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Taiwanese Mandarin

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Taiwanese Mandarin
中華民國國語, Zhōnghuá Mínguó Guóyǔ
臺灣國語, Táiwān Guóyǔ
臺灣華語, Táiwān Huáyǔ
Native to Taiwan
Speakers L1: 4.6 million (2017) [1]
L2: 15 million [1]
Traditional Chinese characters
Official status
Official language in
Republic of China (Taiwan)
Regulated by Ministry of Education (Taiwan)
Language codes
ISO 639-3
ISO 639-6 goyu (Guoyu)
Glottolog taib1240
IETF cmn-TW
Taiwanese Mandarin Usage Map.svg
Percentage of Taiwanese aged 6 and above who spoke Mandarin at home in 2010; darker blue corresponds to a greater density of Mandarin speakers
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

In practice, Taiwanese Mandarin users may write informal, shorthand characters (俗字; súzì; 'customary/conventional characters'; also 俗體字sútǐzì) in place of the full traditional forms. These variant Chinese characters are generally easier to write by hand and consist of fewer strokes. Shorthand characters are often identical to their simplified counterparts, but they may also take after Japanese kanji, or differ from both, as shown in the table below. A few shorthand characters are used as frequently as standard traditional characters, even in formal contexts, such as the tai in Taiwan, which is often written as , as opposed to the standard traditional form, . [40]

Taiwanese Mandarin
Traditional Chinese 臺灣 國語
Simplified Chinese 台湾 国语
ShorthandTraditionalNotes
[41] Identical to simplified (huì)
[41] Identical to simplified ()
[41] Identical to Japanese, cf. simplified ()
[41] Differs from both simplified Chinese and Japanese , although is also a Japanese ryakuji shorthand variant (diǎn)
[42] Identical to Japanese, cf. simplified (zhuàn, zhuǎn)
[42] Differs from both simplified Chinese () and Japanese or katakana
[42] Identical to Japanese, cf. simplified (duì)
[43] is standard simplified as well. is formally a variant of the unrelated dǎi but is identical to the short-lived second-round simplification version of . [44] (cān)
[42] Unlike simplified , retains the radical for 'ear' () (tīng).

In informal writing, Guoyu speakers may replace possessive particles de or zhī with the Japanese particle no in hiragana (usually read as de), which serves a nearly identical grammatical role. [45] No is often used in advertising, where it evokes a sense of playfulness and fashionability, [46] and handwriting, as it is easier to write. [47]

Braille

Taiwanese braille is similar to Mainland Chinese braille, though several sounds are represented by different patterns. Both systems represent the sounds of the language (as do Pinyin and Zhuyin), not Chinese characters themselves. [48]

Transliteration

Zhuyin Fuhao

While pinyin is used in applications such as in signage, most Guoyu users learn phonetics through the Zhuyin Fuhao (國語注音符號; Guóyǔ Zhùyīn Fúhào; 'Guoyu Phonetic Symbols') system, popularly called Zhuyin or Bopomofo, after its first four glyphs. Taiwan is the only Chinese-speaking polity to use the system, which is taught in schools (often used as ruby characters to aid young learners) and represents the dominant digital input method on electronic devices. [49] (Before the introduction of Hanyu pinyin starting in 1958, it was also used in mainland China, [50] whereas today in the mainland it is used primarily in language education and in some dictionaries. [51] ) It has accordingly become a symbol of Taiwanese identity as well. [52]

Romanization

Road sign in Nanzih District, Kaohsiung, showing Tongyong pinyin without tone marks (Jyunsiao in Hanyu pinyin is Junxiao) Road name sign of Lane 782, Jyunsiao Road, Nanzih 20130301.jpg
Road sign in Nanzih District, Kaohsiung, showing Tongyong pinyin without tone marks (Jyunsiao in Hanyu pinyin is Junxiao)

Chinese language romanization in Taiwan somewhat differs from on the mainland, where Hanyu Pinyin is the official standard. [50] A competing system, Tongyong Pinyin, was formally revealed in 1998 with the support of the mayor of Taipei Chen Shuibian. [53] In 1999, however, the Legislative Yuan endorsed a slightly modified version of Hanyu Pinyin, creating parallel romanization schemes along largely partisan lines, with Kuomintang-supporting areas using Hanyu Pinyin, and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) areas using Tongyong Pinyin. [53] In 2002, the Taiwanese government led by the DPP promulgated the use of Tongyong Pinyin as the country's preferred system, but this was formally abandoned in 2009 in favor of Hanyu Pinyin. [54]

In addition, various other historical romanization systems also exist across the island, with multiple systems sometimes existing in the same locality. Following the defeat of the Kuomintang in the Chinese Civil War and their subsequent retreat to Taiwan in 1945, little emphasis was placed on the romanization of Chinese characters, with the Wade-Giles system used as the default. It is still widely used for transcribing people's legal names today. [50] The Gwoyeu Romatzyh method, invented in 1928, also was in use in Taiwan during this time period, albeit to a lesser extent. [55] In 1984, Taiwan's Ministry of Education began revising the Gwoyeu Romatzyh method out of concern that Hanyu Pinyin was gaining prominence internationally. Ultimately, a revised version of Gwoyeu Romatzyh was released in 1986, [50] which was called Mandarin Phonetic Symbols II. However, this system was not widely adopted. [56]

Phonology

Standard Guoyu

Like Putonghua, both Standard and Taiwan Guoyu are tonal. Pronunciation of many individual characters differs in the standards prescribed by language authorities in Taipei and Beijing. Mainland authorities tended to adopt pronunciations popular in Northern Mandarin areas, whereas Taiwanese authorities prefer traditional pronunciations recorded in dictionaries from the 1930s and 1940s. [57] Some examples of differences are given later in this section.

These character-level differences notwithstanding, Standard Guoyu pronunciation is largely identical to Putonghua, but with two major systematic differences (also true of Taiwan Guoyu):

  • Erhua, the rhotacization of certain morphemes with the suffix --er, is very rare in Guoyu [26] (and very common in Beijing Putonghua [58] ).
  • The "neutral tone" (輕聲qīngshēng) does not occur as often, so final syllables generally retain their tone (e.g., 但是dànshì, 先生xiānshēng). [59]
    • This tendency to retain original tone is not present in words ending noun suffixes such as - -zi or - -tou; Guoyu speakers would not pronounce 孩子 as *háizǐ.

In addition, two other phenomena, while nonstandard, are extremely common across all Mandarin speakers in Taiwan, even the highly educated: [26]

  • The retroflex sounds zh-[ʈ͡ʂ], ch-[ʈ͡ʂʰ], and sh-[ʂ] merge into the alveolar consonants (z-[t͡s], c-[t͡sʰ], s-[s], respectively).
  • The finals -ing[iŋ] and -eng[əŋ] have largely merged into -in[in] and -en[ən], respectively.

Taiwan Guoyu

Taiwan Guoyu pronunciation is strongly influenced by Minnanyu. This is especially prominent in areas where Minnanyu is common, namely, in Central and Southern Taiwan. Many, though not all, of the phonological differences between Taiwan Guoyu and Putonghua can be attributed to the influence of Minnanyu.

Notable phonological features of Taiwan Guoyu include: [note 6]

  • In addition to the merger of retroflex sounds into the alveolar consonants mentioned above, utterances in Taiwan Guoyu may feature retroflexes (in pinyin, zh-, ch-, sh-, and r-) realized as postalveolar consonants: [ ʈʂ ] to [ ], [ ʈʂʰ ] to [ ʃ ], [ ʂ ] to [ ɹ̠̊˔ ], [60] and [ ʐ ] to [ ɹ ]. This phenomenon is not unique to Taiwan and can be found in Mandarin dialects across southern China as well as parts of northern China. [61] [ failed verification ]
    • The ability to produce retroflex sounds is considered a hallmark of "good" Mandarin (i.e. Standard Guoyu); some speakers may hypercorrect to pronounce alveolar consonants as their retroflex counterparts when attempting to speak "proper" Guoyu. [62] [63]
  • The initial f- becomes a voiceless bilabial fricative [ɸ], closer to a light 'h' in standard English (for example, fǎnhuǎn). [64]
  • The syllable written as eng ([əŋ]) after labials (in pinyin, b-, f-, m-, p- and w-) is pronounced ong ([o̞ŋ]). [65] Thus, fēng may be pronounced as fōng.
  • The semivowel /w/ may change, rendering e.g. the surname Wēng as [ʋəŋ] rather than [wəŋ]. The deletion of /w/ also happens in colloquial Putonghua, but less frequently. [66]
  • The initials n- and l- are sometimes interchangeable, particularly preceding nasal finals (i.e. -n, -ng). [10] Thus, nán may be pronounced lán.
  • The nasal finals -n and -ng tend to merge, [67] so words like zhēng and zhēn may become homophones.
  • The endings -uo, -ou, and -e (when it represents a close-mid back unrounded vowel [ɤ] like in ) shift to a mid central vowel [ə] or merge into the mid back rounded vowel -o[o̞]. [68]
  • The close front rounded vowel in words such as become unrounded, transforming into . [69]
  • The diphthong -ei[ei] and the triphthong -ui[uei] are monophthongized into [e]. [68]

Reduction

The non-standard Taiwanese Guoyu tends to exhibit frequent, informal elision and cluster reduction when spoken. [70] For example, 這樣子zhè yàngzi 'this way, like so' can be pronounced similar to 醬子jiàngzi 'paste, sauce'; wherein the "theoretical" retroflex (so called because it is a feature of Standard Guoyu but rarely realized in everyday speech, as zh- is usually pronounced z-; see above section) is assimilated into the palatal glide [j]. [71]

Often the reduction involves the removal of initials in compound words, such as dropping the t in 今天jīntiān 'today' or the ch in 非常fēicháng 'extremely, very'. [72] These reductions are not necessarily a function of the speed of speech than of register, as it is more commonly used in casual conversations than in formal contexts. [71]

Tone quality

Mandarin Tone Contours (Beijing Standard).png
Mandarin Tone Contours (Taipei Standard).png
Generalized representation of tone contours of Mandarin speakers from Beijing and Taipei [73] [74]

Like all varieties of Mandarin, Guoyu is a tonal language. Putonghua as spoken in the mainland has five tones, including the neutral tone. [75] Tones in Guoyu differ somewhat in pitch and contour.

Research suggests that speakers of Guoyu articulate the second and third tones differently from the standards of Beijing Mandarin. [17] The precise nature of the tonal differences is not well attested, however, as relevant studies often lack a sufficiently large variety of speakers. [76] Tones may vary based on age, gender, and other sociolinguistic factors and may not even be consistent across every utterance by an individual. [77]

In general, for Guoyu speakers, the second tone does not rise as high in its pitch, according to Jeroen Wiedenhof, [78] [79] and the third tone does not "dip" back up from the low, creaky voice range. [79] Overall, Guoyu speakers may exhibit a lower and more narrow pitch range than speakers of the Mandarin of Beijing. [80] Acoustic analysis of 33 Mandarin speakers from Taiwan in 2008 also found that for many speakers, the second tone tends to have a dipping contour more akin to that of the prescriptive third tone. [77]

Standard pronunciations compared to Putonghua

In addition to differences in elision and influence from Minnanyu, which are not features that are codified in the standard Guoyu, there are differences in pronunciation that arise from conflicting official standards in Taiwan and the mainland.

Quantification of the extent of pronunciation differences between Guoyu and Putonghua varies. Estimates from graduate-level research include a 2008 study based on the 7,000 characters in the List of Commonly Used Characters in Modern Chinese , which found approximately 18% differed between Guoyu and Putonghua, and 13% for the 3,500 most commonly used characters. [81] A 1992 study, however, found differences in 22.5% of the 3,500 most common characters. [82]

Much of the difference can be traced to the preferences of linguistic authorities on the two sides; the mainland standard prefers popular pronunciations in northern areas, whereas the Taiwanese standard prefers those documented in dictionaries in the 1930s and 1940s. [57] The Taiwanese formal standards may not always reflect actual pronunciations commonly used by actual Taiwanese speakers of Guoyu. [note 7]

The following is a table of relatively common characters pronounced differently in Guoyu and Putonghua in most or all contexts (Guoyu/Putonghua): [84]

  • xí/xī
  • () shì/shí
  • () jí/jī
  • () yǒng/yōng
 
  • xí/xī
  • wéi/wēi
  • qí/qī
  • dié/diē
 
  • () jī/jì
  • jiù/jiū
  • tú/tū
  • yái/yá
 
  • () zhàn/zàn
  • xiě/xuè
  • shóu/shú
  • 垃圾 lèsè/lājī [note 8]

Note that many of the above include tonal differences where a first tone in Putonghua is pronounced second tone in Guoyu. Some pronunciation differences may only appear in certain words. The following is a list of examples of such differences (Guoyu/Putonghua):

  • 'and' — , hàn / . In Guoyu, the character may be read as hàn when used as a conjunction, whereas it is always read in Putonghua. This pronunciation does not apply in contexts outside of as a conjunction, e.g. compound words like 和平hépíng 'peace'. [85]
  • 暴露 'to expose' — / bào. The pronunciation bào is used in all other contexts in Guoyu. [86]
  • 質量 (质量) 'mass; quality' — zhíliàng / zhìliàng. is pronounced zhí in most contexts in Guoyu, except in select words like 人質rénzhì 'hostage' or 質押zhìyā 'to pawn'. [87] Zhíliàng means 'mass' in both Guoyu and Putonghua, but for Guoyu speakers it does not also mean 'quality' (instead preferring 品質pǐnzhí for this meaning). [88]
  • 從容 (从容) 'unhurried, calm' — cōngróng / cóngróng. cóng is only pronounced cōng in this specific word in Guoyu. [89]
  • 口吃 'stutter' — kǒu / kǒuchī. is only read when it means 'to stammer' (as opposed to 'to eat', the most common meaning). [90]

Vocabulary differences from mainland Putonghua

Guoyu and Putonghua share a large majority of their vocabulary, but significant differences do exist. [note 9] The lexical divergence of Guoyu from Putonghua is the result of several factors, including the prolonged political separation of the mainland and Taiwan, the influence of Imperial Japanese rule on Taiwan until 1945, and the influence of Minnanyu. [91] The Cross Strait Common Usage Dictionary categorizes differences as "same word, different meaning" (同名異實tóngmíng yìshíhomonyms); "same meaning, different word" (同實異名tóngshí yìmíng); and "Taiwan terms" (臺灣用語Táiwān yòngyǔ) and "mainland terms" (大陸用語dàlù yòngyǔ) for words and phrases specific to a given side. [92]

Same meaning, different word

The political separation of Taiwan and mainland China after the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949 contributed to many differences in vocabulary. This is especially prominent in words and phrases which refer to things or concepts invented after the split; thus, modern scientific and technological terminology often differs greatly between Putonghua and Guoyu. [93] In both Guoyu and Putonghua, for example, 通過 (通过) tōngguò means 'to pass (a bill or inspection)' or 'to pass through' and 透過 (透过) tòuguò means 'to penetrate,' but 透過 also means 'by means of' or 'via' only in Guoyu, while using 通过 to express such meanings is only present in Putonghua. [94] [95]

The differences may be prevalent enough to hinder communication between Guoyu and Putonghua speakers unfamiliar with each other's respective dialects. [93] [96] For instance, Zhang (2000) selected four hundred core nouns from computer science and found that while 58% are identical in Standard and Taiwanese Mandarin, 22% were "basically" or "entirely" different. [97]

As cross-strait relations began to improve in the early 21st century, direct interaction between mainland China and Taiwan increased, and some vocabulary began to merge, especially by means of the Internet. [98] For example, the words 瓶頸 (瓶颈) píngjǐng 'bottleneck' and 作秀zuòxiù 'to grandstand, show off' were originally unique to Guoyu in Taiwan but have since become widely used in mainland China as well. [98] Guoyu has also incorporated mainland phrases and words, such as 渠道qúdào, meaning 'channel (of communication)', in addition to the traditional Guoyu term, 管道guǎndào. [99]

Examples of vocabulary differences between Guoyu and Putonghua [100]
EnglishTaiwanMainland China
Internet網路wǎnglù网络(wǎngluò)
Briefcase公事包gōngshìbāo公文包(gōngwénbāo)
Bento 便當biàndāng盒饭(héfàn)
Software軟體ruǎntǐ软件(ruǎnjiàn)
Introduction, preamble引言Yǐnyán导语(dǎoyǔ)
To print列印lièyìn打印(dǎyìn)

Words may be formed from abbreviations in one form of Mandarin but not the other. For example, in Taiwan, bubble tea, 珍珠奶茶zhēnzhū nǎichá, is often abbreviated 珍奶zhēnnǎi, but this is not common on the mainland. [101] Likewise, traffic rules/regulations, 交通規則 (交通规则) jiāotōng guīzé, is abbreviated as 交规jiāoguī on the mainland, but not in Taiwan. [102]

Same word, different meaning

Some identical terms have different meanings in Guoyu and Putonghua. There may be alternative synonyms which can be used unambiguously by speakers on both sides.

Examples of identical terms with different meanings in Guoyu and Putonghua
TermGuoyu meaningPutonghua meaning
油品yóupǐn [103] oils, oil-based products in generalpetroleum products
影集yǐngjí [104] TV seriesphoto album
土豆tǔdòu [105] peanut [note 10] potato [note 11]
公車 (公车) gōngchē [note 12] [106] busgovernment or official vehicle
愛人 (爱人) àirén [107] loverspouse

The same word carry different connotations or usage patterns in Guoyu and Putonghua, and may be polysemous in one form of Mandarin but not the other. For example, 誇張 (夸张) kuāzhāng means 'to exaggerate,' but in Taiwan, it can also be used to express exclamation at something absurd or overdone, a meaning absent in Putonghua. [108] 籠絡 (笼络) lǒngluò in Guoyu means 'to convince, win over', but in Putonghua, it carries a negative connotation [109] (cf. 'beguile, coax'). Another example is 小姐xiǎojiě, meaning 'miss' or 'young lady', regularly used to address young women in Guoyu. On the mainland, however, the word is also a euphemism for a prostitute and is therefore not used as a polite term of address. [110]

Differing usage or preference

Guoyu and Putonghua speakers may also display strong preference for one of a set of synonyms. For example, both 禮拜lǐbài (礼拜) and 星期xīngqí (xīngqī in Putonghua) are acceptable words for 'week' in Guoyu and Putonghua, but 禮拜 is more common in Taiwan. [111]

Guoyu tends to preserve older lexical items that are less used in the mainland. In Taiwan, speakers may use a more traditional 早安zǎo'ān to say 'good morning', whereas mainland speakers generally default to 早上好zǎoshang hǎo, for instance. [110] Both words are acceptable in either dialect.

Likewise, words with the same literal meaning in either dialect may differ in register. 而已éryǐ 'that's all, only' is common both in spoken and written Guoyu, influenced by speech patterns in Minnanyu, but in Putonghua the word is largely confined to formal, written contexts. [112]

Preference for the expression of modality often differs among northern Mandarin speakers and Taiwanese, as evidenced by the selection of modal verbs. For example, Taiwanese Mandarin users strongly prefer yào and 不要búyào over děi and bié, respectively, to express 'must' and 'must not', compared to native speakers from Beijing. However, yào and 不要búyào are also predominantly used among Mandarin speakers from the south of the mainland. Both pairs are grammatically correct in either dialect. [113]

Words specific to Guoyu

Some words in Putonghua may not exist in Guoyu and vice versa. Authors of the Dictionary of Words Which Differ Across the Taiwan Strait (《两岸差异词词典》) estimate there are about 2,000 words unique to Guoyu, around 10% of which come from Minnanyu. [98] Additionally, many terms unique to Guoyu were adopted from Japanese as a result of Taiwan's status as a Japanese colony during the first half of the 20th century. [91]

Some of the vocabulary differences stem from different social and political conditions, which gave rise to concepts that were not shared between the mainland and Taiwan, e.g. 福彩fúcǎi, a common abbreviation for the China Welfare Lottery of the People's Republic of China, or 十八趴shíbāpā, which refers to the 18% preferential interest rate on civil servants' pension funds in Taiwan. [109] ( as "percent" originates from Japanese パーセントpāsento. This usage is also unique to Guoyu.) [114]

Particles

The protruding green sign, for a bento shop in Taipei, uses a stylistic Japanese no Taipei street signs.jpg
The protruding green sign, for a bento shop in Taipei, uses a stylistic Japanese の

Modal particles convey modality, which can be understood as a speaker's attitude towards a given utterance (e.g. of necessity, possibility, or likelihood that the utterance is true). [115] Modal particles are common in Chinese languages and generally occur at the end of sentences, and so are commonly called sentence-final particles or utterance-final particles. [116]

Guoyu employs some modal particles that are rare in Putonghua. Some are entirely unique to spoken, colloquial Taiwan Guoyu, and identical particles may also have different meanings in Putonghua and Guoyu. [117] Conversely, particles that are common in Putonghua — particularly northern Putonghua, such as that spoken in Beijing — are very rare in Guoyu. Examples include () bei, me, and 罷了 (罢了) bàle. [118]

is a very common modal particle in Guoyu, which also appears in Putonghua with less frequency and always as a contraction of le and a. In Guoyu, it has additional functions, which Lin (2014) broadly defines as "to mark an explicit or implicit adjustment" by the speaker to a given claim or assessment. [119] In more specific terms, this use includes expression of impatience or displeasure (a, below); an imperative, such as a suggestion or order, especially a persistent one (b), and rejection or refutation (c). [120]

Wu (2006) argues is influenced by a similar la particle in Minnanyu. [121] (Unlike in Putonghua, Guoyu speakers will use immediately following le, [122] as seen in (a).)

(a) Impatience or displeasure
睡覺了啦Shuìjiāo le lā明天還要上課耶Míngtiān hái yào shàng kè yē
Go to sleep already! [You] have to go to class tomorrow!
(b) Suggestion or order
A: 我真的Wǒ zhēnde吃飽chī bǎole! I'm so full!
B: 不要客氣Búyào kèqì再吃一碗zài chī yī wǎn! Don't be so polite, have another bowl!
(c) Rejection or refutation
A: 他那麼早結婚Tā nàme zǎo jiéhūn一定是懷孕了yīdìng shì huáiyùn le。 He married so early, it has to be [because of] a pregnancy.
B: 不可能啦Bù kěnéng lā。 There's no way.

Taiwan Guoyu has functionally adopted some particles from Minnanyu. For example, the particle hoⁿh [note 13] [hɔ̃ʔ] functions in Minnanyu as a particle indicating a question to which the speaker expects an affirmative answer (c.f. English "..., all right?" or "..., aren't you?"). [124] Among other meanings, when used in Taiwan Guoyu utterances, it can indicate that the speaker wishes for an affirmative response, [124] or may mark an imperative. [125]

Loan words and transliteration

Loan words may differ between Putonghua and Guoyu. Different characters or methods may also be chosen for transliteration (phonetic or semantic), and the number of characters may differ. In some cases, words may be loaned as transliterations in one dialect but not the other. Generally, Guoyu tends to imitate the form of Han Chinese names when transliterating foreign persons' names. [126] [note 14]

Examples of differing transliterations
EnglishGuoyu, traditional charactersPutonghua, simplified
Punk music [127] 龐克pángkè朋克(péngkè)
Reagan [126] 雷根Léigēn里根(Lǐgēn)
Obama [126] 歐巴馬Ōubāmǎ奥巴马(Àobāmǎ)
Blog [100] 部落格bùluògé博客(bókè)
Gundam [127] 鋼彈Gāngdàn高达(Gāodá)
Mercedes-Benz [127] 梅賽德斯-賓士Méisàidésī-Bīnshì梅赛德斯-奔驰(Méisàidésī-Bēnchí)

From Minnanyu

Guoyu has borrowed words from Minnanyu, such as 蕃薯fānshǔ 'sweet potato' and 拜拜 bàibài 'to worship'. [128] In Minnanyu, the prefix a (Guoyu: ā) [129] carries an affection or intimate tone when referring to people, and this has been adopted into Guoyu. Thus, words like 阿妹āmèi 'younger sister' may be used instead of the standard 妹妹mèimèi, and public figures like Tsai Ing-wen may be referred to as 阿英Āyīng. [130]

Whether these loans are pronounced with their Minnanyu or Guoyu reading varies. In general, as a loan becomes more commonly recognized, it is more likely to be read as Guoyu. [131] This may involve the transformation of characters into their Guoyu counterparts. For example, the Minnanyu烏白講oo‑pe̍h kóng 'to talk nonsense' now exists in Guoyu as 黑白講hēibáijiǎng (both literally translate as 'to talk black and white'; is 'black' in Minnanyu, corresponding to in Guoyu). [132] [133] [134] Some words may not be represented by well known characters and are instead written with English letters, such as Q, from the Minnanyu word 𩚨 khiū, referring to a soft, chewy texture in foods. [135] [136] Some compound words or phrases may combine characters representing Minnanyu and Guoyu words. [note 15]

From Japanese

Japanese in the early 20th century had a significant influence on modern Chinese vocabulary. The Japanese language saw the proliferation of neologisms to describe concepts, and terms learned through contact with the West in the Meiji and Taishō eras. [138] Thus, the creation of words like 民主minshu 'democracy', 革命kakumei 'revolution' and 催眠saimin 'hypnotize', which were then borrowed into Chinese and pronounced as Chinese words. [139] Both Guoyu and Putonghua retain these words today.

Guoyu was also further influenced by Japanese. As a result of Imperial Japan's 50-year rule over Taiwan until 1945, Minnanyu (and Hakka) borrowed extensively from Japanese, [140] and Guoyu in turn borrowed some of these words from Minnanyu, such that Japanese influence can be said to have come via Minnanyu. [9] [141] For example, the Minnanyu word 摃龜 (Peh-oe-ji: kòngku; [kɔŋ˥˩ku˥˥]) 'to lose completely', which has been borrowed into Guoyu, originates from Japanese sukonku (スコンク, 'skunk'), with the same meaning. [142] Other examples of Guoyu loans from Japanese via Minnanyu include 運將yùnjiàng, 'driver, chauffeur', from 運ちゃんunchan and 歐巴桑ōubāsāng, 'elderly woman', from おばあさん obāsan. [143]

In general, Japanese loanwords are more widespread in Guoyu than Putonghua. [144] Guoyu continues to borrow words from Japanese in the 21st century, especially among youth, for whom Japanese culture is particularly attractive. [145]

Grammar

The grammar of Guoyu is largely identical to Putonghua. As is the case with lexicon and phonology described above, salient grammatical differences from Putonghua often stem from the influence of Minnanyu.

Perfective 有 yǒu

To mark the perfect verbal aspect, Guoyu employs (yǒu) where (le) would be used in the strictly standard form of the language. [146] For instance, a Guoyu speaker may ask "你有看醫生嗎?" ("Have you seen a doctor?") whereas a Putonghua speaker would prefer "你看医生了吗?". This is due to the influence of Minnanyu grammar, which uses (ū) in a similar fashion. [147]

In both Guoyu and Putonghua, 有没有yǒuméiyǒu can precede a verb phrase to mark a perfective question, as in (1), and in Guoyu, this can be split (2): [148]

(1) 有沒有申請簽證?Nǐ yǒuméiyǒu shēnqǐng qiānzhèng ("Did you apply for a visa?")
(2) 申請簽證沒有Nǐ yǒu shēnqǐng qiānzhèng méiyǒu (Guoyu only)

Auxiliary verbs

Another example of the influence of Minnanyu grammar on Guoyu is the use of huì as "to be" (a copula) before adjectives, in addition to the usual meanings "would" or "will". Compare typical ways to render "Are you hot?" and "I am (not) hot" in Putonghua, Guoyu, and Minnanyu: [149]

"Are you hot?""I am (not) hot"
Putonghua

(熱)?

(rè)?

你 熱 不 (熱)?

Nǐ rè bù (rè)?

熱。

rè.

我 不 熱。

Wǒ bù rè.

Guoyu

hùi

hùi

熱?

rè?

你 會 不 會 熱?

Nǐ hùi bù hùi rè?

hùi

熱。

rè.

我 不 會 熱。

Wǒ bù hùi rè.

Minnanyu

ē

joa̍h

嘸?

bô?

你 會 熱 嘸?

Lí ē joa̍h bô?

Guá

熱。 [note 16]

joa̍h.

我 袂 熱。 [note 17]

Guá bē joa̍h.

The use of to express "will" — as in 他會來嗎?Tā huì lái ma? 'Will he come?' — is also a notable feature of Guoyu. It is not necessarily considered ungrammatical in Putonghua, but is very rare. Sanders (1992), analyzing speech by groups of Mandarin speakers from Taipei and Beijing, found that the latter group never used to mean 'will' in this manner spontaneously (preferring instead 他来吗?Tā lái ma?). [152] For them, speakers of Mandarin from Taiwan may be perceived as overusing . [153]

Compound (separable) verbs

Speakers of Guoyu may frequently avoid splitting separable verbs, a category of verb + object compound words that are split in certain grammatical contexts in standard usage. [154] For example, the verb 幫忙bāngmáng 'to help; to do a favor', is composed of bāng 'to help, assist' plus máng 'to be busy; a favor'. The word in Guoyu can take on a direct object without separation, which is ungrammatical in Putonghua: [108] 我幫忙他 (我帮忙他) 'I help him', acceptable in Guoyu, must be rendered as 我幫他個忙 (我帮他个忙). This is not true of every separable verb in Guoyu, and prescriptive texts still opt to treat these verbs as separable. [155]

Notes

  1. Minnanyu can ambiguously refer to Southern Min in general, a branch of Min Chinese of which Taiwanese Hokkien is a part. Ministry of Education sources generally refer to it as 臺灣閩南語Táiwān Mǐnnányǔ, lit.'Taiwan Southern Min' (see, e.g., the Ministry's Dictionary of Frequently-Used Taiwan Minnan ). This is often just shortened to 閩南語 Mǐnnányǔ or 閩南話Mǐnnánhuà. It is also called 臺語Táiyǔ, 'Taiwanese language' (Pronounced Tâi-gí or Tâi-gú in the language itself).
  2. People in the mainland who speak non-Mandarin Chinese languages may still refer to Putonghua as Guoyu. [2]
  3. The specific terms vary greatly among authors. Some authors use Taiwan Guoyu to refer to the general form of the language spoken in Taiwan, incorporating influence from mutually unintelligible Minnanyu but not necessarily representing the most non-standard form. [16] For example, Fon, Chiang & Cheung (2004) distinguish between everyday Taiwan Guoyu and the form heavily influenced by Minnanyu, which they call Taiwanese Guoyu. [17] English writers may refer to the least standard, most Minnanyu-influenced form as Taiwanese-accented Mandarin. [18]
  4. Chinese Wikipedia maintains separate articles for the standard form of Guoyu (中華民國國語) and the more colloquial form influenced by Minnanyu (臺灣國語).
  5. A standardized 5.00-scaled test of Mandarin ability was administered to participants. Among Minnanren (Hoklo) the mean was 4.81 for young (under 31 years old) participants, 4.61 for middle aged participants (31–50), and 3.24 for the elderly (>50). The mean score for mainland descendants as a whole was 4.90.
  6. Note that not all of these features may be present in all speakers at all times.
  7. For example, the Ministry of Education standards dictate that some words (e.g. 熱鬧rènào, 認識rènshì, 衣服yīfú, 力量lìliàng) be pronounced with the second character in a neutral tone, in contrast to how most Taiwanese speakers of Mandarin actually say them. [83]
  8. This word means 'garbage'. Neither character generally appears independent of the other outside the context of this word.
  9. Chinese Wikipedia maintains a more extensive table of vocabulary differences between Taiwan, Macau, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore and mainland China.
  10. 花生huāshēng, the Putonghua word for peanut, is an acceptable synonym in Guoyu.
  11. 馬鈴薯 (马铃薯; mǎlíngshǔ), another synonym for potato, is also used in both dialects.
  12. 公共汽車 (公共汽车; gōnggòng qìchē; 'public vehicle') is an unambiguous term or bus in both dialects.
  13. The Ministry of Education gives the original character for hoⁿh as , [123] a Classical Chinese particle.
  14. Barack Obama is thus referred to as Ōubāmǎ歐巴馬 as opposed to Àobāmǎ奥巴马 in the mainland. Ōu is a common Han surname, while Ào is not (see list of common Chinese surnames).
  15. Wu and Su (2014) give the example of "逗熱鬧" 'to join in the fun' in a 2014 Liberty Times headline. The Guoyu phrase is 凑熱鬧còu rènào; the headline substituted the verb còu for the Minnanyu verb (dòu, read tàu in Minnanyu). [136] The native Minnanyu word is 逗鬧熱 (Pe̍h-ōe-jī :tàu‑lāu‑jia̍t) (also written 鬥鬧熱) [137]
  16. is alternatively written with the nonstandard Be-tw.svg , [150] which provides a clearer image of its grammatical function: it is a combination of a negator (勿) and 會.
  17. is alternatively written with the nonstandard Be-tw.svg , [151] which provides a clearer image of its grammatical function: it is a combination of a negator (勿) and 會.

Citations

  1. 1 2 Chinese, Mandarin at Ethnologue (25th ed., 2022) Closed Access logo transparent.svg
  2. Wiedenhof 2015, p. 5. "But even inside China, the term Guóyǔ remains in use among speakers of non-Mandarin Sinitic languages when they refer to Mandarin."
  3. Chen 1999, pp. 22–24.
  4. See Mair for an overview of the terminology and debate: Mair, Victor H. (September 1991). "What Is a Chinese "Dialect/Topolect"? Reflections on Some Key Sino-English Linguistic Terms". Sino-Platonic Papers (29). Archived from the original on 25 April 2022. Retrieved 13 March 2022.
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  6. Szeto, Ansaldo & Matthews 2018, pp. 241–42. "
  7. Weng 2018, p. 613. "... without prior exposure, speakers of different Mandarin dialects often have considerable difficulty understanding each other's local vernacular... In some cases, mutual intelligibility is not guaranteed even if the Mandarin dialects concerned belong to the same group and are spoken within the same province."
  8. Szeto 2019. "In common usage, 'Mandarin' or 'Mandarin Chinese' usually refers to China's standard spoken language. In fact, I would argue that this is the predominant meaning of the word."
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  11. Her 2009, p. 377. 「國語:教育部依據北京話所頒定的標準語,英文是Standard Mandarin,其內涵與北京話相似。但只是死的人為標準,並非活的語言。」 ["Guoyu: The standard language determined by the Ministry of Education based on the Beijing dialect, with which it is similar. It is called Standard Mandarin in English. It is a dead, artificial standard, and not a living language."]
  12. Sanders 1987, p. 2. "The first type of "Mandarin" to be recognized is what is called putonghua - --- on the Chinese mainland, guoyu in Taiwan, and huayu in Singapore. Outside of China, this (so-called) standard, official Mandarin corresponds to the language found in textbooks. What characterizes this language is grammatical underspecification, a lack of any native speakers, and very few truly fluent speakers."
  13. Chung 2006b, p. 198. In the context of Taiwan specifically: "Beyond broadcasters and a minority of people who have rather idiosyncratically adopted textbook pronunciations in their own everyday speech, plus a few natives of Beijing and other mainlanders, however, textbook Mandarin [i.e. "the Beijing-based Mandarin taught in Taiwan schools"] exists mainly as an idealized language that is studied and exists in one's consciousness, but is seldom consistently practiced."
  14. Fon, Chiang & Cheung 2004, p. 250; Khoo 2019, p. 221. 「"若將華語口音的標準與否視為一個連續體(continuum),標準國語就是在這個連續體的標準端;另一個端點,也就是不標準端,就是台灣國語了。」["If we view a Mandarin accent and its standard quality as a continuum, Standard Guoyu is at the standard end, and the other end, that is, the nonstandard end, is Taiwan Guoyu."]
  15. Teng 2002, p. 230.
  16. Shi & Deng 2006, p. 376. 「標準國語"指用於正規的書面語言以及電視廣播中的通用語,……和大陸的普通話基本一致。"台灣國語"指在台灣三十歲以下至少受過高中教育的台灣籍和大陸籍人士所說的通用語,也就是因受閩南話影響而聲、韻、調以及詞彙、句法方面與標準普通話產生某些差異的語言。」 ["'Standard Guoyu' refers to the language used in formal writing and television broadcasts, which in essence is Northern Mandarin absent more extreme dialect elements and features ... largely identical to Putonghua. 'Taiwan Guoyu' is the common language spoken by Taiwanese people and Chinese mainland descendants in Taiwan under thirty who have received at least a high school education. The influence of Taiwanese has produced differences from standard Putonghua in onsets and rimes, tone, vocabulary, and syntax."]
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  18. Cheng 1985.
  19. Shi & Deng 2006, p. 372–373.
  20. Khoo 2019, p. 222.「國語運動的主要目標之一就是推行標準國語,台灣國語也成為國語運動積極消除的口音…… 並且也因此被貼上負面的標籤。……這種帶有台語口音的華語,依然經常是各種演出中搞笑或醜化角色的素材,「台灣國語」根深蒂固的負面印象可見一斑。」 ["One of the primary goals of the Guoyu Movement [Chinese Wikipedia: 國語運動] was the promotion of Standard Guoyu. The Taiwan Guoyu accent was actively eliminated by the Movement... and moreover acquired a negative label. ... This Mandarin with a Taiyu [Minnanyu] accent is frequently performed as the stuff of comedic or ugly roles, and from this we can see one aspect of the deep-seated negative image of Taiwan Guoyu."]
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