment connected to Bohemia and make clear that this version of the vita or chronicle met interest also beyond the Polish border and that it was probably much more widely spread than previously assumed. Also, the time of its making can be further delimited, as ms. P provides a clear terminus ante which, after all, is the same as that of the previously known ms. Z or even earlier.The background of the inclusion of the Hungarian saint into a Bohemian manuscript of the Legenda aurea cannot be concludingly clarified. However, even given the reception of the Hungarian-Polish chronicle at the monasteries of Kamenz and Heinrichau 17 and due to the integration of the Hedwig material one may assume a Silesian connection, more exactly a connection to the Cistercians who supported the spread of the cult of St Hedwig. 18 This again would suggest that the Hungarian-Polish chronicle was epitomised already under the rule of Wenceslaus II. (1278-1305) who made rich donations particularly to Kamenz which was also otherwise treated preferentially. 19 Bibliography: SourcesChronica hungaro-Polonica, pars I (Textus cum varietate lectionum), ed. B. Karácsonyi. Acta Historica Universitatis Szegedensis de Attila József nominatae 26 (Szeged, 1969 Wojciech Kozłowski The Maria Grzegorzewska University, WarsawInternational Relations before the Sovereign Territorial State Modern-State Bias and the Árpádian-PiastRelations, 1240-1320 International Relations before SovereigntyIt is already a truism to state that historian approaches the past (that is the subject of his inquiry), while remaining deeply rooted in and entwined with social and cultural complexities of his own time. On one hand, this dependence on contemporary contexts and backgrounds seems detrimental to the great pursuit of objectivity and scientific rigor, which many historians consider as their professional motto. Changing societies and the transformations of their cultures (including scientific and intellectual fashions), on the other hand, provide consecutive generations of scholars with ever new incentives to revisit and reconsider the findings and interpretations of their predecessors. Further, new circumstances and experiences stimulate new questions, original approaches, and create novel perspectives allowing illuminating and inspirational vantage points. Professional historian, being alert to intricacies of his own time and remaining sensitive to never ending yet always context-specific challenges that affect human societies, looks back into the past in hope to distill his modern anxieties through the lenses of the extant source material and -as a result -to say something meaningful about humans and their societies in the past. Detaching oneself from the world one lives in appears not only virtually impossible (as the development of historian's craft evidences) but sometimes even counter-productive, because it may artificially truncate historian's social sensitivities and kill motivations to test new intellectual avenues. The majority of experienced and prominent historians of political history that I know have been born into the world of sovereign territorial nation-states. For centuries these political units had been gradually emerging and achieved their apex throughout the twentieth century, claiming -following Max Weber's famous formula -the legitimate use of coercive power (violence) on a given, clearly demarcated and populated, territory.In the Polish context, to which I am strongly attached by birth and education, sovereignty (meaning: the freedom of Poland) remained the central issue for intellectuals (and beyond, up and down across all social strata) for nearly two centuries: in the nineteenth century due to the partitions and in the twentieth century due to the short-lived interwar independent Poland (1918Poland ( -1939 contrasted with the extensive period of German devastating occupation and with subsequent communist oppression.In the contemporary context sovereignty occupies important place in the Polish political discourse. This card is used on various occasions and mostly in relation with matters of European integration and processes of globalization. There are powerful milieus in the Polish politics and media hammering into people's minds that sovereignty is indispensable and essential for the survival of a nation. The specific historical experience and its dominant interpretation strongly bound the idea of state sovereignty with the much desired notions of freedom and independence. A good example of this mind-gripping approach is Dzieje Polski. Skąd nasz ród? (The History of Poland. Where Do We Come From?), 1 produced by Andrzej Nowak, a distinguished historian from Kraków. He presents an original and authoritative account of the Polish history until the year 1202. Drawing on the most recent findings of Polish scholarship, Nowak paints a teleological picture of the gradual crystallization of the separate Polish political community, with the concepts of freedom and of survival from numerous external aggressions as the picture's core features. 2 Without a doubt, today sovereignty matters and the concept itself has been firmly attached to the coming of the modern state. 3 There is a strong (yet very recently abating) 4 con-ventional conviction in the IR (International Relations) scholarship that the intertwined doctrines of sovereignty and territoriality matured sometime in the middle of the seventeenth century and gave birth to the modern states-system which endured fairly untouched to our times. 5 Robert Jackson aptly encapsulates the vitality of sovereignty in the modern times:"Sovereignty is an idea of authority embodied in those bordered territorial organizations we refer to as 'states' or 'nations' and expressed in their various relations and activities, both domestic and foreign. In the early twenty-first century there are almost two hundred of those organizations around the world, each one responsible for the territory under its jurisdiction and the people who live there. Sovereignty is at the center of the political arrangements and legal practices of the modern world. The idea originated in the controversies and wars, religious and political, of sixteenth and seventeenth-century Europe. It has existed without interruption and spread around the world since that time, and it continues to evolve.[…] State sovereignty is a fundamental idea of authority of the modern era, arguably the most fundamental. It stands in marked contrast to ideas of authority of other eras, particularly the preceding medieval period of European history, which revolved around the theocratic and transnational idea of Latin Christendom. Sovereignty also stands in marked contrast to ideas of authority in other discontinuities or ruptures exist between different modes of territorialization. Both of these tendencies are present in the Westphalia narrative that represents medieval international politics as other to the modern international system of sovereign territorial states" -Ibid. 53. 5 parts of the world before Western imperial states intervened and established themselves as a global, and no longer merely a European or Western, system of authority. That worldwide episode was only completed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries". 6 Taking all this into account, it seems unsurprising that in approaching "international" medieval history historians seem lured into a trap of viewing pre-modern political entities as perhaps underdeveloped but clearly predestined-tosovereign-reasoning states, which tend to act on the international stage and to construct their interests in a roughly identical manner as modern states appear to do: secure survival, form and break alliances, strive to dominate others or at least to balance power (if attaining hegemony is out of reach). Taking this perspective is genuinely seducing because it compellingly and logically resonates with historian's own experiences and understandings of world politics; further, this approach draws on a scholarly tradition established long ago.To be sure, historians recognize that medieval political entities operated in a different social and cultural context, and thus means of conducting international politics varied from modern political arsenals, having in its center the socalled "dynastic politics" (with dynastic marriages as its fundamental tool) and relying political authority on personal bonds. Nevertheless, acknowledging circumstantial and contextual discrepancies does not necessarily affect the seemingly ahistorical logic of international politics, which remains constant across centuries. Consequently, in many scholarly accounts it is implicitly assumed that medieval "international" actors carried out foreign politics according to the same principles that modern states follow. 7 Strikingly enough, conventional IR scholarship has been reluctant to grapple with medieval politics, deeming it structurally different to contemporary systems. In a popular IR textbook Robert H. Jackson and Georg Sørensen contended:"Can we speak of 'international relations' in Western Europe during the medieval era? Only with difficulty because, as already indicated, medieval Christendom was more like an empire than a state system. States existed, but they were not independent or sovereign in the modern meaning of these words. There were no clearly defined territories with borders. The medieval world was not a geographical patchwork of sharply differentiated colors which represented different independent countries. Instead, it was a complicated and confusing intermingling of lines and colors of varying shades and hues. Power and authority was organized on both a religious and a political basis: in Latin Christendom, the Pope and the Emperor were the heads of two parallel and connected hierarchies, one religious and the other political. Kings and other rulers were subjects of those higher authorities and their laws. They were not fully independent. And much of the time, local rulers were not 7 See for instance: Vìtalìj Nagìrnij, Polityka zagraniczna księstw ziem halickiej i wołyńskiej w latach 1198 (1199) fully independent either. The fact is that territorial political independence as we know it today was not present in medieval Europe". 8 It is tempting for a historian to dismiss this opinion with a wave of his hand, pointing to its superficiality and crudeness, not to mention flaws in historical data, since medieval Europe was never equally and entirely subordinated to imperial and papal powers. Along these lines, Peter Halden commented:"Certain social sciences such as International Relations (IR) tend to simplify the Middle Ages to a binary opposition between emperor and pope. Conversely, within the historical disciplines the view that there was no "international politics" in this era has long prevailed. Both are results of identification of the state with the Weberian definition and of inter-state politics with institutions such as sovereignty and the "balance of power". With this background, two options have been left to synthetic approaches, focusing on feudal relations between minor lords or concluding that Europe was governed by unitary structure made up of the emperor and the pope until the system differentiated into fully autonomous units at the peace of Westphalia". 9 Here is the dilemma. Historians generally recognize the "otherness" of medieval "international" politics, and thus they have been willing to approach it from various angles: facts and events (traditional political history), institutions 8 Robert H. Jackson -Georg Sørensen, Introduction to International Relations: Theories and Approaches (Oxford -New York, 2010) 11. 9 Peter Halden, "From Empire to Commonwealth(s): Orders in Europe 1300-1800", in Universal Empire. A Comparative Approach to Imperial Culture and Representation in Eurasian History, ed. P. Fibiger Bang -D. Kołodziejczyk (Cambridge -New York, 2012) 283.(the so-called constitutional history), and political culture and manifestations of power (the New Political History). 10 This plethora of approaches and perspectives, however, hardly ever stimulates historians to question the validity of the presumed universal logic (sovereignty, territoriality, balance of power) of international politics. To put it differently, historians know and accept that medieval political world was quite different from our own, and they provide picturesque descriptions of this world; what they are less inclined to acknowledge is that those differences (technical, conceptual, ideological, and cultural) affected in some way the very structure of international system, rendering it inexplicable by means of sheer transfer of concepts and meaning that rule the international politics of today. The well-studied "otherness" of medieval politics appears inconsequential for the ways this politics is perceived and explained in historical works. IR scholars, on the other hand, are much less specialized in navigating through the intricacies of the medieval world and rather disinterested in exploring source material (as far as I can tell, they chiefly limit themselves to reading historical works about the Middle Ages), but their systematic and profound inquiry about various manifestations of international systems compelled (some of) them to doubt any continuity between pre-modern forms of international systems and their modern successors. That is to say, drawing on the body of scholarship on medieval times, they noticed and recognized the medieval "otherness", which on the whole led them to conclude that the pre-modern systems cannot be interpreted through the lenses of contemporary IR theories, since modernity follows a different rationale than the preceding age. Hence, IR scholars have refused to problematize and theorize medieval politics, 11 disbelieving their models (developed throughout the twentieth century) 12 to provide meaningful explanations. Historians, however, perhaps less experienced in socio-theoretical explorations (and not always fascinated by them) remained stubbornly immune to draw conclusions, at which IR people arrived long ago. 11 With a few exceptions: Wojciech Kozłowski, "Theorizing Late Medieval Politics. Report from the Field", Studia z dziejów średniowiecza 19 (2015) 107-135. 12 The IR scholarship developed throughout the twentieth century and it has made this twentieth-century international system its central issue. All IR theoretical traditions, even if they reach to theorists and philosophers of the past centuries for inspiration and solid grounding, they were in first place devised to elucidate the behavior of the twentieth-century states. Although the discipline did not confine itself to the contemporary matters, the focus on the recent developments remained principal. This was partially due to the IR's aspirations (not shared by historians) to offer meaningful predictions about the future transformations on the international stage. Modern-State Bias and the "Regional Family Network" of the ÁrpádsFrom the early decades of the thirteenth century the relations between Piast dukes and Árpádian monarchs in Hungary gradually intensified and eventually laid foundations for close dynastic ties that pinnacled in Louis the Great's ascension to the Polish throne in 1370. Certainly, nothing was predetermined in the way the events unfolded and in the early 1200s it had been simply impossible to foresee that trans-Carpathian political and dynastic relations would so conclude. Anyway, Jan Dąbrowski rightly observed that throughout the thirteenth century the dukes of Kraków and Sandomierz developed their politics towards establishing greater ties with the Árpáds. 13 According to the investigation I carried out some time ago, in the period 1150-1250 (which coincided with the disintegration of the duchy/kingdom of Poland into smaller entities governed by members of the Piast dynasty) things were dynamically transforming, bringing a gradual change in the status and perspectives of the Árpáds and Piasts. Starting from the middle of the twelfth century and the divisions endorsed by Bolesław Krzywousty, the dynastic horizon of both houses (i.e., how broad and diversified were their sets of marital partners), initially similar in scope, began to vary 13 considerably. This gap continued to expand along the passing generations. Whereas the Árpáds became a dynasty with wide European relations, the Piasts submerged into more and more short-distance dealings with a shrinking international perspective. In addition, due to the intensifying dismemberment of Poland, the Piasts lost their dynastic attractiveness to royal courts, including the Árpáds. Therefore, in the middle of the thirteenth century there was already a striking cleavage between the Piasts' and the Árpáds' dynastic perspectives. But also the latter's interest in Ruthenian lands in the early thirteenth century opened up new opportunities in shaping inter-dynastic connections. Statistically speaking, the Árpád-Piast marriages of the first half of the thirteenth century: Coloman and Salomea (1214), Kunigunda and Bolesław the Chaste (1239), and Jolanta and Bolesław the Pious (1256) were extraordinary for the Piasts, who over last century scarcely had succeeded in marrying into any nuclear royal family.The marriage of Kunigunda and Bolesław the Chaste has been interpreted in many ways but often superficially. Scholars have tended to concentrate on the interests of one party and neglect the other. Recent examinations showed that the marriage could have been the result of negotiations between Duke Henry the Pious of Silesia (Bolesław the Chaste's guardian) and King Béla IV of Hungary, involving Salomea and the nobility of Lesser Poland. Henry the Pious aspired to receive a royal crown and to become king of Poland. This would have equipped him with a claim to authority over the other Piasts. To achieve this goal, he was seeking for prominent and potent alliances. He already had close family connections with the Přemyslids and, indirectly, with the Árpáds, but as the dominant Polish duke he looked for further connections. The Árpáds were "popular" with European dynasties because of St Elisabeth, who had been canonized in 1235 and soon became an influential model of a noble woman's saint. Even the imperial house was emphasizing its proximity to her. These reasons of prestige were undoubtedly present in Henry the Pious's mind.Béla IV's foreign agenda was guided by circumstances at home. His authority was challenged by Hungarian nobles and he sought means to solidify his royal power. 15 In addition, the borders of the kingdom of Hungary were targeted by the approaching Mongols, and he was seeking partnership with a ruler, whose borders were equally menaced. At the same time, ties with Kraków could secure for Béla IV assistance in recovering the Árpádian influence in Ruthenia, following strategic avenues developed by King Andrew II, his father. Thus, during the negotiations a military alliance was at stake which was to be confirmed by a marriage. Bolesław the Chaste's special political potential in 1239 made him an attractive pick for Béla IV: 1) he was under Henry the Kosztolnyik Pious's supervision (whose alliance Béla IV was hoping for), but 2) he was not his offspring whose degree of kinship with Kunigunda, Béla IV's daughter, was -according to the canon law -simply too close; 3) he was also a young duke of Sandomierz and the lawful heir of Kraków. Although in 1239 he still had little chance of becoming an actual duke of Kraków, Sandomierz was also in Lesser Poland, a region which the Árpáds traditionally counted politically significant.In 1241 the Mongol invasion swept Lesser Poland and Moravia, and considerably devastated the kingdom of Hungary. Henry the Pious fell in battle and, due to the subsequent political turmoil, in 1243 Bolesław the Chaste emerged as the duke of Kraków. For Béla IV and the elites of the kingdom of Hungary, however, the Mongol brief-yet-catastrophic occupation was transformative and, seemingly, it strongly affected their future political interests, encouraging closer ties with the rulers of Lesser Poland and beyond.The leading role in the "post-Mongol" regional politics was, therefore, played by Béla IV, whose kingdom suffered apparently the most from the invaders. There are no doubts concerning the terrifying reality of destruction. There is, however, some dispute about its degree. In the older scholarship it was claimed that almost 50% the country was depopulated by the killings and later by disease and starvation, which occurred because large parts of land remained untilled due to the marauding Mongols. More recent studies suggest a lower proportion of 20% for the percentage of the population that was killed. 16 To reinforce their arguments these scholars point to later events that show that after the Mongols retreated to the steppes, the kingdom resumed its military activities fairly quickly. 17 It is beyond any question, however, that the Mongol onslaught left the kingdom of Hungary changed in many respects. Apparently, the fear of the soon-to-come next invasion instilled in people's hearts 18 -outside all the other damages and losses they had already suffered -significantly influenced and shaped the polices adopted by Béla IV, who has sometimes been called the second "state-founder". 19 One of his responses to this pending threat was to authorize nobles who could afford constructing stone-castles. A big building campaign was primarily designed to strengthen the defense potential of the kingdom, because -as the Mongol attack revealed -there were significantly higher chances of survival if the invaders encountered a walled location. This construction boom was very efficient and by Béla IV's death (1270), it produced a hundred new castles owned by the royal family, wealthy nobles, and bishops. 20 The rapid rise of 16 fortified places in the kingdom certainly expanded its defense potential, yet -by diversification of their ownershipit deprived the king of an important advantage in times of confrontation with uncooperative nobility (the number of stone-castles reached three-hundred by the end of the thirteenth century, 21 and at least two-thirds of them did not belong to the king). 22 Giving away property and lands to the elite to financially enable it to erect own castles reinforced the kingdom in absolute terms but, at the same time, it created a favorable foundation to reduce the kingdom's political integrity, for it undermined the will for cooperation on the part of the elite. Plainly speaking, more powerful nobles could demand more for their compliance.The reconstruction of the country had to encompass several aspects. Alongside a new immigration policy that was aimed to repopulate deserted areas, there was a shift in the political strategy. The experience of the Mongol warfare -so different from the European fighting style -forced Béla IV to reconsider the organization of the royal army. A clear change in the kingdom's internal arrangements, however, was only one side of the coin. Béla IV painfully realized that his kingdom would not be safe as long as it faced the Mongols on its own. He believed (or appeared to believe) that the best answer to the eastern menace would be the unity of the Euro-pean kingdoms, confirmed and corroborated with papal authority. Therefore, he turned to the Holy See 23 , to the German emperor, 24 and to the king of France, asking for reinforcements and support against the common danger. However, his pleas proved in vain. 25 Disappointed, Béla IV concentrated on Eastern Europe as the region where his idea of a system of security could prevail.The aftermath of the Mongol invasion was, therefore, a powerful stimulant for a political cooperation between the Árpáds and the Piast dukes of Lesser Poland in the following decades. A system of security had been initiated in 1239 by the alliance between Béla IV and Henry the Pious. The tangible threat of the advancing Mongols and internal turmoil compelled Béla IV to seek military and political support in the north. The system, however, did not work, owing to the excellence of the Mongol warfare. 23 For need and despair reflected in the letters of Béla IV see: Nora Berend, At the Gate of Christendom: Jews, Muslims, And "pagans" in Medieval Hungary, C. 1000-C. 1300 (Cambridge -New York, 2001) 164. 24 An envoy of Béla IV arrived at the imperial court in 1241 and promised that if Béla IV had received aid from the emperor against Mongols, he would have submitted himself and his country to him in fiefdom. See: Z. J. Kosztolnyik, Hungary in the Thirteenth Century, East European Monographs 439 (Boulder, 1996) 350-51. 25 Ibid., 180. Béla IV nicely expressed his frustration writing to the pope c. 1250: "When the Tartars fought against us in our kingdom, we put our request over this matter before the three principal courts of Christendom, that is Yours, which is thought and believed to be the mistress and superior of all courts by Christians, the imperial one, to which we were ready to submit ourselves because of this, if at the time of the said pestilence it had given us efficient aid and help; and we had our request laid before the court of the Franks, but from all these we received neither consolation nor help, but only words." -Berend, At the Gate, 166.Therefore, the security structure had to be reorganized. The death of Henry the Pious paradoxically helped in this endeavor, because his lordship disintegrated and Bolesław the Chaste emerged as a claimant to the throne in Kraków and finally won it in 1243. 26 This did not happen, nevertheless, without a Hungarian support. The followers of Bolesław the Chaste with some Hungarian reinforcements expelled Conrad of Mazovia from Kraków in 1242. 27 Béla IV was devoted to protect his allies. 28 According to Włodarski 29 and recently to Żmudzki, 30 a decisive turn to Halich was a part of the previous expansionist politics of the king of Hungary. Firstly, the expansion was carried out with both military and dynastic means. The "marital" offensive to the north was the opposite of the practices from before 1241 and it clearly aimed at building a buffer zone along the northern borders of the kingdom of Hungary. Rostislav of Černigov, who had already asked for a daughter of Béla IV in 1238-1239, eventually married one of them, Anna, in 1243. Within ten years he became a key figure in the Balkans, controlling the Árpádian interests in the south as the duke of Bosnia and Mačva. 31 32 Afterwards, Béla IV dismissed the idea of conquering Halich for his son-in-law. 33 He launched his "marital" offensive instead, and succeeded. 34 Lev, a son of Daniel, a Ruthenian duke, married Constance, another daughter of Béla IV in 1251. Finally, the Polish duke Boleslaw the Pious of Kalisz received Jolenta, a sister of Constance, as a spouse in 1256.Béla IV made a significant effort to sustain the best possible relations with his northern and northeastern neighbors, namely, the Piast and Rurikid dukes of Kraków and Halich. 35 Hence, the general security system meticulously set up by Béla IV may be characterized as follows: Béla IV's vital interests were in the west (competition with the Přemyslids over the Babenbergs' domains) and in the east (the Mongols). The threat coming from both directions was considered as long- 32 Włodarski, Polska i Ruś, 127-28. 33 Szende, "Magyarország külpolitikája", 339. 34 Włodarski, Polska i Ruś, 132. 35 King Béla IV on 2 April, 1264, issued a charter for a Magister Nicholaus with a donation as a reward for his fidelity. The text mentions many envoys from various countries who had gathered in the court. Moreover, the presence of all three of the king's daughters with their husbands was also attested. lasting, but over the decades the western one repeatedly appears in royal donation charters. This warlike policy surely contributed to the fact that the second half of the thirteenth century was full of conflicts that concentrated there. The kingdom of Hungary's southern border was secured by Rostislav's triumphs that effectively suppressed the kingdom of Serbia and gained some control over the lordships in Bulgaria. The north (and the northeast, too, to be precise) became a rather peaceful region where the neighboring principalities were friendly to Béla IV's court.The second half of the thirteenth century witnessed a growing political rivalry between the Přemyslids and the Árpáds. The war over the Babenberg's legacy, which erupted in 1246, occupied them for thirty years and greatly reshaped politics in Central Europe. For these three decades Bolesław the Chaste, and his appointed successor Leszek the Black, firmly supported the Árpáds, 36 deserting them briefly only in the late 1270s. 37 But even then, they did it for only a short time. 38 I would argue that 60 years after the Mongol invasion and still before the ascension of Charles I of Anjou to the Hungarian throne the experience of cooperation was deeply entrenched in the political horizons of the kings of Hungary and of the dukes of Lesser Poland. The strategic decision of Béla IV in 1239 to reach out to the neighboring Piast dukes 36 as to possible political partners, initiated a discrete "new opening" in the relations between dynasties. The Mongol invasion, however, forced the Hungarian elites to enhance their security by creating a "regional family network", which was established by marrying out Béla IV's numerous daughters. Ideally, the network built on marriages was supposed to last for some time.Thirty years after Béla IV's death, in the beginning of the fourteenth century, however, the dynastic circumstances became significantly different. The Árpáds and soon enough the Přemyslids were gone from the scene. The Mongol threat somewhat abated. New families emerged in the region, striving to grab the thrones of Hungary and Bohemia: the Angevins and Luxemburgs (respectively). Meanwhile, the competition among the Piasts ultimately elevated Władysław Łokietek to rule over a more extensive lordship, which in 1320 assumed the prestigious status of a kingdom. In this context, Charles I of Anjou and Elizabeth Piast's marriage (1320) emerged to be consequential in its outcomes and laid foundations for close relations between the Angevin and Piast monarchs, which resulted in the twelve-year-long period of the union of the kingdom of Hungary and of Poland ruled by King Louis the Great of Hungary (1370-1382). 39 explanations have been offered for the origins of the marriage, interpreting it as a manifestation of a political alliance. 40 Summarizing the most recent analysis, 41 it was profitable for Łokietek to give a consent to the marriage. It provided a prominent future for his daughter and, at the same time, it offered him a gate to the elite milieu of the early fourteenthcentury ruling houses. Besides, the Angevin-Piast marriage functioned as a form of recognition of Łokietek's newly acquired royal dignity (at a time aptly questioned by the Luxemburgs of Bohemia) and established an additional and meaningful reason to seek Charles I's auxilium et consilium (assistance and advice) when necessary. I argue, however, that first and foremost the Angevin-Piast marriage was a result of Charles I's determination to produce an heir to his lordship. He hopelessly awaited one from his previous wives: from Mary Piast and from Beatrix of Luxemburg, and looked forward to conceiving one through Elizabeth. 42 The alliance was, therefore, an outcome of unpredictable developments of family-centered politics. Otherwise, in 1320 Charles I and Łokietek did not have much in common. 40 Concluding RemarksWhile writing the historical part of this paper, I deliberately attempted to avoid the modern-state bias I discussed it the beginning. The narrative indicates that the thirteenth-century "international" world can be successfully presented as a place for interacting lords (kings, dukes, and nobles), and less as a system of states. True, in both variants the central question remains the same: cooperate or fight?, but it does not necessarily mean, for instance, that Béla IV's decisions about entering a strife over the Babenberg's inheritance can be reported as, say, an imperial expansion of Hungary in the region. In other words, the logic of territorial gains (modern state) does not have to be identical to the logic of lordshipbuilding and of securing elite standing for one's offspring (lord). Also, a dynastic marriage (like the case of Charles I and Elisabeth) can be effectively interpreted at the level of a family matter (providing an heir) and may appear problematic, if considered as an element of a big power-balancing game, characteristic to behaviors of states in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.This paper concludes with a suggestion. Perhaps, attempts to make sense of the thirteenth-century "international" politics may prove more effective and meaningful (than the conventional application of modern-state international logic), if -while developing some form of an explanatory model -a few of the medieval politics' essential elements are considered,: 1) the "international" world is populated with persons (individuals) rather than with abstract en-tities (states); 2) this world lacks clear domestic-foreign distinctions; 3) it is culturally dominated by hierarchical mindset, emphasizing the importance of social standing; 4) it is multipolar and highly decentralized; 5) and to secure cooperation it prefers personal bonds than forms of territorial allegiance. Although the subject of portraiture has generally been well studied, especially with the publications of recent years, 2 some issues have yet to garner much interest. The issue of crypto-portraits takes part of these somewhat neglected and misunderstood subjects, as the words written by Friedrich Polleross and cited below, accurately portray the situation regarding the research of crypto-portraits, even today. BibliographyWhen we evoke the first known individual portrait in medieval art history, we have an answer generally acknowledged in international scholarship. There is a consensus in the research that considers the image of John the Good as the first individual panel portrait. 3 But if we would like to define the first crypto-portrait in the Middle Ages, we can establish a long list based on different hypotheses in scholarship. Can be mentioned the Shrine of Charlemagne in Aachen Cathedral (ca. 1200-1215) -crypto-portrait of Frederick Barbarossa, the Bamberg Horseman (ca. 1230) -crypto-portrait of emperor Frederick II, Bitonto (Apulia), on the marble ambo created by Master Nicolaus (1229) -Frederick II as David, Rome, San Clemente, statue of Clement I -supposed to represent the pope Boniface VIII or the Epiphany Scene in Notre-Dame of Paris with the crypto-portrait of Philippe III (+1285). 4 What is more, this specific type of portraiture does not have a common name and definition: with a little bit of exaggeration, we could say that as many researcher as many term in use. That's why, first of all, I will start with an enumeration of the different terms in use referring to the cryptoportrait in the scientific literature which cover similar, but not exactly the same reality. 5 This point is crucial for the understanding of the entire phenomenon as the first apparition What is a crypto-portrait?If one reviews the literature on the subject, they would come across the following terms: crypto-portrait, identification portrait, historical portrait, disguised portrait, allegorical portrait, incognito portrait and mythological portrait. Given the confusion that surrounds its terminology, the first task is to try to find a working definition, which could be used in the course of the research.Friedrich Polleross, author of a dissertation defended in Austria at the end of the 1980s on the Identification portrait, 6 presented the first utilisation of the terms related to the phenomenon. The notion ritratto istoriato was first used in the 17 th Century, while its French and German equivalents are known from the middle of the 18 th Century: portrait historié and historiches Bildnis.Identification portraits can be categorized in two main groups: 7 The crypto-portrait is the older form and it means an image that was inserted to a historic or religious scene. We can describe a crypto-portrait as a representation of a saint, biblical, historical or mythological character, painted to look as that of the portrait for example. On this issues, we refer to the only academic monograph on the subject, that of F. Polleross: Friedrich B Polleross, Das sakrale Identifikationsporträt: ein höfischer Bildtypus vom 13. bis zum 20. Jh. (Worms, 1988). 6 Polleross, "Das sakrale Identifikationsporträt". The images were conceived originally as portraits and gave an allegorical meaning by attributes or "masking". It is important to note that the condition of such a disguised portrait is the very existence of the autonomous portrait. In this case, the historical or biblical scene is only a supplementary framework, a kind of accessory. At the same time, it is confusing that some authors as Claire Richter Sherman, 8 author of a monograph on Charles V of France's portraits, uses the notion disguised portrait to describe representations that belong actually to the first group, that's to say, to crypto-portraits.Nevertheless, this is not the only possible classification. A thematic distinction was also suggested: if it is represented in a profane scene (mythological portrait) or in a sacred one (disguised portrait). Another option consists of classifying the images relating to the public. 9 On private crypto-portraits or reflexive images, the commissioner wanted to see himself on the representation. These images are not addressed to a large public and are painted in manuscripts, in little devotional images or portative altars. The opposite group can be called public crypto-portraits or demonstrative images. Monumental art and coins can be mentioned here, given the 8 Claire Richter Sherman, The Portraits of Charles V of France (New York, 1969) 20. 9 Schmidt, "Beiträge zum Gotischen", 329.large audience who has access to these images.We can thus consider the main difficulties to identify crypto-portraits as follows. First, it consists of identifying the person represented in the portrait, often someone of historical importance. To accomplish this, it is essential that one take into consideration the resemblance, but also the traits characteristic of the subject and their position. Subsequently, one must examine the historical context of the work, and then establish a link with a known portrait of a historical figure, which usually includes the same codified elements. Finally, one must ascertain the nature of portrait's commission, as well as the quality of the material used in the cryptoportrait. 10 It is very important to underline the separation between the crypto-portrait and the disguised portrait as it permits us to conceive a relevant problematic. The confusion that surrounds this term made difficult to conduct an indepth study, as it prevents us to focalise on one of the main elements that, in my sense, could explain the emergence of crypto-portraits. From the magi to earthly kingsIn the 13 th -14 th Century, genealogies, rulers' series and other, historicising series became particularly in fashion. The lost cycle on the Ile de la Cité, the Genealogy of the Luxemburg dynasty or the cycles lost of Prague and Tangermünde castles can witness it. 11 At the same time, mentions as second Charlemagne or second Alexander the Great were in use, to designate and praise the ruler. The issue was to be able to represent it visually and at this point; the crypto-portrait could propose an adequate solution.It is possible that the need for a representation in historical sequences and biblical scenes played an important role in the emergence of the crypto-portrait and the portrait. We cannot obviously separate it of the other factors that had a determining role. 12 In the first time, the objective may have been to identify with a deceased model. The contemporary ruler wanted to achieve the virtues possessed by the famous ancestors and predecessors. The representations in the guise of the three magi are particularly representative in this context as they were kings in the tradition. The visit of the three wise men to pay homage to the infant Jesus is related in the Gospel of Matthew and some apocryphal gospels. 13 In its 11 recognition of Jesus as the King of Kings, the feast of the Epiphany had special meaning for medieval rulers. Some authors qualify the participation of earthly rulers in the Adoration scene as a "double Epiphany": 14 Christ acknowledged the realm of the rulers by accepting their offerings and the kings assured their loyalty with their gifts to Jesus. These earthly kings would often assume the ceremonial roles of the magi in the liturgy of the feast, and coronations often took place on that day.Richard Trexler wrote a study entitled The Journey of the Magi 15 , presenting the development of the three magi to three kings. As he insisted upon it, an important problem of the use of the three magi iconography in a representational context is its inability to present a unique authority. 16 A solution of this problem is to represent the three magi as three members of the same dynasty. The Three kings offer the possibility to represent the biblical or historical models, the familial ancestors and the contemporary ruler in one and unique representation. For the empire specially, the Magi had a special relevance. Since the translation of their relics to Cologne cathedral under Frederick Barbarossa, the Magi were particularly significant as the patrons of the kings and it became customary for Kings of Romans to follow their coronation at Aachen with a visit to Cologne where they might pay reverence to the relics. 17 On the Reliquary of the three kings in Cologne, Otton IV appears next to the three magi, which some scholars interpreted as being "the forth king". An inscription OTTO REX identified him without doubt. 18 The main difference between the representation of the three kings and that of Otton is the fact that the latter does not have a crown. Nevertheless, this representation is often interpreted as a step to the inclusion of earthly kings to the theme of the magi. 19 Already Nicholas of Bari, of the court of Frederic II, made an allusion between contemporary rulers and the magi in 1235: His ancestor <Frederick I> was a great ruler because he was emperor of the Romans, his father <Henry VI> was also great, because emperor of the Romans and king of Sicily, himself <Frederick II> he is the greatest because he is emperor of the Romans, king of Jerusalem and Sicily. Certainly, these three kings are like the three magi, who came gifts to adore the God and the Man, but this is the youngest of the three, on whom the child Jesus had put his blessed 17 Stehkämper, "Könige und Heilige Drei Könige", 39; Trexler, "The Journey of the Magi", 78; Hans Hofmann, Die heiligen drei Könige (Bonn, 1975). 18 Hofmann, "Die heiligen drei Könige", 94; Stehkämper, "Könige und Heilige Drei Könige",39. 19 Trexler, "The journey of the Magi". See also Gerald Schwedler, "Ritualinnovation: Zur Gestaltung politisch-liturgischer Zeremonien im Spätmittelalter am Beispiel der Pariser Dreikönigsmesse im Jahr 1378," in Das Ursprüngliche und das Neue. Zur Dynamik ritueller Prozesse in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. B. Dücker -G. Schwedler (Berlin, 2008) 145-206. hands and his sacred arms. 20 The mention of Nicholas of Barikings were like magi -can be considered as the first mention of a parallel between them. We have not only a first visual sign of the intention to include earthly rulers in the iconography of the three kings but also some written evidence. 21 From later periods, we also know some liturgical plays in which rulers played an important role. We can evoke for example the offerings of Charles V, king of France and the emperor Charles IV in 1378 in the guise of the magi at the Epiphany feast. 2223 pairs of offerings: gold, frankincense and myrrh to offer up, as in common. This mention allows us to think that this kind of offerings had been already in use in the court before 1378. 24 The cited representations of the Adoration of the Magi, can be interpreted as the visual confirmation of this tendency. Crypto-portraits appeared thus as tools of actualisation of a biblical image. Central Europe as a Centre of Production?As already mentioned, some authors situate the first appearance in the 13 th century in the Saint-Empire, Italy or in France. 25 Beside these first sporadic and very hypothetical occurrences, the real expansion of the genre seems to start in the 14 th Century, eventually based upon an earlier model. 24 For detailed interpretation, see Schwedler, "Ritualinnovation", 147-154; Jana Fantysová-Matejková, "The Holy Roman Emperor in the toils of the French protocol," Imago temporis. Medium Aevum 6 (2012) 223-248. 25 See namely Schmidt, "Beiträge zum Gotischen".The birth of the portrait has been situated in the new intellectual climate of the 14 th Century, characterised by a new vision of the world and the human and the birth of the crypto-portrait comes within the scope of this development. Scholars seem to accept the court of Charles IV as the centre of expansion of the crypto-portrait. Among his crypto-portraits, a great part had been painted in a scene of the Adoration of the Magi. 26 An Adoration of the Magi and a Dormition of the Virgin scenes were probably originally parts of a diptych. The panels known as the Morgan diptych may contain not only the crypto-portrait of Charles IV but also that of Innocent VI in the guise of the Saint Peter. 27 The second king has Charles IV's features and his mantle is much more decorated than that of the other kings. His mantle is decorated with the imperial eagle. The double crypto-portrait may refer to the fragile balance between the power of the Holy Roman Empire and the Church.Charles IV's features seem to have been imposed on one of the three kings in the Adoration scene in the Holy Cross Chapel at Karlstejn castle. 28 What is unusual in this image is 26 the fact that Charles IV is the third king and not the middle one, as on his other representations.The breviary of Jean of Streda, which is also known as Liber Viaticus, was painted in the fifties-sixties of the 14 th Century. Initial of the 97v folio presents a scene of the Adoration of the Magi. First of all, as Marco Bogade has already pointed out, the crown of the second magi was painted with a particular care. Not only this element but also his clothes may be viewed as efforts to distinguish a particular personality in the image. Given the close parallels existing between this image and the Adoration of the Morgan diptych, it is possible that Charles IV had his own features imposed on an image of the Magi. (Moreover, another image in the manuscript may contain a crypto-portrait, namely that representing Melchisedek.) Not only the middle king has been identified with a contemporary personality. The young king may be represented in the guise of Wenceslas, the son of Charles, as Olga Pujmanova suggested. 29 The young king holds a large nugget of gold. This iconographical specificity can allude to the birth of Wenceslas and a generous gift made by his imperial father. Written sources conserved that the equivalent of the weight of the baby Wenceslas had sent to the Aachen cathedral treasury to commemorate this event.Another example of the possibly "dynastic" Adoration of the Magi paintings is known by the name "Bucher Adoration" in the scholarship. 30 It is supposed that Charles IV had his own features imposed on an image of the Magi. Both he and his two sons may even be intended here, with the kneeling Charles, Wenceslas as Dauphin in the middle, and the read-headed Sigismund. 31 Not only the court of Charles IV but that of Rudolf IV of Habsburg used the practice of the crypto-portrait. On the Nativity Portal of St Theobald in Thann, the Journey of the Magi conserved a crypto-portrait of the archduke. 32 Situated on the lower west-southern tympanum on the Nativity Portal, the scene of the Journey is represented together with that of the Adoration of the Magi. Sharing features of other known portraits of Rudolf, Assaf Pinkus argues that the figure of the middle king has been portrayed with the archduke's features, hypothesis which is also supported by contemporary political concerns. 33 Often interpreted in the logic of a certain rivalry between himself and his brother-in-law Charles IV, the representation of Rodolf in Thann may be part of this ambition.For the contemporaries of Charles IV and Rudolf IV, the kings of Hungary and Poland, Louis I and Casimir III the situation is more complicated, as no likeness of these rulers has been conserved. Nevertheless, different hypotheses have been published on the subject. In Padua, at the S. Felice Chapel, S. Antonio, Altichiero eventually represented Louis Ist of Hungary. Among other crypto-portraits on the scene of the Council of Ramiro, Margaret Plant recognised that of Louis Ist. Here, "…he is shown against a baldacchino emblazoned 31 Pujmanová, "Portraits of kings", 247. 32 Assaf Pinkus, "Rudolf's journey," Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 65 (2004) 273-288. 33 Pinkus, "Rudolf's journey".with the royal lilies of the house of Anjou. His helmet with ostrich head is held by an aide-de-camp in the Battle of Clavigo, and his horse stands nearby with its caparison emblazoned with fleurs-delys." 34 Besides these plausible arguments, the author supposes that the features of the king with his "distinctive bifurcated beard" have been also represented. On this basis, the author identifies other crypto-portraits of the king in Velemér (Hungary), one on the scene of the Adoration of the Magi and another one in the guise of Saint Ladislas. 35 Unfortunately, no Polish examples are known from the 14 th Century representing the contemporary king as a Magi. But it is supposed that the practice of crypto-portrait was known in his court as some representations show the king's head with horns. The horns had been probably borrowed from the iconography of Moses in order to evoke a comparison between the king and the Old Testament patriarch. Marek Walczak mentions for example the coat of arms of the Dobrzyn region form the mid-14 th -century in this context. 36 We can add that the practice of the crypto-portrait in the Magi iconography has been in use in the 15 th Century in Poland. On the so-called Polyptych of Our Lady of Sorrows (Cracow Cathedral, the Chapel of the Holy Cross -Kaplica Sẃietokrzyska, 1470-1480s) the crypto-portrait of Ladislas Jagiello was executed on a panel representing the Adoration 34 Margaret Plant, "Portraits and politics in late trecento Padua," The Art bulletin 63 (1981) 412. 35 Plant, "Portraits and politics", 412. 36 Marek Walczak, "Casimir the Great's Artistic Foundations and the Court Art of the Luxembourgs," in Kunst als Herrschaftsinstrument. Böhmen und das Heilige Römische Reich, ed. J. Fajt (Berlin, 2009) 534-549. of the Magi. 37 It seems that the practice of the crypto-portrait was known in all of the studied courts in Central Europe. The concept may have been transferred from the imagery of Charles IV to his contemporaries' representation. At this point, Ernő Marosi's hypothesis can furnish an interesting clarification. 38 It is possible that the likeness of Emperor Charles IV was used in the Hungarian court, namely in the Chronicon Pictum (also known as Illuminated Chronicle). If we observe two miniatures of the Chronicle, the first representing the king Peter before emperor Henri III and the second showing the king Salomon before the emperor Henri IV, we can recognize some familiar features. It seems that for the figure of the emperor, the likeness of the contemporary emperor, so that of Charles IV, has been used. These two effigies are unique in the Chronicle as they are painted in a threequarter view. For the other images, a simple profile or frontal view can be observed, except for some battle-scenes. If Marosi's hypothesis turns out to be correct, we could prove the transfer of the concept from Bohemia to Hungary.Despite some grey areas on the first occurrences, the genre of crypto-portrait had surely been in use in the 15 th Century. In 1438, emperor Sigismund's courtier, Eberhard Windecke described how the Emperor was 'well-spoken and sensible […] and was painted at many places because of his fair countenance; and you will also find him painted in place of one of 37 who had their own specific expectations towards their new king. The relations of the Angevins and the Piasts began with the marriage of Elizabeth, the sister of the Polish king Casimir the Great, with Charles Robert in 1320. Since the 1350s the mutual relations between these two dynasties had become the subject of particular interest to the Polish political elites. 3 The most decisive in this context was a poorly documented all-Polish mass meeting that took place in Sulejów in 1350. Probably during that mass meeting the issue of the Hungarian succession was put forward for the first time for a public debate between the king, the secular and ecclesiastical elites and the Masovian princes. 4 In the most recent lit- Hungarorum and Annales seu cronicae incliti Regni Poloniae), supported with some succinct comments by Ioannes de Czarnkow, argued that the succession to the throne, following the reign of Casimir the Great, had been discussed by the king and the dignitaries of the secular and religious orders already in the 1330s. It was closely related to the plans of territorial expansion to Ruthenia, which was against the Angevin will. The Angevins also made claims to the Ruthenian Crown. Hence, the reported mass gathering in Kraków (ca. 1338/1339) is of crucial importance in subject erature on the subject it has been argued that the mass meeting in Sulejów marks the actual shift towards the elites and the supporting knighthood of the decisive initiative in formulating the conditions on which Louis the Great could be crowned as Polish king. 5 Until November 1370 the power was in the hands of Polish knighthood. A year after the event in Sulejów, Casimir the Great set out to fight Lithuania. On his way to Ruthenia, in Lublin, the king fell ill and was in danger of death.At that point the Hungarian king and a potential successor to the throne requested from the Polish knighthood an literature as well as the meeting between Casimir and Charles Robert. The details concerning succession to the Polish throne and Ruthenian expansion were defined during this meeting. However, the newest studies argue that the intensification and re-evaluation of the Polish-Hungarian contracts in terms of succession and claims to Ruthenian lands took place in 1350, when Casimir the Great succeeded in Ruthenia, which, in turn, enforced the response from the Hungarian king -Szczur, "W sprawie sukcesji", 71-91. 5 The mass meeting has been so far treated as a gathering of the royal elites and was associated with the escalating and complicating character of the war in the East. Under such circumstances, the king had to obtain acceptance for his decisions, which often led to the spending of the subjects' money. For the studies on the topic, see Szczur, "W sprawie sukcesji", 91-94. The author convincingly questioning the previous understanding of the Sulejów colloquium, reached the conclusion that taking a stance on the Angevin document (1350) was the aim of the meeting. The document presented one-sided viewpoint of Louis the Great on the Ruthenian expansion of his predecessor Casimir the Great. The Hungarian king yielded Ruthenia to the Polish king and, at the same time, suggested its future in the event of the seizure of the Polish Crown; by doing so, he made the Polish side respond to the claims. Therefore, the Sulejów meeting turned out to be a nationwide debate over the succession to the Polish throne and the regulations concerning it -Szczur, "W sprawie sukcesji", 96-102.oath of loyalty and a warranty of succession. The elites gathered in Lublin did not consent to the request immediately but they set their own conditions. They demanded the exclusion from the Polish succession of Louis's brother Stephan (or at least a guarantee that he would not become a viceroy in Poland) and a warrant of payment for war expeditions abroad. 6 They also enforced Louis the Great to pledge that he would not appoint two Germans mentioned by name (sic!) to the office of capitaneus (castellans). Four years later the Hungarian king and the Polish representatives reached another agreement which resulted in the famous Privilege of Buda. It was the first recognised written document -the monarch's pledge to abide by the expectations of the Polish knights. 7 The powerful and almost key part the Polish political elites played in formulating the conditions on which Louis the Great could become Polish king is widely acknowledged in subject literature. 6 As in the case of the gathering in Sulejów, the studies on the subject are scarce. The description of those events can be found in the Hungarian Chronicle (Chronicon Dubicense) whose fragments relating the war expedition were published by Anatol Lewicki, Kilka przyczynków do dziejów Kazimierza Wielkiego I z kroniki zapomnianej [A Contribution to the Study of Casimir the Great's History], Kwartalnik Historyczny 3, (1889) 205-213. The Chronicle has been analysed and interpreted on many occasions -Dąbrowski, Ostatnie lata, 118 argued that the Hungarian king's brother -Stephan was not excluded from succession but lost the right to the regal office of viceroy, just as the two Germans mentioned by name. Jerzy Wyrozumski, Kazimierz Wielki [Casimir the Great] (Wrocław, 1982) 99. claims that the point was to exclude Stephan from the succession to the Polish throne. Chronicon will be referred to in the latter part of the article. 7 KDKK 1,no. 201. The most important study devoted to the analysis of the document: Kurtyka, Odrodzone królestwo, 46-47. IIITo consider all aspects of the Polish elites of the time would far exceed the scope of the present article. However, in the context of the Anegevin takeover some questions are worth discussing. The most important of them deals with the actual potential of the elites to influence the policy of the monarch. Two further questions arise here: the first one is about the extent to which the king is able to act freely and the other is a reflection on the possibility of pressurising the monarch by the knights and particularly the noblemen (szlachta), who constituted a large proportion of the political elites. During his nearly forty-year rule, Casimir the Great managed to reinforce considerably the position of the monarch. With the help of advisers he introduced such new measures recognised at that time in Europe as: the consolidation and development of royal lands (demesne), strong and effective regional administration dependent on the office of the king's representative (capitaneus -starosta), and last but not least, ruthless fiscalisation of the kingdom joined with reclamation of royal land. 8 He managed to achieve the above mentioned 8 The modernisation of the monarch's rights, first and foremost of the royal demesne, which was of crucial importance to all rulers, intensified since the union of the Kingdom. The process had been started by Wenceslaus II and continued by Władysław the Elbow-high. However, it was the long and stable reign of Casimir that enabled the consolidation of the changes -Roman Grodecki IVHaving at his disposal a detailed account of events that immediately succeeded the arrival of Louis the Great in Kraków in 1370, a historian does not lack the possibility to interpret the events. 10 The new king had to face doubts concerning the testament of his deceased predecessor. Over a year prior to his death, Casimir the Great adopted his grandson Casimir of Słupsk. Until the present day the monarch's decision is not clear, but one can assume, in all likelihood, that in the future it would lead to the coronation of the young prince. It sounds even more plausible when one remembers that at that time Louis was still childless (his first daughter was born in 1370). 11 Before his death, the king of Poland decided to bequeath considerable tracts of Polish land to his grandson including: Łęczyca, Sieradz and Dobrzyń lands as well as a number of important castles on the north-western border of the Kingdom (Kruszwica, Wielatów, Bydgoszcz and Wałcz). 12 The chronicler, though not impartial, left a fairly precise description of the sequence of events, if only because he and the Kraków chancellor Janusz Suchywilk presented to Louis the will of the deceased for approval. 13 The king, before taking the Opole, Count palatine of Hungary. He came to Poland in order to prepare the arrival of Louis and make sure that there were no obstacles on Louis's way to the throne. Casimir the Great had been buried before the arrival of his nephew. 11 26-47, 164-194, 294-316. 13 Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 639. On Janusz Suchywilk and Jan of Czarnków see: Janusz Bieniak, "Jan (Janek) z Czarnkowa. Niedokończona decision, sought advice from the knights who held a mass gathering led by the archbishop of Gniezno Jarosław of Bogoria and the bishop of Kraków Florian of Mokrsko. 14 He expected them to resolve the issue of the problematic bequest. According to the chronicler, none of the gathered knights was able to decide on what was legal and illegal in Casimir's will. Jan of Czarnkow's description, though not very precise, allows us to notice some important issues.It is known that only the bequests to his natural sons and Casimir of Słupsk were a matter of serious debate. The first ones had been dealt with quickly and annulled without further discussion. 15 The bequest to prince Casimir, however, was much disputed. The legality of the most important bequest of the Łęczyca, Sieradz and Dobrzyń lands for Casimir's grandson the prince of Słupsk had not been resolved. The case was tried on the day after the documents sent by Louis were brought. According to Jan of Czarnkow, the Hungarian monarch urged the parties to resolve the case. 16 Władysław Opolczyk, who had been sent by the king, pressed hard for the opinion suggesting even the referral to the principle of propinquity and the necessity of securing hereditary rights of all relations. The gathering answered by appointing the judge and sub-judge (subiudex) of Sandomierz to deliver the verdict. The appointees ruled that the rights of all relations must not be encroached. Louis demanded the confirmation of the verdict in written form with the seals of the archbishop and other nobles. In effect the case stalled: the knights informed the king that the appointees' opinion concerned the rights of the landed gentry, while the rights of the princes were in this respect unknown to them. 17 As a result, Louis the Hungarian settled the dispute by exercising his right of discretion. Therefore, he deprived prince Casimir of the Łęczyca, Sieradz and Dobrzyń lands, left him 16 Jan of Czarnkow stated clearly that along with Janusz Suchywilk, they took Casimir the Great's testamentary bequests to archbishop, bishop of Kraków and others for approval. However, later in the text, after the information about the annulment of the bequests to natural sons Niemierza and Jan, the remaining properties and promised compensation in return for the losses. Kaźko of Słupsk accepted the heritable properties as a fief from the Hungarian monarch. 18 V The value of the chronicler's record lies in the presentation of the real condition of the Polish elites. Jan of Czarnkow's account of events clearly states that during the gathering, in the archbishop's house, apart from the representatives of the episcopate, mostly high officials were present. In Józef Żerbiłło's translation, one gets the impression that the clergymen led the mass meeting of knights; whereas the Latin text, in a few passages, shows that the meeting took place between the head dignitaries of the Polish Kingdom both secular and religious. 19 It can be assumed that the highest dignitaries of the Kingdom of Poland were among Louis's partners (unfortunately they are not mentioned by name in 18 Louis attempted to pass the Duchy of Gniewkowo to Kaźko but the latter refused, since he knew that the legitimate heir, Władysław the White, was alive, Ibid., 642. 19 Kronika Jana z Czarnkowa [Jan of Czarnkow's Chronicle], trans. Józef Żerbiłło, editing and footnotes M. D. Kowalski (Kraków, 1996) 29-30. [The king A.M.] ordered the privileges to be taken to the archbishop of Gniezno and bishop Florian of Kraków, as well as to the noblemen, the most of whom were present… "mandavit [...] et ad nobiles regni, qui partim aderant reportari." -Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 639. Those "nobiles regni" are probably not the kingdom's noblemen but dignitaries; in the latter part of the description Ioannis de Czarnkow leaves no doubt that the controversial issues were debated by "nobiles dignitate maioris". They met at the archbishop's place which could only house a considerable number of people. the source texts). 20 Their indecisiveness and inability to make decisions must have been a very telling sign for the Hungarian monarch. This gave the new king a feeling of considerable advantage and augured well for the royal control in the Polish Kingdom.Source literature and historical research of the last hundred years offers a clear depiction of the political scene in the 14 th century Polish Kingdom and particularly before Władysław Jagiełło assumed the throne. Since the 1330s two basic political parties dominated the scene: the pro-Hungarian and the pro-Czech factions, which meant the support for either the Angevin or the Luxemburg dynasty. The two factions were most active exactly at the time of Louis's reign when the marriages of his daughters were in the balance and, consequently, the election of the future king of Poland. but also the middle knighthood had precise views on what foreign and dynastic policies the king should adopt. This picture is undoubtedly too clear; it leaves no space for phenomena and events that would be too unconventional for the knights and political elites to accept. 22 VIThe change of medieval dynasty was a significant event which found reflection in the relations between the monarch and his subjects. When a native dynasty came to an end (in this case the Piasts) the new monarch had to face the challenge of settling the relations with the people of the country. The examples of the Hungarian and Czech Kingdoms at the turn of 14 th and 15 th centuries prove that such process took a long time and might take a bloody course. 23 Therefore one 22 I have argued such interpretation of the political scene of the Polish Kingdom in: Marzec, Urzędnicy małopolscy, passim. On pages 117-131 I discuss the question and subject literature dealing with the political parties present in Casimir the Great's kingdom. 23 In both kingdoms at the turn of the 13 th and 14 th centuries, before the growth of the Angevin and Luxemurg dynasties, there were internecine blood feuds -Dąbrowski, Ostatnie lata, 12-28; Václav Chaloupecký, could have expected that tensions would appear at the moment of Louis's ascension in 1370.The problems with the approval of Casimir the Great's testament demonstrate the lack of a distinct political programme among the elites, which could be confronted with the new monarch's expectations. The case is interesting since, as Jan of Czarnkow noted, the aim of the bequest to Casimir of Słupsk was to pave him the way to the Polish throne. 24 However, it is difficult to find a trace suggesting that this situation was of interest to the disputing dignitaries. 25 In this context it is worth bringing forward the coronation passage of Louis. 26 He set out on a journey across the 24 25 We cannot rule out the possibility that the whole content of the Chronicle is distorted by Jan of Czarnkow, since he did not like the Angevins and, what is more, he did not conceal his reluctance towards the union of Hungary and Poland. Perhaps even the mighty secular and religious dignitaries were looking for an excuse to annul Prince Stephan's bequest and were acting together with the new king? However, the chronicler's description suggests that it was the inaction and indecisiveness on the elite's part which led to the former vice chancellor's schadenfreude. Thus, the vice-chancellor could blame the dignitaries for the negligence of prince of Słupsk's business, whose bequest seems to have been fully legitimate. Finally, Jan of Czarnkow concludes the deliberations on Casimir's will with a convincing remark: "Sicque in eodem nagotio sibimet, proch dolor, contrarii sunt inventi; nam primo pronunciarunt omnes donationes per dominum regem fuisse validas; et altera die, ut praemissum est, dixerunt, complacere cupientes, minime valvisse" -Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, 641. 26 Right before the coronation, the archbishop of Gniezno, together with the noblemen from Greater Poland, tried to influence the decision of Louis new country, first of all to Greater Poland having promised to appear in the coronation apparel in the Gniezno Cathedral, to sit there on the throne in front of the dignitaries and the archbishop. This was understood as an act of recognition of the importance of the province which was tied to the Polish crown from the very beginning of the statehood. However, having arrived in Gniezno, the monarch refused to fulfil the promise, allegedly on the advice of some dignitaries from Kraków. According to them, the act might turn against him as ridiculous. 27 The situation described above depicts another strong discord among the elites. Regardless of all advice, Louis ignored the elites of Greater Poland, united in their expectations with the very archbishop of Gniezno Jarosław of Bogoria. The king's hasty departure from Poland, while leaving his mother Elizabeth in Kraków as well as the loss of Ruthenia without any noticeable resistance of the Polish elites, portray a monarch who did not seem to notice any threats to his rule in the Kingdom of Poland. 28 so that the ceremony of coronation would be moved from Kraków to Gniezno, a far more proper place for such an event. The event serves as an important remainder of the competition between the provinces of Lesser and Greater Poland for power in the Kingdom of Poland. It also shows that many decades after the union of the country, the feelings were still strong. On the kingdom's unification and the discussions surrounding it, see Andrzej Marzec, "Między Przemysłem II a Władysławem Łokietkiem, czyli kilka uwag o Królestwie Polskim na przełomie XIII i XIV wieku" [Between Przemysł II and Władysław I the Elbow-high. A Few Remarks on the Polish Kingdom at the Turn of the 13 th and 14 th Centuries], Roczniki Historyczne 78 (2012) 83-106. 27 Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, 648-649. 28 By separating Ruthenia from Poland, Louis showed that he probably no longer feared that the Polish subjects would offer any resistance. In the VII Louis quite early faced the problems that would be decisive in keeping the Polish throne in the Angevin hands. The birth of subsequent daughters forced him to revise the Buda arrangements of 1355 according to which the succession to the Polish throne excluded female descendants. 29 As a result in 1374 the famous privilege of Košice (Kassa, Koszyce) was signed. 30 This document, along with the Buda privilege, constitutes one of the most essential sources about the late medieval nobility. 31 However, research devoted to those two documents, especially in the last three decades, has suggested a cautious interpretation. 32 (1355), then the question of Galicia appeared only once, in 1350, and it was initiated by the Hungarians as a response to Casimir the Great's success in Ruthenia. As Stanisław Szczur points out, since 1350 Galicia had never reappeared in Polish-Hungarian dialogue (or at least not to our knowledge). The author suggests that the issue remained unresolved until 1370 and both parties refrained from the subject. Ruthenia was supposed to lose its importance to Louis after the year 1350 because the crucial problem then was the arrangement with the Polish society about the conditions of the succession -Szczur, "W sprawie sukcesji", 87-97. 29 Sroka, Genealogia Andegawenów, 68-88. 30 KDW 3, no. 1709. 31 Społeczeństwo polskie od X do XX wieku [Polish Society from the 10 th to the 20 th Century], ed. I. Ihnatowicz -A. Mączak -B. Zientara (Warszawa, 1979) 165. 32 There are many studies devoted to the Privileges, and especially the Buda one; however, they are scattered, see i.a.: Paweł Skwarczyński, Z granted by Louis were not extraordinary and did not weaken drastically the position of the monarch providing, at the same time, the noble classes with more power. Jacek Matuszewski and Dániel Bagi, in their critical studies, demonstrate that it was the Hungarian king who had the final word on the content of both documents. 33 It is interesting to see how the knightly demands were shaped while being taken into consideration by the rulers in the process of making concessions.The first important event, unfortunately not well-documented, was the war against Lithuania waged by Casimir the Great and Louis the Hungarian in 1351. 34 The king's sudden and grave illness led Louis to demand of the Polish knights the oath of allegiance and the assurance of succession. It was the time when Louis had to concede on several points. According to the Chronicon Dubicense he excluded from succession his brother Stephan, resigned from employing two Germans as his officers, and agreed to pay military wages for wars waged abroad. 35 In 1355 in Buda he promised not to increase taxes above the customary level, what used to be done by Władysław the Elbow-high and Casimir the Great in the past, and reimburse whatever losses connected with wars waged abroad. 36 The Kassa document of 1374 introduced a regular tax for the landed gentry of two grosze from each field, at the same time resigning from all extraordinary taxation. Capitaneus offices (starostwa) were restricted to Poles only, while landed posts were guaranteed for the gentry of a given province. The castles mentioned in the Privilege by name were not to be given to foreign burgraves, while all burgaves were responsible to Polish territorial courts of justice. The last concession promised to reimburse losses incurred in foreign wars and released noblemen from the duty to provide food and accommodation for the king and his court during his travels within the kingdom. 37 34 On the course of the war see Paszkiewicz, Polityka ruska, 125-130. 35 "sic tamen quod dux Stephanus, frater eiusdem regis Hungarie nihil haberet cum eis agere, nec theutonici, specialiter Wolphardus et Corradus." -Chronicon Dubicense, ed. M. Florianus, in Historiae Hungariae fontes domestici, pars prima, 3 (Lipsiae, 1884) 160. 36 KDKK 1,no. 201. 37 KDW 3, no. 1709. Taken together the three documents show that Louis did not find the expectations of the Polish gentry particularly burdensome. Especially in the context of the events that took place in 1351, it can be assumed that the necessity of formulating demands addressed to a potential monarch was very surprising. Since Casimir the Great fell ill unexpectedly, it was difficult to expect of the knights, who at the time were preparing for the war against Lithuania, that they had prepared a list of demands for Louis. The Chronicon Dubicense in its description of the demands suggests rather their spontaneous and repetitive nature. The possibility of appointing one of Louis's trusted military commanders for the position of capitaneus (starosta) in Poland was also subject to objections. These objections undoubtedly resulted from the ongoing war during which Louis's trusted men could have been ordered to take command of the knights. 38 Reimbursement for war expeditions is another postulate reappearing at least since the late 13 th century when, in the Privilege of Litomyśl 38 The issue of appointing to the capitaneus office in Poland at that time created tensions. A year after the war expedition to Lithuania and Casimir's illness a new capitaneus of Greater Poland was nominated. His name was Wierzbięta of Palowice of the Niesobia coat of arms and he came from Silesia. His presence in Poznań and Kalisz lands caused strong opposition among the knights, which resulted in the establishment of a confederacy led by Maciej Borkowic, the voivode of Poznań and a former capitaneus. The king, however, did not give in and overcame the resistance. In effect Borkowic was sentenced to death -Łojko, Konfederacja Macieja Borkowica, passim. The knights' reluctance towards foreign officials appointed as capitaneus, addressed to Louis in July 1351, reflected the tensions that were present in Poland. They were related to the policy of Casimir the Great who was then finalising his work on the unified administrative system of the state. The strong office of capitaneus served as the foundation of the system -Kurtyka, Odrodzone królestwo, 122-147. set by Wenceslaus II of Bohemia, it had already been called an old habit. 39 The restriction of eligibility for certain offices to local knights was yet another repeated expectation.The question of Stephan's succession to the throne is, however, unclear. Yet it seems that the gist of the problem was in not nominating him as the king's viceroy in Poland. The most interesting fact about the homage of 1351 lies somewhere else. In his recent article devoted to the issues of dynastic Piast-Angevin relations, Stanisław Szczur hypothesizes that in 1350 during the mass gathering in Sulejów" the political elites took the floor and since then they had influenced the conditions on which Louis would seize the Polish throne in the future". 40 The demands put forward in the following year prove that there had been no precise plan as to what concessions should be forced on the king. While the Hungarian Chronicle offers a succinct and imprecise description of the events of 1351, the Privilege of Buda, issued four years later by the Hungarian king, contains a precise depiction of the promises made to the representatives of the Polish society. However, this document focuses solely on two main questions, namely: the king's solemn obligation not to impose any uncustomary taxes and the reimbursement of wars waged abroad. 41 This set of concessions is not an extraordinary one, especially when we take under consideration the fact that the privilege was addressed not only to the knights but also to the townspeople and the clergy. The 39 KDKK 1 no. 94. 40 Szczur, "W sprawie sukcesji", 97. 41 KDKK 1,no. 201. In the document Louis also emphasises the exclusive right of succession to the Kraków throne of his or his nephew's male descendants.Privilege of Košice (Kassa) signed in 1374 contains a set of concessions that were developed further. Apart from the substitution of any extraordinary taxes with a fixed one of two grosze and the promise to reimburse the war expeditions, new demands appeared that would ensure the Polish knights the right to all important landed and capitaneus offices as well as burgraviates. Therefore, it turned out that the price for the right of succession to the Polish throne by his daughters was not too high. Certainly financial expectations of the Polish knighthood belonged to the most important ones. Louis granted them all without really getting into expenses, as Matuszewski has proved; what is more, in a sense he stabilized the royal treasury. 42 Until 1374 there was no opposition to the range of the royal power, or, to look at it from the other perspective, there were no demands concerning the expansion of the prerogative of the knighthood estate. The most important matters to solve after 1370 concerned property and taxes. In Kassa Privilege taxation was settled and at the same time lawsuits for the restitution of lands sequestered by the late Casimir the Great were under way. 43 42 Matuszewski, Przywileje i polityka, passim. 43 VIIICan we formulate a thesis that the elites of the Polish Kingdom had no conception as to how to rule the kingdom? To a certain extent we can. It seems that the elites had two main weaknesses. The first was the result of a relatively short period of the union of various Piast duchies, the other was connected with the internal structure of the nobility, which was based on extended knightly families. The competition between the Lesser and Greater Poland elites did not help in constructing a coherent vision of the kingdom, quite the opposite, it led to conflicts. The early 14 th century integration of the lands undoubtedly had an effect on the political influence exerted by dignitaries from particular parts of the kingdom. The key role of the knights from Kraków and Sandomierz lands in the success of Władysław the Elbow-high after 1305 decided about the permanent empowerment of the officials from Lesser Poland in the monarch's surroundings. 44 44 The newly revived Kingdom of Poland at the turn of the 14 th century for a long period did not have any centrally administered offices. The official hierarchies were tied to particular lands, which were the constituent parts of the Kingdom. Those lands, in turn, are the former Piast duchies from the period of feudal fragmentation (rozbicie dzielnicowe) and hence the multitude of voivodes, castellans and other dignitaries. Under Władysław the Elbow-high and Casimir the Great there were not many nationwide officials; the few were rather closely related to the king and their nationwide functions concerned mostly the monarch's affairs. At the beginning the positions bore a resemblance rather to courtly offices than to the central ones. They included, first and foremost, such official titles as the following: podkanclerzy (vicecancellarius regni Poloniae), podskarbi (subthesaurarius, vicethesaurarius), the chancellor of Kraków and the marshal of the court of the Crown -see Janusz Kurtyka, "Problem identyczności urzędów ziemskich Krakówskich i nadwornych w wiekach XIV-XVI" [The Problem of Identity Between Landed and Aulic Offices in The castellany of Kraków and Sandomierz voivodship became the mostly desired estates. The domination of the magnates from Lesser Poland was a remainder of the late medieval Kingdom of Poland. The influence of the ancestral structure of the knighthood estate on its political condition is much more complex. 45 Families (irrespectively of debates on their subject) were based on a vertical pattern of the richest house on top and the poorer kin below. It is difficult to asses the influence of the hierarchical structure on the sense of togetherness among the nobility and knights. On the one hand, due to the hierarchy the privileges received by the top rank families were quickly passed to other members; the marriages between the members of different houses brought people together. 46 On the other hand, the fact that the families were deeply immersed in the chivalric community did not help to develop a well and clearly defined ideology which would consolidate the nobility and thus transform it from the vertical hierarchy into a more horizontal model -based on the idea of equality. 47 The feuds between noble families which broke out in the seventies and eighties of the 14 th century are proof of the social condition 46 The heraldry of the Polish knighthood operated in accordance with this pattern since the turn of the 13 th century -Janusz Bieniak, "Heraldyka polska przed Długoszem. Uwagi problemowe" [Polish Heraldry before Długosz. Problem Remarks], in Sztuka i ideologia XIV wieku, ed. P. Skubiszewski (Warszawa, 1978) 47 The relations between the blood relatives of particular families were of crucial importance here: Those "ancestral coalitions" based on mutual marriages, to a certain extent, deprived the members of others families of inheritance rights on the female line and, thus, the possibility of enrichment [...] This process also led to the oligarchization of the local authorities, especially jurisdiction -Wroniszewski, Nobiles Sandomirienses,213. in Poland. 48 In my opinion those factors shaped considerably the political ideas of the knighthood estate and of its elites. It is the very period of the Hungarian monarch's rule which had a great impact on the political maturity of the noble elites. The Hungarian king's reign started with an almost nonchalant attitude towards his new subject. However, in the end, the nobles recognised their own power and the significance of the Kingdom of Poland. IXThe power of Louis of Hungary started to wane considerably early in Poland. His mother, Elizabeth the Regent, could not cope with the growing problems, particularly in Greater Poland where the opposition to the political domination of Kraków was very strong. 49 The critical moment at which the 48 69-97. 49 In 1371 a conflict arose as to who should be appointed for the office of capitaneus in Greater Poland. Elizabeth of Poland handed it over to Otto of Pilica of the Topór coat of arms, who was originally from Lesser Poland. She had deposed Przecław of Gułtów of the Grzymała coats of arms from Greater Poland. The nomination met with the resistance of the knights from Kalisz and Poznań provinces. It was the bishop of Poznań Jan Doliwa and his clan (sua parantela Dolywa) who decided to accept the nomination -Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 650-651. According to the chronicler, the bishop's decision had been consulted with the advisers form Lesser Poland. Otto did not manage to hold the office for a long time because he was unable to maintain the public order. One year later he was replaced by Sędziwój of Szubim from Greater Poland. king realised that he should redefine his relations with subjects was the turn of 1373 and 1374, when his third daughter -Jadwiga was born. 50 Less than a year later, in September 1374, the Privilege of Kassa was granted, according to which Louis's daughters were to ascend the Kraków throne. 51 In 1376, after the massacre of Hungarians in Kraków, the crisis of authority became serious. 52 Leaving apart a detailed analysis of the careers of particular dignitaries and a thorough study of the potential political factions among the royal officers, we must, however, pay attention to some more general tendencies. 53 The most important sources used in the following article are the privileges (treaties) binding the Hungarian king and the representatives of the Polish knights. The Privilege of Koszyce is the most thorough document when compared to the Buda treaty and the descriptions of the accords of 1351. The Kassa Privilege granted in September 1374 demonstrates the changes in the perception of the elites' role in the Kingdom 50 Sroka, Genealogia Andegawenów, 81-86. 51 The short period of time which passed between the birth of Louis's daughter and the Privilege of Košice shows that Louis did not have any serious problems in establishing the rules of succession. On the discussion about the alleged two conventions in Košice, see Matuszewski,Przywileje i polityka,[197][198][199][200][201][202][203][204][205][206][207][208][209] Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 675-677. 53 The political scene of the Kingdom of Poland was described among others by: Dąbrowski, Ostatnie lata, 165-229; Halecki, O genezie i znaczeniu, passim; Nowakowski, "Polityka północna", passim; Kurtyka,Tęczyńscy. Studium,[181][182][183][184][185][186][187][188][189][190][191][192][193][194][195][196][197]Bubczyk,Kariera rodziny Kurozwęckich,; Andrzej Marzec, "Geneza stronnictwa "panów krakowskich" w późnośredniowiecznej Polsce" [The Origin of the Party of "Cracow Lords" in Late Medieval Poland], in Kazimierz Wielki i jego państwo, ed. J. Maciejewski -T. Nowakowski (Bydgoszcz, 2011) 127-138. of Poland. As I have already mentioned above, the noble representatives of the knighthood estate (because they negotiated the principles of cooperation with the king) were primarily concerned with the financial aspects. I believe we should agree on this point. The Kassa Privilege contains some points which anticipate the changes imminent in the very heart of the elites. The first regulation concerned the eligibility for landed offices (reserved for regnicole terrarum), capitaneus offices (only for the inhabitants of the Kingdom and Poles -nacione Polonum), what is more, the capitaneus offices could not be passed on to princes. Another important regulation pertained to the nominations for burgraviates in the Kingdom of Poland. The monarch declared that not a single castle would be given to a prince; furthermore, the twenty-four castles would never be ceded to anyone else but the capitaneus officials or the nobles (terrigenis). 54 All the burgraves were to be responsible only to the capitaneus officials and the Polish courts. Those regulations constitute the first clearly and precisely expressed concessions made by a king to his subjects and they relate to the system of the governance of the kingdom. Even if these restrictions were dictated by the knighthood's will to keep the monopoly for the important offices, they still point to a growing consciousness of the necessity to keep the territorial integrity of the Kingdom.The restriction concerning the exclusion of princes on the 54 ditional methods in his political dealings within the Kingdom of Poland; knowing the elites' ambitions and animosities, to a great extent, he manipulated them. 60 Personal wars between the houses, the adventurous behaviour of Bartosz Wezenborg, the strongly anarchic knighthood of Greater Poland and, most clearly, an inchoate vision of the kingdomall these elements let him maintain the political initiative almost until his demise. 61 At the time of his death, Louis was convinced that the Polish subjects paid homage of loyalty to his daughter Maria, who was then engaged to Sigismund of Luxemburg, and that her succession to the throne was relatively safe. dealings. As subject literature has noted, numerous mighty inhabitants of Lesser Poland of the Tęczyński, Melsztyński and Tarnowski houses, did not aspire to execute the king's political plans, leaving it to the more ardent noblemen. 62 On the other hand, the king might have not strived for their involvement. However, it turned out, shortly after Louis's death, that they -the Lesser Poland nobles, were the strongest party in the complex and violent strife for the Polish throne. The Greater Poland Civil War only exposed the weakness of the knighthood and nobility of that province in face of the key political challenges in the whole Kingdom. 63 The leading Lesser Poland dignitaries knew how to play successfully their diplomatic part. First of all, they managed to put an end to their greatest danger, that is, to the claim for the Polish crown by Siemowit IV, Duke of Masovia. 64 They also managed to convince Elizabeth of Bosnia to choose Jadwiga as Louis's successor. 65 Secret negotiations with Jagiello in the matter of his marriage with Jadwiga, to join her on 62 Kurtyka,Tęczyńscy. Studium,194. 63 Moszczeńska, Rola polityczna rycerstwa, passim; Łojko, Wojna domowa, passim; J. Kurtyka,Tęczyńscy. Studium,199. 64 Janusz Bieniak, "Epilog zabiegów Siemowita IV o koronę polską" [An Epilogue to Siemovit IV's Efforts to Seize the Polish Crown], Acta Univeristatis Nicolai Copernici. Nauki humanistyczno-społeczne 58, Historia 9 (Toruń, 1973) 71-86. 65 It is worth mentioning that during the talks with Elizabeth of Bosnia, the demands were made to return Ruthenia and the lands controlled by Vladislaus of Opole. This only proves that Louis's dealings were not forgotten -Jan Tęgowski, "Bezkrólewie po śmierci Ludwika Węgierskiego a geneza unii Polski z Litwą" [The Interregnum After the Death of Louis I of Hungary and the Genesis of Polish-Lithuanian Union], in Studia historyczne z XIII i XIV wieku, ed. J. Śliwiński (Olsztyn, 1985) 97-102. the Polish throne, are the proof of thorough and deep reflection of the Lesser Poland dignitaries on the future of the Polish Kingdom. 66 XILouis the Great's rule lasted only twelve years. On the one hand, it was the time of the decline of the Angevin dynasty in Central Europe, on the other, it was the time when the Kindom of Poland rose to power. Furthermore, under Louis the Great a new political elite was shaped. Their novelty was not founded on spectacular personal changes on high offices or the elimination of some dignitaries from political life. The difference can be seen between the ways in which the elite faced the challenges after Casimir the Great's death (1370) or how they responded to Louis's essential political decisions and the ways of dealing with the politics of the country after the monarch's death. The new elite were thoroughly informed when taking the matters of the country in their hands. The Kraków lords matured to administer the whole kingdom and, being fully aware of their power, they also took the responsibility for its future. 1-5, ed. Id. (Kraków, 1998 the 13 th century and the 14 th century, was a period of extremely intensive economic transformations taking place in this part of Europe. Processes of colonisation and urbanisation, trade intensification, mining development or growth in the importance of money were a determinant for these transformations. Chronological timeframes of this article correspond also to the period of a successful political cooperation between the representatives of the Piasts with the Arpads and the Angevins, which -as can be assumed -conditioned the intensity and scope of mutual contacts between the two Central European monarchies in the area of economy. Anna Obara-Pawłowska UMCS -LublinOne of the most tangible manifestations found in the sources on economic relations in the Middle Ages was trade. Trade between Poland and Hungary became attested by written sources on a wider scale in the second half of the 13 th century. An increase of Hungarian merchants' interest can be observed at that time on the routes going north-leading to the Baltic Sea via Spiš and the dukedoms of the Piasts, and the areas of modern-day Germany. 3 The degree of intensification of goods' exchange between the lands of the Hungarian and Polish monarchies can be attested by the network of communication routes emerging at that time, linking the areas of northern Hungary with Lesser Poland where these roads were branching out, leading further to Silesia, to Greater Poland, the areas of central Poland and to Pomerania. 4 The first information about the goods brought from the Polish territory to Hungary appeared in the document of king Béla IV dated to 1265 for the residents of the town of Liptov. These goods were: salt, lead and broadcloths. 5 Rock salt exported to Hungary was being extracted from around the mid-13 th century from the mines in Bochnia and Wieliczka. The importance of trading this resource with the Hungarian monarchy is attested by the activities of Casimir the Great in 1348-1368. The monarch not only allowed for the purchase of the Lesser Poland salt by Polish and Hungarian merchants at a reduced price, with the intention of exporting it to Spiš, 6 but was also undertaking active efforts 4 Helcel (Warszawa, 1856) 225. Salt mine owners of Lesser Poland sold to the merchants a hundredweight of salt allocated for the national market at a rate of 12 grosze, which was three times more expensive than the price of the same measure of the product with Louis I in order to facilitate the import of this product to the areas of northern Hungary. 7 King Casimir relied on the influx of Hungarian gold to the Kingdom of Poland since the local merchants paid for salt exactly with this bullion. 8 The active trade policy of the last Piast resulted in the fact that within a century from the discovery of the rock salt deposits in Lesser Poland, the trade of this raw material has become one of the most important sectors of commerce conducted together with Hungary. 9 The second, after rock salt, raw material exported from the Polish land to the territories of Hungarian monarchy was lead. 10 Deposits of lead were located in the area of Silesia and Lesser Poland (Olkusz-from the mid-13 th century the major place for extracting the lead ore in this part of Europe 11 -Sławków, Chrzanów and Trzebinia). Exporting this metal remained very important for proper functioning of silver and copper mining in Central and Eastern parts of Upper Hungary. 12 The commodity transported from the Polish territories to Hungary were also broadcloths. In the case of this product the precise designation of its place of provenance is giving rise to some difficulties. Although, together with the development of urban centres and commodity-monetary economy, there was in the Polish territories a professionalization of weaving crafts and separating it from homemade manufacturing, 13 it is nevertheless necessary to pose a question whether the production was aimed at the export of broadcloth products outside the borders of the Piasts' principalities or at meeting the needs of state markets. According to some Polish researchers, the local production was to satisfy local markets in the first Mountains was developed in the 14 th century (Kutrzeba,"Handel Krakowa" 239). 11 Małowist, Wschód i Zachód, 142. 12 Lead was necessary in the process of smelting gold and silver from the local ores, for cleaning them as well as for obtaining silver from copper (Molenda,Elżbieta Balcerzak,(40)(41)83;Molenda,Polski ołów,52). 13 place, 14 which does not exclude the possibility of exporting textiles produced there beyond the borders of the Polish duchies. 15 However, the fact that large amounts of broadcloths were brought from the Polish territories already in the 1260s, what has been confirmed also for a later period, 16 together with a confirmed intensification of the domestic production taking place only towards the end of the 13 th and the beginning of the 14 th century, seems to suggest that commodities of foreign origin were being sent to Hungary. Broadcloths were to be imported by residents of Cracow from Gdańsk and only from there they were sent to the southern neighbor. 17 Therefore, according to the Cracow rates from 1364, it can be stated that the fulling mill functioning in the city was in the first place milling the imported 14 Antoni Mączak, Henryk Samsonowicz, Benedykt Zientara, Z dziejów rzemiosła w Polsce [From the History of Crafts in Poland] (Warszawa, 1957) 152. 15 The production in the territory of Silesia as well as export for the markets of south-western, central and north-eastern Europe of a simple broadcloth (known under the name of pannus polonicalis), of inferior quality in comparison with a taverstock broadcloth, is accepted for the period in question (Danuta Poppe, "Pannus polonicalis. Z dziejów sukiennictwa polskiego w średniowieczu" [Pannus polonicalis. From the History of Polish Broadcloth-making in the Middle Ages], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 36 (1988) 617-628). At the same time the author quite skeptically refers to the possibility of manufacturing "the Polish broadcloth" in other provinces of Poland before the 14 th century (ibid., 628). 16 In settling the argument between the inhabitants of Cracow and the Poor Clares of Sącz over collecting by the latter the excessive customs duties in 1310, broadcloth was mentioned, before lead, as the main product exported to Hungary (KDMK 1, no. 7). 17 The list of commodities brought by inhabitants of Cracow from the Hungarian monarchy was drawn up on the occasion of settling by Duke Władysław the Elbow-high the dispute between the merchants from Cracow and the Sisters of the Poor Clares of Stary Sącz in December 1310. In the light of the document, the goods were as follows: copper, wine, wax, money, horses, cattle and hogs. 19 The first information confirming the import of copper from the mines of Upper Hungary comes from the 1270s. 20 This trade was, above all, of a transit nature. Copper brought over to Poland was only in a small portion used up for the needs of the domestic market; the majority of it was transported further north where it reached Flanders and the areas of modern-day Germany. 21 Nonetheless, the import of copper entailed important repercussions also for the economic 18 Amongst textiles processed there broadcloths such as those were listed: of Bruges, Florence, Ypres, Mechelen, Herentals, generic broadcloth of Ypres, English, as well as locally manufactured broadcloth (KDMK 2,no. 262). 19 KDMK 1,no. 7. 20 development of the Polish state, contributing throughout the 14 th century to the creation of a strong production centre of metalwork in Cracow, 22 since it found application, among other things, in constructions (sheet metal roofing plates, wires, slabs, fittings), manufacture of bells, tableware and small utilitarian objects (candlesticks and candleholders) or in coinage production (coins made out of copper and its alloys).A commodity important for a proper functioning of mining in Lesser Poland was iron, out of which mining tools and boiling flasks were produced. In the second half of the 14 th century iron and its products for the needs of the Polish mining industry were imported, amongst other places, from the area of northern Hungary. This can be evidenced by the entry in the articles establishing Cracow's salt mines of Casimir the Great in 1368. The King specified precisely the rate (that is cetnarka of salt), for which the salt miners of Lesser Poland were to buy iron coming from Hungary. 23 It is believed that its transportation was at that time handled by carters from Hungary. 24 The metal was also a subject of transit trading. It was sent from Cracow further to Prussia, but possibly it could also reach Flanders. 25 calculations there were from 8000 to 10000 hundredweights of copper exported from the mines of modern-day eastern Slovakia, which was transported through the Polish territory further north. (Molenda, "Eksploatacja rud miedzi", 811). 22 Małowist, Wschód a Zachód, 149. 23 Starodawne Prawa 220. 24 Kučera, "Pol'sko-slovenský obchod" 112-113. 25 Kutrzeba, Bringing from Hungary cattle or hogs could also result from the weakness of Polish livestock farming as well as a fast development of this sector of the rural economy in Hungary, the effect of which was, amongst other things, a growth in exporting oxen to western and southern Europe in the second half of the 14 th century. 26 Similarly, in the 15 th and 16 th century, Hungarian horses played a significant part in the exchange of goods at the border with Poland. 27 However, these animals were probably driven to the Polish areas from the territories of modern-day Slovakia already in the second half of the 13 th century. In the abovementioned document of Béla IV to his subjects in Liptov, the monarch allowed them for an unhampered sale of horses, everywhere except Germany and Bohemia. 28 Even though it was not unequivocally indicated that the record referred to the export of horses to the Polish regions, its context -previous entries about customs' duties for raw materials and products coming from Poland, authorisation for moving the settlers from there to Liptov's estates -leads to a conjecture that also Polish territories could have been included in the case of trading these animals. It also cannot be ruled out that bringing horses from the territory of Hungarian monarchy to the Polish areas remained at that time in connection with the development of mining centres in Lesser Poland or Upper Silesia. Horses were used in mining industry as a tractive and driving force 26 27 Sroka, Średniowieczny Bardiów 109. 28 CDAC XI no. 350. for drainage and water-supply tools. The significance of these animals for mining industry was important for heavily watered areas where the machines draining the water out had to work continuously, regardless of time of the day or night. 29 In Poland such areas included lead-bearing and saltbearing regions of western Lesser Poland as well as regions of Silesia rich in lead. Horses became obtained for the needs of salt mines of Lesser Poland from the local aristocratic estates and markets of nearby towns only from the mind-14th century onwards. 30 However, it is a known fact that also in a later period, i.e. 15 th -17 th century, horses were brought from the neighboring countries, including Hungarian monarchy, 31 (1994) 110. The statute of Casimir the Great which organised salt mining in the region of Cracow provided a requisition of horses belonging to the merchants who, after having purchased salt intended for Hungary at preferential prices in the mines of Cracow, sold it within the borders of the Piast's monarchy. It is not unlikely that these animals were delivered for the need of the mine. 31 Already in the 15 th century the export of these animals from Hungary to Poland was conducted on a mass scale (Feliks Kiryk, "Stosunki handlowe Jasła i miast okolicznych z miastami słowackimi w XV wieku" [Trade Relations of Jasło and Neighbouring Towns with Slovak Towns in the 15 th century], in Studia z dziejów Jasła i powiatu jasielskiego [Studies on the Poland where breeding them became developed. 32 It is possible that earlier, i.e. 13 th to the mid-14 th century, domestic horse breeding was not able to meet the local needs, including the developing mining industry of Lesser Poland; hence appeared the demand for obtaining then from the territory of a close-by foreign country.The import of Hungarian wine to the Polish areas was determined by the inability to fulfil all the demands of domestic market by modest local production, directed at satisfying the needs of vineyard's owner and not selling, 33 as well as the proximity of Hungary itself. The latter factor was significant in the case of problems occurring in the Middle Ages with transporting wines, which were easily going off at longer distances and the necessity of consuming them within a period of few months from their fermentation. 34 Hungarian wine could appear in Cracow already in the 13 th century 35 while its presence in Lesser Poland was confirmed by written sources in the following century. 36 This drink was reaching primarily customers in the capital of Lesser Poland, in the first place the royal court, the local magnates or wealthier Cracow's townsmen. Wine was, therefore, not a commodity of a mass-import, which might be indicative of its small consumption in medieval Poland. 37 Intermediation in trading wine was taken over by the merchants of Cracow, who transported it from Bardejov and Košice to the capital of the Kingdom of Poland and the surplus was sent further to the Baltic Sea region. 38 Interactions between Poland and Hungary in the field of trade were not restricted only to the exchange of commodities. Mutual political contacts between the royal courts of Buda and Cracow could provide patterns for conducting trade policy. In February 1327 at the meeting of Trnava Charles Robert and John of Bohemia reached an agreement on eliminating Vienna from trade between Hungary and Western Europe. According to Borys Paszkiewicz these activities became an inspiration to and were later replicated by Casimir the Great who, having waged trade war against Wrocław, sought to shift the trade route from Hungary and Ruthenia to Prussia and leading through Polish territories, 37 Kutrzeba,"Handel Krakowa",244; Scholars explaidokumentówn the small interest in wine, limited to the elites, by the fact that at that time the main drink in the Polish territory was beer. The intensification of export, and what consequently follows-the dissemination of wine drinking habit, took place only at the beginning of the 16 th century. 38 Carter, "Cracow's Wine Trade", 544. At the beginning of the 15 th century some of the merchants from Cracow had their own vineyards in the areas of the northern Hungary from where they imported that drink (ibid., 548-549).but with the exclusion of Wrocław. 39 After signing the Peace Treaty of Kalisz with the Teutonic Knights in July 1343, the King of Poland made decisions which were aimed at stimulating the exchange of goods with Prussia, particularly with Toruń, the merchants of which played a significant role next to inhabitants of Cracow, especially in trading Hungarian copper. 40 These decisions can be regarded as the monarch's efforts to expand a fuller control over transit trade passing through the territories subjected to him.In Poland's territories Cracow played the most important role in the trade of goods with Hungary. The commercial significance of this largest civic centre in the Polish territory was conditioned by the privileges granted by the rulers as well as a convenient location right at the intersection of international trade routes. The problem of importance and participation of medieval Cracow in the trade with Hungary was presented in details in Polish historiography; 41 at this point it is worth focusing on the most important stages in granting privileges to the local merchants. Of the utmost significance was granting the staple right to Cracow in 1306 as well as vouchsafing exclusivity to the merchants in acquitting Hungarian copper. 42 The increasing commerce importance of the capital of Lesser Poland is corroborated by the far-reaching plans of 39 40 ZDM 4,no. 939. and no. 937. 41 "Dzieje handlu",5;Dąbrowski,"Kraków a Węgry",[190][191][192][193][194][195][196][197][198][199][200][201][202]Id.,Ostatnie lata,[230][231][232][233][234][235][236][237][238][239][240][241][242][243]Kutrzeba,"Handel Krakowa",[236][237][238][239][240][241][242][243][244][245][246][247][248][249][250][251][252] KDMK 1,no. 4. Casimir the Great who was to pursue, after conquering a part of Ruthenia with Lvov, the transformation of the capital city into the main centre of trade between the zone along the Baltic Sea and Hungary, as well as between Western Europe and the Black Sea area. 43 Cracow gained significant trading privileges during the reign of Louis I who was well aware of how essential was a goodwill of the capital's residents to a foreign ruler. 44 Procedures regarding this matter started already during the life of Casimir the Great. 45 Further indications of favouring the merchants of Cracow were directly linked with Louis' efforts in safeguarding a throne of Poland for one of his daughters. 46 During Louis' reign, the residents of Cracow received also a direct access to trade with the areas of the Black Sea. They had been so far limited in their way to the East by an absolute staple right of Lvov. Beneficial decision of the King on that matter opened for the merchants from Cracow a 43 Małowist, Wschód a Zachód 180. The proof of Casimir the Great's endeavor to promote Cracow as the biggest trade center in the Kingdom of Poland can be a document of the King from the end of 1358, in which, while confirming the existing privileges of Cracow, he additionally guaranteed that the merchants from Hungary on their way to Prussia, Bohemia and Silesia could not leave out the capital of Lesser Poland (KDMK 1,no. 32). 44 Dąbrowski, Ostatnie lata 236-237. 45 KDMK 1,no. 23,38. 46 Ibid.,no. 41,43. As a side note, it should be indicated that immediately after Louis' succession to the throne of Poland, both him and his mother-Elizabeth, who ruled on behalf of her son, issued a number of documents confirming or extending trading privileges of other Polish towns. These confirmations were activities typical for the moment of taking over the power by a new ruler. However, the privileges related to the internal trade and did not refer to the exchange of goods with Hungary (Dąbrowski,Ostatnie lata,236). route "to the Tatars". 47 As a result of granted trading privileges, issuing of which was unquestionably motivated more by the political than economic factors, Cracow not only strengthen its economic position in comparison with other Polish towns, but simultaneously became the most important centre in the Kingdom of Poland, confirming its status as a capital. 48 In the period under discussion the capital of Lesser Poland maintained a privileged position also against Hungarian centres. As an example, from the Hungarian perspective the role of an intermediary in the trade with Poland was taken over by Košice. 49 Similarly to the capital of Lesser Poland, it also had a staple right for copper. In 1361 it was granted even an absolute staple right for all the goods imported therein, which was however limited already 7 years later in the interest of newcomers from Cracow. 50 47 KDMK 1,no. 54,58. 48 The intention of Casimir the Great was that Cracow was to play not only a role of the trade centre of its monarchy, but also to perform repressentative and residential functions (Sławomir Gawlas, "Polska Kazimierza Wielkiego a inne monarchie Europy Środkowej -możliwości i granice modernizacji władzy" [Poland of Casimir the Great and Other Monarchies of Central Europe-Possibilities and Limitations of Power Modernisation], in Modernizacja struktur władzy w warunkach opóźnienia. Europa Środkowa i Wschodnia na przełomie średniowiecza i czasów nowożytnych, ed. M. Dygo -S. Gawlas -H. Gral (Warszawa, 1999) 31). 49 Dąbrowski, "Kraków a Węgry", 194; Kutrzeba -Ptaśnik, "Dzieje handlu", 92-93. 50 Significance of Košice in the transit trade with the territories of Poland became reinforced at the very beginning of the 15 th century owing to Sigismund of Luxembourg. This ruler sought to eliminate Venice from cotton trade, to let Hungary take control over the revenues from this product (pouring to this part of Europe from the Black Sea and the Middle East via the Balkans and Greece) and having it sent further north, i.e. via Polish territories. The view of O. Halag after: Irena Turnau, "Bawełna we włókiennictwie europejskim od średniowiecza do końca XVIII w."Only in 1394 both cities made an agreement concerning the rules of the staple right by which the business partners in both cities were bound. 51 The agreement is sometimes interpreted as a proof of the weakening of Cracow's positions, the merchants of which had to agree to a partial limitation of the privileges they held. 52 The most advantageous period in trading relations between Cracow and Hungary ended together with the death of Louis I. The city was indeed still receiving trade privileges confirming its almost unlimited monopoly for trading with Hungarian territories, but they were issued by Władysław Jagiełło 53 and their implementation often enough encountered resistance from Sigismund of Luxembourg, the ruler of Hungary. The monarch treated the trade policy in an instrumental manner, depending on the political situation as well as on rather dynamically changing relations with the Lithuanian ruler. 54 The most symptomatic example of an extremely unceremonious treatment of commercial exchange was Sigismund's statement from 1410. The King, who was advocating the Teutonic Knights and was ready to give them military support, had informed his towns that in case of war with Poland, Hungarian merchants were expected to return [Cotton in the European Textile Industry from the Middle Ages to the 18 th Century], Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych 46 (1985) 5. 51 Sroka, Dokumenty polskie, part 1 no. 26. 52 Dąbrowski, "Polska a Węgry",197. Already at that time the merchants from Košice reached with their copper directly to the Baltic Sea via Silesia, bypassing the territories of Poland (ibid., 196). 53 KDMK 1,no. 63,88,90. 54 Dąbrowski,Ostatnie lata,196. from Poland and the Polish ones to leave Hungary, which was equivalent with breaking off the trade relations. 55 Interactions between Poland and Hungary in terms of settlement are best attested for the frontier areas in the period of great economic transformations which followed as a result of colonization based on German law. In the processes of managing the new areas, newcomers from the neighboring countries were often recalled. Thus, the settlers of hamlets established in accordance with the German law in Spiš Magura (situated on the left bank of the Poprad) were usually Germans from Spiš, but the entire process of organising the village was conducted by the local Slavic population, 56 to whom some Polish historians referred as Poles. 57 More likely is the fact that Slavic settlers mentioned in the Hungarian documents, came from Upper Hungary, as well as from Poland or Ruthenia. 58 Nevertheless, in the case of the settlement of the northern outskirts of the Hungarian monarchy, we can refer to documents directly confirming the interest of rulers and land-owing lords in bringing colonists from the Polish areas. In 1256 King Béla IV bestowed on count Jordan of the House of Görgey a forest on both sides of the river Poprad 55 Kutrzeba, "Handel Krakowa", 247. A similar appeal took place in 1430. 56 as a reward for diplomatic service (participation in embassies sent to Poland and Ruthenia) as well as for bringing the settlers from neighbouring kingdoms and surrounding lands. From the context of the document one can assume that the territories of, amongst other places, Poland (Lesser Poland) were considered. 59 A few years later the same monarch gave permission to the subjects of Liptov for an unobstructed arrival of settlers from Poland or other territories. 60 A very symptomatic example confirming the coming of settlers from the Polish areas was indicated by Slovak historian Miloš Marek. He drew attention to the fact that in the document from 1246, which was a confirmation of the diploma of King Andrew II from 1209 for the ancestors of the Spiš and German House of Lords of Brezovica, there were two brothers of German names Rykolf and Herman. On the other hand, in a document from 1257, in which a division between the brothers from Veľká Lomnica was made, as well as in subsequent documents, appeared a brother of Rykolf, referred to as Polan (Polonus). According to the historian, Herman was so frequently staying in the Polish territories, from where he was most likely bringing settlers to Spiš, that his second name was Polonus. 61 model of colonization developed at the Elbe, giving fast and effective economic results (settlement under the German law conducted by the mayor-founders), was transferred to the northern territories of the Hungarian monarchy (Orava, Liptov, Spiš, Saris) directly from the areas of Lesser Poland and Silesia, and the representatives of various nations were participating in colonising the new areas, including in addition to the Slavs from the neighbouring regions (Slovaks) also the inhabitants of the Polish lands. 62 Great controversies in the historiography were triggered by a problem of an impact of the Hungarians on the development of the Lesser Poland salt mining. The author of the first life of Saint Kinga attributed to the duchess a driving force of a miraculous discovery of the rock salt in Bochnia. 63 The tale was later taken over and complemented with new details by the 15 th century Polish chronicler Jan Długosz. 64 With foundations in this story and with the brevity of other sources informing about the circumstances of the rock salt discovery in Bochnia near Cracow, 65 some historians were willing to accept that the Hungarian miners participated in this find. 66 Józef Piotrowicz, a researcher of the history of salt in the Polish land, has expressed his strong objection against such eventuality. He started from the generally known assumption that Hungary was at that time rebuilding itself under the patronage of King Béla IV due to the devastations caused by the Tartars' invasion in 1241. One of the elements of these activities was a mining extraction of the underground natural resources conducted on a large scale. This gave rise to the demand for various types of specialists in the field of mining, brought at that time particularly from German states, what ruled out any possibility of sending the miners to Poland. 67 According to J. Piotrowicz, the discovery 65 "The Chapter Annals of Cracow" and "Annals of Sędziwoj" give 1251 as the year when the rock salt was discovered there (Sal durum in Bochna est repertum, quod nunquam ante fuit; Sal durum in Bochna repertum est) (Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 2 (Lwów, 1872) 805, 877). On the other hand, in the "Annals of Lesser Poland" (codices of Kuropatnicki and Królewiec) two different dates were given, that is 1252 and 1291 (MPH,vol. 3,168,169). 66 67 Piotrowicz,"Problematyka genezy",[191][192]Id., "Górnictwo solne w Małopolsce w czasach księżnej Kingi -jego legendarne i rzeczywiste of rock salt in Bochnia took place around 1248 (according to the cited author, the year of 1251 given by The Chapter Annals of Cracow and Annals of Sędziwoj was the date of commencing the rock salt extraction on a large scale) due to the involvement of the French conversi from the Cistercian monastery in Wąchock, while the development of salt mining followed with the participation of specialists from Germany and Silesia. 68 It seems, however, that the references about the duchess' participation in the discovery of rock salt deposits or, more broadly, the Hungarian influences on the development of salt mining in Lesser Poland cannot be thoroughly refuted. It is worth to refer here to the information regarding the chronology of works on the abovementioned hagiographical piece. The life of Saint Kinga started to be written down after 1317, it was finished before 1329 (but most likely in 1320) and while describing the relations with Hungary the author of the work (the anonymous Franciscan from Nowy Sącz) referred to an unknown Hungarian chronicle written in the second half of the 13 th century and to the oral Polish tradition. 69 The work is a typical example of a hagiographical literature where the themes of legends and those bearing the elements of wonders are superimposed on historical facts, początki" [Salt Mining in Lesser Poland in the Times of Duchess Kinga -Its Legendary and Actual Beginnings], Studia i Materiały do Dziejów Żup Solnych w Polsce 18 (1994) 16-19. 68 Id., "Górnictwo solne" [9][10][11][12][13][14][15]19. 69 "Vita et miracula",[676][677][678][679][680]Kanior,"Postać",37. but nevertheless -as was demonstrated by research -the information included in this life largely corresponds with the actual course of events. 70 The latest date of crystallizing the tradition which merges Kinga (or overall the Hungarians) with the mining works on salt-bearing areas of Lesser Poland (not necessarily limited to Bochnia itself) were the 1320s, so therefore a period around 30-37 years after Kinga's death (she died on the 24 th of July 1292). However, much more likely is a conjecture that this tradition had evolved much earlier, that is directly after the death of the duchess 71 and its foundations could have been rooted in specific activities undertaken by the female monarch. Perhaps it referred to the support given by her in the search for salt in other regions of the Duchy of Cracow. 70 Maria H. Witkowska, "Vita sanctae Kyngae Ducissae Cracoviensis jako źródło historyczne" [Vita sanctae Kyngae Ducissae Cracoviensis as a Historical Source], Roczniki Humanistyczne 10 (1961) 163. 71 It seems that Józef Piotowicz underestimated the importance of the time of creating this work. Although the scholar realized that this tradition (legend) became developed already after Kinga's death, most likely in the monastery in Stary Sącz ("Górnictwao solne", 25), in his speculations he nevertheless preferred to refer to a much later work by Jan Długosz. It allowed him to conclude that in the 15 th century nothing certain was known about the circumstances of commencing works on the rock salt extraction in Lesser Poland ("Problematyka genezy" [Problem of the Origin], 175-175; "Górnictwo solne", [16][17]. It should be, however, emphasised that the chronologically second of the medieval lives was to a large extent an alteration of the first one, which can indicate its lesser importance while investigating the biography of the duchess of Lesser Poland (Barbara Kowalska, Święta Kinga, rzeczywistość i legenda. Studium źródłoznawcze [Saint Kinga, Reality and Legend. Source Studies] (Kraków, 2008) 10).One of the saliferous areas in the Middle Ages was the Region of Sącz, 72 given to Kinga by her husband, Bolesław the Chaste. The energetic duchess, known for giving great attention to increasing the economic level of her domain of Sącz, 73 could have committed herself to the search of rock salt deposits there, referring to the help of experts who arrived from their Hungarian homeland. It can be also assumed that towards the end of the 13 th century, after finishing the reorganization of the Hungarian mining, its specialists started arriving in Cracow in increasingly large numbers, which the tradition linked to some extent with the person and activities of Kinga. It is also worth considering whether the experts from Hungary did not accidentally have their share in the development of the salt mining industry in the areas of Wieliczka, which is known only through being chronologically later than the one in Bochnia. The first information on extracting rock salt in Wieliczka comes from the location act of this town, issued in 1290 by Przemysł II. 75 This means that the extraction of this mineral must have started before that date. Exploratory works in the areas nearby Wieliczka were supposed to commence shortly after the discovery made in Bochnia. 76 It is possible to once more refer here to the Annals of Lesser Poland (Królewiec statute-book), the author of which placed under 1291, chronologically close the diploma of Przemysł II, an information about discovering rock salt in Bochnia. 77 Possibly is was a mistake and one referred not to Bochnia, but to Wieliczka, in the mines of which the extraction of salt underwent intensification in the early 1290s. Exploratory works on rock salt in the area of Wieliczka salt mine could have ended successfully thanks to the participation of miners who arrived from the Hungarian monarchy, which in an ordinary reception was linked to Kinga herself. This tradition, supported and cultivated by the convent of the Poor Clares founded by the duchess in Stary Sącz, could have become suitably modified. In order to further enhance the contribution of the female monarch into the organization of the salt mining industry in the region of Cracow, the daughter of Béla IV became attributed with participation, 75 KDM 2, 515. 76 Piotrowicz, "Górnictwo solne", [23][24]169. bearing signs of supernatural intervention, in the discovery which took place not in Wieliczka, but in Bochnia where rock salt had started to be extracted earlier.Due to the lack of undisputable sources, the suggestions presented above remain within the circle of unverifiable hypotheses. The contribution of Kinga in the development of salt mining, accentuated in the 14 th century hagiographic work, could have also had a completely different nature. Between 1273 and 1278 Bolesław the Chaste conducted a reform which granted the ruler a thorough control over the production process and trade of salt in the areas subjected to him (its most important postulate was to withdraw all the privileges, owned mainly by ecclesiastical institutions, which were diminishing the revenue of the ruler from the salt mines), which was equivalent with the introduction of salt regalia. 78 According to J. Piotrowicz, the notion of irrefutable and indivisible rights of the monarch to all the saltbearing areas was brought from Hungary, where for a long time all such regions together with mines were a part of the royal domain. 79 Financial relations, which within the conditions of a medieval state were not an isolated phenomenon but were subjected to influences of external factors, were still remaining an area of potential interactions between states. 80 It became 78 Krzyżanowski, Statut, 103-105; Wyrozumski, Państwowa gospodarka solna, 123-124. 79 evident particularly in the case of monetary reform of the 13 th -14 th century initiated in Western Europe, the substance of which was to take over the thick silver coin by the successive European monarchies. 81 Its occurrence in Lesser Poland and Greater Poland was conditioned there by strong Bohemian influences during the reign at the end of the 13 th and the beginning of the 14 th century of the Přemyslids. 82 After Cracow had been captured in 1306 by Duke Władysław the Elbow-high it was decided that the emission of coins from the times of the Přemyslids' reign would be continued. 83 During the reign of the Piast circulation of silver denarius coins was limited to two areas of Lesser Poland, i.e. Cracow Land and Sandomierz Land. After the royal coronation of the Duke, the emission of these coins in the areas of Lesser Poland underwent standardization in accordance with their type. Their circulation was probably common for the entire district of Lesser Poland, which should be regarded as the first stage of monetary unification in the Polish monarchy. 84 81 In Polish scholarly works this problem was most thoroughly analyzed by Ryszard Kiersnowski In this regard, the model of proceeding could have been delivered by the activities of Charles Robert, who in 1314 initiated monetary reform in the areas subjected to him. Its most important stage was the decision from 1323 on undertaking an emission of a new, lasting (non-negotiable in terms of exchange) coin, which was to be in use in the entire territory remaining under the authority of the House of Anjou. 85 The second half of the 13 th and the 14 th century was a period during which a significant area of the Old Continent (Italy, France, England, Netherlands, Germany, Bohemia and Hungary) initiated and developed the gold coin production. The main producer of gold in Europe at that time was Hungary, 86 which around 1325 became an inducement for Charles Robert to mint gold coin. 87 It was the first successfully completed emission of this kind in the areas beyond the Alps 88 and the sources for its inspiration should be sought in Sicily, in the earlier activities of Frederick II. At roughly the same time as in Hungary, golden florins (often referred to 85 also as ducats) struck in the local mint appeared in the Kingdom of Poland of Władysław the Elbow-high. Precisely determining the beginning of their emission gave cause to much controversy. Older historiography accepted that the royal coronation of the Piast in 1320 was an opportunity for their circulation and its foundation was of an ideological nature, associated with the need of manifesting the fact of elevating the ruler to the status of a king. 89 Only the study by Ryszard Kiersnowski showed that the ephemeral issuance of the (Lesser)Poland florins started at the earliest in 1330 and was associated with the celebrated at that time jubilee in honour of Saint Stanislaus. At the time large amount of gold (monetary and non-monetary), from which Polish copies of florins began to be minted, was collected from the pilgrims who came from the Kingdom of Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, Silesia and the neighbouring countries. To undertake this initiative by Władysław the Elbowhigh meant to fit into the pan-European trend. It can be assumed that the direct inspirations arrived from the neighbouring countries, but it is more likely that the territory ruled by the House of Anjou was coming into play more than the Kingdom of Bohemia of John of Luxembourg, who he started issuing his own florins in 1325. The first matter to pay attention to is the similarity between the golden coins from Hungary and Poland. According to the Hungarian sources, the coins which were minted in Buda in 1325 and then continuously from 1332 to 1333 were, in terms of their external features and metal standards, a faithful imitation of the florins from Florence (on the obverse of Charles Robert's coins was placed a heraldic motif in a shape of a lily flower -fleur de lis, distinctive of their counterparts from Florence as well as the inscription KAROLV.REX while on the reverse -the figure of Saint John the Baptist, a patron saint of the Italian city, with the inscription S.JOHANNES.B). Shortly, around 1331, as a result of protests launched by Florence against imitating her coins, Hungary introduced a different stamp (on the obverse the king was depicted on a throne, on the reverse the Angevin shield under a crown was placed). 91 Different concept was presented by R. Kiersnowski according to whom the occurrence of coins imitating the florins in the regions of Hungarian monarchy took place only after 1332/1333, while earlier, from 1325, the minted coins were 91 Opinions of Hungarian historiography in favour: Kiersnowski,Wielka reforma monetarna,[214][215] No original examples of golden coins from before 1332/1333 were preserved. The appearance of those earlier ones can be learnt from the 18 th century copy of an original which is now lost (ibid., 215)."different in terms of appearance and perhaps standards of metal from the ordinary florins". 92 And it was their pattern which could have been the subject of imitation by the Piast ruler. On the obverse of a golden Polish coin of Władysław the Elbow-high is depicted the figure of the king on a throne and a caption WLADISLAVS DI G REX, 93 while on the reverse the figure of Saint Stanislaus and an inscription S.STANISLAVS POLE. As can be seen, the florin of the Polish King was presenting partial similarity (obverse) to the atypical, in terms of appearance, issuance of the Anjou ruler. The time convergence in their issuing appears to exclude an ordinary coincidence and the Hungarian golden coin served as a model for an analogous issuance by Władysław the Elbow-high. 94 Production of florins in Poland was temporary in nature and it soon ceased. Therefore, it did not play a significant role in the Polish economy of that time. 95 92 Kiersnowski, Wielka reforma monetarna, 216. As a proof he cites the expressions included in the abovementioned document from 1326, which refers to a "golden Hungarian coin", and not "a florin", a name of which was already at that time in common use (ibid.). 93 According to Lesław Morawiecki the writing should be read as VLADISLAVS DEI GRATIA REX, which had its analogies in one of the denarii of Władysław the Elbow-high ("Dukat Władysława Łokietkainterpretacje legendy" [Ducat of Władysław the Elbow-high -Interpretations, Legends], Wiadomości Numizmatyczne 25 (1981) [38][39][40][41][42]. 94 Kiersnowski,Wielka reforma monetarna,217. 95 Motives for the decision of Władysław the Elbow-high about issuing his own golden coin are indicated in the necessity of meeting financial needs of the Polish monarchy in the face of the outbreak of further fighting with the Teutonic Order as well as in propagandistic factor. The latter was associated with placing on the reverse of the coin the figure and inscriptions referring to the 11 th century Bishop of Cracow-Saint Stanislaus, to whom, particularly towards the end of Władysław the Elbow-high's reign, a role of a guardian of the united Polish state was begun to be assigned (Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei -Pater Patriae. The At the end of the discussion on economic relations between Poland and Hungary it is necessary to mention the continuous contribution of Louis I to the organization of the Polish treasury. This concerns mainly the Privilege of Košice from 1374 for the Polish nobility as well as, modelled on it, agreement between the King and the feudal lords of the clergy in 1381. In accordance with the provisions of the Privilege of Košice the monarch, in exchange for the Polish lords' consent that one of his daughters would take the throne of Poland in the event of a subsequent absence of male offspring, abolished the duty of maintaining his visits and made some commitments and promises to his subjects of noble lineage. One of the more important provisions of the privilege issued in Košice was to deliver the knights' estates from any existing obligations and burdens, introducing in this place a fixed tax at a rate of two grosze from the cultivated peasant's fief. 96 The earlier Polish historiography treated the provisions of the Privilege of Košice mostly in terms of concessions given to King Louis as a price for guaranteeing to his dynasty the right to the throne of Poland. 97 Thoroughly different interpretation of the document issued Cult of Saint Stanislaus and the Patronage of Polish Kings 1200-1455 (Cracow, 2008) 216-223). Manifesting such position was especially significant due to the escalating threat from the outside as well as John of Luxembourg's consistent undermining of Piast's right to the Polish crown, indication of which was i.e. referring to Władysław the Elbow-high as "the king of Cracow" by the ruler of Bohemia (KDW 2, no. 1097) as well as John of Luxembourg's notorious entitling of himself as "the King of Poland". 96 KDW 3, no. 1709. 97 I.e. Jan Dąbrowski summarised the dispositions included in the monarchical diploma from September 1374 with the words: "Louis ransomed the succession of his daughters very dearly" (Ostatnie lata, 295).in Košice was provided by Jacek Matuszewski. He reached the conclusion that the diploma was a confirmation or regularisation of privileges so far held by the knights. Introducing a permanent tax in the place of the already existing emergency tributes was seen as a reform of a taxation system. The change was advantageous from the perspective of the noble owners of estates (the extent of tax was not overly high), but its greatest beneficiary was the monarch himself. The revenues to the royal treasury became increased, but most of all the cyclical nature of the charged levies was making the monarch independent from the consent of his subjects when carrying out the levy. This resulted in specific consequences of political nature, particularly in the case when the representatives of a new dynasty sat on the Polish throne. Due to the implemented regulations they were becoming more independent from their subjects. 98 The core of the change included in the Privilege of Košice was instituting a new and permanent tax, just as it was once done in 1338 by King Louis' father in Hungary. 99 Considerations presented above refer to the most important sectors of medieval economy. Discussion on them does not exhaust the problem of economic relations between Poland and Hungary in the Middle Ages. The thorough understanding of the essence and meaning of this subject will 23-24. be possible after juxtaposing the works of Polish historians of the Middle Ages with the results of research of Hungarian or Slovak historians, as well as presenting them through a prism of economic development of Central European countries and their closest neighbors. Nevertheless, already at this point it is possible to draft some general observations about the nature of these relations. First of all, the attention must be drawn to their multidimensional character. They came down not only to such specific phenomena in the area of economy as, to say the least, the exchange of commodities or participation of people from the neighbouring country in the settlement of new territories, but also to taking over from the neighbouring areas some inspirations or already prepared patterns. In the cases such as the legal aspect of organising rock salt mining, monetary reform (introduction of a gold coin) or taxation reform, it is possible to indicate the one-sided, Hungarian, direction of impact. This resulted from significant economic advancement of the southern neighbor of Poland. 100 In the second half of the 13 th century, not an insignificant role was played in that matter by the consistent economic policy of Béla IV while after the accession to the throne of the House of Anjou, the opportunities opened up for the Hungarians to reach out for the Sicilian heritage of the Hohenstaufen and the latest Italian canons. 101 100 Dygo, "Wschód i Zachód", 176-185. 101 Gawlas, "Polska Kazimierza Wielkiego", 22. The fact of the Angevins' reign over the part of Croatian and Dalmatian coastline, the territory of which was of vital interest to Venice, made the mutual relations between the Kingdom of Hungary and the Republic of Saint Mark quite intense. The latest economic solutions or inspirations could have permeated to the territories of Central Europe also from this direction The territory of Hungarian monarchy was in some ways constituting a "conveyor belt" of the western European economic solutions in the Polish lands. Diffusion of new ideas facilitated the tradition of cooperation and alliance between the Piasts on the one hand, and the Arpads and Anjou on the other hand.Another feature of the Polish-Hungarian relations was complementing or compensating the shortcomings in raw material, in this way providing an undisturbed operating of the Hungarian mining sector. Such role was fulfilled particularly by Polish lead, essential for the development of gold and silver mining in the region of Upper Hungary. It can be assumed that similar meaning had, although on a much smaller scale, the animals brought to Poland (horses, cattle, and hog). The mutual complementing of the two economies was indirectly stimulating the process of urbanizing the country (i.e. emergence of the mining town category 102 ) or reorganizing rural hamlets along the trade routes, which were running between the states.The fact of the complementarity of Polish and Hungarian mining sector was conditioning the regional nature of the mutual economic ties (directly involved in them were the neighbouring regions of southern Poland and the northern areas of the Kingdom of Hungary) and led them to their specialisation. Another significant matter was, as a rule, a transit nature of trade, particularly with regard to natural resources from Hungary. The areas of Poland did not constitute a final destination for Hungarian copper or lead. They were largely intended for the Western market and were placed there through the merchants of Cracow, who could guarantee to themselves suitable privileges with the help of monarchs. For posterity, the name of Sigismund of Luxemburg is irrevocably associated with his pledgings, including that of the Spiš region, which is undoubtedly one of the most renown transactions in medieval Hungarian history. It owes its importance to a number of factors. First, that the transaction was of countrywide importance is well illustrated by the fact that regaining the Spiš region was among the Wladislav I's (1440-1444) Hungarian coronation conditions. 1 Secondly, the charter itself also indicates the significance of the transaction: Sigismund did not pledge the region alone as Hungarian king but together with his barons and prelates. 2 Finally, the total sum involved was unusually high: 37 000 deemed when the debt was paid off. The Spiš region remained unredeemed until 1772 when it was re-incorporated into Hungary on the occasion of the first partition of Poland. 5 The history of the region is discussed in abundant Hungarian and international literature; as early as the nineteenth century seminal books were written about its past, and there are several works on Sigismund's pledging specifically. 6 The present article deals with the transaction itself, more precisely it focuses on issues that have not been adequately addressed to date. These concern the international background of the pledging, the preliminary negotiations, the place of Europe during the Later Middle Ages, ed. R. Zaoral (Basingstoke, 2016) 96. 5 There were a number of later attempts to redeem the region, but they were all without success. Of course, even Sigismund would not have thought at the time of concluding the contract that the Spiš region would remain in pledge for so long. He also tried to get it back during the Council of Constance but he failed, probably because he refused to pay for it. László reaching the agreement, and the receipt and use of the money of the pledging. Bibliography The Spiš region and international politicsThe pledging of the region in 1412 was in correlation with contemporary international political events, primarily with the conflict between Poland-Lithuania and the Teutonic Order, and indirectly with the outcome of the Battle of Grunwald (Tannenberg, 15 July 1410). The battle was a key event of the "great war" (magnus conflictus 1409-1411) 7 fought between the above mentioned parties, in which the united forces of Poland-Lithuania achieved a crushing victory over the Teutonic knights. Following the battle, the troops of the Polish-Lithuanian union were conquering the Teutonic Order's territory step by step, even the order's capital Marienburg was laid under siege, and the fate of Prussia and of the whole chivalric order depended on its defense. However, the long siege lasting several weeks was not successful, partly due to Henrich von Plauen's competence. When the grandmaster of the order, Ulrich von Jungingen, died on the battlefield, Plauen organized the defense of the capital successfully -which contributed to gaining back territories later -and was elected as the new grandmaster. 8 At the beginning of the following year the First Peace of Toruń (Thorn) ended the war and prescribed territorial and financial obligations for the Teutonic knights. As part of their territorial obligation, the Teutonic knights had to return Samogitia (Žemaitija) to Lithuania (only for the lifetime of Wladislav II and the Grand Duke Vytautas), and the Dobrin lands, occupied during the war, to Poland. The financial prescription consisted of the huge sum of 100 000 schock Prague groschen (around 260 000 golden florins) indemnity, and paying ransom for releasing the captives and for conceding the occupied castles. 9 Later the fate of the Spiš region became tied to settling the indemnity in four installments.The Battle of Grunwald not only temporarily ended the conflict between the Polish-Lithuanian Union and the Teutonic Order but created a new international environment which transformed the Polish-Hungarian relations. Until the battle relations of the two countries were burdened by a number of factors. Sigismund probably remembered both his failure to gain the Polish throne and the Polish troops conquering Red Ruthenia at the beginning of his Hungarian reign. As a result, the voivodes of Wallachia and Moldavia renounced Hungarian suzerainty and accepted the Polish king as their overlord. The conflict was deepened by the death of Queen Mary in 1395, which was followed by the incursion of Polish contingents in the Spiš region giving a greater impetus to the Polish Queen Jadviga's claim for the Hungarian throne. 10 In addition, the fact that the Luxemburgs traditionally had good relations with the Teutonic Order, and Sigismund was no exception, was another source of conflict. Sigismund regularly relied on the financial support of the Teutonic knights to achieve his political goals, 11 and expected the order's support to gain the title of the king of the Romans. No wonder then that he sided with the knights in the "great war", forging an alliance with them in 1409, and as a consequence Hungarian troops led by Stibor of Stiboricz 10 There were attempts to harmonize the relationship between the two countries, for example, a meeting of the two rulers was organized which improved the rapport temporarily. However, it dramatically deteriorated again following the outbreak of the war with the Teutonic knights. Norbert C. Tóth, "Zsigmond magyar és II. Ulászló lengyel király személyes találkozói a lublói béke után ( 11 The fact that the Teutonic Order could easily overbid Poland for Neumark, the Northern part of the Margreviate of Brandenburg, reflects the extent of their financial resources. Nowak, "Internationale Schiedsprozesse," 175-176;Pósán, "Zsigmond és a Német Lovagrend," 639. ZSO II. 1442, 1796-1797, 1942 attacked South Poland. 12 Presumably, there were a number of reasons why Sigismund was striving to normalize the relations with WladislavII after the Peace of Toruń. First, war broke out with Venice and Hungarian armed forces attacked the province of Friuli in the late autumn of 1411. 13 Venice was in alliance with Poland, and Sigismund managed to successfully distance Poland from Venice by improving his rapport with Wladislav II. 14 Furthermore, settling his conflict with Poland Sigismund -elected as German king in the meantime -could turn his attention towards such burning issues as the fight against the Ottomans, finding a solution for the Great 12 As a response to the military campaign led by Stibor, there was a counter expedition of Polish forces Elemér Mályusz, Kaiser Sigismund in Ungarn, 1387-1437(Budapest, 1990Pósán, "Zsigmond és a Német Lovagrend," 640-41;Pósán, "A Német Lovagrend," 24-25. 15. Jahrhundert, (Marburg, 1952) 15. Schism, or creating the union between the Roman and the Greek Orthodox Church. 15 After the ceasefire was brokered and the negotiations between the magnates of the two countries were over, the two rulers met in person in Stará Ľubovňa (Lubló) where they concluded the peace in March 1412. The negotiations continued in Košice (Kassa), where, probably upon Sigismund's proposal, Wladislav II invited Sigismund to be the adjudicator in the dispute between him and the Teutonic Order. 16 These hostilities were rekindled because the knights managed to pay only half of the 100 000 schock Prague groschen prescribed by the Peace of Toruń and failed to pay the third installment on time. 17 Sigismund tried to prevent further escalation of the dispute by this intervention. 15 Pósán, "Zsigmond és a Német Lovagrend," 643; Nowak, "Internationale Schiedsprozesse," 176. 16 The role of the adjudicator in an international conflict was not entirely new for Sigismund. He gave advice to his brother King Wenceslas IV on his decision of 8 February 1410 concerning another chapter of the conflict between the Teutonic Order and Poland-Lithuania. Adam Szweda, Polish and Teutonic Diplomatic Activity in Europe during the Conflict of 1409-1411, online document, accessed October 14, 2015, http://www.history-.pth.net.pl/article,1;Mályusz, Kaiser Sigismund, 106-107. 17 Dieter Zimmerling, Der Deutsche Ritterorden (Dusseldorf -New York, 1988) The preliminary negotiationsInitially, the grandmaster of the order, Heinrich van Plauen, did not want to accept the arbitration of Sigismund as he preferred Pope John XXIII (1410)(1411)(1412)(1413)(1414)(1415). Since at this time there was no universally acknowledged pope, and because there was no assurance if John XXIII would make a decision more favorable for the Teutonic knights than the Peace of Toruń, Plauen in the end raised no objections against Sigismund. 18 Once the delegates of both sides arrived, the negotiations began in Buda on July 5, 1412. In the meantime, the two rulers took a tour around the country; King Wladislav II spent almost three and a half months in Hungary as a guest of Sigismund. 19 The Hungarian ruler joined the negotiating sides after the arrangements had started, and on 24 August he made his decision public which was almost a reconfirmation of the Peace of Toruń. 20 The issue of the Spiš region was probably discussed shortly after the decision was announced. On August 30 Sigismund made a promise to recover the promissory note of the Teutonic Order, which in fact meant that he would take over the order's debt. 21 Of course, typically for Sigismund, he demanded 62 000 in four installments for the 50 000 schock Prague groschen, 22 in other words, he estimated the value of his services at 12 000 schock groschen. 23 Further details of this plan were not included in the charter, but it is very likely that he intended to cover this debt by pledging the Spiš region. Some sketches of this plan have survived in one of Sigismund's books of letters (Briefbuch). Altogether three books of letters survive from Sigismund of Luxemburg's chancellery, which contain the ruler's political correspondence between the years 1411-1417. These preliminary letters are usually undated and in many cases the name of the recipients are missing, however, they can be dated to some extent on the basis of their content. 24 1410-1437, vol. 1, 1410-1424(Innsbruck, 1896) (hereafter RI) 307a; Pósán, "Zsigmond és a Német Lovagrend," 644-645. 22 12 500 schock Prague groschen on 2 February 1413, the same amount on 2 April, 25 000 on 29 September, and finally the remaining 12 000 on 8 April 1414. Weise,Die Staatsverträge,99. 23 As stated by the initial plan of the transaction concerning the Spiš region, Sigismund would have taken over the debt of the Teutonic Order and cleared it off by pledging "ad instanciam eorundem dominorum cruciferorum" (according to the request of the knights), DF 287745, image 55, 293r. If this was really the case, it means that the Teutonic knights preferred to be indebted for a larger sum to Sigismund rather to the Polish king. Michael Küchmeister, the marshal of the order (Ordensmarschall) and the leader of the order's delegation at Buda, can be suspected to be behind the plan, because he was inclined to a peaceful resolution more than the grandmaster who protested heavily even against the indemnity. 24 Hermann Heimpel, "Aus der Kanzlei Kaiser Sigismunds (Über den Cod. Pal. Lat. 701 der Vatikanischen Bibliothek)," Archiv für Urkundenforschung 12 (1932) 113-115. According to the documents in one of the letter-books, during the negotiations 25 a different plan existed for pledging the Spiš region than the one that was put in practice. This preliminary plan envisaged the pledging of the whole region (24 privileged towns together with the castle of Spiš), significantly more than the thirteen towns plus Podolínec, Hniezdne and the estate of Stará Ľubovňa, agreed upon in the end. 26 Drawing up the plan was followed by phrasing trilateral contract drafts. First, a contract was made in Sigismund's name pledging the whole Spiš region together with the castle to Wladislav II until he, his heirs, or the Teutonic knights redeem it. Secondly, another draft in the name of the Polish king stipulated that the region pledged to him for settling the debt of the Teutonic knights, would be given back to Sigismund or his heirs once the debt was cleared off. Otherwise, Sigismund and his heirs were authorized to take it back with force and to loot Poland to collect the interest of 25 Based on their content Elemér Mályusz dated these draft charters to the period between 24 August and 17 September 1412. These two dates are the days of the proclamation of the adjudicatory decision and dispatching the Hungarian delegation to Poland. Since Sigismund promised to recover the promissory letter of the Order on 30 August, the dating of the documents suggested by Mályusz seems entirely justified. ZSO III. 2565-2568. 26 the transaction. 27 Finally, in the name of Grandmaster Heinrich von Plauen two documents were formulated, containing different scenarios. 28 One of these specified that Sigismund was going to pledge the region for the 50 000 schock Prague groschen debt of the order owed to Wladislav II and for the 5000 groschen owed to the Lithuanian grand duke. This would have only bought time for settling the debt, because the Teutonic knights would have remained indebted, except this time to the Polish king and the grand duke and not to Sigismund. Nonetheless, it stipulates that the knights were obliged to pay the two installments of 27 500 schock Prague groschen before the deadlines (December 25, 1412 and July 25, 1413), otherwise they would have had to give Neumark (East Brandenburg) in pledge to Sigismund. Moreover, if they had failed to pay anything, then Wladislav II would have been entitled to conquer the territories of the order and to keep them until the Teutonic knights recompensed Sigismund. In the other scenario, the Spiš region would have been pledged for an undisclosed sum, 29 and the order would have been indebted to Wladislav II (there is no mention of Duke Vytautas) who was to receive the money in two parts by June 11, 1413. In the event of a total default, the knights would have been obliged to pledge Pomerelia to Sigismund. 27 No concrete figures were given in either case, pro tot milibus florenorum auri and pro tot sexagenis grossorum are written in the text, leaving the possibility of defining the exact sum later (50 000 or 55 000 schock Prague groschen). DF 287745, image 55-57, 293r, 293v;ZSO III. 2565-2566 ZSO III 2567-2568 Probably for 50 000 schock Prague groschen, the amount the order owed to the Polish ruler. There is no mention of the debt to Grand Duke Vytautas in this document.Equipped with these draft charters, the Hungarian delegation and the legate representing the Teutonic Order at the negotiations at Buda travelled to Poland together to consult the Polish king about the transaction and the issue of the indemnity. As stated in one of Sigismund's unfinished charters, the unnamed members of the delegation were fully authorized by him to reach an agreement with Wladislav II about the details of the pledging. 30 Polish chronicler Jan Długosz names only Archbishop John Kanizsai, the most prominent member and presumably leader of the delegation. 31 Archbishop Kanizsai was one of Sigismund's most trusted adherent and adviser until he led a plot against him in 1401 and lost his offices as a result. However, they settled their differences in 1407 and in 1412, during the Buda summit and Sigismund praised him as indispensable for the success of the negotiations. 32 The other two members of the delegation 30 Baczkowski -F. Sikora -D. Turkowska, (Warszawa, 1997) 210. Długosz's information regarding John Kanizsai and the Hungarian legation is confirmed by charter evidence too. ZSO III. 2695, 3028. 32 Sigismund was not in the country in 1414 when another summit was convoked to Buda to restore the peace between Poland-Lithuania and the Teutonic knights, so the two royal vicars, Archbishop Kanizsai and Palatine Garai, presided over the negotiations. C. Tóth, "Zsigmond were Peter Perényi, former count of the Székelys, and secret chancellor Emeric Perényi. 33 The latter, thanks to his office, belonged to the inner circle of Sigismund's entourage. Moreover, having undertaken a number of diplomatic missions for Sigismund, he had ample experience in the field of diplomacy. 34 The two Perényis were familiar with the Spiš region, Emeric held the castle of Stará Ľubovňa between 1408 and 1410, 35 while Peter was the ispán (comes) of the County of Spiš (1402-1404). 36 According to Długosz, the Hungarian legation and the representatives of the Teutonic knights met the Polish king on 15 October at Medyka, 37 where they finally agreed on the Magyar 39 where they informed him about the outcome of their mission and the king issued the charter of pledging the Spiš region to Wladislav II on November 8. 40 Collecting and spending the money of the pledging There are two prevailing opinions in modern historiography regarding the expenditure of the money received. 41 The more widely accepted speculation is that Sigismund spent the money on the war against Venice -ultimately in vain, because the city state emerged victorious from the conflict. 42 The war was expensive, therefore it is entirely justified to correlate the money raised by the pledging with covering the costs of the war. Others suggest that the Saint Sigismund Provostry of Buda was erected from the money raised from the transaction. This probably lived on vividly in the memory of later generations, for example, sixteenth-century Hungarian lyricist and poet Sebestyén "Lantos" (Minstrel) Tinódi referred to it in one of his songs. 43 The provostry was built for years after Pope John XXIII gave his consent to Sigismund's initiative to found a new church in 1410. 44 In my opinion, neither of these two explanations can be excluded definitively. 45 While there are convincing arguments for both, I think there was a possible third project on which Sigismund might have spent the capital of the pledging.In Poland the negotiating sides managed to reach an agreement not only concerning the pledging, but they also settled the issue of the Teutonic Order's debt. 46 This was the reason why the order's representatives accompanied the 43 Sebestyén Tinódi, "Zsigmond király és császárnak krónikája (részlet)" [The Chronicle of King and Emperor Sigismund (fragment)], in Tar Lőrinc pokoljárása: Középkori magyar víziók, ed. S. V. Kovács (Budapest, 1985) 251-252. 44 György Székely, "A budai Szent Zsigmond templom kutatástörténetéhez" [Remarks on the Historiography of the Saint Sigismund Church in Buda], Budapest Régiségei 33 (1999) 15. 45 Earlier, András Végh proposed that besides the war against Venice, Sigismund could have spent part of the sum of the pledging on building the provostry. András Végh, "Adatok a budai kisebb Szűz Mária, más néven Szt. Zsigmond templom alapításának történetéhez" [Data for the history of the foundation of the Church of Lesser Virgin Mary a.k.a. Church of St Sigismund], Budapest Régiségei 33 (1999) 25. 46 As stated in a letter by Sigismund from December 1412, the agreement regarding the indemnity was one of the primary aims of the joint delegation to Poland. ZSO III. 3028. sz.Hungarian legation to Wladislav II. The 50 000 schock Prague groschen debt of the Teutonic knights was raised to 69 400, probably because the order could not pay the third installment on time. From the 69 400 schock Prague groschen 39 400 had to be paid to Wladislav II, 5000 to Duke Vytautas and 25 000 to Sigismund. 47 The latter sum was given to him by the Polish king, almost certainly in return for the pledging of the Spiš region. 48 The deadline of paying Wladislav II's share was at the beginning of the following year. Failing to clear the debt on time again would have meant the pledging of Neumark to the Polish ruler. Probably, the possibility of taking Neumark in pledge was the reason for not giving his consent to take the whole Spiš region in pledge. Wladislav II and his councilors were so sure that the Teutonic knights would not be able to collect so much money in such short time that they even composed the charter about taking the region of Neumark in pledge. 49 47 ZSO III. 3007,3038;Hartmut,Johannes Falkenberg,100; Hans Koeppen, Die Berichte der Generalprokuratoren des Deutschen Ordens an der Kurie, vol. 2, Peter von Wormditt (1403-1419) (Köln, 1960 146-147. 48 Weise,Die Staatsverträge,99;ZSO III. 3026. The final sum of the pledging of the Spiš was 37 000 schock Prague groschen, there is no information about the remaining 12 000 groschen. Presumably, this figure was paid by Wladislav II and not by the Teutonic knights. Besides the 25 000 groschen, at the beginning of the year the order promised to pay 25 000 golden florins to Sigismund, but they were not able to keep their promise during the course of the year, therefore Sigismund demanded this sum in addition to the 25 000 groschen. ZSO III. 1506, 3007, 3038, 3125;ZSO IV. 89, 114. Hartmut, Johannes Falkenberg, 100. Of course, it was previously suggested that the 37 000 groschen were conceded by Wladislav II to Sigismund from the 100 000 groschen indemnity that the Teutonic Order had to pay him. Suchý, "Spisske mesta," 57. 49 Ernst Lampe, "Beiträge zur Geschichte Heinrichs von Plauen 1411 bis 1413," Zeitschrift des Westpreußischen Geschichtsvereins 26 (1889) 36-37. Sigismund entrusted Florentine businessman Onofrio di Bardo, initially in the service of Filippo Scolari, with the collection of the 25 000 schock Prague groschen and sorting out the remaining issues regarding the payment. 50 The Teutonic knights had to pay the sum in two equal installments to di Bardo but because of their many financial obligations they were not able to do so on schedule. 51 The deadlines were February 2 and April 2, 1413; 52 Grandmaster Heinrich von Plauen was expecting the Landmeister of the Holy Roman Empire (the German country master of the order) to put up half of the sum, but even in March 1413 he wrote to him that this was impossible. 53 51 A letter of the grandmaster sent to the Landmeister of Livland at the end of 1412 aptly reflects the the order's situation at the time. In this he writes that the chalices and reliquaries had already been sold or smelted down, but even this was not enough so he asks the Landmeister to send him more gold and silver because there was no precious metals left in his province. ZSO III. 3125. 52 Weise,Die Staatsverträge,99;ZSO III. 3026. 53 ZSO III. 3007;ZSO IV. 262. deadline and sent di Bardo to negotiate the date with them. 54 As a result, the February deadline was extended to 8 March, however, the order was able to make the first payment only on 5 April. 55 There is no data regarding the exact date of the second payment. Sigismund was still demanding it in September, 56 but received it only around the end of the year or at the beginning of the following year. 57 Although there is no direct information about using the whole sum, there are some details about what half of it was spent on. 58 Namely, in his letter addressed to Heinrich von Plauen on May 17, 1413, Sigismund writes that he still had not received the 12.500 schock Prague groschen, which he intended to spend on his coronation. For this reason, Sigismund had to borrow this sum from Antonio Fronte and from that point on Heinrich 54 ZSO IV. 61,62. 55 Similarly to the precomposed charter of pledging of Neumark, a series of acquittances were phrased in the name of Sigismund and Wladislav II about collecting the sums of 12 500-12 500 schock Prague groschen. Wilhelm Altmann, ed. RI XI 382;ZSO III. 3059;ZSO IV. 113,125,131. Obviously, the existence of these acquittances does not mean that these payments really happened. Adding all the figures of these documents would yield a sum much higher than the amount of money the order was obliged to pay. Even though Sigismund demanded the entire sum of 25 000 groschen in February, he wrote in May that he still had not received half of the sum. ZSO IV. 243, 601. Erich Weise also discredits these documents. He believes that the date of the first payment was April 2, 1413. Weise, Die Staatsverträge, 100. Onforio di Bardo issued an acquittance about 12 500 groschen on 5 April, according to which he collected the money in Sigismund's name in two places, in Wrocław and Toruń. ZSO IV. 393. 56 ZSO IV. 1032. 57 ZSO IV. 1478. Weise, Die Staatsverträge, 100. 58 Likewise, there is no indirect data about the spending of the 12 000 schock Prague groschen either. See footnote 48. von Plauen owed Fronte and not him. 59 Sigismund spent the rest of 1413 in Northern Italy and was crowned as king of the Romans in Aachen on November 8, 1414, over one year after sending this letter. 60 Sigismund must have been in great need of Fronte's loan lent him in Friuli, otherwise he would not have borrowed it under unfavorable conditions. This indicates that he probably had already spent the money before leaving Italy. All these details raise the question how the sum contributed (or could have contributed) to his coronation later, 61 however, the available source material does not allow us to draw further conclusions. 1200-1815, ed. R. Bonney (Oxford, 1999 260-261. Obviously the coronation in Aachen was less expensive than one in Rome, which was among the many reasons why he did not have to travel to the Eternal City. SummaryThe pledging of the Spiš region was part of renegotiating Hungarian-Polish relations and it was closely related to the indemnity set out in the First Peace of Toruń. In the altered political environment after the Battle of Grunwald, Sigismund of Luxemburg -eager to become king of the Romans and involved in a serious conflict with Venice -reassessed his politics regarding Poland and sought to improve it significantly. Therefore, first the magnates then the two rulers met in person. At the latter meeting Sigismund invited the Polish ruler to visit Hungary, and the Polish king invited him to be the adjudicator in the conflict between the Polish-Lithuanian Union and the Teutonic Order. The order could not pay the indemnity stipulated in the Peace of Toruń, so the conflict was liable to flare up again any time. This debt stood at the heart of the conflict; Sigismund hoped that through his intervention he might get some of the money himself. Therefore, at the Buda summit, while seeking a resolution for the conflict, he also brought up the possibility of pledging the Spiš region even though, according to the preliminary plan, the whole Spiš region would have been pledged if the Hungarian ruler had taken over the debt of the Teutonic Order. The two cases were both resolved in Poland where the Hungarian delegation and the order's representatives had a chance to make an agreement with the Polish king Wladislav II. The larger part of the funds raised by pledging the Spiš region was paid by the order to Sigismund in the course of the year 1413, which -besides spending it on the war with Venice and building the Saint Sigismund Provostry -he intended to spend on the preparations of his coronation in Aachen.The pledging of the Spiš region is one of the most wellknown financial transactions in medieval Hungary and as such it has received a great deal of attention. However, as demonstrated by this brief overview of the transaction and its circumstances, essential questions remain unanswered and further research is necessary regarding a number of important issues relating to the pledging and its long afterlife. didn´t make much effort for being elected as a new Hungarian or Bohemian king. 6 Polish chronicler John Długosz saw the reason for this is that Frederick III supported aspiration of Casimir IV of Poland, 7 whose rights for throne were considered legitimate and justified, even though he participated in the struggle for Hungarian succession only in marginal way. He dispatched the envoys to Bohemia and Hungary in January 1458, who had to declare Jagiellonian claims for the thrones, 8 but it was the only initiative in this issue. Activity (or inactivity) of the king of Poland was caused mainly by 6 The most significant issues were probably problems concerning the interior policy of emperor. After the death of king Ladislaus he had to deal with dispute about the Austrian hereditary lands with his brother Albert VI and cousin Sigismund of Tirol. The negotiations which were in progress during 1458 led to conclusion of treaty, whose result was the division of Duchy of Austria between two brothers. Border was river Enns -Frederick gained the territory under (Lower Austria) and Albert over the river (Upper Austria). However, the struggle between Habsburg brothers continued later. Alois Niederstätter, Österreichische Geschichte 1400-1522: Das Jahrhundert der Mitte: An der Wende vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit (Wien, 1996) the war between Poland and Teutonic order. However, the importance of keeping the hereditary rights of Jagiellonian dynasty stressed by Casimir IV, was evident in the text of charter from 1458 addressed to newly elected king of Hungary Matthias. 9 In the charter Casimir considered Corvinus as a usurper of the power in the country, Polish king reminded him illegitimacy of his rule and emphasized his own hereditary rights in blood relation through Emperor Sigismund and king Ladislaus. 10 Polish attitude is confirmed by words of John Długosz who treats Matthias´ election as "disgraceful choice" and adds: "so it is natural to wonder that Hungarians turned to such stupidity that they had chosen a man of unknown origin…a prisoner and servant, whose release was not accomplished yet." 11 It is clear that Poles apprehended Matthias´ accession to the throne as menace of their own dynastic claims. However Casimir, unlike Emperor Frederick III, 12 didn´t wage war against Corvinus despite of appeal from 9 MDE I, [41][42]no. 29. 10 MDE I,41. It is not clear whether Casimir meant his own brother Wladislaus III. Jagiello (in Hungary Wladislaus I.) or Ladislaus the Posthumous, who had been his brother-in-law. 11 Długosz pointed to the fact, that Matthias was at the time of election diet imprisoned in Prague. Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1445-1461 John Jiskra to assume the rule in Kingdom of Hungary. 13 The Polish ruler didn´t want to take part in this case mainly because of the war with Teutonic order that was in progress. 14 In connection with this question is interesting that Długosz didn´t commented the election of George of Poděbrady in negative way as he did in the case of Corvinus in Hungary (In spite of ecquivalent situation in relation to the claims of Polish royal court). Despite emphasization of Jagiellonian legitimate rights for the throne, he considered George as an influential and adequate governor of the country. 15 As we can see incompletion of dynastic ambitions of Jagiellons was by Casimir apprehended in the case of Kingdom of Hungary much more dramatically than in the matter of Bohemia. Interesting fact is that despite evident Polish disagreement with Matthias´ election in Hungary, Casimir didn´t attempt to reverse the course of events. It is uncertain what was the basic reason for him -war with Teutonic order on one side whether delaying attitude or even indecision of Polish king in this issue.Neutral attitude of Casimir IV was a consequence of various elements, first of all country was exhausted from longlasting Thirteen Years' War, but also tense relations with the Holy See led the Polish king to cautious policy. 16 Furthermore, limiting factor for Casimir could be his own experience from previous effort of Jagiellons to acquire Bohemian Kingdom. After the death of Sigismund of Luxemburg in 1438 Polish king Wladislaus III tried to enforce his younger brother Casimir (later king Casimir IV) on Bohemian throne, firstly by diplomatic and later also by military means on the expense of Albert of Habsburg. However, his effort was unsuccessful especially because of strong aversion of bordering powers towards Jagiellonian candidacy (mainly German dukes opposed). 17 Exactly personal experience of the king of Poland with strong international opposition against his own aspiration to gain the throne could considerable contribute to his cautious, waiting attitude and preference for gradual diplomatic solution of situation in Bohemian kingdom. From this point of view, it is clear that for Jagiellonians was strategic objective to acquire Bohemian crown. The attempt from 16 There were controversies in the matter of occupancy of bishopric offices in Warmia and Kraków in late 1450s and beginning of 1460s. In the end of 1450s pope Calixtus III excommunicated the Polish ruler for war, which he waged with Teutonic order. Kazimierz Jagiellończyk,[200][201][202] 1438 was one of the demonstrations of strategy of kings of Poland from Jagiellonian dynasty.In 1460s the interests of Hungary and Poland met in two stages, specifically in question of Moldavian principality 18 and in the case of waging crusade against Bohemian kingdom. Deposition of George of Poděbrady from Bohemian throne became serious issue in the second half of 1460s. Contention between Matthias and Casimir was gradually demonstrated in their foreign policy, mainly in different attitudes in case of waging the campaign against King George which was initiated by the Holy See. 19 Besides stimulation of domestic opposition (associated in so called Panská / Zelenohorská jednota) 20 against George of Poděbrady, the Pope was searching for allies against heretical ruler also among the rulers of surrounding countries. He was thinking about suitable personality that could lead the expedition against Bohemian kingdom. Most serious candidate was already during the pontificate of Pius II Polish king Casimir IV. His claim was based on hereditary rights of his wife Elizabeth from the House of Habsburg, daughter of Holy Roman emperor and also Bohemian and Hungarian 18 Şerban Papacostea, "Un Épisode de la rivalité polono-hongroise aux XVe siècle : La campagne de Mathias Corvin en Moldavie (1467), á la lumière d´une source inédite", Revue Roumaine d´histoire 8 (1969) the beginning of his rule and also few Polish noblemen sympathized with pope´s plan. (e. g. Polish envoy John of Ostroróg). 24 After the death of Pius II (1464) this topic became more intensive, in 1465 Pope Paul II appealed to the Polish king through cardinal Carvajal in order to break contacts with the Bohemian ruler. 25 In the next year he also demanded to support rebelling nobles in Bohemia and city of Pilsen. 26 In connection with escalation of the conflict of new pope Paul II with George of Poděbrady, the pope realized the importance of ending long-lasting war with Teutonic order. That´s why he sent papal envoy Rudolf of Rüdesheim in order to mediate truce between both belligerent sides, which he managed to do by conclusion the peace in Thorn in October 1466. 27 Consequently Rudolf came to Casimir with offer to assume power in the Bohemian kingdom. He underlined that the right for the throne belonged to Jagiellons through queen consort Elizabeth. Furthermore, pope promised help to Casimir, financial support and acquisition of whole Silesia and 24 In those days representatives of Wrocław appealed to archbishop of Gniezno and Polish bishops, in order to find support for them from side of Casimir IV. John of Ostroróg assured envoy of Wrocław Fabian Hanko of Casimir´s favour in this issue. Tobolka, "Styky krále českého", 165-166. Polish king was frequently the target of demands from the side of Wrocław. Kazimierz Jagiellończyk,206. 25 Similar appeals were addressed to another royal courts (Emperor Fredrick, Kingdom of Hungary, Denmark etc.) Markgraf, SRS IX,[130][131]no. 297. 26 Markgraf,SRS IX,[167][168][169][170]č. 321 A,321 B. 27 The so called second peace of Thorn was signed on 16 th October which ended Thirteen Years' War. Baczkowski,Dzieje Polski,224. Lusatia. 28 However, the king of Poland was reluctant to participate in another military conflict after recently finished Thirteen Years' War that economically exhausted his country. 29 Furthermore, relations of Casimir with George of Poděbrady in 1460s went in friendly way, from 1462 they were tied with amicable treaties concluded in Głogów. 30 Those are the reasons why the Polish ruler didn´t want to intervene against the Bohemian king at all. 31 The Polish king behaved in this situation carefully and reservedly, his attitude was basically neutral 32 and demanded from the pope time to reconsider. 33 In the beginning of summer 1467 the pope again encouraged him to assume the Bohemian crown. Chronicler Długosz writes about unanimous choice of the Polish ruler or his son, also he mentions pope´s promise of general support of Bohemian catholic estates (including Moravia, Silesia, Lusatia) and surrounding powers -emperor Frederick III and also other German princes. 34 However, reality was not so clear. From 1459 Bohemian ruler was related with Saxon Wettins, Duke Albert III married Zdenka, daughter of George of Poděbrady. 35 Blood relations obliged also Ursula, first born daughter of Albert Achilles, duke of Brandenburg, who married duke of Münsterberg Henry, the second son of the Bohemian king in 1467. George of Poděbrady also concluded alliance with the House of Wittelsbach -in 1460 with Bavarian duke Louis, called the Rich. 36 Actually Louis tried to mediate a peace between Paul II and George in 1466, when he demanded from pope to stop the process against Bohemian king and reconcile with him. 37 Furthermore, at the diet in Nuremberg in 1467 papal legate Lorenzo Roverella also didn´t find support against Bohemian utraquists that corresponded with aims Saxon and Brandenburg royal Houses. 38 Their attitude documents content of charter of the Bohemian king in which he thanked to Frederick II, elector of Brandenburg for his support at the diet in Nuremberg. 39 Cohesion of mutual relations and waiting or reluctance of single rulers was delaying the realization of military intervention into Bohemian kingdom. George was deposed ruler by the pope indeed, nevertheless maintained appeals of Paul II apparently weren´t so strong for European monarchs. Situation was more complicated as it had been presented by the pope and potential military conflict with the Bohemian king needn´t bring desirable benefit, what was also Casimir IV aware of. Furthermore, George appealed to the Polish king and through his envoy demanded from him to maintain their alliance concluded in Głogów in 1462 and not to give any kind of support to rebelling nobility and city of Wrocław. 40 Since the Polish king was requested not only by the pope, but also from side of representatives of insurgent aristocracy and city of Wrocław who desired his help in the struggle with the "heretical" Bohemian king. However, Casimir assured George of maintaining mutual treaties with condition that Bohemian ruler would also keep them. 41 Rebellious Bohemian noblemen wanted to acquire Casimir on their side again in summer of 1467, he reacted with sending envoys to George. The Polish king wanted to reconcile tense situation between the king and his opposition in his own country and also with the pope. He required from George to submit to Paul II in the name of "Christian unity" and by these means to avoid planned crusade into the kingdom. 42 40 Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1462-1480 195. 41 Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1462-1480 195. 42 Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1462-1480. Bohemian king in his answer reprimanded baselessness of the papal activities against him. Archiv český čili staré písemné památky české i morawské [Bohemian Archive thus Old On the other hand, some kind of support for rebellious noblemen from Jagiellonian side is not excluded, in the letter of Zdeněk Šternberk, one of the leaders of rebels, addressed to John of Rožmberk author mentions planned military aid from the side of the Polish king against the Bohemian monarch with a manpower from thousand to four thousand horsemen. 43 In august 1467 Casimir finally rejected the offer from papal envoy Rudolf of Rüdesheim to lead the potential expedition. The essential argument was again exhaustion from recently finished Thirteen Years' War in Prussia against the Teutonic order, 44 however Jagiellon behaved as an arbitrator between Pope Paul II and Bohemian ruler George of Poděbrady. Although already in the winter of 1467 tried papal envoy to persuade the Polish king for the "Bohemian question" at the diet in Wrocław, but also this attempt was unsuccessful. 45 44 Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1462-1480 206. 45 Tobolka, "Styky krále českého", 303-305. and managed to conclude a truce lasting until 28 th January. 46 Also this last attempt to gain support from Casimir ended unsuccessful.Whereas the Polish ruler rather tried to reconcile the situation in Bohemia and despite of his potential support of rebellious nobility his relations with George of Poděbrady went in correct way, relations of Matthias Corvinus with Bohemian king gradually declined. Hungarian monarch followed the papal line of policy, he declared to Paul II in October 1465 that: "If against Czechs or against Turks is needed, anyhow it is in my powers and that of my kingdom, above all they remain and forever will remain loyal to the Holy See and your sanctity." 47 Despite of George´s effort to get Matthias in the dispute with the pope on his side 48 controversy between these two kings were culminating. As we can see in the rather sharp correspondence between both royal courts from years 1466 and 1467, basic issue had been mainly Matthias´ complaints about raids of Matthias of Šternberk and other Bohemian noblemen on Hungarian land. 49 Tense content of extensive correspondence was a precursor of future military conflict, Corvinus compared the activity and caused damages of Bohemian lords to violence committed by the Ottomans. Opened conflict was delayed by inner-political problems, with which Matthias struggled in 1467 -war with bratríci movement, rebellion in Transylvania, which resulted in military intervention in Moldavia. 50 In the end of the year 1467 after unsuccessful attempts of Pope Paul II to persuade the Polish king and the elector of Brandenburg to lead crusade into Bohemian kingdom 51 turned Holy father his attention to Hungarian ruler Matthias Corvinus, with whom he had counted until then mainly as a defender against expansion of Ottoman empire. 52 Also Bohe-mian catholic estates had the same intention, they turned attention to Matthias and they agreed at the diet in Wrocław in the end of 1467 that they would request the Hungarian monarch to protect catholics in the country and to support them in the war against George. 53 In the beginning of year 1468 papal nuntius Gabriel Rangoni and bishop of Olomouc Protasius of Boskovice were sent out with mandate from the pope and "Panská jednota" to Oradea in order to request the Hungarian king to join the battle with George of Poděbrady. Matthias was staying there in that time after his failed expedition to Moldavia. 54 After previous lengthy attempts to find a leader of the crusade, only this offer succeeded finally. It is clear from the message of bishop Protasius addressed to papal legate Rudolf of Rüdesheim, in which he informed him about achieved result of his mission to the Hungarian ruler. 55 Although apparently Matthias was not the only candidate at that time -even in February 1468 papal envoys were offering Bohemian crown to Frederick II, elector of Brandenburg -in fact the Hungarian king was the only person who listened to pope´s appeals to begin war with "heretical Bohemian king". 53 Matthias reacted relatively quickly, he declared war to Victorin of Poděbrady in the end of March referring to alliance with Emperor Frederick and mandate from Pope Paul II. 56 Matthias invaded Moravia with his army and during the year of 1468 he gradually managed to gain control of majority of its territory. At this time he wanted to strengthen his position with marriage to Hedwig Jagiellon, daughter of Casimir IV, legitimate heiress of Hungarian and Polish crown. Her marriage with Matthias would confirm his status in Hungary and potentially could create basis for his aspiration for Bohemian throne. Matthias sent out bishop Protasius with assignment to propose marriage at Polish royal court in Kraków, however the proposal was unsuccessful, because Polish side considered the Hungarian king as an inadequate and mainly unequal bridegroom for their royal daughter. 57 Furthermore, Casimir surely didn´t want to legitimize Mat-thias´ position in this way not only as a Hungarian king, but also as a potential candidate for Bohemian crown. 56 Čornej -Bartlová, Velké dějiny VI, 251; Kalous, Matyáš Korvín, 127. Pope and emperor significantly supported Matthias in his struggle with "Bohemian heretics". Paul II spent for this purpose considerable amount of money. František Beneš. "Depositeria generale della crociata", Československý časopis historický 14 (1966) After successful capture of Moravia, Corvinus began new military campaign against Bohemia itself in the beginning of 1469 with the objective to defeat George of Poděbrady. However, in the end of February became stand-off situation that resulted into concluding the truce near village of Vilémov, 58 whose goal was to sign a peace treaty later in Olomouc. Peace negotiations took place from April to May in the same year, the result of talks was not a peace treaty though and instead Matthias was elected as a new king of Bohemia. Polish representatives present at the peace diet in Olomouc immediately protested against this course of action. 59 After his election Matthias tried to persuade again Casimir IV to join him in the Bohemian campaign and proposed to his daughter Hedwig again. Evidence of Casimir´s reaction is in the letter of Gregory of Heimburg from July 1469, in which he stated: "Polish king gave King Matthias Huniad cold answer about his daughter, also all the help rejected…" 60 Attitude of Jagiellon didn´t change, he didn´t consider this connection which would eventually strengthen the position of Hungarian king. On the contrary he pursued the possibility of acquiring Bohemian crown by means of gaining support for claims of his own son Wladislaus from the side of George of Poděbrady. 58 So like in the past, Casimir rejected Corvinus´ request again at this time, because objective of his foreign policy was to conclude an agreement with George. He negotiated with Bohemian king about potential succession of his son Wladislaus after possible death of George, who supported claims of the Polish crown prince. The negotiations about this question were in progress from July 1469, part of the future treaty had to be also wedding of Wladislaus with Ludmila, daughter of the Bohemian king. 61 The question of connection the House of Jagiellon with the House of Poděbrady resonated also in the next year, but was never realized. 62 After 1470 the rivalry between Matthias Corvinus and Casimir IV moved into the new way -military conflict. It brought also new place of their contention, in 1471-1472 Matthias faced the invasion of Polish army in territory of Hungary. De facto it started a new era of their mutual relations that resulted in long-lasting conflict between these two monarchs and in state of permanent pressure between these two Central-European powers.Relations of the Hungarian and Polish king in 1460s were characteristic of latent pressure that resulted primarily from Matthias´ election as Hungarian king. Even though Casimir didn´t involve in succession in Hungary, he considered Cor-vinus´ accession as a damage of his hereditary rights in the kingdom of Hungary. Furthermore, gradual involvement of Matthias in question of leading the crusade against George 61 Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1462-1480 249, 258-259. 62 For more information look at Tobolka, "Styky krále českého", 374-380.of Poděbrady raised the tension between both rulers, because Matthias could potentially threaten eventual Jagiellonian succession in lands of the Bohemian crown. The accession to the throne was apparently a part of strategy of Jagiellonian rulers at least from 1430s, when they militarily tried to take over the rule in Bohemian kingdom. Casimir IV gradually tried to gain Bohemian crown for his royal House by diplomatic means, he hesitated to wage war with George of Poděbrady and openly break friendly treaties that he had with the Bohemian king.Strategies of both rulers how to acquire Bohemian crown were totally different. While Hungarian king after long-lasting diplomatic activity didn´t hesitate to go in military confrontation with George of Poděbrady, the Polish ruler opened the door for Jagiellonian succession in Bohemia with several diplomatic actions and treaties. Strategy of Casimir IV finally came out as the successful one, despite of his certain indecision. After the death of king George in 1471 Casi-mir´s son Wladislaus succeeded to the Bohemian throne and actually he was elected as a new Hungarian king almost 20 years later after the death of Matthias Corvinus. At last Cas-imir´s foreign policy was successful and as a result it brought to the Jagiellonian dynasty reign over Bohemian and Hungarian kingdom for almost forty years. Ibid.,56. name in the works of Tamás Fedeles, 4 Vince Bedy, 5 István Sugár, 6 and Norbert C. Tóth. 7 Recently the latter has given a detailed presentation about the career of Michael, the son of Ladislaus of Túrony, that made my interest deeper towards the analyzed person. 8 The common feature of the two Túronys -of course despite their family connection -is that they both had an outstanding church career compared to other canons of their bodies (Esztergom -Arad). 9 Con-sequently, the purpose of my thesis -besides I aimed to describe the stations of Clement's career based on sources and earlier technical literature -is the exploration of his career similarly to Hungarian middle class canons who had appeared in some sources. 10 There is not much known about the origins of Clement, even his descent is questionable; he could be both a nobleman from Baranya and a serf. In my opinion of Túrony -as I aim to confirm that later on -had been born at latest in the second half of the 1440s. 11 His birthplace was favourable from several perspectives, on the one hand, Túrony already had a stone church in the Arpadian Era; 12 in addition it is located only about twenty kilometres from Pécs, the seat of diocese of Pécs, which was doubtlessly the most prominent area of the late medieval Hungarian church organization. It is quite conceivable that that the aforesaid conditions contributed to the choice of making the church his profession, like his older relative. The aforementioned Michael, who was almost certainly his relative, supposedly his uncle or brother -who had cathedral chapter prebend of Pécs since 1460probably, supported his young relative actively, and he also might be the generous relative, who set our future canon on the path of church career. As a result, I think it is most likely that Clement also with the support of Michael began his studies -that he pursued until the obtainment of doctor's degree in Pécs, at the cathedral school of southern Pannonia. István Kovács University of PécsSimilarly to the previously mentioned we know very little about his young ages, but it is almost certain that he had been obtained a doctorate in canon law before his first chartered mention, 13 which gives us certain starting points and in which he appeared as a provost of St Peter in the Castle of Eger might be dated to 1472. Then in 1473 he appeared as a vicar of the bishop of Eger, Gabriel of Rangon and with a decorum doctor degree, he carried out his commissarial duties until 1475. 14 In the year of 1477, we can see his name concerning the aforementioned Bishop of Eger, he appeared as chaplain and envoy of Rangon, so according to my calculations, he maintained diplomatic responsibilities in the second half of his twenties. 15 There is not so much information about how Clement got into Cardinal Gabriel of Ragon's atmosphere. 16 Probably as the familiar of the cardinal, of Túrony got into the court of Matthias Corvinus, from where his way led straight to the Eternal City as a delegate of the King. 17 Although it is not exactly known that how much time he had spent in Rome, it is conceivable, that his diplomatic service in the case of the two monasteries has terminated, and his residence in Rome has ended when he obtained the benefice of provost in Felsőörs, which he might have got for his diplomatic service. In my view, it is possible that although Clement had benefice of provostry he completed his diplomatic responsibilities, longer than the two cased that were presented -because of the lack of sources, none of these statements can be certainly claimed. However, it seems to be sure, that during his residence in Rome he worked effectively, as he acted in the case of the aforementioned monasteries of Csút/Csűt and Zsámbék in 1477. In the same case, but in the year of 1479 he appeared as a papal commissioner. It is proving the effectiveness of his job that in 1479 the King donated him the benefice of Felsőörs's Mary Magdalene provost, which was located in the aforementioned diocese of Veszprem. The quality of the stalls and the importance of Clement's job will become more accurate for us, if we realize that the annual income of provostry reached 200 gold forints at that time. .18 Because of the lack of sources, in the 1480s very little is known about the local activities of Clement, so it is also not known that how long did he have the abovementioned benefice, therefore we might date it to 1479-1480. However, it might be possible that Clement could be the body's provost for a longer time, even in the whole decade. Because of his regal services he could rarely reside on Felsőörs, he enjoyed his benefice as sine cura.His ministration was facilitated by his university degree or doctor decretorum in connection with the above mentioned issues. While in the fundamental work of Endre Veress, which was published in 1941, Túrony's canon law degree was dated from 1495, 19 in contrast with that, due to the researches of Tamás Fedeles it is known that in 1479 a papal bull called him decretorum doctor. 20 Based on the above his 18 The provostry has been taken from the previous beneficiary because of the act of murder, following this Clement got the benefice. 19 date of birth should be dated at least to the second half of the 1440's. 21 We do not have further information about his university studies.The first, more comprehensible station of Clement's career can be found in Arad, in the local, royal-founded provost that was named after Saint Martin, our canon bore the dignity of reader canon, in one word we can find him right in the second place of chapter's hierarchy. 22 During this period the provost has not resisted at the seat of the body. So the actual duties of the body's management were carried out by the lector, in this case by Celement of Túrony. The duties of a lector included the management of collegiate chapter school, 23 and the control of the chancery of Loca Credibilia (place of authentication). The issue that why did he get canon stall at that time will arise, so we can even think of another, yet undiscovered payment for diplomatic mission, 24 as it can be seen in the case of Örs. Another possible reason for electing Clement as a lector is that his diplomatic career has ended and as a result of this the body believed that he was the most competent to fill the dignity of a lector. The latter is somewhat contradictory to that, as it can be seen later, that Clement's career has not ended in Arad. Similarly, to the benefices of Felsőörs and Arad, it is not clear, and probably 21 Fedeles, "A pécsi székeskáptalan", 458-459; C. Tóth, "Az egri káptalan", 55. 22 Békefi, Remig: A káptalani iskolák története Magyarországon 1540-ig, [History of Chapter-schools in Hungary till 1540], (Budapest, 1910) 193. 23 Fedeles, "A pécsi székeskáptalan", 54. 24 Although he enjoyed the lectoral dignity from 1492, he got his canon stalls earlier; supposedly he must have been obtained it in the last decade of the reign of Matthias Corvinus. never will be, that for what reason has he returned or might have been returned to the diocese of Pécs. However, it is certain that his first chartered mention is dated to 1495 -so during the time he was a lector in Arad -namely in the quality of the Archdeacon of Aszúág. In connection with the benefice of Aszúág, it is not exactly known that whose intervention helped Clement to get it, nevertheless we can assume that he got it for his diplomatic services, however I must emphasize that there are no sources about his royal or papal services. He visited the villages annually, listed those who wanted to become a priest, monitored that there is no witchcraft, concubine or some kind of deviation from the path of true faith in his decanal district, furthermore he inspected the subordinated deans, so probably he carried out his archidiaconal responsibilities outstandingly. The certain data regarding his archdeacon responsibilities shows that he bore his archidiaconal office between 1495 and 1499, which means that he has resisted in the seat of the diocese, in Pécs; and he was a member of the local Cathedral Chapter. It is not actually known what happened in the period between his last archidiaconal mention, which is dated to 1499 , and his first mention of his lectoral duties in 1503, but as it can be seen a cleric, called Albert became the Archdeacon of Aszúág in 1503, we can conceive that Clement's archidiaconal duties has lasted until this time. 25 However it can be contradictory or rather can be a cause for further assumptions that Albert of Nagyváty responsibilities as a lector can be dated for the period between 1487 and 1499. 26 In this case, it can be assumed that Clement, between the years of 1499 and 1503, left his archidiaconal benefice in order to advance to the dignity of a reader canon. Nevertheless, it is also conceivable, that in this period he bore the two stalls simultaneously. In the year of 1503, Clement officiated in Pécs as the lector of the local cathedral chapter, furthermore he led the cathedral school and the chancellery of Loca Credibilia (place of authentication) and his actions were represented on two occasions in the charter. 27 The fact that Clement returned to his more humble homeland could be interesting, although at first he appeared in the canon community of Pécs as an archdeacon of Aszúág, it cannot be ruled out entirely that he might already have been possessed a canon stall in the body.After the year of 1503 Clement's name disappeared from the sources. From these circumstances we can conclude that in 1503 or shortly after this year he died. This is not surprising, because if my idea about the date of his birth is acceptable, he must have been reach the age of sixty which was considered as a quite high age in the medieval era.I collected the benefices of Clement of Túrony chronologically, in order to a better demonstration, in the following table. Where it is just assumable I have indicated the uncertainty. Denomination of dignity and benefices Benefices of Clement of TúronyIn my opinion, this paper would not be complete if I do not attempt to compare Clement's life to the career of other canons, who have been appeared in sources. 34 Investigating the stations of Clement's career, a question arises that based on these statements how could he be appeared in the late medieval religious society of Hungary. Túrony has never got into the pontifical dignity of the hierarchy; therefore, he has not appeared in the elite of medieval religious society. For this reason, Clement -belonged to the middle class of the church based on significant benefices (provost, vicar). Probably he enjoyed a prebendal benefice from the beginning of his career; furthermore, he was also the chaplain of Cardinal Gabriel of Rangon. The Cardinal might have pioneered Clement in the early stages of his career. Without the support of the Cardinal and his relative, Michael of Túrony he could have hardly reach benefice of Vicar Bishop, presumably at this early stage of his career. It is prominently important that he achieved canon law doctorate degree that he acquired at an Italian university. In order to facilitate the illustration for the readers I reveal a table, summarizing the career of Michael, made by Norbert C. Tóth (benefices of Michael of Túrony). 35 It has an importance that Michael might have studied at university; however the research about him has not shown up a doctorate. Despite all of this, if we compare the stations of Clement and Michael, the benefices of the latter exceeded the stalls of his younger relative both in number and in significance. 35 Ibid.,74. Benefices of Michael of Túrony Paul Srodecki Justus-Liebig University, GiessenWładysław III and the Polish-Hungarian Bulwark topoi against the Background of the Ottoman Threat in the 15 th Century * Dynastic ties between Poland and Hungary in the Middle AgesDynastic ties between Poland and Hungary had a long tradition in the Middle Ages. Regardless of the numerous conflicts between the two countries, principally centred around the Ruthenian lands which were claimed by both Poland and Hungary, the Piasts and the Arpads, as well as the Anjous later, were attached together in a series of various dynastic marriages. 1 The personal union of both kingdoms under Louis the Great in the years between 1370 and 1382 can surely be regarded as the zenith of this long Hungarian-Polish relationship in the Middle Ages. 2 Furthermore both countries had been linked since their Christianisation in the late 10 th and early 11 th centuries by their common exposed position within Latin Christianity. Their border location, surrounded by pagan, schismatic or Muslim communities, commonly described as infideles, quickly brought them (at the latest after the Mongol invasions of the 13 th century) the nimbus of faith-defending outposts -a topos spread throughout the rest of the Occident by the Holy See in particular. Since the High Middle Ages and in particular since the Mongolian raids of the 13 th century both countries also shared this common picture of each other as "shields of Christianity". 3 A few years later, the bishop of Cracow Zbigniew Oleśnicki made great efforts at the Council of Basel to organise both financial and military support for Hungary, and called upon other European rulers to declare a common crusade against the Ottomans, who -after overcoming of the Ottoman Interregnum and the civil war of the years 1402-1413 -had remarkably gained in strength in South Eastern Europe under Mehmed I and in particular under Murad II. 6 When Ottoman troops attacked the Southern borders of the Hungarian kingdom a few months after the death of Sigismund of Luxemburg, and even managed to invade deeply into Transylvania, members of the Polish nobility offered their support to the threatened Hungarians against the rabida gens Turcorum fidei catholicae semper inimica. 7 Even though the Polish offer proved to be fruitless in the end, diplomatic relations between Poland and Hungary in the late 1430s provided a significant foretaste, both of the coming personal union between both countries under a Jagiellonian ruler, and of the anti-Ottoman campaigns of the years 1443 and 1444. Władysław's candidacy for the Hungarian throneIn 1440 the sixteen-year-old son of Władysław Jagiełło, also called Władysław, ascended the Hungarian throne, having already ascended the Polish one in 1434. The topoi of being a defender of Christianity and that of a Christian bulwark were linked to his person from a rarely early date. Shortly after Władysław's birth in autumn 1424, Cardinal Giordano Orsini had already written a congratulatory letter to the Polish king, claiming that an extraordinary gift had been given to Poland as one of the "bulwarks of faith", since a new pugil had been born, who, if he would embark the glorious path of his father, would rise up to become "a propagator of the Christian name and a second [after his father] most devoted son of God's church". 8 Władysław would not disappoint the hopes that the Cardinal placed in him when he announced his candidacy for the Hungarian throne sixteen years later. Just before his election as Hungarian king the Jagiellonian legitimated his application for the Crown of Saint Stephen through reference to his defending the faith: Once he would take over the rule of Hungary he would subordinate all his political actions ad populorum regimen et tutelam, salutamque animarum et potissimum fidei sancte defensionem, as Władysław declared in March 1440. 9 A personal union between Poland and Hungary would not only serve to benefit both countries but also the whole of Latin Christianity and would also make a decisive 8 CDH 4,171. contribution to defending the faith. 10 Both kingdoms, Władysław continued, shared their existence as frontier states which, from their founding, had always been confronted with incessant attacks by the enemies of the faith. Thus for centuries now they have commonly been referred to as the "wall and shield of the faithful" and have always acted solely "for the honour of God's name and the defence of Catholic faith". 11 In this situation the bulwark topos served Władysław as a strong instrument of persuasion. According to the Jagiellonian his ambitions to become Hungarian king and to unite the crowns of Poland and Hungary did not originate in any desire to gain personal benefits of advantages. His only concern was to strengthen Latin Christianity, especially in the East Central European region, and to defend it against its most dangerous enemy, i.e. the Ottomans. 12 In his electoral pledges Władysław promised the Hungarians military assistance from Poland in their long struggle against the Ottomans. Interestingly, he also promoted his candidacy among the Polish elites with the assurance of an equal Hungarian troop support in fighting the Tatars. 13 In Władysław's writing an established picture is outlined of two outpost countries genuinely equalled by their role as guards of the christianitas. For a very long time, both have experienced sustained attacks by the infidelitas -here the Ottoman, there the Tatar raids and devastations, so the message in the Jagiellonian's appeal. This vivid and allegorical message can also be found Sigismund of Luxemburg, then after the short reign of Albrecht II -the bishop tried to ensure the Bohemian crown for the Jagiellonians. 16 In this context Władysław's III candidacy for the Hungarian throne in 1440 appears as a part of a wider Jagiellonian dynastic policy, and the panegyric stylization of Poland and Hungary as forewalls of Christian faith par excellence as pure rhetoric at the service of this policy. The young Polish king once again affirmed his altruistic intentions in front of an assembly of Hungarian prelates, barons and estates in Buda at the end of June 1440. He did not come to Hungary, assured Władysław, in order to increase his own power, but rather to defend the Hungarian kingdom against the Turks and thus to protect the whole of Latin Christianity. His plans for the Hungarian crown are nothing else than a "concern for the Christian faith". 17 According to Jan Długosz, the Palatine of Hungary Lőrinc Hédervári interpreted the arrival of the Jagiellonian in Buda as a divine sign which should lead to the liberation nostram et Regni nostri a Turcorum tyrannide liberationem. 18 For Władysław the Hungarian public were, according to the Palatine, magna spes, per quem respirare credimus a Turcorum insultu. 19 As the great and long awaited redeemer, the Hungarians willingly would render him unrestricted homage. 20 Playing the bulwark card was therefore quite successful. In opposition to the maintenance of the kingship of the legitimate, newly-born successor to the throne, Ladislaus the Posthumous, who had been crowned in Székesfehérvár with the rightful coronation insignia at the instigation of his mother Elisabeth on May 15 th , the majority of Hungarian nobles anticipated gaining support in fighting the rapidly expanding Ottomans as a result of a Jagiellonian king and the personal union with Poland. 21 Hédervári justified the abandonment of the Habsburg queen dowager and her son on behalf of the nobility assembled in Buda as an act for the benefit of Hungary as well as the whole Christianity. Following Długosz, in order to point this out emphatically, the Palatine effectively combined the bulwark formula with scenarios of doom: if the Habsburgs were to succeed in their pretensions to the throne and a baby were to inherit the Crown of Saint Stephen, Hungary would inevitably have to face a quick downfall. Even before Ladislaus could reach a military age, the Ottomans would conquer the whole Hungarian kingdom. However, should this ever happen, the defeat of all the other Roman Catholic countries behind that "shield of Christianity" would also be sealed. 22 The hopes of the Hungarians were further nurtured by the Polish elites, represented by Zbigniew Oleśnicki, the influential Bishop of Cracow. The latter ensured the Polish endeavors for the Hungarian throne at the Holy See. As early as January 1440, Oleśnicki informed Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini in Rome about the Jagiellonian plans in Hungary and openly linked them to the fight against the Ottomans. 23 Oleśnicki's argumentation is interesting insofar as he has been enumerated among the biggest sceptics of a Turkish crusade only two years later. In times of the resurgence of the Western schism the Bishop of Cracow, as well as large sections of the Polish clergy and nobility, supported the conciliarists from Basel and thus Felix V, the last antipope in the history of Roman-Catholic church. 24 Originally, however, the plans for a crusade against the Ottoman Empire had been an idea of Pope Eugene IV who, in the case of a successful expedition, hoped to enforce the union with the Eastern Church which had been decided at the Council of Florence in July 1439. 25 Oleśnicki and the majority of the szlachta dissociated themselves thereafter from any crusade projects, which was ultimately also reflected in the low level of Polish participation in the anti-Turkish campaigns of 1443 and 1444. 26 Against this historical background, Oleśnicki's letter to Giuliano Cesarini from 1440 and the defensio fidei argumentation in it can be regarded as sheer rhetoric, which has pragmatically been used due to the current circumstances to put through Polish interests. It is, therefore, all the more remarkable that Wincenty Kot, who owed his promotion to Cardinal to Felix V, initiated some masses and processions in spiritual support of Władysław's first Turkish campaign three years later, and prayed for divine support for the Jagiellonian, qui in presenciarum pro defensione fidei et catholicorum contra infideles et crucis Christi inimocos Turcos exercitualiter et potencialiter in Dei dextra confisus procedit. 27 Habsburgian propagandaSurprisingly, the arguments of the Habsburgs within the Hungarian throne quarrel were basically the same as those to be found in Jagiellonian propaganda. 28 Habsburg diplomats under Frederick III, as guardian of the underage Ladislaus the Posthumous, also used the bulwark topos as a persuasive tool in their writings to the Hungarian nobility, especially in the years 1443-1444. Notable here is the work of Enea Silvio Piccolomini and Kaspar Schlick, who both were responsible to a major extent for the diplomatic correspond-ences of the house of Austria. Piccolomini willingly decorated his propagandistic letters with the forewall motive and stylized Hungary as murus or scutum of Western Christianity. Władysław, however, was pictured by the later pope as an intruder and illegitimate usurper, who -keen to protect his own interests and disregarding the rightful successor to the throne, Ladislaus -divided the country and left a border between the people. Władysław's approach was not only dangerous for the Hungarian kingdom, his policy, claimed Piccolomini, would finally cause great damage to all of Christendom. 29 Kaspar Schlick, the Chancellor of the Holy Roman Empire, similarly underlined the threats that Hungary would face, if the country were not to return to the rule of its legitimate Habsburg king in his letter of May 6 th 1443 to the Hungarian palatine Hédervári. Following Piccolomini's argumentation, Schlick linked the welfare of all Christian countries (omnia Christianorum regna fructum) to Hungary, Christianitatis clipeus et murus adversus fidei hostes. 30 Only the restoration of the just Habsburg kingship could regnum illud pacari et ad pristinam taliter reduci fortunam, ut non solum resistere Teucris, sed eos ultro lacessere queat. 31 The mutual intellectual 29 Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. Abt. 1: Briefe aus der Laienzeit (1431-1445), ed. R. Wolkan, Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. 2. Abt. Diplomataria et Acta vols. 61-62 (Wien, 1909), vol. 1, no. 76, 182-187, vol. 2, no. 21, 39, no. 24, 45. Cf 45 (Kraków, 1939) 8ff; Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 392. 30 Briefwechsel des Eneas 1,2,no. 6,10. 31 Ibid.,11. no. 6. fertilisation as well as the similarities in the rhetorical stylistic of Schlick and Piccolomini are best shown by two letters to Władysław from the end of July 1443. 32 Władysław's crusading in contemporary reportsObviously, this was by no means the opinion of the majority of Italian humanists who -in contrast to Piccolomini -were not paid by the Habsburgs and who tried to encourage the young Jagiellonian king in his crusade plans with great enthusiasm. Their writings from that time mirror the high expectations in the Polish-Hungarian alliance, which were also shared by a large part of Western Christianity. Indeed, after securing his power in the main part of Hungary, Władysław led two military campaigns against the Ottoman Empire. The so-called "Long Campaign" of 1443/1444 brought some persuaded the politically inexperienced Władysław to lead a new crusade against the Ottomans. Beside Cesarini it was also the Byzantine diplomats who influenced the inconsistent Jagiellonian with eager propaganda. 36 Many of the Italian humanists, who saw a resurgence of the high medieval crusading spirit after the success of the winter campaign of 1443/1444, welcomed the decision of the Polish-Hungarian king to fight once again against the Turks. 37 Filelfo's exalted presentation reflected the spirit of humanistic epideictic rhetoric: Władysław as quasi novus aliquis Alexander was chosen by divine providence not only to banish the enemies of faith from Europe but even to expend the frontiers of Christianity as far as Syria and Egypt or even beyond the Ganges. 39 Although the crusade of 1444 ended in the disastrous defeat of the Christians against an Ottoman army under sultan Murad II, the death of the young Jagiellonian king and the dissolution of the Polish-Hungarian personal union, it immensely intensified the image of the Jagiellonians as defenders of Latin Christianity in the following years. 40 Władysław's sudden passing was interpreted as a martyrdom par excellence and caused a literary excursion of the events around the second Turkish crusade of the Jagiellonian. Once again, it was the Italian humanists who euphemistically sang of Władysław's military deeds. One of the most important eyewitness reports on the battle of Varna was written by the papal tithe collector Andrea de Palatio, who interestingly is named throughout the narrative solely as roy de Hongrie, as a quintessential example of a Christian martyr fighting and dying pour lhonneur [sic!] de Dieu. Remarkably, the Waloon writer placed the blame on the Christian defeat on János Hunyadi, who in his eyes flew from the battlefield in a cowardly manner, leaving the king to his fate. 49 Other French and Franco-Burgundian historiographers of the second half of the 15 th century such as Gilles Carlier, Adrien de But, Georges Chastellain or Jean Germain, the Bishop of Chalon, linked up in their reports on the Varna campaign with this heroic image of Władysław. 50 In turn, in the German speaking lands, the crusade of 1444 divided the writers in two camps. Authors close to the Habsburgs around Enea Silvio Piccolomini criticized the military expedition as poorly prepared and defectively organised. Furthermore, the defeat at the gates of Varna was interpreted -following the medieval tradition -as God's punishment for breaking one's word and -even if with infidelsnon-compliance of agreed treaties. 51 This reproach was resonated by numerous contemporary reports from Bohemia back in his criticism of the Jagiellonian dynasty, he described Władysław as a fearless and virtuous king-knight and focused on his fortitudo and devotio. 59 In a hopeless situation, according to Długosz, Władysław as a Princeps magnanimitatis decided to lose his life pro fide, pro religione, pro populo christiano as well as for fame and glory rather than to live further in shame and disgrace. 60 In contrast, the Polish historiographer described a very negative picture of János Hunyadi, whom he accused of fleeing from the battlefield in a cowardly manner and thus causing the defeat against the Ottomans. 61 However, this polarizing narrative should be understood as a result of the Jagiellonian-Hunyadian antagonism, which arose in particular around the fight for the Bohemian crown.The dynastic cult building was even more obvious in Filippo Buonaccorsi's panegyric opus Historia de rege Vladislao, which -written between 1484 and 1487 in Cracow -signifi-"Długosz i Kallimach o koronie węgierskiej Władysława III" [Długosz and Callimachus about the Hungarian Crown of Władysławs III], in Warna 1444, ed. Czamańska, 145-166. 59 Długosz 4,726. 60 Jan Długosz' and Filippo Buonaccorsi's narratives about the Battle of Varna served the Jagiellonians as important points of reference in their forming of a dynastic tradition. They also helped to rigidify the Władysław legend within courtly and aristocratic society across Poland and -to a lesser extent -Hungary, where the Jagiellonian king was even eternalized in a children's song called Lengyel László jó királyunk ("The Pole Władysław is our good king"). 69 In Poland however, especially during the early years of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, even after the Jagiellonians had died out, the image of the martyr king Władysław remained an essential benchmark of the Polish bulwark topoi and an important lieu de mémoire of the nationbuilding processes. It was especially during the reign of the Vasa King Władysław IV, that Władysław III was equated as the "Polish crusading patron". 70 This is hardly surprising, since Władysław IV had been toying with the idea of an anti-Ottoman crusade throughout his whole life. This concept only began to change in the second half of the 17 th century, when the opinion that the Christian defeat at Varna had been the result of the breach of an oath gained more and more in popularity. Although the martyrdom of Władysław was not really questioned, 71 the Battle of Varna was interpreted as a warning signal from God. This was particularly reflected in the more and more defensive orientation of the antemurale doctrine of the majority of the Polish szlachta, who were increasingly interested in maintaining the status quo between the Rzeczpospolita and the Ottoman Empire. 72 Bibliography Primary sources Inna Kubay Institute of Archeology of the Ukrainian Academy of SciencesRepercussion of Hussite Reformation Ideas in the South-Western Rus at the End of the XV th -First Half of the XVII th CenturyHussite revolution came down in history of Western civilization as a natural reflection of the religious and sociopolitical processes taking place in Europe ofthe late XIVthfirst half ofthe XV th century. Hussite Reformation idea received support not only among the population of the Czech lands, but also acquired broad international resonance. Of course, the same was to be experienced by the lands of Rus including the part of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It must be emphasized that despite the proven fact of participation of the military units from the South-Western Rus in the Hussite revolution, domestic and global Hussitology at present do not provide adequate estimates of eventual aforementioned episode. The problem of the impact and probable spread of the Hussite Reformation ideas in the South-Western Rus wasn't the subject of a special study. Rus has always maintained close interdynasty and interstate relationship with the lands of the Czech crown for centuries. Therefore fragmented and episodic development of the aforementioned range of matters actualizes further study of this issue.The aim of the research is to tracethe available source materials and historiographical researches and reveal the issue of the reception of Hussite Reformation ideas within the territory of the South-Western Rus, using the methods of analysis and synthesis. To achieve this goal the following tasks are to be resolved: 1) to summarize the concept of Hussite Reformation idea; 2) to have a closer look at the nature of Russ-Czech contacts; 3) to trace and analyze the Hussite influence on the South-Western Rus.The issue of spreading Hussite Reformation ideas has received its interpretation, though fragmentary, in a number of research papers. First of all a special attention should be paid to the works of Ukrainian scientists. Of course, the works by M. Hrushevskyi 1 should besingled out. Some aspects of the chosen research topicare investigated in the works by O. Pischanyi, 2 I. Kubay. 3 Same important for our scientific research are conclusions by A. Florovskyi, 4 J. sources where the question has direct and immediate answer. Though we can say that acquaintance with the Gus' workstook place in the first half of the XV th century, because there are direct source references and evidences of the Ruswho visited Prague, teaching of the Rus students in Prague University, and stayof Jerome of Prague in the spring of 1413 in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Thus, according to the statute of Prague University, all its mass audience and the members were divided into four main "nations": the Czechs, Bavarians, the Saxons and the Poles. Taking into consideration the topic of our study, the most interesting for us is «natio Polonorum», because the Poles, Lithuanians and the Rus were included in the previously mentioned "na-tion", notwithstanding their ethnic origin. 16 In particular, during 1401-1408 the Bachelor's degree at the Philosophical Faculty in Prague got "Christophorus de Lytwania", 17 "Mathias Wylna", 18 "Ioan de Lemberg" 19 and so on. These students and many others were in Prague during the out-break of revolution, and therefore clear is the fact that later after returning home, they talked about the religious and societal requirements ofthe Hussites. Although the Hustynsky chronicles do not provide notes of condolence to Jan Hus, but his heretical views and unwillingness to repent was condemned. The words writtenin the year of 1414 (6922) 16 Vaclav Tomek, "O počtu studentů w učení pražském" [About the number of students at Charles University], Časopis Českého Musea 20 (1846) 216-221. 17 Monumenta historica universitatis Carolo-Ferdinande Pragensis, Vol. 1 (Praha, 1830-1832) 367. 18 Ibid,382. 19 Ibid,397. state the following: "On the Czech lands a new heretic Jan Hus had appeared who was convicted for his letters and burned on fire for the lack of his repentance ."20The most interesting in terms of authenticity and evidence of the impact of Hussite teaching on socio-cultural diversity of Rus is a trip of Jerome of Prague to the lands, who was Jan Hus'associate. Having arrived at the invitation of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas, the Master of Prague University was able to communicate with the governor, the Orthodox clergy and laity regarding reason-ability of anabaptism and adoption of Catholicism. 21 In the cities of Vitebsk and Pskov Jerome of Prague showed remarkable tribute to the Orthodox cult-ritual traditions. He stood on his knees in front of their icons and relics, while no decent attention was paid to the Catholics. Subsequently the master took so much interest in it, that he grew his beard and hair, and claimed that religion of "these infidel people" (Orthodox) was perfect, and that the Rus are good Christians. Jerome's stay in the Lithuanian-Ruthenian lands was an opportunity to transmitthe fundamental Hussite ideas tothe orthodox social and cultural space of that time.The direct contacts of the Rus with Hussites look more prominent from the point of view of penetration of Reformation ideas. Well-known are the facts of their participation in military detachments of Prince Sigismund Korybut.With the names of the prince and Frederick Ostrog, another odious participaint in revolution, are connected the episodes which allow us to trace the penetration of Hussite ideas in the society of Galicia in the XV th century. There are reasons to claim that Sigismund Korybut was in the Czech lands during 1422-1423. (being Vytautas' governor) and 1424-1427. (A self-proclaimed king who didn't undergo the procedure of formal initiation). 22 It is clear, that the Rus soldiers were part of the retinue (druzhina) during the first and second campaigns. Evidence of the popularity and support of Hussite correctionsamong the population of Galician Rus is a charter datedby King Jagiello, 27 th May 1423, in which he rebuked the Rus, mentioning that they were too passive with their respond to the warden of Lviv district-Spytkо Tarnowskyi who wanted to hire them for the campaign against the Hussites, but at the same time the majority raced theapostates to the rescue, when prince Sigismund Korybut went to the Czech Republic. 23 Of the similar content was another charter by Jagiello, dated 2 nd July, 1423. Its basic meaning was the following: King of Poland asks the bishop of the same district to take spiritual measures which would resist the phenomenon of compassion for Czechs, primarily showing support for heretics. 24 The fear among the Catholic aristocracy of the spread of Hussite heresy was so strong that just in few weeks after the declaration of the aforementionedcharters Jagiello informed Vytautas about the plannedconvening of meeting in Lesser Poland in Rus and other lands to organize the campaign against the "pestilence" (the Hussites -author). The representatives of the "administration" of the land took part in the meeting, and decided to fight against the sects and their supporters. To sum up the aforementioned, it can be stated that the actual penetration and spreadof the Hussite ideology took place on the territory of the South-Western Rus.In this context it is worth paying attention to another aspect of mutual contacts of the Rus with Hussites. In particular, it is the introduction of modern warfare tactics and the best arms in a technological way. We should note that the most important performance characteristicsof Hussite army was cart fortification (Wagenburg), which was widely applied in Eastern Europe, where favorable landscapes and excess of cavalry among combatants con-tributed to the application of such protection and fightcompany. This may explain the defeat of one and a half thousand Taborytska infantry, headed by Sigismund Korybut who supported Prince Švitrigaila in the battle by the river of Svyata, close to Vilkomyr in 1435. 25 While crossing the river of Svyata carts got broken, their defense capability was minimised. In addition, heavy rain and sticky soil brought down to a minimum the maneuvering potential of the camp. 26 Interestingly that in a letter dated January, 1432, Kraków Cardinal and Bishop Zbigniew Olesnitskyi wrote to Cardinal Julian Chezarini that Prince Svydryhajlo (supported by Sigismund Korybut), guided by the advice of schismatics, married a woman who was leading her life according to their customs (schismatics). 27 Czech historian Frantishek Palacky noted an interesting fact: with the change of the spatial dislocation of "brothers" military units from the Czech Republic to Slovakia and from there to the very border of Ukrainian lands, the number of Rusyns did not decrease, but rather increased, and soon at the Zadniprovskiy rifts appeareda new military brotherhood -Cossacks. 28 Of course, these connotationsare hypothetical, despite the obvious similarity in customs and rules between Taborites and Cossacks.The direct evidence of the hussite influence on Ukrainian lands is numerous loans of Czech names of weapon adopted by Cossacks. Linguistic analysis gives reason to state that Czech "piščali" and Ukrainian "пищалі", Czech "houfnice", Ukrainian "гаубиця", Czech "tarasnice", Ukrainian "тарасниця" are related words. 29 After the defeat of the Hussites fringegroupin 1434 at the Battle of Lipany, theera of the Hussite wars was all over. The confrontation in a religious and polemical sphere appeared instead. However, residents of Bohemia and Moravia at the end of the XVI th -first half of XVII th century supported military and political contacts with the Cossacks. It is necessary to mention the embassy, headed by Erich Lassota before the Cossacks, in terms of military support for Rudolph II, with 27 Jerzy Skrzypek, "Bitwa nad rzeką Świętą" [Battle of the Holy River], Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy 10 (1938) 42-43. 28 Długosz vol. IV,563. 29 Codex epistolaris saeculi,vol. 2. 289. whom preliminary talks were initiated by Ostap Khlopitskyi, 30 as well as the stay of the Cossacks, who were invited by the Moravian nobility to fight againstrebelled Hungarian nobility at the beginning of the XVII th century on the territory of Moravia, and the presence of the Cossacks, being part of the imperial troops, fighting against the Czechs in the Battle of White Mountain in 1620 31 and so on.The rapid cultural and scientific development in Western and Central Europe in the early XVII th century, dis-semination of humanistic ideas, the crisis of scholasticism and secularized processes caused anthropocentric turn in the spiritual realm and church life. As F. Dvornik 32 aptly noted, piety took on individual traits increasingly and was less associated with participation in joint religious services, which often lacked the necessary conditions. The invention of printing, awakening interest in the Bible and, con-sequently, the spread of religious literature in Latin as well as in local languages only exacerbated these trends. Still many devout people were captivated by the wave of mysticism. However, the theoretical calls of Christian humanists were not enough and radical changes were in need, the latter were proposed by Martin Luther. Luther's doctrine became acceptable for the Czech Brotherhood. 30 Frantishek Palacký, Dějiny národu českého v Čechach a v Moravě [The History of the Czech Nation in Bohemia and Moravia] vol.VI (Praha, 1906) 259. 31 After an unsuccessful rebel against Ferdinand I in 1548 Czech Brotherhood were expelled from Bohemia and found their refuge in the Polish Kingdom. 33 Here their patrons were members of the nobility Andzhej Gurko and Jan Ostroroh. In particular, the latter opened in 1553 in the city of Leszno a praying house and school for Czech Brotherhood. 34 Later the most important religious Hussite centers in Poland would be in their communities in the cities of Poznań and Leszno. Traces of Taborites and Hussite preachers can be traced since the middle of the XV th century on the territories of Hungary and Moldova. However, after the increasing activity of Inquisition on account of any heretical movements (Nicholas of Leczyca and Jakub Hrzhymaly of Dzyerzhanova were famous for their enthusiasm in fighting against Polish Hussites 35 ) the persecutions begun, including those against communities of the "Unity of the Bretheren".The spread of Hussite Reformation ideas, particularly in the cultural and educational spheres, on the territory of the South-Western Rus in the XVI th -first half of XVII th century took place in different ways. The first, of course is the geopolitical location and interdynastyrelations. Consanguinity between the representatives of the Polish and Rus nobles led to support new Reformation ideas by the latter. Thus, in Galicia Czech Brotherhood were supported by orthodox family of Horayskyh, who had become more Poland-oriented in the XV th century.Speaking about the second way of Hussite spread, it is necessary to emphasize the direct interest of the Czech fraternal environment in the eastern branch of Christianity as a fundamental concept of their early activities was a search for the true apostolic tradition, not spoiled by foreign influences. The proof of this lies in the fact of communication betweenthe Utraquists and Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1452, 36 and Expedition consisting of 4 fraternal community members who left Prague in spring of 1491 in search for pure Christian tradition. One of its representatives, Mareš Kokovets went to Rus. 37 During the free development of "Unity of the Bretheren" in Bohemia and Moravia the communication between the "brothers" and population of Galician Rus was constantly maintained. Arguing against the Catholic Church, proving that it had distorted the true apostolic Christianity, the Hussites opposed the credibility of the Eastern Church.The spread of Hussite ideas on the territories of the South-Western Rus has also contributed to a common language and 36 27-28. 09. 199627-28. 09. ] (Warszawa, 1999 103. a significant cultural impact of Czechs on the Poles and the Rus. J. Matsurek comparing the style of Galician-Ukrainian and Moldavian charters of the first half of the XV th -XVI th century, came to the conclusion that there are obvious analogies and similarities with Czech charters in terms of form, style and linguistics. The scientist explains this feature by the fact of work of the Czech Hussite scriveners in the offices of Rus as well as by the training of local people in writing charters which were based on a Czech design.The sources describing the activities of Czech Brotherhood since the second half of the XV th century were found in Galicia, 38 Transcarpathia, Volyn, Podillya. Thedata of place names, which were collected in the late nineteenth century by Podilsk local historian Yuri Sitsynskyi, testified settling of numerous Protestant communities on the territory of Podillya. 39 According to the data, at the end of the nine-teenth century almost 30 place names of Czech origin were localized near Kamianets-Podilsk. The author also notes that a large community of Czech Brotherhood was settled in the city of Smotrychin the 1490-1500s. Numerous communities who settled on the territory of Podillya, were constantly socializing, not losing communication with each other. In their home they have retained all the features of the implemented 38 Frantishek Šmahel, Husyckie pojęcie wzjemności słowiańskiej i czeskopolskiej // Polskie echa husytyzmu. Materiały z konferencji naukowej Kłodzko, 27-28.09. 1996 the principle of a consistent and systematic learning, age division and the division of subjects and borrowing the elements of Protestant learning and education; thirdly, the similarity in cultural and educational activities: in terms of language, Czech and Orthodox members of brotherhood conducted a spelling reform; fourthly, good relations between the Orthodox and Protestant teachers who had studied in higher education institutions in Germany.The aforementioned research connotations need, in our opinion, more profound reasoning. In particular, it is necessary to state that the socio-political and religious situation in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and spread of Reformation movements on its territory contributed to the uprise of fraternal Orthodox schools rather as a "counterparty" for Catholic and Protestant schools in order to preserve their own religious traditions and cultural identity. The negative impact of Protestantism on Rus community laid in disorganization of the Orthodox clergy and alienation from their own national culture. Brethren schools defended orthodoxy as the basis of national identity, which was opposed to the official Polish and Protestant religious and cultural paradigm.In particular, evidences of the negative attitude of the Orthodox clergy to both sides is found in the writings by J. Glovatskiy 52 and V. Lipinsky. 53 Next, let us consider the question of similarity in the organizational activitiy of Czech and Rus brethren schools. As an example, the organization of educational process in Ostroh Academy, course of studies, teaching methods, classtask system really show similarities with the Protestant gymnasiums. 54 However, the lack of qualified teachers and textbooks in schools forced the headquarters of these institutions to the educational use of the Protestant textbooks. In particular, there were widely used vokabulaswritten by J. A. Comenius as educational books in schools and in Kyiv Mohyla Academy. 55 We should also note that the brethren schools in the Ukrainian lands in school should be considered in the European context of philosophical and pedagogical thought, which had a significant impact on their development. The similarity of statutes of Ukrainian and Czech brethren schools and Protestant communities can be traced in those issues that had already become a common heritage of humanist pedagogy in different European countries.Thus, the conducted research confirms the fact, that the Hussite revolution and its ideas of the Reformation found its reverberation in the lands of the South-Western Rus of the late XV th -first half of the XVII th century. This is due to the geographical closeness, common language and culture, wellestablished inter-state relations,constant migration of the youth. The participation of the Rus in the Hussite military events clearly demonstrated not only support for the Hussite heresy in the Orthodox environment, but also brought numerous loans pertaining to the military-strategic sphere, borrowings of names of weapons from Czech.The most significant impact of Hussite Reformation ideas can be observed in the cultural and educational spheres. Galician and Carpathian Rus became a place of residence and cultural and educational activities of many immigrants, especially Czech Brotherhoodof Bohemia and Moravia. By the end of the XVI th century the ethnic composition of Czech Brotherhoodhas changed so much that they were the Czechs only by name. Cultural and educational revival in Galicia and Precarpathian Rus was largely inspired by the Hussite Reformation influences. In educated circles the Rus craved for the need to develop writing, organize Ukrainian schools and printing, create manuals and much more. The idea of secular patronage over the church became widely popular, which was brought into action by Orthodox Brethren.Speaking of the religious sphere, it is necessary to state the least impact of Hussite Reformation ideas because the idea of Orthodox-Protestant union was unsustainable. That was because both sides had different religious and cultural"Divertit per Lemovicam revertens […]" -Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon III, 65. 18 Éva Kovács, "Die Kasel von Stuhlweiβenburg (Székesfehérvar) und die Bamberger Paramente", Europas Mitte um 1000, ed. A. Wieczorek -H. Hinz, Tome 2, (Stuttgart, 2000) 640-651. 19 On this topic see László Kovács "Die Heilige Lanze Ungarns", Europas Mitte um 1000, ed. A. Wieczorek -H. Hinz, Tome 2 (Stuttgart, 2000) 902-903; Marek Dulinicz, "Lancea sacra. Wędrówka idei i przedmiotów" [Lancea sacra. The wandering of ideas and objects], in Wędrówki rzeczy i idei w średniowieczu [The wanderings of things and ideas in the Middle Ages], ed. S. Moździoch (Wrocław, 2004) 71-72, 74; Stanisław Suchodolski, "Włocznia świętego Stefana" [The Spear of Saint Stephen], Kwartalnik historyczny CXII (2005) 91-107. Myrdal, "Source Pluralism and Package of Methods: Medieval Tending of Livestock as an Example", in Methods and the Medievalist: Current Approaches in Medieval Studies, ed. M. Lamberg -J. Keskiaho -E. Räsänen -O. Timofeeva, (Newcastle, 2008) 134-158. 44 4144For the detailed introduction of this topic see Beáta Vida, "A ciszterci rend kezdeteinek vitatott kérdései a Szepességben" [The Disputed Questions about the Beginnings of the Cistercian Order in Spiš], in Fons, skepsis, lex. Ünnepi tanulmányok a 70 esztendős Makk Ferenc tiszteletére, ed. T. Almási -É. Révész -Gy. Szabados (Szeged, 2010) 462. Cf. Beatrix Romhányi, "The Role of the Cistercians in Medieval Hungary: Political Activity or Internal Colonization?", Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU 1 (1994) 194; Beatrix Romhányi, Kolostorok es társaskáptalanok a középkori Magyarországon [Monasteries and Collegial Chapters in the Medieval Hungary] (CD Rom, 2008) 'Savnik' 42 Kristóf Keglevich, "A szepesi apátság története az Árpád-és Anjou-korban (1223-1387) " [History of the Abbey of Spiš in the Árpád-and Angevin Era], Fons 14 (2007) 5-11. 43 For the catalogues about the foundations of the Cistercian monasteries cf. Dániel Bácsatyai, "Az egresi ciszterci monostor korai történetének kérdései" [The Questions of Early History of The Cistercian Monastery of Egres], Századok 149 (2015) 264-267. 44 Romhányi, "The Role of", 190; Procházková, "Koloman Haličský", 245; Keglevich, "A szepesi apátság", 5; Márta Font (ed.), Dinasztia, Hatalom, Egyház. Régiók formálása Európa közepén (900-1453) [Dynasty, Power, Church. Formation of Regions in the Middle of Europe (900-1453)] (Pécs, 2009) 413. For the conflict see Zientara, Heinrich der Bärtige, 249-284; Przemysław Wiszewski, Henryk II Pobożny. Biografia Polityczna [Henry II the Pious. A Political Biography] (Legnica, 2011) 26-27, 229-231. Cf. Wojciech Kozłowski, "The Marriage of Bolesław of the Piasts and Kinga of the Árpáds in 1239 in the Shadow of the Mongol Menace", in Capitulum VI "In my Spirit and Thought I Remained a European of Hungarian Origin." Medieval Historical Studies in Memory of Zoltan J. Kosztolnyik, ed. I. Petrovics -S. L. Tóth -E. Congdon (Szeged, 2010) 84-85. ; Mikołaj Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy: Polska wobec ruchu krucjatowego w XII-XIII wieku [The Forgotten Crusaders: Poland and the Crusader Movement in the 12 th and 13 th Centuries] (Warszawa, 2004) 166-167; Pobóg-Lenartowicz, "Viola, Bułgarka, księżna"; Grabowska, "The Church in", 192. 80 See Swoboda, "Księżna kaliska Bułgarką?"; Horwat, Księstwo opolskie, 28-30; Id., Książęta górnośląscy, 24-27. 81 Dariusz Dąbrowski, "Slovak and Southern Slavic Threads in the Genealogy of the Piast and Rurikid Dynasties in the Thirteenth Century" in Slovakia and Croatia Vol I. Slovakia and Croatia Historical Parallels and Connections (until 1780, ed. V. Kucharská -S. Kuzmová -A. Mesiarkin (Bratislava -Zagreb, 2013) 113-116. 82 See: Dąbrowski, "Slovak and Southern", 112-116; Barabás, "Viola opolei hercegnő", Gábor, Das Papsttum und Ungarn in der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts (ca. 1198-ca. 1241) Päpstliche Einflussnahme -Zusammenwirken -Interessengegensätze, Publikationen der Ungarischen Geschichtsforschung in Wien Bd. VI. (Wien, 2014). Barabás, Gábor, "Viola opolei hercegnő és Kálmán szlavón herceg. Egy historiográfiai vita margójára" [Duchess Viola of Opole and Coloman, Duke of Slavonia. Contribution to a Historiographical Dispute], Világtörténet 37 (2015) 5-28. Barabás, Gábor, "Prinz Koloman und Herzogin Viola von Oppeln. Beitrag zu einem historiographischen Disput", Ungarn-Jahrbuch 32 (2016) 1-24. Barciak, Antoni, Książęta i księżne Górnego Śląska : praca zbiorowa / pod red. Antoniego Barciaka [The Princes and Princesses of Upper Silesia. A Collective Work Edited by Antoni Barciak] (Katowice, 1995). Dąbrowski, Dariusz, "Slovak and Southern Slavic Threads in the Genealogy of the Piast and Rurikid Dynasties in the Thirteenth Century", in Slovakia and Croatia Vol I. Slovakia and Croatia Historical Parallels and Connections (until 1780), ed. V. Kucharská -S. Kuzmová -A. Mesiarkin (Bratislava -Zagreb, 2013) 110-119. Horwat, Jerzy, Księstwo opolskie i jego podziały do 1532 r. : książęta, miasta, Kościół, urzędy, własność prywatna [The Duchy of Opole and its divisions till 1532. Dukes, of the City, Church, Offices, Private Property] (Rzeszów, 2002). Horwat, Jerzy, Książęta górnośląscy z dynastii Piastów: Uwagi i uzupe na genealogiczne [The Dukes of Upper Silesia from the Piast Dynasty. Notes and Extensions on the Genealogy] (Ruda Śląska, 2005). Jasiński, Kazimierz, Rodowód Piastów śląskich. Piastowie wrocławscy, legnicko-brzescy, świdniccy, ziębiccy, głogowscy, żagańscy, oleśniccy, opolscy, cieszyńscy i oświęcimscy [The Genealogy of the Piasts of Silesia] (Kraków, 2007). Keglevich, Kristóf, "A szepesi apátság története az Árpád-és Anjou-korban (1223-1387) " [The History of the Abbey of Spiš in the Árpád-and Angevin Era], Fons 14 (2007) 3-58. Koszta, László, "Die Gründung von Zisterzienserklöstern in Ungarn 1142-1270", Ungarn-Jahrbuch 23 (1997) 65-80. Kozłowski, Wojciech, "The Dynastic Horizons of the Árpáds and Piasts, ca. 1150-1250", Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU 15 (2009) 85-102. Kozłowski, Wojciech, "The Marriage of Bolesław of the Piasts and Kinga of the Árpáds in 1239 in the Shadow of the Mongol Menace", in Capitulum VI. "In my Spirit and Thought I Remained a European of Hungarian Origin." Medieval Historical Studies in Memory of Zoltan J. Kosztolnyik, ed. I. Petrovics -S. L. Tóth -E. Congdon (Szeged, 2010) 79-100. Labuda, Gerard, Zaginiona kronika z pierwszej połowy XIII wieku w Rocznikach Królestwa Polskiego Jana Długosza: próba rekonstrukcji [A Lost Chronicle from the First Half of the 13 th Century in the Annales of the Polish Kingdom by Jan Długosz] (Poznań, 1983). Pobóg-Lenartowicz, Anna, "Viola, Bułgarka, księżna opolską. Przyczynek do migracji małżeńskich w średniowieczu" [A Bulgarian Duchess of Opole. A Contribution to the Matrimonial Migration in the Middle Ages.], in Kobiety i procesy migracyjne, ed. A. Chlebowska -K. Sierakowska (Warszawa, 2010) 11-17. Procházková, Nataša, "Postavenie haličského kráľa a slavónskeho kniežaťa Kolomana z rodu Arpádovcov v uhorskej vnútornej a zahraničnej politike v prvej polovici 13. storočia" [King of Galicia and Duke of Slavonia. Coloman of the Árpádian Dynasty. In the First Half of the 13 th Century], Medea 2 (Bratislava, 1998) 64-75. Procházková, Nataša, "Koloman Haličský na Spiši pred rokom 1241" [Coloman of Galicia in Spiš before 1241], in Terra Scepusiensis. Stan badań nad dziejami Spiszu., ed. R. Gładkiewicz -M. Homza (Levoča -Wrocław, 2003) 243-249. Procházková, Nataša, "Some Notes on the Titles of Coloman of Galicia", in Slovakia and Croatia Vol I. Slovakia and Croatia Historical Parallels and Connections (until 1780), ed. V. Kucharská -S. Kuzmová -A. Mesiarkin (Bratislava -Zagreb, 2013) 104-109. Romhányi, Beatrix, "The Role of the Cistercians in Medieval Hungary: Political Activity or Internal Colonization?" Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU 1 (1994) 180-204. Swoboda, Wincenty, "Księżna kaliska Bułgarką? Przyczynek do rozbioru krytycznego Annalium Długosza" [A Bulgarian Duchess of Kalisz? Contribution to the Critical Analysis of the Annales of Długosz], Studia i Materiały do Dziejów Wielkopolski i Pomorza 3 (1980) 61-78. Vida, Beáta, "A ciszterci rend kezdeteinek vitatott kérdései a Szepességben" [The Disputed Questions about the Beginnings of the Cistecian Order in Spiš], in Fons, skepsis, lex. Ünnepi tanulmányok a 70 esztendős Makk Ferenc tiszteletére, ed. T. Almási -É. Révész -Gy. Szabados (Szeged, 2010) 461-467. Wiszewski, Przemysław, Henryk II Pobożny. Biografia Polityczna [Henry II the Pious. A Political Biography] (Legnica, 2011). Zientara, Benedykt, Heinrich der Bärtige und seine Zeit: Politik und Gesellschaft im mittelalterlichen Schlesien (München, 2002). Zsoldos Attila, "Szepes megye kialakulása" [The Formation of Szepes County], Történelmi Szemle 43 (2001) 19-31. 10See: Piotr Górecki, "The Early Piasts Imagined: New Work in the Political History of Early Medieval Poland", The Mediaeval Journal 1 (2011) 81-102. Also: Susan Reynolds, "The Historiography of the Medieval State", in Companion to Historiography, ed. M. Bentley (London -New York, 1997) 109-29; Rees Davies, "The Medieval State: The Tyranny of a Concept?", Journal of Historical Sociology 16 (2003) 280-300; Susan Reynolds, "There Were States in Medieval Europe: A Response to Rees Davies", Journal of Historical Sociology 16 (2003) 550-555; John Watts, The Making of Polities: Europe, 1300-1500 (Cambridge -New York, 2009). 14 1414Cf.: Wojciech Kozłowski, "The Marriage of Bolesław of the Piasts and King of the Árpáds in 1239 in the Shadow of the Mongol Menace", in Capitulum VI. "In My Spirit and Thought I Remained a European of Hungarian Origin." Medieval Historical Studies in Memory of Zoltan J. Various 39 About the significance of the marriage and the origins of the succession project, see: Stanisław Szczur, "W sprawie sukcesji Andegaweńskiej w Polsce" [Concerning the Angevin Succession in Poland], Roczniki Historyczne 75 (2009) 1-53. Kazimierz Jasiński, "Polityka małżeńska Władysława Łokietka" [Władysław Łokietek's Marriage Politics], in Genealogia: Rola związków rodzinnych i rodowych w życiu publicznym w Polsce średniowiecznej na tle porównawczym, ed. A. Radzimiński -J. Wroniszewski (Toruń, 1996) 9-28. 41 Wojciech Kozłowski, "The Origins of the 1320 Angevin-Piast Dynastic Marriage", Studia Z Dziejów Średniowiecza 20 (2016) 39-55. 42 About Charles I's three (or four) marriages and the scholarly discussion, see: Gyula Kristó, "Károly Róbert családja" [The Family of Charles Robert], Aetas 20 (2005) 14-28. 3Even the recent book of S. Perkinson sheds new light on this qualification. Stephen Perkinson, The Likeness of the King (Chicago, 2009). 4 Gerhart Burian Ladner, "Die Anfänge des Kryptoporträts," in Von Angesicht zu Angesicht: Porträtstudien; Michael Stettler zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. F. Deuchler, (Bern, 1983) 78-98. 5 This paper does not have the aim to present contemporary written sources and the beginnings of the use of the term or other relevant notions, of the genre depends largely on the definition accepted. 7 Polleross, "Das sakrale Identifikationsporträt"; Gerhard Schmidt, "Beiträge zum Gotischen "Kryptoporträt" in Frankreich in Malerei der Gotik, Fixpunkte und Ausblicke, ed. M. Roland (Graz, 2005) II, 329-340. like a contemporary figure-often with the addition of attributes proper to the portrait's subject. For example, the portraits in the scenes of Adoration of the Magi or the portraits in the guise of king David can be cited. The other group of images is that of the disguised portrait or verkleidete Bildniss. Marie Bláhová, "Herrschergenealogie als Modell der Dauer des ,politischen Körpers' des Herrschers im mittelalterlichen Böhmen" in Das Sein der Dauer, ed. A. Speer -D. Wirmer (Berlin, 2008) 380-397; Evemarie Clemens, Luxemburg-Böhmen, Wittelsbach-Bayern, Habsburg-Österreich und ihre genealogischen Mythen im Vergleich (Trier, 2001); Christian de Mérindol, "Les princes et l'usage de l'histoire à la fin de l'époque médiévale," in Les princes et l'histoire du XIVe au XVIIIe siècle : actes du colloque org. par l'Université de Versailles-Saint-Quentin et l'Institut historique allemand, Paris/Versailles, 13-16 mars 1996, ed. Ch. Grell -W. Paravicini -J. Voss (Bonn, 1998) 43-66. More in detail and for more references on this subject, see my forthcoming PhD thesis, in preparation at Paris-Sorbonne University. 12 Dominic Olariu, La genèse de la représentation ressemblante de l'homme Reconsidérations du portrait à partir du XIIIe siècle (Bern, 2014). 13 Matt. 2.1-16., Protoevangelium of James (chap. 21.), Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew (chap. 16.), Gospel of Infancy (chap. 7.) 14 Hugo Stehkämper, "Könige und Heilige Drei Könige", in Die Heiligen Drei Könige -Darstellung und Verehrung. Katalog zur Ausstellung des Wallraf-Richartz-Museums in der Josef-Haubrich-Kunsthalle, ed. R. Budde (Köln, 1982) 39; Iva Rosario, Art and propaganda (Woodbridge, 2000) 33.15 Richard C. Trexler, The journey of the Magi meanings in history of a Christian story (Princeton (N.J.), 1997).16 Trexler, "The journey of the Magi", 80. Polleross, "Das sakrale Identifikationsporträt", 179; Paul H. D. Kaplan, The Rise of the Black Magus in Western Art (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1985)., 89; Olga Pujmanová, "Portraits of kings depicted as Magi in Bohemian painting," in The regal image of Richard II and the Wilton Diptych, ed. D. Gordon et al. (London, 1997) 247-267; Rosario, "Art and propaganda"; Schwedler, "Ritualinnovation,". 27 Jaroslav Pešina, "Imperium et sacerdotium", Umění 26 (1978) 521-528. For the recent literature, Prague: the Crown of Bohemia, 1347-1437, ed. B. D. Boehm -J. Fajt, (New York -New Haven, 2005) cat. no. 25. 28 Rosario, "Art and propaganda", 19; Magister Theodericus. Court Painter to Emperor Charles IV. The Pictoral Decoration of the Shrines at Karlstejn Castle. ed. J. Fajt (Prague, 1998) 178. Mateusz Grzęda, "The Birth of Portraiture in Poland? The Face of King Ladislas II Jagiello on his Tomb in Cracow", in Art and Architecture around 1400: Global and Regional Perspectives, ed. M. Ciglenecki -P. Vidmar (Maribor, 2012) 121-131., 129. 38 Ernő Marosi, Kép és hasonmás [Image and Likeness], (Budapest, 1995). the three Magi in the cloister of our lady Margaret and in place of David in the cloister of Our Lady's Brethren . . .'39 This record bears a particular importance not only for the iconography of the emperor Sigismond but also for the history of the crypto-portrait. It proves that the practice of crypto-portrait was well known and used in the 15 th Century, namely in the framework of the Magi iconography.39 Cited by Bertalan Kéry, Kaiser Sigismund. Ikonographie,(München - Wien, 1972) 157. English Translation from Suzie Nash, "Claus Sluter's 'Well of Moses' for the Chartreuse de Champmol Reconsidered: part III. 3The origin of dynastic contracts between the Piasts and Angevins was srcutinised on a number of occasions -Oswald Balzer, Królestwo Polskie 1295-1370 [Kingdom of Poland 1295-1370] t. 3 (Lwów, 1920, reprint Kraków, 2005) 83-142; Jan Dąbrowski, Elżbieta Łokietkówna 1305-1380 [Elizabeth of Poland 1305-1380] (Kraków, 1914, reprint Kraków, 2007) 76-91; Id., "Z czasów Łokietka", passim; Jerzy Wyrozumski, "Geneza sukcesji andegaweńskiej w Polsce" [Genesis of the Angevin Succession in Poland], Studia historyczne 25 (1982) 185-197; Janusz Kurtyka, Odrodzone królestwo. Monarchia Władysława Łokietka i Kazimierza Wielkiego w świetle nowszych badań [The Reborn of the Kingdom. The Monarchy of Władysław the Elbow-high and Casimir the Great in Light of Recent Studies] (Kraków, 2001) 42-47; Szczur, "W sprawie sukcesji", 61-64. 4 Older subject literature based on the 15 th century Hungarian and Polish records (The Buda Chronicle and Roczniki Długosza, Chronica , "Działalność gospodarcza Kazimierza Wielkiego" [Casimir the Great's Economic Activity], in Polska piastowska, ed. J. Wyrozumski, (Warszawa, 1969) 475-594; Jerzy Wyrozumski, Państwowa gospodarka solna do schyłku XIV wieku [State Economics of Salt Industry in Poland to the End of the 14 th Century], (Kraków, 1967); Jacek Matuszewski, Przywileje i polityka podatkowa Ludwika Węgierskiego w goals despite the difficult situation in the Kingdom of Poland in 1333, when the military expansion in Ruthenia was beginning and the knights of Greater Poland were on the verge of rebellion. Despite all adversities, the king managed to control his subjects and, to a great extent, accomplish his objectives. Until the end of his reign Casimir the Great continued his reforms which can be proved by the implementation of Polsce [The Privileges and Taxation Policy of Louis the Great in Poland] (Łódź, 1983); Sławomir Gawlas, O kształt zjednoczonego królestwa. Niemieckie władztwo terytorialne a geneza społecznoustrojowej odrębności Polski [On the Shape of the United Kingdom. German Territorial Rulership and the Genesis of Poland's Social and Institutional Identity] (Warszawa, 1996); Id., "Polska Kazimierza Wielkiego a inne monarchie Europy Środkowej -możliwości i granice modernizacji władzy" [Casimir the Great's Poland and Other Central European Monarchies -the Possibilities and the Boundaries of Modernisation of Power], in Modernizacja struktur władzy w warunkach opóźnienia. Europa Środkowa i Wschodnia na przełomie średniowiecza i czasów nowożytnych, ed. M. Dygo -S. Gawlas -H. Grala (Warszawa, 1999) 5-34; Id., "Monarchia Kazimierza Wielkiego a społeczeństwo" [Casimir the Great's Monarchy and Society], in Genealogia. Władza i społeczeństwo w Polsce średniowiecznej, ed. A. Radzimiński -J. Wroniszewski (Toruń, 1999) 197-236; Id., "Polen -eine Ständegesellschaft an der Peripherie des lateinischen Europa", in Europa im späten Mittelalter. Politik-Gesellschaft-Kultur, ed. R. C. Schwingen -Ch. Hesse -P. Moraw (München, 2006) 237-261; Franciszek Sikora, "Ropczycki zespół osadniczy w średniowieczu. Z badań nad kazimierzowskim modelem osadniczourbanizacyjnym" [Medieval Settlement Complex in Ropczyce. The Study of Kazimierz Urban-Setllement Model], Teki Krakówskie 3 (1996) 73-96; Andrzej Marzec, "Królewskie sądownictwo prawa polskiego za panowania Władysława Łokietka i Kazimierza Wielkiego" [Royal Judiciary of the Polish Law under Władysław I the Elbow-high and Casimir the Great], in Pravni kultura středovĕku [Legal Culture of the Middle Ages], ed. M. Nodl, P. Węcowski, Colloquia Medievalia Pragensia 17 (Praha 2016) 81-104.new statues in Greater and Lesser Poland, the 1368 salt law and the monetary reform.9 Kazimierz Jasiński, "Zjazd na Mazowszu w kwietniu 1369 roku i jego geneza. Ze studiów nad itinerarium Kazimierza Wielkiego" [The Masovian Convention in April 1369 and Its Genesis. The Study of Casimir the Great's Itinerary], Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici, Historia 9 (1973) 59-69 (reprint in: Kazmierz Jasiński, Prace wybrane z nauk pomocniczych historii, (Toruń, 1996) 277-286); Id., "Małżeństwa i koligacje polityczne Kazimierza Wielkiego" [The Marriages and Political Connections of Casimir the Great], Studia Źródłoznawcze vol.32-33 (1990) [67][68][69][70][71][72][73][74][75][76], Prace wybrane z nauk pomocniczych historii,(Toruń, 1996) 315-331).12 Stanisław Kętrzyński, "Zapis Kazimierza Wielkiego dla Kazimierza Bogusławowica" [The Bequest of Casimir the Great to Kazimierz Bogusławowic], PrzeglądHistoryczny 14 (1912) kronika polska z XIV wieku" [Jan of Czarnkow. An Unfinished Polish Chronicle of the 14 th century], Studia Źródłoznawcze 47 (2009) 109-144; Andrzej Marzec, "Sapientior inter proceres Poloniae. Kariera polityczna Janusza Suchywilka h. Grzymała (1336-1374)" [Sapientior inter proceres Poloniae. The Political Career of Janusz Suchywilk of Grzymała Coats of Arms (1336-1340], in Polska i jej sąsiedzi w późnym średniowieczu, ed. K. Ożóg -S. Szczur (Kraków, 2000) 9-53; Id., "Szymon z Ruszkowa. Z badań nad personelem kancelarii królewskiej w czternastowiecznej Polsce" [Szymon of Ruszków. The Study of the Personnel from the Royal Chancellery in 14 th century Poland], in Ecclesia, regnum, fontes. Studia z dziejów średniowiecza, ed. S. Gawlas (Warszawa, 2014) 228-239. 14 "Mandavit [the king -A.M.] eadem privilegia ad dominos archiepiscopus Gneznensem et Florianum Cracoviensem episcopum et ad nobiles regni, qui partim aderant reportari, eorum arbitrio et definition committens." -Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 639. 15 "Et tandem convenientes [...] donationem duobus filiis naturalibus predictis factam annihilare volentes, privilegia per camerarios Mscijonem Sandomiriensem et Johannem Cracoviensem precidi mandaverunt, quae tamen sic praecisa fuerunt et sunt reservata." -ibid., 640. The elites of Lesser and Greater Poland as well as their20 On his arrival in Poland, Louis of Hungary was welcomed in Sącz by proceres terre et natu maiores(Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 636). They accompanied him to Kraków and debated at the archbishop's house. In November 1370 those highborn noblemen must have been landed officials and starostas (capitaneus officials), the majority of whom were from Lesser Poland. Among them there were: the castellan of Kraków Jan of Melsztyn, the voivode of Kraków Dobiesław Kurozwęcki, the voivode of Sandomierz Piotr Nieorza, the castellan of Sandomierz Wilczek of Birków, the castellan of Wiślica Rafał of Tarnów, the starostas (capitaneus officials): Ruthenian Otto of Pilica, Przecław of Gułtowy from Greater Poland, Kuyavian Mościc of Ścibórz, Jan Kmita of Wiśnicz from Sieradz, voivodes and castellans from Poznań and Kalisz as well as from Łęczyca and Sieradz lands. There were also other noblemen, who were not officials, as, for example, Jan of Tęczyn, the son of Kraków voivode -Andrzej, who died in 1368.knightly followers were all divided according to their sympathies for the rival dynasties.21 Such attitude and interpretation of the 14 th century Polish political reality is based on the belief that not only the main dignitaries of the Kingdom 21 More important studies include: Dąbrowski, Ostatnie lata, 148-230; Id., "Polityka andegaweńska Kazimierza Wielkiego" [The Angevin Policy of Casimir the Great], Kwartalnik Historyczny 36 (1922) 11-40; Oskar Halecki, "Kazimierz Wielki, (1333-1370)" [Casimir the Great (1333-1370), in Historia polityczna Polski 1, (Kraków, 1920) 310-410; Id., "O genezie i znaczeniu rządów andegaweńskich w Polsce" [On the Genesis and Siginificance of Angevin Reign in Poland], Kwartalnik Historyczny 35 (1921) 31-68; Wanda Moszczeńska, "Rola rycerstwa wielkopolskiego w dobie bezkrólewia po Ludwiku Wielkim" [The Role of Greater Poland Knighthood during the Interregnum following the Death of Louis the Great], Przegląd historyczny 25 (1925) 33-159; Kętrzyński, Zapis Kazimierza Wielkiego, passim; Włodzimierz Dworzaczek, Leliwici Tarnowscy. Z dziejów możnowładztwa małopolskiego. Wiek XIV-XV [The Leliwa of Tarnów. The History of the Lesser Poland Lords] (Warszawa, 1971) 65-73, 85-98; Tomasz Nowakowski, "Polityka północna Polski w latach 1356-1364, na tle jej sytuacji wewnętrznej" [Polish Politics Regarding Northern Countries 1356-1364, Set Against Its Domestic Situation], Akademia Techniczno-Rolnicza w Bydgoszczy. Zeszyty naukowe, Nauki społeczne 10 (1980) 75-103; Id., "Inimici capitales. Z dziejów ideologii politycznej w czternastowiecznej Wielkopolsce" [From the History of Political Ideology in 14 th Century Greater Poland], Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici, Historia 17 (1981) 81-92; Id., "Uwagi o polityce wewnętrznej i zagranicznej Kazimierza Wielkiego, Studia i materiały do dziejów Wielkopolski i Pomorza" [Some Remarks on the Domestic and Foreign Policy of Casimir the Great. The Studies and Material on the History of Greater Poland and Pomerania], 16 (1985) 141-158; Janusz. Kurtyka, "Kariera wojewody Krakówskiego Andrzeja z Tęczyna na tle rywalizacji stronnictw za panowania Kazimierza Wielkiego" [The Career of Cracow Voivode Andrzej of Tęczyn against the Contending Factions at the Time of Casimir the Great's Reign], in Cracovia-Polonia-Europa, ed. K. Baczkowski et al. (Kraków, 1995) 255-291; Robert Bubczyk, Kariera rodziny Kurozwęckich w XIV wieku. Studium z dziejów powiązań polskiej elity politycznej z Andegawenami [The Career of the Kurozwęcki Family in the 14 th century. The Study of the Relations of the Polish Political Elite with the Angevins] (Warszawa, 2002). "Inauguračni diplomy krále Jana z roku 1310 a 1311" [The Inagural Awards of King John form 310 and 1311], Český časopis historický 50 (1947-1949) 69-102; Jiri Spĕváček, Jan Lucembursky a jeho doba 1296-1346 [John of Luxemburg and his Era 1296-1346] (Praha, 1994) 89-133; Robert Antonin, "Formování moravské zemské obce a souboj o český trůn w letech 1306-1310" [Formation of the Moravian Provincial Municipality and Fight for the Czech Throne in the Years 1306-1310], in Historik na Moravĕ. Profesoru Jířimu Maliřovi, předesovi Matice moravské a vedoucímu Historického ústavu FF MU, ed. H. Ambrožová -T. Dvořák -B. Chocholáč -L. Jan -P. Pumpr (Brno, 2009) 221-235. badań nad przywilejami ziemskimi budzińskim i koszyckim [The Studies on the Privileges of Buda and Košice] (Lublin, 1936); Józef Matuszewski, Immunitet ekonomiczny w dobrach Kościoła w Polsce do roku 1381 [Economic Immunity in Church's Properties to 1381] (Poznań, 1936) 177-180; Dąbrowski, Ostatnie lata, 270-314; Id., Elżbieta Łokietkówna, 65-75, 130-143; Peter Mikliss, Deutscher und polnischer Adel im Vergleich: Adel und Adelsbezeichnungen in der deutschen und polnischen verfassungsgeschichtlichen Entwicklung sowie die rechtliche Problematik polnischer Adelsbezeichnungen nach deutschem Recht (Berlin, 1981) 78. 33 Matuszewski, Przywileje i polityka, passim; Dániel Bagi, "Wpływy i znaczenie szlachty polskiej i węgierskiej pod koniec XIV wieku. Próba porównania przywileju budzińskiego z 1355 r. z przywilejem koszyckim z 1374 r. w świetle potwierdzenia złotej bulli z roku 1351" [The Influence and the Significance of Polish and Hungarian Gentry at the End of the 14 th Century. An Attempt at a Comparative Study of Buda Privilege (1355) and the Privilege of Košice (1374) in Light of the Confirmed Golden Bull of 1351], in Polska i Węgry w kulturze i cywilizacji europejskiej, ed. J.Wyrozumski (Kraków, 1997) 35-46. Matuszewski demonstrated beyond all doubt that the tax of two grosze for the noble class, which was imposed in 1374 as a special privilege, was illegitimate. Bagi proves that both privileges: of Buda and of Košice mostly resulted from the political situation in Poland of the time, where the initiative belonged to the monarchs. Karol Potkański, "Sprawa restytucji" [The Case of the Restitution] (1374 and 1381), Rozprawy Akademii Umiejętności. Wydz. Filozoficzno-Historyczny 39 (1900); Id., "Jeszcze sprawa restytucji" [Again the Case of Restauration], Rozprawy Akademii Umiejętności 42 (1902) 42-74 (both texts reprinted in Karol Potkański, Lechici, Polanie, Polska. Wybór pism [The Lechites, the Polans, Poland. A Selection of Texts], ed. G. Labuda (Warszawa, 1965) 568-651). KrakówFrom 14 th To 16 th Century] in Urzędy dworu monarszego dawnej Rzeczypospolitej i państw ościennych, ed. A. Gąsiorowski -R. Skowron(Kraków, 1996) [13][14][15][16][17][18][19][20] Marzec, Urzędnicy małopolscy, passim. 45 The issues of hereditary nature of the knights and Polish nobility have been of interest to historians for over a hundred years. The older, clashing views on the subject were summed up by Janusz Bieniak, "Rody rycerskie jako czynnik struktury społecznej w Polsce XIII-XV wiek(uwagi problemowe)" [Knighthood Families as an Element of Polish Social Structure from the 13 th to 15 th Centuries (Problem Remarks)], in Polska w okresie rozdrobnienia feudalnego. Państwo-społeczeństwo-kultura, ed. H. Łowmiański (Wrocław, 1973) 161-200 (reprint in: Janusz Bieniak, Polskie rycerstwo średniowieczne. Wybór pism, (Kraków, 2002) 57-82). For more recent subject literature offering some comments and research see: Jan Wroniszewski, Szlachta ziemi sandomierskiej w średniowieczu. Zagadnienia społeczne i gospodarcze [The Nobility of Sandomierz in the Middle Ages. Social and Economical Issues] (Poznań-Wrocław, 2001) 9-17, 187-209; Id., "Metoda genealogiczno-rodowa w badaniach historii społecznej. Bilans i perspektywy" [The Genealogical Method in the Study of Social History. The Summary and Prospects], in Historia społeczna późnego średniowiecza. Nowe badania, ed. S. Gawlas (Warszawa, 2011) 107-120; Id., Nobiles Sandomirienses. Rody Dębnów, Janinów, Grzymałów, Doliwów i Powałów [Nobiles Sandomirienses. Clans: Dębno, Janina, Grzymała, Doliwa and Powała] (Kraków, 2013) 5-11, 209-216; Tomasz Jurek, "Geneza szlachty polskiej" [The Genesis of the Polish Gentry], in Šlechta, moc a reprezentace ve středovĕku, ed. M. Wihoda -M. Nodl, Colloquia Mediaevalia Pargensia 9 (Praha, 2007) 95-107. 165-210; Id., "Pieczęcie dostojników małopolskich z 1306 roku" [The Seals of Lesser Poland Noblemen in 1306], in Opuscula minora in memoriam Iosefo Spors (Słupsk, 1993) 147-170 (reprint in: Id., Polskie rycerstwo średniowieczne [Polish Medieval Knighthood]. Suplement (Kraków, 2005) 49-62). Another example which testifies to the rule was the acceptance by Casimir the Great the court immunity of all the members of the Topor and Stary Koń families. The members of the houses referred to common (however fictitious) origin, both families stemming from the same genealogical root -Janusz Kurtyka, Tęczyńscy. Studium z dziejów polskiej elity możnowładczej w średniowieczu [The House of Tęczyński. The Study of the Polish Elite in the Middle Ages] (Kraków, 1997) 178. KDW 3 no. 1733 -the document ends a personal war between the houses of Grzymała and Janina. The Greater Poland Civil War, which took place in 1382, after the death of Louis I of Hungary, was also of similar character -Łojko, Wojna domowa w Wielkopolsce w latach 1382-1385 [Civil War in Greater Poland 1382-1385], in Gniezno. Studia i materiały historyczne 2, ed. Z. Boras (Warszawa-Poznań 1987) XAmong the mightiest and wealthiest dignitaries of the Polish Kingdom, the majority of whom came from the families of Lesser Poland, the vision of the organisation of the Kingdom of Poland must have been maturing for a long period of time. The idea must have come from the observation of Louis's 60 Stanisław Kutrzeba, "Handel Krakowa w wiekach średnich na tle stosunków handlowych Polski" [Trade of Cracow in the Middle Ages Against the Background of Poland's Trading Relations] (Kraków, 1902), reprint in: Id., Finanse i handel średniowiecznego Krakowa [Finance and Trade in Medieval Cracow] (Kraków, 2009) 178-188; Stefan Weymann, Cła i drogi handlowe w Polsce piastowskiej [Customs Duty and Trade Routes in Poland of the Piasts] (Poznań, 1938); Bożena Wyrozumska, Drogi w ziemi krakowskiej do końca XVI wieku [Roads in Cracow Land until the End of the 16 th century] (Wrocław, 1977); Zoltán Gyalókay, "Szlaki handlowe na pograniczu Królestwa Polskiego i Węgierskiego w wiekach XIV-XVI" [Trade Routes on the Border of the Kingdoms of Poland and Hungary between the 14 th and 16 th century], Almanach Nowotarski 10 (2006) 114-123. 5 The act dated by the publisher (CDAC XI no. 350) to 1261. Adjustments for 1265 were made by historian Matúš Kučera ("Pol'sko-slovenský obchod so sol'ou do konca 16 storočia" [Polish-Slovak Trade of Salt until the End of the 16 th century], Slovenske Študie 7 (1965) 101, no. 77. 6 CDP 3, no. 119; Starodawne prawa polskiego pomniki [The Old Monuments of Polish Law], vol. 1, ed. A. Z. Jerzy Wyrozumski, "Kraków średniowieczny jako ośrodek produkcji i handlu tekstylnego" [Medieval Cracow as the Centre of Production and Textile Trading], in Id., Cracovia mediaevalis (Kraków, 2010) 317-318. broadcloths. 18 Broadcloths imported in the second half of the 14 th century by the merchants of Cracow were coming from the areas of central Italy (Florence), England, Flanders and the Duchy of Brabant. Danuta Molenda, "Początek eksploatacji galmanu na ziemiach polskich (do połowy XVII w.)" [Beginnings in Calamine Extraction in the Polish Territories (until mid-17 th Century)], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 21 (1973) 46. 21 Kutrzeba, "Handel Krakowa", 243; Danuta Molenda, "Eksploatacja rud miedzi i handel miedzią w Polsce w późnym średniowieczu i początkach nowożytności (do 1795 r.)" [Extraction of Copper Ore and Copper Trade in Poland in the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Times (until 1795)], Przegląd Historyczny 80 (1989) 810-811. According to historians' as well as from the remote south-eastern territories of 29 Danuta Molenda, "Zaopatrzenie polskich ośrodków górnictwa kruszcowego w XV-XVII w." [Provisions in Polish Ore Mining Centres in the 15 th -17 th Century], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 39 (1991) 447-450. It was confirmed in 1482 that in 8 mines of Olkusz there were 600 horses working while in 1551 the usage of three drainers in one mine situated in Tarnowskie Góry required a force of 360 horses (ibid., 450, 452). 30 Józef Piotrowicz, "Zaopatrzenie żup krakowskich w surowce, materiały oraz artykuły spożywcze jako czynnik rozwoju handlu lokalnego i dalekosiężnego (XIII-XVI w.)" [Provisioning Mining Companies of Cracow with Resources, Materials and Comestibles as a Factor of the Development of Local and Long-distance Trade (13 th -16 th c.)], Studia i Materiały do Dziejów Żup Solnych w Polsce 18 Borys Paszkiewicz, "Mennictwo i polityka monetarna Kazimierza Wielkiego" [Coinage and Monetary Policy of Casimir the Great], in Kazimierz Wielki. Historia i tradycja, ed. M. Jaglarz (Niepołomice, 2010) 173. This and similar examples allowed researchers for putting forward a thesis that the 59 Miroslav Števík, "Prehľad vývinu osídlenia a verejnej správy stredovekého Spiša" [An Overview of the Development of Settlement and Administration of Medieval Spiš], Zeszyty sądecko-spieskie 2 (2007) 13. 60 CDAC XI no. 350. 61 Miloš Marek, "Saxones nostri de Scepus: K niektorým otázkam príchodu saských hostí a ich života na Spiši Saxones nostri de Scepus" [On Certain Questions Regarding the Arrival of Saxon Guests and their Lives in Spiš], in Terra Scepusiensis 360, no. 48. Karol Szajnocha, "Św. Kinga" [Saint Kinga], in Szkice historyczne [Historical Drafts] vol. 1 (Lwów, 1854) 29; Hieronim Łabęcki, "Najdawni-ejsze dzieje salin krakowskich aż do żupnictwa Jana Bonera" [The Earliest History of the Salt Mines of Cracow until Salt Mine Management of Jan Boner], Biblioteka Warszawska 2 (1856) 278-279; Kazimierz Maślankiewicz, Z dziejów górnictwa solnego w Polsce [From the History of Salt Mining in Poland] (Warszawa, 1965) 91; Marian Kanior, "Postać bł. Kingi w świetle jej żywotów" [Blessed Kinga in the Light of Her Lives], Studia i Materiały do Dziejów Żup Solnych w Polsce 18 (1994) 40; Id., "Kult błogosławionej Kingi na ziemi krakowskiej w ciągu wieków" [The Cult of Blessed Kinga in the Region of Cracow Throughout the Ages], Studia i Materiały do Dziejów Żup Solnych w Polsce 21 (2001) 248. 74 7274Antoni Jodłowski, "Z metodyki badań archeologicznych nad produkcją soli na ziemiach polskich do połowy XIII wieku" [Methodology of Archaeological Research on the Production of Salt in Polish Territories until mid-13 th Century], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 20 (1972) 614. 73 Rutkowska-Płachcińska, Sądeczyzna, passim; Marek Barański, Dominium sądeckie: od książęcego okręgu grodowego do majątku klasztoru klarysek sądeckich [Dominion of Sącz: from a Borough of Duke's Stronghold to the Monasterial Estates of the Poor Clares of Sącz] (Warszawa, 1992) 96. 74 Presence of mining experts from Hungary, next to the representatives of other nations, was confirmed for the period of the 14th century (Józef Piotrowicz, "Okresy rozwojowe i przemiany gospodarki solnej w Polsce od połowy XIII do początków XVIII wieku" [Periods of Development and Transformations of Salt Economy in Poland from the mid-13 th to the Beginning of the 18 th Century], Studia i Materiały do Dziejów Żup Solnych w Polsce9 (1980) 45). In the ordination on the salt mining management of Casimir the Great from 1368, alongside former salt mine managers, salt dealers and steigers (people responsible for technical supervision over the mine during salt extraction), also Bernhardus-a steiger from Hungary was mentioned (a person responsible for technical supervision over the mine during salt extraction(Starodawne prawa, vol. 1, 218). Piotrowicz, "Górnictwo solne",[20][21][22][23][24][25] Štefan Kazimír, "Wpływ pieniądza polskiego na stosunki pieniężne na Węgrzech w latach 1501-1619" [Influence of Polish Money on Monetary Relations with Hungary in 1501-1619], Wiadomości Numizmatyczne 30 (1968) 163. Kiersnowski, Wielka reforma monetarna, 213; Id., "Data i kształt reform monetarnych Kazimierza Wielkiego" [Date and Scope of Monetary Reforms of Casimir the Great], Wiadomości Numizmatyczne 12 (1968) 167; Paszkiewicz, "Mennictwo i polityka monetarna", 174. 86 Peter Spufford, Money and its Use in Medieval Europe, (Cambridge, 1993) 268; Dygo, "Wschód i Zachód", 184. Ryszard Kiersnowski quoted with great caution calculations of historians who stated that Slovak mines on the turn of the 13 th and 14 th century provided 80% of the entire European gold extraction ("Wielka reforma monetarna" Great Monetary Reform, 211). 87 Information about a golden Hungarian coin appeared for the first time in the last-will of the Bishop of Olomouc, Conrad, dated to 22 June 1326 (Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris Moraviae, vol. 6, ed. J. Chytil (Brünn, 1854) no. 314). 88 Spufford, Money, 268. 90 8990Teodor Wierzbowski, "O dukatach Władysława Łokietka i Aleksandra Jagiellończyka" [On the Ducats of Władysław the Elbow-high and Alexander Jagiellon], Wiadomości Numizmatyczno-Archeologiczne 1 (1891) 213; Franciszek Piekosiński, "Słowo w obronie autentyczności dukata Władysława Łokietka" [Word in Defense of the Authenticity of the Ducat of Władysław the Elbow-High], ibid., 221, 224; Marian Gumowski, Moneta złota w Polsce średniowiecznej [Golden Coin in Medieval Poland] (Kraków, 1912) 88. 90 Ryszard Kiersnowski, "Dukaty Władysława Łokietka" [Ducats of Władysław the Elbow-high], Wiadomości Numizmatyczne 8 (1964)23-41. Description of the surrounding circumstances and celebrations of the jubilee in 1330, which became the foundations for the hypothesis of R. Kiersnowski, was given by the 15 th century Polish chronicler Jan Długosz, Annales seu cronicae incliti Regni Poloniae, vol. 9, ed. S. Budkowa(Warszawa, 1978) 155. 98Jacek S. Matuszewski, "Przywileje i polityka podatkowa Ludwika Węgierskiego w Polsce" [Privileges and Taxation Policy of Louis the Great in Poland], Acta Univerisitatis Lodziensis (1983) passim. 99 Dániel Bagi, "Kazimierz Wielki i jego czasy" [Casimir the Great and His Era], in Kazimierz Wielki i jego państwo. W siedemsetną rocznicę urodzin ostatniego Piasta na tronie polskim, ed. J. Maciejewski -T. Nowakowski (Bydgoszcz, 2011) 29; Gawlas, "Polska Kazimierza Wielkiego". "Akta odnoszące się do stosunków handlowych Polski z Węgrami głównie z archiwum koszyckiego z lat 1354-1505" [The Acts Regarding Trade Relations between Poland and Hungary Mainly from the Archives of Košice from 1354-150], ed. S.Kutrzeba, Archiwum Komisji Historycznej, vol. 9 (1902).Długosz Jan, Annales seu cronicae incliti RegniPoloniae, vol. 9, ed. S. Budkowa (Warszawa, 1978).Dokumenty polskie z archiwów dawnego Królestwa Węgier [Polish Documents from the Archives of the Former Kingdom of Hungary], vol.1-5, ed. S. A. Sroka (Kraków, 1998). Rachunki dworu króla Władysława Jagiełły i królowej Jadwigi z lat 1388 do 1420 [The Royal Court Accounts of King Władysław Jagiełło and Queen Jadwiga from 1388 to 1420], ed. F. Piekosiński (Kraków, 1896). Starodawne prawa polskiego pomniki [The Old Monuments of Polish Law], vol. 1, ed. A. Z. Helcel (Warszawa, 1856). "Vita et miracula sanctae Kyngae ducissae Cracoviensis", ed. S. Kętrzyński, in MPH vol. 4. Kutrzeba, Stanisław, "Handel Krakowa w wiekach średnich na tle stosunków handlowych Polski" [Trade of Cracow in the Middle Ages Against the Background of Poland's Trading Relations] (Kraków, 1902), reprint in: idem, Finanse i handel średniowiecznego Krakowa [Finance and Trade in Medieval Cracow] (Kraków, 2009). Małowist, Marian, Wschód a Zachód Europy w XIII-XVI wieku. Konfrontacja struktur społeczno-gospodarczych [East and West of Europe in the 13 th -16 th Century. Confronting Socio-Economic Structures] (Warszawa, 2006). Molenda, Danuta, Balcerzak Elżbieta, Metale nieżelazne na ziemiach polskich od XIV do XVIII wieku (zastosowanie i wyroby) [Non-ferrous Metals in the Polish Territories from the 14 th to the 18 th Century (Usage and Products)] (Wrocław, 1987).Molenda, Danuta, "Eksploatacja rud miedzi i handel miedzią w Polsce w późnym średniowieczu i początkach nowożytności (do 1795 r.)" [Extraction of Copper Ore and Copper Trade in Poland in the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Times (until 1795)] Przegląd Historyczny 80 (1989) 801-804. Molenda, Danuta, "Zaopatrzenie polskich ośrodków górnictwa kruszcowego w XV-XVII w." [Provisions in Polish Ore Mining Centres in the 15 th -17 th Century], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 39 (1991) 449-465. Molenda, Danuta, Polski ołów na rynkach Europy Środkowej w XIII-XVII wieku [Polish Lead in the Markets of Central Europe in 13 th -17 th Century] (Warszawa, 2001). Paszkiewicz, Borys, "Mennictwo i polityka monetarna Kazimierza Wielkiego" [Coinage and Monetary Policy of Casimir the Great] in Kazimierz Wielki. Historia i tradycja, ed. M. Jaglarz (Niepołomice, 2010). Piotrowicz, Józef, "Problematyka genezy i najstarszych dziejów górnictwa solnego w Polsce" [Problem of the Origin and the Eldest History of Salt Mining in Poland], Studia i Materiały do Dziejów Żup Solnych w Polsce 2 (1968) 173-234. Piotrowicz, Józef, "Górnictwo solne w Małopolsce w czasach księżnej Kingi -jego legendarne i rzeczywiste początki" [Salt Mining in Lesser Poland in the Times of Duchess Kinga -Its Legendary and Actual Beginnings] Studia i Materiały do Dziejów Żup Solnych w Polsce" 18 (1994) 9-26. Ruciński, Henryk, Prowincja saska na Spisz do 1412 roku: (na tle przemian społecznych i ustrojych w komitacie spiskim i na obszarach przyległych) [The Saxon Province in Spiš until 1412: (Against the Backdrop of Social and Constitutional Changes in the County of Spiš and Adjacent Areas)] (Białystok, 1983) Rutkowska-Płachcińska, Anna, Sądeczyzna w XIII i XIV wieku. Przemiany gospodarcze i społeczne [Region of Sącz in the 13 th and 14 th Century. Economic and Social Transformations] (Wrocław, 1961) Spufford, Peter, Money and its Use in Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1993) Sroka, Stanisław A., Średniowieczny Bardiów i jego kontakty z Małopolską [Medieval Bardejov and Its Relations with Lesser Poland] (Kraków, 2010). Wyrozumski, Jerzy, Państwowa gospodarka solna w Polsce do schyłku XIV wieku [National Salt Economy in Poland towards the End of the 14 th Century] (Kraków, 1968). Pósán, "Zsigmond és a Német Lovagrend" [Sigismund and the Teutonic Order], Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 111 (1998) 648. 6 Just to mention some of the most important works: Ilyefalvi, A Lengyelországnak elzálogosított; Frigyes Sváby, A Lengyelországnak elzálogosított XIII szepesi város története [The History of the Thirteen Towns of Spiš Pledged to Poland] (Lőcse, 1895). Antal Nagy Fekete, A Szepesség területi és társadalmi kialakulása [The Territorial and Social Formation of the Spiš Region], (Budapest, 1934). In Hungarian historiography the history of the region does not receive as much attention as previously. More recent contributions are written by Slovak and Polish researchers: Ryszard Gładkiewicz and Homza Martin, Terra Scepusiensis: stan badań nad dziejami Spiszu [Terra Scepusiensis: The state of research on the history of Spiš] (Levoča-Wrocław, 2003); Zuzana Kollárová, "Spišské mestá v poľskom zálohu (1412-1772)" [The Towns of Spiš in the Polish Pledge] (Ph.D. diss., Comenius University) (Bratislava, 2006); Martin Homza -Stanisław Sroka, Historia Scepusii, vol. 1, Dejiny Spiša do roku 1526 [The History of Spiš until 1526], (Bratislava, 2009). 1412-1424)" [The Personal Meetings of Kings Wladislav II and Sigismund after the Peace of Stará Ľubovňa (1412-1424)], Történelmi Szemle 56 (2014) 339-340; Pósán, "Zsigmond és a Német Lovagrend," 634-636; Norbert C. Tóth, "Az 1395. évi lengyel betörés: a lengyel-magyar kapcsolatok egy epizódja" [The Polish Incursion of 1395: an Episode of Polish-Hungarian Relations], in "Honoris causa": Tanulmányok Engel Pál emlékére [Studies in the honor of Pál Engel], ed. T. Neumann -Gy. Rácz (Piliscsaba-Budapest, 2008) 447-485. . The Polish troops attacked Stará Ľubovňa, the same town that Sigismund pledged to Poland two years later. Dvořáková Daniela, A lovag és királya: Stiborici Stibor és Luxemburgi Zsigmond; Képek és történetek egy középkori magyar nemes életéből [The Knight and his King: Stibor of Stiboriczi and Sigismund of Luxemburg; Moments and Stories in the Life of a Medieval Hungarian Nobleman], (Pozsony, 2009) 286-288. According to the existing agreement between Sigismund and the Teutonic knights, Sigismund would have had to offer military aid only in case there had been pagan and heretical contingents in the joint army of Poland-Lithuania. Seeing how difficult it was for the order to keep the first deadline, Sigismund agreed to a new The text of the charter: ZSO III. 3028; Weise, Die Staatsverträge, 102. The charter was phrased in vain because the order managed to clear the debt on time. ZSO IV. 114; Pósán, "A Német Lovagrend," 27. 50 Onofrio di Bardo later held the position of the comes of the chambers several times and he laid the foundation of his sons' (the Noffry brothers of Bajmóc: Jacob, Leonard, John and Bardo) financial career in the country. Márton Gyöngyössy, "Magyar pénztörténet (1000-1526)" [Hungarian Monetary History (1000-1526)], in Magyar középkori gazdaság-és pénztörténet, ed. M. Gyöngyössy (Budapest, 2006) 255 ; Krisztina Arany, "Florentine Families in Hungary in the First Half of the Fifteenth Century," Ph.D. diss., Central European University, 2014, 42, 48; Zsuzsa Teke, "Firenzei kereskedőtársaságok, kereskedők Magyarországon Zsigmond uralmának megszilárdulása után 1404-1437" [Florentine Business Companies and Merchants in Hungary after the Consolidation of Sigismund's Rule 1404-37], Századok 129 (1995) 205-207. 59 "[…] und unser sachen zu unser cronunge domit [12 1/2 tuasent schock Behemischer] bestalt haben wollten […]" -Wilhelm Altmann, "Urkundliche Beiträge zur Geschichte Kaiser Sigmunds," Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 18 (1897) 590; ZSO IV. 601. Just like many of his compatriots, Florentine merchant Antonio Fronte arrived in Hungary in 1406 with the help of Filippo Scolari. The son of textile manufacturer Pietro Fronte later became a burgher of Buda, a familiaris of the king and the creditor of Scolari and Sigismund. Teke, "Firenzei kereskedőtársaságok," 195-196; Arany, "Florentine families," 64-69, 87-88. As creditor, he is likely to have charged heavy interest on the sums he lent, otherwise Sigismund would not have complained in his same letter of 17 May that the transaction with Fronte was concluded "[...] nich mit kleinem unserm schaden gemachet [...]". 60 Itineraria, 96. 61 If Sigismund really wanted to expend the money of the pledging on his coronation, then the 12 500 schock Prague groschen would covered only a fracture of his total expenses. The costs of his imperial coronation of 1433-1434 were 15 000 golden florins. Eberhard Inseman, "The Holy Roman Empire in the Middle Ages," in The Rise of the Fiscal State in Europe c. Fig. 1 .Fig. 2 .12The pledged Spiš region acording to the initial plan (cross-hatched): 24 privileged towns together with the castle of Spiš .62 62 The maps have been created with the help of the computer program: Pál Engel, Magyarország a középkor végén: digitális térkép és adatbázis a középkori Magyar Királyság településeiről [Hungary in the Late Middle Ages: Digital Map and Database about the Settlements of the Hungarian Kingdom] (Budapest, 2001. CDROM). The pledged Spiš region (cross-hatched): the thriteen town of Spiš, the towns of Podolínec, Hniezdne and the estate of Stará Ľubovňa. Lüdger Körntgen, The Emperor and his Friends: the Ottonian Realm in the Year 1000, in Europe around the Year 1000, ed. P. Urbańczyk (Warszawa, 2002) 465-488; Andrzej Pleszczyński, Poland as an ally of the Holy ottonian empire, in Europe around the Year 1000, ed. P. Urbańczyk (Warszawa, 2002) 409-426. specially concerning the exchange of gifts between the emperor and the Central European rulers:Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon, III, 31 Gallus Anonymus, Chronica sive gesta ducum et principium Polonorum, I, 6 …regnum ei liberrime habere permisit, dans ei licentiam ferre lanceam sacram ubique, sicut imperatori mos est, et reliquias ex clavis Domini et lanceam sancti Mauricii ei concessit in propria lancea. […] Solium eius aureum imperator Oto direxit regi Botisclavo pro reliquiis … et pro vexillo triumphali clavum ei de cruce domini cum lancea sancti Mauritii dono dedit, pro quibus illi Bolizlauus sancti Adalberti brachium Redonavit. I, 6. 14 See for instance Dániel Bagi, Królowie węgierscy w Kronice Galla Anonima [Hungarian Kings in The Chronicle of the Gallus Anonymus] (Kraków, 2008) 77-84 (in Hungarian Dániel Bagi, Gallus Anonymus és Magyarország [The Gallus Anonymus and Hungary] (Budapest, 2005))sancti Adalberti martiris. Rex autem Botisclavus, accepto dono, misit imperatori brachium de corpore eiusdem sancti… 61-84; Dariusz Andrzej Sikorski, "Model misji za czasów św. Brunona" [Type of Missionary Work in St. Brouno Days], in Święty Brunon. Patron lokalny czy symbol jedności Europy i powszechności Kościoła, ed. A. Kopiczko (Olsztyn, 2009) 17; Roman Michałowski, Zjazd Gnieźnieński. Religijne przesłanki powstania Arcybiskupstwa Gnieźnieńskiego [Congress of Gniezno. Religious Premises for the Creation of the Archdiocese of Gniezno] (Wrocław, 2005); Johannes Fried, Otto III. und Boleslaw Chrobry. Das Widmungsbild des Aachener Evangeliars, der "Akt von Gnesen" und das frühe polnische und ungarische Königtum (Stuttgart, 2001) 86-124. 20 Paweł Rzeźnik -Adam Żurek, "Wrocław około roku 1000" [Wrocław around the Year 1000], in Polska na pełomie I i II tysiąclecia, ed. Sz. Skibiński (Poznań, 2001) 335-352, 346; Dariusz Andrzej Sikorski, Wczesnopiastowska architektura sakralna (jako źródło historyczne do dziejów Kościoła w Polsce) [Early Piast Sacral Architecture (as a Source for History of the Church in Poland)] (Poznań, 2012) 108-112. Lajos J. Csóka, A latin nyelvű történeti irodalom kialakulása Magyarországon a XI-XIV. században [The Formation of Latin Language Historical Literature in Hungary in the 11-14 th Century] (Budapest, 1967) 528, 559, 554, 549-551, 544, 560. 6 Gyula Kristó, A történeti irodalom Magyarországon a kezdetektől 1241ig [The Historical Literature in Hungary from the Beginnings to 1241] (Budapest, 1994). Judit Csákó recently treated with this question in her paper: "Volt-e krónikása II. Andrásnak? Megjegyzések gestaszerkesztményünk 13. század eleji átdolgozásának problematikájához" [Did Andrew II have a Chronicler? Remarks on the Problem of the Reworking The reigns of Saint Stephen, Peter Orseolo and Samuel Aba (c. 2. The reigns of Andrew I and Béla I (c. 86-96) 3. The reigns of Solomon, Géza I and Saint Ladislas (c. The reigns of the Álmos-line kings: Béla II and Géza II (c.160-166.) Systematizing the accusative cum infinitivo constructions and the clauses introduced with conjunctions, I can say that the 11-12 th centuries' events narrative parts of the Hungarian Chronicle follow the classic grammatic standards and fit to other medieval Latin texts from Hungary. However I have12 Tamás Körmendi, "Szent István király Nagyobb legendájának nyelvezete" [The Language of Saint Stephen's Major Legend], Fons 10 (2003) 95, 117, 87. 13 Szilvia Somogyi, "A XIV. századi krónikakompozíció Anjou-kori folytatásának nyelvezete: a budai minorita krónika latin nyelve" [The Language of Angevin Continuation of the 14 th century Chronicle Composition: the Latin Language of the Minor Chronicle from Buda], Fons 18 (2011) 229-230.97-141) 4. The reigns of Coloman and Stephen II (c.142-159) 5. ; 30 mane igitur facto (339, 2.); 31 Hungari ergo capta civitate (373, 29.); 32 modical clauses: hiis itaque taliter ordinatis cesar (333, 16.); 33 abiectis clipeis fugerunt (351, 3.), 34 cervice fracta mortuus est (432, 20-21.); 35 and causal clauses: Deo sic volente captus est Coloman, Stephen II: accersito Polonorum et Hungarorum consilio et auxilio reversus est (426, 33.) 63 5. Álmos-line kings: Béla II, Géza II: ascito Rutenorum Polonorumque auxilio(448, 7-8.) 64 In many cases can be shown the cumulation of the ablative absolutus in the studied texts of the Chronicle.60 multis ex eis interfectis (396, 22-23.) 61 nunc hiis, nunc illis fugientibus et diu sine vulnere certantibus (398,28.) 62 4. 1. Saint Stephen, Peter Orseolo, Samuel Aba: omnibus pompis mundane glorie calcatis et temporali regni dyademate deposito (318, 20-21.) 65 missis muneribus, data quoque fide, quod… (328, 9.) 66 accepta a duce licentia, Béla fratre suo ibidem relicto (336, 3-4.) 67 60 Ibid., 374. 61 Ibid., 396. Csóka, Lajos J., A latin nyelvű történeti irodalom kialakulása Magyarországon a XI-XIV. században [The Formation of the Latin Language Historical Literature in Hungary in the 11-14 th Century] (Budapest, 1967). Körmendi, Tamás, "Szent István király Nagyobb legendájának nyelvezete" [The Language of Saint Stephen's Major Legend], Fons 10 (2003), 65-118. Kristó, Gyula, A történeti irodalom Magyarországon a kezdetektől 1241ig [The Historical Literature in Hungary from the Beginning to 1241] (Budapest, 1994). Pauler, Gyula, A magyar nemzet története az Árpád-házi királyok alatt [The History of the Hungarian Nation During the Reigns of the Arpadian-Kings] I-II. (Budapest, 1899). Somogyi, Szilvia, "A XIV. századi krónikakompozíció Anjou-kori folytatásának nyelvezete: a budai minorita krónika latin nyelve" [The Language of Angevin Continuation of the 14 th century Chronicle Composition: the Latin Language of the Minor Chronicle from Buda], Fons 18 (2011) 209-268.Palatines in the Hungarian Kingdom, Bohemian Kingdom and Polish Principalities in the 10 th to 13 th Century * Comparative method of research 1 is one of the popular and useful methods used in historiography, especially in the time periods where the knowledge as well as means to obtain it are limited.2 When it comes to Central Europe before the year 1300 the insufficiency of sources is common in several areas.Secondary literature Angelika Herucová Slovak Academy of Sciences * This research was supported by VEGA grant No. 2/0109/14: "Komuni- kácia a spôsoby šírenia informácií v stredoveku" [Communication and the Modes of Spreading Information in the Middle Ages]. the competences of the dignitaries with the homonymous title or rather the offices with similar function without the emphasis on the designation? Does the character of the main sources in the particular dominions differ, and if so, how does it influence the results? Where is it interesting to compare? Newfangled research of several scientist is aimed, The Comparative Method (Berkeley -Los Angeles - London, 1987) 34-52; in Slovak literature the basic historical methods were summarised in Július Bartl, Úvod do štúdia dejepisu [The Introduction to the Study of History] (Bratislava, 1997). 2 Julia M. H. Smith, Introduction: Regarding Medievalists: Contexts and Approaches, in Companion to Historiography, ed. M. Bentley (London - New York, 1997) 98-108. The concept is widely addressed in social sciences, see e. g. Ragin, The Comparative Method; Dan Slater -Daniel Ziblatt, "The Enduring Indispensability of the Controlled Comparison", Comparative Political Studies 46 (2013) 1301-1327; W. Laurence Neuman, Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches (New York et al. /7 th ed./, 2009). The comparability of Kingdom of Hungary, Duke- dom/Kingdom of Bohemia, and Polish Principalities is al- ready well established. 3 When it comes to the research of the office 4 of palatine in the Arpadian, Přemyslid and Piast do- minions respectively, to utilize it is a logical step. However, several questions need to be asked and answered before- hand. The terminology is key when it comes to the contem- porary discourse as well as the historical realities. Who was a palatine, how would one define him? What is to be com- pared -3 See the popular essay by Jenő Szűcs, Three Historical Regions of Europe, in Civil Society and the State, ed. J. Keane (London, 1988) 291-331; also František Dvorník, The Making of Central and Eastern Europe (London, 1949); similarly e. g. Dušan Třeštík, Kosmova kronika. Studie k počátkům českého dějepisectví a politického myšlení. [The Chronicle of Kosmas. Studies to the Beginnings of Czech Historiography and Political Thinking] (Praha, 1968); Id., Počátky Přemyslovců [The Beginnings of Přemyslids] (Praha, 1981) and other; Josef Žemlička, Čechy v době knížecí 1034-1198 [Bohemia at the Time of Duchy] (Praha, 1997); Nora Berend -Przemysław Urbańczyk -Przemysław Wiszewski, Central Europe in the High Middle Ages: Bohemia, Hungary and Poland, c.900-c.1300 (Cambridge, 2013); Dana Dvořáčková-Malá -Jan Zelenka, Curia ducis, curia regis. Panovnícky dvůr za vlády Přemyslovců [Curia Ducis, Curia Regis. The Royal Court under the Rule of Přemyslids] (Praha, 2011); Ján Steinhübel, Nitrianske kniežactvo [The Nitra Duchy], (Budmerice -Bratislava, 2004). Zoltán J. Kosztolnyik, Hungary under the Early Árpads, 890s to 1063, East European Monographs DCV (New York, 2002) 237, 252. Generally said, in Czech and Slovak historiography it is considered that the transmit was made primarily though the remnants after the system implemented in Great Moravia (Czech views are summarized by David Kalhous, Anatomy of a Duchy: The Political and Ecclesiastical Structures of Early Přemyslid Bohemia, (Leiden -Boston, 2012) 11-46; Slovak point of view represents Steinhübel, Nitrianske kniežactvo, 210-214; or Martin Homza, "Vznik Uhorského kráľovstva" [The Constitution of the Hungarian Kingdom], based inter alia on the theories of György Györffy, since the wife of Stephen I was a Bavarian princess /see János M. Bak, Stephan, 2. S. (István) I. d. Hl., kg. v. Ungarn, in LexMa 8, (Lexikon des Mittelalters, CD-ROM-Ausgabe, J. B. Metzler 2000) 112-114 /). Polish site is to be found in the works of Alexander Gieysztor, e.g. "Urząd wojewodziński we wczesnych państwach słowiańskich IX-XI wieku" [The Office of Voivod in Early Slavic Countries in 9-11 th Century], Archeologia Polski 16 (1971) 319, 324 who is, too, an advocate of the Great Moravian origin of the offices; also Andrzej Pleszczynski, The Birth of a Stereotype : Polish Rulers and their Country in German Writings c. 1000 A.D., (Leiden -Boston, 2011) 90-98. "Nam quamvis praefati ministri unusquisque de suo ministerio non sub alio vel per alium, nisi per se ipsum solum regem, vel quantum ad reginam vel gloriosam prolem regis respiciebant, caput ponerent, non tamen omnes aequaliter de ceteris rebus vel ceterorum neccessitatibus regem adibant, sed mensura sua quisque contentus erat et, ubi vel ubi ratio poscebat, solatium alterius requirebat. E quibus praecipue II, id est apocrisarius, qui vocatur apud nos capellanus vel palatii custos, de omnibus negotiis eccleciasticis vel ministris ecclesiae et comes palatii de omnibus saecularibus causis vel iudicis, suscipiendi curam instanter habebant, ut nec ecclesiastici nec saeculares prius domnum regem absque eorum consultu inquietare necesse haberent, quousque illi praeviderent, si necessitas esset, ut causa ante regem merito venire deberet; si vero secreta esset causa, quam prius congrueret regi quam cuiquam alteri dicere, eundem dicendi locum eidem ipsi praepararent, introducto prius rege, ut hoc iuxta modum personae vel honorabiliter vel patienter vel etiam miseri-corditer susciperet. [...] Comitis autem palatii inter cetera paene innum-erabilia in hoc maxime sollicitudo erat, ut omnes contentiones legales, quae alibi ortae propter aequitatis iudicium palatium aggrediebantur, iuste ac rationabiliter determinaret seu perverse perverse iudicata ad aequitatis tram-item reduceret, ut et coram Deo propter iustitiam at coram hominibus propter legum observationem cunctis placeret. Si quid vero tale esset, quod leges mundanae hoc in suis diffinitionibus statutum non haberent aut secundum gentilium consuetudinem crudelius sanctitum esset, quam christianitatisrectitudo vel sancta auctoriras merito non consentiret, hoc ad regis moderat-ionem perduceretur, ut ipse cum his, qui utramque legem nossent et Dei magis quam humanarum legum statuta metuerent, ita decerneret, ita statueret, ut ubi utrumque servari posse, utrumque servaretur, sin autem, lex saeculi merito comprimeretur et iustitia Dei conservaretur. De honestate vero palatii seu specialiter ornamento regali nec non et de donis annuis militum, absque cibo et potu vel equis, ad reginam praecipue et sub ipsa ad camerarium pertinebat,[...]" -Hincmar, De Ordine Palatii, At the beginning of the 12 th century the palatine is Nobility, Land and Service in Medieval Hungary, Studies in Russia and East Europe (Hondmill -New York, 2000) 41. 21 See Leon Sokolovský, Prehľad dejín verejnej správy na území Slovenska I : Od počiatkov do roku 1526 [The Overview of the History of the State Administration on the Territory of Slovakia I : From the Beginning until the Year 1526], (Bratislava, 1995) 23; also DRMH I/1, xlv-xlix; Ferdinand Uličný, Dejiny Slovenska v 11. až 13. storočí [The History of Slovakia in the 11 th -13 th century], (Bratislava, 2013) 417-418; Kosztolnyik, Hungary...890s to 1063, 251-253. 22 "III. De palatino comite. Placuit etiam, ut si aliquando palatinus comes domum ierit, regis et curie sigillum, que in vice eius remanserit, illi dimittat, ut sicut regis una est curia, et ita unum sigillum persistat. Domi vero comes idem quamdiu manserit super neminem sigillum mittat, nisi super eos dumtaxat, qui vocantur udornic et qui spontanea voluntate iverint ad eum, illi ei liceat iudicare. Quod si aliter fecerit, LV pensas solvat. Similiter et ducis comes, qui super suos, quam alios iudicaverit, eadem sententia corrigatur." -DRMH I/1, 18. See also Szőcs, A nádori intézmény,18 Pál Engel, The Realm of St Stephen, A History of Medieval Hungary, 895-1526, (London -New York, 2001) 40. 19 Zoltán J. Kosztolnyik, "Dynastic intrigues and Domestic realities during the Reigns of Andrew I and Bela I", Hungarian Studies Review XXVIII (2001) 93-108, 97. 20 Martyn Rady, "XXXVI. Quando rex vel dux in comitatum aliquem intraverit, tunc megalis equus exercitualis prestetur, qui si quo casu mortuus fuerit, XV pense domino equi donentur. Si vero aliquomodo, sed non usque ad mortem lesus fuerit, predicti pretii pars dimidia pro equo reddatur. Si magna fama marchiam intraverit, comes nuntios II equis exercitualibus IIII ad regem dirigat, qui cum proprio cibo illus pervenientes, pretium viatici sui a palatino comite exigant, et tantumdem ad reditum suum. Si vero equi illorum mortui vel lesi fuerint, tot pense, quot supra diximus, pro equis reddantur, sed si sani redeant, pro una via exercituali deputetur." -Ibid., 27.24 Ibid., 32-35, 95-101; See also Martyn Rady, "Hungary and the Golden Bull of 1222", Banatica 24 (2014) 87-108; and Rady, Nobility, 54-58. 25 Attila Zsoldos, Magyarország világi archontológiája 1000-1301 [The Laical Archontology of Hungary 1000-1301], (Budapest, 2011) 13-238. 26 See the charters available on DL/DF online: archives.hungaricana.hu/en/charters/ (3/2016); or edited in e. g. CDAC are labelled as palatines in other sources, but have no pre- served charter to concur (like Samuel Aba /1038-1041/ or Mizse /1290/), DL 392 49. To my knowledge, he had never been referred to as the Palatine of Transylvania, nor was the territory ever called Palatinatus. Carmen Miserabile, in Tatársky vpád [The Mongol Invasion], ed. M. Marek -R. Marsina (Budmerice, 2008) 57-125; original in János Thuróczi, Chronica Hungarorum. 1488, Theobald Feger -Erhard Ratdolt. Augsburg, Pergamen. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, inv. no. 1143, fol. 157v-172v; 76-77; fol. 161r: "Anno igitur domini evoluto Hungaria ad regem in malivolentia existente circa nativitatem Domini fama fuit, qoud confinia Hungarie Ruscie continua Tartari devastabant. Et, quia rex de hoc per suos nuncios certus erat, ad custodiendum portam Ruscie, que Montana50 See Rady, Nobility, 144-157. 51 See DL 583 82; RA no. 608. 52 Rogerius of Apulia, Samuel became the king in 1041, as the third king of Hungaria, after the death of St Stephen I and dicitur, per quam in Hungariam patebat aditus, misit maiorem suum comitem cum exercitu palatinum et fecit per totam Hungariam proclamari, quod tam nobiles, quam [...] (alii) se ad exercitum prepararent, ut essent, quando rex mitteret, preparari". 53 "Circa vero medium quadragesime venit ad regem cursitando unus de militibus palatini ex parte ipsus referens, quod iam ad portam Ruscie pervenerant et indagines destruebant, et non credebant, quod palatinus posset eis resistere, nisi rex mittere ei auxilium festinum. [...] Et, dum in anxietate huiusmodi permaneret, quarto die postea venit idem solus, qui nocte dieque cursitaverat, palatinus dicens, quod duodecimo die intrante Marcio in porta congressum habuerat cum eisdem et suis pene omnibus sagittis et gladiis crudeliter trucidatis cum paucis evaserat [...]" -Ibid., 78-79; original fol. 161v. 54 The Chronicle records series of unfortunate events connected to meeting between the Hungarian king Stephen II and Bohemian duke Vladislaus I, that contains part about "Ianus vero filius Vrosa, palatinus comes" camping with his troops separately from the king. "Ianus vero filius Vrosa, palatinus comes longe descenderant de rege. Qui cum audissent, silenter ac suaviter suos armaverunt et impetum super Bohemos, qui castra devastabant, fecit. 'Contrivitque Dominus' eos 'in ore gladii' Hungarorum et dire morti sauciavit. Misitque Ianus post regem nuncium et mamanifestavit illi victoriam [...]" -SRH I, 436-437; Chronicon Pictum, [The Illuminated Chronicle] Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 404, fol. 55r. 55 "Cum quo sine mora presulem Strigonie Astriquum et principem milite Albam nomine ad avunculum suum Meschonem ducem Polonie et Ungarie conveniret." -Martin Homza (ed.), Uhorsko-poľská kronika : Nedocenený prameň k dejinám strednej Európy [The Hungarian-Polish Chronicle : An Underrated Source of the Central Europe's History], (Bratislava, 2009) 150. Kosztolnyik, Hungary...890s to 1063, 333. 61 Zsoldos, Magyarország világi archontológiája, 15, 281; Richard Marsina et al., Dejiny Slovenska I (do roku 1526) [The History of Slovakia I (up to the year 1526)], and later in the Chronicon Budense, one of the versions of Chronici Hungarici published in the 15 th century. 65 He is titled princeps 62 Vincent Múcska (ed.), Kronika anonymného notára kráľa Bela : Gesta Hungarorum [The Chronicle of Anonymous Notary of King Bela: Gesta Hungarorum], (Budmerice, 2000) 78−79. 63 "Anno igitur regni Petri tertio principes Hungarorum et milites consilio episcoporum convenerunt adversus Petrum regem et sollicite querebant, si aliquem de regali progenie in regno tunc invenire possent, qui ad gubernandum regnum esset ydoneus et eos a tyrannide Petri liberaret. Cimque neminem talem in regno invenire potuissent, elegerunt de semet ipsis quemdam comitem nomine Abam, sororium sancti regis Stephani et eum super se regem constituerunt. "Post quem Petrus in regem coronatus est, cui cum omnes regni principes fidelitatem sub iureiurando spopondissent, Alba comes pallacii, deiecto Petro, regalem coronam et aulam regiam sibi usurpavit" -SRH II, 500; Kosztolnyik, Hungary...890s to 1063, 281. 65 Incunable issued in June 1473. SRH I, 220. The SRH I edition actually does not contain the mention from Chronicon Budense, which is possible to find only in the separate edition by Podradczky (Chronicon Budense, ed. I. Podradczky, (Buda, 1838) 78: "Et Samuel Aba, S. Stephani sororis maritus, Palatii Comes, ei sufficitur. Anno 1041." Also see Chronica Hungarorum, Buda 1473, Digitális kincstár -Digital treasury, during the 13 th century.71 Bibliography Primary sources Teterycz-Puzio, Agnieszka, "Wczesnopiastowska organizacja administracyjna w X i XI wieku" [Early Piast Administrative Organisation in the 10 th and 11 th Century], Słupskie Studia Historyczne 9 (2001) 245- 257. Zsoldos, Attila, Magyarország világi archontológiája 1000-1301 [The Secular Archontology of Hungary 1000-1301] (Budapest, 2011). Gábor Barabás University of Pécs Coloman of Galicia and his Polish Relations. The Duke of Slavonia as Protector of Widowed Duchesses * Rivalry in Galicia At the beginning of the 13 th century the main contact area of Polish-Hungarian relations was Galicia, where the interests of the Árpáds and Piasts met that of the local elite. 1 The ori- gins of the Polish connections of Prince Coloman (1208- 1241) 2 can also be found there. The Polish-Hungarian com- petition in this area was strengthened especially after the * Research for this paper was supported by the Hungarian Scientific Research Found (OTKA NN 109690). I am grateful to Professor Endre Sashalmi for the correction of the text. 1 Cf. Márta Font, Árpád-házi királyok és Rurikida fejedelmek [Arpadian Kings and The Rurikid Princes] (Szeged, 2005) 179-214; Nataša Procházková, "Some Notes on the Titles of Coloman of Galicia", in Slovakia and Croatia Vol I. Slovakia and Croatia Historical Parallels and Connections (until 1780), ed. V. Kucharská -S. Kuzmová -A. Mesiarkin (Bratislava -Zagreb, 2013) 104. 2 Géza Kanyó, "Kálmán herczeg 1208-1241" [Coloman, Hungrian Prince 1208-1241], Katholikus Szemle 9 (1895) 250-267, 414-445; Tibor Almási, "Kálmán. Magyar herceg" [Coloman, Hungarian Prince], in Korai magyar történeti lexikon (9-14. század), ed Gy. Kristó -P. Engel -F. Makk (Budapest, 1994) 316. . Wojciech Kozłowski, "The Dynastic Horizons of the Árpáds and Piasts, ca. 1150-1250", Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU 15 (2009) 85, 89-94.18 Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 12; Đura Hardi stated that the assurance of Marias and Daniels rule in Vladimir was also part of the agreement of Spiš. Đura Hardi, Naslednici Kijeva [The Successors of Kiev].(Novi Sad, 2002) 134.19 Hollý, "Princess Salomea",15. Márta Font denied this option. Font, "II. András orosz", 127. Ubul Kállay, "Mikor koronázták meg Kálmánt Halics felkent királyát a pápától küldött koronával?" [When and Where was Coloman, the Aneled King of Galicia Crowned with the Crown sent by the Pope?], Századok 37 (1903) 672-673. 26 Nataša Procházková, "Postavenie haličského kráľa a slavónskeho kniežaťa Kolomana z rodu Arpádovcov v uhorskej vnútornej a zahraničnej politike v prvej polovici 13. storočia" [King of Galicia and Duke of Slavonia. Coloman of the Árpádian Dynasty. In the First Half of the 13 th Century], Medea 2 (Bratislava, 1998) 67; Procházková, "Koloman Haličský", 244-245; Labuda, Zaginiona kronika z, 54. Summarising Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 17. 27 Márta Font dates it to 1219. Font, "II. András orosz", 128. 28 Summarising: Hollý, "Princess Salomea", See Attila Zsoldos, "Szepes megye kialakulása" [The Formation of Sze-Font, Árpád-házi királyok, 217; Gyula Kristó, A feudális széttagolódás Magyarországon [The Feudal Fragmentation in Hungary] (Budapest, 1979) 48.39 The question of Coloman's role in the genesis of the so called Polish-Hungarian Chronicle is not the subject of this paper. For this see recently Adrien Quéret-Podesta, "Vom Ungarn der Árpáden zum Polen der Piasten. Zur Entstehung und zum Schicksal der sogenannten Ungarischpolnischen Chronik" in Mittelalterliche Eliten und Kulturtransfer östlich der Elbe. Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zu Archäologie und Geschichte im mittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa, ed. A. Klammt -S.pes County], Történelmi Szemle 43 (2001) 25; Hollý, "Princess Salomea", 25-26. 38 Rossignol (Göt- tingen, 2009) 70-71, 73, 75; Judit Csákó, "A Magyar-lengyel Krónika és a hazai elbeszélő hagyomány" [The Hungarian-Polish Chronicle and the Domestic Narrative Tradition], Századok 148 (2014) 305-315. 40 See Zsoldos, "Szepes megye kialakulása", 25; Hollý, "Princess Sa- lomea", RPR no. 9348, RGIX no. 1646. 59 RPR no. 9350, RGIX no. 1648. 60 RGIX. no. 1650. 61 See Zientara, Heinrich der Bärtige, 285. 98 See Othmar Hageneder, "Die Register Innozenz' III.", in Papst Innozenz III, Weichensteller der Geschichte Europas, ed. T. Frenz (Stuttgart, 2000) 92. 99 See Hageneder, "Die Register Innozenz III.", 93. 100 Hageneder, "Die Register Innozenz' III.", 98-99. 101 Fried, Der päpstliche Schutz, 307. 102 RGIX no. 1645-1649. 103 RPR no. 9349; CDH III/2. 373. [196][197]; Othmar Hageneder, Die geistliche Gerichtsbarkeit in Ober-und Niederösterreich. Von den Anfängen bis zum Beginn des15. Jahrhunderts (Linz, 1967) 59-60; James Brundage, The Medieval Canon Law (London, 1995) 139; Peter Herde, "Zur päpstlichen Delegationsgerichtsbarkeit im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit", Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Kanonische Abteilung 119 (2002) 23; Ludwig Falkenstein, "Appellationen an den Papst und Delegationsgerichtsbarkeit am Beispiel Alexanders III. und Heinrichs von Frankreich", Zeitschrift der Kirchengeschichte 97 (1986) 55-56. 105 "Quum igitur dilectam in Christo filiam, V. viduam, ducissam in Opal, ac filios eius, in devotione ecclesie persistentes, cum omnibus bonis, que in presentiarum iuste ac rationabiliter possident, sub Apostolice Sedis protectione receperimus speciali, serenitatem tuam rogandam duximus attente, ac hortandam, quatenus ipsos, ducissam et filium eius, terram et alia bona sua, habeas pro divina et nostra reverentia propensius commendata, et tam a duce ac aliis supra dictis, quam aliis etiam, qui eos contra protectionis nostre tenorem molestare presumserint, tradita tibi potestate defendas" -CDH III/2. 372-373; RPR no. 9349. Chronica hungaro-Polonica, pars I (Textus cum varietate lectionum), ed. B. Karácsonyi. Acta Historica Universitatis Szegedensis de Attila József nominatae, 26 (Szeged, 1969) 6 Martin Homza, Uhorsko-poľská kronika. Nedocenený prameň k dejinám strednej Európy [The Hungarian-Polish Chronicle. An Unappreciated Source of Central Europe History] (Bratislava, 2009).Rozprawy wydziału historyczno-filozoficznego Akademii Umiejętności w Krakowie 34 (1897) 365-373. 5 M on the other hand is different from O and P, due to many and grave differences O15,6 plaga dei plaga et flagellum die O16,15 P Dehinc pertransiuit alpes tyranice et uenit in terminos dacie et slauonie (sclauonie P) et conflictum magnum octo diebus O36,29-31 siue poloni in vngaros, siue ungari in polonos Siue poloni in vngaros siue contrarium M 15 Here Karácsonyi read cum, Kownacki and Endlicher emended tum. In the otherwise identical passage of Z Pilat indeed read tum. But the abbreviation may be supposed to mean tamen, like in P. There are particularly voluminous differences of M compared to P and O on fol. 146r: O3823-4336 und P M146 r b Post hec autem sancte dei genitricis semperque uirginis marie incipitur officum salue sancta parens iuxta missam uero rex (P rex uero) oleo sacro inungitur et consecratur. Post missam uero osculum pacis omnibus prebet alii uero manum sacram anulum sacrum salutant et benediccionem ab eo recipiunt. Quo finito presules cum clero comites cum populo Kyrieleyson cum congruis laudibus proclamant, deum omnipotetem et sanctos apostolos Petrum et Paulum benedicunt, quod sanctus deo dilectus Stephanus exunccione sacri crismatis perunctus Dyademate regalis dignitatis feiliciter est coronatus. Post hec infra missarum solempnia rex stephanus oleo sacro inungitur et dyademate regalis dignitatis feliciter est coronatus. Post acceptam regalis excellencie dignitatem tam episcopales et ecclesias quantum alias regaliter amplians disposuit Post acceptum regalis excellencie lignum (signum?) (P dig m dignum / dignitatem?) tam epicsopales ecclesias amplians regaliter disposuit quam crucibus et uasis aliis supellecitilibus ad ministerium dei pertinentibus secundum quod unicuique opus erat sufficienter decorauit. Post officium sancte trinitatis incipitur Benedicta sit sancta trinitas officia uero sancta pro rege et principe mezkone et pro cuncto populo per presulem astritum offeruntur pace accepta et missa finita ad tentoria sua redeunt ubique in gaudio et leticia epulis et potibus in cordis et organis et tympanis et choris cytharis et phyalis auunculus et nepos letos octo duxerunt dies omnisque polonorum exercitus cum crucibus et uasis aliisque suppellectibus ad ministerium dei pertinentibus secundum quod unicuique opus erat sufficienter decorauit post haec officium de sancta trinitate incipitur scilicet benedicta etc. pro rege et principe mezkone et pro cuncto populo pro formanda pace, qua missa finita ad tentoria sua redeunt ubi in gaudio et leticia epulis et potibus ac musicis variis instrumentis avunculus et nepos letos 8 duxerunt dies omnisque polonorum exercitus a maiore usque ad minorem muneribus replentur duci uero multa bona per avunculum offeruntur. Other differences separating M from O and P are found in these passages O (und P) M 44,17-23 in ipsa regalis sedis ciuitate, que alba nuncupatur, sub laude et titulo genitricis dei famosam et grandem ecclesiam opere mirifico construere cepit in ipsa regalis sedis ciuitate witzeborch, que alba dicitur, sub laude et titulo marie virginis famosam ecclesiam opere mirifico construere fecit Furthermore, M is connected to Z by readings which at the same time make P different from O:,12 totum vero vero totum P M O16,16 descendit discessit P (in rasura) M O19,23 craa traa P M O23,21 iube te de sollicitudine iubeo te de sollitudine P M O28,14 necessarijs nuncijs O28,26 mesko mezko P M O28,26 duci polonorum polonorum duci P M O29,7f mittere iam iam mittere P M O34,11 meszkoni mezkoni P M O35,11 eum turbatum turbatum eum P M O43,34f per nepotem per avunculum P M O46,15f om. ingemiscere et clamare audiret P (Z); ingemiscere clamare audiuit M O48,12 terram totam totam terram P M O53,8 u. 35 Hemericus 14 Heinricus P; Hindericus M O59,8 deo domino P M (= BHL 7921) O70,3 preparanda prestanda (=BHL 7921) O72,38f per gentes parentes (=BHL 7921) O73,1 viri suffragio confringentes viri suffragio conferentes (P = BHL 7921) Demum pertransiuit alpes et in terminos cruwatie et sclavonie ubi conflictum magnum 8 o diebus habuerunt O20,18 congregatis cunctisque principibus igitur congregatis cunctis principibus O20,24-30 Post mortem autem patris sui uxor co- loman genuit filium qui uoca- tus est bela Post mortem patris uxor coloman genuit filium nomine Bela O21,1 Inde autem mouens se uenit in terram sclauoniam quam attauus suus ungariam appellauit post venit in terram Sclauoniam, quam attauus suus ungariam vocavit O21,11 de regione polonie de regno polonie O21,22 hec cepit uirum suum ad christum conuertere et Hec cepit yesse ad christum convertere et fidem katholicam tenere et a cultura ydolorum recedere fidem katholicam instru- ere et a cultura ydolorum secernere O22,19 Idem tempus celitus depositum om. M. O23,22 P (ubi P) tibi … dominus om. M O24,7-15 Verumptamen uirum spirituali legacione tibi transmittendum honorifica- biliter suscipito uenerabiliter habeto, exhortacionibus eius cordis fidelem assensum Verumptamen virum spirituale legacione tibi transmittendum honor- ifice suscipere et apertis cordibus eiusque exhorta- tionibus assensum prebeto O25,19 qui eam alloqui taliter cepit alloquens eam dicens O26,1 P tamen 15 om. M O26,3 P uel et M O31,3 P sine certatione sine dilatione M (sine cunctatione in BHL 7921) O33,12f. romanae sedis ponti- fex papa M a maiore usque ad minorem muneribus replentur duci uero multa bona per nepotem (P: avunculum) of- feruntur. 47,12-22 Quadam igitur nocte per reuelacionem qua<n>dam infra diem et noctem ad albam transsiluana<m> pre- cepit festinare et omnes in rure manentes ad mu- nitas ciuitates, quam citissime posset congre- gare Quadam igitur nocte per rev- elacionem quandam precepit ut omnes in rure manentes ad munitas ciuitates quam citissime possent festinarent 48,12f terram totam devastauit totam terram Transsiluanam. 48,14 om. albe civitate devastata 52,3 quid uidisset si quem vidisset 52,5-7 om. cui tum omnia visa retulit 52,9f constat, quod illum impletum est erat impletum, quod actis apostolorum 52,13 in regnum caelorum etc. 52,17-19 tribus annis in (in om. P = BHL 7921) infirmitate continua per triennium infirmitate continua 53,3 abortam (P obortam = so korrigierten auch alle Herausgeber vor Karacsonyi) exortam 53,3 genitor pater 55,2 vix umquam vix ut numquam 57,12f non …. plantaret om. 58,11 inunctionem unctionem 58,12 quibus ultimum benedicans quibus expletis omnes benedicans 58,18 iesu christe om. 59,5 cantu planctu 59,10 monumento sepulcro 59,22f per angelorum choros et laudantes per angelorum choros laudans 59,29 sanctus om. 60,5 om. et voces 70,3f germanum fratrem 71,10 miseretur et stabat misereretur instabat (=corr. Ketrzynski) 71,26 annuente fauente 72,13 obsessis obsessi (=BHL 7921) 72,18-28 Unde … collaudarent om. 72,38 accepit accepit quod et factum est 73,1 viri suffragio con- fringentes (conferentes (P)) viri suffragio rogantes O and P Z and M O17,1 dacie chrvacie (cruwatie M) O17,10 om. conflictum magnum 8 o die- bus habuerunt M fecerunt conflictum magnum octo die- bus O31,6 P cito scito MZ O38,9 P plurimorum privilegiorum MZ O46,10 P pro grege pro regno MZ O58,11 P inunctionem unctionem MZ BHL 2529b: O (=D in AASS Nov. II Pars I 487B, = L in SRH Vol. 2, 449-460, here 449): "Gloriosus rex primus Stephanus ducatum Ungarie tenuit annis octo, regnavit autem triginta tribus annis, mensibus septem, diebus XIIII; migravit autem ad Dominum anno incarnacionis Domini m° ccc° IIII° (sic), decimo octavo kal. septembris, feria quinta; cuius venerabile corpus Albe reconditum est; per huius mellifluam prudenciam novissimis, ut dicam, temporibus tocius Panonie regnum lumine veritatis agnovit". P = "Gloriosus rex primus Stephanus ducatum Ungarie tenuit annis octo regnauit autem xxxiii us annis mensibus vii diebus xiiii, migrauit autem ad dominum Anno domini incarnationis m o xxxiiii o xviii kal. septembris feria v a cuius venerabile corpus albe recordatum est, per huius mellifluam prudenciam nouissimis ut dicam temporibus tocius pannonie regnum lumen veritatis agnouit". On the problem of the Polish Emmerich legend see also Sarolta Tóth, "Magyar és lengyel Imre-legendák" [Hungarian and Polish Emmerich Legends], Acta Universitatis Szegediensis. Acta Historica XI (Szeged, 1962) 5 and 57-70. ) .)Chronica hungarorum, ed. S. L. Endlicher, Rerum hungaricarum Monumenta Arpadiana (Sangalli, 1849) 60-82. Chronicon Hungarico-Polonorum, ed. J. Deér, Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum vol. 2 (Budapestini, 1938) 299-320. consideration of Anna of Schweidnitz, the wife of Charles IV. See also Halina Manikowska, "Legenda św. Jadwigi -obieg i transformacja" [Legend of St Hedwig-circulation and Transformation], in Kultura elitarna a kultura masowa w Polsce późnego średniowiecza, ed. B. Geremek (Wrocław, 1978) 155-171. 19 30 th of April 1294: donation by the City of Mittelwalde / Międzylesie; 26 th of March 1298: donation of Stalsdorf near Freudenthal / Bruntál as a replacement Trebenowice, which had illegally given away when still being underage, that is before 1288. Regesta dipolmatica nec non epistolaria Bohemiae et Moraviae, pars 2: annorum 1253-1310, red. Josef Emler (Pragae, 1882) 705 № 1643; 769 № 1788. -Charvátová, Dějiny cisterckého řádu 134-136. -Heinrich Grüger, "Die zisterziensische Architektur in Schlesien in den Jahren 1200-1330. Bemerkungen zu Marian Kutzner, Cysterska architektura na Śląsku w latach 1200-1330", Archiv für schlesische Kirchengeschichte 29 (1971) 26. Klapper, Joseph, "'Hedwigis electa'. Eine Hedwigsvita aus dem Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts", Archiv für schlesische Kirchengeschichte 19 (1961) 53-61. Kronika Węgierska na początku wieku XII; Kronika czeska na początku wieku XI, ed. H. Kownacki (Warszawa, 1823). Kronika węgiersko-polska, ed. Stanisław Pilat, MPH 1, 495-515. Regesta dipolmatica nec non epistolaria Bohemiae et Moraviae, pars 2: annorum 1253-1310, red. J. Emler (Pragae, 1882). Vita Sanctorum Stephani regis et Emerici ducis, ed. M. Florianus, Historiae Hungaricae Fontes Domestici, Pars Prima: Scriptores I (Lipsiae, 1881) 70-79. Żywot św. Stefana króla Węgier czyli Kronika węgiersko-polska, ed. R. Grzesik (Warszawa 2003). Charvátová, Kateřina, Dějiny cisterckého řádu v Čechách 1142-1420. Kláštery na hranicích a za hranicemi Čech [History of the Cistercian Order in Bohemia 1142-1420. The Monasteries at the Border and Beyond the Borders of Bohemia] (Praha, 2009). Fleith, Barbara, Studien zur Überlieferungsgeschichte der lateinischen Legenda aurea, Subsidia hagiographica 72 (Bruxelles, 1991). Grzesik, Ryszard, Kronika węgiersko-polska. Z dziejów polskowęgierskich kontaktów kulturalnych w średniowieczu [The Hungarian-Polish chronicle. About the Historiy of Polish-Hungarian Cultural Contacts in the Middle Ages] (Poznań, 1999). Grzesik, Ryszard "Chronicon hungarico polonicum", in Encyclopedia of Medieval Chronicle, ed. G. Dunphy (Leiden -Boston, 2010) Vol. 1, 348f. Quéret-Podesta, Adrien, "Vom Ungarn der Arpáden zum Polen der Piasten. Zur Entstehung und zum Schicksal der sogenannten Ungarischpolnischen Chronik", in Mittelalterliche Eliten und Kulturtransfer östlich der Elbe: Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zu Archäologie und Geschichte im mittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa, ed. A. Klammt (Göttingen, 2009) 69-80.Secondary literature Cf.: Teresa Łoś-Nowak, Stosunki międzynarodowe: Teorie, systemy, uczestnicy [International Relations: Theories, Systems, Participants] (Wrocław, 2006) 34; for some more general information on this matter, see: Jacek Czaputowicz, Suwerenność [Sovereignty] (Warszawa, 2013) 73-77. -1264 [Foreign Policy of the Duchies in the Lands of Halich and Volhynia], Vìtalìj Nagìrnij, Polityka zagraniczna księstw ziem halickiej i wołyńskiej w latach 1198 (1199)-1264, Prace Komisji Wschodnioeuropejskiej / Polska Akademia Umiejętności, 12 (Kraków, 2011) 9. Jan Dąbrowski, "Z czasów Łokietka. Studia nad stosunkami polskowęgierskimi w XIV w. Część I,' [From the Times of Łokietek. Studies on the Polish-Hungarian Relations in the 14th Century. Part I], RAU. Wydział Hist.-Filoz. 34 (1916) 278. , ed. I. Petrovics -S. L. Tóth -E. Congdon (Szeged, 2010) 79-100. 15 This period is well covered by: Jenő Szűcs, Az utolsó Árpádok [The Last Árpáds] (Budapest, 1993). Recently about the supposed population destruction cf. Attila Zsoldos, Nagy uralkodók és kiskirályok a 13. században [Great Rulers and Petty Kings in the 13 th Century] (Budapest, 2009) 54. 17 László Szende, "Magyarország külpolitikája 1242-1246 között" [Hungarian Foreign Policy 1242-1246], Első Század 2 (2000) 299-349, 307-311; Pál Engel, Realm of St Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895-1526 (London, 2001) 101-102. 18 Zsoldos, Nagy uralkodók, 54. 19 Cf. Iván Bertényi -Gábor Gyapay, Magyarország rövid története [A Short History of Hungary] (Budapest, 1992) 90-91. 20 Engel, Realm of St Stephen, 104. Nevertheless, in that year Béla IV intended to pitch 26 Marek Kazimierz Barański, Dynastia Piastów w Polsce [The Piast Dynasty in Poland] (Warszawa, 2006) 340, 373. See also: Stanisław Szczur, Historia Polski: Średniowiecze [A History of Poland. The Middle Ages] Engel, Realm of St Stephen, 106. him in Halich against Daniel. Meanwhile, Bolesław the Chaste was already ruling in Lesser Poland. The joint Árpádian-Piast-Rurikid expedition against Daniel, a duke of Halich, in 1245 proved in vain.(Kraków, 2002) 264. 27 Szende, "Magyarország külpolitikája", 319, 325. 28 Paweł. Żmudzki, Studium podzielonego królestwa: książę Leszek Czarny [A Study of the Divided Kingdom: Duke Leszek the Black] (Warszawa, 2000) 33, 36. 29 Bronisław Włodarski, Polska i Ruś: 1194-1340 [Poland and Ruthenia 1194-1340] (Warszawa, 1966) 123. 30 Żmudzki, Studium podzielonego królestwa, 34. 31 This may indicate the king's intention to keep up good relations with his sons-in-law: "et medio tempore nuncios diversorum regnorum recepissemus [Béla IV -WK], grecorum scilicet, bulgarorum, boemorum et specialiter Vybar filium Beubarth, Abachy et Thamasy nuncios tartharorum, nec non et nuncios regis Francie, sollennes et honestos; eadem eciam hora domina Constancia ducissa Gallicie et Lodomerie, domina Kyngve ducissa Cracovie et Sandomerie, nec non et domina Jolen ducissa de Calis, karissime filie nostre, cum principibus earumdem ad visitandum nos convenissent." -CDPH VIII. No. 76, 96-97. Włodarski, Polska i Ruś, 145. 37 Żmudzki, Studium podzielonego królestwa, 260. Włodarski, Polska i Ruś, 155-156. See also: Bronisław Włodarski, Polska i Czechy w drugiej połowie XIII i początkach XIV wieku (1250-1306) [Poland and Bohemia in the Second Half of the 13 th and in the Beginning of the 14 th Century (1250-1306)] (Lwów, 1931) 80. 38 Żmudzki, Studium podzielonego królestwa, 389. Secondary Literature :LiteratureBarański, Marek Kazimierz. Dynastia Piastów w Polsce [The Piast Dynasty in Poland] (Warszawa, 2006). Berend, Nora. At the Gate of Christendom: Jews, Muslims, And "pagans" in Medieval Hungary, C. 1000-C. 1300 (Cambridge -New York, 2001). Engel, Pál. Realm of St Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895-1526 (London, 2001). Włodarski, Bronisław. Polska i Ruś: 1194-1340 [Poland and Ruthenia 1194-1340] (Warszawa, 1966). Żmudzki, Paweł. Studium podzielonego królestwa: książę Leszek Czarny [A Study of the Divided Kingdom: Duke Leszek the Black] (Warszawa, 2000). Zsoldos, Attila. Nagy uralkodók és kiskirályok a 13. században [Great Rulers and Petty Kings in the 13 th Century] (Budapest, 2009).Szende, László. "Magyarország külpolitikája 1242-1246 között" [Hungar- ian Foreign Policy 1242-1246], Első Század 2 (2000) 299-349. Annamária Érsek University of Paris-Sorbonne The Crypto-portrait in Central Europe in the 14 th Century "As a genre, the identification por- trait, or disguised portrait, has been treated with a mix- ture of incompre- hension and amaze- ment even in the most recent work on the history of Renaissance por- traiture." 1 The text relates that Charles V prepared three 20 Cited by Polleross, "Das sakrale Identifikationsporträt", 178; F. O. Büttner, Imago Pietatis: Motive der Christlichen Ikonographie als Modelle zur Verähnlichung. (Berlin, 1983) 27. English translation is from: Doina-Elena Craciun, "One authority and three kings: the king as a Magus from written sources to late-medieval art.", http://www.academia.Lendemain, jour de la Tiphanie, l'Empereur volt veoir les reliques celluy jour, et estre à la messe, et en pria le Roy, et que avec luy disnast; […] Si fu l'offrande du Roy telle: trois de ses chambellans tenoyent haultement trois couppes belles dorées; en l'une y avoit or, et en l'autre encens, et en l'autre mierre;et de renc aloyent; si offry le Roy l'or primiérement, puis l'encens, et puis le mierre; et, à chascune foiz, baisa la main de l'arcevesque de Rains, qui chantoit la messe. » « Lendemain, jour de la Tiphanie, l'Empereur volt veoir les reliques celluy jour, et estre à la messe, et en pria le Roy, et que avec luy disnast; […] Si fu l'offrande du Roy telle: trois de ses chambellans tenoyent haultement trois couppes belles dorées; en l'une y avoit or, et en l'autre encens, et en l'autre mierre;et de renc aloyent; si offry le Roy l'or primiérement, puis l'encens, et puis le mierre; et, à chascune foiz, baisa la main de l'arcevesque de Rains, qui chantoit la messe." -Christine de Pisan, Mémoires ou livre des faits et bonnes moeurs du sage roi Charles V (s. l., 1785) 80-81. 23 "Le merquedy ensuyvant, Vie jour de janvier et jour de la Thiphaine, l'Empereur fist prier au Roy qu'il li pleust celui jour monstrer les saintes reliques, et que, celui jour, avoit devocion de les veoir et soy faire apporter, et estre à la messe, et disner au Palais avecques le Roy […] vint à l'offrande, le Roy avoit fait appareillier trois pères de offrandes, d'or, d'encens et de mirre, pour offrir pouredu- /8249276/One_authority_and_three_kings_the_king_as_a_Magus_from _written_sources_to_late-medieval_art (20/02/2016) 21 For more detail, see: Schwedler, "Ritualinnovation". 22 " lui et pour l'Empereur, ainsi qu'il est acoustumé. Et fist demander le Roy à l'Empereur s'il offreroit point, lequel s'en excusa en disant qu'il ne povoit aler, ne soy agenoiller, ne aucune chose tenir pour la goûte, et qu'il pleust au Roy offrir et faire selon son acoustumance. Si fu l'offrande du Roy tele qui s'ensuit : trois chevaliers, ses chambellans, tenoient hautement trois bêles coupes dorées et esmailliées ; en l'une estoit l'or, en l'autre l'encens et en la tierce le mirre. Et alerent tous trois par ordre, comme l'offrande doit estre bailliée devant le Roy, et le Roy après, qui s'agenoillierent, et il (le Roi) s'agenoilla devant l'arcevesque, et la première offrande, qui fu de l'or, lui bailla celui qui la tenoit et il l'offri et baisa la main. La seconde, qui est de l'encens, bailla le secont chevalier qui la tenoit au premier et il la bailla au Roy, et il l'offri en baisant la main de l'arcevesque. La tierce, qui est du mirre, bailla le me chevalier, qui la tenoit, au 11 e et le 11 e au premier, et le premier la bailla au Roy, et en baisant la main dudit arcevesque tierce foiz l'offri." -Les grandes chroniques de France. Chronique des règnes de Jean II et de Charles V, ed. R Delachenal (Paris, 1910). 232-234. In November 1370 Louis the Great, King of Hungary and Poland, reigned over vast lands of Central Europe, controlling the countries from the Adriatic up to the border of the State of the Teutonic Order in the north. It was the peak of his power; however, he had no male descendant to take over the crowns of the Angevin dynasty. When in 1371 his wife Elizabeth of Bosnia became pregnant, it seemed that the line could be secured.1 The power of Angevin rule, especially in the Kingdom of Hungary, resulted from the consistent strengthening of the king's power over his subjects, including the noble families who had won considerable political influence at the time of the struggle for the Hungarian crown. Charles Robert, Louis's father, defeated the opposition of the nobles and ensured strong economic foundation of the throne, which, in turn, put the Hungarian kings in the role of the strongest power players in that part of Europe. There are numerous publications on the subject of the Central European politics by monarchs of the 14 th century, see i.a.: Jan Dąbrowski, Ostatnie lata Ludwika Wielkiego 1370-1382 [The Last Years of Louis the Great 1370-1382] (Kraków, 1918, reprint: Kraków, 2009, page numbers according to the new edition) 12-148; Id., "Z czasów Łokietka. Studium nad stosunkami polsko-węgierskimi w XIV wieku" [From the Days of Władysław I the Elbow-high. The Study of Polish-Hungarian Relations inHofmann, Hans, Die heiligen drei Könige: zur Heiligenverehrung im kirchlichen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Leben des Mittelalters (Bonn 1975). Ladner, Gerhart Burian, "Die Anfänge des Kryptoporträts", in Von Ange- sicht zu Angesicht: Porträtstudien; Michael Stettler zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. F. Deuchler (Bern 1983) 78-98. Boehm, Barbara Drake -Fajt, Jiri (ed.), Prague: the Crown of Bohemia, 1347-1437 (New York -New Haven, 2005). Pinkus, Assaf, "Rudolf's Journey: Art Patronage and Politics in the St. The- obald Minster in Thann", Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 65 (2004) 273-288. Plant, Margaret, "Portraits and Politics in late trecento Padua: Altichiero's Frescoes in the S. Felice chapel, S. Antonio", The Art bulletin 63 (1981) 407- 494. Friedrich B Polleross, Das sakrale Identifikationsporträt: ein höfischer Bildtypus vom 13. bis zum 20. Jh. (Worms, 1988). Olga Pujmanová, "Portraits of Kings Depicted as Magi in Bohemian Paint- ing", in The Regal Image of Richard II and the Wilton Diptych, ed. D. Gor- don et al. (London, 1997) 247-267. Iva Rosario, Art and Propaganda: Charles IV of Bohemia, 1346-1378 (Woodbridge, 2000). Gerhard Schmidt, "Beiträge zum Gotischen "Kryptoporträt" in Frank- reich", in Malerei der Gotik, Fixpunkte und Ausblicke II., ed. M. Roland (Graz, 2005) 329-340. Gerald Schwedler, "Ritualinnovation: Zur Gestaltung politisch-litur- gischer Zeremonien im Spätmittelalter am Beispiel der Pariser Dreikö- nigsmesse im Jahr 1378" in Das Ursprüngliche und das Neue. Zur Dy- namik ritueller Prozesse in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. B. Dücker -G. Schwedler (Berlin, 2008) 145-206. Hugo Stehkämper, "Könige und Heilige Drei Könige", in Die Heiligen Andrzej Marzec Jagellonian University, Cracow New King and New Elites. The Reign of Louis the Great in Poland 1370-1382 I 1 Stanisław A. Sroka, Genealogia Andegawenów węgierskich [The Genealogy of Hungarian Angevins] (Kraków, 2015) 68-71. In July 1370, a few months before the death of Casimir the Great, Elizabeth of Bosnia gave birth to the oldest daughter, Catherine. A year later, in 1371, Mary was born Their partners in the game were the Luxemburg dynasty who ruled in the Czech Kingdom in the person of Charles IV as well as the Austrian Habsburgs and Polish Piasts. 2 II Seizing the Polish throne was not just another of Louis's tri- umphs; it also meant the necessity of facing his new subjects 2 the 14 th Century], Rozprawy Akademii Umiejętności, Wydział Filozoficzno-historyczny 59 (1916) 278-326; Abdon Kłodziński, Łokietek a Habsburgowie, (ibid.) 255-277; Jiří Spĕváček, Karel IV. Život a dílo [John of Luxemburg. Life and Achievements] (Praha, 1979); Id., Jan Lucemburský a jeho doba 1296-1346 [John of Luxemburg and his Times 1296-1346] (Praha 1994); Blanka Berezováková, "Politický zapas Anjouovcov o uhorskú korunu" [Angevin political struggles for the Hungarian Crown], Historický časopis 39 (1991) 570-586; Paul Knoll, Luis the Great and Kasimir of Poland, in Luis the Great, King of Hungary and Poland, ed. G. Goldschmidt -L. S. Domonkos (New York, 1986) 105-127; Bronisław Nowacki, Czeskie roszczenia do korony polskiej [Czech Claims to the Polish Crown] (Poznań, 1987); Dieter Veltrup, Zwischen Eherecht und Familienpolitick. Studien zu den dynastischen Heiratsprojekten Karl IV. (Warendorf, 1988); Frantisek Kavka, Vláda Karla IV. za jeho císařství (1355-1378). Zemĕ České koruny a rodová, říšska a evropská polityka [The Goverment of Charles IV. in his Empire (1355-1378). Dynastic, German and European policy] I-II (Praha, 1993); Stanisław A. Sroka, "Andegaweńska reorganizacja Węgier w świetle nowszych badań" [The Angevin Reorganisation of Hungary in Light of Recent Studies], Kwartalnik historyczny 103 (1996) 23-34; Stanisław Szczur, "W sprawie sukcesji andegaweńskiej w Polsce" [On the Angevin Succession in Poland], Roczniki Historyczne 75 (2009) 61-104. he stated: "In crastino autem mane archiepiscopo et episcopis ac nobilibus dignitate majoribus simul congregatis, dominus Ludovicus rex [...] misit Wladislaum ducem Opoliae [...] ad eosdem." -Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 640. It means that having received the testamentary bequests, no decision was made until the next day and, hence, Louis sent Vladislaus so that he could hasten the parties. 17 Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 640-642. "Nam quidem magnates et quasi primi in consilio regis mortui, partii Ungarorum multum faventes, aestimabant, ducem Kazimirum de terra Syradiensi, Lanciciensi et Dobrinensi ac castris praenominatis in juvamine Karoli, generi siu, Romanorum imperatoris, ac Boguslai patris sui, ducis Stetinesis ad regni Poloniae gubernacula [...] posse pervenire" -Ioannes de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, 641. Firstly, the concessions spring of 1371, the king decided to enfeoff his entrusted palatine Duke Vladislaus of Opole with Ruthenia (Jerzy Sperka, Otoczenie Władysława Opolczyka w latach 1370-1401 [Vladislaus II of Opole's Milieu from 1370 to 1401] (Katowice, 2006) 32-34). Both Ruthenia and the Kingdom of Poland in line with the dynastic contracts now belonged to Louis. If the Polish Crown was subject to continued negotiations, the main topic of the Privilege of Buda The question of Ruthenia remains unclear, especially when it comes to the political stance of the elites. At the time of taking the Ruthenian office, Vladislaus was accompanied by the Polish dignitaries: Otto of Pilica, Jan Kmita, Świętopełk of Irządz, Paszko Złodziej of Pilchowice, Jan Pakosławic from Rzeszów. Similarly, there was also a group of Polish nobles when Ruthenia was being passed to Louis in Lviv. Ioannis de Czarnkow, only some of the inhabitants of Greater Poland accused the king of violating the rules of the Kassa Privilege. 59 The elites' stance seems very ambiguous. Until 1382 the Polish-Hungarian king used trazbiorów Tomasza Niewodniczańskiego w Bitburgu [The Catalogue of Parchment Documents from the Collection of Tomasz Niewodniczański], ed. J. Tomaszewicz -M. Zdanek(Kraków, 2004) no. 11. It is worth remembering that Louis announced his personal seizure of power in Ruthenia in 1378.57 Prince Władysław the White was the last male member of the Kuyavian line of Piasts and the only heir to the Duchy of Gniewkowo. Under Louis's rule he returned to Poland from a foreign monastery and wanted to reclaim his goods and power and maybe even advance his claims for the Polish crown. In the end, Louis of Hungary paid him for the withdrawal of his claims to the Duchy of Gniewkowo -Ioannis deCzarnkow, Chronicon, 654-663, 689; Józef Śliwiński, Władysław Biały (1327/1333 - 1388). Ostatni książę kujawski. Największy podróżnik spośród Piastów [Właysław the White. The Last Duke of Kujawy. The Greatest Traveller Among the Piasts] (Kraków, 2011). 58 Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 680; Sperka, Władysław książę opolski, 127-131; Id., "Rządy namiestnicze Władysława Opolczyka w Królestwie Polskim (1377/1378)" [Vladislaus II of Opole's Rule in the Kingdom of Poland (1377/1378)], in Mieszczanie, wasale, zakonnicy. Gdańskie studia z dziejów średniowiecza 10, ed. B.KDW 3 no. 1709. There were the most important castles among the twenty-four mentioned in the document: Kraków, Sandomierz, Wiślica, Biecz, Nowy Sącz, Wojnicz, Zawichost, Lublin, Sieciechów, Łuków, Radom, Łęczyca, Sieradz, Piotrków, Kruszwica, Brześć Kujawski, Włocławek, Poznań, Kalisz, Pyzdry, Miedzyrzecz, Zbąszyń, Nakło, Konin. office of capitaneus and as potential landlords was dictated by fears of losing control over the lands administered by such officials or burgraves. It probably resulted from the cur- rent events. When Louis became the king of Poland, he passed a number of castles and surrounding lands to Vladis- laus II of Opole; the lands bordered on the provinces of Kra- ków, Sieradz and Wieluń. 55 Four years earlier, in 1370, the dignitaries were unable to express their opinions on the be- stowal of honours to Casimir, the prince of Słupsk, and Vladislaus II of Opole; furthermore, they did not take a stance on the separation of Ruthenia from the Kingdom of Poland. 56 However, Louis's actions combined with the expe- riences of the adventurous policy of prince Władysław the 55 Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronica Polonorum, p. 645. These were Wieluń, Bolesławiec, Brzeźnica, Krzepice, Olsztyn and Bobolice -Sperka, Otoczenie Władysława Opolczyka, 65; Jacek Laberschek, "Zasięg i charakterystyka rządów Władysława Opolczyka w północno-zachodniej części ziemi Krakówskiej 1370-1391" [The Range and Character of Vladislaus of Opole's Rule in the North-western Part of Kraków Lands 1370-1391], Rocznik Muzeum Okręgowego w Częstochowie, Historia 1 (1985) 10-12. 56 Jerzy Sperka, Władysław książę opolski, wieluński, kujawski, dobrzyński, pan Rusi, palatyn Węgier i namiestnik Polski [Vladislaus II of Opole, the Duke of Opole, Wieluń, Dobrzyń and Kujawy, the Governor of the Kingdom of Ruthenia, Count Palatine of Hungary and Poland] (Kraków, 2012) 104 believes that "None of the Polish dignitaries would ever think that Ruthenia would be separated from Poland". This is just an unfounded assumption. According to a more convincing interpretation, Poles expected to be bestowed by the new Duke of Ruthenia; and Jan Kmita received a huge estate -Katalog dokumentów pergaminowych ze White, had to find their reflection in the political imagination of the elites. 57 In spite of the decreasing Angevin power in the Kingdom of Poland, Louis had initiative until his death; sometimes he allowed himself to disrespect the regulations from the Koszyce treaty. In 1378, after depriving Vladislaus of Ruthenia, Louis enfeoffed him with Polish lands of Do- brzyń, Gniewkowo and a castle in Bydgoszcz. The king tried to appoint Vladislaus of Opole to the position of viceroy in 1377-1378. 58 According to Śliwiński (Malbork, 2004) 245-265. 59 Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 681. The words of the chronicler, commenting on the political reality of Louis's times, are very meaningful: "Tempore enim istius regis iste pessimus et iuri canonico cnotrarius inolevit, quod clerus ambitiosus non solum super beneficiis ecclesiasticis vacaturis, ad praesentationem domini regis spectantibus, sed etiam super episcopatibus recipiebat minus dicrete litteras. Et hoc modo laici nobiles super dignitatibus temporalium similiter litteras impetrabant, propter quod jurgia et displicentiae tam un clero, quam inter nobiles saepius insurgebant." -Ionanis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 711. 61 The nomination of four vicars of the kingdom can be interpreted in this way. In 1381: Dobiesław of Kurozwęk, Sędziwój of Szubim and Jan Radlica and Domarat of Pierzchno, who were supervised by Zawisza of Kurozwęk -Dąbrowski, Ostatnie lata, 327-328 Polish and Hungarian Economic Relations in the Middle Ages (from the Second Half of the 13 th Century to the End of the 14 th Century) The history of relations between Poland and Hungary in the Middle Ages has prompted the interest of historians for a long time, the result of which were monographs and minor academic works, the authors of which have researched political, social or cultural dimension of these relations. 1 Economic issues have never seen a separate and independent When analysing economic issues of the Middle Ages, it is particularly difficult to determine a precise and undisputable timeframe. The accepted time span, the second half of in the Light of New Documents], Studia Historyczne 38 (1995); Id., Książę Władysław Opolczyk na Węgrzech. Studium z dziejów stosunków polsko-węgierskich w XIV wieku [Duke Vladislaus II of Opole in Hungary. Studies on the History of Relations between Poland and Hungary in the 14 th century] (Kraków, 1996); Id., Polacy na Węgrzech za panowania Zygmunta Luksemburskiego 1387-1437 [The Poles in Hungary during the Reign of Sigismund of Luxembourg 1387-1437] (Kraków, 2001); Id., Wokół kontaktów dawnych ziem węgierskich z Polską w średniowieczu. Szkice [Around the Relations of Historical Areas of Hungary with Poland in the Middle Ages. Essays] (Kraków, 2001); Id., Średniowieczny Bardiów i jego kontakty z Małopolską [Medieval Bardejov and its Relations with Lesser Poland] (Kraków, 2010); The source edition: Dokumenty polskie z archiwów dawnego Królestwa Węgier [Polish Documents from the Archives of the Former Kingdom of Hungary], vol.1 Polish scholarship on this subject is very extensive. Amongst researchers working on the relationships between Poland and Hungary in the Middle Ages could be mentioned, i.e.: Jan Dąbrowski ("Kraków a Węgry w wiekach średnich" [Cracow and Hungary in the Middle Ages], Rocznik Krakowski 13 (1911); Id., "Z czasów Łokietka. Studia nad stosunkami polsko-węgierskimi w XIV w." część 1 [From the Times of Władysław the Elbow-high. Studies on Relations between Poland and Hungary in the 14 th Century, part 1], Rozprawy Akademii Umiejętności. Wydział Histor- yczno-Filozoficzny 59 (1916); Id., "Polityka andegaweńska Kazimi-erza Wielkiego" [The Angevin Politics of Casimir the Great], Kwartalnik His- toryczny 36 (1922); Id., "Elżbieta Łokietkówna 1305-1380" [Elizabeth of Poland 1305-1380], Rozprawy Akademii Umiejętności. Wydział Histor- yczno-Filozoficzny 57 (1914) (reprint: Kraków, 2007); Id., Ostatnie lata Ludwika Wielkiego 1370-1382 [The Last Years of Louis the Great 1370- 1382], (Kraków, 1918, reprint: Kraków, 2009). Today one of the most re- nowned historians speaking on the subject of various relations linking medieval Poland and Hungary is Stanisław A. Sroka (i.e.: Z dziejów stosunków polsko-węgierskich w późnym średniowieczu. Szkice [History of Polish-Hungarian Relations in the Late Middle Ages. Essays] (Kraków, 1995); Id., "Kontakty Władysława Łokietka z Węgrami w świetle nowych dokumentów" [Contacts of Władysław the Elbow-high with Hungarians dissertation in Polish historiography. In the meantime, simi- larities in the development of economy in the areas of Cen- tral Europe in the Middle Ages (the importance of mineral resources and developing industries associated with them or trading of these resources) as well as the mutual complemen- tarity in terms of the economy of countries in that region meant that "the repeatedly undertaken in the 13 th , 14 th and 15 th century attempts to a partial unification of the territories discussed here had their economic foundations precisely in the mentioned interdependencies". 2 Tracing economic corre- lations can therefore contribute to a fuller understanding of the political dimension of relations between Poland and Hungary. ). 2 Marian Małowist, Wschód a Zachód Europy w XIII-XVI wieku. Konfrontacja struktur społeczno-gospodarczych [East and West of Europe in the 13 th -16 th Century. Confronting Socio-Economic Structures], (Warszawa, 2006) 149. Jerzy Wyrozumski, "Przemiany w organizacji wytwórczości tekstylnej do schyłku XIII wieku" [Changes in the Organisation of Textile Manufacturing to the End of the 13 th Century], in Zarys historii włókiennictwa na ziemiach polskich do końca XVIII wieku [An Outline of the History of Textile Industry in the Polish Lands to the End of the 18 th Century], ed. J. Kamińska -I. Turnau, (Wrocław, 1966) 54. Marian Dygo, "Wschód i Zachód: gospodarka Europy w XIV-XV wieku" [East and West: Economy of Europe in the 14 th -15 th Century], in Ziemie polskie wobec Zachodu. Studia nad rozwojem średniowiecznej Europy, ed. S. Gawlas (Warszawa, 2006) 168-170, 179-180. Jan Ptaśnik, "Dzieje handlu i kupiectwa krakowskiego" [History of Cracow's Trade and Commerce], Rocznik Krakowski 14 (1910) 5; Maria Dembińska, Konsumpcja żywnościowa w Polsce średniowiecznej [Food Consumption in Medieval Poland] (Wrocław, 1963) 135; Dygo, Wschód i Zachód, 165. Anna Rutkowska-Płachcińska, Sądeczyzna w XIII i XIV wieku. Przemiany gospodarcze i społeczne [Region of Sącz in the 13 th and 14 th Century. Economic and Social Transformations] (Wrocław 1961) 15.57 Stanisław Zachorowski, "Węgierskie i polskie osadnictwo Spiżu do połowy XIV wieku" [Hungarian and Polish Settlement of Spiš until mid- 14 th Century], Rozprawy Akademii Umiejętności. Wydział Historyczno- Filozoficzny 52 (1909) 278. 58 Václav Chaloupecký, Staré Slovensko [Historical Slovakia] (Bratislava, 1932) 280-282. , Wielka reforma monetarna XIII-XIV w. [Great Monetary Reform in 13 th -14 th Century] (Warszawa, 1969). 82 Borys Paszkiewicz, "Reforma monetarna króla Wacława II w Polsce" [Monetary Reform of King Wenceslaus II in Poland], Wiadomości Numizmatyczne 45 (2001) 23-33. 83 Borys Paszkiewicz, "Mennictwo Władysława Łokietka" [Coinage of Władysław the Elbow-high], Wiadomości Numizmatyczne 30 (1986) 84. 84 Borys Paszkiewicz, "Kraków, Sandomierz i mennictwo Władysława Łokietka" [Cracow, Sandomierz and the Coinage of Władysław the Elbow-high], in Miasta, ludzie, instytucje, znaki. Księga jubileuszowa ofiarowana profesor Bożenie Wyrozumskiej z okazji 75. rocznicy urodzin [Towns, People, Institutions, Signs. A Jubilee Volume Dedicated to Professor Bożena Wyrozumska on the Occasion of Her 75 th Birthday], ed. Z. Piech (Kraków, 2008) 773-774. According to the information of Sigismund's voluntary chronicler, Eberhard Windecke, before the battle of Grunwald the order had already sent 40 000 Florins to Sigismund for the expected military help. Eberhard Windecke emlékirata Zsigmond királyról és koráról [Eberhard Windecke's Memoirs about King Sigismund and his Age], trans. Renáta Skorka (Budapest, 2008) 32. 13 Péter E. Kovács, "Zsigmond isztriai hadjárata" [Sigismund's Military Campaign in Istria], in A hadtáp volt maga a fegyver: Tanulmányok a középkori hadszervezet és katonai logisztika kérdéseiről, ed. L. Pósán -L.Veszprémy (Budapest, 2013) 230-231. 14 Ottokar Israel, Das Verhaltnis des Hochmeisters des Deutschen Ordens zum Reich im 262-263; Zenon Hubert Nowak, Międzynarodowe procesy polubowne jako narzędzie polityki Zygmunta Luksemburskiego w północnej i środkowowschodniej Europie, 1412-1424 [International Arbitration as a Political Tool for Sigismund of Luxemburg in Northern and East-Central Europe 1412-1424] (Torun, 1981) 25. "[…] pro debitis dominorum cruciferorum de Prussia, utpote pro tot milibus florenorum auri quibus idem domini cruciferi serenissimo principi domino Wladislao regi Poloniae fratri nostro carissimo secundum formam pactorum et conventionum inter ipsos novissimo factarum obligari et teneri dinoscuntur, castrum nostrum regale Sepesvar nuncupatum cum villis et tributis ad idem castrum nostrum spectantibus, item XXIIII civitates terre nostre Scepusiensis videlicet Lewtze, Kesmark… eidem domino Wladislao regi Polonie fratri nostro carissimo eiusque successori sive regno Polonie... pro pignore seu titulo pignoratitio posuimus tradidimus et assignavimus […]" -DF 287745, image 55, 293r; ZSO III. 2565; Mályusz, Kaiser Sigismund, 107. "[...] plenam et liberam expressam ac omnimodam facultatem cum praefato domino Wladislao rege de et super circumstanciis et conditionibus impignorationis et obligationis huiusmodi et earum occasione quoscumque tractatus placita contractus et convenciones tractandi iniendi acceptandi faciendi firmandi concludendi." -DF 287745, image 14, 283r. 31 "Convencione supra fluvium Bug pro die sancti Michaelis tenta expedita Wladislaus Polonie rex in Medikam processit. Quo illic diebus quindecim comorante Sigismund Romanorum et Hungarie regis legati, videlicet Ioannes Strigoniensis archiepiscopus et Michael Kochmeister Nove Marchie advocatus in die sancte Hedvigis ad suam serenitatem perveniunt." -Jan Długosz, Joannis Dlugossii Annales seu Cronicae incliti Regni Poloniae, liber decimus et undecimus 1406-1412, ed. C. és II. Ulászló lengyel király," 346; Pál Engel, "Zsigmond bárói: Rövid életrajzok" [Sigismund's Barons: Short Biographies], in Művészet Zsigmond király korában 1387-1437 [Art at the time of King Sigismund 1387-1437], ed. L. Beke -E. Marosi -T. Wehli (Budapest, 1987) 424-425. 33 ZSO III. 2695. 34 Presumably, he was first sent to the Turkish dukes of Asia Minor, then to Süleyman Çelebi, the son of Sultan Bayezid I. Engel, "Zsigmond bárói," 438; Mályusz, Kaiser Sigismund, 101-102. 35 Pál Engel, Királyi hatalom és arisztokrácia viszonya a Zsigmond korban (1387-1437) [The Relationship of Royal Power and Aristocracy in the Sigismund Era (1387-1437)] (Budapest, 1977) 132-133. 36 Pál Engel, Magyarország világi archontológiája 1301-1457 [The Secular Archontology of Hungary 1301-1457], vol. 1 (Budapest, 1996) 197. 37 See footnote 31. It is, therefore, more reasonable to believe that Medyka in Poland was the place where the Hungarian delegation reached common terms with the Polish king concerning the Spiš, contrary to earlier claims of historians suggesting that this happened in Stará Ľubovňa or Niedzica. For example, according to Frigyes Sváby, Sigismund convinced Wladislav II about the pledging in Stará Ľubovňa where they met after the Poles had already handed over the money. Sváby, A Lengyelországnak elzálogosított, 65. Michal Suchý was of the same opinion. Michael Suchý, "Spisske mesta v polskom zalohu" [The Towns of the Spiš Region in the Polish Pledge], in Spisske mesta v stredoveku, ed. R. Marsina (Košice, 1974) 57. I would like to thank Stanislav Bárta for helping me interpret the text. terms of the pledging. Once the agreement was concluded, the delegation led by Archbishop Kanizsai, lavished with gifts from Wladislav II, travelled back to Hungary. 38 At that time, Sigismund was preparing to participate personally in the military campaign against Venice. The archbishop of Esztergom and his company met Sigismund at Zagreb, European context of the late 1450s. In 1457 only seventeen years old king of Hungary and Bohemia Ladislaus IV, called Posthumous, died. In the beginning of the following year in both kingdoms were elected as new rulers two magnates from domestic nobility (Matthias Corvinus and George of Poděbrady).2 It happened regardless of hereditary rights of relatives of Ladislaus the Posthumous. His blood relatives were Saxon and Thuringian duke William, called brave, from the House of Wettin and king of Poland Casimir IV who had married Posthumous´ sisters Elizabeth and Anne and therefore could have claims to the thrones. However William didn´t aspire for Hungarian throne, his interest was focused mainly on acquisition of the Bohemian crown 3 and 2 Czech historian Jaroslav Boubín analyses joint marks of the accessions to the thrones of so called "national kings" in the middle of the 15 th century (on examples of George of Poděbrady, Matthias Corvinus and Swedish ruler Karl VIII Knutsson). Jaroslav Boubín, Česká "národní" monarchie : K domácim zdrojům a evropskému kontextu království Jiřího z Poděbrad [Czech "National" Monarchy : For Domestic Sources and European Context of the Kingdom of George of Poděbrady] (Praha, 1992) 65-83.3 He claimed for Bohemian throne already in November 1457 and in the following two years he tried to find the support for his candidacy.However, in spring of 1458 at the diet in Prague George of Poděbrady was elected as a new king. Václav Vladivoj Tomek, Dějepis města Prahy [History of the City Prague] vol. VI (Praha, 1906) 273-277. Later in 1459 at council in Cheb William renounced his hereditary rights to the Bohemian also Casimir IV was involved in the case of Hungarian succession only in minimal way. 4 Another potential successor was Holy Roman emperor Frederick III from the House of Habsburg who possessed crown of Saint Stephen at that time. 5 Nevertheless, also he, like other rulers from abroad, throne in the name of his spouse and his offsprings. In this issue he signed treaties with George of Poděbrady, which comprised also dynastic weddings between both royal courts. (Marriages were realised in 1464 and 1471). Antonín Haas, Archiv koruny české vol. VI : Katalog listin z let 1438-1526 [Archive of the Bohemian Crown, vol. VI : Catalogue of Charters and Letters from Years 1438-1526] (Praha, 1958) 64-65, no. 88; Petr Čornej -Milena Bartlová, Velké dějiny zemí koruny české [Great History of the Lands of the Bohemian crown] vol. VI. 1437-1526 (Praha -Litomyšl, 2007) 168-170. 4 The effort of Jagiellon stayed only in declarative form, Polish chronicler John Długosz stated that Casimir IV had send his envoys to both kingdoms, who expressed his claims to these thrones. Jan Długosz, Roczniki czyli Kroniki sławnego Królestwa Polskiego : Ksiega 12 (1445-1461), ed. Krzysztof Baczkowski et al. [Annals and chronicles of famous kingdom of Poland: Book 12 (1445-1461)] (Warszawa, 2004) 333. Polish deputy at the election diet in Prague is mentioned in other sources. Frederick G. Heymann, George of Bohemia : King of heretics (Princeton-New Jersey, 1965) 158. Tomek, Dějepis města VI, 275. However, the participation of Casimir´s delegate at Hungarian election council is not reflected in another texts. 5 Frederick acquired the crown in 1440 when it was put in pledge by Hungarian queen Elisabeth, widow of Albert Habsburg and mother of Ladislaus the Posthumous. Brigitte Haller, "Kaiser Friedrich und die Stephanskrone", Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs 26 (1973) 100-103; Peter Kartous, "Habsbursko-Jagelovské dvojvládie v Uhorsku v rokoch 1440-1444 : Začiatky Jiskrovej vojenskej činnosti na území Slovenska" [Habsburg-Jagiellonian Dual Rule in Hungary in 1440-1444 : The Beginnings of Jiskra´s Military Activity in the Territory of Slovakia], Historické štúdie 24 (1980) 231; Josef Deér, Die heilige Krone Ungarns (Wien, 1966) 240.Tomáš Homoľa Slovak Academy of Sciences Polish-Hungarian Rivalry for the Bohe- mian Crown in the 1460s * Linkage of mutual relations of Hungarian and Polish king- doms resulted from their location -they had joint boundary that was created mainly by Carpathian mountain range. Kingdom of Hungary and Kingdom of Poland were for two short periods united into the personal union under the rule of Angevin (1370-1382) and Jagiellonian (1440-1444) rulers. Contacts of both countries had changeable character, they re- sulted from different interests of kings, naturally rivalry be- tween these two monarchies prevailed. Over the period of rule of Hungarian king Sigismund of Luxemburg and Polish ruler Wladislaus II Jagiello it was reflected in occasional mil- itary clashes between these two powers. 1 During the second half of 15 th century the rivalry was expressed mainly in dy- nastic and territorial claims that affected mutual relations of both monarchies during the rule of Matthias Corvinus * This study was published within the project VEGA 2/0109/14: Komuni- kácia a spôsoby šírenia informácií v stredoveku. 1 For example unsuccessful military expedition of Sigismund´s army into Polish border territory in October 1410, which was led by the Hungarian nobleman (of Polish origin) Stibor of Stiborice. Krzysztof Baczkowski, Dzieje Polski późnośredniowiecznej 1370-1506 [History of Poland in the late Middle Ages (1370-1506)] (Kraków, 1999) 98-99; Daniela Dvořáková, Rytier a jeho kráľ : Stibor zo Stiboríc a Žigmund Luxemburský [The Knight and his King : Stibor of Stiborice and Sigismund of Luxemburg] (Budmerice, 2003) 286-288. (1458-1490) and Casimir IV (1447 -1492). In this study I want to deal with mutual relations of both mentioned kings before they gradually escalated into the military conflict in Bohe- mian kingdom. My objective is to focus on basis and causes of their bilateral contention in reference to Bohemian king- dom. Rivalry between Matthias and Casimir resulted from cen- tral 250-251. Some historians treat the Habsburg quarrel about Austrian lands as a main reason of Frederick´s passivity relating the question of succession in kingdom of Bohemia and Hungary. András Kubinyi, Matthias rex (Budapest, 2008) 33-34; Heymann, George of Bohemia, 154. Some authors consider as a main factor emperor´s lethargy and reluctancy for handling the issues concerning with aspirations for both thrones. Tomek, Dějepis města VI, 272; František Palacký, Dějiny národu českého vol. IV : Kniha 14-15 [History of the Czech nation, vol. IV: Book 14-15] (Praha, 1968) 301. 7 Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1445-1461) 334. 8 Emissaries stressed the demands of Casimir and his sons for both kingdoms -as it is mentioned by John Długosz, contemporary of Casimir IV. Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1445-1461) 333. Polish claim, originated from the dynastic connection of House of Habsburg and Jagiellon, is written also by Wrocław chronicler Peter Eschenloer. Peter Eschenloer, Geschichte der Stadt Breslau vol. I, ed. G. Roth (Münster -New York -München -Berlin, 2003) 206. 334. 12 Whereas emperor hadn´t made notable efforts in order to acquire Hungarian throne in 1458, situation changed in the following year. In February 1459 a part of Hungarian noblemen who supported Habsburg succession in Hungary, led by palatine Ladislaus de Gara, elected Frederick III as a new king of Hungary in the border city of Güssing. Karl Nehring, Matthias Corvinus, Kaiser Friedrich III. und das Reich: Zum hunyadisch-habsburgischen Gegensatz in Donauraum (München, 1989) 15; Kubinyi, Matthias rex, 63. From that time, conflict between Matthias and Frederick began and lasted until 1463 when peace treaty of Sopron / Wiener Neustadt was signed. a 208-210; Janusz Smolucha, Polityka kurii Rzymskiej za pontyfikatu Piusa II. (1458-1464) wobec Czech i krajów sąsiednich : Z dziejów dyplomacji papieskiej w XV wieku [The Policy of the Holy See during the Pontificate of Pius II (1458-1464). Regarding Bohemia and the Neighbouring Countries: From History of Papal Diplomacy in the 15 th Century] (Kraków, 2008) 227-229.17 It was a question of creating Polish-Bohemian-Hungarian personal union under the rule of Jagiellonians. Čornej. -Bartlová. Velké dějiny VI, 37, 52-53 (For whole course of events see pages. 967-979. 19 For the relations of Papal state and Bohemian kingdom at this time: Smolucha, Polityka kurii Rzymskiej, passim. Ludwig Pastor, The history of the popes, from the close of the Middle Ages, vol. IV (St. Louis, 1913) 119-145. 20 For more information about so called Panská / Zelenohorská jednota: Josef Macek, Jiří z Poděbrad [George of Poděbrady] (Praha, 1967) 170-180.king Albert. After sudden death of the only Albert´s son Ladislaus the Posthumous in 1457 Elizabeth acquired legitimate claim on vacant thrones in Bohemian and Hungarian kingdoms. Hereditary rights of the Polish king weren´t questioned, on the contrary Pius II considered him as a potential successor of George of Poděbrady already after the abolition of the Compactata of Basel. 21 In 1463 during negotiation with envoy of Wrocław John Weinrich he mentioned the possibility of Casimir´s assuming power in Bohemia.22 Weinrich described in detail his discussion with the pope, in which Pius II was asking for his advice in the question of potential candidates for assuming power in Bohemian kingdom. Pius II added that in the case of deposition of George: "we must have someone else, who would take the duty upon. How do you like the king of Poland, in case he will be so strong and should rule the country?"23 Weinrich reminded him the activities of Jagiellon in Prussia that hamper the solution of "Bohemian heresy". The pope was aware of Casimir´s problems with waging war with Teutonic order (which lasted from 1453), however he would like to see the king of Poland as the implementer of his intentions. Pius´ aim was welcomed mainly by the city of Wrocław that had been rejecting George of Poděbrady from 21 About Basel compacts see František Šmahel, "Basilejská kompaktáta, jejich zpísemnění a ratifikace" [The Compactata of Basel : Their Drafting and Ratification], Studia mediaevalia Bohemica 1 (2009) 187-229.22 Hermann Markgraf (ed.), Politische Correspondenz Breslaus im Zeitalter Georgs von Podiebrad, vol. II. 1463-1469. SRS IX, 6-9, no. 185. 23 Markgraf, SRS IX, 7, no. 185; Zdeněk Tobolka, "Styky krále českého Jiřího z Poděbrad s polským králem Kazimírem" [The Relations of Bohemian King George of Poděbrady with Casimir, King of Poland], Časopis Matice moravské 22 (1898) 165-166. Representatives of rebels, Polish and Bohemian king took part at the diet. While deputies of Bohemian catholic nobility confirmed themselves in searching for new king and allies against George, objective of Polish envoys consisted mainly in position of arbitrators of truce between the Bohemian ruler and his domestic opposition. With this assignment, Polish deputies Stanislaus of Ostroróg, Jacob of Dębno and John Długosz negotiated with the Bohemian king Written Bohemian and Moravian Records] ed. František Palack, vol. 4 (Praha, 1846) 147-153, no. 36-37. 43 Possibly Šternberk exaggerates the amount of Polish support, some auxiliary troops are not excluded from the side of Jagiellon though. Josef Kalousek (ed.), Archiv český čili staré písemné památky české i moravské [Bohemian Archive thus Old Written Bohemian and Moravian Records] vol. 7 (Praha, 1887) 279, no. 131. Peter Eschenloer. Geschichte der Stadt Breslau vol. II, ed. G. Roth (Münster -New York -München -Berlin, 2003) 710. 54 Antonín Kalous. "Služba Boskovických u Matyáše Korvína" [The House of Boskovice in Service of Matthias Corvinus], Acta Universitatis Palackianae Olomucensis Historica 33 (2007) 88-89.55 František Palacký (ed.), "Urkundliche Beiträge zur Geschichte Böhmnes und seiner Nachbarländer im Zeitalter Georg´s von Podiebrad (1450-1471)", in Fontes rerum Austriacarum II/20 (Wien, 1860) 523, no. 440. 741; Miriam Hlavačková, Juraj zo Schӧnbergu : Bratislavský prepošt v službách cisára a kráľa [George of Schönberg: Provost in the Services of the Emperor and the King] (Bratislava, 2015) 168-169; Pastor, The history IV, 83-84. Frederick III also subsidized Corvinus´ campaign to Bohemian kingdom. Hlavačková, Juraj zo Schӧnbergu, 164. 57 It is a statement of contemporary chroniclers. Eschenloer, Geschichte der Stadt II, 721. Matthias planned double wedding -his with Hedwig and a marriage of Maximilian, son of roman emperor, with younger Casimir´s daughter Sofia. Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1462-1480) 219-220. Similar statements in literature. Nehring, Matthias Corvinus, 31. Heymann, George of Bohemia, 514-516; Kalous, Matyáš Korvín, 131-132. 59 Nehring, Matthias Corvinus, 37. 60 Constantin Höfler. Das kaiserliche Buch des Markgrafen Albrecht Achilles: Vorkurfürstliche periode 1440-1470, (Bayreuth, 1850) 203-204, no. 102. Długosz also mentiones potential marriage of Matthias Corvinus with Casimir´s daughter. Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1462-1480) 248. Clement of Túrony.Possibilities of a canon of southernBaranya in the late Middle Ages * Between 1475 and 1477 Matthias Corvinus donated both the provostships originally founded by Premonstratensians, and the provostries of Csút/Csőt and Zsámbék, located in Diocese of Veszprém, to the Paulines at the request of the Order of Saint Paul. 1 In 1477 and 1479 Pope Sixtus IV entrusted a doctor of canon law, certain Clement of Túrony, with the procedure in the case of the above-mentioned bodies, probably as a judge delegate. 2 The same person in 23 December 1479 sent in a petition to the Holy Father, in order to the confirmation of his dignity of Felsőörs's provost, that he had been bestowed by the King. 3 I noticed the previously mentioned Clement during my research about the provostry of Arad, and then I saw his * Research for this paper was supported by "NTP-EFÖ-P-15". Supported by the ÚNKP-16-2-II. 9. New National Excellence Program of the Ministry of Human Capacities. I am grateful to Tamás Fedeles and Gábor Barabás for the correction of the text. 1 Beatrix Romhányi, Kolostorok, és társaskáptalanok a középkori Magyarországon [Monasteries and Collegial Chapters in Medieval Hungary], (Budapest, 2000). 2 Vince Bedy: A felsőörsi prépostság története [History of the Provostry of Felsőörs], (Veszprém, 1934) 56. 3 Endre Veress, Olasz egyetemeken járt magyarországi tanulók anyakönyve es iratai 1221-1864 [The Register and other Writings of Hungarian Students on Italian Universities 1221-1864], (Budapest, 1941) 413.20 Fedeles, "A pécsi székeskáptalan", 459. table number 28.Denomination of the scope of activities, function and bene- fices Period Notary of Holy See / notary 18 December 1446 -19 Au- gust 1448. Canon of Esztergom 6 August 1457 - † 30 July 1501. Archdeacon of Nógrád / com- mendator 20 April 1460 - † 30 July 1501. Director of the altar of Saint Mar- garet Before 29 Septem- ber 1459 - † 30 July 1501. Canon of Pécs 22. May 1460 - 17 July 1466. Titled Bishop of Milkovia, suffra- gan of Esztergom 12 June 1468 - †30 July 1501. Vicar of Esztergom 8 May 1471 - 11 April 1483. Provost of Esztergom-Szentgyör- gymező 16 April -29 November 1474. "Gratulor enim ego [Giordano Orsini], ut mecum gratulari debet universa christianitas, que in terris illis et propugnaculis fidei nowm pugilem videt sibi a domino missum esse, ut cum ipsum eo facientes, qui docueritis ambulare per vias eius et vos in regalibus virtutibus imitare, remaneat heres vester et propagator nominis christiani et alter devotissimus filius ecclesie dei, velud ymago quedam vestre regie magestatis" -CESDQ 2, 180. no. 142. 9 . Ignacy Zarębski, Stosunki Eneasza Sylwiusza z Polską i Polakami [The Relations of Enea Silvio Piccolomini with Poland and the Poles], Rozprawy Akademii Umiejętności. Wydział Historyczno-Filozoficzny, Seria II vol. Both diplomats call Hungary clipeus Christianitatis -Piccolomini extended Schlick's original letter with the epithet murus [...] fidei Catholice -, which could not only withstand the Ottomans, inimicis Christi et fidei nostre catholice emulis, but also expel them from Europe.33 Representative for the humanistic interest in Władysław's Turkish crusades, Francesco Filelfo, the court poet of the Duke of Milan Filippo Maria Visconti, wrote an open letter to Władysław at the beginning of November 1444 (i. e. shortly before the battle of Varna), praising him with a panegyric: Te regum sydus appellat, te Christianae Reipublicae propugnaculum nominat, te Christi vocat et cultorem et lumen.38 "[…] sed militiae decus praeponens saluti et gloriosam mortem vitae opprobio […]" -ibid. 61 "Iohannes de Huniad hostium multitudine et paucitate regii exercitus deterritus, in fugam effusus, omnem Hungarorum exercitum suo exemplo secum traxit. […] Asserunt et nonnulli disciplinae militaris periti, qui bello huiusmodi interfuerunt, Wladislaum Regem cladi, quae successerat, occasionem propterea, quod in pugnae principio Turcos fugientes et devictos longius prosequebatur, praebuisse: si enim modum in prosequendo hoste tenuisset, referre triumphum et praesentis certaminis gloriam, et summam belli perficere, haud incertum erat; poterat tamen pugna restitui, poterat Turcos vinci et propelli, si Iohannes de Huniad et Hungarorum cohors exemplum suum secuta, pronior ad bonam spem quam ad fugam fuisset" -ibid., 725-727. Рудольф Урбанек, Гуситское военное искусство и Европа [Rudolf, Urbanek, The Hussite Military Arts and Europe] (Praha, 1946) 18. 32 Василь Доманицький, Козаччина на переломі XVI-XVII ст. [Vasyl, Domanyckyj, The Cossack Time at the Turn of XVI-XVII Centuries], Зап. Наук. т-ва ім. Шевченка (1964) 49. Adolf Pawiński, Jana Ostroroga Żywot i pismo o Naprawie Rzeczypospolitej [Jan Ostroroga, Life and the Letter of the Remediation for the Rzeczpospolita] (Warszawa, 1884) 22. 37 Pawel Kras, Inkwizycja papieska w walce z husytyzmem na ziemiach polskich, Polskie echa husytyzmu, Materiały z konferencji naukowej Kłodzko, 27-28.09. 1996 [The Papal Inquisition on Fighting Hussitism in the Polish Lands, Polish Echoes of the Hussitism. Materials from the Conference Kłodzko, . [The Hussite Concept of Slavonic and Czech-Polish Reciprocity, Polish Echoes of the Hussitism. Materials from the Conference Kłodzko, 27-28. 09. 1996] (Warszawa, 1999) 11. 39 Jaroslav Goll, Jednota bratrská w XV. Století, Česky Časopis Historycky [The Brotherly Union in the XV th Century, Czech History Magazine] (Praha, 1916) 153. Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon III, 31. See Epistola Brunonis ad Heinricum Regem and Vita Quinque Fratrum Eremitarum [seu] Vita et Passio Benedicti et Johannis et sociorumque suorum auctore Brunone Querfurtensi ed. Jadwiga Karwasińska, in: MPHSN IV, part3 (Warszawa, 1973) The exception was St Adalbert for political reasons, run by i.e. Gerard Labuda, Świety Wojciech. Biskup -Męczennik. Patron Polski, Czech i Węgier [St Adalbert. The Bishop -Martyr. Patron of Poland, Bohemia and Hungary] (Wrocław, 2000). 3 Monica Chiellini Nari, "Cathedra", in Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages, ed. A. Vauchez -B. Dobson -M. Lapidge (Cambridge, 2000) 257-258. And particularly with quoted written sources Jan Frederik Niermeyer, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus. Abbreviariones at index fontum (Leiden -New York -Köln, 1997) 158. I. e. Béla Zsolt Szakács, "Western Complex of Hungarian Churches of the Early Eleventh Century", Hortus Arte Medievale 3 (1997) 149-163. Aneta Bukowska, "Katedra w Płocku -romańska czy renesansowa?" [Cathedral in Płock -Romanesque or Renaissance?], in Żeby wiedzieć. Studia dedykowane Helenie Małkiewiczównie, ed. W. Walanus -M. Walczak -J. Wolańska (Kraków, 2008) 15-24. Gergely Buzás, "A kalocsai érseksír azonosítása" [Identification of the Archbishop's Grave of Kalocsa], Archeologia -Altum Castrum Online (2014) 1-7. Ibid.,[393][394].10 Ibid., 394.11 Ibid., 395. Dariusz Dąbrowski, Rodowód Romanowiczów książąt halickowołyńskich [The Genealogy of the Romanowiczes of the Duchy Galica-Lodomeria] (Poznań -Wrocław, 2002) 23-44. 4 Karol Hollý, "Princess Salomea and Hungarian-Polish Relations in the Period 1214-1241", Historický Časopis 55, Supplement (2007) 10. RPR no. 9304, RGIX no. 1521. Furthermore, it has to be mentioned that before the named mandates about the Polish duchesses, it was only this time that he was contacted from the papal side. See RPR no. 9305, 9349, 9352. 107 RPR no. 9305, RGIX no. 1522. 108 Cf. Barabás, Das Papsttum und, 243-254. 109 "Hinc est, quod te affectionis paterne brachiis amplexantes, peronam tuam cum omnibus bonis tuis, que impresentiarum rationabiliter possides, sub Beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus, et presentis scripti patrocinio conformamus, districtius inhibentes, ut dum pro reverentia Redemptoris contra hereticos perstiteris debellandos, nullus super bonis eisdem te presumat indebite molestare" -CDAC I. 322, RPR no. 9735, RGIX no. 2123. Cf. Fried, Der päpstliche Schutz, 288. 110 See Mór Wertner, Az Árpádok családi története [The Genealogy of the Árpáds] (Nagybecskerek, 1892) 421-424. About the problem of the versions of the name Viola see Barabás, "Viola opolei hercegnő",17,[22][23] Id., "Prinz Koloman und",[14][15][20][21] With the exception of Dariusz Dąbrowski. SeeDąbrowski, "Slovak and Southern",[113][114][115][116] Ryszard Grzesik as well as to Prof. Ernst-Dieter Hehl for their valuable hints. This paper is an amended and translated version of my "Zwei neue Handschriften des sog. Chronicon hungarico-polonicum". Studia Źródłoznawcze 53 (2015) 111-121. Quéret-Podesta, "Vom Ungarn der Árpáden", 77.3 Kronika Węgierska na początku wieku XII; Kronika czeska na początku wieku XI, [The Hungarian Chronicle at the Beginning of the 12 th Century] ed. H. Kownacki (Warszawa 1823); Chronica hungarorum, ed. S. L. Endlicher, Rerum hungaricarum Monumenta Arpadiana (Sangalli 1849) 60-82; Kronika węgiersko-polska [Hungarian-Polish Chronicle], ed. S. Pilat, MPH 1, 495-515. -Vita Sanctorum Stephani regis et Emerici ducis, ed. M. Florianus, Historiae Hungaricae Fontes Domestici, Pars Prima: Scriptores I (Lipsiae 1881) 70-79; Chronicon Hungarico-Polonorum, ed. J. Deér, SRH 2, 299-320. 4 Wojciech Kętrzyński, "O kronice węgiersko-polskiej" (Vita sancti Stephani, regis Ungariae, Ungarico-Polona) [About the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle (Vita sancti Stephani, regis Ungariae, Ungarico-Polona)], For a detailed description see: Wojciech Drelicharz, Annalistyka małopolska XIII-XV wieku. Kierunki rozwoju wielkich roczników kompilowanych [Annalistic in Lesser Poland, 13 th -15 th Century. Development of the Greater Polish Yearbook-Compilations] (Kraków, 2003) 44-56. Grzesik, "Chronicon hungarico polonicum", 348f; Grzesik, Kronika węgiersko-polska. 9 http://www.manuscriptorium.com/apps/main/mns_direct.php?docI d=rec1283761530_44 [Access: 22.03.2016], see Josef Truhlář, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum latinorum, qui in c. r. bibliotheca publica atque Universitatis Pragensis asservantur, t. 2 (Pragae 1906) č. 2419, 276-277; Emma Urbánková, Rukopisy a vzácné tisky pražské Universitní knihovny [Manuscripts and Rare Prints of the Prague University Library] (Praha, 1957) č. 55, 19; Josef Krása, Rukopisy Václava IV [Manuscripts of Wenceslaus IV] (Praha, 1971) 252. See Joseph Klapper, "'Hedwigis electa'. Eine Hedwigsvita aus dem Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts", Archiv für schlesische Kirchengeschichte 19 (1961) 53-61. The Vita as it is presented in Ms. P cuts off in mid-text (in the edition byKlapper 55 [L. 19], to be followed by the Vita Henrici regis Ungarie. It certainly dates from later than 1300. Klapper believes it to originate from the first years of the 14 th century.12 This manuscript has been decisively commented on by Ursula Winter, whose observations shall be given here.Ursula Winter, Kurt Heydeck, Die Manuscripta Magdeburgica der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Part 2: Ms. Magdeb. 76-168, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Kataloge der Handschriftenabteilung, Erste Reihe: Handschriften, Vol. 4, Die Manuscripta Magdeburgica Part 2 (Wiesbaden 2004) esp. 127-137; Ursula Winter, Das Legendarium Magdeburgense in der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin -Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Mss. Magdeb. 26 u. 138.), in Scrinium Berolinense. Tilo Brandis zum 65. Geburtstag Vol. 1., ed. P. J. Becker (Berlin, 2000) 320-327. Fleith, Studien zur Überlieferungsgeschichte, No. 961. I express my thanks to Dr. László Veszprémy for telling me about this manuscript. This version of the name is typical for Hungarian sources, whereas Heinrichus or Hindericus indicate a (North) German author/scribe. Grzesik, "Kronika węgiersko-polska", 103-108; Quéret-Podesta, "The influence", 273-278.18 Kateřina Charvátová, Dějiny cisterckého řádu v Čechách 1142-1420. Kláštery na hranicích a za hranicemi Čech [History of the Cistercian Order in Bohemia 1142-1420. The Monasteries at the Border and Beyond the Borders of Bohemia] (Praha, 2009) 134-136; Joseph Gottschalk, "St. Hedwig und der Zisterzienserorden", Archiv für schlesische Kirchengeschichte 25 (1967) 38-51. On the Hedwig cult in Bohemia see the Joseph Gottschalk, "St. Hedwig, Herzogin von Schlesien", Forschungen und Quellen zur Kirchen-und Kulturgeschichte Ostdeutschlands 2 (Köln 1964) 302-304, an early document in this context is a lectionary from 1316, coming from the Benedictine Monastery of Opatovice [Opatowitz] which, by sending monks to a priory at Wahlstatt and then at Grüssau, was very closely connected to Hedwig and what happened in Silesia. In October, 1357, Bohuslav, Prior of Leitmeritz, a brother of Prague Archbishop Arnestus, Canon of St. Ägidius in Breslau and Chaplain of Emperor Charles IV., donated an altar in honour of Sts. Hedwig and Anna, probably in Andrzej Nowak, Dzieje Polski. Skąd nasz ród (Do 1202) [The History of Poland. Where Do We Come From? (To 1202)] (Kraków, 2014). 2 Andrzej Nowak, "Historia Polski -Historia wolności" [The History of Poland -A History of Freedom], Gazeta Polska 26 (2014) 31. 3 Alessandro Passerin d'Entrèves, The Notion of the State: An Introduction to Political Theory, (London, 1967) 95. 4 See for instance: Benno Teschke, The Myth of 1648: Class, Geopolitics, and the Making of Modern International Relations (London; New York, 2003); or Jeremy Larkins, From Hierarchy to Anarchy: Territory and Politics before Westphalia(New York, 2010). The latter comments: "Ideas of territorial-sovereignty are not universal and fixed but historical and fluid. They are the products of particular, arbitrary, and ever-changing discursive conjunctions of politics and space. Histories of territorial-sovereignty must therefore avoid two temptations: either to write a progressive history in which sovereignterritoriality achieves its telos in modernity, or to assume that absolute Robert H. Jackson, Sovereignty: Evolution of an Idea (Cambridge -Malden, 2007) ix. Zsoldos, Nagy uralkodók, 55. 22 Gyula Kristó, "Die Macht der Territorialherren in Ungarn am Anfang des14. Jahrhunderds", Etudes Historiques Hongroises 1985 vol. 1 (Budapest, 1985 605. Friedrich B. Polleross, "Between Typology and Psychology," Artibus et historiae 24 (1991) 75. 2 For an overview, see Martin Büchsel, "Le portrait au Moyen Âge," Perspective. Actualité en histoire de l'art 2 (2012) 401-406. Götz Pochat, "Zur Genese des Porträts", in Sigismundus rex et imperator. Kunst und Kultur zur Zeit Sigimunds von Luxemburg, ed. I. Takács (Mainz am Rhein, 2006) 137. Pujmanová, "Portraits of kings", 254.30 "Prague, the Crown of Bohemia", cat. no. 98. The following questions are discussed in numerous studies. The most noteworthy include: Stanisław Zajączkowski, "Polska a Wittelsbachowie w pierwszej połowie XIV wieku" [Poland and the Wittelsbachs in the First Half of the 14 th Century], in Prace historyczne w 30-lecie działalności The description of the events 1383-1384 can be found in:Kurtyka, Tęczyńscy. Studium,[199][200][201][202] Jan Dąbrowski, "Kraków a Węgry" [Cracow and Hungary], 190; Henryk Ruciński, Prowincja saska na Spisz do 1412 roku: (na tle przemian społecznych i ustrojych w komitacie spiskim i na obszarach przyległych) [The Saxon Province in Spiš until 1412: (Against the Backdrop of Social and Constitutional Changes in the County of Spiš and Adjacent Areas)] (Białystok 1983) 255-256. Danuta Molenda, "Miasta górnicze Europy środkowo-wschodniej w epoce feudalnej" [Mining Towns of Central and Eastern Europe in the Feudal Era], in Miasta doby feudalnej w Europie środkowo-wschodniej [Towns in the Feudal Times in Central and Eastern Europe], ed. A. Gieysztor -T. Rosłanowski (Warszawa, 1976) 189-216. Pósán, "A Német Lovagrend," 23-24; William L. Urban, Tannenberg and After: Lithuania, Poland, and the Teutonic Order in Search of Immortality (Chicago, 1996) 160-170.9 Urban, Tannenberg and After, 171-172; Pósán, "A Német Lovagrend," 26-27; Id "Zsigmond és a Német Lovagrend," 642. The text of the peace treaty: Erich Weise, Die Staatsverträge des Deutschen Ordens in Preußen im15 Jahrhundert, vol. 1, 1398-1437 (Marienburg, 1970 85-89. The Peace of Toruń is usually presented in Polish historiography as a compromise. Poland benefited financially from the peace treaty -they wanted to crush the Teutonic Order through the indemnity -but had no territorial gain. Zenon Hubert Nowak, "Internationale Schiedsprozesse als ein Werkzeug der Politik König Sigismunds in Ostmittel-und Nordeuropa. 1411-1425," Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 111 (1975) 176. Hartmut Boockmann, Johannes Falkenberg, der Deutsche Orden und die polnische Politik: Untersuchungen zur politischen Theorie des späteren Mittelalters (Göttingen, 1975) 96-99; Pósán, "Zsigmond és a Német Lovagrend," 644. 19 C. Tóth, "Zsigmond magyar és II. Ulászló lengyel király," 343-347. 20 The text of the Peace of Buda: Weise, Die Staatsverträge, 96-99. 21 Ignacy Zakrzewski and Jadwiga Karwaslinska, Lites ac res gestae inter Polonos Ordinemque Cruciferorum, vol.2, 2 nd ed. (Poznań, 1892) 69-70; Wilhelm Altmann, ed. Regesta Imperii XI. Die Urkunden Kaiser Sigmunds "Ioannes itaque archiepiscopus Strigoniensis legacione sua votive perfunctus plurimisque et notabilibus donis per Wladislaum Polonie regem honoratus in Hungariam revertebatur." -Joannis Dlugossii Annales, 211.39 Kovács, "Zsigmond isztriai hadjárata," 232; Pál Engel -Norbert C. Tóth, Itineraria regum et reginarum (1382-1438) (Budapest, 2005) 95.40 Several barons and prelates sealed the charter of the pledging, including the members of the delegation sent to Poland, Emeric and Peter Perényi, and John Kanizsai. DL 9984. The original document is preserved in Kraków, Muzeum Narodowe, Biblioteka Czartoryskich, Perg. nr. 294. I would like to thank to Přemysl Bar for this information.41 The charter of the pledging is silent about Sigismund's plans for the money. DL 9984.42 Mályusz, Kaiser Sigismund, 116; Ivan Chalupecký, "Die Zipser Städte im13-16. Jahrhundert," Historia urbana 5 (1997) 86-87; Kovács, "Zsigmond isztriai hadjárata," 245; Suchý, "Spisske mesta,"57-58. Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1445-1461 341. Jiskra later payed homage also to the emperor as a king of Hungary (10 th March 1461). Joseph Chmel, Długosz, Roczniki 12 (1462-1480 Teleki, Hunyadiak kora XI, passim; Fraknói, MKL I, passim. Norbert C. Tóth: "Az egri káptalan archontológiája 1387-1526" [Archontology of the Chapter of Eger 1387-1526], Turul 88 (2015) 55. I will return to this later in connection with the first mention and the doctoral degree of Clement.12 György Györffy, Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti földrajza I. [The Historical Geography of Hungary in the Arpadian-era],(Budapest, 1987) 397.13 I think it is possible, because in 1475, Clement appeared as decretorum doctor in the sources, his birth cannot be dated so much earlier than the second half of the 1440s, because of the presumable year (1503) of his death Fedeles, "A pécsi székeskáptalan", 312. Ibid., 416. 27 DL 494 74, 1503. 04. 02.: DF 280 286. "Nosque consequenter magna cum instantia summoque desiderio precati sunt, quatenus regni illius, populorumque et dominiorum ejusdem regimen et gubernacula susciperemus, arbitrati. quemadmodum ex ipsorum votis collegimus, id ipsum pro bono et salute horum duorum Hungarie et Polonie regnorum, proque ipsorum et katholice fidei defensione et incremento plurimum expedire" -Ibid., 173. 11 "Ne tamen videremur et divine voluntati contraire, et salutem populi christiani negligere, de consilio prelatorum principum et baronum nostrorum, considerato maxime, qualiter predicta regna, sibi confinancia, et barbaris nationibus finitima, sunt murus et clypeus fidelium, pro honore divini nominis et defensione fidei catholice, si quod forte omnipotens Deus ex unione horum regnorum pro incremento ipsius fidei operari et efficere dignabitur, quod speramus, confisi de misericordia ipsius, desideriis prefatorum dominorum annuimus, nominationi seu electioni ipsorum predicte, de persona nostra facte, consensum prebuimus et harum serie consentimus et annuimus" -Ibid., 173-174. Cf. Lajos Terbe, "Egy európai szállóige életraiza (Magyarország a kereszténység védőbástyája)" "Utque cunctis innotescat, nos ad eam rem non cupiditatis ardore, nec ambitionis amore, sed ea, quam premisimus, animi sinceritate attractos esse, pro bono statu ejusdem regni, conditiones et modos infrascriptos, quos prenominati oratores regni Hungarie predicti, per nos admittere et manutenere ardentius desiderarunt; de mera nostra liberalitate, grato affectu admisimus et tenore praesentium ipsorum integre et inviolabiliter servarae et manutenere pollicemur et spondemus" -CDH VII/3, 174. no. 4. 13 "Item promittimus atque pollicemur, quod regnum predictum Hungarie et subditos ejusdem contra et adversus quoslibet inimicos ejusdem tam Turcos, quam quoslibet alios, ubicunque positos et occurrentes, copiis regni Polonie predicti et dominiorum suorum fideliter juxta posse, tuebimur, sublevabimus, et juvabimus; et reciproco modo ipsi regno Polonie promittimus, regnum ipsum Polonie et cives subditos cum potentiis regni Hungarie contra Tartaros et quoslibet ipsius inimicos pari passu, modo et vicissitudine fideliter tueri et adjuvare." -Ibid., 174-175. Id., "Dzieje Polski późnośredniowiecznej (1370-1506" [History of Late Medieval Poland (1370-1506)], Wielka Historia Polski vol. 3 (Kraków, 1999) 145-150. 17 "Non quod me ad habendum Regnum Hungariae ambitione aliqua flammaverim, cum habeam Regnum nativum, quod cuiuslibet ambitioni sufficiebat; sed ut Regnum vestrum a Turcorum destructione, et catholicam fidem in his oris multipliciter depressam et pene exsanguem, divino suffultus munere et fidelium meorum auxilio, defensarem. […] Veni itaque sola compassione fidei christianae et tum vestrorum tum Elisabeth Reginae nuntiorum, tum Praelatorum et baronum Regni mei Poloniae precibus, persuasionibus et lacrimis victus." -Długosz vol. 4, 638. 18 Ibid., 639. Ibid., 640. 20 "Te omnes nostri Iobagiones suum clamant liberatorem. Tuae itaque Maiestati colla nostra subiicimus, tibi omnem fidem, obedientiam et subiectionem pollicemur". Ibid. 21 Baczkowski, Dzieje Polski późnośredniowiecznej, 153. Both letters, the original one of Kasper Schlick as well as the revised one of Enea Silvio Piccolomini, can be found in ibid., no. 27, 49-55. 33 Kaspar Schlick: "[…] ipsum Hungarie regnum, quod clipeus Christianitatis existis libenter videremus pacatum atque quietum, ut Teucris, inimicis Christi et fidei nostre catholice emulis, nedum resisti, sed ut ipsi pocius e finibus Europe possent cogi […]". Eneas Silvio Piccolomini: "[…] regnum illud Ungharie, quod murus quidam fidei Catholice et Christianitatis est clipeus, libenter pacatum et quietum nostris diebus conspiceremus, ut perfidi Teucri, Christiane fidei hostes, in perniciem nostre religionis assidue crassantes non solum compesci, sed etiam e finibus Europe possent exterminari" -Ibid.,50-51. Полное собрание русскихъ летописей [The Complete Collection of the Russian Chronicles] vol. 2 (St Petersburg, 1843) 353. 21 Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, ed. V. Novotný, vol. 8 {Praha, 1932) 289. Documenta Mag. Joannis Hus, ed. F. Palacky (Praha, 1869) 506-507.23 Grygiel, Życie i działaność, 92.24 Urkündliche Beitrage, ed. F. Palacky, vol.1 (Praha, 1846) 303-305. Codex epistolaris saeculi decimi quinti, ed. A. Sokolowski -J. Szujski, vol. 1 (Kraków, 1876) 56-57. 26 Codex epistolarisVitoldi Magniducis Lithuaniae. 1376-1430, Tomus VI (Cracoviae, 1882) 657-658.