Stephen Breyer

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Stephen Breyer
Image of Stephen Breyer
Supreme Court of the United States (senior status)
Tenure

2022 - Present

Years in position

1

Prior offices
United States Court of Appeals for the 1st Circuit
Successor: Sandra Lea Lynch

Supreme Court of the United States
Predecessor: Harry Blackmun

Education

Bachelor's

Stanford University, 1961

Law

Harvard Law School, 1964

Personal
Birthplace
San Francisco, Calif.

Stephen Breyer is a federal judge on senior status with the Supreme Court of the United States. On January 27, 2022, President Joe Biden (D) and Breyer officially announced Breyer would retire at the start of the court's summer recess.[1][2] NBC News had previously reported the retirement on January 26.[3] On June 29, 2022, Breyer announced that his retirement will be effective at noon on June 30, 2022.[4] Justice Breyer assumed senior status on June 30, 2022.[5] Click here to read more.

Breyer was nominated by President Bill Clinton (D) to fill the seat left vacant by Harry Blackmun. He was confirmed by 87-9 vote and was sworn in on August 3, 1994.[6]

Breyer graduated from Stanford University in 1959 and then enrolled in Magdelen College at Oxford University as a Marshall Scholar, where he graduated with honors in 1961. He went on to study at Harvard Law School, where he worked as an editor at the Harvard Law Review before graduating in 1964. Breyer began his legal career clerking for Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg. He held several government attorney roles, including assistant special prosecutor on the Watergate Special Prosecution Force and the chief counsel of the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee.[7]

In 1980, President Jimmy Carter (D) nominated Breyer to sit on the United States Court of Appeals for the 1st Circuit. He served on the court from 1980 to 1994 and was chief judge in his final four years there.

Breyer’s notable opinions include the majority opinion in the recess appointment case NLRB v. Noel Canning and his dissenting opinion in the copyright law case Eldred v. Ashcroft.

Professional career

  • 1990-1994: Chief judge
  • 1985-1989: Commissioner, United States Sentencing Commission
  • 1979-1980: Chief counsel, Senate Judiciary Committee
  • 1977-1980: Professor, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University
  • 1975: Visiting lecturer, College of Law, Sydney, Australia
  • 1974-1975: Special counsel, Administrative Practices Subcommittee, Senate Judiciary Committee
  • 1973: Assistant special prosecutor, Watergate Special Prosecution Force
  • 1967-1994: Faculty, Harvard Law School
  • 1981-1994: Lecturer
  • 1967-1980: Professor

Biography

Early life and education

Breyer was born in San Francisco, California. Breyer's father was legal counsel for the San Francisco Board of Education.

Breyer earned a B.A. in philosophy from Stanford University in 1959, a B.A. from Magdalen College at the University of Oxford as a Marshall Scholar in 1961, and an LL.B. from Harvard Law School in 1964. While at Harvard, Breyer was the article editor at the Harvard Law Review.[9]

Military service

Breyer served in the United States Army and attained the rank of corporal. He served actively for six months, from June to December of 1957. He was honorably discharged after eight years as an army reserve member.[10]

Approach to the law

In a review of his 2010 book, Making Our Democracy Work, a Judge's View, Breyer argued that:

The job of the Supreme Court is to apply the Constitution's values to modern circumstances, using the tools of judging: precedent, text and an assessment of the purpose of the constitutional provision at issue.[11][12]

Breyer also believes in the Living Constitution. Nina Totenberg, NPR legal affairs correspondent, wrote of his views:

Breyer argued that the founders did want a living Constitution; they wrote a Constitution they wanted to last for the ages. The founders knew "perfectly well that conditions would change. The values don't change. The circumstances do."[11][12]

Martin-Quinn score

Breyer's Martin-Quinn score following the 2021-2022 term was -2.05, making him the second-most liberal justice on the court at that time. Martin-Quinn scores were developed by political scientists Andrew Martin and Kevin Quinn from the University of Michigan, and measure the justices of the Supreme Court along an ideological continuum. The further from zero on the scale, the more conservative (>0) or liberal (<0) the justice.

The chart below details every justice's Martin-Quinn score for the 2021-2022 term.

Video discussion (2015)

Breyer spoke at Harvard University in November 2015. He discussed the collegiality of the court, his view of the Constitution, and how he handles political disagreement. The video of that event is embedded below.

Breyer spoke on Legally Speaking, a show produced by University of California Television. He discussed the role of the court and its impact on the country. The video of that event is embedded below.

Judicial career

Supreme Court of the United States (1994 - 2022)

Nomination Tracker
Fedbadgesmall.png
Nominee Information
Name: Stephen Breyer
Court: Supreme Court of the United States
Progress
Confirmed 83 days after nomination.
ApprovedANominated: May 7, 1994
ApprovedAABA Rating: Unanimously Well Qualified
Questionnaire:
ApprovedAHearing: July 12-15, 1994
Hearing Transcript: Hearing Transcript
QFRs: (Hover over QFRs to read more)
ApprovedAReported: July 25, 1994 
ApprovedAConfirmed: July 29, 1994
ApprovedAVote: 87-9

In 1993, President Bill Clinton (D) considered Breyer for the seat vacated by Byron White that ultimately went to Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Breyer was instead appointed following the retirement of Harry Blackmun in 1994. Clinton nominated Breyer to be an associate justice of the Supreme Court on May 17, 1994.[13]

The American Bar Association rated Breyer Unanimously Well Qualified to become an associate justice for the Supreme Court. Breyer found little resistance during his confirmation hearings. Two Republican senators expressed concerns, Richard Lugar (R-Ind.) and Robert C. Smith (R-N.H.) Lugar worried that investments with Lloyd's of London would cause possible conflicts of interest, while Smith found that Breyer stressed separation of church and state and could not "in good conscience, vote to confirm a nominee whose personal background, judicial record and testimony indicates he will move the Supreme Court away from ... conservative decisions."[14][15]

Breyer was confirmed by the U.S. Senate on July 29, 1994, by a vote 87-9. He took his seat on August 3, 1994.[16]

First Circuit Court of Appeals (1980-1994)

From 1980 to 1994, Breyer served as a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the 1st Circuit. Breyer served as the court's chief judge from 1990 to 1994. He was nominated to the court of appeals by President Jimmy Carter (D) on November 13, 1980. In the last days of the Carter administration, on December 9, 1980, the U.S. Senate confirmed Breyer by an 80-10 vote. He served as a member of the Judicial Conference of the United States between 1990 and 1994 and the United States Sentencing Commission between 1985 and 1989.[17][18]

Supreme Court statistics

Opinions by year

Below is a table of the number of opinions, concurrences, and dissents that Breyer has issued since joining the Supreme Court, according to the data at Cornell University’s Legal Information Institute and from the annual Stat Pack produced by the website SCOTUSBlog. This information is updated annually at the end of each term.[19][20][21]


Opinions written by year, Stephen Breyer
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021
Opinions 6 8 7 8 8 5 8 7 8 8 8 7 8 5 6 6
Concurrences 3 2 2 7 6 5 5 2 4 3 3 5 2 2 1 1
Dissents 8 6 10 10 6 12 5 5 4 1 6 7 10 7 7 8
Totals 20 19 21 27 21 23 18 14 16 12 17 19 20 14 14 15




Opinions written by year, Stephen Breyer
1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
Opinions 9 10 8 12 8 9 9 11 9 6 10
Concurrences 3 6 8 7 4 10 3 7 3 5 9
Dissents 7 3 11 7 4 10 11 6 4 10 5
Concur in part, Dissent in part 1 3 2 1 4 0 0 1 3 0 0
Totals 20 22 29 27 20 29 23 25 19 21 24

Justice agreement

In the 2021 term, Breyer had the highest agreement rate with Elena Kagan. He had the highest disagreement rate with Clarence Thomas.[22] In the 2020 term, Breyer had the highest agreement rate with Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan. He had the highest disagreement rate with Samuel Alito.[23]


The table below highlights Breyer's agreement rate with each justice on the court during that term.[24][25]


Stephen Breyer agreement rates by term, 2017 - 2021
Justice 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021
John Roberts 70% 69% 74% 73% 62%
Anthony Kennedy 66% N/A N/A N/A N/A
Clarence Thomas 55% 51% 52% 63% 48%
Ruth Bader Ginsburg 89% 82% 93% N/A N/A
Samuel Alito 54% 64% 54% 59% 51%
Sonia Sotomayor 90% 85% 85% 93% 86%
Elena Kagan 93% 86% 90% 93% 89%
Neil Gorsuch 61% 54% 66% 66% 54%
Brett Kavanaugh N/A 70% 70% 73% 62%
Amy Coney Barrett N/A N/A N/A 64% 56%

Frequency in majority

In the 2021 term, Breyer was in the majority in 68 percent of decisions. He was in the majority more often than one other justice and less often than seven other justices.Cite error: Closing </ref> missing for <ref> tag
Since the 2011 term, Breyer has been in the majority more than 80 percent of the time five times. Across those 10 terms, he has been in the majority for 81 percent of all cases.

Noteworthy cases

See also: Noteworthy cases heard by current justices on the U.S. Supreme Court

The noteworthy cases listed in this section include any case where the justice authored a 5-4 majority opinion or an 8-1 dissent. Other cases may be included in this section if they set or overturn an established legal precedent, are a major point of discussion in an election campaign, receive substantial media attention related to the justice's ruling, or based on our editorial judgment that the case is noteworthy. For more on how we decide which cases are noteworthy, click here.



Since he joined the court through the 2021 term, Breyer authored the majority opinion in a 5-4 decision 35 times and authored a dissent in an 8-1 decision eight times. The table below details these cases by year.[26]

Stephen Breyer noteworthy cases
Year 5-4 majority opinion 8-1 dissenting opinion
Total 35 8
2021 1 1
2020 0 0
2019 1 1
2018 1 0
2017 1 0
2016 1 0
2015 0 0
2014 3 0
2013 0 0
2012 1 0
2011 3 1
2010 1 1
2009 1 0
2008 0 0
2007 2 1
2006 2 0
2005 0 0
2004 1 0
2003 1 1
2002 1 1
2001 2 0
2000 2 1
1999 3 0
1998 2 0
1997 3 0
1996 1 0
1995 1 0
1994 0 0


Supreme Court opinions and orders

States may not invoke sovereign immunity to block USERRA lawsuits (2022)

See also: Torres v. Texas Department of Public Safety

Breyer authored a 5-4 majority opinion in Torres v. Texas Department of Public Safety, holding that "by ratifying the Constitution, the States agreed their sovereignty would yield to the national power to raise and support the Armed Forces. Congress may exercise this power to authorize private damages suits against nonconsenting States, as in USERRA."[27] Breyer was joined in the majority by Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan, and Brett Kavanaugh.

In the majority opinion, Breyer wrote:[27]

The Constitution vests in Congress the power “[t]o raise and support Armies” and “[t]o provide and maintain a Navy.” Art. I, §8, cls. 1, 12–13. Pursuant to that authority, Congress enacted a federal law that gives returning veterans the right to reclaim their prior jobs with state employers and authorizes suit if those employers refuse to accommodate them. See Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act of 1994 (USERRA), 38 U. S. C. §4301 et seq. This case asks whether States may invoke sovereign immunity as a legal defense to block such suits.


In our view, they cannot. Upon entering the Union, the States implicitly agreed that their sovereignty would yield to federal policy to build and keep a national military. States thus gave up their immunity from congressionally authorized suits pursuant to the “ ‘plan of the Convention,’ ” as part of “ ‘the structure of the original Constitution itself.’ ” PennEast Pipeline Co. v. New Jersey, 594 U. S. ___, ___ (2021) (slip op., at 14) (quoting Alden v. Maine, 527 U. S. 706, 728 (1999)).[12]

—Justice Stephen Breyer

No right to abortion under the U.S. Constitution (2022)

See also: Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization

Breyer was part of the three-justice dissent in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization. Breyer and Associate Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan jointly authored the dissenting opinion. The majority opinion, authored by Associate Justice Samuel Alito, held that the U.S. Constitution did not provide a right to abortion. Alito was joined in the majority by Associate Justices Clarence Thomas, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett. Chief Justice John Roberts joined with the majority to uphold Mississippi's abortion law but not to overturn Roe and Casey. Alito wrote:

We hold that Roe and Casey must be overruled. The Constitution makes no reference to abortion, and no such right is implicitly protected by any constitutional provision, including the one on which the defenders of Roe and Casey now chiefly rely—the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth

Amendment. That provision has been held to guarantee some rights that are not mentioned in the Constitution, but any such right must be “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition” and “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty.” Washington v. Glucksberg, 521 U. S. 702, 721 (1997) (internal quotation marks omitted).

The right to abortion does not fall within this category.[12]

—Justice Alito

In their dissent, the justices wrote:

Whatever the exact scope of the coming laws, one result of today’s decision is certain: the curtailment of women’s rights, and of their status as free and equal citizens. ... The Constitution will, today’s majority holds, provide no shield, despite its guarantees of liberty and equality for all.

...
Subsequent legal developments have only reinforced Roe and Casey. The Court has continued to embrace all the decisions Roe and Casey cited, decisions which recognize a constitutional right for an individual to make her own choices about “intimate relationships, the family,” and contraception. Casey, 505 U. S., at 857. Roe and Casey have themselves formed the legal foundation for subsequent decisions protecting these profoundly personal choices. As discussed earlier, the Court relied on Casey to hold that the Fourteenth Amendment protects same-sex intimate relationships. See Lawrence, 539 U. S., at 578; supra, at 23. The Court later invoked the same set of precedents to accord constitutional recognition to same-sex marriage. See Obergefell, 576 U. S., at 665–666; supra, at 23. In sum, Roe and Casey are inextricably interwoven with decades of precedent about the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment. See supra, at 21–24. While the majority might wish it otherwise, Roe and Casey are the very opposite of “‘obsolete constitutional thinking.’” Agostini v. Felton, 521 U. S. 203, 236 (1997) (quoting Casey 505 U. S., at 857).

Moreover, no subsequent factual developments have undermined Roe and Casey. Women continue to experience unplanned pregnancies and unexpected developments in pregnancies. Pregnancies continue to have enormous physical, social, and economic consequences. Even an uncomplicated pregnancy imposes significant strain on the body, unavoidably involving significant physiological change and excruciating pain. For some women, pregnancy and childbirth can mean life-altering physical ailments or even death. Today, as noted earlier, the risks of carrying a pregnancy to term dwarf those of having an abortion. See supra, at 22.
...
With sorrow—for this Court, but more, for the many millions of American women who have today lost a fundamental constitutional protection—we dissent.[12]

—Justices Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan

Does v. Mills (2021)

See also: Lawsuits about state actions and policies in response to the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, 2020

Does v. Mills: On October 19, 2021, U.S. Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer declined to suspend Maine’s COVID-19 vaccine mandate for healthcare workers. The plaintiffs argued that the mandate violated their right, under the First Amendment, to the free exercise of religion because it did not provide for a religious exemption. Chief Judge Jon Levy, of the U.S. District Court for the District of Maine, denied the plaintiffs' earlier request for a temporary restraining order and later refused to grant a preliminary injunction against the mandate. Levy, a Barack Obama (D) appointee, concluded that the plaintiffs had not been “prevented from staying true to their professed religious beliefs,” because they were still able to refuse vaccination, albeit at the risk of being terminated from their jobs. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit declined to intervene, prompting the plaintiffs to petition Breyer, the justice assigned to field emergency requests from Maine, to suspend the mandate pending appeal. Later on October 19, the First Circuit affirmed Levy’s decision, finding that "Maine's interest in safeguarding its residents is paramount." The plaintiffs then filed another emergency application with Breyer, seeking an injunction pending a decision by the full Court as to whether to take up the appeal.[28][29][30][31][32]

Louisiana abortion law struck down (2019)

See also: June Medical Services LLC v. Russo

Breyer authored a 5-4 majority opinion in June Medical Services LLC v. Russo, holding Louisiana Act 620 was unconstitutional. Breyer was joined in the majority by Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan.[33]

The plaintiff abortion providers and clinics in this case have challenged Act 620 on the ground that it infringes their patients’ rights to access an abortion. The State contends that the proper parties to assert these rights are the patients themselves. We think that the State has waived that argument. …


Our dissenting colleagues suggest that this case is different because the plaintiffs have challenged a law ostensibly enacted to protect the women whose rights they are asserting. See post, at 25–26 (opinion of ALITO, J.); post, at 7 (opinion of GORSUCH, J.). But that is a common feature of cases in which we have found third-party standing. …

Turning to the merits, we apply the constitutional standards set forth in our earlier abortion-related cases, and in particular in Casey and Whole Woman’s Health. … In Whole Woman’s Health, we quoted Casey in explaining that “‘a statute which, while furthering [a] valid state interest has the effect of placing a substantial obstacle in the path of a woman’s choice cannot be considered a permissible means of serving its legitimate ends.’” … We added that “ ‘[u]nnecessary health regulations’” impose an unconstitutional “‘undue burden’” if they have “‘the purpose or effect of presenting a substantial obstacle to a woman seeking an abortion.’” … We went on to explain that, in applying these standards, courts must “consider the burdens a law imposes on abortion access together with the benefits those laws confer.” …

The District Court found that enforcing the admitting privileges requirement would “result in a drastic reduction in the number and geographic distribution of abortion providers.” Id., at 87. In light of demographic, economic, and other evidence, the court concluded that this reduction would make it impossible for “many women seeking a safe, legal abortion in Louisiana . . . to obtain one” and that it would impose “substantial obstacles” on those who could. …

We think that these findings and the evidence that underlies them are sufficient to support the District Court’s conclusion that Act 620 would place substantial obstacles in the path of women seeking an abortion in Louisiana. …

We turn finally to the law’s asserted benefits. The District Court found that there was “‘no significant health-related problem that the new law helped to cure.’” 250 F. Supp. 3d, at 86 (quoting Whole Woman’s Health, 579 U. S., at ___ (slip op., at 22)). It found that the admitting privileges requirement “[d]oes [n]ot [p]rotect [w]omen’s [h]ealth,” provides “no significant health benefits,” and makes no improvement to women’s health “compared to prior law.” 250 F. Supp. 3d, at 86 (boldface deleted). Our examination of the record convinces us that these findings are not “clearly erroneous.” …

We conclude, in light of the record, that the District Court’s significant factual findings—both as to burdens and as to benefits—have ample evidentiary support. None is “clearly erroneous.” Given the facts found, we must also uphold the District Court’s related factual and legal determinations. These include its determination that Louisiana’s law poses a “substantial obstacle” to women seeking an abortion; its determination that the law offers no significant health-related benefits; and its determination that the law consequently imposes an “undue burden” on a woman’s constitutional right to choose to have an abortion. We also agree with its ultimate legal conclusion that, in light of these findings and our precedents, Act 620 violates the Constitution. ...

This case is similar to, nearly identical with, Whole Woman’s Health. And the law must consequently reach a similar conclusion. Act 620 is unconstitutional.[12]

—Justice Breyer[33]


Previous noteworthy opinions


See also

External links

Footnotes

  1. United States Supreme Court, "Letter to President," January 27, 2022
  2. YouTube, "President Biden Delivers Remarks on the Retirement of Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer," January 27, 2022
  3. NBC News, "Justice Stephen Breyer to retire from Supreme Court, paving way for Biden appointment," January 26, 2022
  4. The Hill, "Justice Breyer set to retire from Supreme Court on Thursday," accessed June 29, 2022
  5. Federal Judicial Center, "Breyer, Stephen Gerald," accessed June 30, 2022
  6. Ken I. Kersch, "Justice Breyer's Mandarin Liberty," accessed April 14, 2021
  7. Oyez, "Stephen G. Breyer," accessed April 14, 2021
  8. Supreme Court of the United States, "Current justice biographies," accessed April 14, 2021
  9. Oyez.org, "Chicago-Kent College of Law, Stephen G. Breyer biography," accessed April 14, 2021
  10. U.S. Government Publishing Office, "Senate Judiciary Committee Initial Questionnaire (Supreme Court)," accessed April 14, 2021
  11. 11.0 11.1 NPR.org, "History through a Supreme Court justice's lens," September 13, 2010
  12. 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5 12.6 12.7 12.8 Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
  13. New York Times, "Clinton names Ruth Ginsburg, advocate for women, to court," June 15, 1993
  14. American Bar Association, "Supreme Court Nominations," accessed July 8, 2014
  15. Los Angeles Times, "Senate backs Breyer confirmation, 87-9 : Judiciary: Vote ensures that he can join the Supreme Court for start of its fall term in October. He is expected to take the oath of office next week.," July 30, 1994
  16. Ken I. Kersch, "Justice Breyer's Mandarin Liberty," accessed April 14, 2021
  17. Oyez, "Stephen G. Breyer," accessed April 14, 2021
  18. GovTrack, "Senate Vote #1021 in 1980 (96th Congress)," accessed April 14, 2021
  19. Cornell University, "Writings by Justice Breyer," accessed April 14, 2021
  20. SCOTUSBlog, "Final Stat Pack for October Term 2016 and key takeaways," accessed April 16, 2018
  21. SCOTUSBlog, "Final Stat Pack for October Term 2017 and key takeaways," accessed October 4, 2018
  22. SCOTUSblog, "STAT PACK for the Supreme Court's 2021-22 term," July 1, 2022
  23. SCOTUSblog, "2020-21 Stat pack: Justice Agreement," July 2, 2021
  24. Due to a change in the 2020 stat pack format, the agreement rate uses the rate of agreement in judgment.
  25. Due to a change in the 2021 stat pack format, the agreement rate uses the rate of agreement in judgment.
  26. The Supreme Court Database, "Analysis," accessed June 11, 2019
  27. 27.0 27.1 U.S. Supreme Court, Torres v. Texas Department of Public Safety, decided June 29, 2022
  28. United States District Court for the District of Maine, "Does v. Mills: Verified Complaint for Temporary Restraining Order, Preliminary and Permanent Injunctive Relief, Declaratory Relief, and Damages," August 25, 2021
  29. United States District Court for the District of Maine, "Does v. Mills: Opinion," August 26, 2021
  30. United States District Court for the District of Maine, "Does v. Mills: Order on Plaintiffs' Motion for Preliminary Injunction," October 13, 2021
  31. United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, "Does v. Mills: Opinion," October 19, 2021
  32. Supreme Court of the United States, "Does v. Mills: Emergency Application for Writ of Injunction Pending Disposition of Petition for Writ of Certiorari," accessed October 28, 2021
  33. 33.0 33.1 Supreme Court of the United States, June Medical Services v. Russo, decided June 29, 2020
  34. SCOTUSblog, "Washington State Department of Licensing v. Cougar Den Inc.," accessed March 19, 2019
  35. Supreme Court of the United States, National Labor Relations Board v. Noel Canning et al., June 26, 2014
  36. Supreme Court of the United States, "Illinois v. Lidster," January 13, 2004
  37. Supreme Court of the United States, "Eldred v. Ashcroft," January 15, 2003
  38. Supreme Court of the United States, Stenberg v. Carhart, June 28, 2000

Political offices
Preceded by
Harry Blackmun
Supreme Court of the United States
1994-2022
Succeeded by
Ketanji Brown Jackson
Preceded by
-
United States Court of Appeals for the 1st Circuit
1980-1994
Succeeded by
Sandra Lea Lynch