Memories of the World War II in
Japanese manga
by
Costa, Analía Soledad
Master Thesis
Presented to the Faculty of the
Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies
of Kyushu University
Master Degree
Kyushu University
January, 2013
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First of all I want to thank my advisor Sugiyama Sensei for offering advice and
keeping me on track all the time. This thesis wouldn’t be possible without his support. I
would also like to thank to Yamamura Sensei, Matsumura Sensei and Ao Sensei for
agreeing to be my co advisors in this project; their suggestions and the time dedicated to
my work helped me to clear my ideas and improved my knowledge. I want to make a
special mention to Yamamura Sensei, since she always spoke to me in Spanish, my mother
language, and that gave me more confidence and home felling while working.
My gratitude also goes to Naono Sensei, whose suggestions always challenged me
to push further in research and at the same time made easier to find some answers
Finally, I also want to thank the entire Department of Japanese Social Cultural
Studies of Kyushu University for giving me the opportunity to participate as a Student
taking classes with so many brilliant professors.
1
ABSTRACT
MEMORIES OF THE WORLD WAR II IN JAPANESE MANGA
By Analía Costa
Master degree in the Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies of Kyushu
University, 2013.
SUPERVISOR: Sugiyama, Akashi
The World War II has divided Japanese history between what came before and what
came behind. After been defeated in 1945, a new narrative of postwar Japan, separated for
the militarized past one was constructed.
Manga, or Japanese comics, have traditionally been a significant part of Japanese
popular culture. As a popular medium of social expression, manga added a visual form that
helped disseminate the new narratives and perspectives to a mass audience. However,
manga works are closely connected to Japanese history and culture. Then they reflect not
only the reality of Japanese society but also their myths, beliefs and fantasies they have
about themselves. The representation of the war in manga shows in a certain way how
Japanese postwar society attempted to deal with the war and how Japan came to be what it
is today.
My goal is to study how World War II was remembered and depicted in Japanese
comic art during the postwar and to understand which narratives were accepted and which
were rejected by the society in order to configure the idea of Japanese Nation; which
2
narratives differs from the official discourse of the role of Japan in the War, and which ones
strengthens it.
The fixation of certain war representations and the expressions used to describe
them implies that certain dominant interpretative codes were strengthened and privileged
above others. The configuration of one hegemonic memory was necessary for the
construction of a social imaginary as the notion of nation, but it led Japanese to think Japan
within a victimhood paradigm for a long time.
3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
1
ABSTRACT
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
4
1. INTRODUCTION
6
1.1 Purpose
7
1.2 Presentation of the proble m
8
1.3 Corpus (materials and structure)
11
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
14
2.1 Previous literatures
14
2.1.1 Pictorial propaganda in Japanese comic art during the Pacific War
14
2.1.2 The pure self and the demonic other
15
2.1.3 Manga and war
16
2.1.4 Narratives of WW2 in Japanese Manga, 1957-1977
16
2.2 Theoretical background
17
2.2.1 Imagined Communities of Benedict Anderson
17
2.2.2 Pierre Bourdieu, Symbolic violence and Structural censorship
19
2.2.3 Williams: Hegemony and Residual and emergent cultures
22
2.3 Methodology
24
2.3.1 Historical approach
25
2.3.2 Comic art analysis
26
3. HISTORY OF MANGA
28
3.1 Premodern Comic Art
28
3.2 First manga magazines
29
3.3 Political manga in the Meiji Period (1868-1912)
30
3.4 Taisho Period (1912-1926): Proletarian cartoons
30
3.5 Showa Period (1926-1989): Children’s manga, Pacific War and censorship
31
3.6 Norakuro and Fuku-chan
33
3.6.1 Norakuro (1931-1941)
34
3.6.2 Fuku-Chan (1936-1971)
36
4
4. 1950s AND 1960s
40
4.1 Historical context
40
4.2 Manga context
43
4.3 Manga analysis
47
4.3.1 Zero-sen redo (1961)
47
4.3.2 Shidenkai no taka (1963-1965)
51
5. 1970s
57
5.1 Historical context
57
5.2 Manga context
59
5.2.1 The boom of Gekiga
61
5.2.2 A-bomb manga
62
5.3 Manga analysis
64
5.3.1 S in gyokusai seyo (1973)
64
5.3.2 Hadashi no gen (1973-1985)
70
6. 1980s and 1990s
77
6.1 Historical context
77
6.2 Manga context
80
6.3 Manga analysis
82
6.3.1 Adolf ni tsugu (1983-1985)
82
6.3.2 Sens ron (1998)
88
7. CONCLUSION
95
8. BIBLIOGRAPHY
104
APENDIX 1: HIROSHIMA: THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF BAREFOOT GEN
106
APENDIX II: EVANGELION AND THE RISE OF SEKAIKEI
108
5
1. INTRODUCTION
According to Snow and Benford (1992), the act of remembering is more collective than
personal. That suggests that society has the power to frame people‘s individual memories
by providing the resources for classify and condense into organized and meaningful wholes
some particular historical situations, actions, events, and experiences.
Historical memory is the way in which historical events are looked back upon from the
standpoint of the present. At the heart of the concept of memory is the past-present
relationship. This past-present relationship exists on both a collective and an individual
level. The term ‗memory‘ highlights that ‗looking back on the events of the past‘ may
say as much about the present priorities and politics of the individual or society as it
does about the past.(Seaton 11)
The World War II has divided Japanese history between what came before and what
came behind. After been defeated in 1945, a new narrative of postwar Japan, separated for
the militarized past one was constructed.
This new narrative was built mainly around the idea of Japanese as a victim of the war.
After the immediately postwar period, has gradually emerged an implicit political, social
and cultural consensus supporting this perspective. As Susan Napier (2001) suggested:
―[a]s many scholars have pointed out, the Japanese version of World War II may generally
be described as a victim‘s history, in which the Japanese people were seen as helpless
victims of a corrupt and evil conspiracy between their government and military‖(Napier
162)
6
I believe that popular culture is powerful way to access to the Japanese memories of
the Second World War. In this work I want to explore how Japanese society has enclosed
individual memories of the WW2 inside the manga context.
Manga, or Japanese comics, have traditionally been a significant part of Japanese
popular culture. As a popular medium of social expression, manga added a visual form that
helped disseminate the new narratives and perspectives to a mass audience. However,
manga works are closely connected to Japanese history and culture. Then they reflect not
only the reality of Japanese society but also their myths, beliefs and fantasies they have
about themselves. The representation of the war in manga shows in a certain way how
Japanese postwar society attempted to deal with the war and how Japan came to be what it
is today.
1.1 Purpose
My goal is to study how World War II was remembered and depicted in Japanese
comic art during the postwar and to understand which narratives were accepted and which
were rejected by the society in order to configure the idea of Japanese Nation; which
narratives differs from the official discourse of the role of Japan in the War, and which ones
strengthens it.
According to the annual economic White Paper published by the government, the
postwar period ended in 1956, but I will call postwar to all Japanese history after 1945 until
present, since within Japanese society the postwar periods seems not to be ended yet.
7
From the late 1950s until now, Japanese publishing houses produced many manga
dealing with the World War II as a main theme. First they were published and distributed
through the kashihonya (pay-libraries), but due to their success they jumped to the weekly
boys‘ magazines by the beginning of 1960s. This manga was classified by the Japanese
term senki mono (records of war), conveying the impression that they were narrating real
stories.
These works -combining fictitious details with real historical places, characters,
dates, and figures- had changed over time, according to social, economical and generational
changes of the postwar period. They were a regular feature in manga magazines over the
years and still appear today.
The fixation of certain war representations and the expressions used to describe
them implies that certain dominant interpretative codes were strengthened and privileged
above others. When a fluid memory of an experience is fixed within society, it can be said
that public history is recorded.
1.2 Presentation of the proble m
Based on the terms of ―pure self‖ and ―demonic other‖ proposed by John Dower,
Okamoto Rei (1999) presented the Japanese perspective of Pacific War by analyzing news
paper strips, single-panel cartoons in magazines and cartoon leaflets.
She noted that in wartime Japanese comic art, "the pure Self" and "the demonic
Other" are aligned along a single continuum. At one extreme is the superhero Japanese
soldier, in the other the monstrous enemy. In the middle we can find the ordinary
8
Japanese people facing the adversity and defending the country and the victims of
Japanese war crimes committed abroad. I think that what lies in the middle was silenced
and repressed of war time memories by the exertion of what Bourdieu (1985) calls a
symbolical violence. This symbolical violence is exerted based on a structural censorship
which regulates what can be and should be said. According to the situation, subjects will
produce one type of discourse. This symbolical violence, in my opinion, was necessary to
Japan to get recovered and think about the war. The configuration of one hegemonic
me mory was necessary for the construction of a social imaginary as the notion of
nation, but it led Japanese to think Japan within a victimhood paradigm for a long
time.
Defining the nation it‘s crucial for the state, since it helps to legitimate a government
as well as unify a population. In order to manipulate history and make it fit in their
narrative of nation, the state uses diverse methods. No matter what the efforts of
governments to present their narrative of nation as historical truth and to homogenize a
diverse population under notion of nation, there is a multiplicity of concurrent narratives
which exist and even challenge this official narrative making it never closed.
I start from the idea that nations are imagined communities as Benedict Anderson
(1991) argues: ―A nation is a political community that is imagined as both inherently
limited and as sovereign‖ (Anderson, 1991, p. 224). In his book Imagined Communities
understands the nation, nationality and nationalism as "artifacts" or "cultural products" that
must be studied from a historical perspective to show us how they appeared, how they have
been changing their meaning and how they acquired the enormous emotional legitimacy
that have today.
9
Although for Anderson the idea of a nation is configured through a set of narratives,
it doesn‘t mean that there aren‘t alternative narratives challenging the dominant one.
This idea of alternative narratives can be articulated with the concept of selectivity
and emergent forms. Selectivity is the way within a society in which certain meanings and
practices are chosen and others are excluded. The dominant culture then is alert to every
practice which can be considered new and usually the first effort will be try to incorporate
these emergent practices. But within them there would be also alternatives and oppositional
proposals.
The study of popular culture and therefore the study of manga allow us to go beyond
political and official narratives. Manga as medium of social expression added a visual form
that helped spread the new narratives within Japanese Society. For example, the younger
generation who didn‘t have any experience of the Word War II (more than three-quarters of
citizens) only can access to other people‘s accounts of the war. Popular cultural media also
can build and shape a "memory" of the war in those who didn‘t have any direct contact
with it. Seaton (2007) has conducted a survey among 436 university students, about the
most influential elements in the formation of students‘ historical consciousness. Japanese
students ranked documentaries, museums, and TV news as the most influential items.
Japanese government was placed 15th, while manga ranked 8th, just after testimonies from
Japanese people who experienced the war.
The interpretation of the war made by these narratives, the elements selected to be
remembered and the one to be excluded means that they constituted a social phenomenon in
itself and it worth to be analyzed within the Social Sciences.
10
1.3 Corpus (materials and structure)
The present work is based on my own readings and in previous literatures related to
the subject. Some of the selected manga were first published in magazines and later
compiled into books. The works published during wartime and in the immediate postwar
period are able only to read in Japanese, so I had to consult secondary literature of other
scholars who analyzed the publications of this early period.
This thesis is structured in seven chapters from introduction to conclusion. I will
add also two appendixes that I considered pertinent for the work. The manga analysis starts
in Chapter 4. Here I will present the immediate postwar period until the end of the 1960s:
The ending of the U.S military occupation, the necessary ―time distancing‖ from the war,
the first manga about WW2 featuring air war pilots heroes. The selected materials of this
period were:
a) Zero-sen Reddo (1961): Written by Kaizuka Hiroshi, the story follows six crooked
―boy pilots‖ who disobey their orders to sacrifice themselves in a Japanese suicide
attack. They begin to fight a war of their own, becoming part of the regular
Japanese forces. They then begin to steal food from U.S bases to bring back to their
fellow Japanese soldiers. All of their war efforts go unrewarded; furthermore they
are regarded as traitors by the Japanese army.
b) Shidenkai no Taka (1963-1965): Written by Chiba Tetsuya appeared in the
magazine Sh nen Magazine. The story begins in the late stages of WW2 at a
Japanese air force base in Taiwan. It protagonist Taki is a young pilot who has
extraordinary talent as a fighter pilot in battle. The plot shows how he slowly begins
11
to mature after countless battles against the American air-forces, gradually realizing
that the enemy he has been taught to hate, is also human.
In Chapter 5 I will consider the changes in Japanese society during the 1970s: How
Vietnam war calls to the examination of the details of WW2 in Japan, the diplomatic
relations with China and Korea, the shift to the gekiga and A-bomb Manga depicting the
aftermaths and the cruelty of the war. The selected materials of this period were:
a) Hadashi no Gen (1973-1975): Writen by Keji Nakazawa, it‘s based on the
experiences of his family in Hiroshima. It starts a few months before the blast and
then focuses on the immediate aftermath, detailing the torment of those daring to
speak up against the war, the scarcity of food, and the daily struggle to survive.
b) S in gyokusai seyo! (1973): This manga, according to Mizuki Shigeru, "based on
90% fact", debunks the imperial project by exposing the irrationality or absurdity of
the war itself. Unlike a typical war manga genre that often depicts heroic fighting
scenes on a battlefield, the majority of the manga recounts the daily menial
activities and hard labor on the island.
In the Chapter 6 I will present the 1980s and the 1990s: The consequences that brought
Hirohito‘s dead, the reconciliation with the past vs. the revisionism positions of wartime
policies, anti- war vs. nationalism in manga. The selected materials of this period were:
a) Adolf ni tsugu (1983-1985): Written by Osamu Tezuka, this is the story of three
people name Adolf: Kamil (Jewish), Kaufman (Half Japanese and German) and
Hitler. The main character and the narrator is Sohei Toge a reporter who discovers
that Hitler has Jewish ancestors.
12
b) Sens ron (1998): Written by Yoshinori Kobayashi, the manga tries to present Japan
as a liberator of other Asian countries rather than an oppressor, and he dismisses
some of Japan's wartime atrocities such as the military's coercion of comfort women.
Finally in the conclusions I will make a recapitulation of previous chapters and an
introduction to the war manga in the XXI century presenting alternatives stories about a
World War III and raise of the sekakei.
13
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Previous literatures
2.1.1 Pictorial propaganda in Japanese comic art during the Pacific War
Based on the terms of ―pure self‖ and ―demonic other‖ proposed by Dower,
Okamoto Rei (1999) presented in this PHD thesis, the Japanese perspective of Pacific War
by analyzing news paper strips, single-panel cartoons in magazines and cartoon leaflets.
According to her, there are three texts produced between 1941 and 1945 which best
represent the comic art medium of the time: 1) Fuku-chan was a popular, long-running
newspaper strip targeting families that supported the government's domestic propaganda
campaign. 2) The single-panel cartoons in Manga, the only cartoon magazine with a
national circulation, sought to arouse animosity toward the enemy by ridiculing leaders
such as Roosevelt, Churchill, and Chiang Kai-shek. 3) Propaganda cartoon leaflets
produced by the Japanese Army General Staff were targeted at foreign troops and civilians.
Their purposes included demoralizing enemy soldiers and intensifying antagonism of
Asians toward their Western oppressors.
She noted that in wartime Japanese comic art, "the p ure Self" and "the demonic
Other" are aligned along a single continuum. At one extreme is the superhero Japanese
soldier, in the other the monstrous enemy. In the middle we can find the ordinary Japanese
people facing the adversity and defending the country and the pitiful foreign victims of
Japan's enemies.
14
This work is foundational to my research in terms of structure and methodology, but
it‘s quite limited regarding the contents. Since my thesis is focused in the memories of the
World War II, I‘m interested in the analysis of the postwar comic art.
2.1.2 The pure self and the demonic other
John Dower's War without Mercy describes the ugly racial dimensions of the
conflict in the Asian theater of World War II and their consequences on both military and
reconstruction policy in the Pacific. Dower also examines the manifestations of Americans
in Japanese public culture:
In "The Pure Self," Dower describes how Japanese came to see whites not in terms
of color but of "purity." "Where racism in the West was characterized by
denigration of others," writes Dower, "the Japanese were preoccupied far more
exclusively with elevating themselves (…) They spent more time wrestling with the
question of what it really meant to be Japanese, how the Yamato race was unique
among the races and cultures of the world, and why this uniqueness made them
superior." As such, "the Japanese presented themselves as being purer than others
(…) a concept that carried both ancient religious connotations and complex
contemporary ramifications," (Dower, 1986 p. 204-205, 231-232) particularly after
this purity became increasingly conflated with heroic rituals of self-sacrifice
(Gyokusai) by the Japanese leadership.
Similarly, in "The Demonic Other," Dower describes how the Japanese came to
portray the allied powe rs as de mons. "This latter stereotype was the dominant
15
metaphor in Japanese propaganda against the enemy during World War II (…) the
Anglo-Americans were described as demons (oni), devils (kichiku), fiends
(akki and akuma), and monsters (kaibutsu.)" (Dower, 1986, p. 244)
2.1.3 Manga and war
In one of his recent works, Manga to Sens (Manga and War), Natsume Fusanosuke
discusses how a lot of Japanese manga has dealt with the war issue.
He traced the evolution of the depiction of war in manga from the immediate
postwar period to the 1990s. Natsume goes from Tezuka‗s early manga to Evangelion.
He states that the war images held by those born after World War II -the people
accounting for the great majority of Japanese society- have mostly been derived from
comics and other media. He himself as a postwar child has his first contact with war
through television, movies and manga. In his own words:
After the defeat in World War II, Japan has not been directly involved in any war. I
think that is quite a rare occurrence in history. But manga have repeatedly featured
wars, destructive robots and so on. In other words, there are wars in manga because
there is no war (in reality). (Natsume).
2.1.4 Narratives of WW2 in Japanese Manga, 1957-1977
In the chapter 8 of the book Japanese Visual Culture, Eldad Nakar analyzed the
published manga in the postwar period that explicitly dealt with the war. The essay
16
examines how Japanese remember World War II from 1957 to 1977. He explored the
contents of the early works and the changing over time in two different types of ―living
narratives‖ that reflect the social, economical and cultural reality of the postwar period.
He divided his work in two periods, the first one from the late 1950s to the late
1960s, characterized for a heroic warfare and hegemonic narrative of air war battle; and the
second from the late 1960s to the late 1970s, with stories more critical of the war and plots
focused not only in the front but also on civilians affected by the war.
Which is interesting of this essay is that the author made also a historical approach
to explore the changes in historical and social conditions in postwar period. His approach is
going to be the starting point of my research but I will go further and continue until the
1990s.
Nakar concludes that: ―Manga stories about World War II clearly reflect the
different times in which they were produced, faithfully conforming to contemporary
dictates of the collective moods and perceptions of the war‖. (Nakar, 2008, p. 198)
2.2 Theoretical background
2.2.1 Imagined Communities of Benedict Anderson
As I said at the beginning, I‘m starting from the idea of Nation as a construction in
the order of the collective imaginary that Benedict Anderson (1991) defined as an
imagined community inherently limited and sovereign.
17
The nation is one of the discursive social constructions which higher incidence have
had and have on the course of world history. Is the one for which individuals are willing to
die and kill, the one which one longs when the socio-economic, historical or political
conditions granted to a subject by its membership of a particular nation state don‘t meet its
expectations. In short, the concept or discourse of nation is a crucial element in the identity
of each individual, and one of the collective identities starring endless social phenomena of
different kinds (political, cultural, social, etc.).
Imagined Communities understands the nation, nationality and nationalism as
"artifacts" or "cultural products" that must be studied from a historical perspective to show
us how they appeared, how they have been changing their meaning and how they acquired
the enormous emotional legitimacy that have today.
According to the author we tend to reify the existence of nationalism considering it
as an ideology. It would be better understand it as a social or anthropological relation at the
level of family or religious relationships that as an ideology, since it doesn‘t got the
consistency of political theories as for example, "liberalism" or even "fascism." Anderson
proposed an anthropological approach which takes as its starting point the following
definition: ―A nation is a political community that is imagined as both inherently limited
and as sovereign.‖ (Anderson, 1991, p. 224)
The nation is an imagined political community because although members of a
nation don‘t know each other, yet they have in their minds a certain image of their
communion. The nation is a political community imagined as something limited because it
is never imagined as coincident with humanity. That is, no nation ever pretends nor wishes
18
that all mankind join them. The nation is a political community that is imagined as
sovereign because the concept of nation came at a time where the Enlightenment and the
French Revolution had destroyed "the grace of God" as a source of legitimacy of dynastic
rule, having to turn to nation as a new basis of legitimacy. And the nation is a community
that, despite the inequalities and exploitation that always exist within any social group, it is
always conceived as a horizontal comradeship.
Anderson thinks that the emergence of the novel and the newspaper provided the
technical resources for thinking and representing the national imagined community. The
book-newspaper was the first object of mass-produced consumption. Reading the press
became a mass ceremony which took place every morning in the same territory and that
helped to generate its corresponding national imagined community.
2.2.2 Pierre Bourdieu, Symbolic violence and Structural censorship
To think the idea of symbolic violence implies necessarily thinking about the
phenomenon of domination in social relations, especially its effectiveness, its mode of
operation, and what makes it possible.
Symbolic violence is the coercion which is setup only trough the consent that the
dominated cannot fail to give to the dominator (and therefore to the domination) when
their understanding of the situation can only use instruments of knowledge that they
have in common with the dominator, which, being merely the incorporated form of the
structure of the relation of domination, make this relation appear as natural. (Bourdieu
170)
19
To explain symbolic violence, Bourdieu makes use of the notion of habitus and with
it, he tries to account the way in which social agents finds the world as evident in itself, and
with it co-constitutes the dominance relation in which they take part. The habitus is a set of
rules that generate adjusted practices to certain sche mes of thought, vision, judgment and
action that agents incorporate throughout their lives. It‘s a kind of practical sense of what
must be done in a certain situation.
The social world is conceived as a multidimensional space in which various fields
(economic, political, educational, cultural, etc.) function as spaces of power and are
structured according to several variables. This social world is nothing but the significant
network that is woven between all the component fields. The notion of field talks about a
space in which agents put into play a certain type of capital, in which must agree with the
imposed rules to participate. So as long as a force field, this space is simultaneously an area
of struggle in which agents face different means and ends.
Imposing a proper principle of vision and division, and influence on the consideration
of what is legitimate, involves building the common sense, the sense of who we are
together, and then legitimize our own place in that world in common.
Domination, Bourdieu says, always has a symbolic dimension in so far that acts of
obedience and submission – acts of fully conscious- are acts of knowing (of a structure) and
recognition (of legitimacy). The possibility of building the common sense, sense of the
social, enables functioning of structures of domination, not only making them readable in
common, but natural and obvious.
20
The objects of the social world, constituted by the common sense, have certain
margin of vagueness and uncertainty of a world shaped by various social agents,
differentially located in the social fabric and significantly distributed in it. This diversity
provides a basis for the plurality of visions of the world and thus, allows a symbolic
struggle to impose the legitimate vision of the world. The higher or lower chances for this
imposition will be at all related to the possession of a quantity of legitimate symbolic
capital, which is simply the product of the previous symbolic struggles.
However, symbolic violence is done by an act that is both o f knowledge (of the
structure, of the common sense, of one's position and that of others, etc.), of recognition
(because it gives a subjective sense to that structure, to that common sense, to those
positions), but also of misrecognition.
I call misrecognition the fact of recognizing a violence which is wielded precisely
inasmuch as one does not perceive it as such. (…) What I put under the term of
―recognition‖, then, is the set of fundamental, prereflexive assumptions that social
agents engage by the mere fact of taking the world for granted, of accepting the world
as it is, and of finding it natural because their mind is constructed according to
cognitive structures that are issued out of the very structures of the world.(Bourdieu y
Vacquant 178)
As a repository of common sense, the state somehow diagnosed and says what it has
to be. Bourdieu describes the state as an organizational structure and a regulatory authority
of practices, exercised by subjecting agents to impositions and disciplines.
21
2.2.3 Williams: Hegemony and Residual and emergent cultures
The concept of hegemony is one of the Gramsci‘s contributions. It supposes the
existence of something which is truly total and not just secondary of superstructura l, which
constitutes the essence and limit of common sense for most people under its way.
Williams underscore the emphasis in that hegemony is not singular. Its internal
structures are highly complex, and they must be continually renewed, recreated and
defended. But at the same time, they can be continually challenged and sometimes
modified. Williams calls for a model which allows for this kind of variation and
contradiction, its sets of alternatives and its processes of change.
In any society within a particular period, we can find a central system of practices,
meanings and values that can be called dominant and effective as they are organized and
lived. But it should be borne in mind that such an effective and dominant culture is not a
static system, but is dependent, rather, on the social process of incorporation.
Williams has in mind, in this regard, the educational institutions of a given society
which are the main agencies of the transmission of an effective dominant culture. What
Williams terms the ―selective tradition‖ is ―that which, within the terms of an effective
dominant culture, is always passed off as the tradition, the significant past‖ (Higgins 169).
Williams stresses that the ―selectivity‖ is the crucial point, that is, the way in which certain
meanings and practices are chosen for emphasis from a whole possible area of past and
present, while other meanings and practices are neglected and excluded. Some of these
meanings and practices are ―reinterpreted, diluted, or put into forms which support or at
least do not contradict other elements within the effective dominant culture‖ ( Ibid, p. 169).
22
Williams proposes to think again practices, experiences, meanings, values which are
not part of the effective dominant culture. Here we can find something which is alternative
to the dominant culture and something which is oppositional. These forms of social life and
culture have to be recognized as subject to historical variation and as having sources
significant as a fact about the dominant culture itself.
At this point, Williams introduces a distinction between residual and e mergent
forms. Residual are those experiences, meaning and values that even they are not expressed
in terms of the dominant culture; they are lived and practiced on the basis of the residue of
some previous social formation. Emergent are those new created meanings, values and
practices; new significances and experiences. The dominant culture is very alert to anything
which can be seen as new and different. The effort is immediately made to incorporate it.
Capitalist society is especially vigilant in this regard. The rela tionship of the dominant
culture to the residual and emergent elements of a culture is, clearly, a temporal relationship.
Williams also distinguishes between a merely alternative point of view and one
that is oppositional. The former is usually an individualistic or ―small- group‖ affair, while
the latter properly belongs to ―political and ultimately revolutionary practice‖. Of course,
what today is tolerated as simply deviant tomorrow is crushed because of the challenge it
poses.
Williams argues that one of the best crucibles in which the emergent can be
glimpsed is the formation of a ne w class, i.e. the coming to consciousness of a new class.
No mode of production, and therefore no dominant society or order of society, and
therefore no dominant culture, in reality exhausts the full range of human practice,
23
human energy, human intention (this range is not the inventory of some original
‗human nature‘ but, on the contrary, is that extraordinary range of variations, both
practiced and imagined, of which human beings are and have shown themselves to be
capable) (Ibid, p. 172).
The modes of domination are selected, and therefore exclude the full range of actual
and possible human practices. The practices outside or against the dominant mode depend
on if the dominant class and the dominant culture have any interest in this area. If this
interest is explicit the new practices will be incorporated or extirpated. But certain areas, he
stresses, will not be reached for because by definition from its own limited character, or in
its profound deformation, the dominant culture is unable in any real terms to recognize.
Williams‘ point is that the arts in general and literature in particular are something
of a hybrid creature, ideologically-speaking. Literature simultaneously contributes to the
dominant culture and is a central articulation of it. Literature embodies residual meanings
and values, not all of them incorporated but many of them are. Literature expresses also
some emergent practices and meanings; however some of them may eventually be
incorporated since they reach people and being to move them.
2.3 Methodology
The main method of this work is Comic art analysis. The works analyzed were
selected according to previous works of manga analyst, basically the work of Natsume
Fusanosuke. Due to limitations in the language I tried to choose works that had been
24
translated to English. It was possible in almost all of them except the ones representative of
the air pilot stories.
The methodology is going to be applied by dividing the analysis into three main
periods of the postwar years from the late 1950s to 1990s. The purpose is to analyze the
transformations of the plot in Japanese manga about the World War II produced during
those years.
I‘m also going to make use of historical approach, because this study aims to
determine if the Japanese comic art has reinforced or challenge the state‘s discourse of the
war.
2.3.1
Historical approach
To perform a historical approach is crucial to my research since what I want to
explore is if postwar manga challenged or supported the state‘s narratives of the memories
of the War World II. For doing so, the first thing I must do is analyze the social, political
and economical changes of Japan during the postwar years, and elucidate how these
changes affected the way to remember the war. Having defined the historical context, I
will go deeper into manga analysis to figure out if manga was a response to the necessities
of the Japanese official narratives.
Also the Chapter 3 presents the historical development of Japanese comic art from
its origins trough the World War II. This is to account how Japanese comic art has
developed as a mass medium.
25
2.3.2
Comic art analysis
The uniqueness nature of comic art (in which manga is included) reside in the
blending of visual and verbal elements that together convey a narrative. Then, both
elements must be taken in consideration within the analysis.
The first popularized approach to Japanese visual language grammar was performed
by Scott McCloud (1993). He defines comics as: "Juxtaposed pictorial and other images in
deliberate sequence, intended to convey information and/or to produce an aesthetic
response in the viewer" (McCloud, 1993, p. 9). According to him, the use of certain
resources may determine a way to narrate the story.
He provided particular aspects of comics which benefit the analysis of the narrative
comics: (a) icons, vocabulary of comics; (b) panel-to panel closure, categories of transition
between panels; (c) time frames expressed by either sound (word balloons and sound
effects) or motion (panel-to-panel closure and motion within panels); (d) lines that
represent a visible and invisible, word balloons containing words and non- verbal sounds;
(e) backgrounds indicating emotions; (f) the d egree of word-picture combination (word
specific, picture specific, duo-specific, additive, parallel, montage, and inter-dependent);
and (g) color versus black and white.
Due to time and goals restrictions, it is impossible to address all these aspects in the
analysis. I will focus on those considered most necessary for this work.
26
McCloud‘s hypothesis is that sequential meaning could be derived from the linear
relationships between panels, accomplished through various types of ―panel transitions.‖
The types of transition are:
1. Moment to moment: illustrate a short amount of time passing.
2. Action to action: illustrate a whole action occurring.
3. Subject to subject: illustrate a shift from character to character.
4. Scene to scene: illustrate shift between two different environments.
5. Aspect to aspect: step outside of time to show aspects of the environment.
6. Non sequitur: have no logical relationship between panels.
In Japanese manga is common to find ―moment to moment‖ transitions and a lot of
―aspect to aspect‖ transitions, while in American comics is more common to find action,
subject and scene transitions. He argues that the format of manga series allow the mangaka
to dedicate more panels for scenes and focus on the moods and feelings of the chara cters.
The panel transitions describe the relations between images. Thinking in terms of
broader hierarchic structures shifts the focus away from what happens between the
individual panels, over to how the content of panels fits into a larger cognitive architecture,
making the understanding of sequences richer.
27
3. HISTORY OF MANGA
Since I‘m considering manga as a mass medium I will focus on the period when
manga began to be received by a mass audience. However, it‘s necessary to trace the origin
and the history of Japanese comic art since manga is closely relate to Japanese history and
culture.
3.1 Premodern Comic Art
Some scholars mark the beginning of the tradition of comic art to Emaki (picture
scrolls) that were created around the XII century. They are the oldest form of narrative
comic art since they depict a story with a sequence of pictures. The famous one is
Ch jūgiga attributed to Buddhist priest-artist Bishop Toba, drawn in the late Heian Period.
This work is a four picture scroll depicting in a satirical way the corrupt society at the time
with the particularity that the characters of Ch jūgiga are animals.
Although the picture scrolls were the first form of Japanese comic art, they had a
limited audience only among the elite class. It was not until the Edo Period that the manga
reached a mass audience.
During the Edo Period we can find three types of illustration: The Otsu-e, the Tobae and the Ukiyo-e.
In the beginning of the Edo Period the local artist painted pictures and sold them to
the people in the streets of Otsu. The first works were referred to Buddhism, but by the
XVIII century they shifted to satire and humor, becoming very popular between the middleclass.
28
In the early XVIII century artist in Kyoto and Osaka created the Toba-E. They were
a sort of books produced by woodblock printing process. Toba-E are considered the first
comic books ever produced in the world, and they marked the beginning of reproducible
comic art.
Finally, the Ukiyo-e prints were enjoyed by the townspeople during the Edo Period.
Katsushika Hokusai compiled and published a series of fifteen books titled Hokusai Manga
in the early XIX century. The mainly characteristics of his work are: (a) it was intended as a
guidebook to show the basics of art, i.e., how to accurately depict things; (b) it tried to
portray scenes of the society satirically and playfully; and (c) it attempted to show that art
can be an embodiment of an artist's imagination (Shimizu, 1985). In his title the word
manga appeared for the first time.
3.2 First manga magazines
When Japanese opened their borders to foreign trade in 1850 they became
influenced by Western technologies. The English Charles Wirgman created Japan's first
cartoon magazine, The Japan Punch (1862-1887) in order to inform the foreign community
in Yokohama about Japan's politics and society. This magazine included cartoons on a ll
pages. The magazine quickly gained reputation among foreigners and by 1865 became a
monthly edition.
Japanese manga have long been used for satire; this was particularly evident during
the Jiyū minken und (Freedom and people‘s right movement). Some political leaders,
under the influence of European thinkers as Rousseau and the liberal British philosophers,
formed the first political party, the Aikoku K t , in 1874. This group used manga to get
their antigovernment message out. In the same year, Kawanabe Kyosai, and Kanagaki
29
Robun created the Eshinbun Nipponchi (Illustrated Newspaper Japan), the first cartoon
magazine published by the Japanese. Pitifully it only last two issues, but was the first
attempt of Japanese to publish a magazine filled of cartoons.
3.3 Political manga in the Meiji Period (1868-1912)
During the years of the imperial restoration of 1868, Japan experienced a radical
shift in its social structure, from a traditional feudal to a modern industrial society. Since
popular-rights movement extended throughout the nation, a weekly cartoon magazine
named Marumaru Chinbun (1877-1907) also growth by satirizing the government. The
owner of the magazine created a new type of manga mixing Western and Japanese styles. It
was published every Saturday in both Japanese and English in order to reach a wider
audience. These political and social drawings were welcomed by young intellectuals of that
time.
In 1894 the Sino-Japanese war exploded. Most of the mangaka drew manga
supporting the state war policy and celebrating the victory. During the Russo-Japanese war
(1904-1905) the magazines like Nipponchi portrayed the Russians as week and cowardly.
In 1905, Kitazawa Rakuten started a large-sized color cartoon magazine named
Tokyo Puck (1905-1912). Its success was immediately, becoming biweekly in its second
year and appeared every ten days the following year. All pages featured cartoons
accompanied by captions in Japanese, Chinese, and English. That made the magazine an
international success and forced to extend the topics to international affairs. To make the
distinction of his cartoons between the others, Kitazawa named them manga.
3.4 Taisho Period (1912-1926): Proletarian cartoons
30
Taisho period is characterized by cultural and political liberalism. Mass culture
introduced the modernity in everyday life of Japanese people.
During this period a number of American comic strips were introduced to the
Japanese newspapers and magazines. These American funnies had a big influence on the
young mangaka. After Kitazawa quit the editorship of Tokyo Puck in 1912, another three
editions followed it and the magazine was published until 1941.
This was also a time when the Japanese government regulated the content of motion
pictures and other media. Although started in 1925, the law was felt after 1931 with
―thought control‖ police who had the power to arrest artists and editors considered
subversive because ―altering the national essence‖.
The Proletarian Cartoon Movement began in the early 1920s but disappeared by the
middle of 1930s due to repression of the state. This movement began to theorize about the
role that manga can play in cultivating the masses by promoting Marxist ideology. The y
conceive manga as an effective medium for agitation and propaganda.
The Musansha Shinbun was founded in 1925 as "the communist party's aboveground organ" (Mitchell, 1983). In this newspaper political cartoon promoting leftist
ideologies appeared.
3.5 Showa Period (1926-1989): Children’s manga, Pacific War and censorship.
Even since Okamoto Ippei began to draw manga for his son in 1917, the boom of
the children manga was in the early Showa Period. The main publishers were Kodansha
and Nakamura Shoten. Kodansha compiled the most successful manga serialized in
monthly magazines like Sh nen Club.
31
Two of the most famous manga in the prewar period were Norakuro (1931-1941)
and Bouken Dankichi (1933-1938). The first one, written by Tagawa Suihou, was the story
of an orphan dog that joined the army. This manga attracted the attention of the boys
instantly and became a hit. The second was the story of Dankichi, a boy who became the
king of a Pacific island and protected it against the white enemy. This story followed the
events of the navy in the Pacific war.
Some young cartoonist who adopted the style of American comics organized the
New Cartoonist Faction Group in 1932. The key goal of this organization was to advertise
its members as a group and to seek publishing outlets for them. They were well known for
them ―nonsense manga‖ that contained more humor and less dialogues. One of the stars of
the group was Yokohama Ryūichi. His drawing style was simple and playful. He depended
less on verbal and more on the movements of the characters and visual humor. His famous
work was Fuku-chan, which ran in the newspaper Asahi shinbun from 1936 to 1944.
During the 1930s emerged the argument that manga had been corrupted and its
artistic potential should be revisited. After the Japan-China war began in 1937, the
discourse on manga turned to the relationship with the war. The founding declaration of the
Tokyo Manga Institute stated:
Manga is an indispensable political and economic weapon, and has grown into a
powerful propaganda tool (…) our people need enjoyable manga to cleanse their minds.
They need them as much as they need food. (Founding declaration)
Most of the members of the Institute were arrested by the Special Higher Police in
1941 arguing that they were involved in ―lefty‘s cultural activities‖, and their magazine,
Kakikare was discontinued in June.
32
During the Pacific War (1941-1945) the state control over manga became stricter.
Magazines and newspapers were fused under the ―National Mobilization Law‖1 of the New
Order. According to Okamoto Rei (1999) the result was a decreased number of publications
and only three possibilities for the mangaka: comic strips in newspaper or magazines
promoting national solidarity; single-panel cartoons denigrating the enemy; and propaganda
leaflets made for both, enemy troops and Asian population. Because of the pressure put by
the government over the publishers, they didn‘t accept any work that didn‘t respect the state
policies. This censorship was not only imposed from the state, but also self-censorship was
put in practice by the press workers and manga writers.
However, children‘s manga had a rebirth after the war and grew to be a main genre.
3.6 Norakuro and Fuku-chan
a. As I said before, by the 1930s magazines for Children as Sh nen Club or Sh jo
Club started to feature heroic tales of Japanese soldiers, and showed its characters
armed and ready for battle. ―Ganbatte‖ (do your best) became the slogan in the
manga of this period, as Japan and its citizen prepared for the upcoming
conflict. This period is bookended by two events: in 1931, the Mukden Incident,
and in 1941, the invasion of Pearl Harbor.
Tagawa Suih ‘s Norakuro, is an example of that kind of manga used to inspire
values of sacrifice on the home front and courage on the battlefield even in the
youngest readers.
1
The National Mobilization Law had fifty clauses, which provided for government controls over civilian
organizations (including labor unions), nationalization of strategic industries, price controls and rationing,
and nationalized the news media. The laws gave the government the authority to use unlimited budgets to
subsidize war production, and to compensate manufacturers for losses caused by war -time mobilization.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Mobilization_Law
33
3.6.1 Norakuro (1931-1941)
Written by Tagawa Suih this manga began to appear in 1931 in the magazine
Sh nen Club.
Tagawa had a particular talent for ―nonsense manga‖ and ―rakugo‖2 . By that time,
Kodansha‘s magazine Omoshiro Club was looking for some new rakugo writings, so he
decided to take a shot. Aware of Tagawa‘s narrative skills, the editor asked him to draw
cartoons.
After drawing another manga for one year he came out with a new idea. The hero
must be a dog and a soldier, two characteristics that children would like. That was the
outline of Norakuro.
Norakuro begins by introducing us to a black and white stray dog (maybe inspired
by Felix the Cat) called Kurokichi, who is enrolled as a recruit to the army. At the
beginning he is homeless and extremely poor. It‘s a dog without home, family, and not very
smart. Even if he always tries to do the right thing, he always ended up ruining everything.
Kurokichi managed to join the ―Fierce Dog Regiment‖ and repeating his failures all
over again. But the response from its readers was surprising. The children supported
Norakuro to the point of writing letters offering him they home to stay on Sundays. So
Tagawa decided to promote the dog to private first class by the end of the second year. By
that time the character turned independent of the intentions of his creator. Then, responding
to the expectations of his readers made climb the ranks of the dog gradually up to lieutenant.
2
It’s a Japanese verbal entertainment. Using only a paper fan and a small cloth, the storyteller sits on the
stage and depicts a long and complicated comical story. The story always involves the dialogue of two or
more characters, the difference between the characters depicted only through change in pitch, tone, and a
slight turn of the head.
34
In the end, Norakuro runs for eleven years, since 1941, just before the beginning of the
Pacific War.
We can note that the design of the pages of this manga is extremely simple.
Normally there are three horizontal panels per page and the sense of motion given from a
frame to another is virtually zero. Although it contains some scenes of action, this is totally
static.
Fig. 1 Norakuro vs. pigs (Chinese). 1937
From 1932 to 1936 Norakuro fought
only against hilarious enemies such like
monkeys, chimpanzees, kappas and frogs.
But in 1937, parallel to the outbreak of the
Sino-Japanese war, the enemies changed to
pigs. Those pigs, from every standpoint,
were parodies of Chinese soldiers (Fig.1 and
Fig 2). In the Fig.1, the pig‘s dialogue is
Fig. 2 Norakuro vs. pigs, 1937
stereotyped version of Chinese dialect.
The plot was suddenly turned into a
Fig. 2 Norakuro vs. pigs (Chinese). 1937.
realistic story. By then, Norakuro had
already been promoted to a Second
Lieutenant
with
considerable
responsibilities.
Norakuro was promoted as high as
Major, but later was relieved of his
position at his own request so he might be free. Then he went to Manchuria and worked at
35
developing natural resources. It is said that Tagawa wanted to continue increasing in rank to
Norakuro. But the Japanese army, sick of the character trivialized armed forces and war,
not only prevented Norakuro came to captain, but pushed for the series to be cut off.
Although Norakuro was published in black and white in Sh nen Club, later it was
redrawn by Tagawa and published in volumes printed in full color, protected in a cardboard
box lined with cloth hardcover. Each volume was titled with Norakuro‘s rank at the time,
and in total there are ten of these volumes.
Even though the character wasn’t strictly military, it contributed to the
popular feeling that war was a normal every day affair. When the war broke out,
everybody was expecting it, because the psychological preparation was complete.
b. After Japan‘s entry into the WW2 in 1937, mangaka were required to join a
government-supported trade organization, the Shin Nippon Mangaka Kyokai (The
New Cartoonist Association of Japan). Because of a restructuring of media and a
shortage of paper, the number of newspapers and magazines, including cartoon
magazines, decreased drastically in 1940. Mangaka who weren‘t fighting on the
front lines, working in the factories or banned from cartooning drew manga
following the government‘s guidelines for acceptable content. That manga included
family-style humor situations and inventiveness of wartime everyday life.
An example of this kind of manga is Fuku-chan. Its creator, Yokohama Ryūichi was
sent to the war zone to create comics in service of the Japanese military.
3.6.2 Fuku-Chan (1936-1971)
36
Written by Yokoyama Ryūichi, the strip clearly aimed at family members including
children, often depicting wartime life from children‘s point of view. The strip functioned as
part of new journalism, incorporating then current events and war-related news. It ran in the
home section of Asahi Shinbun from 1936 to 1944. After the war the strip continued in
Mainichi Shinbun, from 1956 to 1971.
Yokoyama having encountered with Western cartoons, developed a fascination with
the simplified drawings. So he started to draw ―nonsense‖ for magazines and founded the
New Cartoonist Faction Group.
The main character, Fuku-chan, was a preschooler boy, and often depicts the war
time issues from his point of view. He was usually pictured in the same garb-a college cap,
white apron, and geta (wooden shoes). Fuku-chan was derived from another strip started in
January 1936 under the title, Edokko Ken-chan. But rapidly the cute and prankish Fuku
became more popular than the well-behaved Ken.
The strip started with Fuku's millionaire uncle adopting him as a successor. Fuku
used to call the uncle "Grandfather" because he is an old man. Another important character
in the strip was Arakuma, a university student hired as Fuku's tutor. The uncle became so
impressed with the simplicity of the living of his nephew and his tutor that he also decided
to move to the countryside. Also Fuku‘s mother and younger brother appeared in the strip,
but they were never really relevant to the story.
The strip was welcomed as being refreshing and sophisticated. Its basic layout was
in vertical four panels, drawn in black and white. In most cases, the narrative of each daily
installment was auto conclusive, with the last frame presenting a punch line or a gag. The
drawing style helped the reader focus on ―the graphic center of narrative focus‖ (Harvey,
1994), providing an effective way to storytelling.
37
When this manga started, the war between Japan and China was imminent, so the
war was present from the very beginning. But since the war advance, the life of the people
was constrained, and that can be seen in the comic. Anyway the characters never showed
any doubt about Japan victory and they were willing to suffer in
Fig. 3 Fuku-chan Jissen,
1941, Asahi Shinbun.
order to achieve state goals.
As the main ingredients of the strip were humor and
nonsense, the war made it difficult to find appropriate topics.
The war usually appeared in children‘s play. For example, in
Fig.3 Fuku-chan made gas mask with a broken lantern. But as the
war situation went worst, everyone, including children was
expected to working hard to win the war. So the character of Fuku
was gradually molded as a good child as all children were expected
to be. Hard work and body training were encouraged in the strip
during 1944. For example, as they were in a training camp the
children were submitted to several tasks in order to increase
discipline and strength.
The situations and characters were generally the same, except for a brief period in
1942, when Yokoyama was drafted as part of the army press corps and sent to Java; there,
he drew propaganda cartoons and toured to encourage Japanese troops. Trough the
character of Fuku, he reported his experience of the war and Javanese way of life. This
special series ran for 3 months. In the Java series Yokoyama basically reported the
differences and the similarities between Javanese and Japanese culture, and always depicted
Java as a paradise.
38
Fig. 4 Fuku-Chan, 1943, Asahi Shinbun.
During the strip there were also two concrete
references to enemies‘ leaders: one to Chiang Kai-Sek,
Generalisimo of the Nationalist government of China,
and the other to Winston Churchill, Britain‘s prime
Minister. In Fig. 4 Fuku and his uncle got angry with a
pumping that looked like Churchill.
Like other articles in the newspaper of the time,
the subject matter of the strip was carefully chosen to
meet the state standard of appropriate topics. The
characters faithfully supported the state propaganda
campaign. Probably the most susceptible character was
Arakuma, who became more patriotic and energetic as the war dragged out. Fuku-chan
was an integral part of domestic propaganda intended to heighten the morale of the
home front and serving as a role model to the readers.
39
4. 1950s AND 1960s
It can be said that during the immediate postwar years, Japanese were silent about
the war. Not until the ratification of the Peace treaty between the Allied Powers and Japan
in 1951, the first stories dealing with the war appeared.
4.1 Historical context
By the end of the World War II Japan was occupied by the Allied Powers 3 , led by
the United States. That was the first time since Japan unification that the nation had been
occupied by a foreign power.
On December of 1945, General Mc Arthur released an order to set up the
International Prosecution Section for the International Military Tribunal for the Far East,
better known as the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal. The judges were chosen from U.S allies
whose fought in the WW2, that‘s why, is not surprising that the issues of colonialism were
suppressed and focused on war atrocities. Furthermore, Mc Arthur protected Emperor
Hirohito from condemnation as war criminal, keeping him the throne. The goal of United
States was to exploit this system in order to smooth the occupation of Japan. Some
Japanese officials and American scholars believed that the emperor could play a key role in
the unification of Japan as a nation within the new system. They argued that Hirohito was
3
The anti-Ger man coalition at the start of the war (September 1939) consisted of France, Poland and the
United Kingdom, soon to be joined by the British dominions (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Newfoundland
and South Africa). After 1941, the leaders of the United States of America, the British Commonwealth, and
the Soviet Union known as the "Big Three", held leadership of the allied powers. China, at that time, was
also a major Ally. Other Allies included Belgium, Brazil, Czechoslovakia, Ethiopia, Greece, India (as part of the
British Empire), Mexico, the Netherlands, Norway and Canada.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Allies_of_World_War_II
40
manipulated by the military leaders and that actually he took the initiative to end the war.
Thereby the emperor emerged as a peace maker who saves Japan from total annihilation.
During the first postwar years, the Occupation authorities had censored every
attempt to talk about the recent military conflict. This censorship relied on ten points of the
Press Code, which states than nothing should ―disturb public tranquility‖. But also the
devastation of the postwar was such that Japanese people were busy trying to survive and
had no time to remember or regret. ―Japan‘s defeat was a national event: as a nation, could
no longer exist as it had, and its members were forced to reconsider its very foundation‖
(Igarashi, 2000, p.12). The American framing of the War Crimes Tribunal and the
building of the representation of the emperor as a peace symbol contributed to create
the image of Japan as war victim who we re tricked by military leaders represented by
General Tojo Hideki. The result was to relieve Japanese people from the necessity to
rethink about colonization of Taiwan and Korea, war crimes such as Nanking
Massacre, and emperor’s responsibility.
The Treaty of San Francisco, signed in 1951 declared formal hostilities officially
ended. By this treaty the Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida gave up all the territories
conquest since 1895 and agreed to concede Okinawa to U.S. rule. Japan and the United
States signed a separate agreement known as Japan-U.S. Security pact. With it, Japan
consented the stationing of American bases on its land in order to protect them from outside
aggressions. Both treaty and pact took effect in 1952, marking the end of postwar military
occupation. This fact allowed the memories of the war to resurge in popular consciousness.
41
In the article 11 of the treaty, Japan accepted the judgments of the Tokyo War
Tribunal and committed to carry out the sentences imposed upon Japanese nationals. But at
the same time the article left open the possibility that class B or C war criminals would be
granted clemency or reductions in them sentences. After the treaty came into effect, a
movement demanding the release of B and C criminals began, and they turned to be victims
of war instead of criminals for the majority of Japanese. By the end of 1958, all Japanese
war criminals (A, B and C class) 4 were release from prison. In that way Japanese refused to
accept any responsibility of the war within the domestic policy.
According to Natsume (1997), in 1956 the government of Japan declared in its
annual economic White Paper that the postwar period was over. The record of publications
about the war went up to over 60.
By the end of 1950s the situation of Japanese people was slowly getting better. They
could enjoy the shanju no jingi (three imperial regalia) consistent in a refrigerator, a
washing machine and a TV set and lived in functional apartments. This improvement in life
quality allowed the people to reflect about the war.
During the war, the Japanese aeronautical engineers acquired high valued
knowledge by developing high-speed fighter planes. After the war most of these engineers
joined the automobile industry and later contributed to the creation of the Shinkansen
network.
4
Class A: crimes against peace.
Class B: war crimes per se.
Class C: crimes against humanity.
42
In October 1958 the Japanese government announced its intention to renegotiate the
pact with the United States. This action was not welcome between Japanese citizens as the
economic recovery of Japan made such agreement seem unnecessary. The opposition
intensified by the end of 1959 when the URSS declared a right to retaliate against the
American bases. Finally in 1960, the ampo t s brought down the government of Nobosuke
Kishi, accused before of war crimes but released unproven by the Occupation authorities.
The Anti-security Pact Movement created an atmosphere in which United States
reemerged as the ―enemy‖ once again. In this context, people could again enjoy manga
glorifying patriotic spirit.
In a speech of the first War Dead Commemoration Day held on 1963 the Prime
Minister Hayato Ikeda said that behind Japan‘s recovery for the war were the dreams of the
ones who died for the country. An answer for the families of the war victims came to t he
light: Their deaths set the foundation for Japan‘s prosperity. That marked the renewal of
Japanese Nationalism.
The celebration of the Olympic Games in Tokyo in 1964, symbolized Japan‘s
reemergence as a player on international stage.
This was the social background that gave way to air pilot manga celebrating military
technology and the soldier‘s courage.
4.2 Manga context
43
Manga had to face the same problems as the other publications. During the
occupation years it faced the censorship and neglected. During the 50s manga editors had to
faced the challenge of keep teenagers reading manga. As a result, many editors launched
manga magazines targeting them, and some quickly enjoyed a big success.
Yonezawa (1996) states that the first manga dealing with the World War II was
Senj shiirizu (The Battlefield series) written by Taro Himoto. This work published in 1957,
was written during the Occupation period, but censored due to its content.
But the manga world remained silent about the war until the late 1950s. Why?
1. Since war stories could evoke a sad past, war stories were omitted in the first decade.
Younger readers needed stories of hope for a better future or fantasy escapism. The
main genre that was developed under the first postwar years was the Science Fiction,
providing dreaming and hopes for a better future.
2. The silence about the war was an indicative of the unwillingness to confront the past.
The resurgence of Japanese nationalism during the 1960s, and the growing interesting
in war technology and war heroes made the war stories to become permissible for children
easier. The war turned from terrifying to fascinating.
The first works were published and distributed through the kashihonya (paylibraries), but due to their success they jumped to the weekly boys‘ magazines by the
beginning of 1960s. This manga was classified by the Japanese term senki mono (records of
war), conveying the impression that they were narrating real stories.
44
But during this period also a new generation of mangaka appeared, the Towais
generation composed mostly of young artist. So there are two changes: mangaka generation
and the style of manga.
Eldad Nakar (2008) states that early manga of the World War II displayed two main
characteristics: they concentrate in the battlefield ignoring the home front, and they are air
war adventures featuring brave and fearless pilots flying to victory or to dea th. It‘s a
common thing within these manga to use the name of the fighter plane (usually the Zero) in
their names. Some examples are: Sh nen Zero sentai (1959), Zero-sen redo (1961) and
Zero-sen Hayato (1963). The only connection with the SF manga of the immediate postwar
was the notion of self sacrifice and heroism.
The plots of this early works always focus on Japanese pilots bravely fighting
against the enemy. They always profess such a love for the country that they are willing to
die in defense of the homeland. One characteristic of these stories is that they prolong the
aerial combat for pages. The dogfights occupy the center of the narrative tending always to
highlight the bravery and ability of Japanese pilot under fire.
In terms of visual style the most remarkable characteristics of this works is the child
appearance of the heroes. There are several theories to explain that feature:
1. One is that is made to reflect the youth of the soldiers who were drafted to the war
in the final stages of the war.
2. Keeping the cuteness and childlike appearance of the heroes the experiences of the
war were easier to depict. The death and the suffering its usually exclude from this
manga.
45
3. A legacy of Tezuka‘s drawing style.
4. Dower (1986) believes that the childlike appearance could be read as a strategy of
identification of the heroes with Momotaro. That‘s because Japanese trust in the
ability of youthful to overcome massive odds. According to Dover the cute pilots in
this period was stick to a visual myth plot structure which tried to knock over the
fact of defeat.
Usually situated at the end of the World War II, Japanese soldiers are depicted in a
defensive position. Japanese bombers were never featured. The only bombers are
Americans and the Zero pilots are always defending the innocent Japanese civilians. These
stories allowed the readers to concentrate on the heroism of the pilots and to feel proud of
the Japanese technological achievements. There is no defeat because what is shown is
always a fragment of a mayor reality where victorious battles obscure the lost war.
The selected memories mirrore d in the manga of this period depicted the war
as a national heroic mome nt. The fact that these memories of pilots flooded children‘s
literature in the end of 50s and beginning of the 60s proves the power of these images
within society and the high degree of acceptance. Despite protest of educators, parent‘s
associations and some literary critics none of these stories was cancelled. So the general
acceptance was higher than some aisled resistance.
Even though most of manga offered a positive representation of war, there were
some dissident narratives of World War II not presenting a romanticized version of the
conflict. Garo made the first open critique to World War II. Garo was able to propose this
46
criticism of war and go against the official narrative because the intentions of the magazine
were mainly political and not commercial.
Natsume (1997) pointed out that anti-war narratives were barely published during
this period. Shigeru Mizuki himself testified that while he began to write this kind of
material during the 50s, he had serious difficulties in publishing as editors were not
interested in them. Anti-war stories became the re jected narrative of that time.
4.3 Manga analysis
As the vast majority of manga featured the air war, I will analyze two of the air pilot
manga that I found available in book stores. Except Shidenkai no Taka, which has several
editions, the access to other manga of this period is quite difficult.
4.3.1 Zero-sen redo (1961)
The author:
Kaizuka Hiroshi was born in Chiba in 1938. He made his debut in 1957 after
working as administrative staff in Chiba‘s railways. Only after one year started with one of
his most famous series, Kuri kuri t shu (Smoothie Pitcher), published in the Omoshiro
Book. Since then he specialized in youth publications, mainly in the sport genre.
In 1966 he published his own magazine devoted to articles about comics, the
ephemeral Manga Maniac.
47
The plot:
This manga follows the adventures of six boy pilots who disobey their orders to
sacrifice themselves in a Japanese suicide attack. Instead, they start they own
unconventional war on the bounds of the regular Japanese forces.
The story takes place somewhere in the Pacific Ocean. The pilots begin to steal food
from US bases and bring it to Japanese forces. But all they efforts are unrewarded since
they are declared traitors and hunted by the Japanese as well as the Americans.
The title of the story derives from the design of the Zero fighter planes which are
painted red on top and blue below. If the planes fly low over the sea they seem to be flying
upside down and if they fly close to the sun they disappear turning the red side to the
enemy.
As we can see in Fig. 5, the planes and the military hardware were drawn in extreme
detail evoking more a technical drawing than a manga frame.
Fig. 5 Details of the plane. Zero Sen
Reddo, 1961
It seems that the planes were so real in order to resemble the
senki-mono, giving an impression of realism to the story.
Also, as I said before, these years were marked by a
technology advance that made the Japanese be proud of it.
Show the complexity of the airplanes it‘s a way to glorify
these technological acknowledgements.
48
Dead is barely shown in this manga. The readers have to imagine the dead rather
than see it. For example in the first volume, Sergeant Akida feeling embarrassed by his
Fig. 6 Suicide of Akida. Zero Sen Reddo, 1961
behavior commits suicide. In Fig. 6 we can
see him in one frame pointing a gun to his
head and several pages later (Fig. 7) is
founded dead by the Zero Sen Pilots. If we
look in detail, we can see that he is still
holding his gun, so that confirms he killed
himself because of guiltiness feelings.
Fig. 7 Suicide of Akida. Zero Sen
Reddo, 1961
Acording to McCloud (1993) this space
between panels its called ―the gutter‖. This depend on
the human capacity of closure. Closure is the
―phenomenon of observing the parts but percieving the
whole. (…) Closure allows us to connect this moments
and
mentally
construct
a
continuos,
unifed,
reality‖(McCloud, 1993, p. 63-67). In the limbo of the
gutter imagination takes two separates images and transform them into one idea. Closure
allows as to conect moments to construct a continuos reality. Even though closure is in
every single panel of every single comic, this is a good example of how ―the gutter‖ can fill
an idea without the necessity of show it. Actually, McCloud states ―To kill a man between
panels is to condemn him to a thousand deaths‖(McCloud, 1993, p. 69).
49
For depicting the death in this manga the transition using between panels is mainly
―subject to subject‖. Staying on the same scene or idea, the reader involvement is necessary
to give meaning to the transition.
Fig. 8 Aerial combat. Zero Sen
Reddo, 1961
At the same time, the act of killing someone is just
depicted as a cloud of smoke in the sky while the enemy
plane falls down (Fig. 8). There is no blood, no harms, so the
pilots could be innocents in some way for these crimes, death
is distant and they hands remain clean.
To depict the movement and the speed of the
airplanes we can notice here the use of what McCloud calls
the ―motion line‖. This is part of a new tendency of drawing
introduced by Shirato Sanpei. With his ninja‘s manga he changed the drawing style and
turned from fantastic to more realistic, this can be read as a break with Tezuka‘s style. On
the other hand the cuteness child- like appearance of the characters is still inscribed into
Tezuka‘s drawing techniques.
As I said before, it‘s a characteristic of this kind of manga to depict the heroes as
young and cute boys. But here in particular
Fig. 9 Chibitan wets his pants. Zero Sen Reddo, 1961.
this tendency is exaggerated, especially with a
character called Chibitan, who seem to have
barely completed the elementary school. In
fact, in the first volume of the manga we can
50
see that after a forced landing Chibitan wets his pants inside the plane (Fig. 9).
Nakar (2003) thinks that the representation of the heroes as junior officers excludes
them for the overall of the war. In doing so, the responsibility for war crimes cannot be
questioned. I think that the representation of heroes as children against the enemy depicted
as adults, it‘s a way to show the disadvantage of Japanese against the enemy by the end of
the war. In a combat of children vs. adult its logic that even winning some battles, they will
lose at the end. According to Igarashi Yoshikuni (2000), the use of atomic bomb against
Japan and the non-Judgment of Hirohito during the Tokyo crimes promote a foundational
narrative of postwar relations between Japan and United States based on a gendered
relation, where Japan plays the role of the woman. This excessive cuteness in the Japanese
characters with almost feminine features, against the mature and manly depiction of the
enemy could respond to this.
4.3.2 Shidenkai no taka (1963-1965)
The author:
Chiba Tetsuya was born in Tokyo in 1939, but lived most of his early childhood in
Manchuria, when it was still a Japanese colony during the Second Sino-Japanese War. In
1956 he drew his first work as a professional cartoonist with Fukushu no Semushi, (The
Hunchback Avenger). Later, in 1958, he started work on a weekly serial magazine with
Mama no Baorin (Mom's Violin). Then, in 1961 he began to work in a weekly boy's
magazine with Chikai no Makyu (The Promised Pitch).
51
The plot:
The story begins in the summer of 1944, almost by the end of the war, at a Japanese
air force base in Taiwan.
The main character is a young pilot named Taki, who joins the unit and soon
becomes an ace in aerial combat. The story follows his maturation as he shoots down
American planes. During this process Taki realizes that the enemy is also human and has
family and feelings just like Japanese soldiers do. This is helped by the fact that American
Fig. 30 Using of katakana. Shidenkai no
Taka, 1963
pilots can speak Japanese, which is represented in the
manga by the use of word balloons containing
katakana instead of hiragana, as we can see in Fig. 10.
This is maybe a way to show the ―otherness‖. Even
though the ―enemy‖ can speak the same language it‘s
still different. Katakana in Japanese is use for the
foreign words. So the enemy speaks Japanese, but
foreign Japanese.
As the things get worse for Japan, Taki starts questioning about the real purpose of
the war. He remembers his dead mates and even the family of one of his main enemies
killed at Peal Harbor. These entire events end up making him think that the war is stupid
and unnecessary.
In the dramatic point of the story he is selected with other pilots for a suicide
mission. As a natural rebel he first refuse to accept, but finally the commanding officer
persuades him to do it on behalf of Japan. The officer tells Taki that his sacrifice can save
52
the lives of Japanese civilians from American bombing raids. So in the last sequence, Taki
takes off on his kamikaze mission hoping to save Japan.
This manga was drawn like a typical sh nen manga of the time: a very strong and
powerful character fighting rivals and enemies with definitive attack techniques. That was
the same pattern as the sport manga. The main characters have the same face as the main
ones of Chikai no Makyu5 and the same features. The protagonist prefers to move by itself
and not as a team. He doesn‘t look as a typical Japanese soldier. Even his plane is different
from the others.
The strategy of the protagonist is a technique invented by him consisting in
plummet at high speed to simulate the plane
Fig. 11 Flying technique. Shidenkai no Taka, 1963.
disappears (Fig. 11). The manga includes a
scientific explanation of the strategy warning
that can be dangerous because the pilot could
fall unconscious by the pressure of gravity.
To depict this technique a mix between
―moment to moment‖ and ―action to action‖
transition is used. The first one requires very
little closure, as we can see in the four panels of
the upper- left. The second features the subject making an action progression. McCloud
(1993) states that this mix of transitions was common in Tezuka‘s manga. ―Moment to
5
It’s a ase all
a ga of Chi a Tetsuya pu lished i 19 1.
53
moment‖ transition requires more panels to narrate what ―action to action‖ can resume
using two.
These attack techniques were all derived from the techniques of the ninja manga.
Taki‘s rival, for example, has a technique to move from place to place in less than a second.
Later in the manga is discovered that are actually two planes and one is piloted by his
brother.
According to Natsume (1997) this work is an exception to the regular
narratives themes of this kind of manga since the hero dare to question the purpose of
the war and the decisions of the authorities by the end of the story. Chiba could not
draw the pilot's sacrifice as something cool because he himself was against it, thinking that
this way of dying was "die like a dog". In the last part of the manga Taki realizes that Japan
will lose the war and he decides to become a teacher to build a new Japan. He tries to
justify staying alive would be more useful than die in a suicide mission. But note that this
manga run for three years, and in its beginnings also showed the fascination with war
machinery and the heroics and almost impossible actions in battle. In Fig. 12 we can see
Taki flying his plane blindfolded after an
Fig. 14 Flying blindfolded. Shidenkai no Taka, 1963
accident. This is the epitome of heroism
which characterizes manga of this period.
54
Another exception in this manga is that the figure of the enemy is represented and
Fig. 15 Meeting the enemy. Shidenkai no Taka,
1963
not only a group or a collective ―other‖. In the
first volume Taki meets George Kisama, an
American pilot almost as good as Taki (Fig. 13).
In both manga the enemy is exclusively
United States. Nakar (2003) states that the
identification of this country with the recent
events in Hiros hima and Nagasaki, and the
attack on other cities, made it easier to accept
the fact that killing Ame ricans was the right
thing.
One of the most impressive things of Shidenkai no Taka is it final scene. Taki's
mother and her friend ignore that Taki had gone on a suicide mission and in the last frame
are seen coming out of the train with gifts for him. Usually in the last parts of the manga the
order of the vignettes was the opposite, with the last scene showing the pilot flying to his
final destination. This manga was innovative in that sense.
Taki has abandoned his dream of being a teacher, her mother, and her friend with
the hope that his death could save Japan. The classic manga of this time although used to
have a tragic end tended to be more optimistic, this manga is darker. The hero is not
"kakkoi" because it is trying to believe but not convinced that it will work. In a typical
manga, he should be sure that his death will save Japan. Here is where the manga get some
distance from the sh nen manga. The main character became deeper and complex along the
55
story. It seems that the more advanced the manga, the more reflected are the words of
Chiba Tetsuya in the words of Taki: ―live is better‖.
Taki behavior marks the passage from sh nen manga to seinen manga where the
main character reflects the author's idea, he thinks, suffers and gets angry.
It is no coincidence that the years of publication of this manga match with the
coming of age of the generation that read kodomo manga in the 50s. In the latter half of the
60s this similarity between the character and the author became more radical. New
mangaka who innovate and provide the basis of modern manga began to appear.
Manga of this period then, respond to the necessities of the time, since the
mangaka we re simply responding to the demands of the times. “They did so by
touching up their recollections of the war to fit the conte mporary social frame work.”
(Nakar, Memories of Pilots and Planes: World War II in Japanese Manga, 1957-1967 73)
These stories where consistent with the dominant discourse of war circulating in
Japanese society.
56
5. 1970s
Vietnam War and international relations with China and Korea prompted Japanese
to rethink about their responsibility in the World War II. Japanese government apologized
for the first time and some testimonies about the Nanking Massacre began to appear.
5.1 Historical context
In early 1965 United States began to bomb the North of Vietnam. Images of
American brutality were broadcasting in Japanese media. The positive image of the U.S.
slowly went undermined within Japanese society. During 1970s some bomber, troops and
military supplies for the Vietnam War were dispatched from the U.S bases in Japan. That
led to a general fear that Japan could be drag again to a war and gave birth to contestation
from both inside and outside the political arena. The idea expressed in the constitution that
Japan must be the first pacifist country in the war wa s taking roots in this generation. A
movement called Beheiren (Japan Peace for Vietnam Alliance) was formed to oppose the
aggression and protest against Japan‘s support to United States in Vietnam War. To avoid
the possibility of Japanese becoming attackers in the war, Oda Makoto –the leader of the
movement- pointed out the necessity of recognize that Japan was both victim and assailant
in the World War II. He was the first to publicly criticize the victimhood paradigm.
Additionally, during this decade the efforts to normalize the relationship with China
and South Korea encouraged the debate of Japan‘s war responsibility with China. The
Japanese couldn‘t ignore any more the accusations of wartime crimes. In 1970s Japanese
politicians apologize for the first time, but other Asian governments didn‘t believe that it
57
was a sincere apology. In this context, some reports about the Chinese victims of Japanese
military atrocities like the Nanking Massacre began to come to light. For example, Maruki
Toshi and Iri 6 completed a series of canvas called Death of American Prisoners of War in
1971, Crows in 1972, and The Rape of Nanking in 1975. As they lost relatives during
Hirosima bombing, they perceived the war only from the perspective of victims of the
bomb. But when they traveled to USA in the 1970s, they could have a view of the other
side of the story.
During this period it was civilian rather than former soldiers those who dared to
write war memories, focusing mainly in the air raids. The newspaper Asahi Shinbun
published in 1965 a collection of war stories of average Japanese named Chichi no senki
(Father‘s records of war). This opened the way for war stories that broke down the partition
between front line and home front.
Another topic which began to gain importance was the ―comfort women‖7 . In 1976
all the articles written by the journalist Senda Kak were compiled in a book that became
the first Japanese book dealing this issue. Focusing mainly in Korean women, the book was
quite a bestseller. By that time the issue was well known in Japan, but only as a domestic
issue and not as an international one.
In the meanwhile, the Japanese government increased the effort to restore some
prewar educational policies. They implemented a revised standard curriculum in
elementary, junior and high school with the purpose of encourages patriotism.
6
The Hiroshima Panels: are a series of fifteen painted folding panels depicting the consequences of the
atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as other nuclear disasters of the 20th century.
7
A euphemism to designate women forced to serve as sexual slaves for the Japanese army.
58
Since 1947, the School Education Law ruled that all of the text books must respond
to the requirements set by the Ministry of Education. By this law the textbooks became an
effective political medium to convey the official history through mandatory education 8 . In
1965, the historian Ienaga Sabur litigated the Japanese government when the Education
Ministry asked him to rewrite many parts of his textbooks. Manga also became a n antiestablishment respond to this law.
Within this context we can‘t ignore the oil crisis that started in 1973 during the
Arab-Israeli war. The Arabian countries cut the oil supplies to the countries that were
hostile to them cause. The shortened of oil in Japan brought back the memories of scarcity
during the war.
Japanese people were now ready to face the other reality of the war, including
the suffering and the hopelessness into the narratives. Pacifis m and denunciation of
armed conflicts became the mainstream idea within society.
5.2 Manga context
In 1967 one issue of the magazine for young boys Shūkan Sh nen, sold for the first
time more than 1.000.000 copies. Considering this success, editors proposed manga
targeted to young adults in order to accompany their readers throughout their life.
8
Althusser in Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses named the school as the educational Ideological
State Apparatuses as there the children learn the know-how, but also the rules of good behavior; i.e. the
attitude that should be observed by every agent in the division of labor , a ordi g to the jo he is desti ed
for.
Williams in his essay Base and superstructure in Marxist Cultural theory also pointed the educational
institutions of a society as the main agencies of the transmissio of a effe ti e do i a t ulture .
59
By the end of 1960s a new kind of manga began to win the reader‘s attention.
Airplane pilot manga faced many criticisms for their positive depiction of the war and
disappeared from comic magazines. Contrary to the past decade, these new stories were
openly critical of the war. The plots now focused not only in front, but also in the civilians
affected by the war. The new topics explored the moral and political ambiguities of war,
mainly the atomic bomb.
According to Dower (1999), the war left more than 120.000 orphans and homeless
children in Japan but the government policies for help were limited. Not only the
government neglected this issue, but also omitted it from the narrative of World War II.
Manga came to fill that gap. These stories focus on the trauma of the children who saw
their parents die and how did they manage to survive and even some of them to realize their
dreams.
The manga of this period didn‘t hesitate to portrait the a trocities of the war, the dead,
and the suffering. This usually appears from the very beginning, in the cover, of some
works. This is a clear difference with the cute faces of the fighter pilots of past decade.
The soldiers are no longer kids. Devastated b y the war, the characters lost the
innocence and had to struggle to survive.
I will not go deep into the issue but I do wish to mention it. During this decade the
topic of the World War II began to appear in girl‘s manga also. These stories are centered
in the tragedy of the heroine who lost her love in the war and all the controversies that she
had to face trough the war.
60
The dominant discourse of this period is no longer about heroic war stories.
The new stories don‘t look back with nostalgia to the glory of the Japanese empire neither
apotheosizes the ideals of honor and duty. They examine the course of the war and the
tragic outcome of the events.
The hegemonic narrative of this time feature ordinary soldiers facing the
reality of the war, from death to hunger. The soldiers here aren’t heroes but victims.
5.2.1 The boom of Gekiga
Gekiga is a style of manga that emerged in 1959 and became popular by the end of
1960s and the beginning of the 1970s.
The term was used for the first time by Tatsumi Yoshihiro in the story Yūrei taxi.
Then, in 1959 Tatsumi together with another mangaka founded the Gekiga Atelier in Osaka.
The style emerged from three trends in postwar manga:
1) The one of Tatsumi Yoshihiro and his group mostly specialized in short- manga
for the rental industry.
2) The one of Shirato Shinpei and Mizuki Shigeru emerged from the kamishibai
and the oral story telling tradition.
3) The one of Tezuka Osamu and his manga inspired in Walt Disney‘s films.
Tastumi wrote in his Gekiga Manifesto that ―the difference between manga and
gekiga most certainly lies in artistic technique, but it can also be defined by its target
audience‖ (Tatsumi, 1968, p. 28). He defined the target audience as ―ranging from middle
61
school to first grade high school students‖, but admitting that the art of Shirato Sanpei and
Hirata Hiroshi also captivated mature readers.
The boom mainly occurred in Garo, a monthly manga magazine founded in 1964 by
Nagai Katsuichi with the help of Shirato Sanpei. Its name is related to one of Shirato‘s
gekiga ninja characters. Actually the first serialization published in the magazine was
Kamui, a ninja drama manga which became a best seller within the college student engaged
with social movements in 1960s.
Usually the birth of gekiga is seen as a reaction against Tezuka‘s drawing style
focused in children readers of the early postwar years. Gekiga style contained more mature,
serious drama, depicted in a more realistic graphic style and usually portraying the anger of
Japan‘s younger generation. Its major impact was its popularity amongst young urban
workers and university student activists, where it became part of the anti-establishment
politics of the time.
Gekiga marked the shift from anthropomorphic analogies to realism, focusing on
the self depicted through the individualism of characters in American movies. The
realization of cinematographic effects encouraged the increase of realistic drawing
techniques in manga.
The success of this new style led to a more mature adult-oriented content which
increased the target and diversified the media.
5.2.2 A-bomb manga
62
In 1954 a tuna fishing boat was exposed to nuclear fallout on the Bikini Atoll. The
dead of one of fishermen and the fear of the fish could be contaminated alerted Japanese of
the danger of radiation. As a result, a lot of anti- nuclear weapons movements began in
Japan. The first manga that deals with the nuclear bomb as a social menace is Kaoru
Hanano's Bikini: Shino-Hai (The Deadly Fallout in Bikini), published in 1954.
But the A-bomb manga had prospered in the sh jo manga genre. By the time that
buying manga magazines became common in Japan, the A-bomb mangas were featured in
mainly magazines for teenage girls, such as Nakayoshi, Weekly Margaret, and Sh jo Friend.
Often the covers were filled with stars and flowers and beautiful girls. Because of these
covers, male readers kept away from this kind of manga. The plot usually showed the life
of a happy girl whose life takes a violent turn when the ―A-bomb disease‖ hits her. The
commotion and shock she undergoes then is the key point of the story which basically ends
with the dead of the protagonist leaving behind all her memories. However the A-bomb
was not taken as a major element that create tragedy but as another natural disaster.
In 1973 the most famous manga on the A-bomb was published. It was Hadashi no
Gen, written by Nakazawa Keiji. This comic defined what would become the genbaku
(atomic bomb) manga genre. The A-bomb turned into a medium capable to send a social
message rather than a form of entertainment.
By the 1980s and 1990s, A-bomb mangas began to disappear from commercial
manga magazines. Simply put, the topic of the A-bomb was too socially and politically
controversial, and then became inadequate.
63
5.3 Manga analysis
Two of the most famous mangaka of this period were Nakazawa Keiji and Mizuki
Shigeru. I will analyze one manga of both of them with the particularity that both are semi
auto-biographical works. The memories of the war in these two manga are the testimony
from the authors themselves during war and postwar.
5.3.1 S in gyokusai seyo (1973)
The author:
Mizuki Shigeru stands out as one of the leading mangaka within the history of
Japanese manga.
In 1942, he was recruited by the Imperial Japanese Army and sent to New Britain
Island in Papua New Guinea. During wartime he suffered malaria, lost friends in battle, and
lost his left arm due to an explosion. While a prisoner of war the local Tolai tribes‘ people
offered him land, a home, and citizenship via marriage to one of the local women. But he
was forced by a military doctor to returning to Japan, which he did reluctantly.
He debuted as a cartoonist in 1957. Since then, he has published numerous works,
both on y kai 9 and military works. Due to his experience his war manga is unique and
distinguished from others since he offers different narratives of the war. Mizuki‘s aesthetics
9
Three of his most famous works: Gegege no Kitarō, Kappa no Sanpei, and Akuma-kun, feature Japanese
yōkai o sters as main characters. Yōkai refers to supernatural creatures and monsters that appear in
folkloric stories and legends existing all over Japan.
64
seems to be rooted in traditional Japanese visual culture, mainly in his works inspired in
folktales and legends.
The plot:
According to Mizuki this manga is 90% based on fact. It came to debunk the
imperial project exposing the irrationality and the absurdity of the Pacific War. It accounts
the last weeks of a Japanese military unit in Papua New Guinea by the end of the WW2. As
their deaths have been already reported back in Japan, the soldiers are told that they must
perform a suicide attack for the honor of the country. Otherwise, the execution is waiting
them if they return alive to Japan.
Unlike the manga of the 50s and the 60s depicting heroic scenes on the battlefield,
the manga recounts the daily life and labor of the soldiers in the island. The first three pages
of the manga are the faces of the characters and that will work as a cast list. Even though
the story has various protagonists, there are no heroes. These soldiers are ordinary people
just trying to survive. They are all victims of the war and of imperial Japan. His characters
suffered and died not in the battle but by
Fig. 64 Dead while fishing. Soin gyokusai seyo! 1973
disease, poor medical care, and starvation.
Some deaths even border the ridiculous. In
the Fig. 14 one soldier dies while fishing
because he chokes to death with a fish in
his mouth.
65
Although in the title of the manga the word gyokusai 10 (Japanese term for honorable
suicide attack) is included, Mizuki has focus on the miseries of soldiers dying in complete
dishonor. Worn out by the war, they have lost their pride and can be seen wearing rags
instead of uniforms. Contrary to the manga of the previous decade, here we can
contemplate the death in its entire splendor. Mizuki makes us witnesses not only of the
dead soldiers, but also of all of the way to the fatality with extreme detail. No much closure
is left to the reader. By the end of the manga, the soldier Murayama (Fig. 15) is depicted in
a way close to a y kai. His body disfigured by injuries is
Fig. 15 Murayama dying. Soin gyokusai
seyo!, 1973
almost a specter wandering around. According to McCloud
(1993), the panel transition used here is ―aspect to aspect‖,
which allows us to take a look of different aspect of a place,
mood or idea. In all this last sequence we suffer the agony
of Murayama, and we are waiting and even wanting his
death to ending the pain. Mizuki is famous for his
representation of the world of y kai in Japanese popular
culture. Anyhow he can be related to what is known as
grotesque, where the characters are monstrous, messy and disproportionate. Here all the
elements maintain an uneasy balance between the laughable and the tragic and assume all
the time to its opposite.
The first half part of the story shows the misery of the soldiers, suffering untreated
diseased, starving and forced to work in dangerous conditions. He denounces the physical
10
The Cardinal Principles of the National Polity in a 193 des ri ed ho Japa ’s di i e, u roke i perial
line ensured the absolute moral purity of the Japanese people. Sacrifice was the key in this equation. The
greater the sacrifice, the greater the cleansing effect. Soldiers were encouraged to commit suicide before
allowing they to become war prisoners.
66
abuse from the superiors to the subordinates. The Captain Nogami believes that ―new
recruits are like tatami mats: the more you beat them, the better they are ‖ (Mizuki, 1973).
Only Sgt. Honda shows some humanity when he gives his boot to Maruyama and declares
his intention to go barefoot. Later Honda dies while trying to make sure his men could
reach the water. His behavior was very much the exception to the rule in a situation where
everyone ―got the same ticket to hell‖ (Mizuki,1973). This depiction of officers‘ cruelty
shows how in the name of nationality and imperialism they were in fact ruining their own
army.
As the story progress, the enemy closes in, and the commander Tadokoro decided
that must commit gyokusai against the Allies. Although the unit doesn‘t agree, he is
convinced that is better to face the enemy directly and die in battle because it would be a
noble death.
Here we can see Japan as a nation where population is divided. On one hand the
officers and officials who keep promoting war no matter the consequences and even using
lies and violence. On the other, the great majority of conscripts and civilians who just wants
to live a normal life (in many cases just live is enough).
But the things go in an unexpected way when eighty soldiers survive the attack,
presenting a problem for their commanders. The soldiers' deaths have already been
announced and their nobility has been celebrated. The troop is shamed, and the two
lieutenants are encouraged to commit harakiri. In spite of the doubts, in the end, the
Japanese sense of honor wins out over human empathy.
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Nonetheless, Mizuki‘s philosophy is revealed trough a voice of a medical officer of
the troop. He defends life above all things. This
Fig. 16 Doctor's opinion. Soin gyokusai
seyo!, 1973
doctor (Fig. 16) refuses the lieutenant order to
commit a suicide charge attack.
"But you know, isn't that how life is? (…) It's the
will of nature! Life is the will of the gods!
Anything that gets in the way of that leap is no
good. Whether it's a system or what have you, it's
evil.‖ (Mizuki,1973)
Mizuki rejects war because it prevents humans and non- human creatures to embrace
their lives. Although Mizuki himself has suffered from malaria while he was recruited, he
states that the worst disease for the humanity is the army.
This manga and in general Mizuki‘s technique put together two different drawing
Fig. 17 Soldiers in the jungle. Soin gyokusai
seyo!, 1973
styles: one feebly-drawn for characters against a very
elaborated and detailed background.
As it‘s shown in Fig. 17, the human characters are
barely lines in front of the magnificent of nature.
There is a contrast between simplistic and realistic art
offered in the same panel. The combination of both
styles seems to emphasize the insignificance of
human life in the war, in contrast to the exuberance of
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animals and plants. The soldiers and the nature are to opposite entities. The feeling is like
soldiers don‘t belong to nature, they shouldn‘t be there. Another possible interpretation is
that according to McCloud (1993), one characteristic of comics is its ―universality‖. The
cartoonier is a face, the more people could be represented. So, the soldiers are close to
anonymity and at the same time, they could be any of us. On the contrary, the enemies are
for the very beginning drawn in a very realistic style. I think this is a re source to produce
the opposite effect; to emphasize their ―otherness‖
from the reader.
Fig. 18 Depiction of dead bodies. Soin
gyokusai seyo!, 1973
However, all the soldiers shared the same
destiny regardless of their rank, all of they ended
dead. And when they are dead Mizuki depicted them
carefully and detailed (Fig. 18). They only became a
part of nature once they‘re dead. And also when they
are dead, paradoxically is the only moment when
they are honored. They life is valuable only in their
capacity to die for their country. Actually by the end of the manga, when the troop is ready
for their final charge, Mizuki portrays the soldiers with cartoony faces upon realistic bodies
(Fig. 19). Maybe this is a way to show that they are
already dead men walking. If we go back to the
Fig. 19 Realistic bodies. Soin gyokusai seyo!,
1973
Fig. 15, it‘s easier to understand this process, as
closer is Murayama to dead the drawing becomes
more detailed and realistic.
69
Mizuki’s war manga and yōkai could be read as a critical representation of the
social and political repressive structure of postwar Japan. This particularly work is
not only a story of the misadventures of one country's military, but also a story of the
absolute horror and absurdity of war itself.
5.3.2 Hadashi no gen (1973-1985)
The serialization of this manga began in 1973 in the magazine Sh nen Jump,
turning into a ten-volume book by its competition in 1985.
This manga is a good example of the transposition of a manga through different
media if it‘s successful in Japan. The manga was adapted to a three-part live-action film
(1976–1980), a two-part anime (1983 and 1986), and a two-day television drama (2007).
The impact outside Japan was also very important, since by the end of the 70s a first
partial English translation can be found.
The author:
Nakazawa Keiji is a survivor of Hiroshima. He lost his father, his older sister and
younger brother during this episode. Nakazawa himself, his mother and two elder brothers
survived, but they had to face not only the scarcity of postwar, but also the radiation illness.
For all this reason, it‘s possible to read his manga as an eyewitness account of the atomic
bomb.
70
The plot:
The manga compiled today in ten volumes shows the horrors of the aftermaths of
the bomb and recounts the difficulties that the survivors had to face over the next years.
In the beginning of the manga we met the Nakaoka. Gen‘s father is morally opposed
to war, and that cause certain enduring persecution from their neighbors. 8 years old Gen
doesn‘t fully understand why his family is persecuted and he use to react with violence
against it. But in the end of the first volume of the manga, everything changes when the
atomic bomb is dropped in his home town, Hiroshima.
His father, sister and younger brother die in the incident, and then he is left with a
mother and a baby sister to protect and
Fig. 70 Death of Gen's family. Hadashi no Gen I, 1975.
support. In the Fig. 20 Gen and his mother
try to rescue them from the ruins or their
home but they fail and finally have to quit
and let their family die. The depiction of
the consequences of the bomb begins a
few pages before with an entire page of
the explosion itself. The treatment of bomb damages goes all over the first and second
volume of the manga.
After the dead of a big part of his family, the struggle to survive goes from difficult
to seemingly impossible. And maybe it‘s only Gen‘s youth and relative innocence that help
him through it.
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By the end of volume 2 they find refuge with an old friend of Gen‘s mother. But the
mother- in- law and the two children of the family don‘t welcome them at all. Children
blame their own thefts from the family pantry on Gen‘s mother. She is force to sign a
confession in the police station, but then Gen catches Hayashi children in the middle of a
robbery. After that he starts to take his revenge on the mother- in- law. But that leads them to
be again on the street without a place of refuge.
This manga shows the cruelty of the war at its best. Every one, except Gen‘s family
is mean, selfish, and only worried by their own business. The bombing ends by being an
impersonal act. But the worst part is the attitude of everyone else except Gen‘s relatives.
No one seems to care, no one wants to help, and most people actually make things worse by
cursing them, stealing from then, accusing them of theft, beating them, etc. The only decent
person is the Korean neighbor who despite how horrible he has been treated, he‘s nice to
Gen and his family. This character introduces the Korean A-bomb victims‘ issue. Pak
father dies after the bombing because he was denied to have his ration food for being a
Korean. Although Pak is furious with Japanese for not saving his father he also blames
himself for not being prevented for the tragedy and feels shame and guilt.
I think the hardest part comes in the
Fig. 21 Tomoko's death. Hadashi no Gen IV, 1975
volume 4. Gen and his family are kicked out
of the rental home where they are living. He
is suffering severe malnutrition and will die
soon if he doesn‘t get enough food to eat. An
observation to make here is that even though
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Nakazawa writes of the extreme hunger that Gen‘s family is suffering, he depicts all of the
characters as well- fed. Maybe it‘s due to artistic convention of the time. His baby sister,
Tomoko, dies from cancer at the end of volume (Fig. 21). All of this sequence it‘s a
masterpiece of art. It combines Gen‘s memories of Tomoko‘s birth with a Buddhist prayer
and Gen‘s suffering and frustration. According to McCloud (1993), the panel transition
Fig. 22 Gen's memories of Tomoko. Hadashi no Gen
IV, 1975
here is ―moment to moment‖, showing a
progression which requires a very little
closure. This technique is useful to focus in
the emotions and intentions of the character.
Emotions are not only limited to facial
expression; we can read it also in body
postures (Gen‘s on his knees with clenched
fists) and emotion lines. But in the same sequence of Tomoko‘s dead we can observe
another transition, the ―scene to scene‖. Although it‘s presented as a single panel we are
witnesses of four different moments of Tomoko‘s life (Fig. 22). In terms of action nothing
really happens but we can perceive the distances of time and space.
Her death is particularly touching, since Gen and his mother were struggling so hard
to find food to keep her alive. She had become a symbol of hope for the future. Her death
makes all their sufferings meaningless. At this point in the series, life seems empty and
pointless.
Sickness is another key-point of this manga. Sickness always ends in death. Along
the manga we can see people surviving from different horrors but they can‘t survive illness.
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Maybe this is a legacy of the A-bomb sh jo manga, where as I explain before the main
character usually dies by the end.
In the volume 8 Gen meets his teacher in a peace demonstration. The year is 1950,
the outbreak of the Korean War. The Labor
Fig. 28 Peace demonstration. Hadashi no
Gen 8, 1984
Movement was active in manifestations against war
and nuclear weapons. What follows then it‘s a
dialogue between Gen and
his friend about
American occupation a little bit unrealistic for a 13
year old boy (Fig. 23). Here is clearly Nakazawa‘s
voice speaking through Gen.
Nakazawa blames the Japanese imperial
government as much, if not more, than he does America. He questions the people who
supported the imperial government. He criticizes the US occupying forces for being
focused on documenting the effects of atomic radiation but not in easing the pain of the
living. He accuses the Hiroshima government for turning the town into a peace monument
and not helping the survivors. He points out the hypocrisy of politicians who supported the
Emperor and the war.
Gen is angry with everyone who exploits others. Thomas LaMarre (2010) points
that his anger is
On one hand anarchic, because this anger selects whatever is at hand, even as it makes
broader proclamations. On the other hand, it is traumatic in that it doesn‘t seem liable
to make an ―adequate‖ substitution. It is locked into repetition. The other side of Gen‘s
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anger is his emotional attachments. In addition to his attachment to the surviving
members of his family (mother and two brothers), Gen finds substitutes for the
younger brother and older sister killed at Hiroshima (LaMarre 292).
Gen mainly denounces those who profit from war. This usually follows a class line: the
rich are the exploiters and profiteers. And those who profit at the expense of others are
seeing also as those who perpetuate the war. The war then is also a class war.
The visual style for this manga is a mix between cute characters and extremely
crude and violent scenes. Probably this is a consequence of influence of gekiga in one hand
and Tezuka‘s style on the other.
Although the visual style and the topics of Hadashi no Gen are influenced by gekiga,
this manga respond to the conventions of sh nen manga because of its fascination for warrelated items, the prevalence of depiction of violence, and the main characters fighting for
their beliefs (It and Omote, 2006). The drawing style with prevalent thick heavy lines is
also characteristic of the sh nen of the 60s and 70s. Also, even the serialization change
after September 1974 to magazines more associated with public education than with boys‘
entertainment, the style didn‘t change at all.
But Gen is not a conventional sh nen hero: friendship and victory aren‘t options;
the hard work for keep living and making sure the people he love still do it as well, is the
only thing he has left.
The whole manga is an imposition of human resistance upon the military
destruction. At the end the force of life defeat the force of death. This sense of resilience in
face of the adversity allows Gen to emerge for the ruins stronger than ever.
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In conclusion, while Barefoot Gen‘s primary focus is a condemnation of the use of
atomic weapons, it is more generally and more broadly a condemnation of war itself.
Nakazawa gave voice to those who were often omitted by the official history
like children and war orphans. Although Barefoot Gen atte mpted to depict things and
people which we re excluded from the dominant narrative, a few years after its
publication was designated as a “superior literary work” and was added to school
libraries and reading lists. This is a good example of how the dominant culture is alert
to the incorporation of eme rgent cultural elements. The question that raises then is if
this manga has managed to not lose its subversive potential or was Barefoot Gen merely
swallowed up by the dominant narrative about the World War II?
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6. 1980s and 1990s
This period could be characterized by two opposite tendencies: Reconciliation vs.
Revisionism.
6.1 Historical context
Yoshida Yutaka (1995) states that during the 1980s there was a significant shift in
Japanese political rhetoric toward an acknowledgment of wartime aggression and war time
crimes. He suggests that behind this change lies a shift in public opinion and that popular
culture had played a significant role ending the silence surrounding Japan‘s wartime past.
The 1980s was the time of Japanese economic expansion; thanks to the ―bubble
economy‖ more than 85 % of the population could be classified as middle class.
The death of Hirohito in 1989 brought to light the debate about his responsibility
during the World War II within the public sphere.
In December 1989, the mayor of Nagasaki announced his position on the
responsibility of the emperor in the war, and stated that many lives would have been saved
if he had decided to surrender earlier. A right-wing activist tried to kill him because of
these comments, but more than 380.000 people signed a declaration supporting the mayor
view.
However, in 1993 Hosokawa Morihiro became prime Minister of Japan. In his
declaration about Japan‘s role in the war, claimed that the country carried out an
―aggressive war‖ in Asia. The public reaction was such that a few days later he has to
correct his assertion and talk about aggressive ―behavior‖ instead of war. Later in 1995, the
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50th anniversary of the end of World War II, the Diet pronounced a text acknowledging
Japan‘s hostile role in the war which raised several national protest. War veterans presented
a petition against that text signed by 5.000.000 people.
The widespread of war responsibility is also reflected in the opening of a number of
museums displaying Japanese atrocities and colonialism. The Okunoshima dokugasu
shiry kan (Okunoshima Poison Gas Museum) opened in 1988 as public museum that
displays artifacts regarding Japan‘s use of chemical weapons on the Chinese front. In 1991,
the Osaka kokusai heiwa sentā (Peace Osaka) exhibited the effect of the American
bombing but also Japan aggression in Asia. In 1994, Oka Masaharu kinen Nagasaki heiwa
shiry kan (Oka Masaharu Memorial Peace Museum) showed mostly the victims of
Japanese war crimes.
In the international sphere, the collapse of Cold War strategic divides opened up
possibilities for new geopolitical configurations at the regional level, but also allowed the
re-emergence of old wartime tensions and unresolved conflicts.
During these years the comfort women issue became a central topic for the
historical reconciliation when in 1991 a group of Korean women filled a lawsuit against
Japanese government with the purpose of obtaining an official recognition of their
condition during the war. Japanese lawyers helped offering them services pro bono and
paying the travel cost of researchers in China and South Korea. This gave more space to the
non-Japanese victims within the mainstream narrative. In the media, the traditional
programs commemorative of the tragedy of Nagasaki and Hiroshima have presented Japan
as an aggressor and presented the issue of Asian victims.
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This inclusion into the paradigm of non-Japanese victims also brought the reaction
of the right-wing intellectuals, who even now deny the responsibility of Japan in the war as
well as Japans crimes committed abroad. These nationalist scholars refused the historical
record of Japanese wartime atrocities such as the Nanking Massacre and the comfort
women, and encouraged Japanese to take pride in their war record. This reaction
reverberated through the Japanese Ministry of Education‘s approval of the school textbook
produced by nationalist scholars in association with the Tsukurukai (The Association for
Producing New Textbooks) group. The goal of the government was create a school
program to inculcate patriotism.
In May 1994, the Justice Minister Nagano Shigeto claimed that the Nanking
Massacre was a fabrication arguing that Japan intention during the Asia-Pacific War had
been to liberate Asia from Western aggression. Because of his comments, Nagano was
forced to resign his position.
In December 1996, Fujioka and Nishio founded an organization called Atarashii
rekishi ky kasho wo tsukurukai (Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform), with the
aim of convey a ―correct version‖ of Japanese history for future generations. In order to
achieve it, they edited its own junior high school history textbook. The government
authorized the textbook in 2001, although remarked that the authors make a number of
changes in the facts. The textbook put special emphasis in the uniq ueness and superiority of
Japanese culture, standing up for the modernization during the Meiji period, criticizing
Western imperialism, and pointing Western hostilities against Japan in the 1930s and the
1940s.
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According to Sakamoto Rumi (2008):
This views emanating from this reassessment of Japan‘s past and its role as a source of
national pride and identity became widely available and popularized by the late 1990s
and can be summarized as follows: I) it is natural and healthy to loves one‘s country,
and Japanese people should be proud of Japan; II) postwar Japanese public discourse
had been dominated by the left, which has presented distorted and masochistic history
to the public and children in particular; III) Japan need not to apologize (or has
apologized enough) over its war-time deed; IV) China and Korea‘s anti-Japanese
sentiments and actions are unreasonable and irrational; and V) China and Korea are
using history as a diplomatic card (Sakamoto, 2008).
The following year, the Japan Conference was organized. It was the largest proImperial revisionist organization. The Conference worked in the reform of Japanese
education, promulgated a Japanese- made constitution, and claimed for a government which
pursues a diplomacy founded not on apologies, but upon the pride of the nation.
The issue of war responsibility had turned again into a national and
international issue. Even now, the question of Japan‗s responsibility in the II World War
is still a sensitive topic. Both peace activists as revisionists still defending them arguments
and continue publicizing their own perceptions in order to win public support.
6.2 Manga context
80
During the 80s there was a remarkable increase in adult manga and held half the
market in the 90s.
Reidikomi (Comics for Ladies) was established as a genre for adult women in the
beginning of the 80s. The popularity of the sh jo manga in the 70s led the artist to continue
producing manga for adult women. The tendency of drawing more sexual explicit graphic
scenes in these comics rose until the 90s. But the ones published by the main publishing
houses mainly deal whit everyday life experienced by modern housewives, office workers,
and college students.
The development of adult manga led to an expansion of a wider variety of topics,
playing a big part in the growth of the overall manga market in the 80s. This growth also
reached the manga for teenagers. Gakushū-manga (Educational mangas) covered a vast
variety of school subjects and were also used to provide information about potential
occupations that a student may be pondering over. Seiji-manga (Political manga) portrayed
various political issues that may serve to raise ideas and trigger discussions among
politicians. From highly educational content to explicitly pornographic content, manga
became one of the main means of delivering them to the general public.
Within educational manga there are some series covering the war years published
by Sh gakukan (1983), Kumon shuppan (1989) and Shūeisha (1998). In all of them the
main character is a young boy, and the war is viewed through the family in the home front.
That view promotes the idea of Japan as a victim of war. If members of the Japanese
military are depicted committing some atrocity, usually are nameless and faceless by being
drawn from a distance or from behind. However, the Sh gakukan manga includes Nanking,
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the ―kill all, burn all, loot all‖ policy, massacres of Chinese in Singapore, the Bataan Death
March, the recruitment of ―comfort women‖, etc. Kumon shuppan manga is even more
explicit, the first part includes the infamous ―100 heads killing contest‖ in Na nking.
In 1990, the Ministry of education set a prize for manga, recognizing it as an artistic
and cultural resource of Japan. During these years too many Doramas and soap operas were
based in famous manga. By the end of this decade, many Manga kissaten (Manga cafes)
started to appear all over Japan. These cafes replaced many previous karaoke.
6.3 Manga analysis
The most popular and successful of the radical revisionist was the mangaka
Kobayashi Yoshinori, who managed to transmit their views to a vast pop ular audience, and
achieving a certain success in undermining the credibility of critical scholars. I will
examine his manga Sens ron. On the other hand, as representative of the 80s, I will take
the Adolf ni tsugu, one of the most famous manga of Tezuka Osamu.
6.3.1 Adolf ni tsugu (1983-1985)
In this work the Second War World it‘s only the context for a narration which
mainly takes place independently of war. But the historical context also plays an important
role because it affects the motivations of the characters' actions. Adolf ni tsugu is
considered an emblematic manga of the 80s and its global success is undeniable, (It was the
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first Tezuka‘s manga to be translated into English and Spanish), so I decided to include it in
the corpus.
The author:
Knowing as ―the God of manga‖, Tezuka Osamu played an important role in the
development of postwar manga. His production left more than 150.000 manuscript pages.
Tekuka‘s greatest achievement was the combination of Japanese traditional wordpicture techniques with new pictorial elements from United States and European cinema.
In the 1950s he almost monopolized the manga industry. But by the 1960s his
predominance was challenged by the gekiga. He was forced to adapt his drawing style and
narratives themes to gekiga to remain competitive in the market. From here until his dead in
1989, we can find a horror gothic period and a last and successful historical-realistic period.
The plot:
The story begins in a cemetery with the tomb of one of the three characters named
Adolf: A. Kamil, A. Kaufmann and A. Hitler. Sohei Toge is an old man visiting Kamil‘s
grave, and there he recalls the whole story. So, the story is basically a huge flash back, but
making us forget quickly that it is using this narrative resource. The opening and the
conclusion portray the same moment and the history hook up a full circle (Fig 24 and 25).
The last words of Toge: ―will be read by millions of ‗Adolfs‘ all over the world‖ intends to
leave a testimony to every man, every potential Adolf, to not repeat the history.
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Fig. 24 Toge visiting Kamil's grave.
Adolf ni tsugu 1, 1996
Fig. 25 Toge visiting Kamil's grave. Adolf
ni tsugu 5, 1997
Toge is a Japanese reporter who is covering the Berlin Olympics of 1936, during the
regime of Adolf Hitler. One day he receives a phone-call from his brother, but when he
goes to meet him finds him dead by murder. The protagonist then, begins to investigate
who killed his brother and why. He discovers that what his brother was guarding were some
papers proving that the Fuehrer has Jewish blood.
In parallel, two children living in Japan: one a rich son of German Nazi and the
other a poor Jewish, see how their friendship deteriorates because the father of the German
ones sends him to a Nazi school. The German boy's father is a representative of the Nazi
government in Japan, and he knows that if the documents proving Hitler‘s origin become
public, his party could be lead to collapse.
This work explores the issues of race and identity, attacking racist ideas through
different characters. Sheng-Mei Ma (2009) gives an interest point of view when he states
that the three Adolfs have something to hide. Hitler has Jewish origins, Kauffman denies
his half Japanese blood, and Kamil believes his entirely Japanese. All of them have mix
84
origins that cause them identity troubles. All of them want to belong to a group. Hitler‘s
way negation goes to the top by trying to eliminate all of the Jews from the face of earth.
All along the story, each time Kamil and Kaufman meet, the events led them to be
increasingly away from each other. Kaufman transformation is one of the most shocking.
By the beginning of the manga he questions the
Fig. 26 Kaufman killing Kamil's fater. Adolf ni
tsugu 3, 1996
prohibition of his father for playing around with
Kamil and doesn‘t understand why a Jew and a
German can‘t be friends. He swears to Kamil
that he would never betray him, but he ends
belonging to the Hitler‘s court. He goes too far
committing acts of rape and murder, including
the execution of Kamil‘s father in the volume 3 (Fig. 26). He embrace Nazi ideology but he
can‘t apply racism against himself or his Japanese mother, who he considers and ideal of
beauty and humanity. Naturally, Kamil and Kaufman ended up becoming enemies with
mixed emotions about it.
In this manga Tezuka exposes three major reviews:
Fig. 27 Government's
critique. Adolf ni tsugu 2,
1996
1. He criticizes the Japanese government for
fooling the people by making them believes
that the war is going well. Only good news
was received from the front, as if no Japanese
had lost their lives. They also offered a single
view of the facts applying
information
85
censorship and repression, and if they considered necessary, shedding the
blood of the Japanese who disagreed with what was going on (Fig. 27).
2. He criticizes the rudeness of Japanese Secret Police, embodied in Akabane,
Fig. 29 Akanabe beating Toge. Adolf
ni tsugu 2, 1996.
who will hunt Toge for years, torturing him physically and
mentally (Fig. 29). The panel transition in this sequence is
what McCloud (1993) calls ―subject to subject‖ transition,
where is necessary the reader involvement for convey a
meaning to the transition. Most of Tezuka transitions are
―action to action‖ or subject to subject‖. In this picture is
interesting the movement concept depicted by the motion lines. In order to
show the speed of the whip, Tezuka drew three right arms for Akabane.
Whitout the motion lines conveying the movement, this picture would be
meaningless. Above Akabane is Lampe, the dog of the Gestapo, with
identical evil arts and the purpose of avenging the death of someone close to
him, a death propitiated by Toge.
3. He criticizes the brutality of Japanese officers against civilians. He presents
a Japanese Nation that isn‘t homogeneous. He focuses on the dichotomy
civilian/soldiers and within soldiers, privates/officers. The majority of
Japanese people is presented as victims of the war, and therefore has no
responsibility in the government or military actions.
86
The drawing style is quite detailed, particularly in the backgrounds and in the
spotlights. It is remarkable the detail in the representation of the Olympics games and the
author's effort to realistically draw some real characters included in the manga. This is a
change in the way Tezuka use to draw, making his characters taller and more angular. In
the volume 4 he introduce a character named
Richard
Sorge.
Sorge
was
a
Fig. 30 Richard Sorge. Adolf ni tsugu 4, 1996
German
communist spy who worked for the Soviet
Union. In fig. 30 we can see a photograph of
Sorge vs. Tezuka‘s drawing. He respected
even the rebel curly hair that overlooks in his
forehead.
Tezuka doesn‘t hesitate in show the atrocities committed during the war, but he
focus only in the ones committed by the German Army or the Japanese army or Police
within Japan. However, the condemnation of Nazi racism and crimes perpetuated under this
regime became a significant part of Japanese anti-war discourse. According to Gluck
(1993) by portraying Germany‘s war, Japanese authors are not only producing fantasies
about a foreign culture, but also playing a part in the discourse on historical memory in
contemporary Japan. In this way Germans became a
Fig. 39 Nanking. Aldof ni tsugu 2,
1996
mirror for self-reflection.
In the second volume of Adolf Tezuka denounce
the war crimes committed by Japanese army in China (Fig.
31). But this only occupies two pages of a five volume
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edition, and immediately after he adds: ―Military headquarters hid the atrocities from the
Japanese people‖(Tezuka, 1996, p. 9). So it‘s clear that he didn‘t have his major interest
placed in denounces Japanese war crimes committed abroad.
Although this manga is considered a classic, I think in some way represent a
step backward in the field of popular culture. As barely addresses the issue of
Japanese war crimes, it strengthens the narrative of victimhood beginning to be left
behind in this period. However the balance between facts and fiction made by Tezuka
make Adolf an interesting approach to the events of World War II.
6.3.2 Sens ron (1998)
This work it‘s not a manga but an ultra- nationalist retelling of Japan‘s participation
in the World War II presented in manga format. Sens ron was a collection of Kobayashi's
writings on war in his Shin gomanizumu sengen (New Declaration of Arrogance) column in
the magazine Sapio. The proportion of written text in this manga is very high, making it
look more like an illustrated political essay. Kobayashi used a popular cultural product as
manga for disseminate nationalistic perspectives about Japanese history.
As the author wrote the manga using archaic kanji and didn‘t include furigana
readings, and there isn‘t any available English translation, I have to base the analysis of this
manga according to previous literatures. It‘s said that Kobayashi did that for giving the text
an air of scholarly credibility, but it also can be seen as a prove that he didn‘t expect anyone
but Japanese readers; and not any Japanese, only those who are able to read all these kanji.
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The author:
Kobayashi Yoshinori was a member of the Jiyūshugi shikan kenkyūkai (Liberal
Historiography Study Group), a right-wing organization which tried to assume Japan‘s
wartime role in a positive and nationalistic way. This organization denied all Japanese
military crimes and proposed a narrative empty of problematic elements. Its goal was to
restore Nihon jishin no rekishi ishiki (Japanese historical consciousness) as a condition to
develop the sense of patriotism.
Since the publication of Sens ron he has been disseminating his perspectives on
Japan‘s modern history, the Asia-Pacific War, and the importance of patriotism in Japan
present.
The plot:
Along the manga Kobayashi tells us the story of several individuals, including him
as a character. Kobayashi himself is the narrator and the main character. All the manga is
written as a testimony of his experiences and thoughts. He recounts histories of t his own
life, depicts himself doing research, and facing the reader telling them his point of view. In
each chapter he examines a particular issue related to war by first considering one side of a
position. The main character then points out a few weaknesses and logical inconsistencies
with this side of the issue, so he gets angry and concludes that the other side is correct after
mentioning a few more pieces of evidence.
The main hypothesis of the author is that the crisis of national consciousness is
a consequence of the inability of Japan of taking pride in the history of the war.
89
He argues that Japan went to war to protect their National Security and to liberate
Asia from Western oppression. Present Japanese society can be rebuilt if they learn to
devote to the national entity and to ―respect our grandfathers and what they wanted to
protect in the war‖ (Kobayashi, 1998, p. 284). The lack of the desire to die willingly for
Japan is an indicative of the corruption of society. At the same time, he is aware that
today‘s Japan is not worth to die for.
In the first chapter of the manga the main character maintains a conversation with a
taxi driver about war and national defense.
Fig.310 Con erstation ith a taxi dri er. Sensō ron,
1998
First he is surprised when the man states his
desire to become a pilot for Japanese Selfdefense Forces, but he ended shocked when
the man explain that the reason for doing
that is that he will be able to escape in case
of nuclear attack targeting Japan (Fig. 32).
He traces the beginning of decay of Japanese patriotism in the policies of the Allied
Occupation government, and to the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal in particular. According to
Kobayashi the Tokyo Tribunal impose punishment to Japan by denying the validity of its
participation in the war. The result was a distortion of the facts which relieves them for
their own war crimes. American convinced Japanese that the adoption of ideals such as
democracy and individualism were necessary to reverse the militarism to which Japan had
been subjected. He goes far enough to say that the Nanking Massacre was an invention of
America and China.
90
―One of the crimes invented by the judges at the Tokyo Trials was the Nanking
Massacre. Since the Americans killed 300,000 people with the atomic bomb in
Hiroshima and Nagasaki, they wanted to pin an equally heinous crime on the Japanese.
(…) 300,000 people were massacred (in Japan); there weren‘t even 200,000 people
living in Nanking at the time. (…) There were 200 Nationalist Army guerillas hiding in
the safety zone at Nanking, and they were the ones who committed rape and murder in
Nanking. They then pretended that these crimes had been the doing of the Japanese
army.‖ (Kobayashi, 1998, p. 45)
Kobayashi argues that all the Chinese killed in the massacre were guerrillas, so Japanese
Fig. 113 Nanking Massacre. Sensō
ron, 1998
army couldn‘t trust anyone (Fig. 33). That‘s how he justifies
the opened fire against civilians and once again blaming
the other keeps the purity of Japanese intact. All the guilt
was share between America and China. This is a very
simplistic but somehow effective argument.
It‘s true that the Occupation government did apply
censorship in the media, and in particular in anything
related to the drop of the atomic bomb. But the censorship
aimed to remove material considered inappropriate from
the popular media rather than force the media to record
information considered suitable. The Official Press Code released in 1945 provided the
guidelines for censorship, but summarized only those topics that should be avoid.
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Occupation forces made public its intention to demilitarize Japan. So although the
censorship never forced the media to condemn the wartime or war, many did it voluntary
anticipating a favorable reaction of Occupation government to such declarations.
In fig. 34 Kobayashi depicts the Japanese as totally fascinated for the Americans:
eyes wide open, glazed looks, silly smiles. On the contrary, Americans looks calm and
smiling a little mischievous. It‘s interesting how Kobayashi
Fig. 312 Brainwashed Japanese.
Sensō ron, 1
here mix two drawing techniques to convey his message.
Japanese are drawn in a totally caricature funny style,
while Americans features are a little bit more realistic. In
their totally ―brainwashed‖ situation Japanese came to
claim: ―War is evil! We don‘t need an army! Peace is
more important than anything! Give me chocolate! Give
me the Japanese Constitution!‖
It can be thought as contradictory to feel proud of a Nation which is so easily
manipulated and mentally weak, but this feature also can be seen as a sign of the Japanese
purity and innocence in which Kobayashi puts all his cards.
The victims then are separated in two generational lines: the pre-defeat Japanese –
considered as the last true Japanese-, and the postwar generations filled with guilt and
shame. The roles of the heroes must be to recover the purity, but prevent Japanese to not be
fooled again.
For Kobayashi it‘s not necessary to rebuild the patriotism, the point is waking it up
from its sleep. Historical images are invoked in order to remind people about their
92
―unconscious patriotism‖. Sens
ron appeals to the
heroism of dying for the nation of war-time period
Fig.313 Tribute to the air pilot manga
of the 60s. Sensō ron, 1
with images of kamikazes. "The kamikaze did not lose
their individuality. They discarded it for the sake of the
public. They died for the future of the nation, in other
words, they died for us‖ (Kobayashi, 1998, p. 96). This
is a return to the manga of the 60s where the idea of
self-sacrifice
was
seen
like
something
beyond
individuals and on behalf of the nation. Actually, in a
clear quote to the manga of these years, Kobayashi draw the pilots with the same cute and
child- like appearance (Fig. 35). In chapter 6, he declares himself and avid reader of this
kind of manga when he was a child. The strategy of Sens ron is the same, to wake up
ordinary people patriotism. As Anderson (1991) suggest, there is a natural tie between the
individual and the nation as an imagined community. Dying for the nation will be the
greater act of pure sacrifice, of ―disinterested love and solidarity‖ (Anderson, 1991, p. 141).
Japanese soldiers here are depicted in a way placed in between the concept of the
60s and the one of the 70s. They had the heroism of the brave pilots of 60s manga willing
to die for the country, but at the same time they were no heroes in the sense of have special
abilities or definitive combat techniques. They were ordinary people who believe in
―Japanese honor‖ and gave up their live to protect their homeland.
Kobayas hi uses manga to make a critique of today's Japan. He appeals to
emotion in orde r to construct national subjects. He interpellate the readers
93
encouraging the m to feel proud of being Japanese. This appellation to emotion rather
than logic is essential to the success of nationalis m.
The manga was quite success between young adults who didn‘t have any experience
of the war except of what they have studied in the school. Kobayashi's work appears in line
with the reform in the textbooks proposed by Atarashii rekishi ky kasho wo tsukurukai. His
discourse presenting ―our grandfathers‖ as silenced victims of the hegemonic discourse of
postwar Japan also goes in line with the redress movements for the "comfort women'' and
other victims of Japanese war-time actions during the 90s.
Sens
ron had a lot of repercussion both positive and negative within others
Japanese manga. Authors as Mizuki Shigeru continue to publish anti- war manga and
denouncing Japanese war crimes committed abroad in works like War and Japan 11 . In 2005
two controversial manga were published: Ken Kanryū (Hate Korean Wave) by Sharin
Yamano and Manga Chūgoku nyūmon (Manga Introduction to China) by George Akiyama
and K Bunyū. These manga argue that it is time for Japan to stop apologizing about the
War and Korea and China should stop blaming Japan for their own problems.
11
A short work in the style of Showa-shi, originally published in 1991 in Shogaku rokunen-sei (Sixth Grader),
a leading edutainment magazine for young readers. … These serve as a powerful counterpoint to revisionist
a ga like Ko ayashi Yoshi ori’s Sensoron (On War) that have grabbed attention in the English-speaking
world. Several neo-nationalist manga have sold well, but a wide variety of progressive titles have also been
successful. Importantly, anti -war themes introduced into the medium by Mizuki and others have helped to
shape the trajectory of postwar manga . http://www.japanfocus.org/-Matthew-Penney/2905
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7. CONCLUSION
In this thesis, I have focused on the representations and memories of World War II
in manga from the early 60s until the 90s. I didn‘t choose any specific educational manga
but manga intended to entertain younger and young adult audience.
With these fictional works neither the artists nor the editors pretended to present an
objective vision of history (except Sens ron), but they were related to the historical context
and current concerns in Japanese society of that period.
In most of these manga stories it is possible find characte ristics of the period in
which they were produced, sometimes following the dictates of the collective
perceptions of the war and the official discourse and sometimes presenting
alternatives or oppositional narratives to the hegemonic one.
It‘s important to keep in mind that narratives, and therefore manga too are
selective accounts with beginnings and endings, constructed to create meanings,
interpret reality, organize events in time, establish coherency and continuity, construct
identities, enable social action, and to construct the world and its moral and social
order for its audience‖ (Vinitzky-Seroussi, 2oo2, p. 34,35)
Therefore we can say that the historical consciousness is the result of a perpetual
negotiation process among different narratives.
Manga stories about World War II in each decade were connected with other
discourses about the past, being able to create, as media product, a symbolic system that
gave meaning to the Japanese society after the war.
95
As I mention in the introduction, the foundational narratives about the role of Japan
in the World War II presented Japan as a victim. Victim not only of United States dropping
the A-bomb, but also victims of their militarized past, and portrayed the vast majority of
Japanese people as ignorant of what was really happening. Igarashi (2000) has pointed that
this foundational narrative has two main consequences. First, the emperor was free of any
political responsibility in the war. Moreover, Hirohito became a sort of a hero saving Japan
from its racialist and colonialist drifts. Second, by putting the atomic bomb in the center of
US-Japan relations, it has emphasized in the suffering of Japanese citizens, ignoring the
suffering of the people of Asia under Japanese domination and of course omitting any
comment about Japanese war crimes committing abroad.
This image of a victim of the events can be reflected in the answer to two major
questions: How is Japanese nation presented in postwar narratives? And, what events are
highlighted and which ones are hidden? In other words, where is the focus placed when
talking about main themes?
Using the concept of ―hegemony‖, led me to assume that what it‘s considered
hegemonic during one particular period has to be continually renewed, recreated and
defended. Therefore, the official discourse o f the role of Japan in the war was not one and
the same since 1945. It has being varying according to the historical context and systems of
meanings, practices and values prevalent in every decade. At the same time, what is
considered hegemonic can be challenged by oppositional or in a lesser extent by alternative
positions.
96
Let‘s then examine how was the discourse of the war changing since the early
postwar until present in Japanese manga.
During the war, the official discourse used to present Japan as an homogeneous and
united nation fighting for only one goal: to win the war. The efforts of military propaganda
where focused in obtaining the unconditional support of both, military and civil citizens.
Manga of the late 50s and 60s tended to look back positively to the past war years,
putting the focus on the courage and bravery of the air war pilots willing to die for the sake
of the country. This went in line with Anti-security Pact Movement that made United States
reemerged as Japan‘s enemy and therefore strengthens the patriotic spirit, and also with the
discourse of the first War Dead Commemoration Day where the Prime Minister stated that
behind Japan‘s recovery for the war were the dreams of the ones who died for the country.
The deaths of war‘s victims have placed the basis for Japan‘s welfare.
The bad feeling of the war where muted, not only for the Occupation authorities but
also because of Japanese were so busy trying to recover and forced to act more than
remember or feel sorry. Other voices recalling the tragic aspect of the war were generally
silenced. Manga artist as Mizuki Shigeru or Ozamu Tezuka declared later that they have
problems publishing them manga. However, in manga of this period we can begin to tell
the difference between privates and officers and noted that the villains are not only the
enemy but also the authorities. Nevertheless, the feeling of heroism and patriotism prevails
over anything else and the pilots became the main symbol to recreate a fictitious past
highlighting the success of air battles and hiding the defeat in the war. The sacrifice of the
97
death pilots fed a reciprocal obligation of the living to continue the sacrifice for the sake of
the nation.
In the 70s, the mistreatment of soldiers to civilians and atrocities of war began to be
exposed in Japanese manga. Many manga with content related to the atomic bomb were
released during those years. The A-bomb genre had its boom within sh jo manga, but this
only reinforced the victimhood paradigm as we see civilians suffering the consequences of
the bomb even years later. But now, Japan is no longer presented as a homogenous nation.
We can tell the difference between military and civilians (suffering because of bad
decisions), and also within military, the opposition between private and officers and the
abuse of the latter on the soldiers.
The generation of the 50s, which grew up reading manga, wanted to continue reading
it when they became young adults. That led to what is known as gekiga which contained
more mature and drama content. The issue of the war then, began to be treated not only in
kodomo manga, but also for an adult audience. That gave to the artist more permission in
the depiction of violence.
Mizuki Shigeru is one of the most famous exponents of gekiga style. In his manga he
was continually denouncing the absurdity of the war, and also denouncing and depicting
Japanese war crimes committed abroad. Even he has some problems to publish during the
early postwar, several of his works were released in the 70s and translated to Spanish and
English recently.
Manga denouncing the war during this decade was possible because the explosion of
Vietnam‘s war called Japanese to re-think about their role during the WW2. Beheiren
98
movement expressed the necessity of recognize that Japan wasn‘t only victim but aggressor
of another Asian countries during the war time. The efforts of Japan to reestablis h the
relationship with China and Korea encouraged the question about war responsibility.
Japanese politician apologized for the first time in front of other Asian countries but they
didn‘t believe it was a sincere apology.
Most of the manga of this decade are placed in the end of the war, when Japan's
defeat was already inevitable. There are no longer heroes, only soldiers trying to survive
and civilians suffering the consequences of a war that many considered unnecessary and
absurd.
Hadashi no gen was an outstanding manga of this period. Although it is a sh nen
manga, the visual style and the topics have strong influence of gekiga. Nakazawa depicted
the horrors of the aftermaths with incredible detail through the eyes of a ten years boy
called Gen. But it‘s not a conventional sh nen. Victory is never and option. The main
problem is to survive and help the love ones to make it also.
From 80s to 90s there was a revival of revisionist positions, and Japan appeared
divided in two: those who defended Japan's position and deny being responsible for war
crimes and those who argued that this responsibility could no longer continue to be evaded.
This division is also reflected in manga. One of the best examples of the nationalism was
Kobayashi Yoshinori‘s Sens ron. Here Kobayashi declared that the incapacity of Japan of
taking pride of the war has led to a crisis of national consciousness. He argued that
Japanese has been brainwashed by American censorship and as a result they give up their
army and became a pacifist country.
99
This argument is really difficult to believe. It‘s impossible to completely brainwash
an entire population in a few months. Kobayashi ignored in his argument other factors like
psychological and physical exhaustion after the war and the inability of many to meet the
basic needs like food, housing, hospitals…
Japanese History then is presented in a way which excludes any possibility of
participation of those who weren‘t Japanese. Kobayashi longs for the returning to a past
Japan when the nation was presented as unified. In the domestic context the manga did
challenge the mainstream interpretation of history and opened the path for a different
political position of right-wings intellectuals. Since the work appeared in parallel with the
Atarashii rekishi ky kasho wo tsukurukai, was successful between young adults who didn‘t
have any previous experience of the war.
Popular culture has become in Japan a site for contesting historical truth. Tezuka
himself when talking about mangaka opposed to the military propaganda during the war
period has stated: ―Boku wa, manga to iu no wa (eiga o fukumetedearu to omoukedo)
tatakai no bukida to omou (I believe that manga (and also movies) is a fighting weapon)‖
(Tezuka, Tezuka Osamu Manga no
gi 130). But it wasn‘t always like this. The first
postwar manga were in line with the official discourse about the war, and praised the
heroism of the soldiers dead for the sake of Japan. That doesn‘t mean that there weren‘t
some oppositional works, but editors didn‘t want to publish them and people didn‘t want to
read them.
100
More dissident narratives of World War II came to light from the 70s. They
contributed to rewrite the Japan‗s official victimhood paradigm and war-crimes and gender
issues obtained more space. Japanese nation started to take ―the others‖ in account for
define and re-think them identities. This others appear now not only as the enemy, but also
as the victims of war-time atrocities of Japanese army. After certain events began to be
revealed it was no longer possible to Japan to maintain a purely national narrative without
contemplating this others.
In the 2000s a new genre in Japanese pop culture dealing with war themes had
emerged. It is called sekaikei, what roughly means ―related to the world‖. These manga are
set in an apocalyptical word or a dystopian society result of the World War III. Neon
Genesis Evangelion opened up the doors to this genre within Japan. In this works a love
story between a male character and a heroine who usually has the power both to save and
destruct the world, goes in parallel with an apocalyptic crisis. The most common subjects in
these manga are utopian and dystopian societies, artificial intelligence and the limits of the
human. Something curious of this kind of manga is that we are witnesses of the end of the
world, but the reasons of the war are never explained and we never know exactly who or
what the enemies are. Japanese society or Japanese Nation isn‘t depicted in a larger scale.
And when they are, it tends to be a society blinded by greed, jealousy, or divine right as a
dangerous and ultimately evil force. Some of this might be a reaction to the consequences
of Japan‘s ultra-nationalism in World War II and the desire to mute that impulse in their
own society.
101
It is always a personal story centered in the inner conflicts of the characters set in
the most limited situation. Tanaka Motoko (2011) states that the social phenomena that can
explain the boom of sekaikei is the increasing number of hikikomori, freeters and NEETs12
within Japanese society. ―These complicated factors led Japanese youth in the mid-1990s to
withdraw from social relationships and from establishing mature identities as members of
society‖ (Tanaka, 2011, p. 170). Within this context in sekaikei works the protagonist
doesn‘t grow or change even after the crisis. ―Contemporary Japanese apocalypse
narratives paradoxically become stories without the sense of an ending, conflict between
opposing values, or confrontation with the Other‖ (Tanaka, 2011, p. 174).
In our daily lives we are constantly surrounded by images and information of
popular culture and Japanese society in particular has developed a powerful visual culture
where manga is only one of its manifestations. Therefore, the influence of manga as a
memory-shaping medium should not be underestimated.
But it‘s important to keep in mind that the analyzed manga, even presenting
historical facts, are fiction works. So the emphasis is not put in the same place than
academic work or an historical record. Here is common to find simplification of important
facts, sensationalism, and even polemic. But as McCloud states: ―The ability of cartoons to
focus our attention on one idea is, I think, an important part of their special power, both in
12
Hikikomori: refers to the phenomenon of individuals choosing to completely withdraw from social life,
often seeking extreme isolation and confinement.
Freeter: people between the fifteens and thirties lack full-time employment or unemployed. They usually
do ’t ha e a y areer a d live with their parents. The low income they earn makes it difficult for freeters to
start their own families, and their lack of qualifications makes it difficult for them to get fulltime jobs .
NEETs: Not in Edu atio , E ploy e t or Trai i g .
102
comics and in drawing generally‖ (McCloud, 1993, p. 31). The story is always a point of
view, an individual memory framed into the society.
103
8. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Clifford, Rebecca. "Cleansing History, Cleansing Japan: Kobayashi Yoshinori‘s Analects
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Dower, John. War without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War. Pantheon, 1986
"Founding declaration." Kakikare, N° 1 (1938).
Feuillassier, Rémi L. Remembering World War and narrating the nation: Study of Tezuka
Osamu's war manga. University of Pittsburgh, 2010
Higgins, Jhon. The Raymond Williams Reader. Wiley-Blackwell, 2001.
Igarashi, Yoshikuni. Bodies of Memory. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000.
Kobayashi, Yoshinori. Senso ron. Tokyo: Gentosha, 1998.
LaMarre, Thomas. "Manga Bomb: Between the Lines of Barefoot Gen." Comics Worlds
and the World of Comics. Kyoto: International Manga Research Center, 2006. 263307.
Masashi, Ichiki. ―Embracing the Victimhood: A History of A-Bomb Manga in Japan".
IJAPS, Vol. 7, No. 3 (Special Issue 2011). Universiti Sains Malaysia Press.
McCloud, Scott. Understanding comics: The invisible art. New York: Harper Perennial,
1993.
Nakar, Eldad. "Framing Manga. On Narratives of the Second World War in Japanese
Manga, 1957 - 1997." MacWilliams, Mark W. Japanese Visual Culture. London:
An East Gate Books, 2008. 198.
—. "Memories of Pilots and Planes: World War II in Japanese Manga, 1957-1967." Social
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Napier, Susan. Anime – From Akira to Princess Mononoke. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2001.
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Natsume, Fusanosuke. Yomiuri Shinbun, 28 May 1999.
—. Manga to senso. Japan: Kodansha Gendai Shinsho, 2006.
Okamoto, Rei. Pictorial Propaganda in Japanese Comic Art, 1941-1945: Images of the
Self and the Other in a Newspaper Strip, Single-Panel Cartoons, and Cartoon
Leaflets. Temple University, 1999.
Sakamoto, Rumi. "Will you go to War? Or will you stop being Japanese." Japan Focus
(2008).
Seaton, Philip A. Japan’s Contested War Memories. New York, London: Taylor and
Francis Group, 2007.
Susuki, Shige. "Learning from Monsters: Mizuki Shigeru's Y kai and War Manga". Image
& Narrative, Vol 12, No1 (2011)
Tanaka, Makoto. Apocalypticism in postwar Japanese Fiction. Vancouver: University of
Columbia, 2011.
Tanaka, Yuki. Crime and Responsibility: War, the state, and Japanese society. Japan Focus,
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Tatsumi, Yoshihiro. Gekiga daigaku: gekiga no nazo o saguru. Tokyo: Hiro shob , 1968.
Tezuka, Osamu. Tezuka Osamu Manga no gi. Tokyo: Kodansha, 1997.
Various authors. Mechademia 4: War/Time. University Of Minnesota Press, 2009.
Vinitzky-Seroussi, Vered. "Commemorating a Difficult Past: Yitzhak Rabin‘s Memorials."
American Sociological Review 67 (2002) 30-51.
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of Mass Violence, June 2008.
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APENDIX 1: HIROSHIMA: THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF BAREFOOT GEN
With this autobiography Nakazawa Keiji tells in a different way the events occurred
in 1945 after the atomic bomb. Nakazawa was six years old when United States dropped
the bomb in Hiroshima. He accounts the horrors of the aftermath through the eyes of a child
who lost most of his family and neighbors. He continues through the harshly difficult years
after the war, his art apprenticeship in Tokyo, his pioneering "A-bomb" manga, and the
creation of the manga Barefoot Gen.
The autobiography has appeared in two editions. First in 1987, under the title The
void that is “Hiroshima”- Account of the Nakazawa clan. A revised version was reissued in
1995.
The story differs from the manga since each genre has its own conventions, and
that‘s what makes interesting the reading of the autobiography. The simplicity of the
writing style makes it accessible for readers of all ages. It can be said that it is maybe the
simplest and comprehensible account of the Hiroshima experience.
By comparing Barefoot Gen and this autobiography some contrasts emerge.
Nakazawa himself has pointed an important one:
What differs about the death of my father from Barefoot Gen is that I myself wasn‘t at
the scene. Mom told me about it, in gruesome detail. It was in my head, so in the
manga I decided to have Gen be there and try to save his father. Mom always had
nightmares about it. She said it was unbearable—she could still hear my brother‘s cries.
Saying ―I‘ll die with you,‖ she locked my brother in her arms, but no matter how she
pulled, she couldn‘t free him. Meanwhile, my brother said, ―It‘s hot!‖ and Dad too said,
―Do something!‖ My older sister Eiko, perhaps because she was pinned between
106
beams, said not a thing. At the time, Mom said, she herself was already crazed. She
was crying, ―I‘ll die with you.‖ Fortunately, a neighbor passing by said to her, ―Please
stop; it‘s no use. No need for you to die with them.‖ And, taking her by the hand, he
got her to flee the spot. When she turned back, the flames were fierce, and she could
hear clearly my brother‘s cries, ―Mother, it‘s hot!‖ It was unbearable. Mom told me
this scene, bitterest of the bitter. A cruel way to kill. (Minear, 2008, p. 311)
This book not only serves as an account of the bombing of Hiroshima as well as the
autobiography of Nakazawa, represented as Gen, it also serves as an origin story of the
Barefoot Gen manga and its creation.
107
APENDIX II: EVANGELION AND THE RISE OF SEKAIKEI
It is said that the series Neon Genesis Evangelion (1995-1996) opened up the doors
for a new genre in manga and animation known as sekaikei. Actually this phenomenon is
also referred as ―the Post-Evangelion Syndrome‖.
Neon Genesis Evangelion is a 26-episode science fiction anime set in a postapocalyptic Japan. We now that what is known as ―the Second impact‖ has drained much of
the human race. Since then some creatures called ―Angels‖ are attacking the Earth and a
group of 14- year olds working for NERV, are the defenders piloting giant robots called
Evas.
The main difference between Evangelion and post sekaikei works is that in the
former at least Shinji –the protagonist- is a reluctant fighter, so he plays an active role in the
plot of the story. In sekaikei, the male protagonist always chooses to play a passive role, but
as they are loved by the heroine, indirectly they achieve the power to control the world.
Other difference is that in Evangelion all Shinji‘s ―Others‖ (friends, family,
enemies) are somehow described and collaborate to create tension and confrontation within
Shinji inner thoughts. While in sekaikei, there are no Others creating any tension. There are
no father figures and the enemies aren‘t described.
One of the best examples of sekaikei is the manga Saishū heiki kanojo (Saikano:
The Last Love Song on This Little Planet) written by Takahashi Shin in 2001. This story
takes place at the beginning of the WW3 in a town of Hokkaid . The manga tells us the
romance between Shuji and Chise, two students in the third year of high school. What Shuji
ignores is that his girlfriend is the "Ultimate Weapon", that is the most powerful weapon for
Japan‘s victory World War III She was developed by the Japan Self- Defense Forces
without her knowledge or consent in order to defend the world.
108
Characteristics of the sekaikei genre:
1. The male protagonist and heroine are highs school students involved in a
relationship.
2. The narrator is the male character.
3. Even though the story takes place in the future, their everyday life is depicted
similar to the present lifestyle. (But there is an emphasis in the technological
achievements in terms of weapons)
4. Suddenly, they get involved in a war that may cause the end of the world
5. This led the couple to focus more in their relationship.
6. While the heroine who goes to the war front to fight to protect the male protagonist
and the world, the male protagonist assumes a role of observer.
109