TheHabsburgsandtheirCourts inEurope,1400–1700 ‡–™‡‡‘•‘’‘Ž‹–‹•ƒ†‡‰‹‘ƒŽ‹• †‹–‡†„› ‡”„‡”–ƒ”‡”ǡ‰”‹†‹—Ž‹•‘˜ž Ƭ‡”ƒ”†‘ Ǥ ƒ”…Àƒ ƒ”…Àƒ PALATIUMeͲPublications Volume1 SeriesEditors:KristaDeJongeandPieterMartens             TheworkreportedoninthispublicationhasbeenfinanciallysupportedbytheEuropean ScienceFoundation(ESF)intheframeworkoftheResearchNetworkingProgramme PALATIUM.CourtResidencesasPlacesofExchangeinLateMedievalandEarlyModern Europe(1400–1700),2010–2015.  The European Science Foundation was established in PALATIUMissupportedby14organisationsfrom11countries: 1974 to provide a common platform for its Member Austrian Science Fund (FWF) • Austrian Academy of Sciences Organisations to advance European research (ÖAW)•ResearchFoundationFlanders,Belgium(FWO)•Czech collaboration and explore new directions for research. It ScienceFoundation(GACR)•AcademyofSciencesoftheCzech is an independent organisation, owned by 67 Member Republic (ASCR) • Danish Agency for Science, Technology and Organisations, which are research funding organisations, Innovation(FI)|TheDanishCouncilforIndependentResearch research performing organisations and academies from | Humanities (FKK) • National Centre for Scientific Research, 29 countries. ESF promotes collaboration in research France (CNRS) • German Research Foundation (DFG) • itself, in funding of research and in science policy Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) • activitiesattheEuropeanlevel.CurrentlyESFisreducing FoundationforScienceandTechnology,Portugal(FCT)•Slovak its research programmes whiledeveloping new activities AcademyofSciences(SAV)•SlovakResearchandDevelopment to serve the science community, including peer review Agency(APVV)•CarlosdeAmberesFoundation,Spain(FCA)• andevaluationservices. SwedishResearchCouncil(VR).  http://www.courtresidences.eu/  ThePALATIUMconferenceTheHabsburgsandtheirCourtsinEurope,1400–1700. Between Cosmopolitism and Regionalism, held in Vienna on 7–10 December 2011,receivedadditionalsupportfromtheAustrianAcademyofSciencesandthe SlovakAcademyofSciences.  ©ÖsterreichischeAkademiederWissenschaften,KULeuvenandauthors,2014 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  Copyright: This is an open access work distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons AttributionͲ ShareAlike4.0InternationalLicense(CCBYͲSA4.0),whichpermitsunrestricteduse,distributionandreproduction in any medium, provided that the original author and source are properly credited and that any adaptations or derivativeworksaredistributedunderthesamelicense.Copyrightisretainedbytheauthors. Coverimage:TournamentontheBurgplatzinfrontoftheHofburginViennain1560.ColouredetchingbyHans Lautensack, in: Hans von Francolin, Rerum praeclare gestarum intra et extra moenia munitissimae civitatis Viennensis...(Vienna,1561).©ÖsterreichischeNationalbibliothek,HAD,662.700ͲCAltRara. Coverdesign:PieterMartens  PALATIUMeͲPublication1     TheHabsburgsandtheirCourts inEurope,1400–1700 ‡–™‡‡‘•‘’‘Ž‹–‹•ƒ†‡‰‹‘ƒŽ‹•     †‹–‡†„› ‡”„‡”–ƒ”‡”ǡ‰”‹†‹—Ž‹•‘˜ž Ƭ‡”ƒ”†‘ Ǥ ƒ”…Àƒ ƒ”…Àƒ            www.courtresidences.eu 2014 Contents  Preface    KristaDeJonge 6 IntroductionandAcknowledgements         HerbertKarner,IngridCiulisová&BernardoJ.GarcíaGarcía     7   I.RepraesentatioMajestatisandResidency  BescheideneBurgenundkleineStädte.DiePräsenzderDynastieindenvorderösterreichischen StammlandenimSpätmittelalter(12.bis15.Jahrhundert)   BrunoMeier           12 BausteineeinesResidenzprojekts.KaiserMaximilianI.inInnsbruck     NicoleRiegel           28 Architecturaancillamusicae.ArchitekturinderBeziehungzurMuskaufdemPragerHof derHabsburger           IvanP.Muchka          46 PalacesontheEdgeoftheAtlantic.TheArchitecturalReformationandtheSpaceRitualization ofthePortugueseRoyalResidencesduringtheReignofPhilipIofHabsburg(1580–1598) MiltonPedroDiasPacheco         55   II.Imperial,RoyalorPrincelyIdentityandRegionalPatriotism  HabsburgMythologyandtheWaldsteinPalaceinPrague JanBažant           73 OfficialPortraitsandRegionalIdentities.TheCaseofEmperorMaximilianI(1459–1519) DagmarEichberger          100 DynastischeIdentitätundeuropäischePolitikderspanischenHabsburgerinden1650erJahren. DiegoVelázquez’BildnissealsTeileinerhöfischͲpolitischenPortraitkultur EvaͲBettinaKrems          115 Presentation,RepresentationandInvisibility.EmperorFerdinandIandhisSonArchduke FerdinandIIofAustriainPrague(1547–1567) MadelonSimons          132 TheCourtsoftheHabsburgsasRelatedbyJakubSobieski CezaryTaracha          148     III.ReligiousPracticesandtheCourt  ThePietasAustriaca.APoliticalMyth?OntheInstrumentalisationofPietytowardstheCross attheVienneseCourtintheSeventeenthCentury WernerTelesko         159 EngenderingPietasAustriaca.TheVillaPoggioImperialeinFlorenceunderMariaMaddalena ofAustria IlariaHoppe          181 PietasAustriacaattheLisbonCourt.TheMonumentalChapelandFuneraryTombsbuiltby CatherineofAustriaintheSanJerónimosMonasticCompexinBelém AnnemarieJordanGschwend        207   IV.HabsburgsandMuslims  Europe’sTurkishNemesis LarrySilver          242 ‘TheGoodandHonestTurk’.AEuropeanLegendintheContextofSixteenthͲCenturyOriental Studies PálÁcs          267 TheMoeursetfachonsdefairedeTurcs.SüleymanandCharlesV:IconographicDiscourse, EnhancementofPowerandMagnificence,orTwoFacesoftheSameCoin? AnnickBorn          283 ‘Allaturca’.TürkischeElementeinTheaterundFestandenHabsburgerhöfenim16.und17. Jahrhundert AndreaSommerͲMathis        303 TheSpanishHabsburgsandtheArtsofIslamicIberia CatherineWilkinsonZerner        336    ListofContributors          348  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Preface KristaDeJongeǡŠƒ‹”ȋ‡—˜‡Ȃ‹˜‡”•‹–›‘ˆ‡—˜‡Ȍ Founded in 2010 and financed by the European Science Foundation, the PALATIUM research networking programme aims at creating a common forum for research on the late medieval and early modern European court residence or palace (palatium) in a multiͲ and transͲdisciplinary perspective (www.courtresidences.eu). In the broad and varied field of court studies, PALATIUM’s focus on the court residence stands out as a main defining characteristic, distinguishing it clearly from similar initiatives in Europe. Fourteen research institutions from eleven European countries support this programme, amongst which the organizing institutes of this conference: the Austrian AcademyofSciencesandtheSlovakAcademyofSciences,bothofwhomwesincerelythankforthe essentialroletheyhaveplayedinenablingthenetworkandinmakingthiseventpossible.  ThechoiceofvenueseemsparticularlyfittinginretrospectbecauseofPALATIUM’sroots.It was in Vienna in 2008, at the occasion of the aptly named conference ‘Vorbild, Austausch, Konkurrenz. Höfe und Residenzen in der gegenseitigen Wahrnehmung’ organized by our host, the Austrian Academy of Sciences together with the ResidenzenͲKommission of the Akademie für WissenschafteninGöttingen,thatsomeoftheessentialcontactsweremade,whicheventuallyledto thePALATIUMprogramme.TheHofburgProjectoftheAcademythusdeservesparticularmention. However,sincePALATIUMcouldbecalleda‘networkfundedbyaconsortium’,thanksarealsodue totheothermemberorganisationswhostandbehindusandtoour‘parentcompany’theEuropean ScienceFoundation. The world of the courts 1400–1700 constituted a network of truly European scale and internationalcharacter.Withinthiscontext,theintricateHabsburgnetworkofcourts,bornfromthe marriagealliancesbetweentheHouseofAustria,theHouseofBurgundy,theHouseofSpainandthe HouseofJagielloninthelatefifteenthandearlysixteenthcentury,stoodoutbecauseofitsterritorial reach, connecting the Low Countries with the Holy Roman Empire, Bohemia and Hungary, and the Iberian peninsula. PALATIUM quite naturally has addressed these ‘Habsburg Spheres’ on different occasions,firstinitsstartͲupstageinthemeetingofMadridinNovember2010(‘FelixAustria’),and nowonavasterscaleintheconferenceatViennainDecember2011.Theorganizershavesoughtthe input of many disciplines apart from the architectural historian’s, combining the knowledge of the historian of art, of the theatre, and of collecting, with that of the specialist in religious history, politics,diplomacyandtravel,toaddresstheHabsburgworldfromdifferentangles.Thecollectionof essays presented hereafter thus offers a first example of the inclusive approach PALATIUM has soughttoencourage.   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  6 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM IntroductionandAcknowledgements HerbertKarnerȋ—•–”‹ƒ…ƒ†‡›‘ˆ…‹‡…‡•Ȍ IngridCiulisováȋŽ‘˜ƒ…ƒ†‡›‘ˆ…‹‡…‡•Ȍ BernardoJ.GarcíaGarcíaȋ‹˜‡”•‹†ƒ†‘’Ž—–‡•‡†‡ƒ†”‹†Ȍ  TheessaysgatheredinthisvolumewerepresentedaspapersattheconferenceTheHabsburgsand theirCourtsinEurope.BetweenCosmopolitismandRegionalism,1400–1700,whichwasorganizedby theAustrianAcademyofSciencesincoͲoperationwiththeSlovakAcademyofSciencesandheldin Vienna on 7–10 December 2011. It should be noted that it was also the first thematic conference prepared within the framework of the European Science Foundation research networking programmePALATIUM.CourtResidencesasPlacesofExchangeinLateMedievalandEarlyModern Europe(1400–1700).  The history of almost all PALATIUM ‘member states’ – if they may be called that – relates closely to the House of Habsburg, which in the period under investigation was one of the most importantroyalhousesofEurope.Forthisreasonitwasdecidedtoorganizetheconferenceasan internationalscholarlymeetingfocusedonthecourtcultureoftheHabsburgdynastyinitsbroader context. The scholarly concept of the conference was developed by the two convenors: Ingrid Ciulisová (Bratislava, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Institute of Art History) and Herbert Karner (Vienna, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Institute of History of Art and Musicology, Division of Art History(formerlytheCommissionofArtHistory)).ThetwoconvenorsareindebtedtoKristaDeJonge (Chair of PALATIUM), Bernardo J. García García (ViceͲChair) and Pieter Martens (Programme Coordinator) for their kind assistance, for which they offer them their warmest thanks. Sincere thanks go also to the Austrian Academy of Sciences and the Slovak Academy of Sciences for their generoussupport.Finally,wewouldliketothankJohnNicholsonforhisfinalreadingofthetexts. Of seventyͲfour abstracts submitted from eighteen countries, thirtyͲone papers were selected and delivered at the conference, including a poster section for younger scholars. The ceremonial opening lecture was delivered by Larry Silver (University of Pennsylvania). The chosen papersweredevotedtovarioustopicsspecifiedintheconferencecall,whichishererecalledbothas atestimonytotheconferenceandforthesakeofclarity.Theeditorsbelievethatthepresentvolume willserveausefulpurposeinbringingtogetherstudiesofsomeoftheprincipaltopicsencounteredin thestudyoftheHabsburgs’royalcourts. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  7 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM A variety of extant visual and written sources demonstrate that the members of the House of Habsburg devoted special attention to the creation of their ‘dynastic identity’ (e.g. the ‘Fürstenspiegel’,panegyricandemblematicliterature).Itwasthisphenomenonthatmotivatedour attempt to trace a Habsburg dynastic ‘idiom’ in the sphere of archducal, kingly or imperial representation, particularly at the residence courts, and to consider its supranational features in contrast to its regional ones. Our intention was that court culture in Vienna, Madrid, Brussels, Prague,BratislavaandBudapestshouldbesubjectedtodetailedexaminationandcomparison–with a double focus trained on instances of interaction both within the EuropeͲwide Habsburg network and also with local traditions. All cases of exchange were to be elaborated upon with the help of visualmediausedbytheHabsburgs,andweretobedevelopedinthefollowingfourpanels:  I.RepraesentatioMajestatisandResidency Thecourtresidenceisviewedasthenucleusofrepresentation.Investigationsweretofocusprimarily on the official apartments built up by the Habsburgs in relation to their court ceremony, with the principal question being: Is there a model unifying the court residences in Madrid, Brussels and Central Europe? Special attention was devoted to the display of codes and symbols of Habsburg princelyrepresentation.Itwasintendedthatallvisualmediaandelementsofperformance(theatre, festivities,ephemeralart),includingdifferentsortsofcollections(ofartworks,books,horses,plants etc.),shouldbegivenfurtherconsiderationinthecontextsoftheirdisplay.  FourcaseͲstudiesarepresentedhere.BrunoMeierremindsusthattheearlyHabsburgshad awidespreadregionalpresencefromAlsacetotheAargauanddescribesitsarchitecturalexpression (‘Bescheidene Burgen und kleine Städte. Die Präsenz der Dynastie in den vorderösterreichischen Stammlanden im Spätmittelalter’). In her precise analysis of Maximilian I’s building activities in Innsbruck (‘Bausteine eines Residenzprojekts. Kaiser Maximilian I. in Innsbruck’), Nicole Riegel demonstrateshowanexistingbuildingcomplexwasturnedstepbystepintoanimperialresidence. Ivan Prokop Muchka examines the organ in Prague Cathedral as a case of Habsburg selfͲ representationinhispaperon‘Architecturaancillamusicae:ArchitekturinderBeziehungzurMusik amPragerHofderHabsburger’.Inhispaperon‘PalacesontheEdgeoftheAtlantic.TheArchitectural Reformation and the Space Ritualization of the Portuguese Royal Residences during the Reign of PhilipIofHabsburg(1580–1598)’MiltonPedroDiasPachecodiscussestheinterventionsofPhilipIIof Spain on Lisbon’s main royal palace at his succession to the Portuguese throne in the light of Habsburgrepresentationofmajesty.  II.Imperial,RoyalorPrincelyIdentityandRegionalPatriotism The Habsburgs developed a supranational form of dynastic identity. In addition, however, other forms of identity were cultivated and articulated by the local nobility in Bohemia, Hungary and Poland.TheseformsofidentityrelatedspecificallytowhatmaybecalledLandespatriotismusinthe senseofloyaltytothe traditionsofthecountriestheystillviewedastheirrespective‘homelands’. WelookedforvariousformsofexpressionofLandespatriotismusinthevisualartsasrealizedinthe ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  8 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM palaces of the time. Works of art glorifying local saints or earlier rulers produced in Bohemia, Hungary,andPolandwereofparticularinterestinthiscontext. FivecaseͲstudiesarecontainedwithinthissectionofthecollection.Goingagainsttraditional Czechhistoriography,JanBažantdemonstratesin‘HabsburgMythologyandtheWaldsteinPalacein Prague’thattheheroofitsartisticprogrammeisnotitsowner,regionalpotentatethoughhemay have been, but the Habsburg Empire he served. Conversely, in her paper on ‘Official Portraits and RegionalIdentities.TheCaseofEmperorMaximilianI(1459–1519)’,DagmarEichbergershowshowa Habsburg ruler could adopt different types of artistic representation in accordance with the particular regional context he wanted to communicate with. EvaͲBettina Krems studies the role which dynastic portraits, specifically Velázquez’, could play in the identityͲbuilding and foreign politics of the Spanish midͲseventeenth century Habsburg court (‘Dynastische Identität und europäische PolitikderspanischenHabsburgerin den1650erJahren:DiegoVelázquez’Bildnisseals Teil einer höfischͲpolitischen Porträtkultur’). Madelon Simons, in ‘Presentation, Representation and Invisibility.EmperorFerdinandIandhisSonArchdukeFerdinandIIofAustriainPrague(1547–1567)’, connects the stucco decoration of Villa Stern near Prague with Ferdinand’s activities as a collector andapatron,whilecriticallyconsideringthequestionofaHabsburgartisticidiom.In‘TheCourtsof the Habsburgs as Related by Jakub Sobieski’, Cezary Taracha shows how an outsider viewed the differentHabsburgcourts,fromViennatoMadrid.  III.ReligiousPracticesatCourt A decisive element in Habsburg dynastic identity was what has been called ‘Pietas Austriaca’ (adorationoftheBlessedSacramentandvenerationoftheBlessedVirginMary,theHolyCross,and thesaints).Howdidthesespecificreligiouspracticesmanifestthemselves,eitherinpublicliturgyor in private devotion? How were these practices reflected in the art, culture and architecture of the court? What can be said about the sacred spaces at the Habsburg courts, their location, structure and function in ceremonial and private life? Are there possibly connections and interdependencies betweenprincelyresidencesandreligiousbuildings?Canvirtuessuchas‘pietas’and‘modestia’be seenascriteriaforareconsiderationofHabsburgarchitecture?Whatdifferencesorsimilaritiescan beseenbetweentheSpanishandtheAustrianHabsburgsintheirpracticeanduseof‘pietas’?  ThissectioncomprisesthreecaseͲstudies.WernerTeleskolooksatthepracticeof‘pietas’at the seventeenthͲcentury Viennese court, in particular at its veneration for the Holy Cross under Emperor Ferdinand II (‘The Pietas Austriaca. A political myth? On the Instrumentalisation of Piety towardstheCrossattheVienneseCourtintheSeventeenthCentury’),whileIlariaHoppeexaminesits programmaticuseinthedecorationofVillaPoggioImperiale,Florence,byhiswidowedsisterGrand Duchess Maria Maddalena (‘Engendering Pietas Austriaca. The Villa Poggio Imperiale in Florence under Maria Maddalena of Austria’). In her paper on ‘Pietas Austriaca at the Lisbon Court. The MonumentalChapelandFuneraryTombsbuiltbyCatherineofAustriaintheSanJerónimosMonastic ComplexinBelém’,AnnemarieJordanGschwendshowshowCatherine,queenofPortugal,showed herselfatrueHabsburgrulerinthecreationoftheroyalPantheonatBélem.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  9 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM IV.HabsburgsandMuslims The longͲstanding threat posed by the Ottomans in eastern Central Europe and by the Moors in Spain provoked the construction of images and stereotypes of ‘enemies of the Faith’. Were there similar strategies in Spain and Austria, in particular within the context of court culture, for the creation of propaganda presenting the Habsburgs as ‘defenders of the Faith’? Did this image have any tangible influence on Habsburg court culture? Further issues were: Turkish perception of Habsburg courts and palaces; the possible role of the Ottoman palace as a rival to the Habsburg model;andmanifestationsofthetriumphovertheMoorsandtheOttomansinpalatialart.  In‘Europe’sTurkishNemesis’,ourkeyͲnotespeakerLarrySilverpaintsabroadpanoramaof the manifold image of the Turk in the long Habsburg sixteenth century, from Albrecht Dürer and MaximilianI,toHansvonAachenandRudolfII,showingtherichnessofartisticstrategiesavailableto HabsburgrulersintheirpropagandawarwiththeTurks.PálÁcsexaminesearly‘OttomanStudies’in hispaperon ‘“TheGoodandHonestTurk”.AEuropeanLegendintheContext ofSixteenthͲCentury OrientalStudies’,particularlyastrainwhichrunscountertotheprevalentimageoftheTurkasthe enemy.Afamouspictorialinstance,duetotheFlemishartistPieterCoeckevanAelst,isanalysedby Annick Born in her paper on ‘The Moeurs et fachons de faire de Turcs. Süleyman and Charles V: IconographicDiscourse,EnhancementofPowerandMagnificence,orTwoFacesoftheSameCoin?’. TheissueofcrossͲpollinationisaddressedbothbyAndreaSommerͲMathisin‘“Allaturca”.Türkische ElementeinTheaterundFestandenHabsburgerhöfenim16.und17.Jahrhundert’,andbyCatherine Wilkinson Zerner in her paper on ‘The Spanish Habsburgs and the Arts of Islamic Iberia’, both demonstratingparsprototohowtheHabsburgcourtsinbothAustriaandSpainshowedacontinuing interestintheartefacts,moresandcultureoftheirarchͲenemy.   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  10 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM       I RepraesentatioMajestatisandResidency   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  11 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM BescheideneBurgenundkleineStädte Die Präsenz der Dynastie in den vorderösterreichischen Stammlanden im Spätmittelalter(12.bis15.Jahrhundert) BrunoMeierȋƒ†‡ǡƒ”‰ƒ—Ȍ    Die von Legenden umrankte Frühgeschichte der Habsburger geht zurück auf das 10. und 11. Jahrhundert. Die Ursprünge des Geschlechts werden im Umfeld des gräflichen Adels im Süden des Elsassvermutet,sicherseitdemfrühen11.JahrhundertistdieHochadelsfamilie,dieerstmals1108 urkundlich mit dem Zunamen ‘von Habsburg’ verbürgt ist, im Aargau im Norden der heutigen Schweiz präsent. Es wird in den folgenden Abschnitten darum gehen, die zentralen Orte im wachsenden Machtbereich der Habsburger zu definieren und die Bedeutung der vorländischen ZentrennachdemErwerbderösterreichischenHerzogtümerimJahr1282zuskizzieren.Gabesvor undnachdiesemWechselnachWienAnsätzezuHofhaltungenimWesten,wiemanifestiertesichdie PräsenzderDynastieindenehemaligenStammlandenbisins15.Jahrhundert?1  Gründungsorte:DieHabsburgunddieKlösterMuriundOttmarsheim Die Frühgeschichte der Habsburger ist einzig über eine erzählende Quelle, die sogenannten Acta Murensia,diewahrscheinlichinderZeitnach1140entstandenundineinerAbschriftausderZeitum 1400überliefertsind,greifbar.2DarinwirddieGründungdesKlostersMuridurchRadbotundItaals Sühne für die Vertreibung von freien Bauern geschildert. Bischof Werner von Strassburg, der möglicheOheimderIta,genanntvonLothringen,sollgleichzeitigzusammenmitRadbotdenBauder Habsburg veranlasst haben. Kurze Zeit später soll von Radbots Bruder Rudolf das Kloster OttmarsheimamRanddesHardwaldsöstlichvonMülhausengestiftetwordensein.Datiertwerden dieGründungenderKlösterswiefolgt:MuriaufdasJahr1027,geweiht1064durchdenBischofvon Konstanz; Ottmarsheim um 1030, geweiht 1049 durch Papst Leo IX. Ungefähr gleichzeitig soll die Habsburgentstandensein. Lassen sich diese erzählerischen Quellen mit dem heutigen Stand des Wissens in Übereinstimmung bringen?DieHabsburgistin denJahren1978–83und1994Ͳ95bauarchäologisch untersuchtworden.SiewirdaufgrundverschiedenerBefundetatsächlichaufdieZeitum1020/1030 datiert.ZusammenmitAusbautenausderZeitum1100kannvoneinergrossenundimVergleichzu ähnlichen Burgen am OberͲ und Hochrhein repräsentativen Anlage gesprochen werden. Sie war zu derZeitmächtigeralsdieLenzburg,SitzderdamalsinderRegiontonangebendenGrafenimAargau.3 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 12 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Sie ist sowohl symbolischer als auch wehrhafter Ausdruck eines offenbar aufstrebenden Adelsgeschlechts.DieHabsburgersindim12.undfrühen13.JahrhundertAnhängerderstaufischen Könige und orientierten sich in ihrer GründungsͲund Bautätigkeit wohl am staufischen Umfeld und dessenBurgenbau.                 Abb.2DieältereBurgdes11.Jahrhundertsistaufder RekonstruktionlinkerHandsichtbar.DieErweiterung rechtsstammtausdem12.und13.Jahrhundert.  Abb.1Derheutenochstehende,jüngereTeilderHabsburg stelltnurdenkleinerenTeilderursprünglichenBurgdar. ImHintergrunddieFundamentederälterenBurg.   Mit den beiden Klostergründungen markierten die frühen Habsburger gleichzeitig ihren damaligen Einflussbereich: den Süden des Elsass und den Aargau. Sicher nach 1100 übten sie gräfliche Rechte im oberen Elsass aus, nach dem Aussterben der Grafen von Lenzburg 1173 auch südlich des Rheins. Sie waren seit 1135 Vögte der Abtei Murbach im Elsass und nach 1173 des Klosters Säckingen, Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts auch des Klosters St. Blasien im Schwarzwald. Im Reichbewegtensiesichseitdemfrühen12.JahrhundertinderRegelintreuerGefolgschaftzuden Staufern.4 SowohlinMuri(1953)wieinOttmarsheim(1981)sinddieFundamenteunddieStiftergräber archäologischuntersuchtworden.AnbeidenOrtenhabensichdieGründungserzählungenderActa Murensia bestätigt. Im Zentrum des Oktogons in Ottmarsheim wurde ein gemauerter, mit Steinplatten bedeckter Sarkophag gefunden. Das offenbar ungestörte Grab enthielt Teile eines SchädelsundRestevonKleidung.GemässderLegendesollderStifterRudolfinpäpstlichenDiensten im Kampf gegen die Normannen im Süden Italiens umgekommen sein. Vielleicht sind Teile seines Leichnamsnachträglichbestattetworden.5InMuriwurden1953dreiGräbergeöffnet.Imzentralen Grab vor dem ehemaligen Lettner konnte eine Frau identifiziert werden, im nördlich davon gelegenen Grab ein Mann mit einem Jüngling. Südlich davon war eine Sammelbestattung. Diese Situation entspricht der Erzählung in den Acta Murensia. Die Klosterstifterin Ita soll in der Mitte begrabenwordensein,ihrGatteRadbotzusammenmitdemfrühverstorbenenSohnAdalbertgleich daneben.DieGräbersindnachweislichimJanuar1701geöffnetworden,alsMurivonKaiserLeopold ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 13 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM zur Fürstabtei erhoben wurde. Graf Ehrenreich von Trautmansdorff, der damalige österreichische Gesandte in der Eidgenossenschaft, konnte sich von der Existenz der mythischen Vorfahren des KaiserhausesanOrtundStelleüberzeugen.6                Abb.3TeilederKlosterkircheMuri(Krypta,Türme) Abb.4DieKirchevonOttmarsheimzeigtbisheuteden gehennochindieromanischeGründungszeitzurück. achteckigenGrundrissderGründungsanlage, Endedes17.Jahrhundertsistindasromanische typologischangelegtandiekarolingischePfalzkapelle Kirchenschiffeinmächtiger,achteckigerBau inAachen.DasDamenstiftistniezueinergrossen eingefügtworden,dergrösstebarocke Abteigewachsenundhatdeshalbdieursprüngliche KuppelzentralbauderSchweiz. Strukturbewahrt.   Adelsresidenzenim12.und13.Jahrhundert? Der gräfliche Adel besass im 12. Jahrhundert in der Regel noch keine festen Residenzen und Hofhaltungen.Erwarständigunterwegs,imDienstdesKönigsoderinAusübungseinerHerrschaft. Beim Versuch, sogenannte Itinerare einzelner Vertreter der Dynastie aufgrund der verfügbaren Quellenzuerstellen,wirddiesevident.Dennochlassensichzumindestfürdas13.Jahrhunderterste zentrale Orte oder Stützpunkte ausmachen, an denen sich die Habsburger bevorzugt aufgehalten habenoderdiesiefürHerschaftsͲundzunehmendfürVerwaltungszweckeverwendethaben.Neben Burgen waren dies Stadthäuser in BischofsͲ oder Reichsstädten, aber auch feste Häuser oder Stadtburgen in den eigenen Städten. Für Strassburg, Hagenau, Colmar, Mülhausen, Basel oder Rheinfelden,wosichVertreterderDynastienachweislichimmerwiederaufgehaltenhaben,istkein Besitz von eigenen Häusern belegt.7 Hingegen sind die habsburgischen Kleinstädte Laufenburg am RheinundBruggunweitderHabsburgmitStadtburgenbelegt. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 14 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM             Abb.5DieÜberrestederBurgSteininLaufenburg amRhein,im13.und14.JahrhundertSitzderNebenlinie derGrafenvonHabsburgͲLaufenburg.  Graf Rudolf IV., der spätere König, der im Jahr 1240 die Führung innerhalb der Familie übernahm,hatkaumlängereZeitaufderStammburgderFamiliegelebtundwirdsieauchkaumals Residenz verwendet haben. Seine politischen Ambitionen lagen in der Zeit der Stauferwirren und des Interregnums zwischen etwa 1245 und 1265 vornehmlich im Elsass und im Schwarzwald. Im SchwarzwaldsetzteersichgegenadligeMitkonkurrentenalsVogtdesKlostersSt.Blasiendurchund gründetedieStadtWaldshutamRhein.ImElsasswarerindieKonfliktezwischenderStadtunddem BischofvonStrassburginvolviert,erstaufbischöflicher,dannaufdersiegreichenstädtischenSeite. In diesem Zusammenhang steht der Ausbau der Ortenburg nordwestlich von Schlettstadt. Über seineHeiratmitGertrudvonHohenbergimJahr1254hatteRudolfindiesemRaumFussgefasst.Er liess die Burg in den Jahren zwischen 1262 und 1265 markant ausbauen. Die Überreste der Burg lassendaraufschliessen,dassderHabsburgerdenOrtnichtnuralsweithinsichtbaresSymbolseiner Wehrhaftigkeiterbauenliess,sonderndassdieOrtenburgauchRäumefürresidenzielleFunktionen beherbergte.8    ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 15 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Abb.6DieOrtenburgmitihremmarkanten,fünfeckigen Abb.7BlickinsInnerederBurgmitdergotischen und30MeterhohenBergfried,ihrvorgelagertdieBurg FensterfronteinesehemaligenFestssaalsimersten Ramstein.DieHabsburgerverkauftendieBurgbereits Obergeschoss,dersichrepräsentativzurEbenehin 1314.Siewurde1633vondenSchwedenzerstört. öffnet.  DieKönigswahlalsWendepunkt Graf Rudolf IV. war mit seiner expansiven Politik erfolgreich. 1263/64 konnte er den Besitz der GrafenvonKyburgsüdlichdesRheins,ehemaligesErbederHerzögevonZähringen,mitpolitischem Geschick unter seinen Einfluss bringen. Er erlangte Kontrolle über Städte und Burgen im heutigen SchweizerMittellandwieFrauenfeld,Winterthur,Baden,dieLenzburgoderFreiburgimUechtland. Gegen die Ansprüche der mächtigen Grafen von Savoyen im Westen konnte er sich durchsetzen. DamitschwangersichzumwichtigstenadligenMitspielerzwischenStrassburgundZürichauf. Ab 1268 stand er nicht zum ersten Mal in Fehde mit dem Bischof von Basel. Die Bischofsstadt wäre für ihn ein natürlicher Residenzort gewesen, als Scharnier zwischen seinen EinflussbereichenimElsassundimRaumdesAargaus,quasiMittelpunkteineskleinenFürstentums.9 Ein mehrjähriger Kleinkrieg war die Folge, in dem auch die habsburgische Klosterstiftung in Ottmarsheim von Basler Söldnern geplündert wurde. Im Sommer 1273 schliesslich sammelte der HabsburgerseineVerbündetenzueinerBelagerungvonBasel.ImLagervorBaselerhieltRudolfdie NachrichtvonseinerWahlzumrömischdeutschenKönig.ErscheintfürdiewählendenFürstenein nichtzumächtigerscheinenderKompromisskandidatgewesenzusein.Damitverändertensichder AnspruchunddieAusrichtungdesdynastischenWegsderHabsburgervöllig.AlsKönigschlossermit derbelagertenStadtBaselumgehendFrieden.SeinResidenzprojektwardamitkeinThemamehr. Dervom‘kleinen’GrafenzumKöniggewordeneRudolfänderteseinePolitikschlagartig.Aus heutiger Perspektive erscheint sein Handeln in den folgenden Monaten und Jahren derart zielgerichtet,dassmanmeinenkönnte,dassdiesvonlangerHandgeplantgewesensei.Erverstand offenbardieMechanikderReichspolitikaufsBeste.ErverständigtesichmitdenwählendenFürsten auf eine Stärkung der im Interregnum stark beschädigten Stellung des Reichs, insbesondere durch Rückforderung von dem Reich entfremdeten Rechten, erreichte mit einer systematischen Verheiratung seiner Nachkommen in die fürstlichen Häuser eine Integration seiner kleinen Grafenfamilieunter die GrossendesReichsundschaffteesschliesslich,eine Koalitionzustandezu bringen, mit der er den mächtigsten Reichsfürsten herausfordern konnte: König Ottokar von Böhmen.10 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 16 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Der Konflikt entstand aus der Rückforderung der von Ottokar in den Jahrzehnten zuvor usurpiertenHerzögtümerÖsterreich,Steiermark,KärntenundKrainsowiederWindischenMark.An einem Reichstag in Augsburg im Mai 1275 sicherte sich der neue König die Rückendeckung der Reichsürsten für ein Vorgehen gegen den Böhmen, dem die österreichischen Reichslehen abgesprochen wurden. In den südostlichen Ländern brach die böhmische Herrschaft bereits im Herbst1276zusammen.DieGrafenvonGörzͲTirolwurdenzuRudolfswichtigstenVerbündeten.Der ungarische König Ladislaus IV. wandte sich ebenfalls gegen Ottokar. König Rudolf erschien im Oktober 1276 ein erstes Mal vor Wien. Ottokar von Böhmen musste klein beigeben. Der reiche Königmusstesichvomgräflichen Emporkömmling demütigenlassen.DerFriedewarabernurvon kurzerDauer.Am26.August1278fandschliesslichaufdemMarchfeldbeiDürnkrutnordöstlichvon Wien die entscheidende Auseinandersetzung statt. Rudolf von Habsburg konnte mit seiner schwäbischen Hausmacht und mit den Verbündeten Ungarn und GörzͲTirol seinen übermächtig erscheinendenGegnerüberwinden.OttokarkaminderSchlachtselbstumsLeben.11 DamithattederKönigalleTrümpfeinderHand.EsgelangihmindenfolgendenJahrendie Reichsfürstendazuzubringen,einerVerleihungder österreichischen HerzogtümeranseineSöhne zuzustimmen. Kärnten überliess er seinem Verbündeten Meinrad von GörzͲTirol. Seinen ältesten Sohn Albrecht verheiratete er mit dessen Tochter Elisabeth. Ende 1282 konnten seine Söhne die Herzogtümer aus der Hand des königlichen Vaters in Empfang nehmen. Eine innerfamiliäre Hausordnungvom1.Juni1283hieltfest,dassAlbrechtdieösterreichischenLehenerhaltensollte, der jüngere Rudolf sollte wohl im Westen mit einem wiedererrichteten Herzogtum Schwaben ausgestattet werden. Mit dem böhmischen Königshaus gingen die Habsburger 1285 eine doppelte Verbindungein.DerjüngereSohnRudolfheirateteAgnes,TochterdesOttokar.GutavonHabsburg ehelichte den als böhmischer König nachfolgenden Wenzel II. Damit zeichnete sich Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts bereits eine Strategie der Habsburger ab, die böhmische Krone ins Haus zu bringen. EineStrategie,dienotabeneerst1526unterFerdinandI.vondauerhaftemErfolggekröntwar.  EineköniglicheResidenz? Eine Reichsverwaltung oder eine Reichsresidenz existierte nicht. Der Habsburger besaß keine glanzvolle Burg und Stadt wie Ottokar in Prag. Königswahlort war Frankfurt, Krönungsort Aachen. Die wichtigen politischen Entscheidungen wurden an Reichstagen gefällt, die in der Regel in den grossenReichsͲundBischofsstädtenwieNürnberg,AugsburgoderFrankfurtdurchgeführtwurden. Solche Reichstage waren für die königliche Hofhaltung letztlich in erster Linie ein enormer Kostenfaktor.OftmusstesichderKönigvonderentsprechendenStadtdieAuslagendafürausleihen. Im Februar 1291 als Beispiel, kurz vor seinem Tod, erliess König Rudolf der Reichsstadt Zürich für sechsJahredieReichssteuern.DafürlösteZürichbeiderStadtErfurtRudolfsSchuldvomReichstag imDezember1290ab.12RudolfselbsthatsichniesehrlangeimneuenHerrschaftszentruminWien aufgehalten.DieReichsgeschäfteerfordertenPräsenzanverschiedenenOrten.EsisteherseinSohn Albrecht, 1298 nach dem Konflikt mit Adolf von Nassau selbst zum König gewählt, der Wien als neuenMittelpunktderDynastieaufgebauthat. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 17 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Es stellt sich nun die Frage, welche Orte in den vorländischen Stammlanden mit allenfalls residenziellenFunktionenbestehenblieben.DieUntersuchungdernachfolgendenPeriodebiszum Beginndes15.Jahrhundertszeigt,dassdiesstarkvonderinnerfamiliärenKonstellationabhing,das heisst,obundwennjawelcherFamilienzweigdievorländischenBesitzungenbeherrschte.  BruggundKönigsfeldenalszeitweiligesGravitationszentrum KurznachdemTodevonHerzogRudolfII.imFrühling1290wurdeseinSohnJohanngeboren.Die WitweundjungeMutterAgnesvonBöhmenhieltsichzudieserZeitimaltenHabsburgerstädtchen Brugg auf. Hier hatte die Familie wahrscheinlich zu Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts gleichzeitig mit GründungundAufbauderStadteineStadtburggebaut.Die StadtundeineBrückeentstandenam Engnis der Aare einige hundert Meter flussabwärts der Burgstelle Altenburg, die in den Mauern eines römischen Kastells entstanden war. Der Stifter von Ottmarsheim, Rudolf, wird in den Acta Murensia mit dem Zunamen von Altenburg benannt. Der Raum südlich der Aare, das später Eigenamt genannte Gebiet zu Füssen der Habsburg selbst, wird alter Besitz der Dynastie gewesen sein.DieserBesitzwarTeildesvonHerzogRudolfindieEhemitAgnesvonBöhmeneingebrachten Eheguts. Die Brugger Stadtburg erfüllte deshalb kurzzeitig eine Funktion als Residenz. Allerdings befandsichdieWitwegegenüberihrenSchwägernineinerprekärenSituationundkehrtedennauch 1295nachPragzurück,wosiekurzeZeitspäterverstarb.13                Abb. 8 Das Habsburger Stadtschloss in Brugg. Lithographie vor dem Abbruch 1864. 1290–1295 Residenz der Agnes von Böhmen, Witwe von HerzogRudolf.HerzogLeopoldIII.verkauftedasfesteHausimJahr1383 anseinenDienstmannFriedrichEffinger.  InSichtweitedeStadtmauernvonBruggfandauchdaseinschneidendeEreignisstatt,dasdie Geschichte der Dynastie in den folgenden Jahrzehnten entscheidend prägen sollte: der Mord an KönigAlbrechtI.AlbrechtwarnachdemTodseinesVatersimSommer1291nichtalsNachfolgerim Reich gewählt worden. Er arrangierte sich vorerst mit dem neuen König Adolf von Nassau. In den folgenden Jahren spitzten sich die Konflikte zwischen dem Habsburger und dem König einerseits, und den Reichsfürstenandererseitszu.DieFürsten setztenAdolfvonNassauimJuni1298abund ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 18 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM wählten an seiner Stelle Albrecht von HabsburgͲÖsterreich. In der Schlacht bei Göllheim in der nördlichenPfalzsetztesichderHabsburgerdurch,seinKontrahentkamum.Albrechtkonntesichin denfolgendenJahrenalsKönigerfolgreichetablieren.UndersetztedieHeiratspolitikseinesVaters fort. Mit Verbindungen nach Böhmen, Ungarn, Savoyen und gar Aragon knüpften er und seine KinderdasNetzerfolgreichweiter.14 EinKonfliktmitseinenNeffenJohann,demSohnderAgnesvonBöhmen,erwiessichaber als verhängnisvoll. Herzog Johann hatte, kaum volljährig geworden, Anteil am Erbe beansprucht, möglicherweiseAnsprücheandasHerzogtumSchwaben,dasdurchseinenfrühverstorbenenVater hätte wieder aufgebaut werden sollen, mindestens aber Ansprüche an die vorländischen Besitzungen,EhegutseinerMutter.AlbrechtscheintihmdieHerausgabediesesErbteilsverweigert zuhaben,einletztesMalaneinemHoftaginBadenam30.April1308.AmFolgetag,alsdasGefolge in Richtung Rheinfelden loszog, wo sich Albrechts Gattin Elisabeth von GörzͲTirol aufhielt, überfiel Herzog Johann mit einer kleinen Gruppe von Verschwörern den vorausreitenden König nach dem ÜbergangüberdieReussaufderHöhedesehemaligenrömischenLegionslagersVindonissa. Der Mord an Albrecht war eine familiäre Katastrophe und beeinträchtigte die Ambitionen derHabsburgeraufdenKönigstitelauflangeZeit.DieGegenkönigswahlvonHerzogFriedrichdem Schönen 1314 scheiterte und die Dynastie erlangte erst 1437 wieder die Königswürde, dann aber nachhaltigundauflangeZeit.      Abb.9DieDarstellungdesMordesanKönig AlbrechtI.am1.Mai1308beiBrugg.Linker HanddieStadtBaden,ausderdas königlicheGefolgelosreitet.InderMitte derÜbergangüberdieReuss.Rechts anschliessenddieMordszene,im HintergrundfliehendieMörder,im VordergrundstirbtderKönigindenArmen desBischofsvonStrassburg.RechterHand dieStadtBrugg,aufderAnhöheim HintergrunddieHabsburg.Kolorierte ZeichnungausdemEhrenspiegeldes ErzhausesÖsterreichvonJohannJacob Fugger,1555.   Am Ort der Ermordung stiftete die Witwe zusammen mit ihren Kindern ein Doppelkloster: Königsfelden.UntermassgeblicherFörderungvonElisabethvonGörzͲTirolundihrerTochterAgnes, Witwe des schon 1301 verstorbenen Königs Andreas III. von Ungarn, entstand in den folgenden JahrenundJahrzehnteneinreichausgestatterFranziskanerͲundKlarissenkonvent.Königsfeldenwar in den Anfängen nicht nur Memoria für die Ermordung Albrechts, sondern auch wichtiger Begräbnisort für die Familie. Neben der 1313 verstorbenen Witwe Elisabeth wurden auch die Tochter Agnes, die Söhne Leopold I. und Heinrich und einige weitere Verwandte in Königsfelden ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 19 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM begraben; schliesslich auch Herzog Leopold III. nach seinem Schlachtentod bei Sempach.15 Das Klosterentwickeltesichfüretwa50JahrezureigentlichenvorländischenResidenzderHabsburger, daAgnesvonUngarn1316/17dortWohnsitznahm,ohneindenOrdeneinzutreten.Sieprägtebiszu ihremTod1364diePolitikderFamiliestark.    Abb.10DieKlosterkircheKönigsfeldenvonSüden.AmSeitenschiffangebautdieÜberrestedes KlarissenͲKreuzgangs,rechterHandnocherhalteneGebäudeteiledesFrauenkonvents.Das KlosteristinderReformation1528aufgehobenwordenunddientealsbernischeLandvogtei. GrosseTeilederKonventgebäudewurdenim19.Jahrhundertabgebrochen.  AgnesvonUngarnfülltewährendeinigerZeitdieRolleeiner‘Materfamilias’aus,vorallem indenerstenJahren,alsihreBrüderteilsnochminderjährigwaren.SiewaraufsBestevernetztmit demKönigshofundderKurieinRom.IndenKonfliktenmitdersichausbildendenEidgenossenschaft vertrat sie einerseits die Interessen ihrer Familie, andrerseits spielte sie zumindest bis etwa 1350 auch die Rolle als Vermittlerin in verschiedenen Konflikten zwischen den eidgenössischen Städten und Ländern und dem Adel.16 Allerdings begannen sich die Machtverhältnisse seit den 1350erͲ Jahren, vor allem im Konflikt mit der Stadt Zürich, gegen die Habsburger zu wenden. Die eidgenössischen Länder der Innerschweiz begannen, sich mit den Reichsstädten des Mittellandes (BernundZürich)zuverbündenunderlangtensoeineStärke,diedenhabsburgischenLandesherren gefährlich werden konnte. Agnes Bruder, Herzog Albrecht II., zeigte sich während 14 Jahren nicht mehrimWesten.SeineInterventioninZürichzusammenmitKönigKarlIV.imJahr1353/54warnur teilweiseerfolgreich.17KarlIV.sollindiesemJahrAgnesvonUngarninKöngisfeldeneinen Besuch abgestattet haben. Die beiden Familien waren über eine Heirat der Königstochter Katharina mit HerzogRudolfIV.inVerbindunggetreten. Im Bildprogramm der teilweise erhaltenen Glasmalereien von Königsfelden schuf Agnes einen eigentlichen Memorialort für die Dynastie, einerseits im heilsgeschichtlich ausgerichteten ProgrammdesChors(bisum1340),andrerseitsineinemdynastischaufgebautenScheibenzyklusim ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 20 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM LanghausderKirche(bisum1360).VondiesemScheibensindallerdingsnurwenigeüberliefert.Die Stifterscheiben von Elisabeth und Agnes sind indirekt über die Zeichnungen im Habsburger Ehrenspiegelvon1555überliefert.18                     Abb.11StifterbildderAgnesvonUngarnnachdem Abb.12DiebisheuteerhaltenenStifterbildervonKönig VorbildderGlasscheibenimdynastischenZyklus RudolfvonBöhmen(links)undHerzogAlbrechtII.Aus vonKönigsfelden,um1360.Zeichnungim demdynastischenScheibenzyklusinKönigsfelden,um EhrenspiegeldesErzhausesÖsterreichvonJohann 1360. JacobFugger1555.   Im Umfeld von Königsfelden scheinen Agnes und ihre Brüder zumindest in Ansätzen ein Residenzprojekt vorangetrieben zu haben: den Ausbau der Lenzburg. Die Stammfeste der 1173 ausgestorbenen Grafen von Lenzburg war mit dem Kyburger Erbe nach 1264 an die Habsburger gelangt. König Rudolf I. hielt 1275 auf der Burg einen Hoftag ab. Die mächtige Höhenburg ist bis heuteeinmarkantesSymboladligerSelbstdarstellungimAargau.InderZeitum1335/1340liessen dieHabsburgereinenmarkantenNeubauerstellen,dasRitterhaus.DergrossräumigePalasbaumit zwei übereinanderliegenden Sälen von über 20 Metern Länge und über 10 Metern Breite beeindrucktbisheute.MöglicherweisewarderBaualsResidenzfürHerzogFriedrichII.,demSohn des Otto, vorgesehen, der vor 1339 der letzte männliche Vertreter der Enkelgeneration von König AlbrechtI.war.FürFriedrichwareinEheprojektmitJohanna,TochterdesenglischenKönigsEduard III. geplant. Das Ehegut von Friedrich wird dabei, wie schon einige Jahrzehnte zuvor, aus dem vorländischenBesitzderHabsburgerbestandenhaben.DieLenzburgwäredazudierepräsentative Residenz gewesen. Der Bau wurde vollendet, allerdings scheiterte das Eheprojekt und Friedrich verstarbbereits1344.19 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 21 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM NachdemHerzogAlbrechtII.undseineGattinJohannavonPfirtnach15kinderlosenJahren mit Rudolf 1339 endlich einen Nachkommen bekommen hatten, war der Fortbestand des Geschlechtswiedergarantiert.  Abb. 14 Rekonstruierter Baubestand der Lenzburg in der Mitte des14.JahrhundertsmitdemmächtigenPalasbau.     Abb.13DieLenzburgheute:linkerHandderRitterͲ hausausderZeitum1340,rechterHanddieBurgder Lenzburgerausdem11.und12.Jahrhundert.            Abb.15Rekonstruktionsversuchdesunteren, kleinerenRittersaalsaufderLenzburgmitder spätgotischenFensterfront.DerSaalerinnertin seinerGrösseundAusgestaltungandennurnoch ruinöserhaltenenRittersaalderOrtenburgim ElsassausderZeitum1265(Zeichnung:Ruth Baur).   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 22 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM KeineResidenzenmehr,nurnochVerwaltungssitze Seit der Zeit um 1300 hatten die Habsburger die Verwaltungskompetenzen der Vorlande auf dem LandvogteisitzinBadenkonzentriert,nichtweitvonBruggundKönigsfeldengelegen.Diehochüber derStadtgelegeneBurgStein,fastinSichtweitederReichsstadtZürich,warSitzdesLandvogtsim Aargau, zeitweise wurden von hier aus auch das Elsass und der Schwarzwald regiert. Die vorländischen Landvögte gehörten zur Spitzengruppe der habsburgischen Dienstleute und hatten, vor allem nach dem Tod der Agens von Ungarn 1364, eine grosse Bedeutung, da während des ganzen14.JahrhundertsdieHerzögesichseltenimWestenaufhielten.RudolfIV.scheintalsjunger Mann zeitweise unter den Fittichen seiner Tante Agnes gestanden zu haben, aber erst Herzog Leopold III. entfaltete wieder grössere Aktivitäten in den Vorlanden. Die Stadt Baden eignete sich speziell als zumindest kleine Residenzstadt, da seit dem 13. Jahrhundert die Bäder wieder instand gesetzt worden waren und sich zum wichtigsten Badekurort im Raum der späteren Schweiz entwickelthatten.DasAngebotanGasthöfenundGästebettenwargrossunddasgesellschaftliche LebenderBäderbotauchfürdiePolitikeingutesUmfeld. Der1351geboreneLeopoldIII.hattemitdemHausvertragvon1364bereitsinjungenJahren dieVerantwortunginKrain,imTirolundindenVorlandenübernommen.Erresidiertenachseiner HeiratmitViridisViscontiausMailand1368vorerstaufderBurgTirolbeiMeran.Erentfaltetevon dortauseineaktivePolitiksowohlimSüdeninRichtungAdriawieauchimWestenamRhein.1368 begab sich Freiburg im Breisgau unter habsburgischen Schutz, 1375 sicherte sich Leopold das MontforterErbeinVorarlberg(Feldkirch),1381dieGrafschaftHohenbergamOberlaufdesNeckar. Neben seiner Italienpolitk stand in den folgenden Jahren Basel im Mittelpunkt, gut 100 Jahre nachdem bereits sein Urgrossvater Rudolf sich um die Stadt bemüht hatte. Die Habsburger waren seit 1330 mit dem Erwerb von Schaffhausen, Rheinfelden, Breisach, Neuenburg am Rhein, Laufenburg und Freiburg im Breisgau am OberͲ und Hochrhein zur beherrschenden Macht geworden. Die mittendrin gelegene Stadt Basel stand in einem schweren Konflikt mit dem Bischof alsStadtherrn.HerzogLeopoldIII.nutztedieseKonstellation,konnte1375Kleinbaselgewinnenund erhielteinJahrspätervonKönigWenzeldieReichsvogteiüberdieStadt. Nach einem schweren Konflikt mit den Basler Stadtbürgern an der sogenannten ‘bösen Fasnacht’ in Basel im Januar 1376 verhängte der König die Reichsacht über Basel. Der Habsburger stand kurz davor, die Stadt in seinen Machtbereich eingliedern zu können: ein idealer Residenzort für die seine vorländischen Besitzungen. Allerdings veränderte sich die Situation in den folgenden Jahrendramatisch.LeopoldsetztebeiderBischofswahlinBasel1382aufdenfalschenKandidaten undverlordenRückhaltbeimKönig.DieNeuͲKyburger,seineVerwandtenimRaumBern,dieunter seinerLehensherrschaftstanden,beganneneinenKonfliktmitderReichsstadtBernundmusstenin derFolge1384ihrenBesitzderStadtBernunterDruckverkaufen.UndeinJahrspäterbeganndie Stadt Luzern, de jure noch habsburgische Landstadt, de facto Teil der eidgenössischen Bünde, aggressiv in das noch habsburgisch beherrschte Umland auszugreifen. Herzog Leopold musste reagieren,umeinem ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 23 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM ZusammenbruchseinerHerrschaftsüdlichdesRheinsvorzubeugen.Ersammelteseinevorländische undtirolischeAnhängerschaftundverlorimJuli1386gegendieEidgenossenSchlachtundLebenbei Sempach. Das Kloster Königsfelden wurde zum zweiten Mal Memorialort für einen toten Habsburger.LeopoldundseineengstenMitstreiterwurdeninderKlosterkirchebeigesetzt.20   Abb. 16 Die Ruine der 1415 zerstörten Burg Stein im Zustand der erstenHälftedes17.Jahrhunderts,vordemWiederaufbaudurchdie Stadt Baden. Zeichnung von Johann Rudolf Rahn nach einem Altargemälde aus dem Kapuzinerkloster, um 1650. Linker Hand sichtbarderursprünglichePalasbau.   Abb. 17 Die Überreste der 1712 ein zweites Mal zerstörten Burg Stein im Weichbild der StadtsilhouettevonBaden. DerAnfangvomEndeimAargau Die Katastrophe vom Sempach war ein schwerer Einschnitt für die Dynastie. Leopolds Bruder Albrecht III. reiste in den Westen und versuchte zu retten, was zu retten war, mit wenig Erfolg. Luzern war verloren, die Blüte des vorländischen Adels bei Sempach umgekommen. 1393 erfolgte einFriedensschlussauf20Jahre.IndenfolgendenJahrenwardieFamiliewiederkaumpräsentim Westen, die innerdynastischen Probleme verhinderten eine Rückgewinnung des Verlorenen. Leopold IV. war zeitweise im Westen, seine Gattin Katharina von Burgund residierte auf der EngelsburginThannimElsass,demVerwaltungszentrumimSundgau.DasspätgotischeMünstervon Thann verdankt den beiden grosszügige Förderung. Leopolds Bruder Friedrich IV. übernahm schliesslichdefinitivab1406dieRegentschaftinTirolundindenVorlanden.Erresidierteabermeist in Innsbruck. Die Parteinahme für das Kloster St. Gallen in den sogenannten Appenzellerkriegen brachte seine Herrschaft in der Ostschweiz und in Vorarlberg zeitweise schwer ins Wanken. Und schliesslich führte sein Konflikt mit König Sigmund am Konzil von Konstanz 1415 zum Zusammenbruch der vorländischen Herrschaft. Der König hatte die Reichsacht über Friedrich verhängt,nachdemdieseraufdenGegenpapstJohannesXXIII.gesetzthatte. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 24 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM DieKonkurrentenFriedrichs,dieBischöfevonChur,BrixenundTrient,dieAdligenanHochͲ und Alpenrhein sowie die eidgenössischen Städte und Länder brachten die Herrschaft des HabsburgersjenseitsdesArlbergsinkurzerZeitzumEinsturz.Friedrichkonntezwarbis1425,dem endgültigen Friedensschluss mit dem König, den grössten Teil der Verluste zurückgewinnen. Auch einen Reichskrieg Sigmunds gegen Tirol konnte er abwehren. Die Besitzungen im Aargau blieben aberverloren.DieStädteBernundZürichlöstendieReichspfandschaft1418ausundverweigerten eine Rückgabe. Damit hatten die Habsburger ihre alten zentralen Orte aus der Frühzeit ihrer Geschichte verloren: Baden, Brugg, die Lenzburg und auch die Habsburg selbst. Der symbolisch schwersteVerlustwardasKlosterKönigsfelden,GrabstättederFamilie.Wiedergewinnungsversuche schlugenfehl.KönigFriedrichIII.reistezwar1442aufseinerKrönungsreisedemonstrativdurchdie EidgenossenschaftundbesuchteKönigsfelden,esbliebaberbeiderSymbolik.SeinVetterSigmund von Tirol verlor in den folgenden Jahren mit Freiburg im Uechtland und dem Thurgau die letzten PositionensüdlichdesRheins.AlleindiesogenanntenWaldstädteamRhein,Waldshut,Laufenburg, Säckingen und Rheinfelden verblieben dem Habsburger, der 1474 vor dem Hintergrund der BedrohungdurchKarl denKühnenvonBurgundeinen‘ewigen’Frieden mit derEidgenossenschaft schloss.DerSchwabenͲoderSchweizerkriegMaximiliansmitdenEidgenossen1499ändertenichts mehranderSituation.21                        Abb.18DasRathausinRheinfeldenausden1530erͲ Abb.19DerRegentenpalastdervorderösterreichischen Jahren.DieInselburgSteinalsherrschaftlicherSitzwar RegierunginEnisheim,einRenaissancebauausderMitte 1446imKriegmitBaselgeschleiftworden. des16.Jahrhunderts.  Die verbliebenen Besitzungen im Elsass, im Breisgau, im Schwarzwald und in Schwaben wurden vorerst von Ensisheim in der Nähe von Mülhausen aus verwaltet, nach dem Verlust des ElsassanFrankreich1648vonFreiburgimBreisgauaus:dassogenannteVorderösterreich,oderauch die‘SchwanzfederdesKaiseradlers’,wieesim18.Jahrhundertgenanntwurde.22 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 25 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Bibliographie Baum, Wilhelm, ReichsͲ und Territorialgewalt (1237–1473). Königtum, Haus Österreich und SchweizerEidgenossenimspätenMittelalter(Wien,1994). Biller,Thomas,undMetz,Bernhard,DerfrühgotischeBurgenbauimElsass(1250–1300).DieBurgen desElsass,BandIII(München,1995). Frey, Peter, ‘Die Habsburg im Aargau. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen von 1978–83’, Argovia, 98 (1986),pp.90–108. Frey, Peter, ‘Die Habsburg. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen von 1994/95’, Argovia, 109 (1998), pp. 123–75. Frey, Peter, ‘Die baugeschichtliche Untersuchung und Konservierung der Ruine Stein in Baden’, BadenerNeujahrsblätter,78(Baden,2002),pp.130–38. Frey,Peter,‘DieLenzburg,eineResidenzderHabsburger’,Argovia,120(2008),pp.156–66. Krieger,KarlͲFriedrich,DieHabsburgerimMittelalter.VonRudolfI.bisFriedrichIII(Stuttgart,1994). Krieger,KarlͲFriedrich,RudolfvonHabsburg(Darmstadt,2003). KurmannͲSchwarz, Brigitte, Die mittelalterlichen Glasmalereien der ehemaligen Klosterkirche Königsfelden(CorpusVitrearumMediiAeviSchweiz,II),(Bern,2008). Lauro,Brigitte,DieGrabstättenderHabsburger,KunstdenkmälereinereuropäischenDynastie(Wien, 2007). Meier, Bruno, Ein Königshaus aus der Schweiz. Die Habsburger, der Aargau und die EidgenossenschaftimMittelalter(Baden,2008). Meier,Bruno,DasKlosterMuri.GeschichteundGegenwartderBenediktinerabtei(Baden,2011). Niederstätter, Alois, Österreichische Geschichte 1278–1411. Die Herrschaft Österreich. Fürst und LandimSpätmittelalter(Wien,2001). Rauschert, Jeannette; Teuscher, Simon, und Zotz Thomas, Habsburger Herrschaft vor Ort weltweit (1300–1600)(Ostfildern,2013) Rück,Peter,undKoller,Heinrich(ed.),DieEidgenossenundihreNachbarnimdeutschenReichdes Mittelalters(Marburg,1991). Sieber,Christian,undBretscher,Charlotte(ed.),ActaMurensia.DieAktendesKlostersMurimitder GenealogiederfrühenHabsburger(Basel,2012). Speck,Dieter,KleineGeschichteVorderösterreichs(LeinfeldenͲEchterdingen,2010). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 26 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Teuscher, Simon, und Moddelmog, Claudia, Königsfelden. Königsmord, Kloster und Klinik (Baden, 2012). Wörner,HansJakob,undWörner,JudithOttilie,KunstführerAbteikircheOttmarsheim(Lindenberg, 2006). Württembergisches Landesmuseum Stuttgart (ed.), Vorderösterreich, nur die Schwanzfeder des Kaiseradlers?DieHabsburgerimdeutschenSüdwesten(Stuttgart,1999).  Abbildungen Abb.3,4,5,13,17,18,19:FotoAutor. Abb.1,2,14,15:AargauerKantonsarchäologie. Abb.6,7:Biller/Metz1995. Abb.8,9,12:AargauerDenkmalpflege. Abb.9,11:Wien,ÖsterreichischeNationalbilbiothek. Abb.16:ZentralbibliothekZürich.   1 GrundlagedesArtikelsistmeinBuchüberdieHabsburgerimMittelalter:Meier2008.AllgemeinzurDynastie siehe Krieger 1994. Verschiedene Aspekte aus der neuesten Forschung siehe: Rauschert et.al., 2013, insbesonderedieBeiträgevonThomasZotz,AloisNiederstätterundundMartinaStercken. 2 SiehedazudieNeueditionvonSieberu.Bretscher2012. 3 Frey1986,Frey1998. 4 Meier2008,pp.11–34. 5 Wörner2006,p.30. 6 Meier2011,p.17,103f. 7 Krieger2003,pp.18–32. 8 Billeru.Metz1995. 9 Zotz,Thomas,ZentrenundPeripheriendeshabsburgischenImperiums,in:Rauschertet.al.2013,pp.23. 10 Krieger2003,pp.84–114. 11 Krieger2003,pp.115–161. 12 Meier2008,p.9f. 13 Meier2008,p.95f. 14  Zum Königsmord, Stiftung und Aufbau von Königsfelden siehe die neuesten Forschungen in Teuscher u. Moddelmog2012,insbesonderederersteArtikelvonTobiasHodel,pp.11–47. 15 Lauro2007,pp.240–47. 16 EntgegenderAnsichtvonAndreasBihrer;sieheBihrer,Andreas,ZwischenWienundKönigsfelden.Die KirchenpolitikderHabsburgerindenvorderenLandenim14.Jhahrundert,in:Rauschertet.al.2013,besonders pp.124–133. 17 Meier2008,pp.110–36. 18 ZudenGlasgemäldenvonKönigsfeldensieheKurmannͲSchwarz2008. 19 Frey2008. 20 Meier2008,pp.137–52. 21 Meier2008,pp.156–213. 22  Zur Geschichte Vorderösterreichs siehe den materialreichen Sammelband Vorderösterreich 1999 sowie Speck2010. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 27 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  BausteineeinesResidenzprojekts KaiserMaximilianI.inInnsbruck  NicoleRiegelȋ‹˜‡”•‹–¡–ò”œ„—”‰Ȍ    InnsbruckgehörtzudenältestenhabsburgischenHöfen,gewannjedocherstunterMaximilianI.den Status einer königlichen und schließlich kaiserlichen Residenz (Abb. 1). In den beiden Jahrzehnten nachseinerRegierungsübernahmeinTirol1490widmeteMaximilianeinenGroßteilseinerbaulichen AktivitätenderStadtunddemHofInnsbruck.DiesebetrafendieHofburgselbst,denNeuhofmitdem GoldenenDachl,denWappenturmmitdersüdlichanschließendenÄußerenBurgunddasZeughaus– Maßnahmen, die funktional, fortifikatorisch und insbesondere im Hinblick auf Zeremoniell und Repräsentation miteinander verbunden sind und deshalb nicht getrennt voneinander betrachtet, sondern auf ihre Zusammenhänge und urbanistischen Implikationen befragt werden sollen. Der folgendeBeitragverstehtsichalsVorberichteinesumfangreicherenUntersuchungsprojekts,weshalb dieFußnotenaufeinMinimumbeschränktwurden.   Abb.1AlbrechtDürer,InnsbruckvonNorden,Wien,Albertina,Inv.3056. Für die kunsthistorische Erforschung der Bautätigkeit Maximilians in Innsbruck sind die wichtigsten Grundlagen vor rund hundertzwanzig Jahren in den Regesten des Wiener Jahrbuchs ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  28 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  gelegtworden.11921gelangMorizDregerineinerakribischenAnalyseder‘ältestenGeschichteder Innsbrucker Hofburg’ die Identifizierung der beiden Dürerschen Hofansichten (Abb. 2Ͳ3).2 Dieser Aufsatz blieb das Fundament jeder weiteren Untersuchung, etwa der erhellenden Beobachtungen Patrick Werkners im Tiroler Burgenbuch ebenso wie der umfassenden Dokumentation von Ricarda Oettinger in der Österreichischen Kunsttopographie.3 Hinzu kamen in jüngster Zeit die UntersuchungenvonLieselotteHanzlͲWachterzuBauundAusstattunginmariatheresianischerZeit sowiediemonographischangelegteGeschichtederHofburgvonBenediktSauer.4DemHoflebenund denAnsätzeneiner Residenzbildung MaximiliansinInnsbruck hatsich die Forschungvorallemvon historischer und kulturhistorischer Warte gewidmet, vertreten durch Anneliese Gatt, Monika Fritz sowiezuletztIngeborgWiesfleckerͲFriedhuberundManfredHollegger.5    Abb.2AlbrechtDürer,BurghofinInnsbruckgegen Abb.3AlbrechtDürer,BurghofinInnsbruckgegen Süden,Wien,Albertina,Inv.3057. Norden,Wien,Albertina,Inv.3058. VonkunsthistorischerSeitebliebendieseAnregungenweitgehendunbeantwortet.6Zwarhat DregerbedeutendeErkenntnissezurrelativenBauchronologiegewonnen,dochwederistbislangdie Entstehungsgeschichte detailliert erörtert noch durch die Methoden der Bauforschung hinreichend geprüft. Über die Funktionen konnte vielfach nur gemutmaßt oder an Legenden entlanggearbeitet werden. Eine systematische Untersuchung von ReiseͲ und Gesandtenberichten im Hinblick auf die funktionale Struktur der Innsbrucker Hofburg selbst sowie auf eine auch zeremoniell bedingte RelationzuanderenFixpunkteninderStadtwiedemGoldenenDachlundderPfarrkirchestehtvöllig aus. Genausowenig hat man sich bisher der Frage gewidmet, wie sich die Residenz des Kaisers im internationalen Rahmen eigentlich ausnimmt. Ihr kunsthistorischer Rang ist kaum einmal thematisiert worden. Überlegungen zur Semiotik maximilianischer Architektur in Innsbruck konzentriertensichaufdenWappenturmunddasGoldeneDachl,jedochnichtaufdasEnsembleim ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  29 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  urbanistischenKontext.7–Unddies,obwohlschonKoschatzkyaufdietreffende,wennauchzugleich topische Charakterisierung Martin Luthers hingewiesen hat: ‘Inspruck parva est, sed aequalibus aedificiis composita, ac si esset una continua domus’ [Innsbruck sei klein, aber durch gleichartige Gebäudesogefügt,alswäreeseineinzigesausgedehntesHaus].8   Abb.4Innsbruck,StadtplanmitAndechsischerBurg(1),Neuhof(2)undMitterhof(3).  Versuchen wir zunächst eine Revision der Fakten. In Innsbruck ist mit Baumaßnahmen Maximilians naturgemäß erst nach der Abdankung Erzherzog Sigmunds am 16. März 1490 und Maximilians Regierungsübernahme in Tirol zu rechnen.9 Der außerordentlich baufreudige Sigmund hatte am Beginn seiner Regentschaft 1446 noch die alte andechsische Burg an der Innbrücke bezogen, ab Ende der fünfziger Jahre aber sowohl den Neuhof mitten in der Stadt als auch den damals als Mitterhof bezeichneten Komplex an der Ostflanke der Stadtmauer durch Erwerbungen undBaumaßnahmenvergrößertundindiesemMitterhof,derspäterenHofburg,auchgewohnt(Abb. 4).10Dasheißt,MaximilianübernahmmitInnsbruck1490bereitseinebeträchtlicheunddazurezent erweiterte Bausubstanz, die die Hauptadern der Stadt kontrollierte – eine gute Grundlage, um die erzherzoglicheineineköniglicheResidenzzuverwandeln.WannMaximiliandieseAufgabeinAngriff nahm, ist unsicher, doch muß in der Hofburg schon bald nach 1490, spätestens 1492 mit einem neuen Frauenzimmerbau begonnen worden sein, den Dürer um 1495/96 als äußerlich abgeschlossenenBauzeichnenkonnte(Abb.3).11WenigeTage,nachdemBiancaMariaSforzaam23. Dezember1493inInnsbruckeingetroffenwar,schriebsienachFerrara,dieBurggefalleihrsehrgut, undsieglaubenicht,daßsieälterseialsfünfJahre.12ObdieKöniginbeiihrerAnkunftinInnsbruck ein wohlvorbereitetes Logis beziehen konnte, ist damit nicht gesagt. Der Gemahl ließ bekanntlich einige Zeit auf sich warten, die Hochzeit fand erst am 16. März 1494 statt.13 Mitte Januar war bei ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  30 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  einem Brand das Saggentor zuschaden gekommen, was man in der Folge zum Anlaß nahm, den Wappenturm davorzusetzen, der laut Bauinschrift am südöstlichen Eckerker 1496 kurz vor dem Abschlußstand.14 AnfangMärz1496starbSigmund,seineWitweverheiratetesichnochimselbenJahrneu,so daß der von Sigmund als Alterssitz genutzte Neuhof für Maximilian verfügbar wurde.15 Der König unternahmhierzweierlei:ZumeinenfunktionierteerdieStadtresidenzineinenVerwaltungsbaumit großem Archiv für die Hofkammer um, zum anderen setzte er an der Fassade mit dem Prunkerker desGoldenenDachlseinenfernwirksamenAkzent.16DiedendrochronologischeUntersuchungergab fürdiehierverwendetenHölzereineFällzeitimWinter1497/98,dieAusmalungistinschriftlich1500 datiert.ImselbenJahrwurdeauchdasvergoldeteKupferdachbezahlt.17Paralleldazu,imMai1498, beauftragte Maximilian Hofmaler Kölderer, sein ‘stüblin in unserm neuen frauenzimmer’ auszumalen, d.h. er bemühte sich um eine ergänzende Ausstattung der Wohnräume in der Hofburg.18VonMitteSeptember1500datierteineVereinbarung,ausderhervorgeht,daßMaximilian mittelfristigeinenUmbauderHofburgplante–zumindestgaberdiesvor.19Aucherfahrenwir,daß er ein Bad ‘auf dem Inn’, wohl in Flußnähe, besaß.20 Im Dezember sollten, wie so oft, im Auftrag Maximilians Truhen in der Burg gesucht und umgeräumt werden: Aus der ‘stubn, darinn die junkfrawengewesensein’sollteneinigeinzweikleinereGewölbe,andereindas‘gewelbimnewen paw’transferiertwerden.WelcherneueBaugemeintist,bleibtoffen.21 Aus dem Jahr 1500 besitzen wir auch erste Hinweise auf die Errichtung des neuen Zeughauses im Osten der Stadt an der Sill, das eine Erweiterung und Neustrukturierung des Geschützbestandes, der bis dahin in der alten andechsischen Burg am Inn und partiell möglicherweise auch im schon 1465 erwähnten Harnaschhaus südlich der Hofburg aufbewahrt worden war, erlaubte.22 Auf eine geplante Neuverwendung dieses Harnaschhauses deutet unter anderemdievonMaximilian1503verfügteErwerbungbenachbarterBauten,desHufschmiedhauses und des Goldschmiedhauses, zugunsten einer Neugestaltung, mit der das unmittelbare architektonische Umfeld der Burg gebessert werden sollte. Maximilian verlangte in diesem Zusammenhang, was sehr charakteristisch ist, die Einrichtung einer für ihn vom Harnaschhaus aus zugänglichen Drechselstube mit kaminbeheizter Kammer.23 In den Kontext dieser Veränderungen beimHarnaschhausgehörtdie1505datierteillusionistischeFassadenmalerei,dieehemalsüberdie Stadtmauer hinweg sichtbar, sich im Inneren des Stiftskellers fragmentarisch erhalten hat.24 1506 war der neue Hofplattnereibau in der Neustadt begonnen, in dessen Obergeschoß ein Saal zur Ausstellung der Harnische dienen sollte.25 Etwa gleichzeitig dachte Maximilian an eine Verlegung seinesInnsbruckerMarstalls.26 Ab1507wirddasehemaligeHarnaschhausalsWappenhausbezeichnet,wenigstenshatdies die Forschung immer so verstanden.27 Ende März legte Kölderer eine Aufstellung seiner aktuellen Arbeiten vor, darunter ‘zwo visierung gemacht zu dem newen paw bey dem wappenhaws’ sowie ‘drey visierung zu kn. mt. capellen zu hof’.28 Die ihm übertragene Ausstattung des Wappenhauses, insbesondere der Gehörnstube, sowie die Neuausmalung der Hofkapelle standen also noch aus. 1508/09 scheint der an die Kaiserproklamation in Trient sich anschließende Venezianerkrieg MaximilianinAtemgehaltenzuhaben,29dochimMärz1510wurdedamitbegonnen,denlangenSaal zwischenParadeisundNeuemBauzuerhöhenundumzugestalten.30ImselbenJahrwurdenauchim NeuhofeinigeRäumegewölbtzwecksAufnahmedesArchivsderRaitkammer.31InderSilvesternacht ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  31 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  1510 auf '11 starb Bianca Maria Sforza,32 und damit scheint auch Maximilians Bautätigkeit in Innsbruck weitgehend erloschen zu sein. Als nach der habsburgischͲjagiellonischen Doppelhochzeit diebeidenBräuteAnnaundMariaeinigeJahreinderInnsbruckerHofburgverbrachten,kameszu Reparaturen und Nachbesserungen, nicht jedoch zu eingreifenden baulichen Veränderungen.33 Hieraus entsteht der Eindruck, daß Maximilians Residenzprojekt für Innsbruck an seine Ehe mit BiancaMariaSforzaundderengemeinsameRepräsentationspflichtengebundenwarundsichaufdie knappzweiJahrzehntezwischen1490/92und1510begrenzte.Dementsprechenauchdienach1510 nur noch seltenen Aufenthalte des Kaisers, nämlich für je drei Wochen  im Sommer und im November 1511, dann erst wieder im Januar 1514. Ein letzter längerer Aufenthalt datiert von September 1514 bis März 1515. Kürzere Präsenzen Maximilians sind noch im Sommer 1515 verzeichnet,gefolgtvonwenigenTagenimAugust1516.34DaßdieInnsbruckerMaximilianEndedes Jahres1518dieAufnahmeverweigerthaben,isthinreichendbekannt.35 ZwischendenfrühenneunzigerJahrenund1510hingegenhatMaximiliandenAusbauseiner Innsbrucker Residenz über alle finanziellen Engpässe und andere Schwierigkeiten hinweg nicht nur kontinuierlich betrieben, sondern auch systematisch. Zunächst ging es um neue Wohnräume und wahrscheinlich einen halbwegs standesgemäßen Komfort in der Burg. Die Notwendigkeit zur Erneuerung desSaggentorsnachdessenBrand1494dürftedanndieAufmerksamkeitverstärktauf die Außenerscheinung gelenkt haben: Nach dem Bau des Wappenturms ergab sich mit dem Tod SigmundsdieGelegenheit,auchdenNeuhoffernwirksamzuakzentuieren– Zufälle,diejedochmit Bedacht genutzt wurden. Ab 1500 wurde das Zeughausprojekt realisiert und die äußere Burg der Repräsentation verstärkt einbezogen. Danach scheint man darangegangen zu sein, den noch bestehenden sigmundischen Teil der Hofburg durch einen größeren Saalbau zu ersetzen im Sinne einerVereinheitlichungderOstfront.DieseletztePhasedürftebereitsimKontextderAnnahmedes Kaisertitels zu verstehen sein. – Bemerkenswert an diesen Maßnahmen ist zum einen, daß der Landesfürst an den drei prominentesten Punkten der Stadt nicht nur ansässig war, sondern daß er die entscheidenden Zugänge der Stadt und ihr Zentrum auch zeichenhaft besetzte, ja sie sogar in ihrenFassadenmalereienmotivischzueinanderinBeziehungsetzte,zumandern,daßerbemühtwar, dieOstfront derStadt nachNordenundSüdenfür seineResidenzweitmöglichst zuvereinnahmen, um damit dem von außen Kommenden die fürstliche Herrschaft zu demonstrieren, aber auch um größere Bauvolumina zu suggerieren, als sie tatsächlich vorhanden waren. Hierin spricht sich ein beträchtlichesurbanistischesBewußtseinaus,fürdasVergleichbaresimdeutschenSprachraumerst zu finden wäre.36 Selbstverständlich wird Maximilian von der ab 1490 mit Mitteln der Urbanistik betriebenen Inszenierung der Herrschaft der Sforza in Vigevano über ‘seine’ Mailänder Familie erfahren haben:37 aber abgesehen davon, daß sich hier keine formale, sondern allenfalls eine prinzipielle Vergleichbarkeit konstatieren läßt: lagen hier Maximilians Maßstäbe? Oder verstehen sich die architektonischͲzeichenhaften Fixpunkte im Stadtbild eher als Antwort auf den Bedarf des höfischenZeremoniellsbeiEmpfängenundfestlichenAnlässen? ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  32 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Abb.5AugustinHirschvogel(attr.),VedutederInnsbruckerHofburgvonOsten, Erlangen,GraphischeSammlungderUniversität,Inv.B458. DieseFragen,diehiernochunbeantwortetbleibenmüssen,führenzurDiskussionderFunktion,die imgegebenenRahmenaufdieHofburgselbstbeschränktwerdenmuß.MitdenbeidenHofansichten derAlbertina,dieumoderkurznachderMittederneunzigerJahreentstandenseindürften(Abb.2Ͳ 3),38sowiemiteinerAugustinHirschvogelzugeschriebenen,zwischen1525und1534gezeichneten Vedute der Ostfront (Abb. 5) liegt uns eine sehr gute zeitgenössische Bilddokumentation vor,39 die vor dem Hintergrund der Schriftquellen mit den im Vorfeld des mariatheresianischen Umbaus angefertigtenGrundͲundAufrisseninBeziehungzusetzenist(Abb.6Ͳ10).40  Abb.6JohannMartinGumppd.J.,InnsbruckerHofburg,Grundriß2.OG(Ausschnitt),Wien,Albertina,Inv.7549.    ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  33 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM          Abb.7ConstantinJohannWalter,InnsbruckerHofburg,LängsschnittdurchdenOsttrakt, Innsbruck,MuseumFerdinandeum,AignerͲCodex,Bl.3     Abb.8Innsbruck,Hofburg,Grundriß2.OGnachGumpp(N.Riegel).  Abb.9JohannMartinGumppd.J.,InnsbruckerHofburg, Abb.10JohannMartinGumppd.J.,InnsbruckerHofburg, Grundriß1.OG,Wien,Albertina,Inv.7548. GrundrißEG,Wien,Albertina,Inv.7547.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  34 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   DabeisindallerdingsVeränderungeninden Geschoßhöhenzu berücksichtigen.SchriftͲ und BildquellenlassenkeinenZweifeldaran,daßMaximiliansfrühesteBauvornahme,dasFrauenzimmer, die Ausdehnung der Hofburg bis zur Nordostecke der Stadtmauer durch einen mächtigen, nahezu quadratischen Kopfbau fixierte, der die sigmundischen Bauten an Tiefe weit übertraf. Diesem Kopfbau südlich vorgelagert wurde ein kleiner Hof, an dessen Ostflanke eine dreiteilige Raumfolge mit begleitendem Flur vermutlich ältere Bausubstanz integrierte, während an der Westseite ein schmalerGangzurPfarrkircheundzumHaupthofderBurgführte.InDürersHofansicht(Abb.3)ragt dasFrauenzimmermitseinemerkergeschmücktenFachwerkobergeschoßhinterdemQuergangdes Hofeshervor,inderAußenansicht(Abb.5)schließensichKopfbauundsüdlichangrenzenderFlügel zueinervonRundtürmengefaßtenErkerfassadezusammen.DerdengroßenHofbegrenzendeGang stößtimOstenaufeineschmalezweiräumigeEinheit,dieschonindenQuellenmaximilianischerZeit als Paradeis bezeichnet wird.41 Ihr folgt gegen Süden der große, seinerseits Älteres integrierende Saalbau.ImerstenObergeschoß(Abb.8Ͳ9)enthielterdienachaußendurcheinenErkerartikulierte Schloßkapelle, im zweiten Obergeschoß den Hauptsaal, den Maximilian 1510 erhöhen und neu ausstattenlassenwollte(Abb.6Ͳ8).42DieVerbindungvonhierzumWappenturmstellteder1507so genannteNeueBauher,undamWappenturmselbstliefeinGanghinüberzumHarnaschhaus.43–Ein mit etwa 130 Metern Länge gewaltiger Komplex, der vorwiegend auf seine Außenwirkung hin orientiertwar.DemgegenüberbliebdasInneredesHofgevierts,denunverkennbarenBemühungen umGeschlossenheitzumTrotz,imWestabschnittvondisparater,jazufälligerErscheinung(Abb.2Ͳ3). DievertikalenErschließungswegesindmiteinigenFragezeichenbehaftet,zumalderpolygonaleTurm imHofnichtalsTreppenturmangesprochenwerdenkann.44DochscheinteinegeradläufigeTreppe vonhierwenigstensbisaufKapellenebenegeführtzuhaben.DasFrauenzimmerhingegenerschloß sich durch eine zweiläufige Treppe vom kleineren Hof her. Außerdem führte eine kleine WendeltreppevomhofbegrenzendenQuergangindaszweiteObergeschoßdesParadeis. AufderGrundlagedieserBeobachtungenstellensichzunächstvorallemzweiFragen,dieim gegebenenRahmennurhypothetischbeantwortetwerdenkönnen:1.WashatesmitdemParadeis nördlichdesFestsaalsaufsich?2.WolagenundwieverteiltensichdieWohnräumevonKönigund Königin? Komplex ist die Frage nach dem Paradeis. Man hat die eher aus der christlichen Sakralarchitektur geläufige Bezeichnung im Falle der Innsbrucker Hofburg durchwegs mit der Ikonographie der Ausmalung durch Kölderer erklärt: Denn 1548, als das Paradeis, das bei einem Brand 1534 sehr gelitten hatte, nach altem Vorbild wiederhergestellt werden sollte, wurden über den Vertäfelungen Paradiesesszenen an die Wand gemalt.45 Allerdings stieß die Instruktion Ferdinands I., sich in der Neuausstattung daran zu halten, ‘wie die vormalen gewesen’ an Schwierigkeiten, da, wie im Zusammenhang mit der Vertäfelung geklagt wurde,’niemand so gar aigentlichwüssend,wiedieselbiggewesenist’.46DieDeckejedenfallssollteinderFolgemit‘planeten undfigurn’geschmücktwerden.47ÜberdieFunktiondesInnsbruckerParadeisistdamitfreilichnoch nichts gesagt. Vor der Errichtung des Frauenzimmerbaus unter Maximilian dürfte der zweiräumige BaukörperdenöstlichenRepäsentationstraktdesMitterhofsgegenNordenabgeschlossenhaben.Er bestand ursprünglich aus hofseitiger Stube und feldseitiger Kammer und besaß vielleicht schon frühzeitigErkerzumHofebensowiezurRennwiese.48MittelseinerkleinenTreppenspindelverfügte erübereinendirektenZugangauchzumWesttraktdesHofes,indembereitsdamalsunteranderem die Küchen situiert gewesen sein könnten.49 Stephan Hoppe vermutete auf der Grundlage dieser DispositioninderkompaktenbaulichenEinheitsehrplausibeldasehemaligeherzoglicheLogis.50 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  35 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Mit den maximilianischen Erweiterungen der Hofburg nach Norden wurde sie hingegen zu einer Art zentralem Scharnier im Burgzusammenhang, nämlich zwischen den vom großen Burghof zugänglichen, gewissermaßen öffentlichen Repräsentationsräumen und dem vom inneren Hof erschlossenen Komplex, was eine Neuverwendung bedingte, die sich mit der Bezeichnung als Paradeis verband. Denkbar wäre unter diesen Voraussetzungen die Nutzung des dem Saal benachbarten Raums als TafelͲ oder Trinkstube,51 beweisbar ist dies derzeit indes nicht. 1520 fand hier der symbolische Vollzug der Ehe zwischen dem künftigen Erzherzog Ferdinand und Anna von Böhmen und Ungarn statt.52 RaumͲ und funktionstypologisch bleibt die Bezeichnung als Paradeis bislang verschwommen, auch wenn zeitgenössisch eine Parallele bestand, die sogar im KenntnishorizontMaximiliansgelegenhabendürfte:DennwieneueForschungenergebenhaben,53 ließBiancaMariasOnkel,derMailänderRegentLudovicoilMoro,inseinerNebenresidenzVigevano ab 1492/93 unter Konsultation von Donato Bramante nicht nur die schon erwähnte weitläufige Platzanlage gestalten, sondern auch das Kastell selbst modernisieren, etwa durch umfängliche StallungenebensowiedurcheinendreiseitiggeschlossenenGartenhoffürseineGemahlinBeatrice d’Este. Die Wohnräume des Vigevaneser ‘Frauenzimmers’ wurden auf diese Weise durch einen Giardino pensile erweitert, der gegen Süden durch einen Loggienflügel, im Norden durch ein Badehaus zur exklusiven Nutzung Beatrices abgeschlossen und, wie aus einem Bericht von 1550 hervorgeht,‘nuncupabaturnomineParadisi’.Derrepräsentative Südflügelenthieltim Obergeschoß einesiebenachsigeLoggia,darunter,aufGartenebene,einenSaalmitanliegenderKammer.54 Eine solche, in Vigevano möglicherweise auf antike Palastgärten anspielende Konstellation läßt sich für die Innsbrucker Hofburg selbstverständlich nicht rekonstruieren,55 doch bleibt bemerkenswert, daß das maximilianische Paradeis den vielleicht ebenfalls gärtnerisch gestalteten Inneren Burghof gegen Süden abschloß, und daß es über einen Gang mit dem Frauenzimmer verbunden war. So gesehen müßte es nicht überraschen, wenn das Innsbrucker Paradeis seinen ungewöhnlichenNameninhalbironischerAllusionaufdiesehrvielanspruchsvolleren,imUmfeldder ÜbersiedelungBiancaMariasnachInnsbruckrealisiertenMaßnahmenLudovicoilMorosinVigevano erhaltenhätteundinErmangelungeinerveritablen‘LoggiadelleDame’entsprechendillusionistisch ausgestattet worden wäre.56 Doch gerät man mit solchen Überlegungen beim derzeitigen KenntnisstandandieGrenzezurSpekulation. Eine in der Funktionsfrage etwas höhere Indiziendichte liegt im Falle des Innsbrucker Frauenzimmersvor.57ObgleichdieältesteQuelleineinerInstruktionMaximilians,‘auchunserstüblin in unserm neuen frauenzimmer zum tail zu malen’ besteht,58 hat die Forschung das Frauenzimmer bzw.die‘hinterevergätterteBurg’,wieesspäteroftgenanntist,gernealseinzigundalleinfürdie FrauenderHofhaltungreserviertenAbschnittderBurgangesehenundsich besondersgernederen vermeintlich klösterliche Abgeschiedenheit vorgestellt.59 Die Tatsache, daß es sich um den größten undvorderSaalerhöhung1510zweifellosprominentestenBaukörperderBurghandelt(Abb.3,8), wurdedabeidurchwegsaußerAchtgelassen.Undvorallem:WohatderKönigresidiert?Betrachtet man die Burg aus der Perspektive des Zeichners der Erlanger Vedute (Abb. 5), so beantwortet sich dieseFragedurchdieArchitekturspracheunddenaufgemaltenTirolerAdlernahezuvonselbst.60Wie schon gesagt, schließen sich in der Außenerscheinung das eigentliche Frauenzimmer mit dem VerbindungsflügelzumParadeisoptischzusammen.DerFrauenzimmerbauselbstreichtetwabiszum zweitenPolygonalerkervonNorden.BetrachtenwirdieAufteilungdiesesKopfbausvordenbarocken Veränderungen (Abb. 6Ͳ10), so lagen über einer gratgewölbten Tiefgeschoßhalle, deren ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  36 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  ursprüngliche Funktion wir nicht kennen, und deren unregelmäßige Pfeilerstellungen die Rücksichtnahme auf ältere Bestände hier vermuten lassen (Abb. 10Ͳ11),  nicht wie heute drei, sondern nur zwei Stockwerke sowie das Dachgeschoß.61 Die Etagen erschlossen sich über die erwähnte,südlichvorgelagerteTreppeaminnerenHof.DerZugangvonhierauserfolgteübereinen Mittelflur, an den sich links und rechts zwei nahezu identisch disponierte quadratische Räume fügten.EtwaimZentrumdesBaustrafderMittelfluraufeinenQuergangmitoffenemOstabschnitt undgeschlossenemWestabschnitt.DerMittelflurselbstfandeinenFortsatzgegenNorden,verengte sichhierallerdingsinEntsprechungzurPfeilerstellungdarunter.ZubeidenSeitendiesesFortsatzes lagenwiederumetwagleichgroße,wohlsekundärunterteilteRäume,denenjeweilseinTurmzimmer beigefügtwar.BeidseitigdesverengtenMittelflursverzeichnendieGrundrisseAbtritte.Amvorderen Mittelflur lagen mehrere Hinterladeröffnungen, die freilich nicht alle aus maximilianischer Zeit gewesen sein werden. Zwei fragmentarisch erhaltene, bauzeitliche Portalgewände, eines im ersten Stock gegen Westen, das andere im zweiten Stock gegen Osten, belegen, daß der Mittelflur dem ursprünglichen Baubestand angehört.62 Im ersten Obergeschoß des der Kirche zugewandten Westteils hat sich die ursprüngliche Situation einigermaßen erhalten. Ein gekehltes Portal mit einbeschriebenemSpitzbogenführthiervomMittelflurausindenerstenRaumlinkerhand(Abb.12). DernördlichangrenzendeGangzeigtzweibauzeitlicheTüröffnungengegenNordenundSüden(Abb. 13). Analoges ist auch für die Ostseite zu vermuten und für den zweiten Stock durch ein Schulterbogenportalbelegt(Abb.14).  Abb.12Innsbruck,Hofburg,Frauenzimmerbau,1.OG,Mittelflur, Westseite,Portalfragment.   Abb.11Innsbruck,Hofburg,Frauenzimmerbau,sog.Tiefgeschoßhalle.  Sucht man den Räumen Funktionen zuzuweisen, so legt sich im Vergleich mit zeitgenössischenBeispielendieFolgeStube,Gang,KammermitAbtritt,TurmstubezubeidenSeiten des Mittelflurs nahe. Die Identifizierung der Raumkonfiguration mit zwei gleichförmigen Appartementsdrängtsichauf–Appartements,dieüberdenengeren,abgeschlossenenMittelflurim Nordabschnitt diskret zu verbinden waren. Ein paar feinere Unterschiede zwischen beiden AppartementsliegeninAussichtundKomfort:imOstenderBlickaufdieRennwiese,imWestenauf dieKirche.DementsprechendistdieöstlicheStubemiteinemErkerausgestattet,diewestlichenicht. Die ihrerseits mit Erkern versehene östliche Turmstube gestaltet sich ganz zeitgemäß als eine Art ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  37 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Rundstube, hingegen haftet der im alten Torturm der Stadtbefestigung eingerichteten westlichen Turmstube die Unregelmäßigkeit einer Kompromißlösung an. Folgt man dieser Lesart der architektonischen Disposition, so liegt die Hypothese nahe, der Frauenzimmerbau habe die eigentliche Wohnung des Königspaars dargestellt, wobei Bianca Maria der der Kirche zugewandte WestteilundMaximiliandernachdraußengewandteOstteilzugestandenhätte.DieAppartements wären in diesem Fall beide im zweiten Obergeschoß auf etwa derselben Ebene wie die Repräsentationsräume zu denken. Die Tatsache, daß die Grundrisse keine Geheimtreppen verzeichnen, spricht gemeinsam mit der Parallelität der Appartements bis in die Abtritte hinein gegeneinegeschoßweiseAufteilungderWohnung.Eherwärezuvermuten,daßimDachgeschoßdie Hofdamen beherbergt wurden, und daß im ersten Obergeschoß bedarfsweise Gäste und vielleicht diehöchstrangigenBedienstetenuntergebrachtwaren.63  Abb.14Innsbruck,Hofburg,Frauenzimmerbau,2.OG,Mittelflur, Ostseite,Portalfragment.    Abb.13Innsbruck,Hofburg,Frauenzimmerbau,1.OG,Gangim Westabschnitt,Portalfragmente.  NunmagdieschlichteFolgeStube,Gang,Kammer,TurmstubefürdieWohnungeinesKönigs zu klein erscheinen. Doch ist zu berücksichtigen, daß in der Flucht des hier angenommenen maximilianischenAppartementsdreiweitereRäumelagen(Abb.8),daruntereinezweiteRundstube – Räume, die zwischen dem Paradeis auf der einen und den eigentlichen Wohnräumen auf der anderen Seite lagen, und die vielleicht im Zusammenhang privater Audienzen genutzt werden konnten.AucheinPrivatoratoriumwäreindiesemKontextdenkbar.64–Wieaberverhaltensichdie Aussagen der Schriftquellen zu einer solchen Rekonstruktion der Funktionen? Dagegen könnte zunächst sprechen, daß für das Frauenzimmer Ordnungen vorliegen, die das Miteinander der Hofdamen regelten, Zeiten der Öffnung und Schließung festlegten und die Bewachung des Frauenzimmers organisierten.65 Diese Sicherheitsvorkehrungen werden aber nicht allein der Sorge um den Lebenswandel der Hofdamen geschuldet gewesen sein, sondern zum einen auch der Tatsache,daßsichimFrauenzimmerderHausschatzbefand,66zumanderen,daßderKöniginseiner ResidenzselbstebenfallsvordemZutrittUnbefugtergeschütztseinmußte.DaßFrauenzimmernicht mitKlösterngleichzusetzensind,zeigtbeispielsweiseaucheineköniglicheInstruktionvomNovember ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  38 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  1493,inderbefohlenwurde,dasFrauenzimmerderWienerHofburgherzurichten,damitdesKönigs Schwager Herzog Albrecht von Bayern dort logieren könne – dies erscheint bemerkenswert, auch wennesdamalsmangelsKöniginauchkeinenweiblichenHofstaatinWiengegebenhat.67 Wichtiger ist, daß im Innsbrucker Frauenzimmer, und zwar vermutlich im weniger exponierten Turm, das Schatzgewölbe und das Briefgewölbe lagen, und daß sicherlich beides dem Königganzunmittelbarzugänglichgewesenist.AlsimMai1510imAuftragdesabwesendenKönigs wiesohäufigvergeblichbestimmteTruhengesuchtwurden,präzisierteMaximiliandenStandort:Die gesuchteTruhewarvordemTransportindas‘obergewelb’‘inunnsercamerdarinnwirbeyunnser gemachlgelegensein,gestannden’.68DieseQuellewarschonDregerbekannt,underistdereinzige, derdarausgeschlossenhat,daßMaximilianwenigstenszeitweiseimFrauenzimmergewohnthat.69 Die jüngere Forschung hat angesichts des eingangs  zitierten Auftrags an Kölderer von 1498, dem Königsein‘stüblininunsermneuenfrauenzimmer’auszumalen,MaximilianeineArtGästezimmerim Frauenzimmerbauzugestanden.70MöglicherweiseaberwirdmankünftigeinenSchrittweitergehen dürfen:SofernderKöniginInnsbruck war,haterwahrscheinlichimFrauenzimmerresidiert–dem regulärenLogisdesKönigspaares.   Bibliographie  Alberti,LeonBattista,L‘Architettura(Dereaedificatoria),ed.GiovanniOrlandiu.PaoloPortoghesi,2 Bde.(Mailand1966).  Albrecht, Stephan, ‘Zeremonialräume in den mittelalterlichen Städten des alten Reiches‘, in Stadtgestalt und Öffentlichkeit. Die Entstehung politischer Räume in der Stadt der Vormoderne, ed. StephanAlbrecht(Köln/Weimar/Wien,2010),pp.233Ͳ52.  Böhmer, Johann Friedrich, Regesta Imperii XIV. Ausgewählte Regesten des Kaiserreiches unter MaximilianI.1493Ͳ1519,bearb.v.HermannWiesfleckeru.a.,Bd.1Ͳ4/2,(Wien/Köln/Weimar,1990Ͳ 2004).  Bojcov,MichailA.,‘ZumFrauenzimmeramInnsbruckerHofErzherzogSigmunds‘,inDerInnsbrucker Hof.ResidenzundhöfischeGesellschaftinTirolvom15.bis19.Jahrhundert,ed.HeinzNoflatscheru. JanPaulNiederkorn(Wien,2005),pp.195Ͳ211.  Castiglione,Baldassare,IlCortegiano,ed.AmedeoQuondam,2Bde.(Mailand2002).  Dankl,Günther,‘DieBautenErzherzogSigmunds‘,inDerHerzogundseinTaler.ErzherzogSigmund derMünzreiche.Politik,Münzwesen,Kunst(LandesausstellungTirolerLandesmuseumFerdinandeum Innsbruck1986)(Innsbruck,1986),pp.66–78.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  39 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Dreger, Moriz, ‘Zur ältesten Geschichte der Innsbrucker Hofburg‘, Kunst und Kunsthandwerk, 24 (1921),pp.133വ201.  Felmayer,Johanna,DieprofanenKunstdenkmälerderStadtInnsbruck.Altstadt–Stadterweiterungen biszurMittedes19.Jahrhunderts(ÖsterreichischeKunsttopographie,Bd.38)(Wien,1972).  FranchettiPardo,Vittorio,Storiadell’urbanistica.DalTrecentoalQuattrocento(Bari,1982).  Fritz,Monika,KaiserMaximilianI.undInnsbruck(VeröffentlichungenausdemStadtarchivInnsbruck, Bd.31)(Innsbruck,1968).  Galter,HannesD.;u.Käppel,Lutz,‘Paradeisos‘,inDerNeuePauly(BrillOnline,2012).  Garber, Josef, ‘Das Zeughaus Kaiser Maximilians I. in Innsbruck‘, Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte,5(1928),pp.142വ60.  Gatt,Anneliese,‘DerInnsbruckerHofzurZeitKaiserMaximiliansI.1493–1519‘(Phil.Diss.Innsbruck, 1943).  Giordano,Luisa,Costruirelacittà.LadinastiavisconteaͲsforzescaeVigevano(Vigevano,2011).  Grossmann,G.Ulrich,‘AlbrechtDürerinInnsbruck.ZurDatierungdererstenitalienischenReise‘,in Das DürerͲHaus. Neue Ergebnisse der Forschung, ed. G. Ulrich Grossmann u. Franz Sonnenberger (Nürnberg,2007),pp.227വ40.  HanzlͲWachter, Lieselotte, Hofburg zu Innsbruck. Architektur, Möbel, Raumkunst. Repräsentatives WohnenindenKaiserappartementsvonMariaTheresiabisKaiserFranzJoseph(Wien,2004).  Heinig,PaulͲJoachim,‘TheorieundPraxisder‘höfischenOrdnung’unterFriedrichIII.undMaximilian I.‘, in Höfe und Hofordnungen 1200Ͳ1600. 5. Symposium der ResidenzenͲKommission der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, ed. Holger Kruse u. Werner Paravicini (Sigmaringen, 1999), pp. 223വ42.  Hollegger, Manfred,MaximilianI.(1459Ͳ1519)HerrscherundMensch einerZeitenwende(Stuttgart, 2005).  Hollegger, Manfred, ‘Lebenszeugnisse und Archivalien zur Rekonstruktion des Hoflebens Kaiser Maximilians I.‘, in Kaiser Maximilian I. (1459Ͳ1519) und die Hofkultur seiner Zeit, ed. Sieglinde Hartmannu.FreimutLöser(JahrbuchderOswaldvonWolkensteinͲGesellschaft,Bd.17)(Wiesbaden, 2009),pp.411വ23.  Hoppe, Stephan, ‘Bauliche Gestalt und Lage von Frauenwohnräumen in deutschen Residenzschlösserndesspäten15.unddes16.Jahrhunderts‘,inDasFrauenzimmer.DieFraubeiHofe in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit. 6. Symposium der ResidenzenͲKommission der Akademie der WissenschafteninGöttingen,ed.JanHirschbiegelu.WernerParavicini(Stuttgart,2000),pp.151വ74. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  40 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Hoppe, Stephan, ‘Hofstube und Tafelstube. Funktionale Raumdifferenzierungen auf mitteleuropäischen Adelssitzen seit dem Hochmittelalter‘, in Die Burg. Wissenschaftlicher BegleitbandzudenAusstellungen‘BurgundHerrschaft’und‘MythosBurg’,ed.G.UlrichGroßmann u.HansOttomeyer(Nürnberg,2010),pp.196വ207.  Koschatzky,Walter,AlbrechtDürer.DieLandschaftsaquarelle.Örtlichkeit,Datierung,Stilkritik(Wien, 1971).  Kraus, Victor von, ‘Intinerarium Maximiliani I. 1508Ͳ1518. Mit einleitenden Bemerkungen über das KanzleiwesenMaximiliansI.‘,ArchivfürÖsterreichischeGeschichte,87(1899),pp.229വ318.  MartinLuthersWerke.KritischeGesamtausgabe.Tischreden,Bd.5(Weimar,1919).  Morscher,Lukas;Grossmann,G.Ulrich;u.Grebe,Anja,DasGoldeneDachlinInnsbruck(Regensburg, 2004).  Oettinger,Ricarda,‘Hofburg‘und‘AdeligesDamenstift‘,inDieKunstdenkmälerderStadtInnsbruck. DieHofbauten(ÖsterreichischeKunsttopographie,Bd.47),ed.JohannaFelmayer(Wien,1986),pp. 55വ235.  Pertot,Gianfranco,‘Il‘Paradiso’dellaDuchessa.LaLoggiadelleDamenelcastellodiVigevano.Rilievi, letture stratigrafiche e proposte per l’interpretazione della sequenza costruttiva e per la conservazione’,Viglevanum,19(2009),pp.16വ31.  Pizzinini, Meinrad, ‘Erzherzog Sigmund und Tirol‘, in Der Herzog und sein Taler. Erzherzog Sigmund derMünzreiche.Politik,Münzwesen,Kunst(LandesausstellungTirolerLandesmuseumFerdinandeum Innsbruck1986)(Innsbruck,1986),pp.8വ25.  ‘Quellen zur Geschichte der kaiserlichen Haussammlungen und der Kunstbestrebungen des Allerdurchlauchtigsten Erzhauses‘, erschienen als Teil II des Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen SammlungendesAllerhöchstenKaiserhauses,1(1883).  Riegel,Nicole,DieBautätigkeitdesKardinalsMatthäusLangvonWellenburg(1468Ͳ1540)(Münster, 2009).  Sauer,Benedikt,HofburgInnsbruck(Wien/Bozen,2010).  Schönherr,David,‘UrkundenundRegestenausdemK.K.StatthaltereiͲArchivinInnsbruck‘,Jahrbuch derkunsthistorischenSammlungendesAllerhöchstenKaiserhauses,2(1884),TeilII,pp.IവCLXXII.  Schönherr, David von, ‘Urkunden und Regesten aus dem K.K. StatthaltereiͲArchiv in Innsbruck‘, Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, 11 (1890), Teil II, pp. LXXXIVവCCXLI.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  41 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Scholz, Michael, ‘...da zoge mein herre mit macht hinein... Die Stadt Halle nach der Unterwerfung durchdenErzbischofvonMagdeburg1478‘,inDerHofunddieStadt.Konfrontation,Koexistenzund Integration in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, ed. Werner Paravicini u. Jörg Wettlaufer (Ostfildern,2006),pp.63വ88.  Solmi, Edmondo, ‘La Festa del Paradiso di Leonardo da Vinci e Bernardo Bellincione (13 Gennaio 1490)’,ArchivioStoricoLombardo,31(1904),H.1,pp.75വ89.  StädtischesBürgertumundHofgesellschaft.KulturenintegrativerundkonkurrierenderBeziehungenin ResidenzͲundHauptstädtenvom14.bisins19.Jahrhundert,ed.JanHirschbiegel,WernerParavicini u.JörgWettlaufer(Ostfildern,2012).  Weiss, Sabine, Die vergessene Kaiserin. Bianca Maria Sforza. Kaiser Maximilians zweite Gemahlin (Innsbruck/Wien,2010).  Werkner, Patrick, ‘Der Wappenturm Kaiser Maximilians I. in Innsbruck‘, Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte,34(1981),pp.101വ14.  Werkner,Patrick,‘DieInnsbruckerBurgen‘,inMittleresInntal(TirolerBurgenbuch,Bd.6),ed.Oswald Trapp(Bozen,1982),pp.107വ32.  Wiesflecker, Hermann, Kaiser Maximilian I. Das Reich, Österreich und Europa an der Wende zur Neuzeit,5Bde.(Wien,1971–1986).  WiesfleckerͲFriedhuber,Ingeborg,‘KaiserMaximilianI.unddieStadtInnsbruck‘,inDerInnsbrucker Hof.ResidenzundhöfischeGesellschaftinTirolvom15.bis19.Jahrhundert,ed.HeinzNoflatscheru. JanPaulNiederkorn(Wien,2005),pp.123വ58.  Zimerman, Heinrich; Fiedler, Joseph; Paukert, Johann, ‘Urkunden und Regesten aus dem K. u. K. HausͲ,HofͲundStaatsarchivinWien‘,JahrbuchderkunsthistorischenSammlungendesAllerhöchsten Kaiserhauses,1(1883),TeilII,pp.IവLXXVIII.  Zimerman,Heinrich;Kreyczi,Franz,‘UrkundenundRegestenausdemk.u.k.ReichsͲFinanzͲArchiv‘, Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, 3 (1885), Teil II, pp. IവLXXXI.  Zoller, Franz Carl, Geschichte und Denkwürdigkeiten der Stadt Innsbruck und der umliegenden Gegend von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Erlöschung der österreichischͲtirolischen linie mit Erzherzog SigmundFranz(Innsbruck,1816).   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  42 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Abbildungen Abb.1Ͳ3,6,9Ͳ10:Wien,Albertina,Inv.3056,3057,3058,7549,7548,7547. Abb.4,7,11Ͳ14:ArchivdesAutors. Abb.5:Erlangen,GraphischeSammlungderUniversität,Inv.B458. Abb.7:Innsbruck,MuseumFerdinandeum,AignerͲCodex,Bl.3.   1 QuellenzurGeschichtederkaiserlichenHaussammlungen1883ff. 2 Dreger1921. 3 Werkner1982.Oettinger1986. 4 HanzlͲWachter2004.Sauer2010. 5 Gatt1943.Fritz1968.WiesfleckerͲFriedhuber2005.Hollegger2009. 6 DervonWiesfleckerͲFriedhuber2005,p.129,geäußertenAnnahmeeiner‘imeinzelnengenauuntersuchte[n] Baugeschichte der maximilianischen Burg’ ist aus kunsthistorischer Sicht zu widersprechen. Einige der zahlreichenoffenenFragenwerdenimFolgendenskizziert. 7 ZumGoldenenDachlsiehezuletztMorscher,Grossmannu.Grebe2004(mitAngabenderälterenLiteratur). ZumWappenturmsieheWerkner1981,außerdemGrossmann2007. 8 Koschatzky1971,Kat.Nr.7;Luther,Tischreden,Bd.5,1919,p.638f,Nr.6392.Lutherkönntesichdarinauf Albertis‘Civitatisetdomusdiffinitiophilosophica‘bezogenhaben.Vgl.Alberti,ed.Orlandi/Portoghesi1966,p. 64f: ‘Quod si civitas philosophorum sententia maxima quaedam est domus et contra domus ipsa minima quaedam est civitas, quidni harum ipsarum membra minima quaedam esse domicilia dicentur?’ (De re aedificatoria, I, 9). Denselben Gedanken nimmt auch Baldassare Castiglione in seinem ‘Libro del Cortegiano’ (I,2.5) auf, wenn er die herzogliche Residenz in Urbino beschreibt: ‘Federico edificò un palazzo, secondo la opinione di molti, il più bello che in tutta Italia si ritrovi; e d’ogni opportuna cosa sì ben lo fornì, che non un palazzo,maunacittàinformadipalazzoesserpareva.’SieheCastiglione2002,Bd.1,p.14. 9 ZuMaximiliansRegierungsübernahme1490sieheWiesflecker,Bd.1,1971,pp.258വ64;Hollegger2005,pp. 68Ͳ72;zusammenfassendauchWiesfleckerͲFriedhuber2005,pp.127വ28. 10 Werkner1982.Dankl1986. 11  Die Entstehungszeit der Veduten der Innsbrucker Hofburg und der Stadt Innsbruck in der Albertina (Inv. 3056,3057,3058)istunsicher.AnhaltspunktfürdieDatierungistderBaudesWappenturmsanderStelledes 1494 niedergebrannten Saggentors. Eine durch einen Stich Salomon Kleiners aus der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts überlieferte Bauinschrift ‘1496’ am südöstlichen Eckerker wurde von der Forschung als Schlußinschrift und damit als ‘terminus ante quem’ verstanden, da die InnsbruckͲVedute noch den eingerüsteten Wappenturm zeigt. Davon ausgehend, daß HofburgͲAnsichten und InnsbruckͲVedute (trotz markanterstilistischerUnterschiede)voneinͲundderselbenHandstammenundAlbrechtDürerzuzuschreiben seien,dieHofburgͲAnsichtgegenSüdendenWappenturmabernichtzeigt,wurdedieerstenItalienreiseDürers fürdieJahre1494/95angenommen,wobeidieHofburgͲAnsichtenaufderHinreiseunddieInnsbruckͲVedute aufderRückreiseentstandenseinkönnten.Grossmann2007plädiertehingegenfüreinespätereDatierungin AnbetrachtderPositionderInschrifteinStückweitunterdemTurmhelm,welchererstdanach,alsofrühestens 1496aufgesetztwordenseinkönnte.ChristophMetzger(frdl.mündl.Mitteilung)erkanntezudem,daßinder HofburgͲAnsicht gegen Süden Silberstiftspuren davon zeugen, daßder Zeichner denHelm des Wappenturms durchaus im Blick hatte und erwog, ihn in die Vedute aufzunehmen, möglicherweise aber davon Abstand nahm, um die Ansicht des Hofburginneren nicht zu verunklären. Die Datierung der Blätter hängt demnach davon ab, welches Gewicht man der Position der von Salomon Kleiner dokumentierten Bauinschrift beimißt. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  43 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   IchdankeG.UlrichGrossmannherzlichfürdieDiskussiondieserFrageunddenanregendenAustauschüberdie maximilianischeHofburg. 12 RegestaImperii,XIV,Nr.2883.Vgl.auchWeiss2010,p.62(ohneNachweis). 13 WiesfleckerͲFriedhuber2005,p.129.Weiss2010,pp.62വ66. 14 Oettinger1986,pp.59Ͳ60;sowiezuletztGrossmann2007. 15 Pizzinini1986,p.23. 16 Felmayer1972,p.103. 17 Morscher,Grossmannu.Grebe2004,pp.11വ14. 18 Schönherr1884,p.VII,Reg.585;RegestaImperii,XIV,Nr.6217;sieheauchOettinger1986,p.57mitAnm. 16. 19  ‘nach dem wir willens sein, ettlich der oberuerten zimer mit der zeitt durch gepew zu verkeren’, in Wien, HKA,gb5,f.99=84.SieheauchRegestaImperii,XIV,Nr.10875. 20 RegestaImperii,XIV,Nr.10797. 21  Zimerman, Fiedler u. Paukert 1883, pp. XXXVIവXXXIX, Nr. 219; Regesta Imperii, XIV, Nr. 11307. Siehe auch Dreger1921,pp.146വ47undp.161. 22 ZumHarnaschhaussieheDreger1921,p.152;Oettinger1986,p.55f;zumZeughausGarber1928. 23 Zimermanu.Kreyczi1885,p.XXVI,Nr.2542u.2543.Dreger1921,p.154. 24 Oettinger1986,pp.225വ27. 25 Schönherr1884,p.XXVI,Nr.793. 26 TirolerLandesarchiv,KammerͲKopialbuch,Bd.29,f.93v(12.Juni1506). 27 Dreger1921,p.152.Oettinger1986,p.209mitAnm.2. 28 Schönherr1884,p.XXVIII,Nr.831. 29 Wiesflecker,Bd.4,1981,pp.1വ66.Hollegger2005,pp.191വ98. 30 Schönherr1884,p.XLVIII,Nr.978u.980.Dreger1921,p.161.EineBezeichnungdiesesSaalsals‘Goldener Saal’istanders,alsvonOettinger1986,p.58,nahegelegt,1510nochnichtnachweisbar. 31  Tiroler Landesarchiv, KammerͲKopialbuch, Bd. 48, 6. September 1510. Siehe auch Felmayer 1972, p. 103; sowieWiesflecker,Bd.5,1986,p.297. 32 Weiss2010,pp.179വ80. 33 Gatt1943,p.157u.pp.195വ97.Fritz1968,p.23.Wiesflecker,Bd.5,1986,p.385. 34 Kraus1899,passim. 35 Wiesflecker,Bd.4,1981,p.422. 36  Hinzuweisen wäre hier beispielsweise auf die Umgestaltung von Halle an der Saale zur erzbischöflichen Residenzstadt insbesondere unter Kardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg in den zwanziger Jahren des 16. Jahrhunderts. Vgl. Scholz 2006, pp. 81വ83. Siehe außerdem Albrecht 2010 sowie die jüngst erschienenen Tagungsakten‘StädtischesBürgertumundHofgesellschaft’2012. 37  Zu Vigevano zuletzt Giordano 2011. Auch die schon im 15. Jahrhundert berühmte Residenz Federicos da MontefeltroinUrbino,derseinerseitsdieStadtimSinnederherzoglichenRepräsentationumstrukturierthatte, dürfteimKenntnishorizontMaximiliansgelegenhaben.Vgl.FranchettiPardo1982,pp.527വ32. 38 Sieheoben,Anm.11. 39 GraphischeSammlungderUniversitätErlangen,Inv.ͲNr.B458.WiebeidenHofburgͲVedutenderAlbertina giltauchhierderZustanddesWappenturmdachsalsDatierungsanhaltindieZeitzwischen1525,demErsatz desvonDüreraufderInnsbruckͲVedutedargestellten,spitzenHelms,derdurchBlitzschlagbeschädigtworden war,und1534,alseinneuerlicherBranddasinderErlangerZeichnunggezeigteProvisoriumzunichtemachte. SiehehierzuOettinger1986,p.82. 40 VonbesondererBedeutungsinddieaufderGrundlageeinerVermessungimHerbst1754angefertigtenRisse Johann Martin Gumpps d. J., die den damaligen Zustand der Hofburg vergegenwärtigen. Diese Serie wird ergänzt durch entsprechende Deckblätter sowie eine eigene Planfolge des nach dem Siebenjährigen Krieg ausführendenBaumeistersConstantinJ.Walter,derab1763mitdemAuftrageinerumfassendenErneuerung ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  44 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   des Rennwegtraktes die Gumppschen Pläne einer Revision unterzog. Siehe hierzu Dreger 1921, pp. 135Ͳ144; sowieOettinger1986,pp.65വ76undpp.86വ93. 41 Nachrichtenvom8.und17.März1510,sieheRegesteninSchönherr1884,p.XLVIII,Nr.978u.980. 42 Sieheoben,Anm.30. 43 Dreger1921,p.154u.pp.161വ62. 44 Grossmann2007,p.230. 45 Schönherr1890,p.CIX,Nr.6741.Vgl.Dreger1921,p.149.Werkner1982,p.119. 46 Schönherr1890,p.CV,Nr.6737. 47 Schönherr1890,p.CV,Nr.6737. 48 SieheDreger1921,pp.158വ59. 49 Vgl.Oettinger1986,pp.189വ91. 50 FreundlichemündlicheMitteilungvom6.Dezember2011. 51 ZumRaumtypderTafelstubesieheHoppe2010.ZumRaumtypderTrinkstubefehlenUntersuchungen.Als zeitgenössichesBeispielseihieraufdie1540dokumentierteTrinkstubeimSalzburgerBischofshofverwiesen. Vgl.Riegel2009,p.330. 52  Zoller 1816, pp. 195വ96, berichtet über den symbolischen Vollzug der Ehe am 11. Dezember 1520 in der Innsbrucker Hofburg, ‘allwo in einem Zimmer nächst dem großen Saal, das Paradies genannt, 2 prächtige BettenmitgoldenenDeckenbereitetwaren’. 53 Pertot2009. 54 Pertot2009,pp.21വ22. 55 Vgl.Galteru.Käppel2012. 56 HinzuweisenisthierauchaufeineamMailänderHof1490anläßlichderHochzeitdesHerzogsGianGaleazzo Sforza von Leonardo da Vinci inszenierte ‘Festa del paradiso’, in der Jupiter auftrat, um Gottvater für die Geburt einer so schönen und tugendhaften Frau wie der Braut zu danken. – Ein Fest übrigens, an dem Gesandte des Kaiserhauses teilnahmen, und dessen Beschreibung durch den Hofdichter Bernardo Bellincioni 1493kurzvorMaximiliansHochzeitmitBiancaMariaSforzaimDruckerschien.SieheSolmi1904. 57 SiehehierzuDreger1921,pp.146വ47.ZumBauͲbzw.RaumtypdesFrauenzimmerssieheHoppe2000.Jüngst würdedasThemaaufderPALATIUMͲTagung‘Princes,PrincessesandtheirLodgings’(Paris,INHA,27.Ͳ30.Juni 2011)ausführlichdiskutiert.DieTagungsaktensindinVorbereitung. 58 Schönherr1884,p.VII,Reg.585. 59 ZuletztBojcov2005. 60  Dargestellt ist der Tiroler Adler mit dem Erzherzogshut, der sich einer Aktualisierung unter Erzherzog Ferdinandverdankenkönnte.WieobeninAnm.39dargelegt,dürftedieZeichnungzwischen1525und1534 entstandensein. 61 Vgl.Dreger1921,pp.141വ47. 62 Vgl.Oettinger1986,pp.115വ17mitAbb.99വ101. 63 Fürdasspäte15.JahrhundertistdieLagevonFrauenwohnräumennurseltenzuermitteln,wieHoppe2000 dargelegt hat. Ein Beispiel für eine 1470 geplante Unterbringung des weiblichen Gefolges im zweiten ObergeschoßwäredasBerlinerSchloß.AusspätererZeitistdieLagedesFrauenzimmersimoberstenStockund inZwerchhäusernhäufigerdokumentiert.SieheHoppe2000,p.164. 64 EinerdernachOstengerichtetenErkerkönntehierfürVerwendunggefundenhaben. 65 Gatt1943,p.16u.pp.195വ97.Heinig1999,p.231. 66 Zimerman,Fiedleru.Paukert1883,p.XXVI,Reg.219. 67 RegestaImperii,XIV,Nr.115. 68 TirolerLandesarchivInnsbruck,KammerͲKopialbuch,Bd.47,6.Mai1510. 69 Dreger1921,p.179. 70 Weiss2010,p.98. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  45 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Architecturaancillamusicae ArchitekturinderBeziehungzurMusikamPragerHofderHabsburger IvanP.Muchkaȋ…ƒ†‡›‘ˆ…‹‡…‡•‘ˆ–Š‡œ‡…Š‡’—„Ž‹…Ȍ    DieserkurzeAufsatzbeschäftigtsichmitderRenaissanceorgelimSt.ͲVeitsͲDomunddamitauchmit denFragennachderhabsburgischenSelbstpräsentation.BemerkenswertistschondieTatsache,daß sichKönigFerdinandI.imJahr1547entschied,nachdemTodseinerFrau,KöniginAnna,demPrager DomeineneueOrgelaufeigeneKostenzustiften.DieSorgeumdieBeschaffungdesInstrumentes lagallerdingsaufdenSchulternseinesSohnes,desErzherzogsFerdinandII.,StatthalterinBöhmen.1 Über das Aussehen und die Platzierung des Vorgängerinstruments, einer gotischen Orgel, wissenwirleidernichtviel,nurdasssiebeimgroßenBrandaufdemHradschinundderKleinseiteim Jahr1541zerstörtwurde.EtwazehnJahrenachdemBrand(wobeidieerstenÜberlegungendazuins Jahr1547zurückgehen)musstensichFerdinandI.undseinSohnFerdinandII.entscheiden,wiedie neueOrgelauszusehenhabe:Solltesienachdem„französischen“Vorbildausgeführtwerden,etwa gemäß den Orgeln im Dom zu Straßburg (Schwalbennestorgel) oder im Dom zu Perpignan, wo die OrgelaufeinermächtigenStützeentlangderSeitenwanddesHauptschiffssteht?Odersolltesieauf einer Musikempore, einer Tribüne oder einem Balkon am westlichen Ende des Domes, in einer besonderen Polarität zum Hochaltar stehen, und dessen Flügelform spiegeln (Abb. 1)? Die zweite Lösungerschienihnenzweifelloswürdevollerundrepräsentativer,wieessichfür ein„königliches“ Instrumentgehört,auchwaresgünstig,dassdamitdieglatteWand,diedamalsanderWestseitedes DomesalsprovisorischerAbschlussstand,abgedecktwerdenkonnte. In der Korrespondenz der beiden Habsburger von 1553, die sich in dieser Sache fleißig austauschten(ErzherzogFerdinandII.warzudiesemZeitpunktvierundzwanzigJahrealt),findenwir in diesem Zusammenhang zuerst den etwas pejorativen Ausdruck „Orgelfuß“.2 Während der Realisierungbekamdieser„Fuß“imposanteAusmaßeundeineWirkung,diewiranHandhistorischer FotoaufnahmenausderZeitderErweiterungdesDomesum1900nachvollziehenkönnen,woman letztendlichentschied,dassdieMusikemporevomwestlichenEndedesaltenBauesindasnördliche QuerschiffdesneuenBauesversetztwerdensoll.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  46 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Abb.1MusikemporeimSt.ͲVeitsͲDom,Prag. Als im Jahr 1553 der Orgelbauer Friedrich Pfanmüller aus Amberg in Franken von den kaiserlichen Auftraggebern aufgefordert wurde, mit den Vorbereitungsarbeiten – etwa der Herstellung der Orgelpfeifen – anzufangen, war die definitive Gestalt des neuen Bauabschnitts des Domes und des neuen Instruments wohl noch nicht ganz klar. In diesem Beitrag kann man weder eine Zusammenfassung der Daten aus den Archivquellen bieten, obwohl sie noch nicht zufriedenstellend klassifiziert und analysiert wurden, noch näher auf den Wettbewerb für den Bau der Musikempore oder auf die zwanzig Jahre andauernden Peripetien beim Bau der riesigen Orgel eingehen. Es ist aber klar, dass die Aufforderung an den Orgelbauer, er solle das „größte und schönsteInstrumentderChristenheit“bauen,vonAnfangandawar.3 Der Stand unserer Kenntnisse über die Renaissanceorgel im St.ͲVeitsͲDom war bisher vor allem hinsichtlich des eigentlichen Aussehens des Instruments lückenhaft. Die Renaissanceorgel wurde im Jahre 1757 Opfer der preußischen Bombardierung von Hradschin und musste durch ein neuesInstrumentvomOrgelbauerAntoninGartnerausTachauersetztwerden(1762Ͳ1765). Es gibt Dutzende Ansichten des Dominterieurs aus jener Zeit, auf denen meistens die Krönungsfeierderböhmischen Könige undKöniginnenzusehen sind,oderauch,wieimFallKaiser Rudolfs II., sein Castrum doloris. Diese Ansichten zeigen das Dominterieur jedoch immer Richtung Osten,zumHochaltar. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  47 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Eine Ausnahme bildet eine aus Holz geschnitzte Tafel von Kaspar Bechteler, auf der die Verwüstung des Domes während der Regierungszeit des Winterkönigs Friedrich von Pfalz im Jahre 1619 dargestellt ist (Abb. 2). Auf dieser Tafel, die sich heutzutage im St.ͲVeitsͲDom an der ZwischenwandzwischendemPresbyterium unddemKapellenkranzbefindet,siehtmandasInnere des Domes vom Süden, und auch die Musikempore ist hier – wenn auch sehr summarisch – dargestellt.  Abb.2KasparBechteler,DerSt.ͲVeitsͲDomimJahre1619, währendderprotestantischenPlünderung(Detail). Es gibt zwei Details, die von Bedeutung sind: Man kann deutlich erkennen, dass das Rückpositiv (also nicht das Orgelprospekt) konvex gewölbt war und dass es Flügel zum Schließen hatte. Zweitens sehen wir, dass sich im ersten Geschoß der Musikempore, wo einige Forscher das RückpositivunddaherdieOrgelzwischenzweiStockwerkenaufgeteiltvermuteten,4keinInstrument befand.DamanaufBechtelersReliefeinenEinblickindasHauptschiffdesDomesdurchdieArkaden des Seitenschiffes hat, sieht man vom zweiten Geschoß der Musikempore, die uns vorrangig interessieren würde, nur sehr wenig. Man könnte vermuten, dass gerade das Thema des Reliefs, nämlich die ikonoklastische Plünderung des Domes, die Orgel selbst betroffen hat und dass sie vielleicht auch damals beschädigt wurde – was aber eine sehr unsichere Hypothese darstellt. Man könnteaberandererseitsvermuten,dassdieSzenederAuferstehungChristi,dieamHauptflügeldes Orgelprospektsdargestelltwar,fürdenPredigerScultetiusGrundgenugwar,dieOrgelbeidemvon ihminitiiertenikonoklastischenAngriffaufdenDomzuverschonen. Es gibt eine weitere, ungefähre und sehr schematische Zeichnung des Hauptteils der Renaissanceorgel,aufbewahrtimNationalarchivinPrag,diedenStandderArbeitenanderOrgelim Juni1563zeigt(Abb.3).5 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  48 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Abb.3ZeichnungderOrgelausdemJahre1563. MansiehtdenHauptteildesOrgelprospekts,gegliedertdurchvierSäulenmitKapitel.Diemit Akanthusschnitzereien verzierten Teile oberhalb der Orgelpfeifen sind auf der Zeichnung mit Anmerkungen versehen, ob sie bereits fertig oder noch nicht fertig waren („das ist fertig“, „das ist nichtfertig“).AusdiesenAnmerkungengehthervor,dassdiePaneeleimoberenTeildesmittleren Feldesnochnichtfertigwaren.DiesesummarischeZeichnungansichwärenichtsohilfreich,wenn man sie nicht mit einer wunderschönen Vedute von Salomon Kleiner mit der Aufschrift „Schema mausoleiregumBohemiae,quodPragaeestindiviViti“vergleichenkönnte(Abb.4und5).6  Abb.4SalomonKleiner,SchemamausoleiregumBohemiae, quodPragaeestindiviViti. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  49 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Der Grund für die Entstehung dieser Vedute war die Abbildung des Mausoleums der Habsburger. Man erkennt auch weitere Grabmäler im Dom, jenes der Familie Schlik, also ein aktuellesWerkMatthiasBernardBrauns,unddieGrabstättederFamilieLobkowiczanderWandder Wenzelskapelle,einweiteresMonumentausderZeitum1600.WasandieserAbbildungüberrascht, sind die Ungenauigkeiten in der Darstellung von Wohlmuths Musikempore. Die Empore hat in Wirklichkeit ein Rippengewölbe, im Grundgeschoss mit auslaufenden Rippen, die bis zu den Nebenschiffen auslaufen. Auf der Vedute Salomon Kleiners sehen wir stattdessen ein barockes GewölbeinderFormderböhmischenKappeüberGurten.Esistoffensichtlich,dasssichderKünstler für die gotischen Formen des Domes, zu denen immer noch das Gewölbe Wolmuths aus dem sechzehnten Jahrhundert zählt, nicht begeistern konnte, da er z.B. auch das Parlersche Triforium, denStolzdergotischenArchitektur,alseinfachetoskanischeKolonnadedarstellte. Diese „künstlerische“ Ungenauigkeit Kleiners ist etwas schwierig zu verstehen, es scheint jedoch, dass der Künstler die RenaissanceͲ und Barockformen und alle Grabmäler sehr treu abbildete,sodasswirdasselbeauchüberdenTeilvermutenkönnen,derunsammeisteninteressiert – die zweigeschossige Musikempore. Die Empore wird hier im ersten Stockwerk einschließlich der ausgerundetenHolzbrüstungundderkleinenOrgel,dieimJahre1732ErzbischofJosefDanielMayer vonMayernstiftete,detailliertundkorrektabgebildet.  Abb.5SalomonKleiner,SchemamausoleiregumBohemiae,quodPragaeestindiviViti (Detail). Im zweiten Geschoss mit voller Steinbrüstung mit einem Akanthusfries und Putten steht mittig das Rückpositiv, das wir auf Bechtelers Holzrelief identifizieren konnten, diesmal aber ohne FlügelzumAbschließen. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  50 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Den Orgelprospekt können wir mit der Zeichnung von 1563 vergleichen. Bis auf kleine UnterschiedeindenBögendesmittlerenTeilsistdieGliederungdesProspektesidentisch:Aufvier kannelierten Säulen oder Halbsäulen mit korinthischen Kapiteln ruht ein Gebälk mit dreiteiligem Architrav, einem Fries, auf dem glatte Metopen mit Triglyphenkonsolen wechseln, und einem abgestuftenGesims.IndenSeitenfeldernsinddiegrößtenPfeifenvonAußennachInnenabfallend gestaffelt, der mittlere Abschnitt hingegen gliedert sich in drei Pfeifenfelder, in denen die Pfeifen jeweils zur Mitte aufsteigend angebracht sind. Ein ovalförmiger Lorbeerkranz, gehalten von zwei Putten an der mittleren Achse des Prospektes, trägt ein Wappen mit fünf Gegenständen am silbernenFeld,dasnichtidentifiziertwerdenkonnte. DieZeichnungvon1563zeigtnichtdieganzeOrgel–esfehltinsbesondereeinhoherSockel, wobeiKleinereinFeldmitMusikinstrumenten,beflügeltenKöpfenundeinemBandmitBockköpfen undFestonsdargestelltist.SolcheBockköpfekennenwirunteranderemauchaufdenKapitellenin denArkadendesLustschlossesBelvedereimKöniglichenGartenamHradschin(Abb.6).7  Abb.6WandkapitellmitZiegenbockköpfen,SommerschloßderKöniginAnnaͲBelvedere, PragerBurg. Als oberer Abschluss der Orgel waren drei Wappen angebracht: das mittlere Wappen der Habsburger wird von Greifen gehalten, das südliche zeigt den böhmischen Löwen. Vom kunsthistorischenGesichtspunktistdieAbbildungdessüdlichenOrgelflügelsvomgrößtenWert,an dem die Auferstehung Christi dargestellt ist. Christus mit gehobener rechter Hand hält die Siegesflagge in der Linken. Darunter sieht man das Grab, umgeben von Soldaten. Eine Bordüre umrahmt die Szene, die eher an das „Bandlwerk“ von Kleiners Zeit erinnert als an das „Beschlagwerk“ausderZeitvonFrancesoTerzio. DieDarstellungdesFlügelsistineinemPunktetwasproblematisch:DievortretendeSäulen oder Halbsäulen würden es erschweren, die Orgel zu schließen und so vor Staub zu schützen. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  51 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Dennoch müssen wir dankbar sein, dass uns diese Vedute Kleiners eine seltene historische DarstellungderRenaissanceorgelüberliefert. Noch einige Angaben zur Grösse des Instrumentes: Da wir die Disposition mit der Beschreibung der Register kennen („Pedal – Principal ganz durch – 32 Fuß“8), kann man mit einer Pfeifengröße um 10 m rechnen. Die Gesamthöhe der Kirche beträgt etwa 32 m, das zweite StockwerkderOrgelemporereichteetwabiszurHöhevon15m.DieverbleibendeHöhefürdieOrgel darüberbetrugalsoca.17m(beieinerBreitevon13m),wobeidieserBereichaufdemStichKleiners weitestgehendvomoberstenOrgelgeschoßausgefülltgewesenzuseinscheint. ImRahmendiesesBeitragsistesnichtmöglich,sichzurAutorschaftdereinzelnenTeileder OrgeloderzuihremTypusundFormzuäußern.TrotzdemmöchteichaufeineParalleleaufmerksam machen,diedieFragederVorlagenteilweiseangeht:EshandeltsichumeinehervorragendeOrgel, diekurzvordemPragerInstrumententstand,inderMailänderMauritiusKirche.9Wiebekannt,ist „Francesco Terzio Bergamese“ durch seine Abstammung und Schulung mit der Kunst Norditaliens verbunden und es ist ganz legitim, als Vergleich diese Orgel heranzuziehen, die Gian Giacomo AntegnatiindenJahren1554bis1557schuf(Abb.7).  Abb.7GianGiacomoAntegnati,OrgelinderMauritiuskirche inMailand. Es handelt sich um ein Schrankinstrument, das im Inneren durch kannelierte Pfeiler in mehrereFeldergegliedertist.InnerhalbdieserGliederungsinddiePfeifenzurMittehinaufsteigend ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  52 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM gestaffelt. Der Reliefdekor ist ähnlich wie in Prag. Auf den Flügeln, die man schließen kann, sind große Gestalten der Hll. Barbara und Katharina dargestellt, umrahmt von einer Bordüre von ähnlichenAusmaßenwieinPrag.EinKuriosumsinddieRelieffigurenderhalbnacktenSirenenausder OdysseusͲLegende, die deutlich belegen, wie stark die Beziehung zu antiken Themen war, die es möglichmachte,solcheMotiveaneinerOrgelineinerchristlichenKirchezuverwenden. DieErforschungderMusikemporeundderRenaissanceorgelimSt.VeitsͲDominPrag,diefür unser Wissen über die künstlerischen Aktivitäten des Prager Statthalters Erzherzogs Ferdinands II. von Tirol von gleicher Bedeutung wie z.B. die Erforschung des Areals mit dem Namen „Neuer ThiergartenStern“mitdemeinzigartigenLusthaus,oderderAusstattungdesKöniglichenGartensauf der Prager Burg (mit Springbrunnen, Fischkalter usw.) sind, ist noch nicht abgeschlossen. Diese AusführungenwarennuneinersterSchrittindieseRichtung.  Bibliographie DanĢk,Petr,‘AuswahlbibliographiezurMusikkulturamHosRudolfsII.‘,StudiaRudolphina,9(2009), pp.142–55. DanĢk Petr, ‘Hudební kruchta Ͳ Musicloft‘, in Rudolfinská Praha–Rudolfine Prague, ed. Ivan P. Muchka(Praha,2006),pp.9–76. Hilbert, Kamil, ‘Hudební kruchta v chrámĢ sv. Víta na HradĢ Pražském‘, asopis Spoleēnosti pƎátel starožitnostíēeských,17(1909),pp.1–17,41–47. Hilbert,Kamil,‘OkruchtĢvdómusv.Víta‘,asopisSpoleēnostipƎátelstarožitnostíēeských,32(1924), pp.140–146. HolzschuhͲHofer, Renate, ‘Feuereisen im Dienst politischer Propaganda von Burgund bis Habsburg. Zur Entwicklung der Symbolik des Ordens vom Goldenen Vlies von Herzog Philipp dem Guten bis KaiserFerdinand‘,RIHAJournal,6(16.August2010). Muchka, Ivan P., ‘Musikräume der rudolfinischen Zeit: Methodisches zur musikwissenschaftlichen undkunsthistorischenPraxis‘,StudiaRudolphina,9(2009),pp.100–09. Quoika,Rudolf,‘DiePragerKaiserorgel‘,KirchenmusikalischesJahrbuch,36(1952),pp.35–45.  Abbildungen Abb.1,6,7PhotoAuthor Abb.2PhotoAuthor Abb.3NationalarchivinPrag. Abb.4,5ÖsterreichischeNationalbibliothek,Wien. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  53 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM 1  Zur Prager Orgel siehe vorallem Quoika 1952; einen guten Überblick, Hilbert 1909, pp. 1–17, 41–47 und Hilbert,1924,pp.140–46;Muchka2009,pp.100–09.BibliographiesieheDanĢk2009,pp.142–55. 2  Diesen Begriff benützten auch die Architekten und Künstler—siehe die Regesten im Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses—Kaiser Ferdinand I (Reg. 4284), Hans Tirol (Reg.4282),BonifazWohlmut(Reg.4288)undvieleandere. 3 ZitiertnachQuoika1952(sieheAnm.1),p.35. 4 Vgl.DanĢk2006,p.76. 5 Sign.NÚ,DKMIV,P191I/Blatt347. 6 IchbinmeinemKollegenŠtĢpánVáchafürdieBereitstellungeinerReproduktionderVeduteSalomonKleiners ausderNationalbibliothekinWiensehrdankbar. 7 IneinerNachrichtvom13.Mai1563informiertFrancescoTerzio,dermitderBemalungderOrgelbeauftragt war,denKaiser,dassdieOrgelmitKonsolen,Blüten,Rosetten,Bockköpfen,Kapitellengeschmücktwird.Siehe Reg.4346‘[...]Primolemensolechesononumero22.Itemroseefiorininumero18,.Itemtested'arietenumero 9. Item capitelli numero 4, i quali da me sono ingessiati, rasciati, et puliti et similmente le sue base.’ Sehr wahrscheinlichhandeltessichbeidenBocksköpfenumeineAllusionaufdenOrdenvomGoldenenVliesund aufdieHabsburger,siehedazuHolzschuhͲHofer2010. 8 SieheQuoika1952(zitiertinAnm.1),p.45. 9 ChiesadiS.MaurizioalMonasteroMaggiore. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  54 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   PalacesontheEdgeoftheAtlantic TheArchitecturalReformationandtheSpaceRitualizationofthePortuguese RoyalResidencesduringtheReignofPhilipIofHabsburg(1580–1598) MiltonPedroDiasPachecoͳȋ‹˜‡”•‹–›‘ˆ‘‹„”ƒȀȌ    PortugalisminebecauseIinheritedit,boughtitandconqueredit! D.PhilipIofPortugal  FourhundredyearsafterthedeathofD.PhilipIofPortugal(PhilipIIofSpain,1527|1580– 1598)wehavestillnotclearlyrecognizedallthemajorarchitecturalandartisticcampaignspromoted inthePortugueseroyalpalacesduringhisreign.DespitethefullͲscalebiographiesdedicatedtothe Habsburg king that portray him as deeply connected with imperial expansion and religious fanaticism, he must also be seen as a profoundly devoted patron of the arts, a dedicated Kunstfreund.2 D.PhilipI,thePrudent,wassonoftheHolyRomanEmperorCharlesV(1500–1558),fromthe AustrianHouseofHabsburg,andqueenElisabeth(1503–1539),princessofthePortugueseHouseof Avis.AfterseveralpoliticalmovementsheinheritedpartofthevastHabsburgEmpire.Ashereditary princehereceivedtheNetherlandsandalltheSpanishpossessions,whichincludedtheItalianstates ofNaples,Milan,SardiniaandSicily,andtheFrenchregionofBurgundy.Bymarriage,hewasbriefly kingͲconsort of England and in 1580, through de iure sanguinis but chosen by the divine will,3 he inheritedthethroneofthePortuguesekingdomandvastoverseasdomains,includingtheterritories of America, Africa and Asia, an empire on which the sun never set. Under his rule, the Habsburg EmpireintheWestreachedtheheightofitsinfluenceandpower. In order to consolidate his political position, after the acclamation ceremony at Tomar Courts, on 16 April 1581, the monarch decided to observe and maintain all the vowed national sovereignprivilegesandtraditionalprerogatives.So,ashadbeenpredictedinTomar’schartersigned atthePalaceofAlmeirimon20March1580,thekingwouldkeepthesamelegislativerights,withthe exclusiverightofnationalnominationforadministrativepositions;economicrights,withacurrency of his own; religious rights, with the appointment of innate bishops; and cultural rights, with the native language. Despite his deep suffering because of the queen’s death, during the acclamation  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  55 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   ceremony D. Philip I wore a white and gilded brocade suit to demonstrate to his new subjects the continuityofthePortugueseprotocolroyalrites.4 AccordingtosomeSpanishandPortugueseGoldenAgeauthors,Lisbonwastheeyesofthe IberianPeninsulaandoneofthemosteclectic,economicandcrowdedcitiesofEuropeatthetime.It wasinanycasetheperfectcapitalfortheWesternHabsburgEmpire.Curiously,in1580oneofthe worstfearsofthedualmonarchyopponentswasthesuspicionthatthekingwantedtoestablishthe Empire’s capital at Europe’s tail and reinforce Lisbon as the utmost economic city of the world, combiningalltheAtlanticandIndiccommercialroutes.5Obviously,thekingwasnotgoingtoneglect thegeographicpotentialoftheLisbonportsforthemilitarycampaigns,sinceitwasfromthemthat he prepared numerous armed expeditions, in particular against England, as his successors did too, themostfamousbutalsothemostdisastrousepisodebeingLaArmadaInvenciblein1588. Raised with a deep religious faith but with an education firmly in the spirit of the Renaissance,themonarch,ashehaddoneinotherdomains,undertookanenormousarchitectural campaign in Portugal, erecting or renewing important public infrastructures such as bridges, aqueducts,fortresses,andmanyothers.Healsomadelargesumsofsilveravailabletoproceedwith therenovationofsomeemblematicconventsandmonasteries,especiallythosewhichwererelated with the foundation of the kingdom.6 In 1590 the marquis of Velada, Gómez Dávila (1541–1616), described the three main passions ofthe king, “his own personal trinity,” as architecture, gardens, and hunting.7 These were indeed passions that he could enjoy to the full in the Portuguese royal residences. Determined to restructure the Portuguese kingdom to his own image, the king would spendmorethantwoyearsasthepowerfulrulerofthevastWesternHabsburgEmpireinPortugalin order to reorganize it in accordance with the requirements for the administration of his global domainsandhisconcernforpoliticalcentralization. InLisbonthemonarchshadtwoprincipalresidences:the13thͲcenturyAlcazarPalace(Paço daAlcáçova),ontheurbanhill,andasecond,early16thͲcenturyonelocatedalongthebanksofthe Tagusriverembankments,theRiverPalace(socalledPaçodaRibeira)[Fig.1].8Probablydazzledwith the epics of medieval knights that led him to his sad adventure in North Africa, D. Sebastian of Portugal(1554|1557–1578)hadshownpreferenceforthefortifiedresidence(moreforitssuitability than its exquisiteness9), which he reformed. For that reason he relegated the River Palace to the background, and it entered into a certain material decay, already having been affected by two earthquakesinthe16thcentury.ThemedievalappearanceoftheRiverPalace,stillinthePortuguese lateGothic,soͲcalledManuelinostyle,wasvisiblefromtheexteriorinitsdifferentbuildingmasses,a conditionthatdeterminedthecomplexityanddisorderofitsinteriorsandexteriors(liketheAlcazar ofMadrid),especiallyifcomparedwiththerigidframesofthemonasteryͲpalaceofSanLorenzodeEl Escorial.10 Although D. Philip I soon recognized the impossibility of living regularly in Portugal, after some personal observations about the material situation of the Portuguese Crown residences he promptly decided to promote an intensive program of architectural renovation and aesthetic enrichment,notonlyofthemajorroyalpalace,butalsooftheothercountrysideresidences.Aiming at a pomp and visibility combined with the sober and austere mood proper to the CounterͲ Reformation, he also established new court ceremonial protocols, both civil and religious, for the  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  56 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   public and private palatine dependencies. Once more, art patronage would become vital to emphasizingthepoliticalprojectofrepraesentatiomajestatisandsotoreinforcingadherencetothe SpanishHabsburgmonarchyontheseregionsontheedgeoftheAtlantic.   Fig.1Lisbonin1572withtheRiverPalace(below)andtheAlcazarPalace(above)  The truth, however, is that the monarch started his embellishment campaigns on the Portugueseresidencesbeforeevenbeingacclaimedasasovereign.InNovember1580,thedukeof Alba, Fernando de Toledo y Pimentel (1507–1582), already in Lisbon after the invasion of the kingdom,senttothekingtheplansoftheroyalresidencestoprepareforhisarrivalatLisbon,which wasprobablycarriedoutbytheministerMigueldeMoura(1538–1600).11Afterthathesentalsothe building plans for the Salvaterra de Magos countryside palace made by the Italian Filippo Terzi (1520–1597),whowasalsotoberesponsibleforthelatedesignsofthePalaceofAlmeirim.Theplan for Lisbon alcazar was made by Giovanni Battista Antonelli (1527–1588), another Italian military engineerworkingonthismajorreformplan.12 Inhisletters,thedukeofAlba,whowastheprincipalchamberlainofRoyalHouseholdand the first Portuguese viceroy nominee, describes both Lisbon residences. Concerning the palace erected near the river, he mentioned that it was a gloomy house, "sad as a prison" and that the second one, in the castle, was too cold to spend the winter periods.13 Therefore, both residences weredefinitelynotsuitableforoccupationbytheKing’sMajesty!  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  57 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Curiously, some years earlier, in 1571, the Portuguese humanist Francisco de Holanda (c.1518–1585)hadalreadydeclaredthatLisbonlackedonedecentroyalresidence,stressingfurther the absence of a resilient fortress to keep the city safe.14 Could this be the reason for the regular absenceofthekingD.SebastianfromthecapitaltenyearsbeforeD.PhilipI acclamation?15Besides, the cardinalͲking D. Henry of Portugal (1512|1578–1580) refused to live in the main royal palace after his acclamation, thus creating a situation that certainly did not contribute to the cause of buildingmaintenanceduringbothreigns. So it was that as early as 14 January 1581 the monarch instructed Duarte Castelo Branco (c.1540–?), count of Sabugal, to undertake a survey of all Portuguese royal residences projects, mainlytheLisbonRiverPalaceandtheseasonalpalacesofAlmeirimandSalvaterradeMagos,with the aim of lodging him.16 In order to give the building greater comfort and better internal arrangements,themonarchcalleduponFilippoTerzitocoordinatetheproject’sexecution,aidedby thePortuguesemasterbuilderÁlvaroPires,bothundertheadministrativesupervisionofthecount ofSabugal.17 Despitetheopinionofseveralauthors,wecannottodaybesurewhowasthearchitectthat drew the architectural plan of the palace, whether it was the Italian Filippo Terzi, or whether the Spanish Juan de Herrera (1530–1597) made a contribution of his own. Furthermore, the name of another Spanish architect, Francisco de Mora (1553–1610), appears to have been involved in a secondphaseatthebeginningsofthe17thcentury.18Actually,HerrerahadcomeuptoPortugalwith themissionofoverseeingtheinstallationoftheking’sembassyinTomar’sCourtsandpreparingthe officialentranceinLisbon,19buthereturnedimmediatelytoSpaintotakeoverthenumerousroyal architecturalprojects.20OurpositionisthatTerzi,aBolognesemilitaryengineerattheserviceofthe PortugueseCrownsince1577andlaternominatedmajorarchitectͲengineerofthereign,projected and directed himself the several campaigns under the close proximity of the king and his royal architect.21 Onthebasisoftheletterssenttohisyoungdaughters,IsabelClaraEugenia(1566–1633)and Catalina Micaela (1567–1597), during the Royal Journey of Portugal Succession, it appears that between1581and1583themonarchmadeseveralappointmentsrelatedtothepalatineresidences, suchasLisbon,Sintra,AlmeirimandXabregas.22ConcerningtheLisbonofficialresidence,whichhad been erected as the new economic and financial centre by the spices king D. Emmanuel I (1469|1495–1521),grandfatherofD.PhilipI,neartheshipbuildingharborcomplex(theRibeiradas Naus)andtheIndianandMineCommerceHouses(CasasdaMinaandIndia),D.PhilipIdescribedit asahugebuildingwithlargecorridors,anexoticanddelightfulinteriorgarden,andseveralbalconies withmagnificentviewsoverthecity.Nevertheless,despitethecuriositythatwasevident,hepoints outthatitwascarelesslyorganizedinternally.23 TheavailablesourcesleadustobelievethatTerzimetthemonarchinElvasinJanuary1581 todiscussthearchitecturalplanspersonally.Thekingspecifiedtherefurbishmentoftheresidential wings,includingtheroyalchapeldedicatedtotheapostleoftheOrient,SaintThomas,andelevated topatriarchalstatus24duringthereignofD.JohnV(1689|1706–1750).InthesubsequentAprilthe Italianarchitectinformedthekingthattheworkshadbeeninterruptedduetolackofmoney.25  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  58 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Asthekinglaterwrotetohisdaughters,theworkswerealmostfinishedbeforetheofficial entryofD.PhilipIintotheLisbonPalace26on29June,precededbyamagnificentjoyeuseentréewith fifteentriumphalarchesplannedbyHerrera.27However,ontheoccasionoftheking’ssecretvisitto thepalacefourdaysbefore,inthepresenceofhisnephewandfutureviceroy,themonarchsawthe progress of the works and stressed that the building still revealed some internal spatial disorder, perhapsonaccountofthelargesizeoftheresidentialstructure,whichwasareasonfortheexcessive expensesthathehadnotanticipated.Upuntil27August1581,theCrownhadalreadyspent40,000 réis,thePortuguesecurrencyofthetime,withinthemaximumamountof200,000.28 After the elder resident members of the royal Avis court were evicted, the Habsburg king manifested his intention of giving a larger unit to the palatine monument, reorganizing its interior and facades according to the classical and austere principles of Mannerism. But the major architecturalworkwastheturretconstructionattheextremeendofthepalacecomplexalongside theriverandovertheoldbulwark.Theescorialescopalatineturret[Fig.2],withdirectaccessfrom theriver,wascoveredbyanoctagonalleaddomeandhadonitsfirsttwofloorsanarmsroomand, asweknowfroma16thͲcenturydrawingandadescriptionwrittenin1619,theartillerywarehouse.29 Above these, between other rooms and stairs, was the royal library; on the last floor, occupying the entire area, was the throne chamber, also known as the ambassador’s room.30 The main connecting corridor between the palatine residential areas and the turret, a late medieval colonnadewithseveralarchesandbalconies,wasclosed.Thesefirstworkswerecompletedbefore 1598.31   Fig.2TheRiverPalaceafterD.PhilipI’sintervention.DetailfromanengravingpublishedinJoão BaptistaLavanha,ViagemdacatholicarealmagestadedelReyD.FilipeII(Madrid,1622).  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  59 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Precedingtheambassador’sroomwasanotherspacedevotedtothepublicstagingofroyal power,theTudescos’room,32whichaccommodatedtheGermanroyalguardofhalberdiersservingin closeproximitytothemonarch.Itwasamultifunctionalgreatchamberwherethemostimportant ceremoniestookplace,andwheretheking,andviceroysandgovernorslateron,gatheredthecourt, acclaimedtheirsovereigntyandmadetheiroaths,33ashappenedon30January1583,whenprince Philip,futureD.PhilipIIofPortugal(PhilipIIIofSpain,1578|1598–1621)wassworninasheirtothe Portuguesethrone.34Itisobviousthatallthesearchitecturalchangeswouldleavetheirmarkonthe adjacent urban environment, especially around Commerce Square (Praça do Comércio/Terreiro do Paço). In a brilliant political move D. Philip I had the last two Portuguese kings reburied in the Monastery of Belem before abandoning the kingdom in February 1583, taking with him the PortugueseCouncil.AshisviceroythemonarchappointedhisnephewthearchdukeAlbertofAustria (1559–1621), who was assisted in government by a group of statesmen.35 Having been in Portugal since the end of 1580, and after having assumed the reins of government two years later, the archduke would continue with the embellishment works desired by his uncle at the royal palaces until1593,theyearinwhichhewascalledtoMadrid.36 Even though out of the kingdom, the monarch followed closely the works on the Crown palacesthathadbeenhisprojectfromthebeginning,ashehadduringtheperiodhewasamongus, withtheconstructionofthegreatmonasteryͲpalaceofElEscorial.Fromthismomentonwards,the royal residence of Lisbon would be a public image of the king’s majestic power and the representationofhisauthority,butanemptypalacewithoutthepresenceofhislegalrepresentative …regisimagorexest.37Infact,asthetestimonyofInácioFerreira(16thcentury)suggests,withthe king’sdepartureLisbonbecamealmostawidowcity.38 The court established by the viceroy in Lisbon was a princely one but it was domestic in characterbecausethemostimportantnoblemenwentwiththekingtoMadridandtheotherswent totheircountrysidedomains,wheretheypromotedminorvillagercourts,astheworkofFrancisco RodriguesLobo(1580–1622)entitledCourtsintheVillagesuggests.InaccordancewithPortuguese royalceremonial,itwasalsointhisgreatchamberthattheking’sreceptionsandprivateandpublic banquetswereheld,ashappenedlaterduringthevisitofD.PhilipIIin1619.Althoughcommittedto respecting the Portuguese court rites, the monarch would change them, introducing a new set of ritualizedbutrigidgesturestosymbolicallyreinforcetheking’simageandperson. In 1593, after the absence of the viceroy, D. Philip I issued the Kingdom Governors Regimentation. In this royal ordinance the King established a new court protocol, which stipulated rigid rules of procedure and planned the demand for a hieratical distribution of the royal power spaces,reducingtheuseofthepalatineareas,butemphasizingtherepresentationofthegovernorin public.39Afterall,thegovernorswerethemonarch’sagents,butwerenotthekinghimself. FranciscoPorrasdelaCámara,whoparticipatedintheJourneyofLisbon,aSevillianembassy preparedbyJuanNúñezdeIllescasatthebeginningofthe1590s,givesusparticulardescriptionsof Lisbonpalaceinteriors,whichhedescribesasbeing“greatandworthyofthegreatnessandmajesty.” Itwasprobablyinthemainreceptionapartmentthatthechroniclerwatchedatheatricalcomedy,in  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  60 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   thepresenceofaneccentriccourt.Inaccordancewiththeceremonial,thearchdukewasatoneend oftheroom seatedon thethroneunderthecanopy,surroundedbywealthyaristocrats,illustrious ambassadorsandexoticjesters.40 Regarding the organization of space, we are acquainted with the existence of two major intercommunicating courtyards. One of them led to the royal audience and chancellery chambers, andtheotheronetothegovernmentaldepartmentsandalsototheroyalchapel.41Nearthemost privateareaswerelocatedthegardens–thealegretes–42whichweredescribedbythekinghimself in 1581 as a “very pleasant garden, embellished with colorful little tiles and perfumed by many different trees and flowers.”43 In the north and east extremes of the palatine complex, facing the greatNewStreet(RuaNova)andthemajorsquare(TerreirodoPaço),werethehousingareasforthe RoyalFamilyandthecourtiers.ThiswaswheretheempressMaryofAustria(1528–1603),motherof thearchdukeAlbertofAustria,stayedasherson’sguestwhenshevisitedLisbonin1582.44 Unfortunately, iconographic sources illustrating only the external facade of the palace are rare,thoughwhenconsideringtheinteriorsPorrasdelaCámaranotedthemagnificentmarbleand jasper architectural structures.45 The global vastness of the Habsburg Empire facilitated the acquisitionofthemostrefinedmaterials,whichweretransformedbythemostreputedartists:the marblebeingfromthePortugueseminesofEstremoz,thejasperfromtheSpanishminesofOsmaor Espeja, the exotic woods from the Indian or Brazilian forests, the works in gold or lapis lazuli from Milan,andtheextravagantdamasktissuesfromGranada.46 Nevertheless,therestillexistsararedocumentarydescriptionoftheiconographicprogram oftheornamentationinthethronechamber.Itscompositionillustratedseveralqualitiesandvirtues oftheHabsburgmonarch:notonlygreatnessandmagnificence,butalsodevoutnessandprudence, whichwerealsoconsiderednecessarytoarulerofsuchagreatempire.47 Thedecorationprogramdisplayedaningeniousmythicalandhistoricalsuccessionofthemes, whichweredepictedinthirtyͲsevenpaintingsasatestimonytothevastnessanddiversityoftheking domains.OnthetopoftheroofweretheRoyalArmsoftheHabsburgmonarchandaboveitaglobe withthecityofLisbonintegratedwithinamapofHispaniaflankedbyseveralallegoricalsignsofthe zodiac and enriched with distinguished Latin mottos. Despite his profound piety, the monarch was represented as the Greek hero Hercules (or might it be Ulysses, the mythic founder of Lisbon city Ulissipone?)inthepresenceofthemajorOlympicgods,especiallythosewhowereassociatedwith theocean,inathemealsoexploredonthetriumphalarcheserectedinLisbonin1581.48 The paintings attributed to the Italian Tiburcio Spannocchi (1541–c.1606), who is generally consideredabetterpainterthanhewasanengineer,49weredirectedbyGonçaloPirezinLisbonin theyear1590.Startedduringthegovernmentoftheviceroy,thesedecorativeworksremainedthere until 1593. In fact, when Albert of Austria was already in Madrid, he received other architectural plansoftheroyalpalaceinLisbonthatprovethattheartisticcampaignwasbeingcontinued.50 Despite some improvement works during the next decades, we believe that the palatine structure, which acted as the symbolic presence of the House of Habsburg in Portugal, did not  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  61 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   changeinitsessenceuntilthemajorrenovationduringthereignofthePortuguesesunkingD.João Vinthe18thͲcentury. Althoughwe donot knowin detailtheprogressof theresidentialworks,we doknow that thechapelwasfinishedinthemiddleofOctober1581.Locatedneartheking’sprivateapartments– thehouseofthekingbeingnexttothehouseofGod51–thechapelwasrenovatedduringthisperiod butwithsomeancientstructuresbeingpreserved,suchastheprivategalleriesinwhichthemonarch couldattendMassandwhichwereenshrinedintheirfullintimacy.52 Renewingthebuildingandadorningitwithdevotionalimagesandpreciousrelicswasoneof theking’smajorreligiouspassions.Nowitwasnecessarytoupdatetheroyalchurchinstitution.In the absence of a proper, wellͲorganized ceremonial and musicians of quality, the king decided to intensifythereligiousobservances.PreservinginitiallytheBourgognetraditionalrites,53thekingfirst hiredabodyofmusiciansincludingsuchfiguresastheSpanishcourtorganistHernandodeCabezón (1541–1602)54, son of the famous Antonio de Cabezón (1510–1566), and then ordered the preparationofthefirstritualstatutesforthechapelroyal. PrintedinJanuary1592underthesupervisionofthemajorchaplain,BishopJorgedeAtaíde (1535–1611), the new ceremonial was twenty chapters long and established a corps of ninetyͲtwo officials,bothreligiousandnonͲreligious.Inadditiontoabattalionofchaplainsandacolytes(thirty and twenty respectively), there were around thirty musicians: twentyͲfour singers, two organists, twobassoonistsandonecornetͲplayer.55WeshouldnotforgetthattheGoldenAgeofSpanishmusic occurred during the reign of D. Philip I, when the court music reached its highest splendor in Europe,56aCatholicEuropedefendedandrepresentedbyhisroyalperson. Describedasalittlecathedral,theroyalchapelwasaprivilegedinstitutioninsideoftheroyal institution; and as such it was a highly hierarchical space in the framework of the king’s public appearance and ritualization.57 Among those who preached here in 1582 was one of the most eloquentpreachersofthetime,theSpanishDominicanLuisofGranada(1504–1588),thesamefriar whohadoriginallyconsideredD.PhilipI’sacclamationtothePortuguesethroneillegitimate!58 Butallthisbegsonequestioninparticular:Whatwasthereasonforthereorganizationofthe chapelritualprocedures?OnecluemaybefoundinalettersenttothecountofOlivaresEnriquede Guzmán y Ribera (1540–1607), in which Juan de Silva (1528–1601), the Spanish ambassador who became the 4th count of Portalegre by marriage, criticizes, after the detachment from the king’s Court, the royal chapel for its peculiarly vain ceremonials. Could it be that the king had wanted to piouslysubverttheDivineCulttohisroyalconditioninCourtatthattime?59 Before the threat from the English navy, especially from 1585, the military architects Giacomo Palearo (c.1520–1586) and Leonardo Torriani (c.1560–1628) were given the mission of renovatingtheentirePortuguesenetworkofcoastlinefortresses.TheecclesiasticalhistorianBaltasar Porreño (1569–1639), nephew of the architect Francisco de Mora, testifies that the king was also responsible for the renovation of the ancient Lisbon alcazar and all the Tagus river fortresses, providingthemwithnewmilitaryarchitecturalstructuresandartillerymechanisms.60  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  62 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   As in Spain, the royal countryside residences were located near the capital in fertile plains with pleasant forests amply stocked with game and were plentifully fitted with gardens and fountains.Theseprovidedthekingwiththemainreasonsforhisregularvisits:hecameinsearchof amusementandpleasureinhuntingandequestriansports.Curiously,theseleisureactivitieswerea littlebitdifferentfromthecityones,suchastheviolentbullfightingorthefrighteninginquisitorial autosdaFé. We have found no documentation of work being done on the palatine residences of Santarém during Philip’s reign, despite the bad material condition of both buildings. According to some documents, in January 1531 the marquis of Tarifa revealed in one of his letters that both palaces were ruined, scattered on the ground. Another source dating from February 1622 tells us that those buildings still remained in the same material condition, 61 even though Isidro Velazquez (16thcentury)reportshavingstayedathispalace!62ButwhyisthatD.PhilipIIofPortugal/IIIofSpain wasaccommodatedinthehouseofthecountofTaroucawhenhevisitedSantarémfewyearsbefore inOctober1619?63 When one considers the events of 1580, when the village of Santarém gave political and military support for D. Antonio’s acclamation as king of Portugal, one can understand the king not promotinganypalacerestoration.On19June1580D.Antonio(1531–1595),priorofCratoandthe illegitimate son of the prince D. Louis (1506–1555), one of the most young descendants of D. Emmanuel I, was popularly acclaimed in Santarém, that is to say, in the same village where he established the resistance base until the defeat of his troops in the Battle of Alcântara, near the Portuguesecapital.64ItisalsonotablethatwhenthepriorofCratoreceivedtheking’sambassador Gutiérrez de Valencia in March 1580, he was lodged at the palace of D. Antonio de Castro, after a firststopatthelocalDominicanmonastery.Accordingtothediplomaticaccount,D.Antoniowasina residencesurroundedbyhisnoblesupporters,inapalatineenvironmentthatwasreminiscentofa king’scourt.65Andthen,whenD.PhilipI,duringhisexpeditionfromTomartoLisbon,stoppedfora fewdaysinSantarémbetween2and6June1581,hewaspoorlyreceivedbythepeople.66Theking couldcertainlynothavehadgoodmemoriesofthisvillage,asaresultofwhich,insteadoftryingto eradicatethesymbolicpresenceofD.Antonio,hepreferredtodespiseit.67 Consideredoneofthemostfavoritewinterresidencesof16thͲcenturyPortugueserulers,the countrysidePalaceofAlmeirim,nearSantarém,wasthescene,on12May1543,ofthemarriageby proxy between D. Philip I – represented by his ambassador in Lisbon, Luiz Sarmiento de Mendoza (1492–1556)–andthePortugueseprincessD.MariaManuela(1527–1545),daughterofthekingD. John III (1502|1521–1557) and the Austrian D. Catarina of Habsburg (1507–1578), the prince’s aunt.68AnditwasalsowherethecardinalͲkingD.HenriquegatheredtheCourtstochooseD.PhilipI asthelegalsuccessortothethroneon11January1580,andalsowherehewasburied.69Infact,the palaceshouldhavebeenveryspecialtotheking,becauseithadbeenthesceneofseveralimportant momentsinhislife. Thefirsttimethathevisitedtheresidencewas6June1581,withthepurposeofbecoming acquaintedwiththegoodqualityofthebuildingandthenearbygamereserves.70Oneyearlater,the kingreturnedtherewithhissister,theempressMaryofAustriaandhisson,theprinceAlbert.71  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  63 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Oncemore,weknowneitherwhentheworks,whichweresupervisedbythearchitectÁlvaro Pires and the gardener Rodrigo Álvares, started, nor the dimensions of the construction work.72 CommissionedbytheprinceD.Louis,fatheroftherebelPriorofCrato,thePalaceofSalvaterrade Magos(Fig.3)wasalsopartofthecountrysideresidencesnetworkwheretheroyalfamilydedicated itselftothehuntandpleasuresofthegarden.LeavingfromAlmeirim,thekingarrivedatSalvaterra deMagosonThursday8April1581.73 In 1589, D. Philip I disposed of an annual budget of 80,000 for architectural building and gardening maintenance, which was later confirmed in 1595. In 1581 the choice fell on the palace gardener Rodrigo Álvares, the Portuguese disciple of the royal gardener the Italian Jerónimo de Algora,whoworkedatthepalatinegardensofAranjuez.74However,thecharacterofthemonarch’s interventionisnotknownbecausethebuildingwaslaterrebuiltaftertheearthquakeof1755.Now all that remains of the original building is the royal chapel, where we can be sure that the king prayed.   Fig.3ThePalaceofSalvaterradeMagosinthe1740s(detailfromanexvotopainting)  In 1581, D. Philip I ordered Giovanni Battista Antonelli to complete the Tagus river navigational course, already started in the Spanish river Manzanares by Juan Bautista de Toledo (c.1515–1567), with the purpose of connecting the two Iberian capitals: Lisbon and Madrid.75 However,theorderprovedimpossibletofulfillandtheprojectlinkedonlypopulationcenterswhere  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  64 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   royal residences were located, such as Toledo and Aranjuez on Spanish territory, or Almeirim and SalvaterradeMagosonthePortugueseside.76Healsomadesomewonderfulobservationsaboutthe gardensandfountainsofthecountrysidePalaceofSintraandvisitedthePalaceofXabregaswhenhe arrivedinLisbon.77ButneitherinthecaseofthecountrypalaceofSintranorinthatofXabregasare weatpresentawarethathemadeanymaterialintervention. WithaprivilegedviewovertheMondegoriver,theancientAlcazarofCoimbrawastheoldest seats and had been one of the main royal residences of the Portuguese kings for more than four centuries,fromthe12thtothe15thcentury.Sincethenithadfulfilledtheroleofasecondaryroyal residencethatwassubstantiallyrestoredtomakeitmorecomfortable;finally,itwasmadethehome oftheUniversityofCoimbraafteritsfinalaccommodationinthecity,in1537. Goingonwithhispolicyofcreatingavigorousnetworkofroyalresidencesforitinerancyuse bytheroyalfamilythroughoutthePortuguesekingdom,onSeptember30,1583,D.PhilipI,already in Spain, sent Manuel de Quadros (?–1593), the future Bishop of Guarda, to demand the handing over of the palatine alcazar to the university institution and the construction of new buildings for academicpurposes.78 Theofficialacademicvisitorcalledforthetemporaryhandingoverofthebuilding,reclaimed it, and suggested the construction of a new one nearby.79 Beyond this measure, there is also the question of the king’s punishment of the scholars who gave ideological support to D. Catherine of Braganza (1540–1614) and then military support to D. António as legitimate heirs to Portuguese thronethreeyearsearlier. Facedbythesubstantialcostsandinconvenienceofsuchanenterprise,theUniversitywrote to the king pleading for the royal building to be put at its disposition. The monarch replied to this petition on 30 September 1583, stressing the necessity of restoring the palatine residence for the reasonthathewishedtohavethereadecentdwellingforhimself,asheplannedtovisititsoon,as wellasaplacetostayforhissuccessors.Inreality,thekingalsohadaspecialconnectionwiththis fortifiedpalace,becauseitwaswherefirstwifeD.MariaManuelahadbeenborn. ThatthisprocesslastedalmosttheentirereignofD.PhilipIisclearfromthefactthaton17 May 1597, through a royal decree, he eventually sold the building to the University for 30,000 cruzadosofsilver.80Knownfrom16OctoberofthatyearastheSchool’sPalace(PaçodasEscolas),as itisstillknowntoday,theacademicinstitutionkeptsomeoftheroyalbuildingprerogatives,suchas: thechapel’shonorableroyaltitlewithallceremonialritesandimmunityfromepiscopaljurisdiction; thealcazarprison,reservedonlyforscholars;andtheroyalguardofhalberdierswiththeirtraditional garmentsandweapons.81 ButeventhoughD.PhilipIandhissuccessorsdidnotbearagrudgeagainsttheUniversityof Coimbra, the academic institution, by contrast, was after 1640 to exclude the three Habsburg sovereignsfromtheschoolgalleryofroyalportraits...   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  65 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    Fig.4TheAlcazarofCoimbrainthe16thcentury(detailofthenorthfaçade)  * * * Inthissummarizedessaywehavemadeassertionsabouttheinvestmentmadeonthemainpalacein Lisbon, which was D. Philip I’s major patronage campaign in the capital if we exclude the majestic construction of the Monastery of Saint Vincent also in Lisbon, about the renovation of the other countryside residences in Almeirim and Salvaterra de Magos, and about the requisitioning of the Coimbraalcazar. Unfortunately we don’t know the accurate dimension or the direct results of the artistic campaignspreparedinthosemonumentswiththepurposeofmakingthemmorecomfortableand more acceptable to the taste and to the political image of a devout, determined and exquisite sovereign.Infact,notonlywerenewworkscarriedoutattheRiverPalaceattheendofthereignof his successor, in order for him to be received in Lisbon in 1619, but the works carried out in the followingdecadesinthereignofD.JohnVweredramaticallyerasedbytheearthquakeof1755. Under the supervision of Italian architects based in Portugal, the ambitious refurbishment programwasallpartoftheking’sstrategyoflegitimizinghisrightstothethroneandenhancinghis powerful image in accordance with the Portuguese palaces, which were places of identity and political unity of real ostentation and royal celebration. These majestic p(a)laces were in any case politicalinstruments,intendedtoreflecttheextensionofthepoweroftheking.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  66 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Curiously, the main events of the Restoration of Independence, which put an end to the HabsburgDynastyinPortugal’sdomains,tookplaceintheLisbonRiverPalace.Thisroyalresidence on the edge of the Atlantic was where the duchess of Mantua, Margarida of Savoy (1589–1655), Portuguesevicereinebetween1634and1640,wasdetained;whereherfaithfulsecretaryMiguelde Vasconcelos(1590–1640)wasthrownfromapalacewindow;andwherefinallythedukeofBraganza wasacclaimedkingofPortugalasD.JohnIV(1604|1640–1656). Finally,everythingendedwhereithadbegun…inthepalace!   Bibliography  Beirante,MariaÂngela,SantarémMedieval(Lisboa,1980).  Beirante,MariaÂngela,SantarémQuinhentista(Lisboa,1981).  Bouza,Fernando,D.FilipeI(Lisboa,2005).  BouzaÁlvarez,Fernando,“LisboaSozinha,QuaseViúva.ACidadeeMudançadaCortenoPortugal dosFilipes”,Penélope.FazeredesfazeraHistória,13(Lisboa,1994),pp.71Ͳ93.  BouzaÁlvarez,FernandoJesús,“Retóricadaimagemreal.PortugaleamemóriafiguradadeFilipeII”, Penélope.FazeredesfazeraHistória,4(Lisboa,1989),pp.20Ͳ58.  BouzaÁlvarez,Fernando,PortugalnotempodosFilipes(Lisboa,2000).  Braz,JoséCampos,Santarém:raízeshistóricos(Santarém,2000).  Buescu,AnaIsabel,Memóriaepoder:ensaiosdehistóriacultural(séculosXVͲXVIII)(Lisboa,2000).  CámaraMuñoz,Alicia,“Fortificacionesycontroldelterritorio”,inFelipeII.Unmonarcaysuépoca. Lastierrasyloshombresdelrey(Valladolid,1998),pp.121Ͳ133.  Checa Cremades (Coordination), Fernando, Felipe II. Un monarca y su época. Un príncipe del Renacimiento(Madrid,1998).  ContrerasDomingo,Ignacio,“LamúsicaentiemposdeFelipeII”,inFelipeII.Unmonarcaysuépoca. Lastierrasyloshombresdelrey(Valladolid,1998),pp.179Ͳ186.  Correia,JoaquimManueldaSilva,OPaçoRealdeSalvaterradeMagos(Lisboa,1989).  Curto, Diogo Ramada, “A Capela Real: um espaço de conflitos (séculos XVI a XVIII)”, Revista da FaculdadedeLetrasͲLínguaseLiteraturas,10,(Porto,1993),pp.143Ͳ154.  Curto, Diogo Ramada, “Ritos e cerimónias da monarquia em Portugal”, in A Memória da Nação, (Lisboa,1991),pp.201Ͳ265.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  67 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   D.FelipeI,CartasparaDuasInfantasMeninas(Lisboa,1999).  Guerreiro, Afonso, Das festas qye se fizeram na cidade de Lisboa na entrada del Rey D. Philippe (Lisboa,1581).  Góis,Damiãode,DescriçãodaCidadedeLisboa(Lisboa,2001).  Kubler, George, A arquitectura portuguesa chã: entre as especiarias e os diamantes (1521Ͳ1706) (Lisboa,1988).  Lobo,RoqueFerreira,HistóriadafelizaclamaçãodoSenhorReiD.JoãoIV(Lisboa,1703).  Martinho,Bruno,OPaçodaRibeiranasVésperasdoTerramoto(Lisboa,2009)[graduationthesis].  Martinho, Bruno, “Pôr a mesa no Paço da Ribeira. Espacialidades e encenações da refeição no interiordopaláciorégio”,AmesadosreisdePortugal(Lisboa,2011),pp.116Ͳ133.  Meneses,Luísde,HistóriadePortugalRestaurado,I(Lisboa,1679).  Moreira,Rafael,“OTorreãodoPaçodaRibeira”,MundodaArte,14,1983,pp.43Ͳ48.  Moura,Miguelde,ChronicadoCardealReiD.HenriqueeVidadeMigueldeMoura,Typographiada SociedadePropagadoradosConhecimentosÚteis,Lisboa,1840.  Nogueira,PedroAlvares,LivrodosbisposdeCoimbra(Coimbra,1942).  Oliveira,FreiNicolaude,LivrodasGrandezasdeLisboa(Lisboa,1991).  Pacheco,MiltonPedroDias,“Paragovernaredesfrutar.Asresidênciaspalatinasdionisínas”,Actasdo CongressoInternacionalDomDinis.750anosdoseunascimento(Lisboa,2011).[inpress]  Pacheco, Milton Pedro Dias, Por detrás de um Museu. O Paço Episcopal de Coimbra: história e memória(Coimbra,2009).[graduationthesis]  Pereira,Paulo,Lisboa(séculosXVIͲXVII),speechpresentedatDeutschesHistorichesMuseum–Neue Welten,Novembrode2006,pp.1Ͳ27.  Pimentel,AntónioFilipe,ArquitecturaePoder:orealedifíciodeMafra(Lisboa,2002).  Pimentel,AntónioFilipe,“JoãoBaptistaRibeiroeosretratosrégiosdaSaladosCapelos”,Boletimdo ArquivodaUniversidadedeCoimbra,8(Coimbra,1986),pp.23Ͳ63.  Pimentel, António Filipe, “O laboratório da reconstrução: reflexões em torno do pensamento e da práticadourbanismoportuguês”,inPropagandaePoder(Lisboa,2000),pp.347Ͳ364.  Pimentel,AntónioFilipe,AMoradadaSabedoria(Coimbra,2005).  Pimentel,  António Filipe, “Poder, corte e palácio real: os palácios manuelinos e a reforma quinhentista da alcáçova de Coimbra”, 2, in Universidade(s), Histórias, Memórias, Perspectivas, (Coimbra,1991),pp.231Ͳ253.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  68 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    Pimentel, António Filipe, “Repercussões do tema do PalácioͲBloco na arquitectura portuguesa”, in ActasdelVIISimposioHispanoͲPortugués(Badajoz,1995),pp.81Ͳ94.  Pimentel,AntónioFilipe,“Asagraçãodoreinoemtornodo(s)projecto(s)daSéVelha”,Revistado InstitutodeHistóriadaArtedaFaculdadedeLetrasdeLisboa,3(Lisboa,2004),pp.87Ͳ122.  Polónia,Amélia,D.Henrique(Lisboa,2009).  Porreño,Baltasar,DichosyhechosdelseñordonFelipeII(Madrid,1723).   Ribot, Luis (coordinator), Felipe II. Un monarca y su época. Las tierras y los hombres del rey (Valladolid,1998).  Rodrigues,MartinhoVicente,SantarémnotempodosFilipes,2vs.(Santarém,2001).  Rossa,Walter,“LisboaQuinhentista,oterreirodopaço:prenúnciosdeumaafirmação dacapitalidade”,inActasD.JoãoIIIeoImpério(Lisboa,2004),pp.945Ͳ967.  Senos,Nuno,OPaçodaRibeira(Lisboa,2002).  Soromenho,Miguel,ArtePortuguesa.Aarquitecturadociclofilipino(Lisboa,2009).  Sousa,D.AntónioCaetanode,HistóriaGenealógicadaCasaRealPortuguesa,III(Lisboa,1947).  Vasconcelos,Antóniode,RealCapeladaUniversidade(Coimbra,1990).  Velazquez,Isidro,LaentradaqueenelReinodePortugalhizolaS.C.R.M.deDonPhilippe,invictissimo ReylelasEspañas,segundodestenombreprimerodePortugal,assiconsuRealpresencia,comocon elexercitodesufelicecampo(Madrid1583).   Viterbo, Sousa, Dicionário histórico e documental dos arquitectos, engenheiros e construtores portugueses,3vs(Lisboa,1988).      Illustrations  Fig.1GeorgBraunandFranzHogenberg,CivitatesOrbisTerrarum,1598.  Fig.2JoãoBaptistaLavanha,ViagemdaCatholicaRealMagestadedelReyD.FilipeIIN.S.aoReyno dePortugalErellaçãodosolenerecebimentoquenelleselhefezS.Magestadeamandouescrever porJoãoBaptistaLavanhasevcronistamayor,1622.  Fig.3JoaquimManueldaSilvaCorreia,OPaçoRealdeSalvaterradeMagos,1989.  Fig.4Photoauthor,2011.   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  69 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    1  The Humanities Research Networking Programmes from the European Science Foundation, by conceding a short visit grant, allowed us to make a public presentation of this essay at the international meeting The HabsburgandtheirCourtsinEurope(1400–1700).BetweenCosmopolitismandRegionalism,organizedatthe AustrianAcademyofSciences,Vienna,from7to10December2011.Wewouldliketoexpressourgratitudefor alltheESFfinancialaidandthelogisticalsupportprovidedbythePALATIUMResearchNetworkingProgramme steeringcommitteeProfessorsHerbertKarner,IngridCiulisová,KristaDeJonge,BernardoGarcíaGarcía,Pieter MartensandNunoSenos. 2 Bouza2005,p.275. 3 Velazquez1583,f.19v. 4 Bouza2005,p.19.D.FilipeI1999,p.22. 5 BouzaÁlvarez1994,pp.75,80,82. 6 LiketheConventofSãoVicentedeFora,inLisbon,ortheConventofChrist,inTomar,tonamebuttwo. 7 Bouza2005,p.247. 8 D.FilipeI1999,p.74,note40. 9 Pimentel1991,p.238. 10 FilipeI1999,p.63,note13.Senos2002,pp.8,70. 11 Moura1840,pp.129Ͳ130. 12 Correia1989,p.25. 13 Senos2002,p.69.Kubler1988,p.120.Velasquez1583,f.65. 14 BouzaÁlvarez1994,p.85. 15  But we cannot forget that the 1569 plague was responsible for the Court retreat, for example. Velazquez 1583,f.5v. 16 D.FilipeI1999,p.22.Kubler1988,p.101. 17 D.FilipeI1999,p.63,note13.Viterbo1988,3,pp.93Ͳ96.Pimentel2006,p.10. 18  Chueca Goitia advocated that Juan Herrera should be the major architect and Terzi the project promoter. BouzaÁlvarez2000,p.83,note105.Ribot1998,p.278. 19 Kubler1988,p.101. 20 D.FilipeI1999,p.120,note120. 21 Viterbo1988,3,p.93;Kubler1988,p.101. 22 D.FilipeI1999,p.28. 23 Whenthekingshowedtheintimateapartmentstohissistertheempress,heconfessedthathewishedhe possessedsuchstunningviewsinotherpalaces.Bouza2005,p.265.D.FilipeI1999,pp.15,150. 24 Pimentel2002,p.114. 25 D.FilipeI1999,p.75,note43. 26 Bouza2005,p.265. 27 BouzaÁlvarez2000,p.63. 28 D.FilipeI1999,p.74,note41,75,103.TorredoTombo,liv.26.fol.47daChancelariadelͲReiD.Sebastião,e liv.45.fol.371quotedbySousa1947,pp.345Ͳ353.JoaquimCorreia,PaçodeSalvaterra,p.25.Velazquez1583, f.118. 29 Butisittruethattheoldfortresswouldregainitsmilitaryfunction,integratingtheTagusestuarydefense network?Oliveira1991,pp.144,145.Moreira1983,pp.43Ͳ45. 30 Moreira1983,p.43. 31 Senos2002,pp.39,70,75.BouzaÁlvarez2000,p.83,note108.Kubler1988,p.104. 32 Menses1679,pp.99,368,904.Lobo1703,pp.158,164,167,310. 33 BouzaÁlvarez2000,p.83. 34 ForabetterunderstandingoftheinteriorspacesseeSenos2002andMartinho2009.D.FilipeI1999,p.182. 35 Bouza2005,p.196. 36 D.FilipeI1999,p.61. 37 BouzaÁlvarez2000,p.68. 38 BouzaÁlvarez1994,pp.74Ͳ76. 39 Martinho2011,pp.120,125. 40 Bouza2005,pp.197,198. 41 Bouza2005,p.197. 42 D.FilipeI1999,p.67,note124.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  70 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    43 D.FilipeI1999,p.75,note42. 44 D.FilipeI1999,p.161. 45 Bouza2005,p.197. 46 Porreño1723,pp.117Ͳ118v. 47 BouzaÁlvarez2000,pp.83,89.Kubler1988,103. 48 Actuallythekinghadalreadyusedthethemesofmythologicalheroestorepresenthimselfinthecollection orderedfromTitianthirtyyearsbefore.Bouza2005,p.265.BouzaÁlvarez2000,pp.83Ͳ89,101Ͳ104.Guerreiro 1581,cap.V,p.4;cap.XI,pp.1Ͳ5.Velazquez1583,f.121Ͳ141v. 49 CámaraMuñoz1998,p.130. 50 BouzaÁlvarez2000,pp.83Ͳ85.Moreira1983,p.45. 51 Pimentel2002,p.205. 52 BouzaÁlvarez2000,pp.83Ͳ85.Curto1991,p.228. 53 WiththeagreementproposedbytheCardinalͲKingD.Henrique,inNovember10,1579,thefuturekingwas obliged to respect several official regulations, namely that the maintaining and administration of the royal chapelshouldbedonelocally,asthe23ºchapterprovided.Polónia2009,pp.277,278. 54 D.FilipeI1999,p.84,note67. 55  Curto 1993, p. 149. Nogueira 1942, pp. 226, 227. Patente das merces, graças, e privilegios, de que elrei D Philippenossosenhor,1583,cap.XXI.Gabinetehistórico,1745Ͳ50,p.132 56 ContrerasDomingo1998,p.179,185,186 57 Curto1993,p.154. 58 D.FilipeI1999,pp.115,131,note140. 59 Curto1993,pp.151. 60 Porreño1723,pp.92,93,109. 61 Beirante,1980,p.61.Beirante,1981,pp.44,67.  62 Velazquez1583,f.108v. 63 Rodrigues2001,I,p.93. 64 Rodrigues2001,I,pp.59,69. 65 Butitisneverthelesspossiblethatthemeetingoccurredatonelocalreligioushouse,sincethechroniclers arenotveryclearinthismatter.Bouza2005,p.206.Velazquez1583,fs.27,36v,37. 66 Guerreiro1581,cap.I,pp.2,3. 67 Braz2000,p.71;D.FilipeI1999,p.71,note33. 68  The ceremony was celebrated by the future Portuguese CardinalͲKing, D. Henrique, who was largely responsibleforthepromotionoftheIberianUnionundertheSpanishHabsburgCrown.Polònia2009,p.28. 69 ThecardinalͲkingwasburiedatthemainchapeloftheroyalpalaceofAlmeirimandlatertransferredbyD. FilipetotheMonasteryofBelém,theroyalmausoleumofthePortuguesekingssinceD.EmmanuelI.Velazquez 1583,f.110v. 70 Guerreiro1581,cap.II,pp.1,2.Velazquez1583,f.110v. 71 D.FilipeI1999,p.143;Rodrigues1997,I,pp.55,93. 72 D.FilipeI1999,p.75,note43. 73 Velazquez1583,f.111v. 74 D.FilipeI1999,p.143.Guerreiro1581,cap.II,pp.2Ͳ5.Correia1989,p.25. 75 IsidroVelazquezdescribedthepiernexttothepalaceandthegoldenbrigantineusedtotransporttheroyal family.Velazquez1583,f.112. 76 Bouza2005,p.230.Porreño1723,p.93. 77 Bouza2005,pp.207,230.D.FilipeI1999,pp.88,100.Velazquez1583,f.117v. 78 FollowingtheroyalPortuguesetraditionthekingD.FilipeIwasdesignatedprotectoroftheUniversityMarch 9,1583. 79 Vasconcelos1990,pp.19Ͳ20. 80 Pimentel1991,p.249. 81 Vasconcelos1990,pp.20Ͳ23.    ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  71 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM       II Imperial,RoyalorPrincelyIdentity andRegionalPatriotism   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  72 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  HabsburgMythologyandtheWaldstein PalaceinPrague JanBažantȋ…ƒ†‡›‘ˆ…‹‡…‡•‘ˆ–Š‡œ‡…Š‡’—„Ž‹…Ȍ    In the 1620s Albrecht of Waldstein wholly identified himself with the Holy Roman Empire.1 Nevertheless,allusionstohispersonagehaveallegedlybeenfoundandarestillpredominantlybeing sought in the decoration of his palace in Prague (1621–30), Czech Republic.2 The most famous exampleistheMarsofBaccioBiancointheGreatHall,whichistraditionallyinterpretedasacryptoͲ portrait of Albrecht von Waldstein in spite of the fact that archival documents do not corroborate this identification. In his autobiographical letter of 1654, Baccio Bianco wrote: ‘The Great Hall was already finished […].His Excellence ordered me to paint something on the ceiling. The hall was already decorated with arms and trophies in stucco. Pieroni proposed that I paint the chariot of Mars. I have made a drawing and its form was well received.’3 The formulation of Baccio Bianco’s reportimpliesthatamartialthemewasallocatedtotheGreatHallfromthebeginningandthatthe iconographyoftheceilingpaintingwasproposedbyarchitectGiovanniBattistaPieroni.Waldsteinis notmentionedanywhere. In all the scholarly books and guides the ceiling painting in the Great Hall of Waldstein’s PalaceinPragueisinterpretedasacryptoͲportraitofWaldstein(fig.1).Why?BaccioBianco’sMars hasafullbeard,whileWaldsteinwasalwaysportrayedwithacarefullytrimmedgoatee.Mars’face has the same physiognomic features as all the other men Baccio Bianco painted on the walls of Waldstein Palace and there is nothing in this representation which enables us to connect it with AlbrechtvonWaldstein.TheattributesofMars,thestarabovehisheadandthesignoftheplaneton the shield, point exclusively to the planetary divinity. Moreover, he is represented exactly like the Mars in the Sala Terrena of Waldstein Palace, who could not possibly be Waldstein. So, why Waldstein?  Fig.1MarsintheGreatHall ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  73 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  TheanswermustbesoughtinAlbrechtvonWaldstein’sstatusinCentralEuropeanhistorical consciousness.Afterthedukehadbeenassassinatedon25February1634,asearlyasMarchofthat yearaveryinfluentialbookappearedinPraguewhichsummedupthemainargumentsofimperial propaganda, which still influence our perception of this man. The Latin title of this unsigned pamphlet,writtenbyacertainAlbertvonKurtz,maybetranslatedasfollows:‘HavocofDisloyaltyof Albrecht of Friedland or the Hell of an Ungrateful Soul.’4 According to this pamphlet, the Duke of FriedlandwantedtobecomekingofBohemiaandorganizedanuprisingwiththeaimofseizingthe Czech lands, which were the hereditary property of the Habsburgs. In the subsequent centuries, a positive evaluation of Waldstein prevailed because of his ‘antiͲimperial attitude’. Especially in Germany and Bohemia, this was taken for granted and he was sometimes even portrayed as a pioneeroftheresistancetoRomeandtheHabsburgs. Although the Czech language and nationhood were revived in the nineteenth century, the CzechscouldnotseparatethemselvespoliticallyfromtheHabsburgempire.Atleast,however,they couldsystematicallycuttheHabsburgsoutoftheculturalhistoryoftheirland.Specialcarewastaken toweakentheHabsburgpresenceinPrague’shistoricalmonuments.Whilenobodyatthattimewas interestedintheimperialthemesinthedecorationoftheWaldsteinPalace,anylinkwithitscreator would, on the contrary, be most welcome. An 1848 edition of a guide to Prague contains the followingpassageaboutWaldstein’spalace: After great and famous victories by which he conquered for the Emperor the whole of northernGermanyhefellintoimperialdisgraceandbuiltitashisresidence.Herehesetupa courtsomagnificentthatitequalledeventhatoftheEmperor[…].[IntheGreatHall]hehad himselfportrayedonaceilingasavictoronatwoͲwheelchariotdrawnbyfourhorses,with astarabovehishead,whichisdecoratedwithalaurel.5 Needlesstosay,thereisnolaurelpaintedonMars’head. Inthetwentiethcentury,whenarthistoriansstartedtoanalysethedepictionofMarsonthe ceilingoftheGreatHall,itsidentificationwithWaldsteinwassofirmlyestablishedthatitoccurredto noonetosearchforitsroots.ThemoststrikingfeatureofWaldstein’sPraguepalaceisnotwhatit reveals, but what it hides. What we miss on the façade and in the palace interior is any direct referencetoitsbuilder.Neitheronthepalacefaçadenorinitsinterioristhereanythingwhichcould be connected directly with Albrecht Wenzel Eusebius of Waldstein, Duke of Friedland and Mecklenburg, Generalissimo of the Imperial Army, Admiral of the North and Baltic Seas, and Supreme Commander of Prague. The Waldstein Palace in Prague is one of the biggest aristocratic residences,butitsbuilderisabsentfromitsdecoration.Whomandwhatdoesitthencelebrate?  FerdinandII IntheseventeenthcenturythefirstroomthatvisitorsreachedwastheGreatHall,wheretheywaited beforetheywerereceived.Thehallwascolossal,notsomuchtoaccommodatewaitingvisitors,but abovealltoshowoffWaldstein’slargebodyguardlinedupalongthewalls.Webegintheinspection ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  74 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  oftheGreatHallattheoriginalentrance,whichisoppositethepresentone.Onthenorthernsideof thehalltherearetwodoors,buttheonenearthewindowsfacingthestreetisasham(fig.2).  Fig.2ThenorthernwalloftheGreatHall,withtheoriginalentranceontheright Waldstein’sguestsenteredthroughtheeasterndoor.TheywerewelcomedintheGreatHall not only by the duke’s guard lining the walls and Mars on the ceiling but also by stucco genii with outstretchedwingslookingdownonthemfromundertheceiling,executedbySantinoGalliin1623. ThesesnowͲwhiteguardsweretheoppositeineveryrespecttotheduke’sguardsmeninfullarmour. Thegeniiarenakedandholdthegildedsymbolsofapeacefulreignintheirhands—palmbranches, laurelwreathsandcrowns(fig.3).  Fig.3Geniiwithawreath,apalmleaf,acrown,andacrownwithinsertedpalmleaves ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  75 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  To the left of the original entrance a genius stands to introduce this heavenly guard to Waldstein’s visitors (fig. 3, far right). Over the heads of all who enter the Great Hall he raises a symbolconsistingofacrowninwhichtwopalmleavesareinserted.InWaldstein’stimeeverybody knew this symbol because it was the personal emblem of the Holy Roman Emperor, Ferdinand II, who used this emblem together with the motto LEGITIME CERTANTIBUS (‘To those who who fight withhonour’),whichrevealsthemeaningofthecombinationofcrownandpalmleaves,symbolsof victory(fig.4).6AmongsttheitemsonwhichFerdinandIIrepresentedhimselfwiththisemblemisa medal mintedto commemoratetheBattleof the White Mountainof20November1620,inwhich thearmyoftheCzechEstateswasdefeated.  Fig.4EmblemofFerdinandIIinJacobTypotius, Symboladivinaethumana(Prague,1601),fig.106 IntheGreatHalltheheavenlyguardhasitsleaderisrepresentedintheimportantplacein themiddleofthesouthwall.Inhisrighthandheholdsthelaurelwreathandwithhislefthandhe ceremoniously raises the marshal’s baton to stress that peace is victorious. On either side he has adjutantswithpalmbranches:thegeniusonhisleftpointstohisheart,whilethegeniusonhisright points upwards to the ceiling fresco of Baccio Bianco, which is the culmination of the hall’s rich decoration (fig. 5). In a reading that is both unsubstantiated and improbable, the Czech patriotic mythseesWaldsteininthefigureofMarsonthisceilingfresco.Afarmoreseriouscandidateisthe geniusholdingamarshal’sbaton,whomightreallybeAlbrechtvonWaldstein’salterego.Thisgenius leads the heavenly mission, which is explicitly defined as the mission of Emperor Ferdinand II. The horrorofwar,whichtheceilingwithMarshasevoked,isthusavertedandthewallsoftheGreatHall ofWaldstein’spalaceacquireasymbolicdimension.Ithasbecomeanimpenetrablebarriertowar,a guaranteeofeternalpeace. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  76 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.5Geniionthesouthwall,themiddleoneholdingaloftthemarshal’sbaton  WarDefeated TheceilingfrescooftheGreatHallrepresentsMarsinarmouronawarchariot,headingintobattle togetherwithhiscompanions(fig.1).Thissubjectwasinspiredbythefunctionofthishall,inwhich Waldsteinparadedhisguard.InGermanythistypeofhallwasknownasa‘Trabantensaal’(‘hallof companions’).ThemostfamousanalogyforWaldstein’sGreatHallistheHallofMarsinthePalaceof Versailles, named after the ceiling painting of 1672 by Claude II Audran. The Hall of Mars was originally reserved for the guard, which was announced by the ceiling painting representing Mars ridingintheskyinachariotdrawnbywolves. IntheWaldsteinPalace,Marsisclearlyidentifiedbythestaroverhisheadandthesignof theplanetonhisshield.Raisedinhishandisalethalweapon,thespikedmace.ItisMars,butheis notrepresentedhereastheOlympiandeity.WhileinancientmythologyMarsalwaysfightsaloneor withotherOlympians,BaccioBiancorepresentedMarsattheheadofanarmydressedandarmed like soldiers of Waldstein’s time. This Mars is clearly a personification of War. The true nature of Mars’ army on the ceiling of the Great Hall of the Waldstein Palace is revealed in a similar representationpaintedbyAntonioBelluccifortheLiechtensteinPalaceinViennabetween1697and 1704.7 In this ceiling painting we also see Mars in his chariot as he rides through the clouds into battle. The god is as dignified as his Prague counterpart, perhaps even more so, because he is represented all’antica. But Mars’ companions in Vienna are ugly, naked savages who aggressively urge their lord to demonstrate his full destructive powers. This painting also features the spiked mace but we do not see it in Mars’ hand: instead, a naked TurkͲlike barbarian raises it in his right hand,whilepushingMarsforwardwithhislefthand. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  77 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.6AntonioBellucci,Mars,1697–1704,LiechtensteinPalaceinVienna Mars in the Great Hall of Waldstein’s palace personifies War, which dominates the ceiling decoration. Thecentralpanelwith the chariotofthegodofWarisflankedbypanelswith painted trophies,whichreappearinthestuccoreliefsontheperimeteroftheceiling.TheGreatHallisnot, however,atempleofMars:itswallsarenotintheDoricorder,asitwouldbefitthegodofWar,but are Ionic in style. Genii with symbols of peace and just rule are standing on fragments of Ionic entablature supported by Ionic pilasters. If we completed the entablature in our imagination, we couldbestandinginsideanIonictemple,atempleofpeaceandprosperity,inwhichthedemonof warisforeverimprisoned.  TheImperialDynasty AccordingtotheinventoryofthepalacefurnishingsdrawnupstraightafterWaldstein’sdeath(1634) therewerenoportraitsofhimorofmembersofhisfamily.8Instead,thepalacewasfullofportraits ofmembersoftheHabsburgimperialdynasty.Themostimportantportraitswereinthesouthwing, whichcontainedanenfiladeofthreerooms.ThroughtheGreatHallthevisitorsenteredtheKnights’ Hall, where Waldstein received collective audiences. This was separated by the Antechamber from the Audience Hall, where the duke received only the most important visitors.9 In the Knights’ Hall there were portraits of Emperor Ferdinand II and his wife, and in the Antechamber portraits of Ferdinand III and his wife. These were fullͲlength, lifeͲsize representations, which was the most official type of portraiture. The Habsburg portraits were complemented by a series of twelve portraits of ancient Roman emperors.10 The gallery of portraits which originally decorated the Knights’HallandAntechamberwasmeanttoemphasizethecontinuitybetweentheancientRoman Empireanditssuccessor,theHolyRomanEmpire,whichwasatthattimefirmlyinHabsburghands. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  78 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Consequently this double portrait gallery clearly highlighted the dynastic idea. Just as in ancient RomerulepassedfromoneEmperortothenext,intheHabsburgfamilyitpassedfromfathertoson. The decorative schemes of the individual rooms in Waldstein’s palace were interlinked. WhileintheGreatHallWaldstein’svisitorswereconfrontedwiththepersonificationofWar,inthe followingtworoomstheywereassuredthattheimperialdynastywouldnotallowthefuryofwarto reign forever. The opposite number of the Triumph of War on the ceiling of the Great Hall is the GoldenAge,akeyelementintheHabsburgimperialpropaganda,whichwasexplicitlycelebratedin theAudienceHall.  TheGoldenAge The Audience Hall was richly decorated with a wall painting which Baccio Bianco created between 1623and1624.DepictedontheceilingisthevisitofVenustotheworkshopofherhusbandVulcan, who is preparing new armour for her son Aeneas (fig. 7). The Audience Hall was the heart of Waldstein’s palace and its ceiling fresco was the key representation and emblem of the whole residence.ThankstoVulcan’sarmour,AeneasbecamelordofItalyandfoundedtheIuliandynasty, fromwhichnotonlytheancientRomanemperorsbutalsotheirHabsburgsuccessorsderivedtheir origins. Vergil’s Aeneid contains two prophecies on which Habsburg imperial mythology was founded.WhenVenusconfidesinJupiteraboutherfearsforAeneas,thesupremegodcalmsherby predictingnotonlyherson’svictorybutthegloriousfutureofhiskinaswell:‘ThenshallCaesarbe born,theTrojanfromthenoblefamily,whoseempireshallreachtotheseaandreputationtothe stars.’11 In the prophecy predicting the coming of the Golden Age under imperial rule, Anchises speaksasfollowstohissonvisitinghimintheunderworld:‘Thereheis,therethepromisedman,as youoftenheard,AugustusCaesarhimself,theDivinesonwhoshallusherintheGoldenAgeforusin Latiumonceagain.’12  Fig.7VulcaninhisworkshopwithVenusandAmor ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  79 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  IntheAudienceHallthecomingoftheGoldenAgeiscelebratedbytwosetsoffourpaintings. Depicted on the vault is the succession of the ages, culminating in the Golden Age, while the paintings on the wall celebrated the ruler’s virtues that are its precondition. The ‘historical’ series decorates the vault, counterͲclockwise. Beginning on the right of the entrance door, we see the Gigantomachy(thebattleoftheOlympiangodswiththeGiants),theIronAge,theSilverAge,andthe GoldenAge(fig.7).ThisreversaloftheageswasprophesiedinVergil’sfamousFourthEclogue:‘The greatlineofthecenturiesbeginsanew[…]anewgenerationdescendsfromheavenonhigh[…]The ironbroodshallatlastceaseandagoldenracespringupthroughouttheworld!’13Thesuccessionof theageswasknownaboveallfromOvid’sMetamorphoses.Theillustrationsof1610forthisworkby AntonioTempestaprovidedthe modelsforthepaintings.14Thestartingpoint ofthe AudienceHall decorationistheGigantomachy,whichisdepictedtotheleftoftheentrancedooronthenorthwall. It is placed directly above the fireplace, the flames of which thus completed the depiction of the GiantsattackingOlympus.  Fig.8Gigantomachy,IronAge,SilverAge,andGoldenAge In the painting the Giants are characterized by their huge size, nakedness and long hair. While in the foreground they are lifting rocks, in the background they are attacking heaven with branches. The Olympian gods are defending themselves from behind the clouds; Jupiter, in the middle,hasaboltoflightning,asOviddescribeshiminMetamorphoses:‘Renderingtheheightsof heavennosaferthantheearth,theysaythegiantsattemptedtotaketheCelestialkingdom,piling mountains up to the distant stars. Then the allͲpowerful father of the gods hurled his bolt of lightning.’15ThebasicdifferencebetweenGigantomachyandTitanomachywasthatinthelattercase JupiteropeneduphisroutetopowerbyovercomingtheTitans,whileintheformercaseitwasthe GiantswhoroseupagainstJupiter.Consequently,thedefeatoftheGiantscouldbepresentedasa previewoflatervictoriesoverotherinsurgents. In Habsburg iconography the Gigantomachy was a standard allusion to the dynasty’s opponents. The greatest internal enemies of Ferdinand II were the rebellious Bohemian Estates. After the Austrian and Hungarian Estates had joined their revolt, the Czech uprising practically brought the Habsburg empire to the point of dissolution. The defeat of the Czech Estates was therefore the greatest victory of Ferdinand II, and was appropriately immortalized in art. In 1622 FerdinandIIcelebratedthevictoryovertheBohemianEstatesandtheirWinterKingFrederickwitha ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  80 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  medal containing his portrait and the Gigantomachy on the reverse.16 On top there is Justice and Jupiter,thealteregoofFerdinandII,whoiscastingdowntheGiantswithhisboltoflightning.Inthe prominentpositionofbottomcentreweseeacrushedGiantwithFrederick’sattributes.Heislying onhisback,withhishandshelplesslyoutstretched.Holdingasceptreinhislefthand,withhisright handhetriesinvaintopreventthecrownfromfallingoffhishead.Thedepictionisaccompaniedby Ferdinand’smotto:‘LEGITIMECERTANTIBUS’. Since theBohemianrebelliontookplaceonlyafewyearsbeforetheWaldsteinPalacewas erected, it would be surprising not to find an echo of the rebellion’s suppression in its decoration. WhenweentertheAudienceHallwehavetherepresentationoftheGigantomachyonourleftand ourrightthatoftheIronAge,aboutwhichOvidwritesintheMetamorphoses:‘Andnowharmfuliron appeared, and gold more harmful than iron. War came, whose struggles employ both, waving clashingarmswithbloodstainedhands.Theylivedonplunder.’17Intheforegroundofthepaintingan armouredriderattacksasoldierwhoislyingdownandtryinginvaintodefendhimselfwithashield. Inthebackground,soldierscaptureawalledcitytoplunderit. TheprophecyofthecomingoftheGoldenAgewasthethemeofthetwopaintingsonthe oppositesideofthevault.WhenweproceedinacounterͲclockwisedirection,universalpeacedoes notcomeuntiltheSilverAge.Whileitistheageofuniversalpeace,alludedtobyawomanwhosits withachildonherlap,itisalsotheageofhardwork,symbolizedbymenwithshovelsandbagsover theirshoulders,amanploughingthefieldwithapairofoxen,andmendiggingapatchofground. Finally,theSilverAgewillbefollowedbythecovetedGoldenAge,whenhumanbeingswillhaveno enemies,asissuggestedbyawildanimalpeacefullywalkingpastthemen.Itwillbeablessedagein which everybody will have everything without working; all they will have to do is to pick the fruit from the trees. This terrestrial paradise is illustrated by naked people relaxing and happy children immersedinplay.Thepaintingislocatedrightnexttothegardenwindow.Inthesamewayasthe flamesofthefireplaceenhancedthehorroroftheGigantomachy,therustleofleaves,thegurglingof fountains and bird song enliven the representation of the eternal peace and universal bliss of the GoldenAge. InthelunettesoftheAudienceHallwefindfourpersonifications.Inthewest,placedinan importantpositionabove the entrancedoors,isGlory(fig.9,left),representedbyabareͲbreasted womanwithacornucopia,thesymboloffertilityandplenty,inherlefthand.Shelooksupwardsand hasaburstofraysaroundherhead;inherraisedrighthandsheholdsagoldenfigure,asymbolof victory.Onthenorthwall,nexttotheGoldenAge,Victoryisbringingpeace(fig.9,right).Thisisa youngwomanflyingthroughtheair;inherrighthandsheholdsalaurelwreathandinherlefthanda palmleaf.Withherrightfootshetreadsonaheapofarmsandarmour.Belowherthereisanother symbolofwar,aburnedͲoutcity.ThepainterrepresentedVictoryinayellowblouseandwhitedress, asymbolofvictoryuntaintedbyanyguilt. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  81 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.9GloryandVictory TotherightoftheentrancedoorsonthesouthͲwestwall,Fame,withhugecolouredwings, isholdingatrumpetinherraisedrighthand.SheisdressedinalightrobehitcheduptomidͲcalfso thatsheisabletorunquickly(fig.10,left).WhenweproceedinacounterͲclockwisedirection,we findEternity,awomansittingonadarkcloud,withherlefthandrestingonacrescentmoonandher righthandpointingtothesun(fig.10,right).  Fig.10FameandEternity TwopanelswithputticonnectthewallpaintingswiththeceilingfrescorepresentingVulcan makingarmourforAeneasatVenus’request.BetweentheallegoryofEternityandFame,thereisa puttowithaboltoflightningandAmor’sbow,symbolsofJupiter’sandVenus’patronageofAeneas (fig. 11, left). The putto on the opposite wall, with a quiver on his back and holding the helmet of Aeneas,hasasimilarmeaning(fig.11,right).Thesepersonificationsdidnothaveageneralmeaning: theyspecificallycelebratedthefameofvictoryandtheeternalgloryoftheHolyRomanEmperorsas thedescendantsofAeneas. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  82 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.11PuttowithboltoflightningandbowandputtowithAeneas’helmet   AncestorsoftheHabsburgDynasty TheAudienceHallisconnectedwithWaldstein’sprivateapartmentbymeansofagalleryfeaturinga ceiling decorated with a cycle of sixteen wall paintings illustrating Ovid’s Metamorphoses. Baccio Bianco painted them between 1623 and 1624, using as models Antonio Tempesta’s illustrations of the Metamorphoses published in 1610.18 As his models for some scenes he also used older illustrationsofVirgilSolisof1563.19Thesuccessionofscenescloselyfollowstheliterarywork.The beginningoftheworld,withwhichOvidstartedhispoem,isrepresentedatthedoortotheAudience Hall. Through scenes arranged in analogous or contrasting pairs, the wall paintings in the Lower Gallerysumupthehistoryoftheuniverse.Intheseventhfieldtherearetwotragicdescents,Pluto carryingProserpinatoHadesand,ontheoppositeside,Icarusfallingfromheaven.Thispairmakesa dramaticcontrastwiththepairinthelastfield,whichflankthedoorstoWaldstein’sstudy.Inthelast field,wefindtheapotheosesofAeneasandRomulus(fig.12).  Fig.12ThedeificationsofAeneasandRomulus ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  83 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Although the Lower Gallery is known in the modern literature as the Mythological Gallery, the main function of the strange tales from the mythical past which decorate its ceiling was to prepare the ground for the key scenes flanking the doors of the Duke’s study. The apotheosis of Aeneas,whoisassistedbyhismotherVenus(fig.12,left),andtheapotheosisofRomulus,whomhis fatherMarsdrivestoheaven(fig.12,right),representednotonlyamythicalpastbutaboveallthe promiseofasplendidfuture.AeneasandRomuluswerenotonlymythicalheroes,butalsoancestors oftherulingdynasty,whichwaswhatwasbeingcelebrated. ThedecorationoftheUpperGallerycorroboratesourreadingoftheLowerGallery.Theeast wingof the palaceofAlbrechtvonWaldstein containstwogalleries,theoneabovethe other. The Upper Gallery connected the bedrooms of Waldstein’s wife and the room which was probably destined at the outset to be the children’s bedroom. The ceiling paintings by Baccio Bianco from 1623–24 that decorate the gallery do not have the intimate character we might expect. On the contrary,theyaredominatedbythecelebrationoftheimperialhouse,asifitwasapublicspace. TheHabsburgworldruleisalludedtowithaseriesofrepresentationsofthefourcontinents ontheeastwall,variationsonmodelsintheIconologyofCesareRipa,theillustratededitionofwhich wasfirstpublishedin1603.20ThepaintingontheceilingglorifiesthecosmicdimensionoftheHoly RomanEmpirewithpersonificationsofthesevenplanets,whichareaccompaniedonbothsidesby therelevantsignsoftheZodiac.Onthenorthernside,theseriesbeginswiththeMoon,followedby Mercury, Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn. The planets are arranged in the traditional manner,intheorderinwhichtheysupposedlyorbitedtheearth. The modern name for the Upper Gallery, ‘Astrological Gallery’, is misleading. There is no depictionofaspecificconstellationofplanetsinit,noristhereeventheslightesthintatastrology, only the traditional Christian reading of the stars, that is, as a link between Earth and the upper Heaven, the abode of God. After Saturn, the eighth and highest sphere, follows the wall behind which the bedroom of Waldstein’s daughter was situated. The wall is decorated with two superimposedpersonificationsflankedbysymbols,exactlyasonthenorthernside.Butwhereason the northern side plenty and public wellͲbeing are celebrated in general terms, the southern wall bearsanallusiontotherulingdynasty(fig.13). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  84 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.13AllegoryofthewiseruleofFerdinandIIonthesouthernwallofUpperGallery Onthesouthernwallwefindacrownedwomanwithapeacock,theattributeofthegoddess Juno, while on the left there is a sceptre and on the right a peacock. The Junoesque figure is a personification of Virtue: as a peacock shines with its own feathers, so Virtue shines with its own light.Belowthewomanwithapeacockthereisayoungmanwithawreathandspearinhishand, symbolsofvictoryandofrule.Ontheleftaretwosceptresinsertedintoanimperialcrown,onthe righttwopalmleavesinsertedintoacrownwithspikes.ThiswasthepersonalemblemofEmperor Ferdinand II, which we have already encountered in the Great Hall. The young man with a wreath thuscelebratesvictoriousrule,whichisexplicitlyspecifiedastheruleofFerdinandII.  Aeneas’Victory The construction of the Waldstein Palace is a chronicle of its builder’s career in the Holy Roman Empire.TheDukestartedtocreateitin1621whenhewasappointedastheSupremeCommanderof Prague,andthemainbuildingofthepalacewasconstructedanddecoratedbefore1625,whenhe wasappointedGeneralissimooftheImperialArmy.AfterhavingbecomeaPrinceoftheHolyRoman Empire in 1624, Waldstein was made Duke of Friedland in 1627 and a year later Duke of Mecklenburg, which were all very prestigious titles indeed. This triumphant entry into the elite of European aristocracy brought with it considerably higher requirements, which Waldstein rose to meetwithhisPragueresidence.Thisupgradeisevidentaboveallintheconceptionofthegarden,in thetrulyimperialSalaTerrena,andinthemonumentalfountaindecoratedwithbronzesculptures. WiththesefeaturesWaldsteinsurpassedeverythinghehadsofarcreatedinhisPragueresidence. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  85 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  The most ambitious part of the architecture of the Waldstein Palace is no doubt the impressiveSalaTerrena,whichistherightlyfamousmasterpieceofGiovanniBattistaPieroni.Itisno ordinarygardenbuildingbut,rather,anarchitectonicandconceptualdominantofthewholepalace complex,asisemphasizedbyitsgiganticsize,sumptuousdecoration,andthewayitdetachesitself fromthegarden.TheimperialnatureoftheSalaTerrenaisreflectedinitsrichdecoration.Although the niches in the walls are now empty, the painted decoration has survived. The Sala is decorated withtwentyfourpaintingsandtensmallpanelsfrom1628–29inwhichapainterfromtheworkshop of Baccio Bianco celebrated the Trojan hero Aeneas. The sequence of paintings begins with the Sacrifice of Polyxena on the northern wall, behind which was situated the Audience Hall.21 As a model,thepainterusedtheAntonioTempestaillustrationforOvid’sMetamorphoses.22 OnthesouthernsideoftheSalaTerrenathereisascenewithNeptuneraisinghistridentto calmaseastorm.Thiscompositionisknownas‘Quosego’,aftertheversefromtheAeneidinwhich Neptune rebukes the disobedient elements.23 This oftͲimitated type of Neptune was created by RaphaelandowesitsenormouspopularitytoMarcantonioRaimondi’sengravingof1515–16.24Inthe Sala Terrena the painting celebrated the end of Aeneas’ wanderings, while the painting on the opposite side evoked its beginning. With the death of Polyxena the Trojan War was definitively ended and Aeneas began the distressful wanderings that only ended thanks to Neptune’s intervention,makingpossiblethesuccessfullandingofAeneas’armyinItaly. In the interpretation of the paintings in the Sala Terrena, visitors are guided by the plaster genii incorporated into the architectural decoration of the walls. While the genii at the sides of Polyxena are turning away from the tragic scene, on the opposite wall the genii are rejoicing in Neptune’s timely intervention. The genius on the right is triumphantly pointing to the stormy heavenswhichthegodoftheoceanshastamed.ThegeniussittingbeneaththeimageofpiusAeneas onthewesternwallistheonlyoneintheSalaTerrenawhoisalsolookingatapaintingaswellas pointingtoit.Bydoingthisheisadvisingvisitorstostarttheirinspectionofthepaintingsatthatvery point.InthreelunettesonthewesternwalloftheSalaTerrenatherearepaintingsfeaturingAeneas asthemainhero.Ontheleft,inthesouthernlunette,wefindthewellͲknownpictorialtypeofpius Aeneas,inwhichthehero,accompaniedbyIulus,isseencarryinghisfatherAnchisesfromburning Troy.25ThepainterfollowedAntonioTempesta’sillustrationforOvid’sMetamorphoses.26  Fig.14PiusAeneas ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  86 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.15GeniussittingbeneaththepaintingofpiusAeneas The series continues on the opposite, northern side of the western wall with the Trojan attackonLaurentum,thecapitalcityoftheLatinsdefendedbyCamilla,whomweseeonhorseback intheleftcorner,theriderinfrontofherbeingAeneas(fig.16).WhenthecapitaloftheLatinswas besieged, Aeneas set off on a dangerous journey through a mountain pass in order to attack Laurentumfromitsundefendedside.Turnusdiscoveredhisplanandlayinambushtheretokillhim. However,whenTurnuslearnedthatCamillahadfallen,hehadtoreturntothedefenceofLaurentum and Aeneas was able to reach the Laurentum battlefield safely and win the war. The painter’s inspirationwasanillustrationofAeneas’epicpublishedforthefirsttimein1559,inwhichthemain eventsoftheeleventhbookweresummedup.Intheaccompanyingtextweread:‘Aeneasarrivesat theenemycity.Everybodystartstofight,theTrojansstarttoprevail,andCamillawasalsokilled.’27  Fig.16Camilla(left)andAeneas(centre) TheillustrationoftheAeneidculminatesinthemiddlelunettedepictingtheclosingsceneof thewholeepic,Aeneas’hesitationbeforehisdeadlyblow(fig.17).WhenTurnuswasdefeated,he ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  87 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  beggedAeneastosparehislife,andtheherohesitated.Fierceinhisarms,Aeneasstoodwithrolling eyes,andstayedhishand;andnowmoreandmore,ashepaused,thesewordsbegantoswayhim.28 The duel of Aeneas and Turnus, together with the depiction of pius Aeneas, was the most oftͲ illustratedsceneofthewholeAeneid.29  Fig.17TheduelofAeneasandTurnus OnthevaultoftheSalaTerrena,betweenthelunettesandarchesofthearcades,areeight figuresfromancientmythsaccompaniedbyinscriptions.Thechoiceandplacementoftheseheroes andheroinesiscoherent.Theyaredividedintothreegroups:theGreeksbesiegingTroy,theTrojans defendingtheircity,andtheTrojansandtheirenemiesinItaly.TheduelbetweenAeneasandTurnus in the central lunette is flanked by the related figures of Aeneas and Pallas, an obvious choice becausePallaswaskilledbyTurnusandhisdeathwasavengedbyAeneas.Depictedontheopposite sideoftheSalaTerrenaareTurnusandCamilla,themainopponentsoftheTrojansinItaly.Asisto beexpected,TurnusisfacinghisadversaryAeneas.ThequartetofprotagonistsfromVergil’sAeneid representedinthemiddleoftheSalaTerrenaisflankedbytheheroesoftheTrojanWarrepresented inallfourcorners.OnthenorthernsidearedepictedtwodefendersofTroy,HectorandPenthesilea, HectorthusbeingplacednexttohissisterPolyxena,whosesacrificeisrepresentedonthenorthern wall.OnthesouthernsidearetwoprotagonistsoftheGreekinvasionarmy,AchillesandOdysseus withthestatuetteofMinervathathestolefromTroy. The Sala Terrena decoration culminates in its ceiling, where there are three panels with Olympiangodsthearrangementofwhichiscloselylinkedtothedepictionsonthevaultandinthe lunettes. The middle panel shows Jupiter, who is flanked by Juno, Aeneas’ main divine opponent , andVenus,hismainprotector(fig.18).Onthesouthernceilingpanel,abovetwoGreekprotagonists oftheTrojanWar,OdysseusandAchilles,weseeanassemblyofgodswhosidedwiththeGreeks: Minerva,Juno,Neptune,VulcanandMercury.Ontheleftthereisasmallpanelwiththeemblemof themainsupportersoftheGreeks,Juno’speacock;ontherightisJupiter’seagle.Onthenorthern sideoftheceiling,abovethemaindefendersofTroy,HectorandPenthesilea,whoareshowninthe northern corners, we see an assembly of gods who sided with the Trojans: Venus, Apollo, Mars, Diana,andtherivergodXanthos/Skamandros.Atitssidestherearetwosmallpanelswiththebirds associatedwithVenus,theswanandthedove. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  88 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.18VenusandAmor,Jupiter,andJuno ThepainterwhodecoratedtheSalaTerrenaalsopaintedacycleofpaintingswithArgonauts on the ceiling of the Banquet Room, which is behind the doors on the Sala’s southern wall. The depictionofthequestfortheGoldenFleecewasaresponsetoaveryimportanteventinWaldstein’s lifethatconsiderablyheightenedhisidentificationwiththeHolyRomanEmpire.In1628hereceived thehighestHabsburghonour,theOrderoftheGoldenFleece,whichwasanupdatingofthemythsof JasonandtheArgonauts.AncientmythwasinterpretedalongChristianlinesandtheGoldenFleece wasidentifiedwiththemysticalDivineLamb,whichthusfounditsgreatestprotectorintheGrand MasteroftheOrder,therulingHabsburgEmperor.30AlthoughthedecorationoftheDiningHalland SalaTerrenawasinspiredbyancientmyths,itsmessagewasthecelebrationoftheHabsburgdynasty andtheHolyRomanEmpiretogetherwithitshistoricalmission.Jason’seasternexpeditioninsearch oftheGoldenFleecewasaprefigurationofAlexandertheGreat’sconquestsandhisempireinthe East.However,muchmoreimportantforthefutureofmankindwastheduelbetweenAeneasand Turnus,whichwasrepresentedinthemostimportantplaceintheSalaTerrena,inthecentrallunette ofitsbackwall.ThisvictoryenabledthedescendantsofthegreatTrojantobecomelordsnotonlyof Italybutalsoofthewholeworld.  Rebels’Debacle The story told by the wall paintings in the Sala Terrena is continued seamlessly in the garden. The counterpartofAeneas’victoryintheSalaTerrenaisthecelebrationoftheCzechrebels’debaclein thegardenstatuary.AlthoughthepresentͲdayplacementofthegardenstatuesunfortunatelydoes notcorrespondtotheiroriginalarrangement,thiscanbecorrectedinourimagination.Whiletoday the fountain with a bronze statue of Venus with Amor is situated in front of the Sala Terrena,31 in Waldstein’s time this site was occupied by an elaborate fountain with bronze sculptures which summed up the whole message of the duke’s Prague residence. The fountain was crowned by Neptuneandsupplementarilydecoratedwithfourdogs,fourhorseheads,twolionheadsandtwo gryphon heads. It was complemented by four bronze sculptural groups on marble bases standing betweenthefountainandtheSalaTerrena:Laocoonandhisson,theWrestlers,VenuswithAdonis, ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  89 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  andBacchuswiththelittleSatyr.32Thesestatueswerecreatedbetween1623and1627inthePrague studioofthecelebratedAdriendeVries,formercourtsculptortoEmperorRudolfII.33 In1625,AdriendeVriescreatedastatueofLaocoon(fig.19),whichwasintendedtocrown thefountaininfrontoftheSalaTerrenabut,atWaldstein’srequest,wasreplacedbyNeptune.This changewasevidentlyveryimportantforWaldstein,becausethisorderofhisseriouslyendangered thecompletionofthegardensculptures.AdriendeVrieswasinhisseventiesatthetimeanddied soonafterwards.TheNeptunestatue,thelastworkofthemaster,wascompletedinhisstudioafter his death, in 1627. Before we ask why Waldstein preferred Neptune, we must ask ourselves what madeAdriendeVrieschoosetheLaocoonmyth.  Fig.19Laocoon All the sculptures which de Vries created for Waldstein represented classical themes and could have had the same function as those created by this sculptor for the imperial residence of RudolfIIatPragueCastle,namely,toturnPragueintoasecondRome.Thisseemslogicalbecausean ancientRomangroupstatuedepictingthedeathofLaocoonandhissonswasafamousiconofRome, asitwasahighlightofthePapalcollectionattheVatican.ButthePragueLaocoonisnotacopyofan ancientoriginal:infact,itistheveryfirstvariationonthisancientthemeinEuropeanmonumental sculpture. Although the Vatican statue was often copied, in spite of (or precisely because of) its enormouspopularitynosculptorbeforedeVrieshaddepictedthestoryofLaocooninawaywhich differedfromtheVaticanoriginal.NorwasthesecondvariationontheLaocoonthemecreateduntil afulltwocenturieslater,whichmakesAdriendeVries’sLaocoonabsolutelyexceptional.FordeVries the subject itself was evidently more important than a reference to the ancient marble statue in Rome,withwhichhisLaocoonhasonlytheunderlyingmythicalstoryincommon. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  90 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  What could make Laocoon topical in Central Europe at the beginning of the seventeenth century?LaocoonwastheTrojanpriestwhorevoltedagainstthegods’decisionthathiscitymustbe capturedbytheGreeks,forwhichhewasimmediatelycruellypunished.Whenhewaspreparingto sacrifice to Neptune, two snakes emerged from the sea and strangled him together with both his sons. Laocoon had to die because Troy had to be burned to allow Aeneas to arrive in Italy in a sequenceofeventsthatwouldleadtothebirthofRomeanditsworldempire.AsatokenofGod’s plan,Laocoonthuslegitimizedimperialruleonearth.AdriendeVries’sLaocooncanalsobetakenas alludingtothedefeatoftheBohemianEstatesintheBattleofWhiteMountainin1620.Whenthe themeofLaocoonappearedinartofthattime,itwasalwaysinanegativecontext,asanexampleof justlypunishedtransgression.IntheWaldsteingardenanimpiousLaocoonwouldbecomeanegative counterparttopiusAeneas,whowastheancestorandalteregooftheEmperor. Given that Waldstein decided that Neptune would fit better into the programme of the decoration of his palace, we must ask what his motivation could have been. Adrien de Vries’s NeptunecalmingtheseaalludestotherelevantpassageintheAeneid,whichisalsoillustratedinthe SalaTerrena.34Raphael’s‘Quosego’typerepresentstheangrygod,whoholdsreinsinhislefthand andinhisrightaclearlymenacingtrident.ButAdriendeVries’sNeptunedoesnotraisehisweapon to strike: he holds it as an attribute in his left hand, and is even hiding it behind his back. Furthermore,heisholdingtheterribletridentupsidedown,withthespikespointingdownwards—in adetailthatmusthavebeendeVries’sinventionbecausewedonotfinditonanyotherNeptune statueofthistype.ThecontrasttoRaphael’saggressiveNeptunecouldnotbegreater.TheNeptune of Adrien de Vries has his right hand raised in a way which compares the ancient god to a mortal oratorcalmingadisorderlycrowd.ItwasclearlyanallusiontothesubsequentversesintheAeneidin whichVergilcomparesNeptunecalmingtheseatoamanwhoresolutelystandsupinthemiddleofa civilriotandcalmsthemutineerswithhiswisewords.35Vergil’sverseswereatransparentallusionto the role of Emperor Augustus’ in the civil war. It was thanks to this that the iconographic type enteredthepropagandisticartofWaldstein’stime.  Fig.20Neptunecalmingthesea ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  91 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  WhilethePragueNeptunecorrespondstothewaythegodwasrepresentedintheartofthat time, Adrien de Vries intensified the image of the peacemaker with a number of small details. Nevertheless,hisNeptuneisaspowerfulandauthoritativeasthatofRaphael.InPragueNeptune’s enemiesarerepresentedbyadog,anotheradditionofAdriendeVriesthatisabsolutelyuniquein theiconographyofthisgod.Neptunewasoftenrepresentedwithhorsesordolphins,butneverwith adog.ThedogwouldsuitPluto,butthereisnodoubtthatthestatuerepresentsNeptune,whichde Vriesstressedbyaddingsmalldolphinstothetrident.ThedogrepresentstherebelstowhichVergil’s description of Neptune calming the sea alludes. It could also allude to the defeated Bohemian Estates.ItisaconspicuouslysmalldogwhencomparedwithNeptune.Thisdogisnomonster,merely a dog that has got into a fury and has been quickly pacified by his master. He stands with head threateninglylowered,tryingtobefrightening,butonlyatadistance,becauseNeptune’sauthority doesnotallowhimtoleavetheplacebetweenhisfeet.  Fig.21WrestlersandVenuswithAdonis Neptune’s fountain in the Waldstein garden was originally complemented by four statues, which are all mentioned in the correspondence between Waldstein and Adrien de Vries. The Wrestlers,whichaccordingtotheinscriptiononitsbasewascreatedin1625,mightbeadistantecho ofanancientRomanstatue,butwasmostprobablyalsoanallusiontothedefeatoftheBohemian rebels(fig.21,left).AdriendeVriescharacterizedhisstatueasa‘groupofthosewhowrestlewith eachother’,buttheiractionsdonotcorrespondtothisdescription,becausetheoutcomeofthefight hasalreadybeendecided.TheleftͲhandwrestlerisrepresentedinadeepforwardbend,evidently tryingtopulltherightwrestlerdowntothegroundwithbothhishands.Withhislefthandhehas graspedhisopponent’sshoulderandwiththeotherhandhisthigh.Heistheaggressor:hestarted thefight,whiletherightwrestlerisonlyresolutelyreactingtohisactionandsuccessfullydefending himself.Thevictorisrepresentedstandingfirmlyuprightwithlegsapart,butheisnotattacking:he holdstheaggressor’shandswithbothhishandssothathecanforcethemawayfromhisbody.The ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  92 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  rightͲhandwrestlerisevidentlythewinner,becauseinthefollowingmomenttheaggressorwillbe lyingontheground.Theallegoricalcontentofthewrestlersismadeclearbythelaurelwreathwhich isdepictedontheground,aprizeawaitingthevictor,whofoughtwithhonour. The wreath also appears in the 1624 group with Venus and Adonis, although it is never includedin depictionsofthismythicalcouple!Duringthe hundredyearsspanning1600Venusand AdoniswasaveryfashionablethemeinpaintingandweoftenfinditintheartofthePraguecourtof RudolfII.ThetwoscenesmostoftendepictedwereVenustryingtostopAdonisfromdepartingon thefatefulboarhuntandVenuslamentinghisdeath.TherepresentationofAdonis’departurewas noticeablystereotyped:werepeatedlyseeaseatedVenustryingtoembraceAdonis,whoiswalking away.ThePraguestatueseeminglyconformstothistype,becauseVenusisalsorepresentedonthe groundandsheisraisingherhandstowardsthewalkingAdonis(fig.21,right).Butthehunterisnot departing: he is returning from a successful hunt with the game over his shoulder! Adonis’ triumphant return is highlighted by the wreath in Venus’ raised hand, which occupies a central positioninthegroup. InWaldstein’stimethestandardallegoricalreadingoftheAdonismythwascentredonthe hero’s refusal of divine counsel, his departure from Venus, and its tragic consequence. This would make Adonis a perfect counterpart to Laocoon, who likewise disobeyed and had to pay for it. But Prague’sAdonisissafelyreturningfromahuntwithadeeron hisshouldersandVenusisgreeting himwithawreathbecausehehasdoneexactlywhatshehadadvisedhim:‘Beboldwhentheyrun, butbraveryisunsafewhenfacedwiththebrave.Donotbefoolish,bewareofendangeringme,and donotprovokethecreaturesnaturehasarmed,lestyourglorybetomygreatcost.Neitheryouth norbeauty,northecharmsthataffectVenus,affectlionsorbristlingboarsortheeyesandmindsof other wild creatures.’36 In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries we do not find any other examplesofVenuswithawreathorthemotifofAdonis’returnfromthehuntwithasmallanimalon hisshoulders.AdriendeVriesreversedthetraditionaliconographicaltype,butretaineditspolitical message. The tamed Adonis obeys his divine master and is justly rewarded; or, when we translate themotifintocontemporarypoliticalterminology,Adonismaybeseenasanobstinaterebelwhois transformedintoadutifulsubject. NexttothefountainintheWaldsteingardenitispossibletoimaginethestatuesofLaocoon and the Wrestlers standing side by side, the former symbolizing punished impiety and the latter defeated revolt. Next to the group with Laocoon, in which resistance was condemned, the group withVenusandAdoniscouldhavestood,celebratingtheadvantagesofforesightfulsubmission.The groupwithBacchusandthelittleSatyr(fig.22),whichcelebratedtheblessingsofpeace,couldhave stood on the other end of the row, next to the Wrestlers. In this arrangement, the peaceͲbringing VenuswouldbeacounterparttothepeacefulBacchus,whowouldbetheoppositeoftheWrestlers. WhileinthefightbetweentheWrestlerslifeisatstake,Bacchuswithawinebeakerbehindhisback isonlyteasingthelittleSatyr. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  93 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.22BacchusandSatyr All the mythological statues Adrien de Vries created for Waldstein were siteͲspecific commentsonpoliticaldevelopmentsinPragueandthekingdomofBohemia.Thesnarlingdogtamed byagodstressedthatthefountainofNeptunewasnotonlyanillustrationofanancientmyth.This impressive detail, which has no substantiation in ancient mythology, indicates that this Neptune actuallyisFerdinandII,andthatWaldsteinmostprobablywishedhisgardentobedominatedbythis verygod.TheEmperorwasbeingcelebratedbecausehehadcalmedthepoliticalstormwhichhad threatenedtheveryexistenceoftheHolyRomanEmpire.  Waldstein´sAbsence AlthoughWaldsteinspentconsiderabletimeonthebattlefieldsandhadathousandpredilections,he never displayed his personal experiences, feelings or attitudes unless he could turn them to his personal advantage. In the last years of his life, his physical condition quickly deteriorated, which mayhaveinfluencedhispsychologicalstateandhispoliticalattitudes.Butinthe1620s,atthepeak ofhiscareer,AlbrechtvonWaldsteinwhollyidentifiedhimselfwiththeHolyRomanEmpire.Thiswas alsoexpressedinthedecorationofhispalaceinPrague,whichheconstructedatthattime.Inthis sense,wemaysaythatinthepalaceofthemostenergeticmanofhistime,impersonalityreigned. Nordoweanywhereinthepalacefindthecrownedeagle,theprincelyandlaterducalemblemthat hestartedtousein1622(fig.23). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  94 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.23The1622coatofarmsofWaldsteinasacount In the Waldstein Palace we find depictions of lions,which are interpreted as an allusion to Waldstein’s ancestral family.37 But why do we not find the main motif of the Waldstein family emblem—astandinglionwithadoubletaildepictedfromtheside?Whydowefindhereexclusively the lion’s head depicted en face, which is not part of the Waldstein emblem? These lions’ heads evidentlydonotalludetoWaldsteinbuttothevanquishedenemiesoftheHolyRomanEmpire.The lion’sheadoftenhasaringinitsmouth,symbolizingadangerousbeastwhichhasbeenoverpowered andtamed.  Fig.24Lion´sheadsonporchofthemainfaçadeofWaldsteinpalace ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  95 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  In1626,whenWaldsteinstartedtomintcoins,hehesitatedbetweentwomottos:‘Godismy protector’ and ‘In defiance of envy’. As the former evidently seemed to him too general and the lattertoopersonal,hefinallyadoptedthemotto:‘SACRIROMANIIMPERIIPRINCEPS’(fig.25).  Fig.25Waldstein’scoinof1626withtheeagleandinscription‘PrinceoftheHolyRomanEmpire’ AlthoughweknowAlbrechtofWaldsteinwasinterestedinastrology,nowhereinhispalace have we found constellations of stars at the moment of Waldstein’s birth or anything else which wouldalludetohim.Inthepaintings,stuccodecorationsandsculptureswhichdecoratedthepalace, therewerenoportraitsofitsbuilder,notevenhiscoatofarmsorpersonalemblem.Whenwelook for celebrations of Waldstein’s person or his family, we find nothing. But as soon as we forget his personage and start to look for allusions to his office, the Prince of the Holy Roman Empire is suddenlyvividlypresent.TheherooftheWaldsteinpalaceinPraguewasnotitsbuilder,buttheHoly RomanEmpireanditsEmperor.  Bibliography AlbertiFridlandiPerduellionisChaosSiveIngratiAnimiAbyssus(1634). AlbrechtvonWallenstein.Interarmasilentmusae?,ed.EliškaFuēíkováandLadislavepiēka(Praha, 2007). Baldinucci,Filippo,Notiziede’professorideldisegnodaCimabueinqua,12vols.(Milano,1811Ͳ12). Bažant, Jan, ‘SACRI ROMANI IMPERII PRINCEPS: Wallenstein’s Palace in Prague Revisited’, in Ad HonoremEvaStehlíková,ed.PavlínaŠípová(Praha,2011),pp.32–38. Bažant,JanandBažantová,Nina,WaldsteinPalaceinPrague:TheFirstBaroqueResidenceinCentral Europe(KindleEdition,2011). Bažant,JanandBažantová,Nina,WaldsteinPalaceinPrague:TheFirstBaroqueResidenceinCentral Europe(Prague,2011). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  96 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Kleisner, Tomáš, ‘Giovanni Pietro de Pomis’ Medal of the Battle of White Mountain’, Studia Rudolphina,8(2008),pp.90Ͳ93. Klipcová, Barbora and Uliēný, Petr, ‘Domenico Pugliani: A New Face in the History of Wallenstein Palace in Prague (Domenico Pugliani a nová tváƎ dĢjin Valdštejnského paláce v Praze)’, UmĢní, 41 (2013),pp.206Ͳ220. Koneēný, Lubomír, ‘Albrecht von Wallenstein, His Buildings, and His Artists: A Bibliography’, Studia Rudolphina,5(2005),pp.80–86. Lange, Ludwig, Prag und seine nächsten Umgebungen in malerischen OriginalͲAnsichten nach der Naturaufgenommen(Darmstadt,1841). Larsson,LarsOlof,‘EinneuesRomanderMoldau?DerSkulpturengartenAlbrechtvonWallensteins in Prag‘, in 1648: Krieg und Frieden in Europa, ed. Klaus Bußmann and Heinz Schilling, 2 vols. (Münster,1998),vol.2,pp.201–208. Larsson,LarsOlof,‘Imitatioundaemulatio:AdriaendeVriesunddieantikeSkulptur,‘inAdriaende Vries1556Ͳ1626:AugsburgsGlanz–EuropasRuhm,ed.UrselBergerandBjörnR.Kommer,exhibition catalogue(Augsburg,2000),pp.66–72. Michalski, Sergiusz, ‘Der Laokoon und die Ringer des Adriaen de Vries im Garten des Prager Wallensteinpalastes:SymbolederÜberwindungdesböhmischenAufstandes?‘,StudiaRudolphina,4 (2004),pp.28Ͳ30. Muchka,IvanandKƎížová,KvĢta,Valdštejnskýpalác(Praha,1996). Reuss, Matthias, Belluccis GemäldeͲfolge für das Stadtpalais Liechtenstein in Wien (Hildesheim, Zurich&NewYork1998). Ripa,Cesare,Iconologia(Roma,1603). Schebek,Edmund,DieLösungderWallensteinsfrage(Berlin,1881). Scholten,Frits,AdriaendeVries1556Ͳ1626:ImperialSculptor(Zwolle,1999). Spreng,Johannes,MetamorphoseosOvidii...(FrankfurtamMain,1563). Tanner,Marie,TheLastDescendantsofAeneas.TheHabsburgsandtheMythicImageoftheEmperor (NewHaven,1993). Tempesta, Antonio, Metamorphoseon Sive Transformationum Ovidianarum Libri Quindecim, Nunc Primum...(Antwerpen,ca.1610). Typotius,Jacob,Symboladivinaethumana(Praga,1601). Uliēný,Petr,‘ManieraoftheArchitectureofAlbrechtofWallenstein’,UmĢní,59(2011),pp.194–213. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  97 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  UmĢlecképamátkyPrahy,MaláStrana,ed.PavelVlēek(Praha,1999). TheWallensteinPalaceinPrague,eds.MojmírHorynaandothers(Praha,2002). Zap,KarelVladislav,PrƽwodcepoPraze(Praha,1848).  Illustrations Alldrawings(exceptFig.4)arebyNinaBažantová Fig.4:archiveoftheauthor    1 Thisworkwassupportedbygrantnr.IAA800090902(AntickáinspiracevēeskémbaroknímumĢní/Classical inspirationinCzechBaroqueart)oftheGrantAgencyoftheAcademyofSciencesoftheCzechRepublic. 2 UmĢlecképamátkyPrahy,MaláStrana1999,pp.147–159;MuchkaandKƎížová1996;TheWallensteinPalace inPrague2002;Koneēný2005;AlbrechtvonWallenstein.Interarmasilentmusae2007;BažantandBažantová 2011;Bažant2011;Uliēný2011;Klipcová,Uliēný2013. 3 ‘Eragiàfinitalasalaprincipale…MicommessasuaEccellenza,chedovessiapesareaqualcosa.Giàilsalone eraadornodiarmeetrofeidiguerrafintidistucco.IlPieronipropose,chesifacessedentroilcarrodiMarte.Ne feciildisegno,epiacqueinbuonaforma’,inBaldinucci1812,vol.XII,p.402. 4 AlbertiFridlandiPerduellionisChaosSiveIngratiAnimiAbyssus1634.Onthetitlepageweread,‘CumLicentia Superiorum’,butnoauthor,publisherorplaceofpublicationisgiven. 5 Zap1848,p.209.ThefirstidentificationsofMarsinWaldsteinPalaceasAlbrechtvonWaldstein:Lange1841, p.74. 6 Typotius1601,fig.106. 7 Reuss1998,pp.276–278. 8  Inventory ofWaldstein palace of 1634: Praha,State regional archive(Státní oblastní archiv), Family archive (Rodinnýarchiv),‘Valdštejnové’(Waldsteins),cart.6,sign.A29;Schebek1881,pp.587–608. 9 TodaytheKnights’HallisdominatedbyamonumentalpaintingofWaldsteinonhorsebackwhichdatesfrom 1631, but the painting was brought to the palace long after the Duke’s death (presumably from Valdice monastery). The painting was hung in 1877 in its present place above the fireplace, the idea coming from CountessMariaofWaldstein,whoatthattimesupervisedextensivereconstructionworksinthepalaceofher husband,CountErnstvonWaldstein.AlbrechtvonWaldstein’sportraitmettheanticipationsofCzechpatriots, whoexpectedtofindallusionstothegreatCzechinthepalace.However,theportrait’sdominantpositionin theKnights’Hallcontradictseverythingweknowaboutthepalace’soriginaldecoration. 10 Fromthesixteenthcenturyonwards,suchaportraitserieswasstandarddecorationinthepublicroomsof importantresidences.ItspredecessorinPraguewasinthepalaceofEmperorRudolfII.Theideaisrootedin ancientRome,whereGaiusSuetoniusTranquilluswrotehisfamousDevitacaesarum,thebiographiesofthe twelvefoundersoftheancientRomanEmpire,fromCaesartoDomitianus. 11 Vergil,Aeneis,I,286Ͳ287(translationbyH.R.Fairclough). 12 Vergil,Aeneis,VI,791Ͳ795(translationbyH.R.Fairclough). 13 Vergil,Eclogues,IV,5Ͳ9.(translationbyH.R.Fairclough). 14 Tempesta1610,figs.3,4,5and6. 15 Ovid,Metamorphoses,I,151Ͳ155(translationbyA.S.Kline). 16 NationalMuseum,Prague,inv.Nr.H5Ͳ58.539;AlbrechtvonWallenstein.Interarmasilentmusae2007,nr. 14,48.Kleisner2008,fig.4. 17 Ovid,Metamorphoses,I,141Ͳ144(translationbyA.S.Kline). 18 Tempesta1610,figs.1,8,10,12,22,24,25,28,32,41,47,75,141and172. 19 Spreng1563,figs.27,40and172. 20 Ripa1603. 21 Ovid,Metamorphoses,XIII,475–480. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  98 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   22 Tempesta1610,fig.122. 23 Vergil,Aeneis,I,148Ͳ156. 24 Bartsch,vol.XIV,204,352. 25 Vergil,Aeneis,II,707Ͳ720. 26 Tempesta1610,fig.126. 27 VergiliiMaronisdreyzehenBüchervondemtewrenHeldenEnea...(FrankfurtamMain,1559),book11. 28 Vergil,Aeneis,XII,939Ͳ941. 29 E.g.Dell’EneidediVirgiliodelcommendatoreAnnibalCaro(Roma,1622),book12. 30 Tanner1993,146Ͳ161. 31 Itistheworkin1599ofBenediktWurzelbauerandtheRudolphinesculptor,NikolausPfaff(theoriginalisin the Gallery of Prague Castle). Waldstein bought the statue from the Lobkovic family in 1630, but he did not placeitinfrontoftheSalaTerrena. 32 In1648thestatueswerestolenbytheSwedisharmyandmovedtoDrottningholm,wheretheybecamethe pride of the residence of the Swedish kings. In 1910, copies of all the sculptures which had decorated the Neptunefountainweremade.TodaytheyareinstalledintheWaldsteingarden,butnotintheiroriginalsite. They are arranged along the axis of the Sala Terrena, together with the statue of Apollo. This statue is not dated and probably it was never exhibited in the garden because, after Waldstein’s death, a white box was foundinhispalacewhichcontained‘ametalstatueofApollo.’ 33 Larsson1998;Scholten1999;Larsson2000;S.Michalski,2004. 34 Seenotes21and22. 35 Vergil,Aeneis,I,148–156. 36 Ovid,Metamorphoses,X,543Ͳ552(translatedbyB.More). 37 IntheWaldsteinPalacewefindthecoatofarmsofWaldsteinfamilywithlionsinthegarden.Itdecorates thestonesoclewhichistodaypartofthefountainwithVenusandthecopiesofbronzevases. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  99 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  OfficialPortraitsandRegionalIdentities ThecaseofEmperorMaximilianI(1459–1519) DagmarEichbergerȋ‹˜‡”•‹–›‘ˆ”‹‡”Ȍͳ    InhismonographMarketingMaximilian.ThevisualideologyofaHolyRomanEmperor,LarrySilver investigates the multiͲfaceted artistic projects that Maximilian I undertook in order to further his fame and to shape his public image.2 The recent exhibition Kaiser Maximilian I. und die Kunst der Dürerzeitanalysedtheemperor’slifeandhispatronageoftheartswithparticularemphasisonthe triumphalprocessionbothonparchmentandpaper.3Incontrasttohisfather,EmperorFrederickIII, Maximilian can be described as a most ambitious and modern patron. This applies not only to the employmentofnewmediasuchasprintedmaterial,butequallytoMaximilian’simaginativeuseof multiplelikenesses.Thepresentpaperinvestigatestheroleofportraitpaintingsbyfocusingbothon the geographic conditions that determined the production of images and on Maximilian’s political agenda. Within the large body of portraits that have survived until today, one can identify at least fivedifferenttypesofimages.4 ManyofthecourtartistsinvolvedincreatingthepublicpersonaofMaximilianareknownby name:AmbrogiodePredisfromMilan,BernhardStrigelfromMemmingenandAlbrechtDürerfrom Nuremberg. Each can be associated with one or two specific portrait types that were used and reusedindifferentcontexts.TheNetherlandishpainterJoosvanClevewasnotformallyattachedto theimperial court,butneverthelessproducedadistinctiveportraittypethat wasimportantat the time.5Thisessaywillinvestigatethespecificfeaturesoftheseportraittypesandpursuethequestion astowhethertherewasaregionalpreferenceinparticularfortheimagecreatedbyJoosvanCleve.  AmbrogiodePredis.Theclassicalportrait ThereexistsonlyonecopyoftheportraitcreatedbyGiovanniAmbrogiodePredis,apaintingsigned and dated by the artist in the bottom leftͲhand corner.6 The Milan portraitist joined the Habsburg court in 1493, shortly after Maximilian had married Bianca Maria Sforza, his second wife. This particular portrait has occasionally been described as oldͲfashioned, as it adheres to the strict portrait in profile. It is, however, a classical format that was reintroduced at the beginning of the fifteenth century via coins and medals and remained popular well into the sixteenth century.7 The likeness emphasizes Maximilian’s aquiline nose, a distinctive trait that appears in most of his ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  100 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  portraits. If the anonymous drawing in Berlin is an authentic likeness of the emperor, De Predis idealized his facial features.8 In this mediumͲsized portrait Maximilian wears a gold brocade dress withablackfurcollarandablackhatprobablymadefromthesamematerial.Whilehispositionas KingoftheRomansishighlightedbyaLatininscription,heiswearingneitherasuitofarmournorany oftheattributestypicalofthisoffice.Thepatternofhisgoldbrocadedresshasbeeninterpretedby Karl Schütz as a symbol of his new alliance with the house of Sforza.9 The ceremonial chain of the OrderoftheGoldenFleeceisthemostprominentattributeinthepainting.Maximilianwasmadea memberofthisBurgundianorderon31April1477,whichwasasignificantmomentinhislifeandin the historyofthe Order. The ceremonialinaugurationisdocumentedbya miniaturein theBruges chronicle of 148110 and is also described in the Vienna statute book of the Order of the Golden Fleece.11MaximilianimmediatelytookontheofficeofsovereignandheadoftheOrderandgreatly cherished his newly gained status. He held the office twice during his lifetime, first during the minorityofhissonPhiliptheHandsome(1478വ1506),andasecondtimeduringtheminorityofhis grandsonthefutureEmperorCharlesV(1500വ1558).Thisportraittypewasrepeatedinamodified versionbyananonymousGermanartistshowingMaximilianinashoulderͲlengthportrait,withthe emperorfacingtotheright.12  AlbrechtDürer.Alateportrait AverydifferentimageoftheemperorisrepresentedbyaportraittypethatwascreatedbyAlbrecht Dürerin1518.Attherequestoftheemperor,theNurembergartistdrewMaximilianfromlifewhile he was staying in the city of Augsburg to attend the Diet of Augsburg. Dürer’s charcoal drawing served as the blueprint for the two painted portraits now in Vienna and Nuremberg,13 and for the woodcut that was published in several editions soon after Maximilian’s death in January 1519.14 Dürer’s woodcut became the most widely distributed image of the emperor and exists in several editions; some prints were embellished with colour and shell gold.15 While the Vienna painting on wood and the Nuremberg painting on canvas were unique und probably not meant to travel, the woodcutinspiredmanycontemporaryprintmakers:HansWeiditz,LucasvanLeyden,PieterdeJode andothers.16  JoosvanCleve.Maximilian’sNetherlandishlikeness The third portrait type can be associated with the AntwerpͲbased painter Joos van Cleve and his workshop(fig.1).Sofar,thisportraithaslargelyattractedtheinterestofasmallnumberofvanCleve specialistssuchasJohnHandandCécileScailliérez.17Theportraitexistsinseveralreplicasandcopies thatvaryinsizeandshowsnumerousvariationsregardingthechoiceofattributes.18 Maximilian’sbodyisalwaysshowninafrontalposition,withhisheadturnedslightlytothe left,sothathisfaceappearsinthreeͲquarterview.InsimilarfashiontotheportraitbyAmbrogiode Predis,Maximilianwearsaluxuriousovercoatmadefromgoldbrocadeandfittedwithabroadfur collar. Maximilian’s undershirt is black in colour and his head is covered with a soft black hat. He wears very fine leather gloves that are almost white in colour. Maximilian’s only ornament is the ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  101 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  OrderoftheGoldenFleece;therearenoreferencestohispositionasKingoftheRomansorasHoly Roman Emperor. While his left hand is portrayed as if resting on the ledge of the frame, his right handisliftedupslightlyhigherandholdsaposyofcarnations.19  Fig.1JoosvanCleveandworkshop,MaximilianI assovereignoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece, wood,30.8x21.1cm,Berlin,KMPK,GG1321.  BernhardStrigel.Thefirstofficialportrait A large group of portraits represents Maximilian wearing a polished suit of armour and carrying numerous regalia such as a halfͲarch crown, asceptre, a sword, and a coronation cloak. While the paintings from this group show a wide range of styles and diverging facial features, they are all attributedtoBernhardStrigelandhisworkshop.20TheSwabianartistStrigelwascloselyattachedto Maximilian’s court.21 He produced two different portrait types, one showing Maximilian clad in armourandanotherinwhichheisdressedinmore‘civilian’orcourtlydress.22Formanyyears,Strigel seemstohavebeenMaximilian’spreferredportraitistuntilhefinallyturnedtoAlbrechtDüreronlya fewmonthbeforehisprematuredeath. WithintheStrigelgroupveryfewpanelscanbedatedaccurately.Theindividualportraitsare generallydatedbymeansofcircumstantialevidence,onthebasisofthestyleofthearmourorthe particular crown Maximilian is wearing. Karl Schütz proposed that the earliest portraits date from circa 1500.23 The Strigel portrait, now in Berlin, carries the date '1496' in the central axis of the painting(fig.2),thoughtheauthenticityofthedate‘1496’hasbeenquestionedbyErichEggbecause MaximilianwasappointedKingoftheRomansin1486andcrownedHolyRomanEmperorin1508.24 Theinscription‘DIVIMAXIMILIANIIMPERATORISFIGURAANNOSCUMESSETNATUSQUADRAGINTA’ to the right of the cloth of honour points to the year 1499, asMaximilian is described as being 40 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  102 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  yearsofage. 25 DieterVorsteherhasrecentlyarguedinfavourof1496beingtheyearinwhichthe panelwaspaintedbyStrigel.Heproposedthatthesecondinscriptionwasaddedthreeyearslater, whentheportraitwasgivenawayasagift.26    Fig.2BernhardStrigel,EmperorMaximilianI Fig.3BernhardSrigel,MaximilianIasHolyRoman dressedinarmourandpresentinghisregalia,oilon Emperor,circa1507/08,oilonwood,84x51.8cm, parchmentonwood,76,5x48cm,Berlin, Innsbruck,TirolerLandesmuseum. DeutschesHistorischesMuseum,inv.no. 1988/1496. Inportraitsofthiskind,MaximilianisalwaysshownasahalfͲlengthfigureinthreeͲquarter view,turningbodyandfacetotheright.Heisplacedinfrontofatextilebackgroundthatrepresents aclothofhonour.Inadditiontohismilitaryattire,hecarriessceptre,swordandacrown.Hisbent rightarmrestseitheronawindowsilloronapillow,demarcatingthespaceofthesitterfromthatof theviewer.IthasbeensuggestedthatStrigel’sofficialportraitofMaximilianinarmourwasmodelled onanearlierportraitofhisfather,EmperorFrederickIII(1415വ1493),27whichMaximilianprobably commissionedhimselfintheseconddecadeofthesixteenthcentury.Thereareindeedanumberof similarities, such as the choice of attributes and the positioning of the figure within the pictorial space.Bothmenholdemblemsofpower,thegoldensceptrerunsdiagonallyfromlowerrighttothe upperleft,andtherightarmrestscomfortablyonahorizontalparapet.Allthesefactorspointtoan intrinsicinterrelationshipbetweenthesetwoportraits. It can be assumed that they were both conceived as one left wing of a portrait diptych. Father and son are both turning to the right, facing their spouses Eleanor of Portugal and Bianca Maria Sforza on a complementary panel.28 While only one version of the portrait of Emperor ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  103 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Frederick III is known, multiple copies of Emperor Maximilian’s portrait have survived. It can be assumed that many copies of Maximilian’s official portraits were given away as gifts, as this was a common practice at the time. The inscription on a lost version from Strasbourg indicated that Maximilian donated the likeness to the Johannite monastery after his visit to the imperial city of Strasbourgin1507.29  MaximilianinMargaretofAustria’sportraitcollection IntheNetherlands,Archduchess MargaretofAustria(1480വ1530)representedtheinterestsofher familyasRegentandGovernessoftheBurgundianterritories.30Inall,shekeptfourportraitsofher father in different parts of her principal residence, the soͲcalled Palais de Savoy in Mechelen or Malines.Thespatialcontextsinwhichtheseportraitswereoncedisplayedcanbereconstructedand thusprovidesignificantcluestoreconstructingthefunctionofeachofthelikenesses.31 Theportraits inquestionwerelocatedinMargaret’slibrary,herdininghallandthesmallcabinetorStudiolonext toherbedroom.MargaretofAustria’sstocklistofmovableitems(1516)mentionsalargeportrait panelofMaximilian,whichisdescribedasfollows: autretableau,plusgrant,del‘empereur,habilléensonaccoustrementimpérial [anotherpanel,larger,oftheemperor,dressedinhisimperialaccoutrement].32 This painting is described as larger than the previous one depicting John the Fearless (Jehan de Bourgoigne).AsthemostprominentfeatureinthispaintingwasMaximilian’simperialattire,itcan beassumedthatinherlibraryMargaretdisplayedacopyoftheStrigel’sstatelyportraitasEmperor in order to represent her father as the ruling head of the Habsburg dynasty (fig. 3).33 The richly furnishedlibrarywasoneofthemorepublicspaceswithintheresidenceandwasopentomembers ofhercourtaswellastooutsidevisitors.34Thiswasthelocationwherethemilitarytriumphsofthe Habsburgfamilywerecommemorated:thevictoryovertheDukeofGuelders,theBattleofPavia,the conquest of the New Americas, and others. In her library Margaret also kept her personal copy of Dürer’sArchofHonour,theeternalmonumenttoMaximilian’sentireachievement. The 1516 stock list of paintings in the library refers to a second, albeit somewhat smaller portraitofEmperorMaximilian.Itisdescribedasfollows: ungpetittableauduchiefdel’Empereur,pourtantrobeetbonnetdecramoisy,etunelettre ensamain [a small panel of the head of the Emperor, wearing a crimson red robe and bonnet, and a letterinhishand].35 ThisentrycallstomindaparticularStrigelportraitinwhichMaximilianisdressedinaredovercoat withafurcollar.InthisportraitMaximilianwearsnoarmourandnoregalia.Heisproudlypresenting thecollaroftheOrderoftheGoldenFleeceandholdsaletterinhislefthand.Thetwopaintingsthat correspondtothisdescription,however,arenotparticularlysmallinsize.AfineportraitbyStrigelin theNationalTrustcollectionmeasures39.5x30cm;36anotherversioninBerlinmeasures37x25.37 The inscription in the Berlin portrait names Maximilian’s position as Holy Roman Emperor: ‘MaximilianiprimiRomanoru(m)ImperatorisArchducisAustrieEffigies’.Hisraisedhandandhisindex ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  104 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  fingerpointforwardasifgivinginstructionstoapersonoutsideofthepictureframe.Inthepast,this portrait type has been labelled ‘Maximilian as a private man’, because he is depicted without his paraphernalia.38 Maximilian’s attire corresponds to the image of the White King in Maximilian’s autobiography Weisskunig.39 While this portrait type from the Strigel workshop served as an alternativelikenessforMaximilianitisnotclearwhenitappearedforthefirsttime. In addition to the portraits of Maximilian in the Mechelen library already mentioned, a portrait by Joos van Cleve was kept in Margaret’s official portrait gallery, the soͲcalled première chamber à chemynée on the second floor of the western wing. In the household inventory of 1523വ24theportraitofthedeceasedemperorisdescribedasfollows: Item, ungaultre tableaudelaportraituredel’empereur Maximilien,pèrede Madame,que Dieupardonne,habilléd’unerobbededraptd’or,fouréedemartre,aungbonnetnoirsurson chief,pourtantlecolierdelaThoisond’or,tenantunroletensamaindextre. [Item,anotherpanelwiththeportraitofEmperorMaximilian,thefatherofMadame,whom Godforgive,dressedinarobemadefromgoldcloth,linedwithmarten,ablackcaponhis head, wearing the collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece, holding a scroll in his right hand].40 Therearetwopaintingsthatmatchthisdescriptionveryclosely,oneinBrussels(fig.4)and one in Berlin (fig. 1).41 These two panels are almost identical in size and colour. In the Brussels painting, three letters ‘M • R • I’ discreetly point to the identity of the sitter: M(aximilianus) R(omanorum)I(mperator).Inbothexamples,Maximilian’slefthandrestsontheedgeoftheframe,a popularmotiveinNetherlandishportraiturethatcanbetracedbacktoRogiervanderWeyden.Itcan beassumedthatJoosvanCleve’sworkshopusedatemplatetoproducemultiplecopiesofthisnew portraittype.42                         Fig.4JoosvanCleveandworkshop,MaximilianIas Fig.5Anonymous,Maximilianassovereignofthe sovereignoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece,wood,33x OrderoftheGoldenFleece,inthestatutebookofthe 23cm,Brussels,MuséesRoyauxdesBeauxͲArtsde OrderoftheGoldenFleece,parchment,28.4x21cm, Belgique,inv.no.2581. Bruges,after1518,Vienna,ÖNB,Cod.2606,fol.77. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  105 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    A large, fullͲpage miniature in the Vienna statute book of the Order of the Golden Fleece reproduces the same portrait type in which Maximilian is represented first and foremost as the sovereignoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece(fig.5).43Thesitter’spostureandthepatterningofhis goldbrocadedressareveryclosetotheportraitpanelinBerlin.Ifweassumethatthiscopywasonce keptinMargaret’sportraitgallery,itismostlikelythattheminiaturistwouldhavehadaccesstothis copy.ThispanelwasjustoneofseveralpaintingsfromMargaret’sportraitgallerythatwereusedas modelsbytheilluminatoroftheViennastatuebook.44 InthismanuscriptMaximilianisdescribedas:‘Mostdistinguishedandverypowerfulprince, Monseigneur Maximilian, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Lorraine, of Brabant, of Luxemburg, etc’.45 Given that this manuscript was made after 1518, it is remarkable that the caption accompanying Maximilian’s portrait refrains from mentioning his rank as emperor. This wording confirms that Maximilian’spublicprofilechangedaccordingtothedifferentregionalandpoliticalcontextsinwhich he operated. In the Burgundian Netherlands he gained respect and exerted political influence by stressinghispositionassovereignoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece,hisroleasHolyRomanEmperor not being an asset in this political region. In Margaret of Austria’s official portrait gallery, many membersofthisprestigiousorderwererepresentedwithanemblemoftheirmembership,mostlya goldpendantoftheGoldenFleecehangingfromasimpleblackstring.Maximilianalwayswearsthe collarofthesovereignwhichconsistsofagoldchainwithbroadlinksandagoldpendant.Joosvan Cleve’s portrait of Maximilian I with a scroll (fig. 1) was thus considered most appropriate for MargaretofAustria’sofficialportraitgallery. Maximilianasbridegroom AsecondversionofJoosvanCleve’sportraittypewaskeptinMargaretofAustria’spetitcabinet,an intimatespaceadjoiningherstatelybedroom.Insteadofascroll,Maximilianholdstwocarnationsin hisrighthand.In1523വ24,theportraitwasdescribedasfollows: Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraicture de l‘empereur Maximilien, tenant deux fleurs d‘ulletzensamain,habillédedrapd‘or,pourtantlaThoison. [Item,anotherpanelwiththeportraitofEmperorMaximilian,holdingtwocarnationsinhis hand,dressedingoldfabric,wearingtheFleece.]46 JohnHandliststhreeversionsofthisalternativeportraittypefromtheJoosvanCleveworkshop.47 The Paris painting is the smallest, measuring 19 x 13 cm; the Amsterdam painting is the largest, measuring34.6x24.4(fig.6).IntheAmsterdamportrait,Maximilian’sbodyisdepicteddowntothe waist.ThisdetailiscomparabletotheBerlinpaintingwithscroll(fig.1).ThecopiesinVienna(fig.7) and Paris have rounded tops and opt for a narrower closeͲup concentrating more on Maximilian’s headandhands.Inallthreepaintings,Maximilianturnshisheadtotherightandraiseshislefthand, whichtouchestheledgeoftheframe. MarissaBasshasarguedthattheAmsterdampaintingshouldbeidentifiedastheonefrom Margaret’scollectionbecauseMaximilianholdstwoinsteadofthreecarnations.48Thefactthatthe inventory does not explicitly talk about a small painting supports her assumption. The van Cleve portrait with two carnations was kept in the most secluded section of Margaret’s residence, the studiolonexttoherbedroom.Itissignificanttonote,however,thatMargaretgaveawaythisportrait ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  106 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  toherbastardsister,inOctober1527.49Whatwasthereasonforthisdecision?Didsheherselflose interestinthisportraitafterherfatherdied?              Fig.6JoosvanCleveandworkshop,MaximilianIwith Fig.7JoosvanCleve,MaximilianIwiththreecarnations, Twocarnations,oak,34,6x24,4cm(withoutframe), oilonoak,27x18cm,Vienna,Kunsthistorisches Amsterdam,Rijksmuseum,inv.No.SKͲAͲ3293. Museum,inv.no.GG972.    TheParisversionistheonlypaintingwithadate.Theyear‘1510’onthelowerledgeofthe frameprovidesuswithaterminusantequem.50Itisunlikelythattheblueprintforthisportraitwas conceivedaslateas1510,becauseMaximiliandidnotvisittheNetherlandsinthatparticularyear.51 BoththewrittencorrespondencebetweenMaximilianandhisdaughterandtheemperor’sdetailed itinerary demonstrate that Maximilian sojourned in the Netherlands in 1508/09 because of the ongoing war with the Duke of Guelders; in fact, he stayed continuously in this region from 1 November1508to31March1509,Antwerp,Brussels,Gent,Kalkar,Mechelen,Lier,Dordrechtbeing someoftheplaceshepassedthroughatthetime.DuringthesefivemonthsMaximilianwillhavehad manyopportunitiestomeetJoosvanCleveinperson.52GivenMaximilian’sstrongpersonalinterest incommissioningofficialportraits,itseemsmorethanlikelythathehimselfselectedtheartistand decided on the choice of attributes, a scroll and several carnations. The specific nature of these imagesandtheprecisionofthefacialfeaturessuggestthattheartistwasgivenachancetomakea preparatory drawing from life. The large number of copies confirms that Joos van Cleve’s portrait wasconsideredanimportantlikeness,aportraitthatwascopiedoverandoveragain.53 In the light of these considerations the image of Maximilian with carnations raises several questions.Depictingasitterwithoneorseveralflowersinhishandisusuallyunderstoodasasymbol ofloveandcourtship;itwasamotivefrequentlyemployedinconnectionwithbetrothalormarriage ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  107 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  portraits.54 Maximilian wedded his first wife Duchess Mary of Burgundy on 18 August 1477, a historicallyimportanteventdatingbackmorethanthirtyyears.WhenJoosvanClevestartedworking onthisnewportrait,Maximilianhadbeenmarriedtohissecondwifeformorethanfifteenyears.If thisimagerefersbacktotheemperor’sfirstmarriage,wearedealingwitharetrospectiveportrait and a considerable lapse in time. John Hand convincingly argued that this composition may have beenmodelledonasimilarpaintinginMargaretofAustria’scollection,theportraitoftheTudorKing Henry VII as a potential bridegroom (1505).55 At the time, Henry had the intention of marrying Maximilian's widowed daughter. For the King of the Romans, Henry VII was an important political ally, which was why he had been made a member of the Order of the Golden Fleece. After the marriage negotiations failed, the panel painting was kept in Margaret’s illustrious portrait gallery. The treatment of the frame as pictorial border is reminiscent of the official portraits of Philip the GoodandCharlestheBoldbyRogiervanderWeydenandhisworkshop. TheretrospectivenatureofEmperorMaximilian’sportraitbyJoosvanCleveislesssurprising than it seems at first sight. To Maximilian and his offspring, the union of the two dynasties— Habsburg and Burgundy—remained one of the most important events for this upwardͲmoving dynasty. This is documented in his Arch of Honour, the Triumphal Procession and in the chivalric romancecalledTheuerdank.Between1505and1516MaximiliandictatedthestoryofWeisskunigto hissecretaryMarxTreitzsauerwein.Maximilian’sjourneytotheNetherlands,hisarrivalattheBruges court, his meetings and negotiations with Margaret of York and Mary of Burgundy, and the final marriage ceremony are dealt with in great detail. The luxurious coat that Maximilian is wearing in most of these woodcuts by Hans Burgkmair is reminiscent of the furͲlined overcoat in the portrait panelsbyJoosvanCleveandhisworkshop(fig.1).56Weisskunig,Maximilian’salterego,wearsarich collarandaroyalcrown—symbolsofpowerthattheyoungprincewasstillstrivingforin1477. In1511,notlongafterthedeathofhissecondwife,Maximilianreissuedacommemorative silvercoininthecityofHall,Tyrol,basedonthedesignofanearlymedalbyGiovanniCandida.The soͲcalled‘Hochzeitsguldiner’byUlrichUrsentalerreproducesMaximilian’sportraitasayoungprince on one side and that of his young bride on the reverse.57 The inscription ‘ETATIS 19’ points to Maximilian’syoungage,andthedate1479equallyrefersbacktothetimeofhisyouth.Thisminted likenessofMaximiliancommemoratesaneventofthepastthathadongoingpoliticalsignificancefor theHabsburgfamily.ItcanbeassumedthatMaximiliandistributedthesecoinsamonghisallies. In the light of Maximilian’s ambition to glorify his union with the house of Burgundy, the commission of a portrait as an ageless courtier with flowers appears to be more of a strategic decisionthananexpressionofromanticlove.ThemodestywithwhichMaximilianisrepresentedin this portrait can be interpreted as a wellͲconsidered manoeuvre. In the Burgundian Netherlands, Maximilianwasseenmoreasaninvoluntaryguestthanasapotentruler:inthisregionofhisempire hewasmerelytoleratedasMaryofBurgundy’shusbandandasthefatheroftheirchildren,Philipthe HandsomeandMargaretofAustria.JoosvanCleveportrayedMaximiliantwiceassovereignofthe OrderoftheGoldenFleece,alwaysshowingoffthecollaroftheOrder. In this political context, the creation of a new likeness by Joos van Cleve in 1508/09 is as significant as the conception of an official portrait by Bernhard Strigel in 1496 (fig. 2). The Strigel portraitwas developedatatimewhenMaximilian wasclimbingup the politicalladderandhad to asserthimselfasKingoftheRomansandasthemostpromisingcandidateforthepositionofHoly ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  108 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Roman Emperor (fig. 3). Strigel’s portrait of Maximilian in armour reflects this ambition and was employedacrosstheEmpire,asthecopiesinStrasbourgandMechelenshow. TheportraitthatwasconceivedbyvanCleveadecadelaterwasprobablyemployedwithina much more limited geographical area, the Burgundian Netherlands. This portrait established Maximilian’sroleasleaderoftheBurgundiannetwork(fig.1)equalinimportancetoPhiliptheGood, Charles the Bold and Philip the Handsome. It reminded visitors to Margaret’s residence that MaximilianwastheactingsovereignoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece(fig.5),whilehisgrandson, thenineͲyearͲoldCharles,wasstillaminor.Maximilian’smarriagetoMaryofBurgundywasthekey tohisrisetopower,aturningpointinthehistoryoftheHabsburgdynasty.Theportraitwithaposy ofcarnations(fig.6),ontheotherhand,wasemployedbyMaximilianasaposthumousmonumentto hishappyandprosperousunionwithMaryofBurgundy,thelastheirtotheBurgundianempire.   Bibliography Albrecht Dürer. Das druckgraphische Werk, vol. II: Holzschnitte und Holzschnittfolgen, ed. Rainer Schoch,MatthiasMendeandAnnaScherbaum(Munich,Berlin,London&NewYork,2004). DasStatutenbuchdesOrdensvomGoldenenVlies,NationalbibliothekinWien,Handschrift2606,ed. HansGerstinger(Vienna,1934). Eichberger, Dagmar and Lisa Beaven, ‘Family Members and Political Allies: The Portrait Gallery of MargaretofAustriainMechelen’,ArtBulletin,LXXVII(1995),pp.225വ48. Eichberger,Dagmar,‘MargaretofAustriaandthedocumentationofhercollectioninMechelen’,in: LosInventariosdeCarlosVylafamiliaimperial/TheInventoriesofCharlesVandtheImperialFamily, ed.FernandoChecaCremades(Madrid,2010),vol.III,pp.2351വ63. Eichberger,Dagmar,‘MargaretofAustria.APrincesswithAmbitionandPoliticalInsight’,in:Women ofDistinction.MargaretofYorkandMargaretofAustria,ed.DagmarEichberger(Leuven,2005),pp. 48Ͳ55. Eichberger, Dagmar, ’Una libreria per donne assai ornata et riccha’ – Frauenbibliotheken des 16. Jahrhunderts zwischen Ideal und Wirklichkeit‘, in Die lesende Frau, ed. Gabriela Signori (Wolfenbüttel,2009),pp.241വ64. Eichberger, Dagmar, Leben mit Kunst – Wirken durch Kunst. Sammelwesen und Hofkunst unter MargaretevonÖsterreich,RegentinderNiederlande(Turnhout,2002). Fillitz,Hermann,DerSchatzdesOrdensvomGoldenenVlies(Salzburg&Vienna,1988). Frimmel, Theodor and Joseph Klemme, 'Ein Statutenbuch des Ordens vom Goldenen Vliesse', JahrbuchderKunsthistorischenMuseendesallerhöchstenKaiserhauses5(1887),pp.263വ338. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  109 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  GemäldegalerieBerlin,Gesamtverzeichnis,ed.HenningBocketal.(Berlin,1996). Gesichter der Renaissance. Meisterwerke italienischer Porträtkunst, ed. Keith Christiansen and PatriciaLeeRubin(Berlin,2012). Hand,JohnOliver,JoosvanCleve.ThecompletePaintings(NewHaven&London,2004). Hochrenaissance im Vatikan, Kunst und Kultur im Rom der Päpste, 1503ൻ1534, ed. Petra Kruse (Ostfildern&Ruit,1999). Im Atelier der Geschichte. Gemälde bis 1914 aus der Sammlung des Deutschen Historischen Museums,ed.SabineBeneke(Dresden,2012). ItinerariumMaximilianI.,1508ൻ1518,ed.VictorvonKraus(Vienna,1899). JoosvanCleve.LeonardodesNordens,ed.PetervandenBrink(Aachen&Stuttgart,2011). JoosvanCleve.LeonardodesNordens,ed.PetervandenBrink(Aachen,2011). Kaiser Maximilian I. und die Kunst der Dürerzeit, ed. Eva Michel und Maria Luise Sternath (Vienna, 2012). Löcher, Kurt, Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nürnberg. Die Gemälde des 16. Jahrhunderts (OstfildernͲRuit,1997). LosInventariosdeCarlosVylafamiliaimperial/TheInventoriesofCharlesVandtheImperialFamily, dir.FernandoChecaCremades,3vols(Madrid,2010). Luber, Katherine Crawford, ‘Albrecht Dürer's Maximilian portraits: an investigation of versions’, in MasterDrawings29(1991),pp.30വ47. MaximilianI.,ed.ErichEgg(Innsbruck,1969). Maximilian I. and Marx Treitzsauerwein, Der WeißͲKunig. Eine Erzählung von den Thaten Kaiser Maximilian des Ersten, herausgegeben aus dem Manuscripte der kaiserl. königl. Hofbibliothek von MarxTreitzsaurwein,aufdessenAngebenzusammengetragen,nebstd.vonHannsenBurgmairdazu verfertigtenHolzschnitten(Vienna,1775). Mende,Matthias,AlbrechtDürer,einKünstlerinseinerStadt(Nuremberg,2000). Musées royaux des BeauxͲArts de Belgique, Département d’Art Ancien. Catalogue inventaire de la peintureancienne,ed.PhilippeRobertsͲJones(Brussels,1984). NetherlandishartintheRijksmuseum,1400ൻ1600,ed.AnkOverbeek,JanPietFiledtKok,Annemiek Overbeek(Amsterdam,2000). Polleroß,Friedrich,'TraditionundInnovation.KaiserMaximilianI.imPorträt',in:KaiserMaximilianI. unddieKunstderDürerzeit,ed.MichelandSternath(Vienna,2012),pp.101വ15. Scailliérez,Cécile,‘DiePorträtkunstJoosvanCleves’,in:JoosvanCleve.LeonardodesNordens, ed. PetervandenBrink(Aachen,2011),pp.86വ111. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  110 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Scheller,RobertW.,'KaiserMaximilianunddiePäpsteseinerZeit',in:HochrenaissanceimVatikan, KunstundKulturimRomderPäpste,1503ൻ1534,ed.PetraKruse(Ostfildern&Ruit,1999),pp.70വ76. Schütz‚Karl,'DieEntstehungdeshöfischenRepräsentationsporträtsinderZeitKaiserMaximiliansI.', in:WerkefürdieEwigkeit.Kaiser MaximilianI.und ErzherzogFerdinandII., ed.WilfriedSeipeland AlfredAuer(Innsbruck,2002),pp.16വ18. WerkefürdieEwigkeit.KaiserMaximilianI.undErzherzogFerdinandII.,ed.WilfriedSeipelandAlfred Auer(Innsbruck,2002). WomenofDistinction.MargaretofYorkandMargaretofAustria,ed.DagmarEichberger,exhibition catalogue(Leuven,2005).  Illustrations Fig.1JoosvanCleveandworkshop,MaximilianIassovereignoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece, wood,30.8x21,1cmBerlin,KMPK,GG1321. Fig.2BernhardStrigel,EmperorMaximilianIdressedinarmourandpresentinghisregalia,oilon parchmentonwood,76.5x48cm,Berlin,DeutschesHistorischesMuseum,inv.no.1988/1496. Fig.3BernhardStrigel,MaximilianIasHolyRomanEmperor,circa1507/08,oilonwood,84x51.8 cm,Innsbruck,TirolerLandesmuseum. Fig.4JoosvanCleveandWorkshop,MaximilianIassovereignoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece, wood,33x23cm,Brussels,MuseésRoyauxdesBeauxͲArtsdeBelgique,inv.no.2581. Fig.5Anonymous,MaximilianassovereignoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece,Vienna,ÖNB,Cod. 2606,fol.77:StatutebookoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece,parchment,28.4x21cm,Bruges,after 1518. Fig.6JoosvanCleveandworkshop,MaximilianIwithtwocarnations,oak,34.6x24.4cm(without frame),Amsterdam,Rijskmuseum,inv.no.SKͲAͲ3293. Fig.7JoosvanCleve,MaximilianIwiththreecarnations,oilonoak,27x18cm,Vienna, KunsthistorischesMuseum,inv.no.GG972.    1 In2011,PhilippeLorentzkindlyinvitedmetoParistolectureontheearlyHabsburgsattheEPHA.Itwasin this context that I first developed the idea for this paper. I would like to thank the following colleagues for helpingmetoputthematerialforthisessaytogether:KatrinDyballa,EvaͲMariaHöllerer,StephanKemperdick, PilarSilvaMaroto,MatthiasUblandJoostvanderAuwera.IamgratefultoHerbertKarnerforencouragingme topursuethistopicandforhispatience. 2 Silver2008. 3 Polleroß2012,pp.101വ15;seealso:Scheller1999,pp.70വ76. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  111 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   4 ThisincludestheremarkableimageofthedeceasedMaximilianonhisdeathbed(diedon2January1519),see GuidoMessling,‘MonogrammistA.A.,DasTotenbildnisMaximiliansI.,1519’,inKaiserMaximilianI.2012,cat. no.127,pp.380വ83. 5 Hand2004,pp.112വ14. 6 AmbrogiodePredis,MaximilianI,oak,44x30.3cm,1502,Vienna,KunsthistorischesMuseum,inv.no.GG 4431.KarlSchütz,‘AmbrogiodePredis,MaximilianI.,1502’,inMaximilianI.2012,cat.no.11,pp.146വ47;fora digitalimagesee:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Giovanni_Ambrogio_de_Predis(accessedon22February2013). 7 SeealsothemedalbyBenediktBurkhartdepictingMaximilianinarmour,withtheinscription‘MAXIMILIANUS ROMANO(RVM) REX IMPERATOR AVG(VSTVS)‘, 1505, Prague, Národní museum; for a digital image see: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Maximilian_I_1505_av.jpgand http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Maximilian_I_1505_rv.jpg(accessedon11February2013). 8  Anonymous, Maximilian I, charcoal drawing, 37.3 x 25.3 cm, Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz,Kupferstichkabinett,KdZ10;AndreasBayerhasrecentlyattributedthisdrawingtoAmbrogiode Predis,inGesichterderRenaissance2011,cat.no.106;foradigitalimagesee: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Ambrogio_de_Predis_001.jpg(accessedon12February2013) 9 KarlSchütz,‘AmbrogiodePredis‘,inMaximilianI.2012,p.146. 10 ExzellenteChronikvanFlandern,Brügge,1481,inBrüssel,KBR,Ms.13073വ4,f.335v.;seeFillitz1988,pp.70– 71,ill.4. 11  Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (ÖNB), Cod. Vin. 2606, fol. 75: ‘Et mondit seigneur le duc Maximilianotemprisetaccepteleditordrepourenestrechiefetsouveraincequilfitapresavoirrechutlordre dechevalerieenleglisedesaintsauveuretlecollierduditordrelederrnierjourdumoisdavrillanmiliiijclxxvij enlavilledebruges’,quotedfromFrimmelandKlemme1887,p.296. 12 Anonymous,MaximilianI,paintingonconifer,54.6x36.1cm,Berlin,SMPK,inv.no.GG2111;althoughthe date given in the inscription is 1504, the accompanying text seems corrupted and is thus less reliable; see: http://bpkgate.picturemaxx.com/webgate_cms/(accessedon5December,2012). 13 AlbrechtDürer,EmperorMaximilianI,Vienna,1519,oil onlimewood,74x61.5cm,KarlSchütz,‘Albrecht Dürer, Kaiser Maximilian I, um 1519’, in Maximilian I. 2012, cat. no. 78, pp. 292–95; another version of this painting is held by the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg: Albrecht Dürer, Emperor Maximilian I, 1519,canvas,86.2x67.2cm,seeLöcher1997,pp.213വ16. 14 Ontheprocessoftransferringthedesignfrompapertocanvasorwood,seeLuber1991,pp.30വ47. 15 Mende2000,cat.no.14,pp.316വ17. 16 DagmarEichberger,'KaiserMaximilianI.,um1519',inAlbrechtDürer2002,cat.no.252,pp.456വ59. 17 Scailliérez2011,pp.86വ111. 18 Hand2004,cat.nos.2.1വ2.10,pp.112വ14. 19 Thismotiveisgenerallyemployedinportraitsthatwereproducedinthecontextofmarriagenegotiations.I willcomebacktothemeaningofthismotiveatalaterpoint. 20  For example, Bernhard Strigel and workshop, Emperor Maximilian I, wood, 60.5 x 41 cm, Vienna, KunsthistorischesMuseum,inv.no.GG922;anotherversionofthesametypeisinv.no.GG4403,75.5x49cm. A slightly later version shows Maximilian with his imperial mitre crown: Bernhard Strigel, Maximilian I as Emperor, circa 1507/08, wood, 82.8 x 50.5 cm, private collection / Innsbruck, Maximilianeum, inv. no. Gem 136. 21 Strigel’sprofessionalconnectionwithEmperorMaximilianisbasedonaninscriptiononthebackofapanel paintingthatshowsAnnaandJohannesCuspian(1473Ͳ1529)andtheiroffspring:‘Annohumannaereparacionis MDXXMensoctobri...BernhardinusStrigilpictorcivisMemingennobilisquisolusedictoCaesareMaximilianuut olim Apelles Alexandrum pingere iussus has imagines manu sinistra per specula ferme sexagenarius Viennae pingebat’, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. no. GG 6411, see also Karl Schütz, 'Berhard Strigel, Die FamilieKaiserMaximiliansI.,zwischen1515und1520',inMaximilianI.2012,cat.no.13,pp.152. 22  Bernhard Strigel and workshop, Emperor Maximilian I, limewood, 29 x 22 cm, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum,inv.no.GG828;foradigitalreproductionsee: http://www.lessingͲphoto.com/dispimg.asp?i=26010224+&cr=10&cl=1. 23 Schütz2002,p.17. 24 ErichEgg,‘BildnisKönigMaximiliansI.’,inMaximilianI.1969,cat.no.547,p.148.AccordingtoEgg,thecopy inBerlin,formerlyinSchweinfurt,istheearliestportraitfromthisseries.Hequestionsthedate‘1496’asitisin contradictionwiththeinscriptionontherightͲhandside. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  112 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   25 IwishtothankBrigitteReinekeforprovidingthisinformation;BernhardStrigel,EmperorMaximilianI,oilon parchment on wood, 76,5 x 48 cm, Berlin, Deutsches Historisches Museum, inv. no. 1988/1496; for a digital reproduction see: http://www.dhm.de/datenbank/dhm.php?seite=5&fld_0=K1000080 (accessed on 15 February2013). 26 DieterVorsteher,‘BerhardStrigel,KaiserMaximilianI.,1496’,inHochrenaissanceimVatikan1999,cat.no. 72,pp.454വ55.ThisviewisalsoadoptedbyBrigitteReinekeinImAtelierderGeschichte2012,cat.no.8,pp. 32and346. 27  Hans Burgkmair the Elder (?), Emperor Frederick III, wood, circa 1510, 78,5 x 51,5 cm, Vienna, KunsthistorischesMuseum,inv.no.GG4398.Ithasbeensuggestedthatitwasbasedonalostpaintingdating from 1468; Margot Rauch ‘Friedrich III.’, in Werke für die Ewigkeit 2002, cat. no. 11, pp. 45Ͳ47; for a digital reproduction see: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Datei:Hans_Burgkmair_d._%C3%84._005.jpg (accessed on 15 February2013). 28  Hans Burgkmair the Elder (?), Empress Eleanor of Portugal, wood, circa 1510, 79 x 51.5 cm, Vienna, KunsthistorischesMuseum,inv.no.GG4399;MargotRauch‘EleonorevonPortugal.’,inWerkefürdieEwigkeit 2002,cat.no.11,pp.47Ͳ49;foradigitalimagesee: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Hans_Burgkmair_d._%C3%84._006.jpg(accessedon15February2013). 29 Silver2008,p.102.AsmallnumberofportraitscanbetracedbacktothecollectionofArchdukeFerdinandII, whoestablishedaportraitcollectionatSchlossAmbras. 30 Eichberger2005,pp.48വ55. 31 Eichberger2002,pp.58വ115. 32  Lille, AdN, Chambre des Comptes de Lille, no. 123904, fol. 4: ‘Les painctures estans en la librairye de madame’, in The Inventories of Charles V (2010), vol. III, p. 2393. The portrait is mentioned again in the householdinventoryof1523Ͳ24:‘Celledel‘empereurtrespassé’,Paris,BNF,CinqCentsdeColbert128,fol.46v, seeEichberger2002,p.173,fn.117.Formoreinformationonthevariousinventories,seeEichberger2010,vol. III,pp.2351വ63. 33 BernhardStrigel,EmperorMaximilianI,Innsbruck,TirolerLandesmuseum,oilonwood,84x51.8cm,circa 1507/08. 34 Eichberger2009,pp.241വ64. 35 Lille,AdN,ChambresdesComptes,123904,inTheInventoriesofCharlesV2010,vol.III,p.2393. 36  Bernhard Strigel, Maximilian I, oil on limewood, 39.5 x 30 cm, National Trust, Upton House, Banbury, Warwickshire, cat. no. 213; for a digital image see: http://www.bbc.co.uk/arts/yourpaintings/paintings/theͲ emperorͲmaximilianͲiͲ14591519(accessedon21February2013). 37  Bernhard Strigel and workshop, Emperor Maximilian I with scroll, ca. 1515, limewood, 37 x 25 cm, Berlin, Gemäldegalerie,inv.no.2110;foradigitalimagesee: http://bpkgate.picturemaxx.com/preview.php?WGSESSID=dcec51b266a2804a19350a3e18fc6aca&UURL=67f5 b88c215c9a208c2b26be9036ab15&IMGID=00025455. Further versions of this portrait exist in: Vienna [Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. no. GG 828], Kreuzlingen [Sammlung Kisters] and Innsbruck [Tiroler LandesmuseumFerdinandeum,inv.no.1277]. 38 ErichEgg,‘BildnisKaiserMaximiliansI.alsPrivatman‘,inMaximilianI.1969,cat.no.551/552,p.148. 39  Larry Silver, ‘Leonard Beck, Hans Burgkmair the Elder, Hans Schäufelein, Hans Springinklee, Weisskunig, 1514Ͳ16’,inKaiserMaximilianI.2012,cat.no.74,pp.288വ89. 40 Paris,BNF,CinqCentsdeColbert128,fol.59v,inTheInventoriesofCharlesV2010,vol.III,p.2448. 41 JoosvanCleveandworkshop,MaximilianIassovereignoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece,wood,30.8x21.1 cmBerlin,KMPK,GG1321;seeGemäldegalerieBerlin1996,vol.2,cat.no.791;JoosvanCleveandworkshop, Maximilian as sovereign of the Order of the Golden Fleece, wood, 33 x 23 cm, Brussels, Museés Royaux des BeauxͲArtsdeBelgique,inv.no.2581;seeMuséesroyauxdesBeauxͲArtsdeBelgique1984,p.60. 42 ThepaintingwasstudiedwithIRRbyMollyFairiesinMarch2001.Thecolourofthebackgroundisgreen,the hatisblack;theunderdrawinginexecutedinadrymedium,delineatinghisfaceandhands(correspondence withEvaͲMariaHöllererdatingfrom2December2012). 43 StatutebookoftheOrderoftheGoldenFleece,Vienna,ÖNB,Cod.2606,fol.77:anonymous,'MaximilianIas sovereignoftheorder',Bruges,after1518,parchment,28.4x21cm;seeDasStatutenbuchdesOrdensvom GoldenenVlies(1934).Foradigitalimagesee: http://wwwg.uniͲklu.ac.at/kultdoku/kataloge/37/html/2756.htm(accessedon20February2013). 44 EichbergerandBeaven1995,pp.233വ35. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  113 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   45  ‘Tres excellent et tres puissant prince, monseigneur Maximilien, archidux d‘autriche, duc de lothrie, de Brabant,deluxemburg,etc.’ 46 Paris,BNF,CinqCentsdeColbert128,fol.81v;inTheInventoriesofCharlesV(2010),vol.III,p.2455. 47  Hand 2004, pp. 112വ14; [2.0] Joos van Cleve, Maximilian I with carnations, oak, 28.5 x 22.3 cm, Vienna, KunsthistorischesMuseum,inv.no.GG972;[2.1]JoosvanCleveandworkshop,MaximilianIwithcarnations, oak, 19 x 13 cm, the date 1510 is written onto the original frame; Paris, Musée JacquemartͲAndré, inv. no. 2234;[2.2]JoosvanCleveandworkshop,MaximilianIwithcarnations,oak,34.6x24.4cm(withoutframe), Amsterdam,Rijskmuseum,inv.no.SKͲAͲ3293,foradigitalimagesee: https://www.rijksmuseum.nl/en/search/objecten?q=maximiliaan+I&js=1&p=6&ps=12#/SKͲAͲ3293,70 (accessedon20February2013). 48 IntheViennaandthePariscopiesMaximilianisholdingthreeflowersinsteadoftwo,seeNetherlandishart intheRijksmuseum2000,p.43.OnedetailthatraisesquestionsintheAmsterdamversionisthewayinwhich theOrderoftheGoldenFleeceisdepicted.Thefiligreestyleinwhichthecollaroftheorderhasbeenpainted does not correspond to the more solid chains in the other paintings. For digital information see: http://www.rijksmuseum.nl/collectie/zoeken/asset.jsp?id=SKͲAͲ3293&lang=nl (accessed on 22 November 2011). 49  Text in the margins of the entry quoted above: ‘Ce tableau a esté donné par Madame à sa seur batarde, religieusedeBoisͲleͲDucparsalettredu10d‘octobreanno1527,pourceroyé’. 50 Hand2004,p.20. 51 ItinerariumMaximilianI1899,pp.48വ56. 52 OntheearlycareerofJoosvanCleveseeHand2004,pp.13വ21. 53 ThisisalsoemphasizedbyScaillérez2011,p.104.Theauthorsofthecatalogueentryseemtoquestionthe suppositionthatMaximilianmetupwiththeartists,seeJoosvanCleve2011,p.179. 54 JoosvanCleve2011,cat.nos.48വ49,50,pp.180വ81;seealsoScailliérez2011,p.104. 55 Hand2004,p.20;anonymous,HenryVII,oilonwood,42.5x30.5cm,London,NationalPortraitGallery,inv. no.416.TheinscriptionontheLondonpaintingdocumentsthatHenry’sportraitwaspaintedon29October 1505 on command of Herman Rinck, a London agent for the Holy Roman Emperor; for a digital image see: www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portraitLarge/mw03078/KingͲHenryͲVII?LinkID=mp02144&role=sit&rNo=1 (accessedon21February2013). 56  Hans Burgkmair, no. 53: The marriage ceremony of Maximilian and Mary of Burgundy in Bruges 1477, in MaximilianI.andTreitzsauerwein1775,online:http://digi.ub.uniͲheidelberg.de/diglit/maximilian1775. 57  The 1511 silver coin is modelled on an earlier medal by Giovanni Candida; for a digital image of the 1511 silvercoin,see:http://www.coingallery.de/KarlV/Maximil_D.htm.Thereareseveralversionsingold(Dresden, Prague, Vienna): Ulrich Ursentaler, Kaiser Maximilian, 1511, Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Münzkabinett, inv. no. 886; for a digital image see: http://www.habsburger.net/de/kapitel/kunstͲimͲdiensteͲ derͲherrschaft;thereverseofUrsentaler’scoinisreproducedunder: http://www.habsburger.net/en/node/3120(accessedon21February2013). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  114 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM DynastischeIdentitätundeuropäischePolitik derspanischenHabsburgerinden1650er Jahren DiegoVelázquez’BildnissealsTeileinerhöfischͲpolitischenPorträtkultur  EvaǦBettinaKremsȋ‹˜‡”•‹–¡–ò•–‡”Ȍ    Als Don Juan José, der natürliche Sohn des spanischen Königs Philipp IV., im März 1659 von der französischen Königin Anne d’Autriche in ihrem Palais bei Val de Grâce in Paris empfangen wurde, zeigte ihm diese die Bildnisse der spanischen Habsburger, die sich in ihrem Kabinett befanden. DarüberinformierteinzeitgenössischerBericht,derdieSzeneinderGaleriezueinemEreignisvon staatspolitischer Bedeutung verdichtet:1 Eines der Porträts nämlich zeigte die spanische Infantin Maria Teresa, die Tochter Philipps IV. An der gegenüberliegenden Wand hingen die Porträts der französischen Familie. Neben Ludwig XIV., damals bereits einundzwanzigjährig, war noch ein Platz frei für seine zukünftige Gemahlin. Der Spanier Don Juan merkte an, dass diese Lücke in der Bildnisreihe leicht zu füllen sei. Man müsse nur das gegenüberliegende Porträt der spanischen InfantinabnehmenundnebenLudwigaufhängen. Dieser überlieferte Bericht vollführt unter Verweis auf den Gebrauch von Porträts eine Vorausschau,diekaumeinJahrspätererfülltwerdensollte:DieVerknüpfungderbeidenDynastien durchdieHochzeitLudwigsXIV.mitderspanischenInfantinMariaTeresa.IhrimBerichterwähntes Bildnis ist vermutlich das von Diego Velázquez 1653 vollendete Werk, jedoch ist die in Paris gelandete Version eine Werkstattarbeit. Das von Velázquez angefertigte Original war nahezu zeitgleich nach Wien gelangt. Es hat sogar eine dritte Version gegeben, die nach Brüssel gesendet wurde.2 Die Ausführung des originalen Porträts und seiner beiden Kopien fällt in das letzte SchaffensjahrzehntdesspanischenHofmalersDiegoVelázquez,der1660starb.IndiesemJahrzehnt sind auch zwei seiner heute berühmtesten Werke entstanden: Las Meninas (1656) und Las Hilanderas (vermutlich um 1658) führen den intellektuellen Rang des Malers deutlich vor.3 Diese Jahrewarenabervorallemdadurchgeprägt,dassVelázquezdashöchstefürihnerreichbareAmtbei Hofeerlangenkonnte,nämlichdasdesSchlossmarschalls.4DiesesAmtverpflichteteihnzuständiger AnwesenheitamHof,dennerleitetenichtnureinigeBauprojekte,sondernentwickelteEinsatzpläne für die Kammerdiener, überwachte die Etikette bei den Mahlzeiten des Königs, sorgte für die Quartiere bei königlichen Reisen, für die Möblierung und Ausstattung der Residenzen und organisierte Dekorationen für Feste.5 Eine seiner letzten Amtstätigkeiten, bevor er im August 1660 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  115 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM starb,galtderorganisatorischen und gestalterischen BesorgungderzeremoniellenZusammenkunft zwischendemspanischenundfranzösischenHofmitdenbeidenKönigenPhilippIV.undLudwigXIV. imOktober1659aufderPfaueninsel.6 Schon die Zeitgenossen bemerkten, die höfischen Ämter hätten den Maler von seiner künstlerischen Tätigkeit abgehalten. Diese Einschätzung reicht bis in die jüngste Forschung hinein. Laut Martin Warnke habe Philipp IV. auf Velázquez’ Indienstnahme als Hofmaler verzichtet, was dieser wiederum dazu genutzt habe, seinen Malerberuf aufzugeben, um „aus freien Stücken zu malen“.7MitdenbeidenGemäldenLasHilanderasundLasMeninashabeVelázquezvorallemseine künstlerischeNobilitierungimAugegehabt. JedochmalteVelázquezimselbenJahrzehnt,alsoab1651,eineganzeReihevonPortrait— und dasjenige der eingangs genannten Maria Teresa war eines davon —, die eben nicht in den mutmaßlichen Bereich eines vom Hofamt losgelösten und somit womöglich entfesselten Künstlertumsfallen,sonderngenaudemPflichtenspektrumdesHofkünstlersentsprachen.Eswaren diePorträtsderFamilienmitgliederderspanischenHabsburger.Dasklingtzunächstnachbruchloser Fortsetzung,warVelázquezdochalsPorträtistbereitsüberauserfahren.Indessenleisteteerhierin seinen letzten Lebensjahren etwas Neues in seinem ohnehin reichen Porträtschaffen. Um dies zu verstehen, ist ein kurzer Blick auf die politische Situation der spanischen Habsburger notwendig, befand sich doch die spanische Linie der Casa Austria in diesen Jahren in einer ernsthaften Krise. Ausgelöst wurde diese 1646 durch den unvermittelten Tod von Philipps einzigem Sohn Baltasar CarlosunddamitdesrechtmäßigenThronfolgers,nurwenigeWochennachdemmitKaiserFerdinand III.inWienvereinbartwordenwar,dassdessenTochterMariaAnna,damalszwölfJahrealt,Baltasar Carlos zur Frau gegeben werden sollte.8 Zwei Jahre zuvor, 1644, war bereits Philipps Gemahlin IsabellavonBourbonverstorben.DerKönigwarnunmehrohneeinenmännlichenErben;dereinzig verbliebeneNachkommedieserVerbindungwardieInfantinMariaTeresa. Die durch den Tod des Prinzen hervorgerufene Situation war jedoch nicht nur für die spanischen Habsburger, sondern insgesamt für das Gleichgewicht der europäischen Mächte zum AusgangdesDreißigjährigenKriegesausgesprochenheikel.GeradediedynastischenSchwächender Habsburger und ihre Erbfolgekrisen brachten das europäische Staatensystem im siebzehnten und frühen achtzehnten Jahrhundert immer wieder ins Wanken, weil die Monarchien am veralteten CharakterderPatrimonialstaatenfesthaltenwolltenunddamitaneinerErbfolge,vonderdieFrauen ausgeschlossenwaren.9SobliebdasdynastischeEuropaeineQuelleunzähligerKonflikteinfolgedes Aussterbens herrschender Häuser und der durch die Nebenlinien aufgrund von Erbrechten erhobenen Ansprüche. Das Problem der biologischen Schwäche der spanischen Linie des Hauses Habsburg wurde schon während der Friedensverhandlungen in Münster 1648 von den spanischen undfranzösischenDelegationendiskutiert.10 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  116 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Abb. 1  Diego Velázquez, Isabella von Bourbon, Abb.2DiegoVelázquez,BaltasarCarlos,ca.1640,Wien, 1631Ͳ32,NewYork,Privatsammlung. KunsthistorischesMuseum.    UmdieHegemoniederHabsburgerinEuropadennochzusichern,beschlossderdamals42Ͳ jährigePhilippIV.kurzerhandselbstdieBrautseinesverstorbenenSohneszuheiraten,obwohldiese, Maria Anna, seine leibliche Nichte war und zum Zeitpunkt des Heiratskontrakts 1647 gerade erst dreizehnJahrezählte.MariaAnna,imfolgendenMarianagenannt,trafimHerbst1649inMadridein. VelázquezbefandsichzudiesemZeitpunktinItalienundkehrteerstimSommer1651andenHofin Madrid zurück, wo er die neue politische Situation vorfand, die sowohl ihn —den frisch ernannten Schlossmarschall—,alsauchdiespanischeLiniederCasaAustriavorneueAufgabenstellte.DerBlick aufdieseit1651geschaffenenPorträtszeigtunverkennbareinedeutlicheDominanzderweiblichen Familienmitglieder.11 Diese waren bisher, mit Ausnahme von einem Porträt der ersten Gemahlin Philipps IV. (Abb. 1),12 nicht im Fokus des ersten Hofmalers Velázquez gewesen, der —freilich in AnlehnunganeinenantikenTopos—alseinzigerberechtigtwar,denKönigzumalen.Zudemoblag ihm bisher die Aufgabe, Baltasar Carlos, den Sohn des Königs im Porträt festzuhalten (Abb. 2),13 gleichsamalsBelegderalsgesichertgeglaubtenFortsetzungderDynastie. VondessenneunJahrejüngerenSchwester,MariaTeresa,gibteskeinevonVelázquez,dem ersten Hofmaler, ausgeführten Kinderbildnisse. Dafür waren offenbar andere zuständig, wie etwa Velázquez‘ Schwiegersohn Juan Bautista Martínez del Mazo, der die Prinzessin als etwa Vierjährige malte(Abb.3).14MartínezdelMazoerweistsichalsengvertrautmitderkünstlerischenHandschrift seines Schwiegervaters Velázquez: in der leicht gedrehten Haltung des Kindes, das sich an einem ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  117 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Stuhlabstützt,hinterfangenvoneinemfigürlichenBildteppich,folgtdasBildnisdemvonVelázquez geprägten Typus des Kinderporträts, wie demjenigen des zweijährigen Balthasar Carlos von 1631 (Abb.4).15EinentscheidenderUnterschiedliegtbeimBildnisderMariaTeresajedochimFehlenvon InsignienderMacht,wiesieselbstdemzweijährigenBaltasarCarlosinderKleidung,imSchwertund KommandostabundindenvomZwerggehaltenenRasselundApfel,dieaufSzepterundReichsapfel anspielenkönnten,beigegebensind.   Abb.3JuanBautistaMartínezdelMazo,MariaTeresa, Abb. 4  Diego Velázquez, Baltasar Carlos mit einem Zwerg, um1642,NewYork,MetropolitanMuseumofArt. 1631,Boston,MuseumofFineArts.  DemRangdesjeweiligenHofmalersentsprachsomitdieRangstellungderzuporträtierenden Familienmitglieder, etwa des Thronerben gegenüber den anderen, vor allem weiblichen Nachkommen.DieTöchterspieltenzwarinderErbfolgekeineRolle,warenabereinwichtigesSymbol fürdieflorierendenFamilienverbindungen,geradenachdemdieCasaAustriaineineösterreicheund einespanischeLiniegespaltenwar. UnterdemAspektderklarenRollenverteilungunterdenHofmalernistesdahererstaunlich, dassVelázquezalsersterunterihnennunauchdieweiblichenNachkommenzuporträtierenhatte, trotz seiner hohen Belastung auf dem wichtigen Hofamt als Schlossmarschall. Das lässt darauf schließen, dass man die Bedeutung der weiblichen Familienmitglieder in den 1650er Jahren höher schätzte als bislang und ihrer Rolle ein größeres Gewicht beimaß, zumal die neue Verbindung von PhilippIV.mitMarianajahrelangohnemännlichenSprossblieb. Noch ein weiterer Aspekt ist wichtig: Der Großteil dieser Porträts gelangte in einen interhöfischen Bilderkreislauf zwischen dem spanischen Königshof in Madrid, Paris als Sitz des ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  118 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM französischen Königs, Wien als Sitz des Kaisers und Brüssel als Sitz des Statthalters der spanischen Niederlande. Es war ein den Akteuren vertrautes und ritualisiertes Spiel mit Kopien, Repliken und Originalen,mitGroßformatenundKleinformaten,mitBrustbildernundganzfigurigenPorträts.16Eine effiziente und gut organisierte Werkstatt war dabei Voraussetzung für das Gelingen des diplomatischenAustauschsvonPorträts,wasmanchenHofmalersicherauchüberfordernkonnte. JederbeteiligteMalerkonnteseinePorträtsunddieseinerinderFernearbeitendenKollegen als Medien eines kalkulierbaren Kulturtransfers betrachten, wenngleich die künstlerische Aufgabe keine leichte war. Denn nicht selten kollidierte das Informationsbedürfnis der Empfänger mit den Idealisierungsbestrebungen der Absender, was den Künstler dazu zwang, den Zielkonflikt zwischen dem Verismus in der Darstellung und ihrer symbolischen Übersteigerung weitgehend aufzulösen. ImmerhinmusstendieKünstlernichtselbstreisen—wienochVelázqueznachItalien—,umSpuren ihrerPorträtkunstandenferngelegenenHöfenzuhinterlassen. DieÜbermittlervonBildnisundBotschaftwarenvorallem die GesandtenundDiplomaten, diedieInteressendeseigenenHofesandenjeweilsanderenHöfenvertraten.Siegehörtenzuden zentralen Akteuren in diesem hochgradig ritualisierten Austausch von Porträts entlang der politischen Achsen, quer durch das dynastische Europa. Daher wirft die Porträtpraxis, in die auch Velázquez’Bildnisseeingebundenwaren,einigesLichtaufdieBeziehungenzwischendenspanischen unddenösterreichischenHabsburgernbzw.denfranzösischenBourbonen:Wieesumdiejeweiligen Verhältnisse bestellt war, kann man an den Bildern selbst, an ihrem Gebrauch und schließlich — sofernhierQuellenvorliegen—anihrerFremdwahrnehmungablesen. Velázquez’ späte Bildnisse der vor allem weiblichen Mitglieder der Königsfamilie können somitalsTeileinerhöfischenPorträtkulturbetrachtetwerden,dieeinerseitsausderBildverwendung innerhalb des dynastischͲdiplomatischen Austauschs und andererseits der Rezeption durch KommentarederZeitgenossendefiniertwird.Jedochistzubedenken,dasssehrvielwenigerQuellen über Fragen der Rezeption Auskunft geben als zu der Tauschpraxis selbst, die ihrerseits in der künstlerischen Disposition des jeweiligen Gemäldes ihren eigenen, eben bildhaften Quellenbefund findet.DennimRahmenderhöfischenPorträtkulturerfüllendieBildnisseunterschiedlicheZwecke, die man — so dieThese — an ihren stilistischen, kompositionellen und ikonographischen Besonderheiten ablesen kann. Über ihre pragmatische Funktion steuern Porträts die WahrnehmungenderpolitischenAkteure,erinnernangetroffeneinterhöfischeVerabredungenoder nähren politische Hoffnungen. Bisweilen sind es die kleinen Unterschiede im Arrangement eines Porträts, die darüber entscheiden, ob es der Brautwerbung, einem Erbschaftsversprechen, der BetonungeinesMachtanspruchsoderdemErweisdynastischerProsperitätdienensoll. AneinerkleinenAuswahlseienimFolgendensolcheUnterschiedeinVelázquez’Porträts,die im interhöfischen Bilderverkehr kursierten, beispielhaft dargelegt, um Rolle und Bedeutung des höfischen Bildnisses als Teil einer regelrechten Porträtkultur sichtbar zu machen. Ich möchte beginnenmitdemgroßformatigenPorträtderneuenKöniginMariana(Abb.5).17ImJahre1649,als dieneueKönigininMadrideingetroffenwar,befandsichVelázqueznochinItalienundkonnteerst nach seiner Rückkehr aus Rom 1651 mit dem Porträt der jungen Regentin beginnen. Obwohl der KaiserbereitsimJuli1650umeinPorträtseinerTochternachihrerHochzeitgebetenhatte,wartete manoffenbaraufdieRückkehrdeserstenköniglichenHofmalers,wasdieBedeutungdieserAufgabe unterstrich.18 Das Bild war spätestens im Dezember 1652 beendet, denn mit der diplomatischen ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  119 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Mission des Marquis von Caracena19 wurde zu diesem Zeitpunkt ein Porträt der Königin an den KaiserhofnachWiengesendet—eswarjedochnureineWerkstattreplik,dieWienerreichte(Abb. 6).20DasOriginalverbliebinMadrid(Abb.5).21 Abb. 5  Diego Velázquez, Königin Mariana, um Abb. 6  Diego Velázquez (Werkstatt), Königin Mariana, 1652,Madrid,MuseodelPrado. um1652,Wien,KunsthistorischesMuseum.   DerVergleichmitdemPorträtderfrüherenKönigin(Abb.1)liegtnahe:Velázquezschufdes BildnisderIsabellavonBourbonetwazwanzigJahrevorher.22DieÄhnlichkeitinderDispositionder beidenBildnisseistdeutlich:DerdieSzenehinterfangenderoteVorhang,dasAufstützenaufdenmit SamtbezogenenStuhl,diesteifeKörperhaltung,diedieförmlicheEtiketteimoffiziellen Hofporträt demonstriert und den Eindruck königlicher Majestät hervorruft. Alle diese gemeinsamen Elemente belegen die Vertrautheit Velázquez’ mit der schon durch Rubens am spanischen Hof etablierten Porträtform. Dennoch gibt es im Bildnis der Mariana neuartige Aspekte, die nicht allein auf stilistische Variationen zurückzuführen sind, sondern mit der bildgewordenen Funktion der Königin als Repräsentantin der Dynastie zu tun haben. So etwa trägt Mariana, deren Hals im Gegensatz zu Isabella nicht bedeckt ist, eine aufwändig und kunstvoll frisierte Perücke, die das Gesicht wie ein Fächerhinterfängt;seitlichwirddasHauptvoneinerbuschigenStraußenfederbekrönt.23 Die auffälligste Änderung in der Mode ist jedoch der sogenannte „Guardainfante“, der weitausladende Reifrock. Durch das enge Korsett wird die Taille und damit der ausgestellte Rock ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  120 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM nochbetont.DieEntscheidung,denGuardainfantefürdieKöniginzuwählen,wargewissnichtallein dem reinen Diktat der Mode geschuldet, denn diese Gewandform hatte eine durchaus heikle Bedeutung. Die weit verbreitete Befürchtung war, dass sich unter dem Guardainfante, also „Kinderwächter“ genannten Rock, so manche Schwangerschaft verbergen ließ, die, so eine zeitgenössische Quelle, nicht die Frucht einer legitimen Liebesbeziehung sei.24 1639 war der Rock daherperköniglichemDekretals„hurenmäßig“verbotenworden(Abb.7).25DerRockerfreutesich dennochungeahnterBeliebtheit,undvieleFrauensetztensichüberdasVerbothinweg.DasGesetz wurde verschiedentlich erneuert, doch ohne die Verbreitung dieser modischen Attraktion wirklich eindämmen zu können. Velázquez porträtierte die Königin in diesem strittigen Auftritt sogar zur selbenZeit,alsderspanischeHofdramatikerCalderóndenGuardainfantesatirischinseinenamHof aufgeführtenTheaterstückenverarbeitete.26   Abb.7KöniglichesDekretzumVerbotdes Guardainfante,1639. Die Frage stellt sich, warum Velázquez diese so auffällige Gewandung in einem höfischen Staatsporträt einsetzte, das als solches ausgewiesen ist etwa durch den Stuhl und die Tischuhr als SymboleköniglichenRanges.IsteseinZeichenfürFruchtbarkeit—unddamitdaszentraleSymbolfür die Kontinuität der Habsburger Herrschaft?27 Oder könnte dieses modischͲprächtige, mit silbernen LitzenbestickteundmitrotenBändernverzierteKleid,kombiniertmitwertvollemSchmuck,darunter Goldketten,ArmbänderundeinegroßegoldeneBroscheamMieder,genaudasrepräsentieren,was es ostentativ zeigt: nämlich Mode und Pracht, eine betont spanische Aktualität und Reichtum,28 somit einen prosperierenden spanischen Hof, biologisch wie finanziell. Beides entsprach zu dieser Zeit freilich kaum der Realität. Die finanziellen Ressourcen waren überaus kritisch und ein Thronfolger noch lange nicht geboren. Die weibliche Repräsentantin der Dynastie liefert in diesem ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  121 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM BildnisdasnachdemfrühenToddesThronfolgerslangeüberfälligeVersprechen,dassmaninEuropa weiterhinmitdenspanischenHabsburgernzurechnenhat. Schließlich sei auf eine dritte Neuerung in diesem Königinporträt gegenüber dem früheren der Isabella von Bourbon (Abb. 1) hingewiesen, die ebenfalls der aktualisierten symbolischen Übersteigerungdient:derKontrastzwischenderkörperlichenStarrederFigurunddertechnischen VirtuositätdesPinselstrichs,eineSpontaneitätundLeichtigkeit,diederMalervorallemimBereich derGewandungvorführt.HierverwandeltsichdiearretierteGewandhülleineinbewegtesGlitzern und Flirren, das die ganze Person zum Erstrahlen bringt. Mit Marianas Porträt wurde in diesen Aspekten ein neuer Typus des Bildnisses am Hof der spanischen Habsburger etabliert und zwar — zumZeitpunkteinerernsthaftenErbfolgekrise—derdesselbstständigenweiblichenHofporträts. Die Typenhaftigkeit zeigt sich in dem nur wenig später entstandenen Porträt der Maria Teresa(Abb.8),29welchesschonzuBeginnkurzerwähntwurde.MariaTeresawares,aufdiesichdie Aufmerksamkeit der anderen europäischen Mächte noch weitaus stärker richtete als auf die junge Königin:dieTochterPhilippsIV.ausdessenersterEhemitIsabellavonBourbonwargeradeeinmal vier Jahre jünger als ihre Stiefmutter Mariana, und vor allem war sie der einzig noch verbliebene, wenn auch weibliche Spross des spanischen Königshauses. Bereits 1646, kurz nach dem Tod des KönigsohnsBaltasarCarlos’,schlugFrankreichsregierenderMinisterMazarindieseVerbindungvor. Der Bruch der Verhandlungen zwischen beiden Herrscherhäusern auf dem Friedenskongress in Münster und somit der fortdauernde Krieg vereitelten zunächst den Heiratsplan. Erst nach vielen Jahren, 1659, sollte der Pyrenäenfrieden den vorgezeichneten Weg für die neue Verbindung freimachen.      Abb.8DiegoVelázquez(Werkstatt),MariaTeresa,um1653,Boston,MuseumofFineArts. MariaTeresasRolleerlangtesomitnachdemTodevonBalthasarCarloseineneuepolitische Bedeutung, die über die gängige Heiratspraxis am spanischen Hof weit hinausging. Dies lässt sich allein an der Versendungsbreite ihres Porträts ablesen, denn es wurde an noch mehr Höfe und in ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  122 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM nochdichtererFrequenzverteiltalsdasjenigederKönigin.DavonzeugendieBerichtederGesandten und Diplomaten zu dieser Zeit, die für die Transfers der Porträts der Infantin zuständig waren. Die Versendung eines Bildnisses der spanischen Infantin kam am Zielort dem Versprechen gleich, dass hierwiedorteinerHeiratzugestimmtwerdenkönnte.30EinsolchesVersprechenkonntebereitszur Zeit der Anfertigung des jeweiligen Bildnisses und der Planung seiner Versendungsziele wahrgenommen werden, was den beteiligten Akteuren mitunter einen diplomatisch nutzbaren Zeitvorteilverschaffenkonnte. FeinnervigregistriertenauswärtigeGesandteambetreffendenHof,obPorträtsaufdieReise an bestimmte Ziele gehen sollten, was als ein Zeichen für Verhandlungen entlang einer wichtigen politischen Achse gedeutet wurde: So berichtet der in Madrid ansässige Gesandte vom Hof zu Modena,FrancescoOttonelli,am22.Februar1653,derMarcheseMattei,dervoreinigenMonaten nach Madrid geschickt worden sei, reise morgen wieder nach Flandern ab; man habe ihm mitgegeben „il ritratto della serenissima infanta e con esso quello del re e della regina“.31 Es seien alsoPorträtsderInfantin—dieanersterStellegenanntwird—,desKönigsundderKöniginfürden Statthalter Erzherzog Leopold Wilhelm, den Bruder des Kaisers, nach Brüssel gesendet worden, natürlich um dessen Hoffnung auf seine Vermählung mit der Infantin zu nähren, „la speranza del matrimonioconladettaserenissimainfanta”.32   Abb.9DiegoVelázquez,MariaTeresa,um1653,Wien, KunsthistorischesMuseum. Porträts konnten somit zu politisch aktivierbaren Medien werden, ja zum diplomatischen SurrogatvonneuenBündnisformierungen;siedientensogaralsVertrauensspendezurVorbereitung von Friedensverhandlungen. Der gemalten spanischen Prinzessin kam dabei eine multiple Funktion ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  123 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM zu,dennbeiderVersendungdesPorträtsnachBrüssel(Abb.8)33bliebesnicht;eineweitereVersion ging, so ein Bericht des venezianischen Gesandten Giacomo Querini vom 17. Dezember 1653, fast zeitgleich an den Wiener Kaiserhof (Abb. 9):34 Maria Teresa war 1653 für den ältesten Sohn des Kaisers bestimmt, der jedoch bereits ein Jahr später verstarb. Im selben Schreiben fügte der Gesandtehinzu,erselbstwerdeeindrittesBildnisderInfantinwiederumnachFrankreichschicken.35 DieserVorgangerstauntammeisten,denndieFranzosenbefandensichzudieserZeitnochimKrieg mitSpanien:DieÜbersendungeinesPorträtsaneinfeindlichesLandwareinegroßeNeuerungfürdie spanischen Habsburger. Bisher hatte sich der Spanische Hof allgemein mit Bildnisgeschenken über die Grenzen der Dynastie hinaus sehr zurückgehalten;36 Porträts zirkulierten fast ausschließlich innerhalbderHabsburgerFamilie,alsozwischenWienundMadrid.Nunabermusstemansichden Mächten — ob Kriegsgegner oder Bündnispartner — gleichermaßen politisch anbieten, und innerhalbderzugehörigenGeschäftsgängederGesandtenwardasBildnisderPrinzessinklarerweise eingeeignetesMediumzurBekräftigungseinerInteressen.37   Abb.10DiegoVelázquez(Werkstatt),MariaTeresa,um1653,Paris,Louvre. Das Porträt der Infantin wurde also innerhalb kurzer Zeit an drei verschiedene Höfe geschickt:  Das Original ging nach Wien, eine Kopie nach Brüssel an den Hof des Statthalters der spanischen Niederlande und eine weitere Kopie schließlich nach Paris, die erheblich beschnitten worden ist und nur noch als Brustbild existiert (Abb. 10).38 Auch die beiden großformatigen Versionen(siewarenursprünglichüber2Meterhoch)sindbeschnittenworden—inderHöheum ca.70cm,inderBreiteknapp30cm.39ManmusssichMariaTeresaalsoursprünglichalsGanzfigur, wie auf dem Porträt Marianas (Abb. 5), vorstellen. Auch im Typus ist das Porträt der Infantin, wie angedeutet,demderKöniginverblüffendähnlich,wasdieHaltungderdiszipliniertstehendenFigur mit der auffällig modischen Frisur, dem Schmuck und dem Guardainfante verdeutlicht. Selbst die physiognomischeÄhnlichkeitistüberdasverwandtschaftlichengeVerhältnishinausgesucht,umdie ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  124 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Habsburger Familienzugehörigkeit über die Trennung der Casa Austria in eine spanische und eine österreichischeLiniehinauszupropagieren. Jedoch sind bei der vor einem tiefdunklen schwarzͲgrünen Vorhang stehenden Infantin, abgesehen von der über den Rock entlang geführten Uhr und möglicherweise einem Bildnismedaillon,40keinerleiAttributezufinden.DerdunkelgrüneschwereTeppichscheintsogarden Tisch links regelrecht verdecken zu wollen, um keinerlei Deutungsmöglichkeiten zu bieten. Diese AusblendungpolitischerIkonographienistkeineWillkür,dennspätereBildnisseVelázquez’bedienen durchausdenattributivenApparatderHerrschaftsdarstellung.VielmehrhältsichdiesesPorträtder Infantinoffenbarabsichtlichbedeckt. EsisteinStaatsporträtohneAttribute;damitaberauchohne den im Staatsporträt gewohnten Ausdruck von sozialer Egalität und höfischer Vernetzung.41 Der HofmalerVelázquezwirdgewussthaben,dassdasPorträtanmehrereHöfegeschicktwerdensollte, darunter sogar der französische Hof der Bourbonen. Er bemüht sich also um eine ikonographisch multiple Passform für eine bildpragmatische Bewährung des Porträts an drei verschiedenen Orten zugleich. Es gibt einen weiteren wichtigen Aspekt, der die Attributlosigkeit erklärt: es durfte kein HinweisaufeinenErbansprucherkennbarsein.DasPorträtderMariaTheresadurftenicht—wiedie Bildnisse ihres Bruders, des Prinzen Baltasar Carlos — ein Symbol für die Kontinuität spanischer Herrschaftsein.DenndieVerheiratungMariaTeresasbotfürdieeuropäischenMächteeineGefahr, so lange kein männlicher Thronfolger geboren war. Das jahrelange Buhlen der Franzosen um die spanischeInfantinalsBrautfürLudwigXIV.wurdeinEuropamitgrößterSorgeregistriert,damanzu RechtdenfranzösischenAnspruchaufdasspanischeErbebefürchtete.42DasEinlenkenPhilippsIV.in den Hochzeitsverhandlungen erfolgte erst in den späten 1650er Jahren, denn erst 1657 war mit FelipePrósperoderlangersehntemännlicheThronfolgergeboren. IndiesemZusammenhangmöchteichabschließendzweiPorträtskurzindenBlicknehmen, die1659,alsowenigeMonatevorderspanischͲfranzösischenHochzeit,alsGeschenkePhilippsIV.an denKaisernachWiengesendetwurden:DiebeidenBildnissezeigendiezweiNachkommenausder Ehe mit Mariana von Österreich, Margarita Teresa (Abb. 11) und ihren jüngeren Bruder, den eben erwähntenFelipePróspero(Abb.12).43 ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  125 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Abb.11DiegoVelázquez,MargaritaTeresa,1659,Wien, KunsthistorischesMuseum. Diese beiden von Velázquez für den Kaiser angefertigten Bildnisse hatten in dem hier dargelegten, mit hoher politischer Symbolik behafteten interhöfischen Porträttransfer der 1650er Jahre wiederum wichtige Rollen auszufüllen. Margarita Teresa war dem seit wenigen Monaten als Kaiser, nach hart umkämpfter Wahl, regierenden Habsburgers Leopold I. als zukünftige Braut versprochen. Diese eindeutige Bestimmung der Infantin spiegelt sich in dem reichen attributiven Apparat ihres Porträts (Abb. 11), zu dessen Dechiffrierung aufgrund des ruinösen Zustandes des HintergrundesnurzeitgenössischeQuellenhelfen.44LautdiesenstehtaufdemBeistelltischlinkseine Standuhr aus Ebenholz ruhend auf vergoldeten Bronzefiguren, ganz offensichtlich Löwen. In der MittederUhristeinKreismitdemSonnenwagengemalt.DerSonnenwagengiltalswohlbekanntes SymbolfüreinneuesZeitalter,dieSonneallgemeinalsSinnbildfürdenHerrscher.Undauchderneu gewählteKaiserLeopoldwarschonkurznachseinerKrönung1658als„neueSonne“inFlugschriften apostrophiert worden.45 Der Beginn des neuen Zeitalters starker Beziehungen innerhalb der Casa AustriakommtinMargaritaTeresasPorträtzumAusdruckalsdeutlichesprohabsburgischesZeichen, während die spanischͲbourbonische Hochzeit zwischen ihrer Halbschwester und Ludwig XIV. besiegeltwar. ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  126 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Abb.12DiegoVelázquez,FelipePróspero,1659,Wien, KunsthistorischesMuseum. Garant für dieses neu anbrechende Habsburger Zeitalter war indessen vor allem der Thronfolger Felipe Próspero, dessen Porträt zeitgleich mit demjenigen Margaritas nach Wien gesendet wurde (Abb. 12). Man hat diesem Bildnis immer wieder einen melancholischen Zug unterstellt und die Dunkelheit, die sich hinter dem von Abwehramuletten gegen den bösen Blick behangenenPrinzenausbreitet,alsfinstereZukunftderDynastielesenwollen,soalshabeVelázquez den frühen Tod Felipe Prósperos — 1661 starb er vierjährig — geahnt und ins Bild gebannt.46 Eine solcheDarstellungkonntenatürlichinkeinsterWeisedenAbsichtendesHofesentsprochenhaben, mögen auch die zeitgenössischen Berichte das Bild von einem schwächlichen Kind zeichnen. Der MalerVelázquezstießim PorträtFelipePrósperossicherlichandieGrenzen desKonfliktszwischen mimetischerDarstellungundderzupropagierendenRolledesDargestellten,dessenreinePräsenzim Bildnis die Befürchtungen des Kaisers um ein gefährdetes spanisches Erbe zerstreuen sollten. Der Hofmann Velázquez wusste sehr wohl um die mit Hilfe von Porträts geführten Schachzüge im Mächtehaushalt der Höfe und die Regeln dieses kulturellen Spiels um den dynastischen Machterhalt.47    ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  127 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Bibliographie Arte y diplomacia de la monarquía hispánica en el siglo XVII, hrsg. v. José Luis Colomer (Madrid, 2003). Barta, Ilsebill, Familienporträts der Habsburger. Dynastische Repräsentation im Zeitalter der Aufklärung(Wien,2001). Baticle, Jeannine, “Note sur les portraits de la maison de Bourbon, envoyés en Espagne au XVIIe siècle”,LarevuedesArts.MuséesdeFrance,10,4Ͳ5(1960),pp.195–200. Bérenger, Jean, „Die Habsburger und ihre Erbfolgekrisen als Formationsphase des neuen europäischen Staatensystems“, in: Das europäische Staatensystem im Wandel. Strukturelle BedingungenundbewegendeKräfteseitderFrühenNeuzeit,hrsg.v.PeterKrüger(München,1996), pp.63–88. Bernis,Carmen,“Velázquezyelguardainfante”,inVelázquezyelartedesutiempo(Madrid,1991), pp.49–60. Brown,Jonathan,Velázquez.MalerundHöfling(München,1988). Brown,Jonathan,PaintinginSpain.1500–1700(NewHaven,1998). Das Porträt in der frühen Neuzeit, hrsg. v. Eva Krems und Sigrid Ruby (München/Berlin, 2014, in Vorbereitung). Defourneaux,Marcel,SpanienimGoldenenZeitalter(Stuttgart,1986). DieKünstlerderKaiser.VonDürerbisTizian,vonRubensbisVelázquez,hrsg.v.AdrianiGötz(Wien, 2009). Gasta,ChadM.,“ThePoliticsofPainting.VelázquezandDiplomacyintheCourtofPhilipIV”,Letras Hispanas, 3, 2 (2006), auf: http://www.modlang.txstate.edu/letrashispanas/previousvolumes/vol3Ͳ 2/contentParagraph/0/content_files/file/Velazquez.pdf. HorcajoͲPalomero, Natalia, “Amuletos y talismanes en el retrato del príncipe Felipe Próspero de Velázquez”,ArchivoEspañoldeArte,72,288(1999),pp.521–530. Justi,Carl,VelázquezundseinJahrhundert(Zürich,1933). Kennedy,Paul,AufstiegundFalldergroßenMächte.ÖkonomischerWandelundmilitärischerKonflikt von1500–2000(Frankfurt,1989). LasMeninasimSpiegelderDeutungen,hrsg.v.ThierryGreub(Berlin,2001). LópezͲRey,José,Velázquez.MalerderMaler,2Bde.(Köln,1996). Llorente,Mercedes,“Imagenyautoridadenunaregencia.LosretratosdeMarianadeAustriaylos límites del poder”, in La corte de la Monarquía Hispánica. Studia Historica, Historia Moderna, 28 (2006),pp.17–61. ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  128 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Palomino, Antonio, Lives of the Eminent Spanisch Painters and Sculptors, übers. N. A. Mallory, Cambridge1987. Pointon,Marcia,“AccessoriesasPortraitsandPortraitsasAccessories”,inDasPorträtinderfrühen Neuzeit,hrsg.v.EvaKremsundSigridRuby(München/Berlin,2014,inVorbereitung). Saxl,Fritz,“Velázquez”,inLectures,hrsg.v.FritzSaxl,Bd.1(London,1957). Schumann, Jutta, Die andere Sonne. Kaiserbild und Medienstrategien im Zeitalter Leopolds I. (München,2003). Stradling,R.A.,PhilipIVandtheGovernmentofSpain.1621Ͳ1665(Cambridge,1988). Velázquez,hrsg.v.AntonioDomínguezOrtiz,AlfonsoPérezSánchez,u.JuliánGállego(Madrid,1990). Velázquez,hrsg.vonDawsonCarr(London,2006). Warnke,Martin,Hofkünstler.ZurVorgeschichtedesmodernenKünstlers(Köln,1985). Warnke,Martin,Velázquez.FormundReform(Köln,2005). Winkler, Hubert, Bildnis und Gebrauch. Zum Umgang mit dem fürstlichen Bildnis in der frühen Neuzeit:Vermählung,Gesandtschaftswesen,SpanischerErbfolgekrieg(Wien,1993). Zanger,AbbyE.,ScenesfromtheMarriageofLouisXIV.NuptialFictionsandtheMakingofAbsolutist Power(Stanford,1997). Zimmermann, Heinrich, „Zur Ikonographie des Hauses Habsburg“, Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen SammlungeninWien,25(1905),pp.171–218.  Abbildungen Abb.1,2,4,5,6,8,9,11,12:LópezͲRey,José,Velázquez.MalerderMaler,2Bde.(Köln,1996). Abb.3:MetropolitanMuseumofArt,NewYork(metmuseum.org). Abb.7:http://historiaturaniana.blogspot.de/2012/03/pregonͲrealͲsobreͲguedejasͲyͲcopetes.html Abb.10:BildarchivFotoMarburg. 1 MémoiresdeFrançoisdePauledeClermont,marquisdeMonglat,[...]contenantl'histoiredelaguerreentrela Franceetlamaisond'Autriche[...]souslerègnedeLouisXIIIetdeLouisXIV,Amsterdam1727,Bd.IV,S.206f. Zu dieser Quelle vgl. bes. Zimmermann 1905, pp. 189 (dort auch der Wortlaut der Quelle). Siehe ebenso Winkler1993,p.88. 2 ZudiesenVersionensieheimVerlaufdesBeitrags. 3 SieheetwadenSammelbandzuLasMeninas:Greub2001. 4 ZudenÄmternundAufgabendesMalersamspanischenHofsieheWarnke2005,pp.139–143. 5 SieheauchBrown1988,S.215. 6 Brown1988,pp.248f.ZurgroßenpolitischenRollevonVelázquezvgl.auch:Gasta2006. ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  129 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM 7 Warnke2005,S.139.DiePhasebiszuVelázquez‘Tod1660charakterisiertWarnkefolgendermaßen:„Jedem Biographen des Velázquez ist aufgefallen, dass der Maler im letzten Jahrzehnt seines Lebens eigentlich nicht mehr seinen Malberuf ausgeübt hat, obwohl wenigstens zwei Werke aus diesem Jahrzehnt Hauptwerke der Malereigeschichtedarstellen.“ 8 ZurGeschichteSpaniensimsiebzehntenJahrhundertsiehe:Defourneaux1986;Kennedy1989,pp.69–189. 9 Bérenger1996,p.63–88. 10 Ebd.,p.65. 11 Vgl.denWerkkatalogbeiLópezͲRey1996. 12 Vgl.z.B.das1631–32entstandenePorträtderIsabellavonBourbon,NewYork,Privatsammlung,207x119 cm;LópezͲRey1996,Bd.II,pp.53–55. 13 Vgl.etwadasPorträtvonca.1640,BaltasarCarlos,Wien,KunsthistorischesMuseum,128x99cm;LópezͲRey 1996,Bd.II,S.222. 14 DasWerkbefindetsichinNewYork,MetropolitanMuseumofArt,um1642;zumKünstlervgl.Brown1998, pp.188–190. 15 BaltasarCarlosmiteinemZwerg,1631,Boston,MuseumofFineArts.SieheLópezͲRey1996,Bd.II,p.51. 16  Mit vielen Quellenverweisen: Winkler 1993. Zu den Konflikten beim interhöfischen Bildnistausch siehe besondersWarnke1985,pp.270–284undpassim.SieheauchWarnke2005,p.38–48.ZumPorträtgebrauch undzurPorträtpraxisvgl.Krems/Ruby2014(inVorbereitung). 17  Es geht um folgende Version: Maria Anna von Österreich, um 1652–53, Öl auf Leinwand, 234 x 132 cm, Madrid,MuseodelPrado;vgl.Velázquez1990,Kat.71,p.409;LópezͲRey1996,Bd.II,pp.298ff.;Justi1933, pp. 663–671 und Zimmermann 1905, p. 185 haben Grundlegendes zur Erforschung der Versionen in verschiedeneneuropäischenundaußereuropäischenSammlungengeleistet. 18 VelázquezwargegenEnde1648nachItalienaufgebrochenundkehrteerstimJuni1651nachMadridzurück. Justi1933,p.667,verweistdarauf,dasszwarzunächstJuanBautistadelMazoeinBildnisanfertigte,welches aberoffenbarnichtfürandereHöfebestimmtgewesenwar. 19  Luis Francisco de Benavides Carrillo de Toledo, Marquis von Caracena (1608–1668), war von 1648–1656 StatthaltervonMailand. 20  Leinwandgröße 204 x 126,5 cm; Rahmenmaße 226 x 148,5 x 10 cm, Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Gemäldegalerie,Zimmermann1905,S.172;LópezͲRey1996,Bd.II,p.121–124. 21 Eswurdeum1800umrund20cmnachobenverlängert.ZurForschungsieheauchdenAusstellungskatalog Velázquez1990,p.408–417. 22 Vgl.obenAnm.12. 23 ZudenUnterschiedenzwischendenPorträtsderaltenundneuenKöniginsieheauchSaxl1957,Bd.I,p.320. SaxlbezeichnetdasPorträtMarianasals„unreal“. 24  Zum Guardainfante vgl. Defourneaux 1989, pp. 185–187; Bernis 1991, pp. 49–60. Zum MarianaͲPorträt: Llorente2006,pp.211–238. 25 FernandodeVallejo,Pregonenquesumagestadmanda,queningunamugerdequalquierestadoycalidad queseapuedatraer,nitraigaguardainfante,òotroinstrumento,òtragesemehante,exceptolasmugeresque con licencia de las justicias publicamente son malas de sus personas, Madrid, En la imprenta de Francisco Martinez,1639. 26  Zanger 1997, p. 156, verweist zudem darauf, dass der weitausladende Reifrock von den Franzosen im Zusammenhang mit der Hochzeit zwischen Ludwig XIV. und Maria Teresa (1660) als altmodisch bezeichnet wurde.ZudieserZeittrugmaninFrankreichengereRöcke.LautZangerwurdedieInfantinüberredet,enger anliegendeRöckezutragen,umdieVerhandlungennichtzugefährden.ZuRechtweistZangerdaraufhin,dass KleidungeinepolitischeundideologischeQualitäthabenkann.ZurBedeutungderAccessoiresimPorträtsiehe auchPointon2014(inVorbereitung). 27  Barta 2001, p. 62: Bei der Auswahl der Ehefrauen spielten nicht nur politische Überlegungen eine Rolle, sondern auch die wahrscheinliche Fruchtbarkeit der Braut. Dabei informierte man sich genau über ihre KörperbeschaffenheitunddasFunktionierenderGebärorgane. 28 SchonaufderHochzeitwarPhilippIV.,wiezeitgenössischeBerichtebelegen,inhöchstprächtigerKleidung erschienen.Vgl.Stradling1988,p.339. 29 AuchhiergibtesmehrereVersionen.DiewichtigstenzweibefindensichinBoston,MuseumofFineArts,und Wien,128x106cm;KunsthistorischesMuseum,Gemäldegalerie;127x98,5cm;Velázquez2006,S.231,Kat.Ͳ Nr.43,Abb.109.ZudenbeidenVersionenvgl.auchLópezͲRey1996,Bd.II,pp.292–195.AusführlichbeiJusti 1933,S.671–676;Zimmermann1905,pp.185–187. ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  130 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM 30 Vgl.z.B.dieReaktionMazarins,alserdavonerfuhr,dasseinBildnisderspanischenInfantinMariaTheresia nachWiengesendetwurde;Baticle1960,p.197. 31 Justi1933,p.667.AusführlicherwirddieQuellebeiZimmermann1905,p.185,zitiert. 32 Ebd.ImInventarderGalerieLeopoldWilhelms1659wirddasGemäldebeschriebenwiefolgt:„EinContrafait […]derInfantinvonSpanien,lebensgroß,anihreSeithenhangenzweykleineUhrl,unndauffeinerSeithenein TaffelmiteinemgrünenTöpich.[…]OriginalvonIhrMajestätdesKönigsinHispaniaMahler.“ 33 HeuteinBoston,MuseumofFineArts. 34 DerZeitpunktistnichtganzgeklärt;entwedernahezuzeitgleichodererstimDezember1653;vgl.Künstler derKaiser2009,p.176.SiehezuderQuellebes.auchZimmermann1905,p.186.ZudemKomplexderPorträts undderQuellensieheauchBrown1988,pp.217–221. 35  Zimmermann 1905, S. 186. Im Januar 1654 bestätigt der Gesandte, dass er dieses Werk nun nach Paris gesendethabebzw.demflandrischenGesandtenmitgegebenhabe.Freilichistnichtgesichert,welchesWerk das1654nachParisgesandteBildniswar,dasichimLaufederJahrenochweitereinPariseinfanden.Zuden WerkenfürParissieheauchBaticle1960,pp.197–198. 36 SiehedazuauchBaticle1960,p.198. 37 Nach1654verlangteunderhieltdiefranzösischeKöniginAnned’Autrichefünfzehnunddannnochweitere vier Bildnisse des Hauses Österreich, wofür sie sich mit zehn Bildnissen des französischen Königshauses erkenntlicherwies.DazuZimmermann1905,p.188. 38 Esistungeklärt,umwelchesBildessichgenauhandelt.DashiergezeigteBrustbildausdemLouvremisst71x 60cm(Louvre,M.I.898).ÜberseineProvenienzistnichtsbekannt.LópezͲRey1996,Bd.II,Abb.332. 39 BereitsbeiZimmermann1905,p.186. 40  Obwohl das Brüsseler Inventar von 1659 von zwei Uhren spricht (siehe oben Anm. 32), ist dies eher unwahrscheinlich. 41 EinvermutlichkurzeZeitspäterinBrüsselnachdemBildentstandenerStich(vgl.Zimmermann1905,p.187) wird genau beschriftet mit dem Titel der Infantin als Tochter des spanischen Königs, vermutlich um die Identifikationzuerleichtern. 42  Nach der Hochzeit 1660 wusste dennoch jeder Staatsmann in Paris, Wien oder Madrid, dass der formelle Verzicht der jungen französischen Königin auf das spanische Erbe nicht ernst genommen werden sollte und FrankreichinZukunftAnspruchdarauferhebenwürde. 43 InfantinMargaritaTeresainBlau,1659,ÖlaufLeinwand,127x107cm;FelipePróspero,1659,128,5x99,5 cm,beideWien,KunsthistorischesMuseum;LópezͲRey1996,Bd.II,p.318,320;Velázquez2006,pp.236–242. Nur zögerlich wird in der Forschung bis in die jüngste Zeit die quellenüberlieferte Nachricht aufgenommen, diesebeidenBilderseienzurgleichenZeitgemaltundsieseienzurgleichenZeitnachWiengeschicktworden. Palominoerwähntsiealsgleichzeitiggemalt,umsienachWienzuKaiserLeopoldI.zusenden—docheswird zumeistbezweifelt,dassdiebeidenBilderalsPendantsgeplantwaren;ebd.Bd.II,p.318. 44 Palominobeschreibt1724dasBildausführlich:AntonioPalomino,LivesoftheEminentSpanischPaintersand Sculptors,übers.N.A.Mallory,Cambridge1987,p.173. 45 Vgl.bes.Schumann2003. 46 Vgl.zuletztz.B. Velázquez2006,p.46;Justi1933,pp.682f.ZudenAmulettenetc.vgl.HorcajoͲPalomero 1999,pp.521–530. 47 SieheallgemeinzuKunstundDiplomatie:Arteydiplomacia2003. ©UniversityofLeuven,andAuthors  131 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Presentation,RepresentationandInvisibility Emperor Ferdinand I and his Son Archduke Ferdinand II of Austria in Prague (1547–1567) MadelonSimonsȋ‹˜‡”•‹–›‘ˆ•–‡”†ƒȌ  The theme of this volume is, among others, how a (Habsburg) sovereign had himself represented withintheframeworkofhiscourtculture.Doesn’teveryroyalorprincelycommissioncontributeto theimageandthestampthesovereignwantstoputonhisresidence?Thiscertainlyappliedtothe KingofBohemiaatPragueCastleinthemidͲsixteenthcentury.Itwillneverthelessbecomeapparent that the sovereign did not or could not give his commission for the building of the Prague Court a highpriorityandwhiletheworkdevelopedslowlytheKingaboveallseemedtowanttobeinvisible whileinresidenceinPrague.AtthesametimetheHabsburgresidenceinPraguewasalsoinuseas residence of the representative of the King. It can therefore be argued that Repraesentatio Maiestatis,picturingthesovereigninhishighandmightytasks,wasnotalwaystheprimaryaimof everycommissionattheRoyalCourt.EspeciallynotwhentheviceͲregent,theofficialrepresentative oftheKing,wasawilfulmanwhowouldleavehisownmark,amarkwithimaginativequalitiesofits own, on the Prague Court. However, I wonder if our reconstructive descriptions of these manifestationsdonotpresupposetoocomplicatedandtoohighlyintellectualasubstance.Whilethe sovereignKingFerdinand I(1503–1564)wasofcourserepresentedinallhis dignityandvirtueand this was emphasized in a scholarly manner in contemporary publications,1 there were of course differentlevelsofrepresentation.ThespectatorsatRoyaleventswerefascinatedorbewildered,but thingswerenotalwaysasseriousandonashighanintellectuallevelastheyhavesubsequentlybeen interpreted.Whilevirtuewasbeingportrayed,theremusthavebeenalotoflaughter.Peoplemust alsohavelaughedloudandfrequentlyatsomuch(moreorless)hiddendepravity.  Prague1526 King Ferdinand I was the sovereign in Prague for thirtyͲeight years. In 1526 he became King of Bohemiaandin1556waselectedRomanEmperor.Atayoungageamarriageagreementhadbeen madeforthisverysuccessfuldescendantoftheHabsburgdynastywithPrincessAnnaJagiello(1503– 1547), the daughter of the Bohemian/Hungarian King. Anna and her husband contributed fifteen childrentothedynasty.FerdinandIclaimedandwasgrantedtheBohemiancrownafterthedeathof hisbrotherͲinͲlawLudwigJagiello(1505–1526).Thisclaim,however,wasnotanobviousoneforthe Bohemian parties and was not awarded without discussion. After difficult negotiations Ferdinand I andAnnawerecrownedKingandQueenofBohemiainthechurchofSaintVitusin1526.2Thiswould seemtohavebeentheobviousmomentfortheHabsburgdynastytostartbuildingtheirownspecific courtcultureanddesignaspecialimageforKingandQueen(also)inPrague.3TheKingstartedthisby ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  132 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  ordering the extension of the Castle with a garden complex and a summer palace in 1534. And in 1556 his son took care of the Ceremonial Entry of Ferdinand I as Roman Emperor. The Castle thus becameacentreofRepraesentatioMajestatis,inthesenseofitsrepresentingtheselfͲevidentglory andvirtueofthesovereign.Butthisisarathersuperficialandartificialimage.Oncloserinspection both members of the Habsburg house named Ferdinand left on Prague a fairly modest, but at the sametimeambiguousstamp.  PragueCastle The history of the Castle shows that the garden complex was the only large project King Ferdinandhadcommissioned.4ForthisextensionoutsidethefortresswallsItalianmigrantworkers werebroughttoPrague,whostayedforjustafewmonthsandinsummerreturnedtotheirvillages intheItalianAlps.Thisisoneoftheexplanationswhyprogresswasslow.Therecordsshowthatthe Kingwasdefinitelyinterestedintheproject.Heinsistedforexamplethatthebridgetothegardens should be finished as a matter of urgency, and wished to check the progress of the work himself.5 This bridge over the soͲcalled ‘Stag’ ditch between the northern wall of the Castle and the garden areawasnotonlymeantforthetransportofgoodsbutalsocontainedaremarkableconstructionon theeasternside,acoveredcorridorcalledthe‘Gallerie’.6TheKinghimselfdescribeditsfunction:the corridorenabledhimtoenterthegardensunseen.Itbelongedtoawholecomplexofpassagesfrom the King’s palace in the western part of the Castle via the soͲcalled Western Palace, the fortress walls,thestablesandthebridgeintothegardens,justatthepointwheretheSummerPalacewas built.7 The wooden structures that were given so much priority played a dramatic role during the destructivefirewhichburnedlargepartsofPragueCastlein1541.8Thefirespreadviathewooden galleries up to the building site of the Summer Palace and destroyed all the plants. Prague Castle wouldshowthescarsofthisdisasterforyears.Notuntil1555,forexample,weretheapartmentsof the King and Queen in the soͲcalled Old Palace renovated, with the ceilings being raised and decorated,althoughtheywerenotfundamentallyaltered.9InthesameyearArchdukeFerdinandII ordered,asaprecaution,thewoodengallerieswithintheCastlewallstoberebuiltinstone.10Those in the garden complex were left in wood. As Emperor Maximilian II had these hardͲtoͲmaintain woodenstructuresrestoredandpartlyaltered,itseemsthataconcealedwalkintothegardenwas importantforhimtoo.11 There are no detailed images of Prague Castle, either drawings or prints, to give us information about the situation around 1555, apart from some townscapes. This lack of visual records could be related to the low priority the King gave these commissions for his residence in Bohemia.Butitismorelikelythatmanyrecords,suchasfloorplans,modelsandprints,arelost.Itis verydifficulttoimaginewhattheinteriorofPragueCastlelookedlike.ItseemsthatKingFerdinandI made the old constructions within the fortress walls accessible through wooden (later stone) galleries,staircasesandgallerybridges.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  133 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.1JohannMinsinger,‘Tafelet’ownedbyKingFerdinandI,dat.1529. One of those structures can, in my opinion, be seen in a Royal notebook (fig. 1), which becomesaninterestingsourceifweregarditasanopportunitytolookwithinthecastlewalls.Itisa luxuriously decorated, but everyday object which was owned by King Ferdinand I himself.12 This notebook, in a textile cover, has two slates with both sides written on and little boxes for slateͲ pencils and a sponge. The covers of these boxes are decorated with the picture of an impressive squaretowerwithastaircasetotheleftandaviewofagate,atower(?)and totherighttheside facadeofabuilding.13Highbetweenthewalls,silhouettedagainstthebluesky,thereisawooden bridge covered with red roof tiles. The building to the right must, in my opinion, be the soͲcalled WesternPalace.In1555,ArchdukeFerdinandIIcommissionedthedecorationofthreeclockfacesfor the white tower to the left, which were described in a document as follows: ‘drei wollgezierti khompasurn auf die drei ort mit lustiger zier volendt werden‘.14 If this is a look within the walls of Prague Castle, it shows that the Habsburg sovereigns until Emperor Rudolf II did not alter the constructionoftheexistingbuildings,whichwereconnectedthroughexternalfacilitiesand,aswill bedemonstratedlateron,onlydecoratedwithpaintedclockfaces,nichesandpilasters.FerdinandI never achieved a larger project within the walls of Prague Castle, nor did he ever intend any such projectduringhislongreignasKingofBohemianbetween1526and1564.     ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  134 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  TheKing’srepresentative ArchdukeFerdinandIIsupervisedtherestorationsandbuildingactivitiesinthegardensbyorderof theKing,buthealsohadtheopportunitytoestablishhisownprofile.In1555theArchdukehada hunting lodge built, the soͲcalled ‘Lustschloss’ of Stern [Star, HvĢzda].15 This remarkable building, whichispreservedpracticallyundamaged,isintroducedheretoshowthattheArchdukedidhavethe opportunitytoaddarepresentativebuildingtothecourtcultureofhisfatherandthustoleavehis markonPrague.AndthearchitectureofSternrevealssomethingofthearchduke’spersonality. FerdinandisnumberedIIbecausehewasthesecondFerdinandinhisline.Hewasalsothe secondsonoftheroyalcouple.Bornin1529,hespenthisyouthmostlyinInnsbruckandmovedto Praguein1543.In1547hebecamehisfather’srepresentative,or‘Statthalter’.In1555,whenStern was built, the Archduke was already in a relationship with Philippine Welser, the daughter of a merchant from Augsburg. Contrary to one of the romanticized stories made up in the nineteenth century,hedidnotbuiltSternforher.FerdinandIImarriedPhilippineinsecretin1557,theyearof the birth of their first son. His loyalty to this morganatic marriage made a future European royal career impossible.16 But this does not mean that the Prague court had a lesser status among the nobility.NorwasPraguearegionalorprovincialcourtineitherapoliticalorinaculturalsense.  Stern By building ´Stern´ in a game reserve on the White Mountain some six kilometres from Prague Castle, the Archduke started, and with great diligence also finished, an undertaking representative for the Habsburgs. The game reserve was (and still is) enclosed by high walls and gates.Sterncouldinthemiddleofthesixteenthcenturybereachedbywayofaroadfringedwith trees.Thebuildingitselfliesattheendofanavenue,justattheslopeofthemountain.Therefore andbecauseoftheenclosingwallsaroundit,Sterndoesnotseemtobeexactlymonumental.Buta visitwillhaveimpressedthevisitorinthesixteenthcentury,asitstilldoestoday(fig.2).  Fig.2ThehuntinglodgeofStern. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  135 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  A guest of the Archduke’s might have been a member of the hunting party or might have beeninvitedtovisitthegardensontheterracesandthefishpondsbehindStern.Hemightevenhave participated in a game of tennis in the small gallery on the first terrace just below Stern. But this visitorwouldcertainlynothavebeenamemberofalargegroup.Theroomsat´Stern´aresimplytoo smallforalargenumberofguests. As mentioned before, Stern in the ‘Neue Tiergarten’ was the Archduke’s most important commission in Prague. He followed the building progress carefully, even when he was in an army camp in the south of Hungar waiting for battle with the Turks. Ferdinand II might even have been involvedindesigningthebuilding.Insourcesconnectedtoceremoniesaroundthelayingofthefirst stone,theArchdukeismentionedasthearchitectofStern.17Thiswasofcoursedonetohonourhim, but since the Archduke was very anxious to build and to complete the project, I presume that he could well have been involved in the design, probably in close collaboration with a builder of fortifications. The characteristic sixͲpointed star, the basic plan of Stern, is derived from the geometricalformsoffortresses. The building had four floors. The cellars must have been designated for storage. On the entrancefloortherearearemarkablenumberofniches,possiblyusedfora(temporary)exhibition. The Archduke began collecting in Prague and, as will be described later, he exhibited weaponry in Prague Castle at the time of the Ceremonial Entry of Emperor Ferdinand I in 1558. It is therefore possible that he already started to make the presentation of his weaponry in Prague, on which he wouldlaterelaborateatthecastleofAmbrasnearInnsbruck.18 Moreimportantthanthepossibleobjectsinthenichesismyargumentabouthowavisitto Sterncouldhavebeenarranged.Asmentionedbefore,Sterncanbecomparedtoatowerinwhich onecanloseone’sway.19IftheArchdukewantedtouseSternasanenvironmentinwhichhecould showandspelloutthevirtuesofhisdynasty,hehadmanychoices.Notonlybypresentingspecific objectsinniches,butalsobyreferringtothescenesonthestuccoceilingsofthemainhallonthe entrancefloor.20Fortheinformedvisitorthehistoricalscenesinstuccowereeasytorecognizeand to associate with the virtues of the Habsburgs themselves. In the sixteenth century as well, the central image of Aeneas escaping from burning Troy with his father Anchises on his back was a reference to the foundation of Rome, an event the Habsburgs would have been pleased to be associatedwith. ManliusCurtius Rufus’ heroism,asinLivy,orthatofMarcus Attilius Regulusasin Valerius Maximus, can easily be linked to the heroic deeds of the Habsburg hero whose suite of armorisplacedinanicheinoneoftherooms.Buttherecognitionofanobjectoraniconographical associationwiththevirtuesoftheHouseofHabsburgwasnottheonlymeansbywhichtheArchduke would have impressed his (imaginary) visitor in 1560. Anyone doing the rounds with the Archduke willveryquicklyhavelosthisorherway,especiallyifthetwoupperfloorswerevisitedaswell.Ifthis guestclimbedthestaircaseinthesixthpointofthestarofStern,theArchdukecouldevendisappear andreachoneoftheotherfloorsbeforehisguest,viathesmallspiralstaircaseinthemiddle.Andhe couldwaitforhisguestinthecellaramongsthiswine,bythefireplaceonthefirstfloor,orwiththe musiciansinthegreat(dancing)hallunderneaththeroof. JustasintheprojectsintheCastleandinthegardens,therepresentationofthesovereign thereforewasatthesametimehisunseenpassing.Butwasthesystemofcorridorsjustintendedfor ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  136 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  theprivacyoftheRoyalfamilyand,forpracticalpurposes,tokeepone’sfeetdryintimesofrain?21In SternthesecretconnectionalsomighthaveenabledtheArchduketoamazeandconfusehispublic.22  Insearchofadirectorofmanifestations In the records, all manifestations of Royal Representation are assigned to the sovereign himself, althoughitisclearthatinpracticethiswasnotaltogetherthecase.Theroleofdesigneroradvisor couldhavebeeninthehandsofascientist,ahumanistoranarchitectatcourt.KingFerdinandItoo had many advisors for the design of his courts at Innsbruck, Vienna and Prague and for the developmentofthenumerousprojectsinhisempire. Benedict Ried, the architect for the Royal Castle in Prague, was until his death in 1534 His Majesty’sadvisorinBohemia.Rieddidnothaveasuccessorassuch.After1534,ItalianͲandGermanͲ speakingcraftsmenworkedincompetition.AlthoughatthetimetheKingsuggestedgivingBonifatius WolmutthepositionofRoyalmasterbuilder,thisneverhappened.ThecourtoftheArchdukedidnot have just the one master builder either. The Italian Paolo della Stella and the GermanͲspeaking WolmutandHansvonTirolwereresponsibleforseparatebuildingactivities.Notuntil1557dothe recordsindicatethatWolmuthadacquiredaleadingpositionandwasinapositiontoevaluatethe workoftheothermasterbuilders.23Butnoneofthemistrulyincharge,astheproducerofallforms ofrepresentationinPragueduringthetimeArchdukeFerdinandIIstayedthere. No leading architect is mentioned for the court in Vienna either. The painter and master builderPietroFerraboscoworkedwithhisemployeesinandaroundtheHofburgatthetime.Hewas sent to Prague regularly to assess progress, but again not much is known about the status of FerraboscoatKingFerdinand’scourt.HecertainlyhadtheabilitytodesignSternindetail,withthe Archdukelookingoverhisshoulderandgettingthecredit.Ferraboscowasbornin1512or1513in LainonearComoandservedtheHabsburgsfrom1544onwards.HebeganhiscareerasasoͲcalled ‘warpainter’andactedasafortressͲbuilderlateron.24Thisiswhyhecouldhavebeenthearchitect of Stern, since he was able to apply the geometrical forms used in fortresses. This interesting but littleͲknowncourtartistworkedinallsortsofimportantplacesintheempireofFerdinandI.Hewas certainlyversatile,sinceheworkednotonlyformilitaryoperations,butalsoattheHofburginVienna andattheNeugebäude.ForhisservicesFerraboscowasknightedbyFerdinandI,anhonourwhich mostfortressͲbuildersinRoyalservicewereawarded.25Despitehisknighthood,however,Ferrabosco was not the archducal advisor I am looking for, the man responsible for the representation of the sovereignandtheHabsburgdynastyinPrague.FerraboscowasinvolvedintheHabsburgcourt,but hewasneverlongenoughinPragueandlittleisknownabouthistheoreticalknowledge. Wasthisroleinthehandsofoneofthehumanistsatthearchducalcourt?WasittheItalian courtphysicianandbotanistPierAndreaMattioli(1501–1579)?MattiolididliveatthePraguecourt foralongtimeanddidhavethetheoreticalknowledge.InPragueMattiolicontinuedthebotanical studieshehadstartedinItaly,publishingtheLatineditionofalargebotanicalsurveybasedonthe work of the classical Greek Dioskurides and having the edition translated into other languages.26 EarlierMattiolihadbeenthecourtphysicianoftheCardinalofTrento,wherehepublishedaeulogy forhisemployer.27SocouldhehavehadasimilarroleinPraguetoo? ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  137 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  AlthoughMattioliwasinvolvedinsomerepresentationaltasks,therearestillfewindications that he played a dominant role in the creation of the Habsburg image in Prague in the 1550s. The commissiontowriteareportonthefestivitiesduringtheEntryofFerdinandIin1558wasgivento himonlyafterwards.28Thetextdescribesthemovementsofthesovereignandhisretinueon8and9 November1558.Italsorevealssomethingofthearchducalcourt.FerdinandIIhimself,who,asmuch ofthetextindicates,musthavemadeafaircontributiontothecontentsofthescenario,directedall themovementsandrodeinfrontoftheparade.  TheEntry Mattioli refers to the salutations outside the city gates when under the command of the Archduke the Bohemian nobles joined the Imperial retinue. First they met a group of about a thousandmenalldressedinblack,theirheadscoveredbycaps,dancingandshouting;withtheirsoͲ called ‘anticamente’, an oldͲfashioned sort of flail with metal pins, they were beating straw. This detailisoftenmentionedintheCzechhistoricalliteratureassignificant.Butisthisintermezzoatthe startoftheCeremonialEntrymerelyasuperficialreferencetotheHussiterevoltanddefeatofmany yearsbeforeor,rather,anemphaticreminder?Whateverthecase,theEmperorandhisentourage, notesMattioli,simplyhadtolaughatthoseprimitivefarmers.29 The ride through the three cities of Prague is characterized by Mattioli as a long series of meetings with members of the city councils, the clergy of different denominations, and speakers from the Charles University and the Jesuit Grammar School. The honour the Prague population accordedtotheirEmperorwascarefullydirected.Tributewaspaidbyboys,girls,womenandmen, alldividedintoagegroups.Widows,forexample,hadgatheredinthesquareofthe‘SmallSide’,the thirdPraguecity,belowPragueCastle.GreyͲhairedmenwereallowedtogreettheEmperoratthe endofhistourattheStrahovgateonthewaytotheCastle.Theyhadtowaitforaverylongtime, butfortunatelytheywerestandingnexttoafountainspoutingredandwhitewine.Mattioli’sreport is partly based on a written scenario and partly on his own observations. He stresses that all participants were dressed for the occasion and that thousands of horses must have squeezed through the small streets of the Old City. In the middle of the crowd Mattioli recognized a remarkablenumberofhiscompatriots:overtwothousandItalianswerestandingalongtherouteto theCastle,whichwasthequarterwheretheylived.Mattiolidescribesthetriumphalarchesalongside the route, mainly in relation to those who had commissioned them. The Jesuits, for example, of whom a fairly complicated iconography might have been expected, had raised an arch at the Klementinum,butMattiolimentionsonlyrathersimplethemes,suchasJusticeandPeacewiththe god Mars above. He gives the quite obvious interpretation of the image: the arch refers to ‘His Majesty’speacefulreign’. FromMattioli’sdescriptionsofthedecorationsinandaroundtheCastleitcanbededuced thathehadtakenthetimetoconsiderthemcarefullyorthathemightevenhaveplayedsomerolein thechoicesoftheiconographyorclassicalquotations.Mattioliismorepreciseaboutthedecorations madefortheCastlethanheisaboutthosealongthetour.Heevenreferstothemakers,whowere artistsfromthecirclesaroundtheArchduke,althoughhementionsnonames. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  138 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.3FrancescoTerzio(attr.),PortraitofArchdukeFerdinandII. The designer and painter of the largest triumphal arch before the Castle wall is ‘a talented Italian painter’.30 This must have been (Giovanni) Francesco Terzio from Bergamo (ca. 1523–1591), whoin1558hadalreadybeenworkingforFerdinandIIforsomeyears(fig.3).However,itisnotclear who Mattioli refers to as: ‘unico maestro di stucchi et di basi relievi’.31 In 1558 a whole group of stuccoworkerswereworkingfortheArchdukeFerdinandII,constructingthestuccoceilingsatStern, but none is known by name.32 Mattioli describes the wellͲproportioned parts of Terzio’s big arch, such as the eight Corinthian columns on a marble base with reliefs. In two colossal statues he recognizesbiblicalheroes:totheleftSamson,withalion’sskininonehandandintheotheranass’s jaw, and to the right Gideon with a big Persian sword in his left hand and in his right hand an enormousshield.OntheedgesofthearchMattiolimentionsbronzeͲlikereliefs.Theimagesofthe virtues Justice and Temperance were bronzeͲcoloured too. To explain the significance of these imagesthephrase‘Justitiaarmaregat,sanctahaecmoderatioservet’wasputonthearch,aswas notedbyMattioli,whomaypossiblyhavebeenresponsibleforthischoiceofmotto.Ontopofthe ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  139 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  arch the author identified Imperial regalia such as the crowned eagle, the chain with the Golden Fleece, and four historical personalities of the Habsburg dynasty: Charles V, Maximilian I, Rudolf I, andFrederickIII.AccordingtoMattiolithistriumphalarchdidnotcontainanycomplicatedmessages either.Hehadstudiedthearchcarefully,buthisdescriptionisnotpreciseenoughtosuggestthathe was the inventor of its iconographical programme. It seems that the arch at Prague Castle fits Jacquot’sinventoryoftheiconographyofarchesraisedforsovereignsinthesixteenthcentury.33 Thecourtphysician’sdescriptionofthedecorationswithinthewallsofPragueCastleshows thatrestorationprojectshadbeencarriedoutandthatthedecorationswerepartlytheworkofthe Archdukehimself.ThehouseoftheArchduke’sLordChamberlain,forinstance,wasfreshlypainted and decorated with columns, mouldings and marbled niches. The entrance of the house of the Archdukewasfurnishedwitharepresentationoftheallegory‘Peaceinlivelycolours’,surroundedby attributes and a quotation from Vergil. Very interesting is Mattioli’s description of a construction roundalargedoor.Thismusthavebeensomesortofexhibitionof‘bella&raraArmaria’,according toMattioliaselectionfromthearchducalcollectionofweaponsincludingpiecesofarmourandother ‘valuableobjects’suchasahorse’scuirass,TurkishbowsandPersianswords.Sadly,theauthorisnot more precise, probably not having an eye for this type of object. But he was impressed by the colourful silk hangings around this exhibition, especially by the flapping banners that created the theatricalsetting.34  Thenextevening Theatricals and spectacles were also at the heart of the festivities on the evening of 11 November,thedayaftertheEntryoftheEmperor.35Mattioliattendedthispartoftheprogramme together with the most important guests. He describes the entourage in the gardens, where the Summer Palace formed the backdrop for the spectacles. The site in front of the Palace had been levelledandfencedoff,Mattioliwrites,andwasilluminatedandequippedwithtwolowtowerͲlike constructions for the musicians of the Archduke. On one side there were pieces of scenery: a beautiful wild and barren mountain and next to it the throne of Jupiter. According to Mattioli the playwasaboutabattlebetweentheGodsandtheGiants,withalotoffireworksandextravaganza; however,thephysician’stextdoesnotcontainaproperexplanationoftheplay’smeaning.Together withaselectpartoftheinternationalandtheBohemianguests,hewaswitnesstothespectacular endofthefestivitieswhenthesceneryburneddowncompletely.Butagain,Mattiolidoesnotappear tohavebeeninvolvedinthecontentsoftheplay,nordoesheseemhavehadanyresponsibilityfor the intellectual creation of the Entry as a whole. His reports are clearly the contribution of a spectator.HewasnotthedirectorofthemanifestationsthatIamlookingfor.  Thearchducalcourt TheactiveroleFerdinandIIplayedinthecreationofhiscourtcanbedemonstratedinseveralways. IncomparisonwiththeSummerPalace,Sternwasbuiltandfinishedremarkablyquickly.Thebuilding process had his close attention, certainly because of his personal involvement in the design of the ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  140 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  starͲshaped hunting lodge. The Archduke himself directed the Entry of his father Ferdinand I describedbrieflyabove.AsthefestivitiesduringthetouraroundthePraguecitiestookmuchlonger than expected, the Archduke postponed the official finale to the next day. Not only in the decorations oftheCastlebutalsothroughasmallbutsignificantdetailof theplay itis possibleto showthearchducalconcernwithstudioprops,withcollections,andwiththeplayitself.Themonkeys that popped out of ‘Evil’ (the heads of the Giants) probably came from the Archduke’s own menagerie.36 Therearenoimagesoftheseliterallyexplosiveexpressionsofimperialrepresentationheld on 9 November 1558. But there are, thanks to the Archduke himself, images of meetings of lesser status. Reports on tournaments are illustrated in a ‘Turnierbuch’.37 And there are images in a wonderful record by one of the spectators of the festivities at the soͲcalled ‘Kolowrat Hochzeit’.38 AlthoughFerdinandIIhimselfwasneverthecentralfigure–thebridegroom–inanofficialHabsburg wedding in Prague, he certainly was the director of several others.39 The Archduke seems to have beenactivelyinvolvedinandpresentatallpartsoftheprogramme.Hisroleataweddingpartyin 1555canbereconstructedonthebasisofafairlydetailedreport.  Fig.4SigmundElsässer,‘Spring’. Fig.5Watermen,inclosefittingsuits. Duringthe‘masquerade’,forexample,fourgoddessesenteredthehallwearingwhitetaffeta dresseswithgoldensleevesofleather,masks,andlongblondewigswithcrownsofboxleaves(fig. 4). They brought the bride a soͲcalled ‘Munsanc’ (wedding gift) and danced with four ‘watermen’ who were dressed in closeͲfitting suits (fig. 5). The highlight of the evening was the moment the ‘watermen’lefttheroomandthefinalscenewasthemostsurprising:thegoddessesprovedtobe men in drag, led by ‘Sn. Gn. der Erzfuers’, i.e. the Archduke himself, as Johann von Schwamberg wrotein1555.40FerdinandIInotonlyplayedtheleadingpartthateveningbutwasalsotheownerof thecostumesandprobablyalsoofmanyoftheotherpartyprops. In his collections, still to be seen at Schloss Ambras near Innsbruck and in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, are masks, exotic weaponry and (replicas of) textiles, helmet decorationsandhorseͲblanketsthatwereusedasrequisitesatparadesandparties.FerdinandIInot onlycollectedthismaterialbutalsohadatleastpartofitdepicted.Therequisiteswereusedover andoveragain.Thedressesofthegoddesseswere,itseems,usedagainatanotherweddinginthe ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  141 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  KolowratfamilytwentyͲfiveyearslaterandthewatermenwerebackonthesceneattheArchduke’s weddingpartyin1582.41  Seriousrepresentationwithmuchlaughter ThesefewexamplesofcourtlyrepresentationduringthetimeFerdinandIwasKingofBohemiaand his son Archduke Ferdinand II viceͲregent show that the Habsburgs certainly did put their stamp uponPrague,althoughduringtheirlongperiodofgovernancealotmoremighthavebeenachieved. It seems that their main focus was not on Princely, Royal or Imperial representation but on the privatesphere,atleastatthebeginning.KingFerdinandIaddedgardenstothecastlecomplexwhere hecouldwanderaroundinpeace.HissonwaspersonallyresponsibleforthebuildingofStern,avery special starͲshaped building that must have astonished all his visitors and probably also the Bohemiannobility.Inadditiontotheseremainsinstone,meetingswiththesovereignandhisdeputy illuminateourknowledgeofhisappearanceandhisrepresentationsinPrague.TheCeremonialEntry oftheEmperorunderthecommandoftheArchduketransformedthestreetsofPragueintoaredͲ andͲwhiteͲcolouredseaofspectators.Allthedecorationswereademonstrationofdevotiontothe sovereign. Here and there within the iconography of decorations and play there was room for a warning finger, but there was also probably much more room for laughter. The celebrations and tournaments for the Bohemian nobles in and around the court of the Archduke were also characterizedbyamusementandamazement,althoughnotinthefirstplaceinanintellectualsense. Thedanceofthewiggedgoddesseswasnotmeanttoidentifythemandtoremindtheaudienceof theirvirtuebut,onthecontrary,tomakethepeoplelaughoutloudattherevelationoftheirtravesty (fig.6).   Fig.6‘Goddess’withmaskandblondewig(detailfromfig.4).   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  142 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Bibliography Bažant,Jan,PražkýBelvedér(Prague,2006). Bažant, Jan, Nina Bažantová, Villa Star in Prague, the Northern Renaissance masterpiece, (Prague, 2012) Bretholz,Berthold,NeuereGeschichteBöhmens,I(Gotha,1920). Collinus, Mattheus, Ad invictissimum ac potentissimum imperatorem…Ferdinandum…ode gratulatoria continens brevem descriptionem pompae in ingress suac majestatis in urbem Pragam instructaeabserenissimoarchiduceetc.Ferninandi,Viiidienovembrisanni1558(Prague,1558). Cornova,Ignaz,BeschreibungendesfeyerlichenEinzugsKaiserFerdinandI.IndieHauptschatdtPrag den 8sten November 1558. Aus dem Lateinisch einer gleichzeitigen Feders übersetzt und mit Anmerkungenvergelicht(Prague,1882). Diemer, Dorothea, ‚Antonio Brocco und der Singende Brunnen in Prag‘, Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischenSammlungeninWien91,(1995)pp.18Ͳ36. Diemer, Dorothea, Peter Diemer, Die Musenquelle am FestungbauͲ eine neuentdeckte StuckdecorationdesAntonioBroccoinBayern,MünchnerJahrbuchderbildendenKunst,3.Folgebd 51,(2000)pp.101Ͳ136 Dobalová,Sylva,ZahradyRudolfaII.Jejichvznikavývoj(Prague,2009). Ilg,Albert,‘FrancescoTerzio,derHofmalerErz.FerdinandIIvonTirol’,JahrbuchdesAllerhöchsten Kaiserhauses,XIII(1889)pp.234Ͳ374. Irblich, Eva, ‘Namen und Geburtsdaten der Kinder Kaiser Ferdinand I’, in Kaiser Ferdinand I 1503Ͳ 1564,dasWerdenderHabsurgermonarchie,ed.WilfriedSeipel(Vienna,2003). Jacquot,Jean,‘Panoramadesfêtesetcérémoniesdurégne’,inLesFêtesdelaRenaissance,ed.Jean Jacquot(Paris,1960). Köpl,Karl,‘Urkunden,ActenundInventareausdemk.k.StatthaltereiArchivinPrag(1)’,Jahrbuchdes AllerhöchstenKaiserhauses,XIII(1889),pp. LXIIIͲCC. Kreyzci, Franz, ‘Urkunden und Regesten aus dem K.u.K. ReichsͲFinanzͲArchiv (2)’, Jahrbuch des AllerhöchstenKaiserhauses,V(1887),pp.XXVͲCXIX. Lietzmann,Hilda,IrdischeParadies:BeispielehöfischerGartenkunstder1.Hälftedes16.Jahrhunderts (München,2007). Lhotsky, Alphons, ‘Ein SchiefertafelͲPolyptychon Kaiser Ferdinand I’, Gesammelte Aufsätze und Vorträge,Bd4.(Vienna,1972). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  143 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Luchner, Laurin, Denkmal einer Renaissancefürsten. Versuch einer Rekonstruktion des Ambraser Museumsvon1583(Vienna,1958). Mattioli,PietroAndrea,IlMagnoPalazzodelCardinalediTrento(Venice,1539). Mattioli di Siena, Pier Andrea, Commentarii, in libros sex Pedacii Dioscoridis Anazarbei […] (first editionVenice,1554). Matthiolio, Pier Andrea, New Kreüterbuch. Mit dem allerschönsten und artlichen Figuren aller Gewechszdergleichen(…)FolgendtdurchGeorgiumHandschderArttsnenDoctoremverdeutlicht[…] (Prague,1563). Mattioli, Pietro Andrea, Le solemni pompe, I superbi et gloriosi apparati, I trionfi…fatti alla venuta dellínvitissimoimperadoreFerdinandoprimo,dalserenissimosuofigliulil’archiducaFerdinando,nella cittádiPragal’ottaviogiornodinovembre(Prague,1559). Sandbichler, Veronika, ‘Der Hochzeitskodex Erzherzog Ferdinand II’, in ed. Wilfried Seipel, Wir sind Helden.HabsburgischeFesteinderRenaissance(SchlossAmbras,Innsbruck,2005),pp.117Ͳ32. Sandbichler, Veronika, ‘Die Bedeutung hinter dem Sichtbaren: AllegorieͲTrionfoͲVisuelle Propaganda’,ined.WilfriedSeipel,WirsindHelden.HabsburgischeFesteinderRenaissance(Schloss Ambras,Innsbruck,2005),pp.45Ͳ62. Sauer,K.G.,AllgemeinesKünstlerLexikon,38(München,2003). Schönherr,Davidvon,‘UrkundenundRegestenausdemK.K.StatthaltereiͲArchivinInnsbruck(2)‘, JahrbuchdesAllerhöchstenKaiserhauses,XI(1890),pp. LXXXIVͲCCXLI. Simons, Madelon, ‘Archduke Ferdinand II of Austria, Governor of Bohemia and the Theatre of Representation’,inL.Koneēnýandothers,RudolfIIPragueandtheWorld(Prague,1998),pp.270Ͳ78. Simons, Madelon, ‘Das Werk erdacht und cirkulirt. The position of Architects at the Court of King FerdinandI,’inThelearnedEye.RegardingArt,TheoryandtheArtist’sReputation,ed.(a.o)Marieke vandenDoel(Amsterdam,2005),pp.140Ͳ50. Simons, Madelon, 'Een theatrum van representatie?' Aartshertog Ferdinand van Oostenrijk stadhouder in Praag tussen 1547 en 1567, (diss. Univ. of Amsterdam, 2009), at http://dare.uva.nl/document/142662. Suchomel,M.,‘ŠtukovávýzdobalethohrádkuHvĢzda’,Umĥní,21(1973),pp.104Ͳ16.  Sources(unpublished) Gamber, Charlotte, transcription of Hochzeitsturnier Pilsen; letter of Johann von Schwamberg, unpublishedtypescript,Vienna,KunsthistorischeMuseum,dept.Waffensammlungen. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  144 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Illustrations Fig.1JohannMinsinger,‘tafelet’ornotebookownedbyKingFerdinandI,signedanddated1529, KHM,Vienna,Kkinv.nr.5378. Fig.2LetohrádekHvĢzda,BílaHora(WhiteMountain),Prague,photoauthor. Fig.3FrancesoTerzio(attr.),PortraitofArchdukeFerdinandII,ca.1557Ͳ58,oilonparchment,KHM, Vienna,WKK4974.ThearchisnotanexactillustrationofMattioli’stext,buttheformsandthe materialsaresimilar. Fig.4SigmundElsässer,KolowratHochzeit,‘Spring‘,KHM,Vienna,inv.no.5269. Fig.5SigmundElsässer,Hochzeitscodex,pagewithwatermenandaseagod,colouredprints,New YorkPublicLibraryGer.1582. Fig.6Detailfromfig.4.   1 Bažant2006,forinstance,analysesthoroughlytheiconographyoftheSummerPalaceintheRoyalgardens fromthisintellectualpointofview. 2  The church of St Vitus within the Castle walls was not a cathedral in 1526 since there was no archbishop consecrated. 3 Irblich2003,p.461.AssovereignsofAustria,AnnaandFerdinandIhadresidencesinInnsbruckandVienna andseveralhuntinglodgesandcastles.TheplacesofbirthofthechildrenindicatethattheQueentravelleda lot.Notuntil1543didshesettleinPrague,whereshediedin1547givingbirthtoherfourthson,Johannes. 4  Lietzmann 2007,pp. 67Ͳ108, reconstructed the gardencomplex. The commission was issued in 1534, eight yearsafterAnnaandFerdinandIwerecrowned.TheconstructionoftheSummerPalacedidnotstartbefore 1538. 5 Köpl,X1889,p.LXXII,regest5971,1April1535. 6 Köpl,X1889,p.LXXI,regest5962,30November1534.Inatextconcerningthebuildingactivitieswithinthe Castle walls, the between the buildings are typified as: ‘die Gallerie unter den Zimmern der Koningins die StallungenentlangbiszurBrücke[…]’. 7 Lietzmann2007,p.68.HereferstocorrespondencebetweenFlorianGriesbeckandKingFerdinandI,1July 1535,AKD.DK20. 8 Bretholz1920,pp.135Ͳ37.VáclavnaHradēanech,acontemporaryreportonthefirefortheKing. 9 Kreyzci1887,pp.LXVIIIͲIX.Reg.4240,20July1555inAugsburg.‘Memorial’forHansvonTirolwiththelistof alterationstobedoneatRoyalbuildings:‘[…]Zumanderenseinerkgl.Majleibzimersollobenmitgethremund mitgespartenrestenerhebtwerden‘. 10 Schönherr,XI1890,reg.7463,p.CXCIV. 11 Lietzmann2007,pp.86Ͳ88.ThemostrecentandextensivestudyonthesesourcesisprovidedbyDobalová 2009. 12 Lhotsky1972,pp.170Ͳ72.ThehandwritingonthetwotwoͲsidedpiecesofslatehasbeenidentifiedasthatof KingFerdinandI. 13 AccordingtoLhotsky1972,p.172.Itisthisroundbastiontowerthatmakestheseimagesdifficulttoidentify. Formeitisnotobviousthathereapartofthefortresswallshasbeenpictured.TotherightbetweenthesoͲ calledWhiteTowerandtheWesternPalaceapartofthesoͲcalledOldPalaceofKingWladislavisdisplayed. 14 Kreyzci,V1887,reg.4240,p.LXIX. 15 NofunctionalnamecanbegiventoStern.InsomesourcesithasbeencalledLustschlossandisthelocation called Neue Tiergarten, a hunting park. Stern could therefore best be called a hunting lodge. Noble hunters could rest here, since it has five large fireplaces and a cellar to keep wine. Nearby there was a building containingakitchen,soallfacilitiesforagoodhuntingpartyanddinnerwereavailable. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  145 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   16 Simons2009,p.186.TheroleofPhilippineWelserinPraguegetslittleattentionintheliterature.Sheissaid tohavelivedfarfromPragueCastleinahuntingcastlenamedKƎivoklát[Bürglitz].Thegeneralopinionstillis thatPhilippinewouldnothaveplayedanofficialrole.Idoubtthisiscorrect.PhilippineWelserappearstobe themostimportantwomanatatleastonetournamentoftheBohemiannobility. 17 Kreyzci1887,reg.4283,p.LXXXIII. 18 VeronicaSandbichler(SchlossAmbras)proposed,inheramendmentattheconferenceinDecember2011, that Stern and its numerous niches were meant to be empty. These contradictory ideas call for further examination,forinstanceincomparisonwiththeuseofspaceinItalianvillas. 19 Simons1998,pp.270Ͳ78. 20 JanBažantpublishedin2012adetaileddescriptionofthisdecoration.DorotheaDiemerattributesthe stucchiinHvĥzdasince2000toAntonioBrocco,whowasresponsibleforthesoͲcalledsingingfountaininthe gardensofPragueCastle.SimilarstuccoworksarefoundatvariousothercourtsinBohemia,Germanyand PolandandinIngolstadt.ItappearsthatagroupofstuccoͲworkerstravelledaround,possiblyinthecompany ofotherbuilders.Forsomeofthestucchitheyusedthesamemodelbooks,eventhesamemoulds.Itwillbe interestingtogetabetterunderstandingofwheretheyworkedandtheirspecificcommissions. 21  Lietzman 2007, p. 86, note 80. Emperor Maximilian II even mentions the function as secret corridor: ‘heimlicheEingang’. 22  During the visit to the Neugebäude (during the conference in December 2011), Dr. Andreas Kusternig pointedoutthehiddencorridorsandstepsinthedoublewallsofthisfascinatingbuilding.Thisalsoindicates thatfacilitatingsecretlymovingaroundbycourtiersand(probably)bythesovereignwasanintentionalpartof theHabsburgbuildingprogramme. 23 Simons2005,p.146. 24 Sauer2003,38,pp.294Ͳ95. 25 Simons2005,p.146. 26  Pier AndreaMattioli di Siena 1554. A translation intoGerman by Georg Hantsch, another physician at the Praguecourtalsoahumanist,scientistandwriter,waspublishedin1563inPrague. 27 PietroAndreaMattioli1559. 28 PietroAndreaMattioli1559.Theyearbefore,areportonthefestivitieswaspublishedbythehumanistand professoratCharlesUniversityMattheusCollinus.InatranslationbyIgnazCornovaof1802,hisintroduction states(withoutsource)thatMattioligottheinstructiontowritehisreportfromArchdukeFerdinandIIhimself sinceCollinus’descriptionwasnotgoodenough. 29 Imentionthisdetailbecauseinthehistoricalliteratureithasreceivedaratherheavypoliticalinterpretation. Bažant2006(pp.224Ͳ25)seesnotonlyareferencetotheHussitepast,butalsotocontraͲreformisttensions caused by the Habsburgs in Prague. The Bohemian nobility would surely have recognized the costumes, but Mattioli didn’t take the incident very seriously. His characterization of the farmers who ‘non sapendo come farlereverenza’isabeautifulexampleofsixteenthͲcenturycourtcultureas‘sprezzatura’andofhowallwho didnotorcouldnotbehavelikethecourtwerelaughable. 30 Mattioli1559,fol.25(ownpaging):‘Peropere&inventione’. 31 Ilg1889,p.238. 32  The stuccoͲdecorated ceilings in Stern have (until now) been attributed to the stone workers Johann CampionandAndreaAostallisdePambio,(a.o.)Suchomel1973.Theirnamesarementionedinadocumentin relationtothedecorationofthesoͲcalled‘Landrechtstube’,aconferenceroomforAffairsofStateintheCastle. Inthedesignitwasmeanttobemadeofstone.ItisnotcleariftheItaliansculpturesworkingattheSummer Palace were capable of working in stone and in stucco at the same time, although Mattioli’s words can be interpretedasconfirmation.Therearealsosomestylisticandcompositionalsimilaritiesinthestuccoandthe reliefs.TheItalianscouldhavebeenworkinginstoneandstucco. 33 Jacquot1960,II,p.478,concludesthattheiconographyofthearchesraisedwithintheiconographyofRoyal (orImperial)Entrieswerenotcomplicated. 34 ThispresentationresemblesthewayLaurinLuchnerin1957madehisreconstructionofthe‘Rüstkammern’, theroomswherethearmourycollectionofArchdukeFerdinandIIwaskeptatSchlossAmbras. 35  Cornova 1802, Introduction. It is remarkable that Collinus, who was assigned to write a report on the festivitiesin1558,wasnotallowedtoseetheprogrammeinthegardenshimself.Collinuswasthereforerather shortontheshow. 36  Simons 2009, pp. 145വ54. Archduke Ferdinand had guenons, one of which answered to the name Schelm (Rascal),accordingtothenotesofphysicianGeorgHantschinhissoͲcalledTierbücher. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  146 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   37 Sandbichler2005,pp.67വ70.TheArchdukeorganizedatleastthirtyͲthreetournamentsbetween1547and 1560. The dates, the locations and the participants are recorded in text and sometimes in images in the soͲ calledTurnierbüch. 38  Sandbichler2005, p.57. Sigismund Elsässer, Kolowrat Hochzeit,KHM,Vienna, Kk. Inv. nr. 5269 (unpaged). The same kind of costumes were pictured in the pageantry on floats with goddesses representing the four seasons. 39 InFebruary1555a‘Maskenfest’(maskedball)washeldattheweddingofJaroslawvonKolowratandLusanka UngnadinPilsen.UnpublishedtypescriptCharlotteGambler. 40 JohannderÄlterevonSchwambergtoWilhelmvonRosenberg,whodidn’tattendthewedding.Theletter alsogivesaccountsofthedifferenttournamentsheld.Johannwasnotaparticipantandappearstobeacritical observerwhoisratherastonishedbythephysicalconfrontations.Severaloftheparticipantswereinjured.See note38. 41 Sandbichler2005,pp.56Ͳ57,pp.130Ͳ31. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  147 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM TheCourtsoftheHabsburgsasRelatedby JakubSobieski CezaryTarachaȋ ‘Šƒ—Žƒ–Š‘Ž‹…‹˜‡”•‹–›‘ˆ—„Ž‹ǡ‘Žƒ†Ȍ Introduction DescriptionsofEuropeancourtsholdakeypositionintheaccountsofearlymoderntravellers.After all,incountriesruledbymonarchs,particularlyabsolutemonarchs,thecourtwasthepoliticalcentre of the state. Here all the most important decisions were made, not only regarding internal and foreignpolicybutalsoconcerningtheruler’ssubjectsandthefateoftheoldcontinentandtheNew World.Vienna,Paris,Rome,Madrid,WarsawandLondonsetthecourseofeventsinseventeenthͲ centuryEurope.Courtswerealsothefocalpointoftheworldsofculture,artandscience.Emperors, popes,kings,dukes,theirfamilies,courtofficials,ministers,advisersanddiplomatswereobjectsof interesttomosttravellersofthosetimes.Theyappearonthepagesoftheiraccounts,memoirs,and diaries, just as they do on the canvases of the great baroque masters, not least the celebrated Velázquez.  The organisation and manner of functioning of European courts in the light of various historicalsourcesisasubjectwhichcontinuestointerestscholarsofvariousdisciplines,especiallyin the humanities. As a result, the bibliography of this subject is extensive and rich. However, there remain certain issues that still require further historical study, analysis, and presentation to those whoareinterested. InthepresentpaperwewouldliketoconsidertheimageofHabsburgcourtsinthefirsthalf of the seventeenth century as recounted in the writings of Jakub Sobieski. We will look at how a subjectofelectedkings,acitizenofthePolishͲLithuanianCommonwealth,andamagnateenjoying the extensive privileges and freedoms to which all Polish nobles were entitled perceived the absolutist courts of the Spanish and Austrian Habsburgs. And finally we will try to assess whether Jakub Sobieski’s observations tell us anything new about this subject. But let us begin by taking a closer look at Jakub Sobieski, a historical figure who is not very well known among European scholars.   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  148 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  I.JakubSobieski(1590Ͳ1646)andhisEuropeantravelaccounts Traveller,politician,writerandfatherofthevictorofthebattleofVienna ForalongtimetheSobieskifamilybelongedtothemoderatelyaffluentclassofnobility.Itsascension to greatness began at the turn of the seventeenth century, in the lifetime of the father of our traveller,MarekSobieski.ItwasMarekSobieskiwhoputhisfamilyamongthesocial,economicand politicaleliteofthePolishͲLithuanianCommonwealth.Hewasthefirstinhisfamilytoholdaseatin the Senate. According to Wųadysųaw Syrokomla,1 he was greatly valued by the kings Stefan Batory and Sigismund III Vasa, first as castellan and next as voivode of Lublin. Other reasons for the Sobieskis’ status were their family connections (e. g. with the mighty Zamoyski family)2 and their social contacts. His first wife was Jadwiga of Snopkowski family and the last child she bore him, in May1590,wasJakub.Jakubdiedin‚óųkiewin1646.  Intellectualdevelopmentandstudiesabroad Placinggreatemphasisoneducation,Jakub’sparentssenthim,theiryoungestson,tostudy firstattheZamoyskiAcademyandtheninKrakow.Nexthespentalmostsixyears,fromApril1607to March 1613, abroad. The young magnate not only studied but also learned the realities of contemporaryEuropethroughtravel.Inthattimehecoveredadistanceofover8,500kilometres.He acquiredhismostessentialeducationinParis,learningtheclassicallanguages(GreekandLatin)as well as French and Spanish. He also took lessons in horse riding, fencing, music and dance. Józef Dųugosz,thepublisherofJakub’stravelaccounts,writesthatunlikeothermagnateheirs,theyoung Sobieskiwasmoreinterestedinstudyandlearningasmuchashecouldfromtheplaceshevisited. Whenhewasnotstudying,hetouredcountriesinwesternandsouthernEurope.HevisitedEngland, the Netherlands, Germany, Spain, Portugal, Italy and the Habsburg crown lands. Belonging to a magnate family and having excellent references provided him the opportunity to get to know the majorpoliticalandculturalcentresofEuropeaswellasthemosteminentmembersofroyalfamilies and the aristocracy, and also prominent state and church officials. His interlocutors included Pope Paul V, Holy Roman Emperor Matthias, Henry IV of France, James I of England, Philip III of Spain, MauriceofNassau,politicians,ministers,militarycommandersaswellasimportantfiguresinscience andculture(e.g.JuliusScaligier,DanielHeinius,JuandeMarianaandFranciscoSuárez).  JakubSobieski’scareeranddistinctions Sobieski’s public service began soon after he returned from abroad. In 1613 he became a royalcourtierandwasforthefirsttimeelecteddeputytotheSejmfortheLublinvoivodeship,thus beginning a parliamentary career that was to span a quarter of a century. In that time he distinguished himself as a mover and shaker in politics, a speaker in the chamber of deputies, a memberofparliamentarycommissions,andanastuteobserverandbrilliantorator,calledinhisday ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  149 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM ‘thePolishDemosthenes’.Despitehisconsiderablecontributionsandtalent,hiscriticalappraisalof court politics meant that he was never a royal favourite. For this reason too he did not acquire senatorialstatusuntil1638,afterbeingappointedvoivodeofBeųz.Andonlyafewmonthsbeforehis deathhiscareerreacheditspinnaclewhenhewasmadecastellanofKrakow. Another area of Jakub Sobieski’s public activity was his military service. He was in prince Wųadysųaw’sexpeditiontoMoscow(1617Ͳ1618),holdingthepostofwarcommissioner,commanding avolunteerdetachment,andparticipatingintheunsuccessfulstormingoftheKremlin.Thenin1621 hefoughttheTurksatChocim. Furthermore, Jakub Sobieski distinguished himself as a diplomat. As royal commissioner, in 1619hesignedtheTruceofDeulino.AfterthefirstbattleofChocim,heconductedpeacetalkswith the Turks, meeting Sultan Othman II (1621). He represented Poland in the difficult peace negotiationswiththeSwedesatAltmark(1629)andlateragainattheTreatyofStuhmsdorf(1635). In1636hewasdelegatedtotheinternationalpeaceconferenceinMünster,whichwassupposedto endthewarinEurope(latercalledtheThirtyYearsWar).Ayearlater,togetherwithWųadysųawIVof Poland he greeted Archduchess Cecilia Renata of Habsburg in Warsaw, while in 1641 he spoke on behalfofthePolishSejmtothepapalnuncioFilonardi.Furthermore,heparticipatedinnegotiations withtheRussiandelegateAlexeiMikhailovichLvov(1644). JakubSobieskistartedafamilywhenhewasalreadyanestablishedandmaturethirtyͲyearͲ old. His first wife (married in 1620) was Marianna WiƑniowiecka, the daughter of the wealthy and influential voivode of Ruthenia Konstanty WiƑniowiecki. Sadly, his wife died after four years of marriageandtheirtwodaughtersperishedinearlychildhood.In1627Sobieskimarriedhissecond wife, Zofia Theophila Danilewicz, daughter of the Ruthenian voivode Jan Danilewicz and heiress to vastlandedestates.SheboreJakubsevenchildren,threeofwhomsurvivedtoadulthood.Themost important among them was Jan, born on 17 August 1629, the future King Jan III Sobieski, the vanquisheroftheTurksatViennain1683. JakubSobieskiwillinglyputpentopaperandthuslethimselfbeknownasachroniclerofa timewhenthePolishͲLithuanianCommonwealthwasathergreatest,andalsoasaneducatorofthe younger generation. Being associated with the main areas of his activities, his writings varied considerablyintermsofcontentandform.Theyincludedletters,memoirs,parliamentaryspeeches, and accounts of war (against the Turks and Russia)3 and peace negotiations (with the Swedes in 1629), and also extended to parliamentary diaries and accounts of his travels across Europe. The most important of his writings were published in Gdansk in 1646, including: his account of the ChocimWarentitledComentariorumchotinensisbellilibritres,4theDiaryoftheCoronationSejmin Krakowin1633,5aswellasaccountsofhistravels,whichIshalldescribelater. Like many other young magnates in the early modern era, Jakub Sobieski liked travelling. Journeysprovidedhimwiththeopportunitytomeetnewpeopleandtoexperiencenewplacesand other cultural, religious and national realities. They enriched his knowledge, broadened his imagination and developed his aesthetic appreciation. As stated earlier, the years of his travels in westernandsouthernEurope,1607Ͳ1613,werethemostimportantperiodinthedevelopmentofhis mentalityandcharacter.Thirtyyearslater(in1638),nowanestablishedpoliticianandheadofthe Sobieski family, he accompanied King Wųadysųaw IV Vasa to a health spa in Baden (near Vienna), ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  150 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM duringwhichtimehevisitedimperialestatesinSilesia,BohemiaandAustria.Letusalsonotforget that,albeitforaverydifferentpurpose,healsovisitedtheMuscoviteState. JakubSobieskileftbehindaccountsofhisEuropeantravels.Formanyyearstheyremainedin manuscript form. They were first published by Edward Raczyŷski in 1833.6 Next, fragments of his accountconcerningGermanyandFrancewerepublishedinFrenchin1846byLeonardChodzko.7In 1879partof Sobieski’saccountswere publishedin SpanishbyFr.FeliksRóǏaŷski,8theheadofthe San Lorenzo del Escorial Library near Madrid. However, the best full publication of his accounts, editedbyJózefDųugosz,waspublishedin1991bytheWydawnictwoOssolineum.9 Sobieski’s accounts have not only been referred to by many Polish historians, but also by foreignonessuchasGeorgesCirotandMarcelinDéfourneaux,thelatterinhisnowclassicDailyLife inSpainintheGoldenAge.Itismoreoverworthnotingthathistravelaccountsbecamethebasisofa historicaltalebyMieczysųawLepecki,10entitledPanJakobusSobieski.11Thepresentinvestigationis basedonthe1991publicationofthishistoricalsource.  II.TheHabsburgcourts Theterm‘court’asunderstoodbyJakubSobieski The key word in Jakub Sobieski’s accounts is ‘court’. The word appears in his texts very often, at variousoccasionsandinvariouscontexts.Themostfrequentcasesareasfollows: 1)Courtasthecentreandcapitalofthestate. SettingoutforMadridin1611,Sobieski writes: ‘There is the capital and the place of residence of the Spanish kings.’12 He has a similar reflectionatthegatesofVienna:‘Thisisthefinestcity,arealmetropolisAustriae.Residingthereat the time was Matthias with his wife Anna.’13 For Sobieski, therefore, the state capital was the permanent place of residence of the monarch and his court. However, in his opinion the concepts ‘royalcourt’and‘royalpalace’werenotsynonymous.TheroyalcourtwasMadrid,whereasElPardo andEscorialwerepalaces.AtElPardo,Sobieskiwrites,‘thereisasmallroyalpalaceofpleasure,’14in otherwordsaplaceofrecreation;andtheEscorialPalaceis‘asecludedplacefortheroyalcourt’.15 Sobieski similarly makes a distinction between the ‘royal court’ and the ‘royal family’. Members of themonarch’s(emperor’sorking’s)familywereclearlydistinguishedfromthelargercommunityof theroyalcourt:‘[…]theemperorleftViennatogetherwithhiscourtandhiswife,theempress’.16 2)Courtasaplace. Sobieskialsousestheword‘court’inadifferentsense,assomewhere tobe,aplaceforpeopletogatherandmeet,andasajourney’sdestination.Onewasinthecourt,at thecourtorwiththecourt:‘LivinginthecourtatthetimewasPrinceFilibertoofSavoy[…]’17;‘The Spanishgentlemenwerethenresidingwiththecourt[…]’;18‘Inthattimehealsolivedattheimperial court […]. Ordinary deputies also lived at the imperial court […]’.19 One moreover arrived at the court:‘inthattimehearrivedattheSpanishcourt[…]’.20 3) Court as the ruler’s circle and collective. The court is made up of people forming a collectiveofverydistinctivecharacteristics.Itcomprisestheruler’sclosestcircleaswellashisfamily. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  151 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM With regard to the Spanish and imperial courts, Sobieski emphasised their size: ‘When I was in Madrid,thecourtwasverylarge[…]’;21‘theimperialcourt[…]fairlypopulous’;22‘[…]Spaniardswere addedtohiscourt[…]’;23‘theemperorleftViennatogetherwithhiscourt.’24 4)Courtasaninstitution. Sobieskialsoperceivedthecourtintheinstitutionalsense,asa place where the ruler and officials formed the central administration of the state: ‘[…] at his court andthroughoutthekingdomhehadhisloyalclerks’;25‘IencountereddeputiesattheSpanishcourt […]’;26‘theyhavetheiragentsattheroyalcourt[…]’;27‘Therearefourseniorsabovethecourtassort ofmarshals’.28 For our Polish traveller the word ‘court’ was therefore a universal concept that he applied with respect to all the European monarchies. Naturally, depending on which state he was in he qualified it as the ‘French court’, ‘Spanish court’, ‘English Court’, ‘imperial court’ or ‘papal court’. Occasionally,asasynonym,hespeaksof‘theplaceofresidenceofkings’29or‘theroyalhousehold’.30  DistinctivefeaturesoftheHabsburgcourt What were the distinctive features of the Habsburg courts? What distinguished them from other Europeancourts? Firstly, these courts were characterised by their exceptionally close dynastic ties. In his accounts Jakub Sobieski frequently stresses the family ties between the Spanish rulers and the emperors. Already in the second sentence of his description of Madrid he states that at the royal courthesawPhilipIIIandhiswifeMargaret,thedaughterofArchdukeCharles.31Sobieskireturned tothesamethemeinhisdescriptionofhowin1638KingWųadysųawIVwasgreetedbytheEmpress Maria:‘HisRoyalHighnessspokeinItalian,andshereceivedhimquitepleasantly,speakingbrieflyin Spanish.’32 OnthisoccasionthePolishmagnateallowedhimselftomakeafewbitingremarksaboutthe proudandconceitedSpanishroyal,whoduringtheceremonyofkissingherhandcoollyreceivedher Polish guests with Hispanico fastu, i.e. Spanish haughtiness.33 These close ties between the two dynasticlineswereapparent,asSobieskinotes,inthepresenceofGermansattheMadridcourtand Spaniards at the Vienna court. As an example, the Polish traveller mentions Empress Maria’s housemistress,Madame‘Girona’[Girón].34ThiscourtofficialmusthaveannoyedSobieski,asinhis accountshewritesshewas‘fiercelyproud’andneverwillingtoallowPolishladiestositontherightͲ hand side of the Empress.35 In his accounts Sobieski never uses the name ‘Habsburg’, referring insteadtothe‘RakuskiHouse’(fromtheCzechwordrakouski,meaningAustrian).  Another characteristic element of Habsburg courts was their expanded ceremonial procedures and etiquette, which dictated relations between rulers, including their families, their subjects,andforeignguests.  Athirdimportantdistinguishingfeatureofthesecourtswastheircloseassociationwiththe Roman Catholic faith and religious practice. Sobieski emphasises the piety of Philip III and his wife Margaret.36IncontrasttoHenryIVofFrance,37thePolishtravellernotesthattheSpanishking‘spent ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  152 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM his time on religious devotion’ and willingly took part in religious processions. For example, he recordsthatintheliturgicalperiodfromthefeastofCorpusChristitotheAssumption‘everydaythe kingpubliclyparticipatedinchurchprocessions[…]’.38ForthisreasonSobieskiwasnotsurprisedthat Dominican and Franciscan confessors played such an important role at the courts of the Catholic monarchs.  Theroleoftheruler WhatkindofrulerswerethemonarchsofSpainandtheHolyRomanEmpire?Whatrolesdidthey performatcourt? ItshouldbenotedfromtheoutsetthatSobieski’scommentsonthissubjectreflectedviews he had acquired from the quite different political system of what was then the PolishͲLithuanian Commonwealth,wherethekingwaselectedbythenobles.Moreover,inPolandthemonarchywas not hereditary; even if a son happened to succeed his father,39 it still required the approval of the nobleestateoritsparliamentaryrepresentation.ThepowerofPolishkingswaslimitedbyasystem of noble privileges (e.g., the soͲcalled Henrician Articles and the pacta conventa) and freedoms guaranteed,sincetheMiddleAges,bytheconstitutionofthePolishSejm.Affiliatedashewaswith the powerful magnate dynasty of the Zamoyskis, Sobieski frequently disagreed with and openly criticised the policies of the Polish royal court, and even criticised the king. On account of these constitutional constraints, Polish monarchs were keenly interested in personally exercising what authoritytheyhadand,whereverpossible,extendingtheirrangeofresponsibilities. MeanwhileSobieskinotesthefactthatneitherPhilipIIInorMatthiasIshowedmuchinterest in personal rule. Of the emperor he writes: ‘A kindly man, but not very adept ad res agendas [in governing]’.40WhereasaboutthekingofSpainhecomments:‘Moreexpertadvitamprivatamthan adresgerendas[inrunningaffairs].’41 SobieskidoesnotanalysethepoliticalsystemsofSpainortheHolyRomanEmpire.However, perhaps having in mind the limited authority of Polish monarchs, he does remark that absolute monarchs also share their potestas with officials and ministers. Nevertheless, he also notes that whileintheCommonwealththeparticipationofthenobilitywaslaiddownintheconstitution,inthe Habsburg monarchies it resulted from the personal decisions or the character traits of the ruler. Thoserulingontheirbehalfthusincludednotonlynominatedofficials,butalsofavouritesandgrey eminences. Imperial and royal favourites do feature in Sobieski’s travel accounts. At the Spanish courthedescribestheDukeofLermaasfollows: ThekingtookhimtoheartandintohisconfidencesomuchsothatduringmystayinSpain hererumpatiebatur[heldsway],afterhimtheentiregovernment,theconsilia[orConsejos] andthenthepretenders.Whomsoeverhefavoured,sodidtheking,whomsoeverhedisliked, thekingdislikedtoo.ThewholeofSpainadoredhim;thekingshoweredhimandhisfamily andfriendswithgifts.42 MatthiasIHabsburgalsohadhisfavourites,whomSobieskiunequivocallycallshis‘lovers’.In ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  153 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM this group he includes the bishop of Vienna and later cardinal Melchior Klesl, the Italian adviser Ottavio Cavriani as well as two military commanders, Siegfried Kollonich and Henri Duval Dampierre.43  AlltheseobservationsregardingtheHabsburgcourtsandtherolesplayedbytheHabsburg monarchs inclined the Polish traveller to make some rather astonishing conclusions reflecting his surpriseatencounteringasituationquitedifferenttowhathehadexpected.Hewrites:‘Itisstrange thatalthoughtheretheyhaveabsolutumdominium,thesemonarchsdonothingwithoutacouncil, theywillnotsignanypublicletter,orsineconsiliotheywon’teventouchuponpublicisnegotiis.’44 Was Sobieski here expressing a conviction that Habsburg absolutism in Spain and the Holy Roman Empire, so much reviled by the antiͲroyal opposition in Poland, was a stereotype form of propagandaandmanipulation?Thiswouldbegoingtoofar,buttherecanbenodoubtthatwhathe saw of the courts of absolute monarchs, particularly those of the Habsburgs, allowed Sobieski to concludethatevenwhitehaditsshades.  EverydaylifeinseventeenthͲcenturyHabsburgcourts Spending some time in Madrid and subsequently in Vienna provided Sobieski with an excellent opportunitytoobserveeverydaylifeinHabsburgcourts.Naturally,theseobservationswererather general, as they were made from the outside. The young magnate paid particular attention to the official aspect of the life of the king and his entourage, that is to say, the court ceremonies (e.g. awardingtheOrderoftheGoldenFleece)andaudienceswithministers,foreigndiplomatsandhighͲ bornguests.Forexample,SobieskiwitnessedAmbrosioSpinolabeingawardedthetitleofGrandee of Spain. Spinola would later become famous for his capture of Breda (1625), a scene which was immortalisedbythebrilliantVelázquezinhispaintingLaslanzas. The Polish traveller devotes a lot of time to describing the way the monarch and his entourage spent their free time, and their forms of recreation. He noticed that this primarily depended on the monarch, whose preferences and tastes constituted guidelines for those responsible for organising royal or imperial entertainment. Sobieski recalls that the favourite pastimesofPhilipIIIwerehuntingandriding.TherewasalsomuchmerrimentattheViennacourt. TocelebratethearrivalofArchdukeFerdinandandhisfamily,45EmperorMatthias‘hadvariousfeasts and games organised for their delight’.46 Later we learn that these included races, masks, ballet, theatreplaysandhunting.Sobieski,however,recordsanegativeaspectofrecreationattheimperial court of Matthias I, namely, excessive drinking. Decades later, by contrast, on another visit to the imperialcapitalhewastocomment:‘[...]fortheydidnotdrinkliketheGermansdidwhenIwasin ViennainEmperorMatthias’time.’47 In describing the Habsburg courts, Sobieski concentrates more on their structure than on howtheyfunctioned.Heisinterestedintheirhierarchyofvalues,inrelationsbetweentheruler,his family, and the court, in the roles of particular individuals, in the network of family ties and in political,social,formalandinformalrelationships.Althoughheconcentratesonthemainplayers,he doesalsomakeanefforttounderstandthemechanismsbehindtheexerciseofpower.Forexample, ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  154 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Sobieskinotesthatthemostpowerfularistocratsaregiventhehighestofficesofstateandremainin the court. He explains this policy as follows: ‘He deliberately wants to have them together […], so thattheywillnotthinkofrebellionorfactions,astheymightiftheywereseparated.’48  Theformandlanguageofdescribingthecourt There can be no doubt that in describing European courts Sobieski realised that they were the centres of political power in particular states: places where monarchs, their families, officials, ministers and diplomats convened, as well as others who were distinguished and important. In his descriptionshethereforetakescaretowritewithappropriateprecision,seriousnessandrespect. On the other hand, he does occasionally cite opinions and rumours concerning particular courtcircles.DuringhisstayinMadrid,hementionsthecomplicatedsituationofPhilibertbeingthe son of the duke of Savoy and at the same time the nephew of Philip III. Sobieski cites two explanationsforPhilibert’spresenceinMadrid.Somereckonedthiswasduetohisuncle’sconcern forhimandtheintentiontomakePhilibertviceroyofPortugal,whileothersbelievedhewasbeing heldasasortofhostage,tokeephisbrotherͲinͲlawtheDukeofSavoyincheck.Sobieskiaddsthat theyoungdukewasdiscreetlywatchedoverbySpanishguardsasakindofprisoner.49Letusalsonot forget that he did not refrain from writing about drunkenness at the court of Matthias I or from laughingatthegratuitousetiquette. Thelanguageinhisdescriptionsofthecourtisfundamentallydifferentfromthatintherest of his travel accounts. It includes far more examples of elevated and sophisticated phrases, court terminology,conceptsassociatedwithetiquetteandceremony,andLatinexpressions.  Bibliography DiariuszsejmukoronacyjnegowKrakowiew1633roku,ed.byW.Kaczorowski,Opole,2008. DwiepodróǏeJ.Sobieskiego,ojcakrólaJanaIII,odbytepokrajacheuropejskichwlatach1607Ͳ1613i 1638,publishedbyE.Raczyŷski,Poznaŷ,1833. Lepecki,Mieczysųaw,PanJakobusSobieski,Warszawa1970. Makowiecki,Gabriela,PodrogachpolskoͲhiszpaŷskich,Kraków,1984. Malewska,Hanna,ListystaropolskiezepokiWazów,Warsaw,1977. Sobieski,Jakub,‘Journald’unvoyagefaitenAllemagneetFranceaucommencementduXVIIesiècle,’ inLaPolognehistorique,litteraire,monumentaleetillustrée,Paris,1846. Sobieski, Jakub, Peregrynacja po Europie [1607Ͳ1613]. Droga do Baden [1638], ed. by J. Dųugosz, Wrocųaw,Warszawa&Kraków,1991. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  155 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Syrokomla, Wųadysųaw, ‘Rys Ǐycia Jakuba Sobieskiego.’, in Jakuba Sobieskiego Pamiħtnik wojny chocimskiejksiČgtroje,translatedfromLatin,withauthor’sbiographyandexplanatorynotesadded byW.Syrokomla,Petersburg,1854. Witusik,A.A.,‘ListykanclerzynyBarbaryZamoyskiejdosynaTomaszazlat1605Ͳ1610’,inOjczyznai wolnoƑđ.PraceofiarowaneProfesorowiJanowiZióųkowiwsiedemdziesiČtČrocznicħurodzin,ed.byA. Baraŷska,W.Matwiejczyk&E.M.Zióųek,Lublin,2000.  1 Syrokomla1854. 2  For example, Marek Sobieski was made one of the legal guardians of the underͲage Tomasz, son of Jan Zamoyski.SeeWitusik2000,p.729. 3 JakubSobieskiistheauthorofthefirstPolishͲlanguagedescriptionofMoscow.SeeMalewska1977,p.140. 4 Syrokomla1854. 5 DiariuszsejmukoronacyjnegowKrakowiew1633roku,2008. 6 DwiepodróǏeJ.Sobieskiego,ojcakrólaJanaIII...,1833. 7 Sobieski1846. 8 FatherFeliksRóǏaŷski,seeMakowiecki1984. 9 Sobieski1991. 10 MieczysųawBogdanLepecki(1897Ͳ1969),PolishArmyofficer,writer,journalist,traveller,intheyears1931Ͳ 1935adjutantofMarshalJózefPiųsudski. 11 Lepecki1970. 12 Sobieski1991,p.142. 13 Sobieski1991,p.216. 14 Sobieski1991,p.148. 15 Sobieski1991,p.149. 16 Sobieski1991,p.217. 17 Sobieski1991,p.142. 18 Sobieski1991,p.144. 19 Sobieski1991,p.216. 20 Sobieski1991,p.145. 21 Sobieski1991,p.146. 22 Sobieski1991,p.216. 23 Sobieski1991,p.142. 24 Sobieski1991,p.217. 25 Sobieski1991,p.143. 26 Sobieski1991,p.143. 27 Sobieski1991,p.144. 28 Sobieski1991,p.145. 29 Sobieski1991,p.142. 30 Sobieski1991,p.143. 31 Sobieski1991,p.142. 32 Sobieski1991,p.234. 33 Sobieski1991,p.234Ͳ35. 34  Inés Reynoso de Salamanca, the wife of Sancho Girón de Salcedo, Marquis de Sofraga, see: http://www.geneall.net/H/per_page.php?id=1599773. In the years 1630Ͳ1637 Sancho was ‘presidente del Reino de Nueva Granada’ (i.e. president of the Real Audicencia of Nueva Granada), see: http://www.heraldaria.com/phorum5/read.php?3,4571. Here his wife appears as Inés Rodríguez de Salamanca. 35 Sobieski1991,p.244. 36 Sobieski1991,pp.121and142. 37 Sobieski1991,p.47. 38 Sobieski1991,p.146. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  156 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM 39  Such was the case with the Vasa dynasty. After thedeath of Zygmunt III, his son Wųadysųaw IV was made king,andheinturnwassucceededbyhisbrotherJanIIKazimierz. 40 Sobieski1991,p.216. 41 Sobieski1991,p.121. 42 Sobieski1991,p.121. 43 Sobieski1991,p.216. 44 Sobieski1991,p.145. 45 LaterHolyRomanEmperorFerdinandII. 46 Sobieski1991,p.217. 47 Sobieski1991(DrogadoBaden),p.235. 48 Sobieski1991,p.145. 49 Sobieski1991,p.142. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  157 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM       III ReligiousPracticesandtheCourt   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  158 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   ThePietasAustriaca.Apoliticalmyth? OntheInstrumentalisationofPietytowardstheCrossattheVienneseCourtin theSeventeenthCentury __________________________________________________________________________________________________ WernerTeleskoȋ—•–”‹ƒ…ƒ†‡›‘ˆ…‹‡…‡•Ȍ    It is well known that the Habsburg practice of piety was based on the fundamental pillars of the venerationoftheVirginMary,thecultofthesaints,Eucharisticpiety,andthevenerationoftheHoly Cross. In her fundamental work Pietas Austriaca (1959) Anna Coreth provides an exemplary introduction to the effectiveness of this practice of piety over the centuries and showed how the Habsburgsregardedreligiouslydefinedpietas(meaningbothpietyandthefearofGod)asthemost importantvirtueofrulers.1ItwasonthebasisofthisparticularpracticeofpietythattheHabsburg rulers from Ferdinand II onwards set themselves apart from other royal dynasties who were more concerned with earthly glory, and from the French Bourbons in particular. Unlike other monarchs whotendedtoemphasisetheirpersonalaccomplishments,theHabsburgs2wereconvincedthattheir royallinewasdivinelyordained;thattheyhadbeenespeciallychosenandentrustedwithamission; and that they had a special relationship to God in the sense that they enjoyed the divine right of kings. Thepresentpaperintendstoinvestigatethewayinwhichtheritualpracticeofdevotionto thecrosshastobedistinguishedfromthepoliticallyinstrumentalisedpropagandaoftheveneration of the cross. In this context the question arises whether Pietas Austriaca was not perhaps instrumentalised over the course of centuries as a welcome myth of Habsburg ‘chosenness’, one whichwasintensivelypropagatedthroughappropriatemediasoastoconductpoliticalpropaganda more effectively, i.e., in the sense ofavehement and dynastically political profanation ofdifferent forms of piety. In his Dissertatio polemica de prima origine Augustissimae Domus HabspurgoͲ Austriacae (1680), Johann Ludwig Schönleben had good reason to refer to Pietas Austriaca as ‘HaereditariaPietas’,3orahereditarilyboundformofpiety. The specific intention here is therefore not so much to address the theological content of PietasAustriaca—whichhasalreadybeenthesubjectofextensivetreatmentbyotherresearchers— astoinvestigatethemanywaysinwhichitcouldbeexploitedforpoliticalpurposes.Inthisregard StefanSamerski,forexample,hasalreadydemonstratedthatLeopoldandJoseph,themainpatrons, stood completely in the service of a dynasticͲpolitical raison d'État under the reign of Leopold I. ThesetwopatronswerecloselylinkedtothepersonoftheEmperorandhisneedforrepresentation ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  159 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   withrespecttogenealogy,functionandritual.4JustasitwaspopulartoequateHabsburgrulerswith mythological persons, Pietas Austriaca formed an essential part of the Habsburgs’ dynastic propaganda.Inthissenseitwasparticularlysubject,inmyview,tosubtlydifferentiatedmechanisms of representation which correspondingly transformed the particular manifestations of piety in the processoftheirmediation. The veneration of the Holy Cross was propagated in different ways and in different media followingtheCouncilofTrent.Effortsinthisregardweredirected,asitwere,atanarchaeologically precise and comprehensive study of the circumstances surrounding the crucifixion, the Holy Cross and the form or symbol of the cross. This is amply demonstrated by such works as the multiple editionsofJustusLipsius’Decrucelibritresadsacramprofanamquehistoriamutiles(1593);Jacobus Bosio’sCruxtriumphansetgloriosa(1617),withitsmanysourcesandthespecialemphasisitplaced onLateAntiquityandtheearlyperiodofChristianity;andthethreevolumesbytheJesuitJacobus GretserentitledDecruceChristi(1605–1608).5 TheywerealsoaccompaniedbyspecialisedstudiessuchasHonoratusNicquetusSJ’shistory of the title of the Holy Cross, Titulus Sanctae Crucis seu Historia et mysterium tituli Sanctae Crucis Domini nostri Jesu Christi (1670), or Thomas Bartholinus’ investigations of the Arma Christi, which appearedunderthetitleDecruceChristiHypomnemataIV(1670).BothadoptedacriticalͲhistorical approach to their subject and fall into the category of demystifications of the circumstances surroundingChrist’scrucifixion.Ontheotherhand,compendiaalsoappearedwhichdemonstrated the possibilities each specific religious order had to approach the history of the veneration of the cross.OnesuchexampleisMagnoaldusZiegelbaurOSB’streatiseHistoriadidacticadeSanctaeCrucis cultuetvenerationeinordinediviBenedicti(1746),whichdealsinparticularwiththevenerationof thecrossintheBenedictineOrder. Such studies, which adopted a criticalͲhistorical approach, should be distinguished from publications that dealt specifically with historical or legendary events that related to the Habsburg practiceofpietyandinsodoingreflectedaframeworkofdiscourseinwhichthevenerationofthe crosswascontextualisedunderprimarilydynasticauspices.Inordertounderpinthedynasticclaim tothecultofthecross,NicolausVernulaeus,forexample,statedinhisworkVirtutesAugustaeGentis Austriacaelibritres(1640)6thatGodhadpointedtheHabsburgdynasty—likeConstantinetheGreat yearsbefore—tothecrossasasignandpledgeofvictory.7In thisreferencetothe time when the venerationofthecrossstartedtobeusedforpoliticalpurposes,thecultoftheHolyCrossunderKing RudolfIofHabsburginparticularisofcentralimportance—suchasontheoccasionwhen(according tolegend)thefoundingfatherofthedynastyheldawoodencrossintheabsenceofasceptrewhile tributewaspaidtohimasthenewlyelectedkingandusedittohavetheprincespledgetheiroathof allegiance to him;8 in his treatise Austriaci Caesares (1649), the Jesuit Horstensio Pallavicini commentedthatRudolf(‘theGreat’)wassimplyfollowingonfromtheexamplesetbyConstantine theGreatonaparalleloccasion:‘vincetcummagnoConstantinoRudolphusMagnus’.9Onthisbasis the cross was also assigned the legitimising function of pointing to the expansion of Habsburg territoryasasymboloftheHolyCross—suchaswhenPallavicini,inoneofhisremarks,interpreted theexpansionoftheHabsburgEmpiretowardsallfourpointsofthecompassaslogical:afterall,it wasconsistentwiththeshapeofthecross(!).10 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  160 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   ThesediversewaysoftakingHabsburgtraditionsofpietyandturningthemintomythsneed to be taken into consideration when we come to discuss a pivotal event in the history of the Habsburgs’ imperial residence in Vienna. When the Kammerkapelle (the imperial family’s private chapel) in the ‘Leopoldine Wing’ of the Vienna Hofburg was destroyed by a catastrophic fire in February 1668, it provided a new thrust to the dynasty’s veneration of the cross.11 Although the availablesourcesgiveapreciseaccountofthefire,whichappearstohaveoccurredon6February 1668,12thereisnosignofareportconcerningtherelicofthecrosswhichwaskeptthere,butwhich somehowescapeddestruction: ‘ein feyerbrunst in den neu erpauten stockh gegen der pasteyen, gleich vnder den Zümern Ihrer Mt: der Verwittibten Kayserin [scil. Eleonore Gonzaga] außkhomen, dessen Vrsprung man nüehe wissen khänen, vnd derselbe ganze stokh vngeacht aller beschechenen rettung, abgebrunnen,vnddadurchgrosserschadenanmobilienbeschechen[…].’13 A relatively close description of the place where this catastrophe took place is given in the diaryofJohannSigray,anintimateofthePálffyfamily,in1668:‘Maniviennaecircahoramtertiam Matutinam actum fuit incendium in Aula viduae Imperatricis et Combusta est tota residentia ipsius Seu nomen […].’14 According to a report by the papal nuncio Pignatelli,15 chests full of precious objectsaswellasasolidgoldcrucifixandtwosilvercandelabraswereconsumedbythefireinthe cabinetoftheEmperor’swidow,EleonoreGonzaga.Afterthedisastrousfire,themeltedcaseofthe reliquarywaslaterfoundintheashesbuttheparticlesofthecrosswhichhadbeenreveredbythe Habsburgs centuries—in particular by Emperor Maximilian I—are supposed to have remained unharmed.16 Emperor Leopold I (1640–1705) had given this holy relic to his stepmother, Empress Eleonore Magdalena Gonzaga of MantuaͲNevers (1630–1686), the third consort of Emperor FerdinandIII (1608–1657),17forsafekeepingduringherlifetime.Thispreciousreliciskept todayin the ‘monstrance of the Order of the Starry Cross’ in Vienna’s Kunsthistorisches Museum (with the footandshaftmadebyHansJakobMairinAugsburgaround1668)(fig.1).18 Themiraculousrescueoftheholyrelic,whichwasfoundintactfivedaysafterthefireinthe ruinsofEleonoreGonzaga’schambers,wascelebratedbythefoundationofthe‘OrderoftheStarry Cross’ for the high nobility on 18 September 1668.19 In particular, its members were to devote themselvestotheworshipoftheHolyCross,asthetextsoftherelevantofficiummakeabundantly clear.TheorderwasreͲconstitutedbyEmpressEleonoraMagdalenaTheresiavonderPfalz(1655– 1720),thethirdwifeofEmperorLeopoldI,andelevatedtobecomethedynasty’shighestaristocratic allͲfemale order in 1688.20 The Empress invested members21 with the Order of the Starry Cross, which featured golden crosses with four diamonds (hence the name ‘Order of the Starry Cross’)— heraldically designed as a combination of the Mantuan Cross with the sloping singleͲheaded black Mantuaneagle22—aswellasthemottoSalusetGloria,ontwooccasions:on3May(TheFindingof the Holy Cross) and on 14 September (The Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross), ‘bei den obern Jesuiten’(meaningtheJesuitsattheKircheAmHofinVienna).23 The circumstances surrounding the foundation of the Order of the Starry Cross were propagated above all in a booklet entitled HochͲAdeliche und Gottseelige Versamblung von SternͲ Creutz genandt. So von Ihr Kayserlichen Mayestät Eleonora, Verwittibten Römischen Kayserin auffgerichtet[…](1671),24whichwaswrittenbytheJesuitJohannesBaptistaManni(fig.2). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  161 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM               Fig. 1  ‘Monstrance of the Order of the Starry Cross’, Fig. 2  Johannes Baptista Manni SJ, HochͲAdeliche und Vienna,KunsthistorischesMuseum(footandshaftmade Gottseelige Versamblung von SternͲCreutz genandt. So byHansJakobMairinAugsburgca.1668). von Ihr Kayserlichen Mayestät Eleonora, Verwittibten  Römischen Kayserin auffgerichtet (Vienna, 1671), title page.  Thisinterestingpublicationprovidestheessentialbasicsforgainingabetterunderstanding ofhowtheHabsburgdynastyactuallyperformedthevenerationofthecrossaswellasthespecific circumstancessurroundingthefoundationoftheOrderoftheStarryCross.InManni’spublicationon the circumstances surrounding the foundation of the Order of the Starry Cross, references to Habsburgpietyaresubsequentlylinkedtothesituationatthetimewithareportaboutthefireinthe Hofburg in 1668,25 with Emperor Leopold I’s veneration of the cross, with his confirmation of the OrderoftheStarryCross,26andwiththemanuscriptoftheorder’sdeedoffoundationbyEleonore.27 Thishistoricalaccountisfollowedbyanextensivesectiondealingwiththewaysinwhichpietywas specifically practised by the members of the Order of the Starry Cross (Enchiridion oder HandͲ Buechlein underschiedlicher Gebett […] zu Ehr deß H. Creutzes […] von HochͲAdelichen Frawen ZimmerunderdenTituldeßSternͲCreutzes zu gebrauchen);28requisite textformulasarepresented forthepassionprayersandfortherosaryofdevotiontotheFiveWounds—herethecharacterofa specificallyJesuitspiritualityisparticularlyevidentintheemphasisplacedonthe‘earthly’trinityof Jesus, Mary and Joseph.29 This is also expressed in a curious entanglement of Christological and Marianformulasforpietywhichareclearlydiscernibleinthetexts.30Inthisparticularcasethefixed textfortheAveMariaistransposedtotheVenerationoftheHolyCross:‘Gegrüssetseystduheiliges Creutz/vollBluts/derHerristmitdir/dubistgebenedeyetunderdenBäumen/undgebenedeyet ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  162 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   istdieFrucht/soandirgehangenmeinHerrJesusChristus./HeiligesCreutzseymein[sic!]Zuflucht jetztundinderStundmeinesAbsterbens/Amen.’31 A central point for gaining an understanding of the aristocratic practice of piety in the seventeenthcenturyisthefactthatselfͲreflectionandpropagandaofHabsburgpietaswerenotonly closely linked to the veneration of the saints and the early cult of the Holy Cross, but were also conceived as growing genealogically, as it were, from these two threads. This interesting idea of utilisingmembersofone’sowndynastyforacalendarofthesaints(!)isexpressedwiththegreatest clarity in Johann Ludwig Schönleben’s publication Annus Sanctus HabspurgoͲAustriacus; sive QuingentiSancti,Beati,&Venerabiles,utriusquesexus,AugustissimaeDomuiHabspurgoͲAustriacae Sanguinis et cognationis nexu illigati (Salzburg 1696)32 and in church decors which are essentially based on a programme of saints that propagated Habsburg piety, such as Carpoforo Tencalla’s paintingfortheChapelofSt.PetrusCanisiusintheKircheAmHofinVienna(aroundorafter1668).33 In addition to its triumphal aspects, the Habsburg veneration of the cross under Emperor FerdinandII(1578–1637)hadincreasinglybeenassignedafurtherdimensionofmeaningwhichwas aboveallexpressedinthewillingnesstoacceptanysufferingthatcamefromGod.34Whenon5June 1619 protestant nobles from Lower Austria were pressuring Emperor Ferdinand II in the Vienna Hofburgtograntthemthefreedomtopractisetheirreligion(aneventwhichbecameknownasthe ‘Sturm petition’), Christ apparently whispered to the regent praying before the cross: ‘Ferdinand, I won’t abandon you!’. Shortly afterwards a regiment appeared in the Burghof courtyard and saved thehardͲpressedruler.35ThepresenceofadeputationoftheAustrianprotestantnoblesledbyPaul JakobGrafStarhembergandAndreasFreiherrvonThonrädelbeforeanEmperorFerdinandIIgazing atthecrossintheViennaHofburginJune1619becameadefiningthemeintheprintedgraphicartof the eighteenth century.36 Usually Ferdinand II stands in the centre of such depictions, looking with great pathos up to the cross with a banner proclaiming the words of Christ (‘Ferdinande, non te deseram!’)(fig.3).37 In early modern visual propaganda the reproduction of this moment was regarded as the mostimportanteventintheruleofFerdinandII,asbecomesclearinthefrescosofhisburialchapel intheGrazMausoleum(1691–93),whichwerebasedonadesignbyFischervonErlach(1688),38and in the corresponding fresco in the Kaisersaal, which was painted by Melchior Steidl in 1709, and whichformspartoftheBambergResidenz.39 In the twelfth and final part of his Annales Ferdinandei […] (1726), Franz Christoph KhevenhüllerpublishedaGermanversionofFerdinandII’svirtuesandshowedthedialoguebetween Christ crucified and Emperor Ferdinand in a large copper engraving depicting the extraordinarily JesuitͲfriendly emperor as a pilgrim (!) and hence as a direct successor to St. Ignatius—a unique example in iconography (fig. 4).40 Even in the mortuary roll written by the Prague Jesuit Petrus Wadding for Emperor Ferdinand II, which associated the late ruler with the various virtues of Constantine,TheodosiusandCharlemagne,Ferdinand’spietasisemphasisedintheinvocationofhis successor(?)withtheaidofadirectreferencetothecross,evidentlyinaninterpolationoftheTe igiturfrom theofficiumofthe mass:‘TuigiturCruceinsignis,Provinciarum quas Ferdinandus caelo fidelesreddidit,agminaposttetrahes[…]’.41  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  163 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    Fig.3FerdinandIIlookinguptothecross,engraving, Fig.4FranzChristophKhevenhüller,Annales th Prague,after1730. Ferdinandei…(Leipzig,1726),12 part,engraving, dialoguebetweenChristandEmperorFerdinandII.  Notwithoutreason,MariaTheresaalsoinvokedthisnowfamouslegendofherpredecessor whenshetookthecrosswithhertotheReichstaginPreßburg(Bratislava)inSeptember1741.Today the cross is kept in the Ecclesiastical Treasury.42 After returning to the Vienna Hofburg, she had it displayedforpublicvenerationintheKammerkapellefortwoweeksstartingon22Decemberofthat yearandon5January1742decreedthatthecrossshouldingeneralbedisplayedintheHofkapelle every Friday because of the throngs of people who had come to see it.43 Later on, in 1748, Maria Theresa ordered Ferdinand’s cross to be placed in the tabernacle of the renovated imperial court chapel,44whichledtothecustomofpresentingittobekissedonSundaysandfeastdays.45Rightup totheendoftheMonarchy,thiseventundertheruleofEmperorFerdinandIIformedanessential pointofreferencefortheHabsburgideologyofpiety.46 The peculiar thing about this episode in 1619 is the fact that we note an extraordinary confluence between the efforts of the Jesuit Order and the piety of the Habsburgs—as we have already clearly seen with the foundation of the Order of the Starry Cross. The pivotal words, ‘Ferdinande,nontedeseram!’,withwhichChristissupposedtohaveassuredEmperorFerdinandof hissupport,alsosupplythecorrespondingexplanation.Notonlyaretheyareaquotationfromthe Bible (Letter to the Hebrews 13:5, ‘I will not abandon you, and I will not neglect you.’),47 but the passagealsoconstitutesanexplicitreferencetotheSocietyofJesussincetheversefromHebrews also provides a direct reference to the following event in the life of St. Ignatius of Loyola. On his ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  164 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   journey from Rome to Venice the saint was repeatedly turned away from lodgings because of a virulentplagueandendeduphavingtosleepintheopen,butreceivedcomfortandsupportwhen Christ appeared and promised not to abandon him, using the words quoted in the above passage from the Bible.48 Consequently, in terms of their subject matter, the verse from Hebrews, the episodeinthelifeofIgnatius,andthelegendofFerdinandIIandthecrossin1619allrefer—withone and the same text quotation—to the assurance of Christ’s support. In the twelfth part of Franz ChristophKhevenhüller’sAnnalesFerdinandeitheconfluenceheassertsbetweenthesaintandthe piousemperorisevenmadeexplicitlyclearinthecitedpilgrimͲlikedescriptionoftheregent.  Fig.5Unsignedbroadsheet(1636)whichdisplaysamaypole(a‘freshandgreen maypole’accordingtothelegendbelow). ThemultiplicityofmeaningswhichthesymbolismofthecrosshadinEmperorFerdinandII’s propagandaisparticularlyevidentinanunsignedbroadsheet(1636)(fig.5)whichdisplaysamaypole ortreeoflife(a‘freshandgreenmaypole’accordingtothelegend)theleavesofwhichareturning green and present certain virtues that supposedly embody Ferdinand II.49 The thread of salvation thatrunsthroughthisdocumentbecomesclearinthecaseofthetree,whichalludestothetreeof theCross,andintheEucharistaboveit—whichisexplainedbythebannerlocatedabovetheinsignia. Itreferences thepassage‘Godhimself willprovidethelambfortheburntoffering’(Genesis22:8), ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  165 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   whichwasAbraham’sreplytoIsaac’sfearfulquestionabouttheanimalwhichwastobesacrificedto God.Here,thedynasticvenerationofthecrossisgeneralisedandcloselylinkedtotheProvidentia motif which was fundamental for the Habsburg dynasty in general and Ferdinand II in particular,50 sincethepassagetakenfromthebookofGenesis‘GottWirdtfürsehen’(‘Godwillprovide’)isquoted in the representational copper engraving. Hence the motto Deus providebit,51 which was also the mottoofEmperorMaximilianII(1527–1576),appearstohaveapplieddirectlytotheemperorandto the Domus Austriaca he represented. According to this perspective, Emperor Ferdinand II—or the virtuesheembodied—foundhimselfinthebroadtraditionofHabsburgpietytowardstheCrossand the Eucharist. A detail in the upper part of this engraving shows the wood of the tree now transformedintoasmallcrucifix,whichRudolfvonHabsburg,thefatherofthedynasty,ishanding overtoFerdinandIIinanahistoricalmontage.Thiseventisbasedonthefamouslegendcitedatthe beginningofthispaper,accordingtowhichRudolfvonHabsburgissupposedtohaveheldandkissed awoodencrucifixintheabsenceofasceptrewhiletributewaspaidtohimasthenewlyelectedking andusedittohavetheprincespledgetheiroathofallegiancetohimwhenhewaselectedkingin 1273.Accordingtothelegend,thewordsweseeonthebannerhere,‘mitdisemscepterwollenwir regieren’,arealiteralquotationofwhatRudolfactuallysaidonthisoccasion.52 This little and somewhat unprepossessing scene assumes greater significance to the extent thatRudolfI’shandingofacrosstoEmperorFerdinandIIIalsoplaysanimportantroleinanemblem withthelemma‘ABHOCSIGNO’,meaningthecross,intheunpaginatedbookofemblemsentitled Annus primus imperii Austriaci, duodecim caesareoͲmensium (Graz 1638), which was dedicated to Emperor Ferdinand III.53 Hence the wood of the cross at the very top of the maypole has been transformedinaqualitativesensethroughtheadditionofthecentrallegendofHabsburghistory.It nowassumesthecharacterofareligiousobjectwhichtransfersthevegetablesymbolismofthetree into an obvious reminder of the presence of the Habsburg Pietas Austriaca. Furthermore, the hagiographic aspect of the dynasty’s practice of piety is also underlined by the addition of the apostlesPhilipandJamestheLess,bothofwhosefeastdaysfallon1May(!)—theverydaytowhich theerectionofthemaypolerefers.JamestheYoungerhandsoverhisown(!)attribute,asitwere,in the sword which he gives to Ferdinand III (crowned King of Hungary in 1626 and Holy Roman Emperor in 1636), who is kneeling next to Ferdinand II. Just as the cross is the actual ‘fruit’ of the maypole, the crowns in the branches of the tree should be understood not only as individual achievementsoftheruler(orvirtues)butalsoas‘fruits’oftheHouseofHabsburg—intheformof insignia. ThedifferentformsoftheHabsburgvenerationofthecrosswhichhavebeenpresentedhere leadtothefundamentalproblemareaoftheauspicesunderwhichthevitallinesoftraditionsince theglorificationofKingRudolfIwerereceivedintheseventeenthandeighteenthcentury,andhow theywerepropagatedintextsandimages.54HereitisapparentthattheHabsburgFiduciainCrucem ChristiwasprimarilylinkedtotheotherimportantelementsofPietasAustriacaandtothepolitical leitmotifofProvidentia,theimportanceofwhichwastoprotecttheHabsburgdynastythroughthe centuries.55Rightuptothenineteenthcenturythis‘providence’wasactuallythecentralmotifinthe selfͲprojection of the House of Habsburg, in bitter opposition to a tendency, manifest since the beginnings of early modern philosophy, to view God’s work on earth, and hence the relevance of Providentiainthehistoryofsalvation,fromanincreasinglycriticalperspective.56 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  166 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Inadditiontoitsvitalreligiousimplications,thePietasAustriacawhichwaspractisedunder the protection of Providentia was a particular guarantee of the assurance of continuity. This was further underpinned by the approach taken in a compendium of Habsburg values and princes, PrincepsinCompendio,57whichwaswrittenundertheinfluenceoftheJesuitsintheclosestcirclesof thecourtofEmperorFerdinandII.ItmightbedescribedasamanualfortheHabsburgconceptionof imperial office. The compendium of princes first appeared during the rule of Ferdinand II (1632). Moreover, even in the very first chapter (‘Quomodo cum Deo se Princeps gerere debeat.’), it formulates—in the form of a catechism, as it were—the relevance of unequivocal trust and confidence that was to be placed in God and the saints, and which supposedly distinguished the steadfast behaviour of Emperor Ferdinand II when he came under pressure from the protestant noblesin1619,asdescribedabove.58 Thus,theemphasisplacedonthefinalityofeventsinthehistoryofsalvationcharacterises eachofthetwoexamplesoftheHabsburgvenerationofthecrossattheVienneseCourtintheearly ModernAge59whichwehavebrieflypresentedhere.Thefirstcasedealswiththefoundationofthe ‘OrderoftheStarryCross’(1668)andhowEmperorLeopoldIhadentrustedtherelicofthecrossto the safekeeping of his stepmother, Empress Eleonore Gonzaga, Emperor Ferdinand III’s widow, for the duration of her lifetime—a wise and farsighted measure which could not even be undone by majorhistoricdisasterssuchasthefireinthe‘LeopoldineWing’oftheViennaHofburgin1668.On thisoccasionthevenerationofthecrossstoodunderthesamesupremely‘providential’auspicesas thedemonstrationofunshakablepietasbyEmperorFerdinandIIwhenheprayedtothecrossinJune 1619.OnceagaininthiscaseitisGod’sguidingcareand‘providence’whichrepresentsthepivotal momentinthesequenceofevents.InthissensethesetwoexamplesoftheHabsburg’svenerationof thecrossprovidedhighlywelcomefoundationsfortransformingeventswhichweretakenfromthe history of the Habsburg dynasty into a history with a dimension of destiny and truly divine providence,andforlegitimisingthedynasty’spoliticalmandatesbyclaimingthattheywerefounded on God’s farͲsighted rule—which therefore proved their righteousness. The treatment of these events in the sense of the functionalisation of piety under a central guiding motif (Providentia) ultimatelyledtoasituationinwhichtherighteousnessandthepietyoftheHouseofHabsburghad toberegardedaspracticallyinvincible.Butnotonlythat:Thesignificanceofcatholicisminthesense ofitbeingadynasticconstantresidedlessintheactsofdemonstratingsuchpietyandfarmoreina cleverlypresentedamalgamationofpoliticalandreligiouspretentions.Whenwelookmorecloselyat the inserted inscriptions, even Elias Nessenthaler’s famous copper engraving on the cover of Johannes Ludovicus Schönleben’s Annus Sanctus HabspurgoͲAustriacus (1696)60 not only tries to embedthedepictionofEmperorLeopoldatprayerintoanambitiousprogrammeofvirtues,butalso attemptstoidentifythe‘HouseofAustria’withthebiblicalDomusandtoconferGod’spromiseto Abraham in the book of Genesis (15:5) on the rich descendants of the Habsburgs, on saints and secularnobles,andonchurchdignitaries61—allofwhomareseencrowdingaroundtheHolyTrinityin theupperthirdoftheengraving(fig.6). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  167 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    Fig. 6  Elias Nessenthaler, copper engraving on the cover of Johannes Ludovicus Schönleben’s Annus Sanctus HabspurgoͲAustriacus (Ljubljana, 1696). HencethewiderworldofhistoricalmeaningwasprimarilydefinedbyProvidentiaDei;and the history of the Habsburg dynasty, marked by the symbol of the cross, became a history of salvationtoacertainextent,withtheHabsburgscastintheroleofGod’schosenfew.Ultimately,all this was justified by the leading role which God had supposedly assigned to the Habsburgs in the Sacrum Imperium ever since Rudolf I. Not without reason does a Viennese document of theses published in 1649 with the title Campus Liliorum invoke the function of Rudolf I as ‘Caesar (sic!) EucharisticoͲMarianus,Austriacus.’ Seenfromthispointofview,thelettering(‘AUSTRIAELECTA’)ontheedgeofamedalstruck in 1690 by Philipp Heinrich Müller to mark Joseph’s coronation as Emperor of the Holy Roman Empirecertainlydoesnotrefersolelytothespecific(historical)actoftheelectionitself:italsostakes outaclaimtothepoliticalprimacyoftheHabsburgs.ApublicationentitledTypusGloriaeAustriacae, ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  168 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   whichappearedin1658,shortlyafterLeopoldItookofficeintheHolyRomanEmpire,investigated the continuity of the founding father Rudolf, ‘PRIMVS EX AVGVSTA AVSTRIACORVM STIRPE ROMANORVM IMPERATOR’62, up to that particular time in the symbolic form of Pietas Augusta (!) and,intheintroductoryemblem63withtheHabsburgeaglesittingonaglobeandgazingupatthe sun,relatedtheglobetotheroundformoftheEucharistgleaminginthesun.Theenclosedmotto ‘HICORBISINILLVMEXTVLIT’illustrateshowtheglobeliftsuptheeagletotheallͲredeemingsunand how world domination and world redemption, as it were, are brought together in the symbol of circularity.ItwasnotunusualfordynasticandChristiantypestooccursidebysideasinthiscaseso thattheywereviewedasoneandthesamething.ThecopperengravingofJohannBaptistJezlthe OlderonthefrontispieceofthefirstvolumeofthefamouspublicationPietasAustriaca,writtenby DiegoTafuri(Innsbruck,1655),64offersagoodexampleofthis:Hercules’hydraiskilledbythe‘Three FacesofAustria’,whicharedescribedasanimageofpietyinthelegend.HenceAustriaisnotonly assignedanapocalypticmotif(Revelation1:16:‘Andinhisrighthand,heheldthesevenstars;and fromhismouthwentoutasharptwoͲedgedsword;andhisfacewaslikethesun,shiningwithallits might’):theshieldofthedynastywiththeHabsburglionalsofunctionsasaprotectiveshieldfora personification, triumphant along the lines of St. Michael, whose striking Tricephalus obviously mirrorsthetypeoftheHolyTrinity,butwhichhadactuallybeenforbiddeninthisformbytheHoly Seesince1628(fig.7).   Fig.7EngravingofJohannBaptistJezltheOlderonthefrontispieceofthefirstvolume ofthepublicationPietasAustriaca,writtenbyDiegoTafuri(Innsbruck,1655). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  169 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   IfinconclusionwenowaskhowPietasAustriacawasactuallydefinedintheearlyModern Age, we find ourselves back once more in the same broad complex of themes surrounding finality andchosennessinthehistoryofsalvationwhichisregardedasacausalrelationshipinpietas.Here, too,itisnotsomuchaproblemofdefiningorcategorisingcertainformsofreligiousnessthatmight justifythecriterionofHabsburgchosenness.Moreimportantly,weneedtoinvestigatethehistoryof salvationforitspoliticalfunctionality:‘AUSTRIACAMGENTEMPrimoEcclesiaeCatholicaeApostolicae Romanae suae perdilectae sponsae, ac deinde Imperio Occidentis magna jugique PIETATE profuturam, vidit Deus, & gavisus est.’, is Tafuri’s definition in the aboveͲmentioned publication:65 God saw that the House of Austria would first benefit the catholic, apostolic Roman Church, its belovedbride,andthenthewesternempire,i.e.theHolyRomanEmpirefoundedbyCharlemagne, throughgreatandconstantpiety;Godsawthisandwasglad.Theauthorunderlinesthisaspectinhis briefsidecomment:‘Beforetheworldwascreated(!),GodsawAustriaandwasglad.’Thequotation that hasbeenwovenintothisremark istakenfromtheGospel accordingto St. John (8:56),which demonstratesGod’sjoyathisdecision.ItnotonlypointstotheaccountoftheCreationinthefirst chapter of Genesis (1:31) and the repeatedly expressed satisfaction of the Creator in this regard (‘AndGodsawitwasgood’),butalsototheGospelofSt.John(8:58)withChrist’sselfͲdefinitionin relationtotheOldTestament:‘[…]beforeAbrahamwasmade,Iam.’Theuseofthisclassicpassage about the Christian perception of time and the quotation from Genesis66 illustrate Tafuri’s lively interestinaninstrumentalisationofPietasAustriacathroughasophisticatedandpoliticallyoriented theologyofhistorywhichfunctionalisesthenotionofpietasinrelationtotheroleofAustriainthe sense that regnum and sacerdotium were able to evolve in the Western world solely through the circumstanceofAustriabeingsingledoutastheempireorrealmofpreference.Hencetheelements ofHabsburgpietyandrecoursetothetraditionoftheGraecoͲRomanProvidentiaAugustiwerenot somuchregardedintermsofthespecificallytheologicalorreligiousaspectsoftheirsubjectmatter but rather as a multifunctional set and instrument of concrete political strategies.67 From the Habsburg point of view, pietas—an essential part of ‘an ideological identity […] for sacralizing and sanctifying the legitimacy of the dynasty’68—became an irrefutable historical and theological argumentinthestruggleforworldsupremacy.   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Rizzi,WilhelmGeorg,‘EinAltarentwurfvonMatthiasSteinlfürdieWienerHofburg?’,Österreichische ZeitschriftfürKunstundDenkmalpflege,51,3–4(1997),pp.620–626. Samerski, Stefan, ‘Hausheilige statt Staatspatrone. Der mißlungene Absolutismus in Österreichs Heiligenhimmel’, in Petr Mat’a & Thomas Winkelbauer (ed.), Die Habsburgermonarchie 1620 bis 1740.LeistungenundGrenzendesAbsolutismusparadigmas(ForschungenzurGeschichteundKultur desöstlichenMitteleuropa24)(Stuttgart,2006),pp.251–278. Schicht, Patrick & Telesko, Werner, ‘Die ehemalige Jesuitenkirche Am Hof in Wien. Zu den neu entdeckten StuckͲ und Malereiresten der frühbarocken Ausstattung’, Österreichische Zeitschrift für KunstundDenkmalpflege,61,4(2007),pp.535–553. Schmal,Kerstin,DiePietasMariaTheresiasimSpannungsfeldvonBarockundAufklärung.Religiöse PraxisundSendungsbewusstseingegenüberFamilie,UntertanenundDynastie(MainzerStudienzur NeuerenGeschichte7)(FrankfurtontheMain,2001). Schönleben,JohannLudwig,DissertatiopolemicadeprimaorigineAugustissimaeDomusHabspurgoͲ Austriacae[…](Ljubljana,1680). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  174 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Schumann,Jutta,DieandereSonne.KaiserbildundMedienstrategienimZeitalterLeopoldsI.(Institut fürEuropäischeKulturgeschichtederUniversitätAugsburg,ColloquiaAugustana17)(Berlin,2003). Seipel, Wilfried (ed.), Hauptwerke der Geistlichen Schatzkammer (Kurzführer durch das KunsthistorischeMuseum7)(Vienna,2007). Silver, Larry, Marketing Maximilian. The Visual Ideology of a Holy Roman Emperor (Princeton & Oxford,2008). Starzer, Albert, ‘Der Brand der Hofburg zu Wien im Februar 1668’, Blätter des Vereines für LandeskundevonNiederösterreich,N.S.25(1891),pp.153–154. Strohmeyer,Arno,‘NurLorbeerkränzeundPietas?HerrschaftinderhöfischenGeschichtsschreibung unterLeopoldI.’,inMarkusVölkel&ArnoStrohmeyer(ed.),HistoriographieaneuropäischenHöfen (16.–18.Jahrhundert).StudienzumHofalsProduktionsortvonGeschichtsschreibungundhistorischer Repräsentation(ZeitschriftfürhistorischeForschung,supplement43)(Berlin,2009),pp.61–95. Sturmberger,Hans,‘PrincepsinCompendioundseinFürstenbild’,inHugoHantsch,EricVoegelin& Franco Valsecchi (ed.), Historica. Studien zum geschichtlichen Denken und Forschen (Vienna, 1965), pp.91–116. Sturmberger, Hans, Kaiser Ferdinand II. und das Problem des Absolutismus (Schriftenreihe des ArbeitskreisesfürösterreichischeGeschichte)(Vienna,1957). Tanner,Marie,TheLastDescendantofAeneas.TheHapsburgsandtheMythicImageoftheEmperor (NewHavenͲLondon,1993). Telesko,Werner,‘DieVerherrlichungKaiserFerdinandsII.(1578–1637)ineinemFlugblattdesJahres 1636. Zur Bedeutung von WortͲBildͲRelationen in der Graphik des konfessionellen Zeitalters’, MitteilungendesMitteilungendesInstitutsfürÖsterreichischeGeschichtsforschung,119,3Ͳ4(2011), pp.331–348. Telesko, Werner, Geschichtsraum Österreich. Die Habsburger und ihre Geschichte in der bildenden Kunstdes19.Jahrhunderts(ViennaͲCologneͲWeimar,2006). Treichler, Willi, Mittelalterliche Erzählungen und Anekdoten um Rudolf von Habsburg (Geist und WerkderZeiten26)(Bern&FrankfurtontheMain,1971). Vácha,ŠtĢpán,DerHerrscheraufdemSakralbildzurZeitderGegenreformationunddesBarock.Eine ikonologischeUntersuchungzurherrschaftlichenRepräsentationKaiserFerdinandsII.(Prague,2009). Vernulaeus,Nicolaus,LaudatiofunebrisAugustissimiImperatorisFerdinandiII.(Louvain,1637). Vernulaeus,Nicolaus,VirtutesAugustaeGentisAustriacaelibritres(Louvain,1640). Vocelka, Karl, Glanz und Untergang der höfischen Welt. Repräsentation, Reform und Reaktion im habsburgischenVielvölkerstaat(ÖsterreichischeGeschichte1699–1815)(Vienna,2001). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  175 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   WaddingSJ,Petrus,LaudatiofunebrisdictaaP.PetroWadingo[…]FerdinandiSecundiRomanorum ImperatorisetregisBohemiae(Vienna,1638). Wandruszka,Adam,‘Die Religiosität FranzStephansvonLothringen. EinBeitragzur Geschichteder “Pietas Austriaca” und zur Vorgeschichte des Josephinismus in Österreich’, Mitteilungen des ÖsterreichischenStaatsarchivs,12(1959),pp.162–173. Weaver, Andrew H., ‘Music in the Service of CounterͲReformation Politics: The Immaculate Conception at the Habsburg Court of Ferdinand III (1637–1657)’, Music and Letters, 87, 3 (August 2006),pp.361–378. Weaver, Andrew H., Sacred Music as Public Image for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III RepresentingtheCounterͲReformationMonarchattheEndoftheThirtyYears'War(Farnham,2012). Winkelbauer, Thomas, Ständefreiheit und Fürstenmacht. Länder und Untertanen des Hauses HabsburgimkonfessionellenZeitalter,part2(ÖsterreichischeGeschichte1522–1699)(Vienna,2003). Wolfsgruber, Cölestin, Das Kaiser FerdinandͲKruzifix in der k. u. k. Hofburgkapelle in Wien (Vienna, 1903). Wolfsgruber,Cölestin,Diek.u.k.Hofburgkapelleunddiek.u.k.geistlicheHofkapelle(Vienna,1905). Wurffbain,Leonhartt(Leonhard),VierunterschiedlicheRelationeshistoricae[…](Nuremberg,1636). WurzbachͲTannenberg,WolfgangRittervon,KatalogmeinerSammlungvonMedaillen,Plakettenund Jetons–zugleicheinHandbuchfürSammler,vol.1(Zurich,1943). Zedinger, Renate, Franz Stephan von Lothringen (1708–1765). Monarch – Manager – Mäzen (SchriftenreihederÖsterreichischenGesellschaftzurErforschungdes18.Jahrhunderts13)(Vienna, 2008). Ziegler,Hendrik,‘StatSol. Lunafugit:HansJacobWolrabsJosuaͲMedailleauf KaiserLeopoldI.und ihre Rezeption in Frankreich’, in Christoph Kampmann, Katharina Krause, EvaͲBettina Krems & Anuschka Tischer (ed.), Bourbon – Habsburg – Oranien. Konkurrierende Modelle im dynastischen Europaum1700(Cologne,Weimar&Vienna,2008),pp.166–181. Ziegler, Hendrik, Der Sonnenkönig und seine Feinde. Die Bildpropaganda Ludwigs XIV. in der Kritik. Mit einem Vorwort von Martin Warnke und einer französischen Zusammenfassung (Petersberg, 2010). Zimerman,Heinrich(ed.),‘Inventare,ActenundRegestenausderSchatzkammerdesAllerhöchsten Kaiserhauses’, Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, 16 (1895),pp.I–LIX.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  176 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Illustrations Fig.1Vienna,KunsthistorischesMuseum. Fig.2–5Vienna,AustrianNationalLibrary. Fig.6–7Photoauthor.   1 Coreth1982,seealsothebookreviewsbyMarcR.Forster(inTheCatholicHistoricalReview,90,4[2004],pp. 798–800) and Andrew L. Thomas (in HͲGerman, HͲNet Reviews, January, 2005); a detailed analysis of the objectivesofCoreth’sbookisgivenbyWilliamD.BowmaninhisintroductiontotheEnglishedition(2004),pp. XI–XVIII,herep.XII:‘PietasAustriacaas[…]theguidingprincipleoftheHabsburgs’,andp.XVII:‘[…]dominant ruling ideology of the Habsburg familiy.’ For a summarizing commentary on Pietas Austriaca see Bérenger 1993;Vocelka2001,pp.208–221;Winkelbauer2003,pp.185–239. 2 Alleffortstosharpentheviewoftimeswhen,andregionswhere,PietasAustriacamanifesteditselfinvarying forms automatically require that more attention must be attached to the personal aims of prominent representativesofthisspecialkindofpiety,seeforexampleDuerloo1997,pp.1–18;Duerloo2012. 3  Schönleben 1680, p. 136 (c. VIII, octava praerogativa). The following section deals with the Pietas of the membersoftheHouseofHabsburgindividuallyandatgreatlength(pp.136–213). 4 Samerski2006,pp.251–278. 5 Hecht1997,pp.382–384. 6 Vernulaeus1640,p.32;seeCoreth1982,p.38;Oberparleiter2007,pp.246–252. 7 Kap.IV.(monitum),33;seeCoreth1982,p.38. 8 Coreth1982,p.39;Tanner1993,pp.188–190. 9 Pallavicini1649,p.46.Evenlater,AldusRein,BishopofLaibach,inhisfuneralspeechonEmperorFerdinandII (Rein 1637) (without pagination), referred to Rudolf’s legendary investiture with the cross, portraying FerdinandIIas‘alterquidamConstantinusMagnus[…]”.ThechapterCultusSS.EucharistiaeofthetreatiseDivi Ferdinandi II. […] (1737), pp. 14–15, relates Emperor Ferdinand II to Rudolf of Habsburg and so does, in depictedform,thetitlepageofWurffbain1636. 10 Pallavicini1649,pp.45–46,seeCoreth1982,p.39. 11 Afterthefire,theEmperorhadthechapelrestoredfirstofallotherrooms.DedicatedtoSaintJoseph,fosterͲ father of Jesus, in 1670, the Kammerkapelle, from 1672 onwards, served as the place where pregnant empresses were blessed in an official ceremony, see Samerski 2006, p. 268; for references from the architecturalhistorian’spointofviewseeRizzi1997,p.622;MaderͲKratky2011,pp.437–451. 12  Hochadelige und gottselige Versammlung vom Sternkreuze 1960, pp. 3, 20. This publication has been reprintedseveraltimes.Thelasteditiondatesfrom2008. 13 Vienna,AustrianStateArchives,HausͲ,HofͲundStaatsarchiv(inthefollowing:HHStA),ceremonialprotocols (Zeremonialprotokolle)vol.2(1668),1405–1406.Thesamedescriptionoftheplaceappearsinthepublication HochadeligeundgottseligeVersammlungvomSternkreuze1839,p.3.ThefoundingoftheOrderoftheStarry Cross,ontheotherhand,isnotmentionedinanyoftheceremonialprotocols. 14 HHStA,collectionKos,box1,fol.22v. 15 Rome,BibliothecaCasanatense,Cod.2044;seeStarzer1891,pp.153–154. 16  Coreth 1982, pp. 42–43; Bandion 1989, pp. 83–84; cast into legendary form, the event is reported in VersammlungvomSternkreuze1839,pp.3–7,andalsoinKastnerͲMichalitschke1909,pp.18–22. 17  Works of medal art commissioned by Ferdinand III—and inspired by his motto Pietate et Iustitia—are characterised by distinct references to the cross, too, see WurzbachͲTannenberg I 1943, p. 323, nos. 2008, 2009;fordetailsconcerningFerdinandIII’sspecialdevotiontoMaria,theMotherofGod,seeWeaver2006; Weaver2012. 18  Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, The Ecclesiastical Treasury, inv. no. D 25, see LeitheͲJasper & Distelberger 1998, p. 86 (fig.); Seipel 2007, pp. 108–109, no. 42. A detailed description of the history of the monstrance and its creation from various parts that had been at hand will be given in volume 1 of the new collection catalogue of Vienna’s Ecclesiastical Treasury, which is presently being prepared (the author is ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  177 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    grateful to Dr. Franz Kirchweger from the Kunstkammer of Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, for this information). 19 Theorderwasconfirmedbythepopeonthe28July1668. 20 Coreth1982,p.43.AnelaborateaccountofEleonoraMagdalena’svirtuesgivesBrean1720. 21 KeeperoftheoldestmemberregisteristheprivatelyrunarchiveoftheStarryCrossOrderinVienna:The AlbumNobilium Cruciferarum Deren Hochadelichen Creutz Frauen, so in den CreutzOrden angenommen und eingeschriebenseindtlists1035entriesforthetimefrom1686to1739.Acompletedirectorylistingthefilesin thearchive(1668–1936)iskeptinHHStA,registryAB303a. 22 Inthecourseoftimetheheraldicdesignoftheinsignia(arrangementandnumberofeagles)wouldchange. The insignia of Empress Eleonore Gonzaga, first Grand Mistress of the Order, was the only one that showed foureagles.The‘IHS’signatthepointwherethebeamsofthecrossintersect(withthenailsofthecross)does not appear until the third Grand Mistress, Empress Amalie Wilhelmine (1673–1742), see Hochadelige und gottseligeVersammlungvomSternkreuzgenannt1805,copperplateengravingafterp.160. 23 LünigII/21720,p.1161. 24 Manni1671. 25 Ibid.,pp.1–18. 26 Ibid.,pp.37–45. 27 Ibid.,pp.46–53. 28 Ibid.,pp.159–386. 29 SeeVersammlungvomSternkreuze1839,p.23. 30 Coreth1982,p.43,n.101.ThestatutesarelistedinVersammlungvomSternkreuze1839,pp.22–34.One sectionofthispublication(pp.35–115)namesthedreivorzüglichstenFesttagederhochadeligenVersammlung: Constantine’svictoryandHelena’sfindingoftheTrueCross(on3May),theElevationoftheHolyCross(on14 September),andthedaywhentheBlessedSacramentisexposedforvenerationinthecourtchapel(onthelast ThursdaythatprecedesPalmSunday). 31  Manni 1671,p. 76. The prayer is also an integral part of the ceremonial formula spoken by the candidate when accepting the Order, see Lünig II/2 1720, p. 1161; Versammlung vom Sternkreuze 1839, p. 23; Coreth 1982,p.43,n.101. 32  For instance, pp. 168–169 (holy Kunigunde) and pp. 666–667 (holy Hedwig von Andechs), see here also similarHabsburgtraditionsofthesixteenthcentury:Irblich1996,pp.142–148,nos.29,30(chronicles,Jakob Mennel, 1518); Silver 2008, pp. 37, 59f. Besides, Schönleben points out to relations between the Habsburgs and Roman Emperor Constantine, see also Coreth 1982, p. 39, and, for basic information, Quednau 2007; Hoppe2012,p.177(lit.). 33 Kitlitschka1970,p.216,fig.181,182;Fassbinder1979,catalogue,pp.23–24,no..I/15;Graff2000,pp.91– 95;recently:Schicht&Telesko2007. 34 Coreth1982,pp.40–41;seeSturmberger1957,pp.39–44. 35 Wolfsgruber1903,pp.13–14;Gugitz1952,pp.100–101,no.83;Kretschmer1978,pp.6–7(lit.);Coreth1982, pp.40–41;Bösel2006,pp.226–227. 36  Bösel 2006, pp. 226–227, fig. 3; see Vienna, Austrian National Library, Image collection, LW 73943ͲC, LW 74299ͲC; Nuremberg, German National Museum, graphics collection, inv. no. HB 19.207, see also ‘The banishmentoftheProtestants’,afresco(1619)intheVillaPoggioImperialeatFlorence:Hoppe2012,p.174, fig.96;concerningthecultoftheHolyCrossduringthereignofFerdinandII:Vácha2009,pp.68–89. 37  Already Lamormaini 1638, pp. 11–14 (German edition, chapter II), reported that the crucified Christ had spoken to the monarch on various occasions, however Lamormaini keeps the validity of this famous legend open: ‘Mir ist nicht unbewust [sic!], das [sic!] dazumalen haimblich und öffentlich von vielen gesagt worden, ChristushabeaußeinemCrucifixmitFerdinandogeredet,undgesagetersolleguetHertzunndHoffnunghaben. Ichkan[sic!]aberhiervonwederjanochnainsagen.[…]’,seealsoCoreth1982,p.41;fordetailedinformation on the various Virtutes editions see Brockmann 2011, p. 19, n. 20. In Bratislava a now destroyed cycle of paintingsinthepalace(wheredecorationworkstarted1638)includedPaulJuvenel’s(1579–1643)depictionof EmperorFerdinandII’sencounterwithKingDavidsingingthepsalms,seePolleross1995,p.234,fig.2.There aregoodreasonswhythissubjectmatterusedtobeofalmostundiminishedrelevanceintheHabsburgareas untilfarintothenineteenthcentury;seeTelesko2006,pp.180,338,fig.10;377. 38 Lauro2007,pp.184–185(fig.). 39 SeeErichsen,Heinemann&Janis2007,pp.228–229(fig.). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  178 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    40 Khevenhüller1726,pp.2385–2389(text),pp.2388–2389(copperplateengraving).Comparedtothepicture, thetext(column2387)reportsonthecircumstancesofthemonarch’sdialoguewithChristwithmuchmore reservation;forbasicinformationseeHargittay2001,p.285. 41 Wadding1638(withoutpagination).InthenonpaginatedtextofthesermonwhichtheJesuitFerdinandus MontegnanawroteontheoccasionofthedeathofFerdinandII(Montegnana1637),thedeceasedisreferred to as fortis Athleta Ferdinandus: in doing so, the author alludes to Paulinian terminology (1 Kor., 9:25–26; 2 Kor.,10:3–5),ontheonehand,andtothehonorarytitlewhichpopeshadgranted,sincethefifteenthcentury, foroutstandingmeritsindefenceoftheChristianfaith,ontheotherhand. 42  Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, The Ecclesiastical Treasury, inv. no. E 36, see Bösel 2006, p. 225, n. 1 (lit.).In1740JakobvanSchuppen,thenheadofVienna’sAcademyofFineArts,commissionedareplicaofthe crucifix,seeKretschmer1978,p.29. 43  ‘Nachdeme Ihro Königl:e Mayl: das Wunderthätige Crucifix des Heyl:n Caroli Borromoi, Welches zu Weyl: Kayser Ferdinands2.do dieWorte Non Te deseramgesprochen, und bishero in der geistlichenSchazͲCammer aufgehobengewesen,IhroKönigl:eMayl:aberausbesonderenAndachtsEyffernachPresburg,undvondannen wiederumnacherWienninderoCammerüberbringenlassen,zurVenerationinderoKönigl:eCammerͲCapellen bereitsvor14.Tägenauffdendaselbstbefindl:nLeopoldiAltar(fol.422v)offentl:aussetzenlassen.’inHHStA, ceremonialprotocols[Zeremonialprotokolle]vol.18[1741–1742],fol.422rͲv,5January1742;seeWolfsgruber 1903, p. 15; Coreth 1982, p. 41. Even the unpaginated leaflet of Dornn (about 1745) is commenting the importantroleofthecrucifixofemperorFerdinand.Aftertheyear1755adonationofaparticleoftheHoly Crossisrecorded,seeZimerman1895,III,nr.12617. 44 Wolfsgruber1903,p.16;Wolfsgruber1905,p.252;Schmal2001,p.207. 45 Coreth1982,p.41;Schmal2001,pp.207–208,218;forvisualdepictionsofthesubjectseevariousexamples intheimagecollectionoftheNationalLibraryofAustriainVienna:LW74078ͲCandLW74298ͲC. 46 Coreth1982,p.41. 47 OfessentialimportanceinthiscontextisthechangeinLeopold’siconographyfromanemperortoa‘new’ Joshua,seeSchumann2003,p.328,fig.33(medal,HansJacobWolrab,1686);Ziegler2008;Ziegler2010,pp. 64–73,fig.48a/b. 48 Ribadeneira1590,p.39(bookI,chapter10)[Nontedeseram,nequederelinquam];seeKönigͲNordhoff1982 (adindicem).InthedivergentopinionofBösel2006,pp.227–228,thiseventisconnectedwithSt.Ignatius’La Stortavisionof1537;theevidenceisinsufficientinsofarasitlacksadirectreferencetothepassageinthe LettertotheHebrews. 49  Vienna, Image collection of the National Library of Austria, NB 740.032ͲC, 740.087ͲB, and 740.088ͲB; Nuremberg,GermanNationalMuseum,graphicscollection,inv.no.HB18.663;foranelaboratediscussionof thepamphletseeTelesko2011. 50 ForbasicinformationseeBireley1981,p.15. 51  This motto was revived in the interior decoration of Pressburg castle, made under the reign of emperor FerdinandIII(before1647,destroyed1747),publishedinHerrgott&Heer1760,pl.CIV. 52 SeeTreichler1971,p.49,no.9(withagoodrecordofusedsources).Thethirdroominthetreasuryofthe Benedictine monastery of Lambach in Upper Austria has a fresco which one of the painter brothers Grabenberger is likely to have created around 1700 and which combines the scene of Ferdinand saying his prayerinfrontofthecrucifixwiththatofRudolfvonHabsburggrippingthecrossinsteadofthesceptre,see Hainisch1959,pp.141–142,fig.123.Vernulaeus1637,pp.29,32–33,emphasizestherelevanceoftheDivina ProvidentiaanddescribesFerdinandIIasanimitatoroftheimperialmottoofemperorMaximilianII,Dominus providebit.SeeherealsotheJesuitPanegyricusobvictoriamBohemicamAugustissimoImperatoriFerdinando II.dictus1621,p.29. 53 Telesko2011,pp.341–342,fig.4. 54  How much emphasis was put particularly on the issue of continuity in traditional forms of piety for the purpose of ‘historic argumentation’ becomes evident, in the same context, from Eucharius Gottlieb Rinck’s famous narrative description of the life of Emperor Leopold I and the former’s reference to the legendary momentwhenRudolfI,newlyelectedking,grippednotthesceptrebutthecross,seeRinckI 21709,p.98,see Coreth1982,p.44. 55 Theissueof‘Providentia’isshowntobeofcentralimportanceparticularlyinconnectionwithFerdinandIIin Montegnana 1637—be it to make God’s rule appear superior to personal ambition (‘non voluntate sua [scil. regarding the emperor Ferdinand, W.T.], sed divinae Providentiae consilio‘), or be it to recommend the deceasedtofuturegenerationsasanadmirableexampleofgodlyprovidence(‘quemdemumimmortalisDeus ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  179 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    insingulareProvidentiaesuaeexemplummundoexhibuit,tottantisquerebus,adomniumaetatum,omnisque posteritatis admirationem, illustrem‘). Later on, the Viennese author of the treatise Phosphori Austriaci sive compendiosaeHistoriaedeAugustissimaeDomusAustriacaeOrigine,MagnitudineetPotentialibriduo1699,p. 245,voicespraiseofFerdinand’smeritsbyreferringtohimasagodͲlike(!)prince:‘FerdinandusII.Imp.hicest illeDiissimiliorPrinceps,quamhominibus.‘;theissueof‘Providentia’isdiscussedindetailinKusternig2007, pp.553–556;Strohmeyer2009,p.81. 56 Köhler2001,p.1214.Undiminishedbeliefin‘Providentia’anditsinfluencewasexpressedstilllaterbyMaria Theresia,seeSchmal2001,p.212;inaletterbyMariaTheresiatoherdaughterMarieChristine,writtenbefore August1765:‘esgeschiehtohnehinnurdas,wasdieVorsehungüberunsverhängt’. 57 PrincepsinCompendio.Hocest,Punctaaliquotcompendiosa,quaecircagubernationemReipub.observanda videntur1668;reprintedinRedlich1906,pp.8–20;seealsoSturmberger1965,pp.98–99;Bosbach&Repgen 1991,pp.79–114;Augustin,Hengerer,Mayr,Schnadenberger&Voegele2008. 58  Princeps in Compendio, 1–6 (punctum I), pp. 5–6: ‘Denique in negotiis gravioribus & magis arduis non intermittet specialiter ad Deum recurrere, atque eadem viris piis & religiosis in preces & sacrificia commendare.‘,seeinthiscontextalsothetreatiseOrientisoccidentisqueimperiumFerdinandiII.Imperatoris auspiciis conjungendum […] (1627), in which the author Otto Fridericus Comes a Buchaim, an official at the imperialcourt,addressesthemonarchinthreeodesnamedReligio,BellonaandFortuna. 59 TheruleofEmperorFranzI.Stephan(from1745to1765)apparentlycoincidedwitharenunciationofthe principles of Pietas Austriaca and thus of the veneration of the cross, due to changes in the religious orientation,seeWandruszka1959,p.170;Zedinger2008,pp.266–268. 60 Lorenz1999,p.20,fig.9;Polleross2010,p.154. 61  It was because of the attached connotation of numerous future progeny why the authors of Habsburg panegyricsrepeatedlyusedthispassageintheirtexts,seeforexampleAvancini1673(withoutpagination).See herealsothefrequentuseofbiblicalquotationswithreferenceto1Tim4:8:Lebzelter1701. 62 p.[2]. 63 p.[1]. 64 SeeLorenz1999,pp.633–634,no.334(fig.). 65 Vol.1,pp.65–66. 66 Seeherealso:AppuhnͲRadtke2005,p.110(withreferencetoSolAustriacus,1698,Vienna,NationalLibrary, ofAustria,Cod.8617,fol.3r,andthequotationofGen.1:16). 67 MultifunctionalityinthiscontextalsomeansthatthewaysinwhichPietasAustriacawasmanifestedcould serveasaplatformofargumentationinthesenseofdeliveringcompetingnarrativesonnationalandregional levels,seeforthispurposeDucreux1999,andalsoundertheheadingDecentralizingPietasAustriaca:Ducreux 2011. 68 Ducreux2011,pp.278–279. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  180 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  EngenderingPietasAustriaca TheVillaPoggioImperialeinFlorenceunderMariaMaddalenaofAustria* IlariaHoppeȋ—„‘Ž†–Ǧ‹˜‡”•‹–¡–œ—‡”Ž‹Ȍ    The magnificent decoration of the Villa Poggio Imperiale in Florence long made it one of the city’s most important attractions. When it ceased to serve as an aristocratic residence in the nineteenth century, the villa and its history gradually began to sink into oblivion. This is equally true of Archduchess Maria Maddalena of Austria, Grand Duchess of Tuscany, the originator of the commissiontoredesignthevillaatthebeginningoftheseventeenthcentury.Researchershavelong neglectedthishistoricalfigurebecauseherpiousreligiositydidnotappeartofitinwiththeimageof the Medici as seemingly enlightened Renaissance rulers. Gaetano Pieraccini, one of the most influential biographers of the family, described her as a religious zealot, egoistical, and lacking in intellectandculture,andthisledhertobeignoredbothasapatronandpolitician.1Theshiftinthe historicalassessmentoftheCatholicReformandresearchintowomen’sparticipationinit,haveled to an entirely new perspective upon the biography of Maria Maddalena.2 It was precisely her religiousness that proved to be the key to understanding the function and decoration of Poggio Imperialeasanimpressivesettingforcourtactivity,where,inkeepingwithamodernunderstanding, secularandsacredaswellasprivateandpublicspheresconstantlyinformedoneanother.3 Between1621and1624ArchduchessMariaMaddalenaofAustriacommissionedtheedifice formerlyknownasVillaBaroncellitobelargelyrebuiltforthefirsttime.4Workbeganfollowingthe death of her husband Grand Duke Cosimo II de’ Medici in 1621, when she became regent in the name of her underͲage son, Ferdinando II de’ Medici—together with her motherͲinͲlaw, Grand DuchessChristineofLorraine,andafourͲmemberFlorentinecouncil.Althoughtheyounggrandduke wasimmediatelyformallyenthroned,thesetwowomenactivelymanagedtheaffairsofStateuntilhe turned eighteen in 1628.5 Within this constellation, Grand Duchess Christine remained very influential, even after the death of her son;6 however, her daughterͲinͲlaw managed to commandinglystagetheregencyintheinterestofherselfandFerdinandoIIbymeansoftheartsand aningeniousceremonial.  LocationandarchitectureofPoggioImperiale ThelocationofPoggioImperialealreadysuggeststhatthevillawasnotonlyaplaceforrelaxation, but also a setting for the regent’s political activities. Through the purchase of further estates, the ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  181 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  propertycametoreachallthewaytotheBoboliGardensandthustotheprimaryresidenceofthe Medici,thePalazzoPitti(fig.1).7Theacquiredpropertiesalsopermittedthecourtarchitect,Giulio Parigi,toinstallamonumental,steeplyinclinedavenue,whichisstillpreservedtoday,andissituated at right angles to the grand viale of the Boboli Gardens. A symbolic relationship between the residenceswasthusestablishedbymeansoftheseaxes,whichbothopenontothePiazzadiPorta Romana. There must also have been other routes connecting the two estates, because the court chronicle of Cesare Tinghi relates that a guest of the regent made his way incognito from Poggio Imperiale via the Boboli Gardens and the Corridoio Vasariano to his guest quarters in the Palazzo Vecchio,theformerseatoftheMedicisontheothersideoftheArno.8Thisrevealsthattheseatof the Mediciandtheregent’spowerstretchedacrossthe city.AlthoughPoggioImperialesuggestsa reclusivevillasuburbanaonthehillofArcetri,itwasnonethelesslinkedtotheofficialgovernment buildingsoftheMediciinvariousways.  Fig.1LocationoftheVillaPoggioImperialeinFlorence. The building itself has undergone several campaigns of remodelling that have altered its appearancecompletely.Withtheaidofhistoricalveduteandpreviouslyneglectedsourcematerial, thereconstructionofthevillaunderthepatronageoftheregenthasbecomepossible.Theimperial doubleͲheaded eagle and the combined coat of arms of the MediciͲHabsburg alliance, found in a sculpturalensembleatthefootofthehill,alreadysetthestageforentranceintotherealmofMaria Maddalena (fig. 2).9 The sometimes more and sometimes less subtle play with references to both dynastiesissetforthinthedesignofthefacadeandinthenameofthevilla.AlfonsoParigi,theson of the court architect Giulio, created an illustration for the libretto of the 1625 performance of La liberazionediRuggierodall’isoladiAlcinainhonourofWladyslawofPoland,sonofKingSigismundIII andnephew oftheregent:this image providesthe essentialsourceforreconstructing thestateof the façade at that point in time (fig. 3).10 The more or less nondescript fifteenthͲcentury villa had ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  182 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  been transformed into a modern, early Baroque estate with cour d’honneur and belvedere. The understatedarticulationofthefaçade,withbandsalongtheboundariesandopeningsofthewalls,is consistentwiththearchitecturaltraditionofMediceanvillasandsignalizestheirownershipevenata considerable distance. Nonetheless, the monumental coat of arms and inscription over the portal clearlyidentifytheowneroftheresidence.Thisismadeapparentthroughtheuseofthedoublecoat of arms and the inscription, which is still known today and which links the villa topos with a dedication:‘Lettheimperialvilla,whichwasgivenitsnamebytheexaltedAustrians,eternallyserve the otium and pleasure of the future Grand Duchesses of Etruria.’11 After construction was completedin1624,theregentrechristenedtheformerVillaBaroncelliasPoggioImperiale(imperial seat)bymeansofanirreversibleedict—andthusprovidedafurtherreferencetoherlineage.12While itistruethatMariaMaddalenacamefromacadetbranchoftheHabsburgswhichwasresidentin Graz, it was this line that provided the emperor after 1619, when her brother Ferdinand II was elected. The result was a direct link to the royal house of the emperor: alongside religious motifs, imperialiconographywasoneofthekeyelementsinthearchduchess’sselfͲpresentationatPoggio Imperiale.  Fig.2MarcoCredoandFrancescode’Cocchi,FormerentrancetoVillaPoggioImperiale, Florence,BibliotecaMarucelliana,1652.  Fig.3AlfonsoParigi,VillaPoggioImperiale,Florence,GabinettoDisegniestampe,Uffizi,1625 (Soprintendenzaperibeniambientaliearchitettonici,Gabinettofotografico,PalazzoPitti). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  183 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Theroomsandtheirdecoration MyanalysisofCesareTinghi’scourtchronicleandthe1625inventoryofthevillamadeitpossibleto reconstruct the rooms and their decoration and to reͲestablish the nature of their original functions.13 The inventory lists a large number of paintings on the walls of the interior courtyard surrounded by loggias (fig. 4, no. 1): these consist primarily of still lifes and animal paintings, in keeping with the ideal of the vita rustica. There were also sculptures and ancient busts of Roman emperorsandempresses,whichweresetonpedestalsbearingtheHabsburgcoatofarms.14Several of these busts have been preserved in situ; however, their bases are from a later phase in the palace’sdecoration(fig.5).Theseriesoriginallycontinuedonbothintothehallofthegroundfloor (fig.4,no.3)andintothegallerythatsurroundedthecourtyardattheleveloftheupperstorey.15   Fig.4VillaPoggioImperiale,Florence,GroundͲfloorplan,reconstructionof1625. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  184 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.5VillaPoggioImperiale,Florence.PhotographofthepresentstateoftheInnercourtyard (Soprintendenzaperibeniambientaliearchitettonici,Gabinettofotografico,PalazzoPitti).  TheroomsofFerdinandoIIde’Medici The apartments of Maria Maddalena and her son Ferdinando extended to the right of the courtyard,withtheapartmentofthelatterconsistingonlyofanantechamberandbedchamber(fig. 4,nos.14and15).Hisroomswereprovidedwithanofficialcharacterprimarilythroughthefrescoes ofthelunettesandtheceiling,whichwereexecutedbyvariousFlorentinepainters.16Theydepictthe heroicdeedsofHabsburgemperors—themaleancestorsofhismother.Asinalloftheotherrooms, everysceneislinkedtoapersonifiedvirtueandtoaninscription,whichhistoricallyandallegorically conveythesignificanceofthedepictednarrative.Chronologically,thegenealogicalsequencebegins in the former bedchamber (fig. 4, no. 14) with the fresco by Matteo Rosselli representing the foundingmythoftheHabsburgdynasty:theLegendofRudolphIandthePriest(fig.15).Theother imagesdepicttheBarons’OathofAllegiancetoRudolphI,whoisaddressedhereasemperor,and thedeedsofEmperorMaximilianI(TheSentencingofHansPienzenauerin1504andMaximilianIat Battle).Intheformerantechamberoftheyounggrandduke(fig.4,no.15),twolunettesaredevoted tothevictoriesofCharlesVovertheTurks(SiegeofViennain1529andConquestofTunis)andtwo further images depict the famous deeds of Emperor Ferdinand II, brother of the regent and namesake of her son Ferdinando II. Each of these frescoes takes a current political event as its theme: the Battle of the White Mountain, fought near Prague in 1620, and the expulsion of the ProtestantsfromInnerAustriaduringtheforciblereͲCatholicizingofthisterritorythroughArchduke Ferdinand,beginningin1596(fig.6).FeaturingthemesthatareuniqueinthehistoryofItalianart, the sequence of Habsburg emperors presents the young grand duke and heir to the throne with a ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  185 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  dynasticͲgenealogical mirror for princes; however, it is unconventionally based not on his agnatic lineage, but on the house of his mother, which was far superior to that of the Medici in terms of dynastic rank. The scenes illustrate essential virtues of male rulers—such as military success—in combination with Pietas Austriaca, the typically Habsburg piety that is explicitly thematized here throughthePietasEucharisticaofRudolphIandthroughtheFiducemincrucemChristiofEmperor FerdinandII.17  Fig.6MatteoRosselliandMichelangeloCinganelli,ArchdukeFerdinandbanishestheProtestants, Florence,VillaPoggioImperiale,formerantechamberofFerdinand,1623Ͳ24.  ThechambersofMariaMaddalenaofAustria All of the other rooms in this wing were for the use of the regent Maria Maddalena. With theirfrescoprogrammeof‘famouswomen’,thehall,antechamber,andbedchamber(fig.4,nos.3,4 and13)formapendanttothedecorationofherson’srooms.18Thelongandexemplarytraditionof female Christian rulers of the empire is displayed in the hall (fig. 4, no. 3): alongside Matilda of Tuscany, conceptual predecessor of Maria Maddalena as regent of Tuscany, we find the first two femaleregentsoftheEasternandWesternRomanempires,GallaPlacidiaandPulcheria(fig.7).With theexceptionofStCatherineofAlexandria,whoservesasafemaleexemplumfortheteachingsof the Church (dottrina) and apostolic activity, every other heroine depicted in the hall can be traced backtoeithertherealorthefictivegenealogyoftheHabsburgs.Thismayeasilyberecognizedinthe case of Isabella the Catholic, who presents Christopher Columbus with his commander’s baton, or Isabella of Portugal, whose canonization had received the personal support of the regent and her sisterMargaretofAustria,QueenofSpain.19ConstanceofAragonandtheHolyRomanEmpressSt Cunigunde were two equally renowned female ancestors; they are each flanked by putti with armour,whichmakereferencetothelegendoftheoriginsoftheHabsburgcoatofarmsduringthe thirdcrusadeandemphasizethedynasticcontext(fig.8).20Myresearchhasalsorevealedthatthe ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  186 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  collectivevitaDeClarismulierbusdomusHabsburgicae,writtenbyJakobMennelduringthereignof Emperor Maximilian I, begins with Clotilde ‘as a grandmother of the Habsburg rulers’21—thus providing an explanation for the presence of the first Christian queen of France in the Poggio Imperialegalleryofheroines.ThisisalsotrueofStUrsula,anotheraristocraticsaintappropriatedby the Habsburgs.22 The genealogical construct was surely the main reason why a theatrical presentation of the life of the saint was performed in the Uffizi during the 1624 visit of Archduke Karl,MariaMaddalena’sbrother,andthe1625visitofWladyslaw,herPolishnephew.23Onthestage, asinthefresco,theregent’sfemaleforebearwaspresentedasamodelofpietyandselfͲsacrifice, whotriumphedovertheenemiesofChristianitythroughthepowerofherfaith.  Fig.7MatteoRosselli,MatildaofTuscanyandGallaPlacidia,Florence,HallofVillaPoggioImperiale,1624.  Fig.8FilippoTarchiani,ConstanceofAragon,Florence,HallofVillaPoggioImperiale,1624. On the whole, the exemplary figures of the hall indicate both the legitimate succession of female sovereigns in the Holy Roman Empire and the positive effects of their rule upon the wellͲ beingoftheirsubjects—throughboththeirlegaciesandtheirpiety.TheyareapartoftheHabsburg constructofastirpsregiaetbeata:presentedaspredestinedtoruleonthe basisofdivineright.24 Furthermore, the selection of heroines succeeds in adeptly shifting between a dynastic genealogy and one based on salvation history, between militant and pious heroines that illustrate a great ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  187 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  number of rulers’ virtues in combination with desirable feminine attributes, such as modesty and beauty.  Fig.9MatteoRosselli,Semiramis,Florence,VilladellaPetraia,1623(Soprintendenzapolomusealefiorentino). This balance between behaviour conforming to and transgressing gender discourse equally appliestothefourlargeͲformatpaintingsfeaturingantiqueheroines,whichwerealsoincludedinthe decoration of the hall. Semiramis (fig. 9), Lucretia, Artemisia and Sophonisba form an independent groupwithintheprogrammeof‘famouswomen’,whichisotherwiseorganizedaccordingtoepochs of salvation history.25 On the one hand, they represent the virtues of marital fidelity and of selfͲ sacrificeforthesakeoftheinterestsofthestate;ontheother,theyareexemplaryregentswho—as in the case of Semiramis—could also exhibit militant qualities. Through the alternation in composition and narrative, the images deal with gender discourse and the question of power. The paintingsdisplaypositiveexamplesoffemalerulers;however,itisalwaysonlyinsituationsofcrisis that they intervene for the wellͲbeing of their subjects, and they do not fundamentally call the genderorderintoquestion. Adepictionoftheemperor’sandgrandduke’scrownsarealsoincludedinthedecorationof the hall, as well as an allegory of government on the central ceiling panel, which, according to my interpretation, represents the virtue of fortitudo, accompanied by the attributes of imperial and papalpower(fig.10).26Theseimagesdepictanassociationofsecularandsacredpowerunitedinthe ideals of rule by divine right and universal monarchy, and this proves defining for the entire programme: at Poggio Imperiale, the subject of ‘famous women and men’ is linked both to the translatioimperii,claimedbytheHabsburgs,andtothePietasAustriaca,thetopicalsacralizationof thedynasty. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  188 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.10FilippoTarchiani,CeilingfrescowithFortitudo, Florence,HallofVillaPoggioImperiale,1623Ͳ24. Theprogrammeiscontinuedintheformerantechamberoftheregent’sapartments(fig.4, no.13)withOldTestamentheroineswhointervenedaschampionsofGodonbehalfoftheirpeople, such as Judith, Jael and Esther, or who ensured a legitimate succession with the help of divine providence,suchasRebeccaorthedaughterofPharaoh.27Advancingtothenextleveloftypological status, the former bedchamber of Maria Maddalena (fig. 4, no. 4) depicts early Christian virgin martyrs.28TheonlyexceptionisprovidedbytheimageofthefindingoftheTrueCrossbyStHelena, anothercanonizedfemalerulertobeappropriatedfortheHouseofHabsburg(fig.11).29Thevirgin martyrs provided the widow regent with a desexualized life model for her bedchamber—one that permittedhertocompensatefortheabsenceofmasculinereproductionandcontrol.Thenarratives couldalsoprovideastimulustoreligiousmeditation,assuggestedbythemartyrologythatNiccolò Lorini dedicated to Maria Maddalena, which includes detailed discussions of all the saints in the frescoes.30 They also function as typological figurations of Christ: the depicted martyrdoms make themapartofsalvationhistoryandthuspointtothesalvationthroughthepassionofChrist.TheSt Helena fresco thus establishes a dynastic and theological link that communicates the special significanceoftheTrueCrossfortheHabsburgs.31MariaMaddalenaalsolinkedthissignificancevery concretely to her own person: in 1616, she discovered an ostensible relic of the True Cross in Imprunetaanddonatedapreciousreliquarytohouseit.32Beyondtheelevationofherownstatus, heridentificationwiththishistoricalfigurealsoinvolvedtheruleofStHelena’sson:Constantine,the first Christian emperor, also provided an allusion related to the young Ferdinando II de’ Medici. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  189 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Finally,asaChristianempressandsaint,Helenaprovidedthethematiclink tothefemalerulersof thehall,permittingtheentireprogrammetofunctionasatimelesscycleofsalvationhistory.  Fig.11DomenicoPugliani,TheFindingoftheTrueCrossbyStHelena,Florence, VillaPoggioImperiale,formerbedchamberofMariaMaddalenaofAustria,1623Ͳ24. Until now, the decoration of the rooms of mother and son have always been considered separately, without taking into account the rooms’ functional roles or the relevance of Poggio Imperiale as the residence of the head of state during the regency. It is only by viewing them in combinationandbytracingthefemalefigures’associationwiththegenealogyofthefemaleheadof the household that we can recognize the link to the male genealogy—which, for its part, also emphatically presents the high birth of Maria Maddalena and claims it for her son. Although the techniqueoffrescopaintingandtheillustrationofheroicdeedsinnarrativescenesaredeeplyrooted inFlorentineartistictradition,thecycle’scontentdiffersprofoundlyfromthedynasticcyclesofthe Medici,forexample,inthePalazzoVecchioortheCasinoMediceo,whereonlythemalemembersof therelativelyyoungdynastyarerepresented.33TheprogrammeinPoggioImperialeemphasizesthe ancientnessofthelineage,itssacralizationthroughthesaintsitincludes,anditsconstantdedication to the support of the Catholic faith and a united empire. The Medici’s efforts focused more on compensating for their lowly dynastic rank by means of motifs related to their achievement of nobilitythroughvirtueandtoarmaetlitterae:aprogrammeofthistypewasalsorealizedinthevilla.  The‘Volticina’andotherrooms In memory of her deceased husband, Maria Maddalena commissioned the decoration of a gallerywithaccesstothegarden:itsvaultedceiling,thesourceofthename‘Volticina’,depictsthe diplomaticandmilitarysuccessesofGrandDukeCosimoII(fig.4,no.7).34Asinanancientpantheon ofgreatmen,theroom’sdecorationincludedeightstatuesplacedinnichesandanabundanceofart objects. This classicizing character continues in the adjacent, small interior court, which includes a grotto(fig.4,no.8)whereadditionalantiquepiecesweredisplayed.Achapelwithasecretexit(fig. 4,no.9)alsobelongedtothegroundͲfloorapartmentsoftheregentandherson.Thepresenceof ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  190 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Jacopo Ligozzi’s panel painting of the St Francis receiving the divine enfant from the Madonna (Florence, Palazzo Pitti, Galleria Palatina) in the chapel is documented. The smaller rooms located behindthechapelwerereservedformoreintimatepurposes.Thestairsledtothemezzanineandto a so called ‘secret room’ of the regent, mentioned as such in the inventory and which featured a collection of miniature sculpture, objects of precious materials, sea shells and corals etc.35 The presenceofaBibleinanelaborateshelfwithinthistinyartchamberandcabinetofwonderisagaina clearsignofthegreatpietyoftheregent.  Fig.12OttavioVanniniandothers,Volticina,Ceilingfrescowiththedeeds ofCosimoIIde’Medici,Florence,VillaPoggioImperiale,1623/24. The opposite wing (fig. 4, nos. 19–28) was reserved for guests; its hall was decorated with portraitsofthefamilyofMariaMaddalenaandwithhistorypaintings.36Thedispositionoftherooms of the first storey corresponded to that of the level below. An additional gallery, with busts of emperorsandportraitsofrulersfromthehousesofMediciandHabsburg,surroundedtheinterior courtyard.Asonthegroundfloor,thisledtoasuiteformotherandsonandanadditionalchapel;the opposite side housed an apartment for the coͲregent, the Grand Duchess Christine of Lorraine.37 Hereagain,theinventorydocumentsanabundanceofpaintings.Itremainsunclearwhetherornot there were frescoes here, because the first storey was heavily altered at a later point in time. The secondstoreycontainedtheroomsoftheheirtothethrone’ssiblingsandofothermembersofthe entourage.38 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  191 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.13JustusSustermans,MariaMaddalenaofAustriaas StMaryMagdalene,Florence,PalazzoPitti,GalleriaPalatina, before1625.  Thecollection Particularlyonthegroundfloor,butelsewhereaswell,theroomsofPoggioImperialewere decorated with a luxurious and diverse array of artworks.39 To this purpose, the regent had whole series of paintings from the collections of the Medici transferred to Poggio Imperiale, purchased a greatnumberofworksthroughagents,andalsocommissionednewworksherself.40Imagesofher namesaint,MaryMagdalene,wereclearlyemphasizedinthecollectionandwerespreadthroughout theentirehouse,markingthesovereignterritoryofthearchduchesslikeasystemofsigns.Sheeven had herself painted by Justus Sustermans in the garments of the penitent hermit (fig. 13).41 The paraphernaliaofasceticismandmeditationaredepictedplainly.Thearchduchesspubliclypresented herinnerpietyinthisreligiousidealportraitwhichidentifiedherwithhernamesaint,mergingthe imagesofrulerandsaint.Thedescriptionintheinventorymakesitpossibletosituatethispaintingin the midst of the dynastic portrait gallery of the first storey.42 Placement and theme make Maria ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  192 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Maddalena’sselfͲconcept asholyruler clear:thisis bluntlydisplayedandthusbecomes capableof fulfillingapoliticalpurposeaswell.43Throughthesacralizationofherbody,heregivendirectvisual expression,theregentlegitimatesherrule—whichwasfarfromuncontroversial—bypointingtoher pietyanddivinecalling.44Thecycleoffrescoeshasalreadyprovedtobeagenderedformulationof the Pietas Austriaca and its most important characteristics: the Pietas Eucharistica, the Fiducem in crucem Christi, and the veneration of the saints—particularly those of the fictive genealogy of the Habsburgs. Only the Pietas Mariana is absent. Instead, the regent instigated a ‘Pietas Maria Magdalenae’ and embodied saint and ruler in personal union. This personalized cult was, furthermore,easilyassociatedwiththelocalvenerationofMariaMaddalenade’Pazzi,aFlorentine mysticwhosecanonizationwasstronglysupportedbytheMediciandthearchduchessherself.45  PoggioImperialeasresidenceoftheregent The regent thus spared neither expense nor effort in decorating her villa suburbana until it could stand comparison with contemporary Medici building complexes. It was certainly true that Poggio Imperialealsoservedher,herentourage,andherguestsfortheenjoymentofrusticpleasures,just aspromisedbythededication:localpeasantgirlswereinvitedtodance,andhuntsandoutingson horseback were organized.46 In addition, smaller parties were entertained by means of chamber musicorperformancesbyMariaMaddalena’schildren.Severalaccountsofguestsbeinggiventours throughthehousehavealsobeenpreserved.Theoperaperformancementionedabovewasamong thelargerevents,duringwhichtheentireluxuriouslydecoratedvillawasopenedtoacourtlypublic. Religiousfestivals,forexample,theFeastofCorpusChristiin1625,werealsotobecountedamong such events.47 For this occasion, the palace façade was adorned with tapestries, paintings, and festoons.AttheentrancetothespacebeforethepalacethereweretwofountainswithiceͲchilled red wine flowing out of them. An altar with a baldachin—and adorned with golden vessels, candelabra, and flowers—had been set up in the interior courtyard. To conclude the festivities, a solemnprocessioncarriedthebaldachintoanearbychurch,whereamasswasattended. These examples demonstrate that numerous important social events took place at Poggio Imperialeduringtheyearsoftheregency.WhileitistruethatthePalazzoPittiofficiallyremainedthe mainresidenceofGrandDukeFerdinandoII,whohadalreadybeenformallyenthroned,theregent adeptly used diverse activities to attract the attention of the court and its guests to her villa suburbana, which thustookontheroleofaresidence.AllpersonsofrankwhovisitedFlorenceat that time were received by Maria Maddalena there. Repeated descriptions in the court chronicle makeitclearthatthereceptionceremoniesconductedbytheirhighnessesalwaysbeganinthehall ofthegroundfloor,intheapartmentoftheregent(fig.4,no.3);hostsandgueststhenwithdrewto theadjacentantechamberinordertospeakprivately(fig.4,no.13).InthecaseofparticularlyhighͲ ranking guests, the young Grand Duke Ferdinando II de’ Medici first waited upon them in the hall, while the women waited in the antechamber. It is also documented that the regent repeatedly received guests in her bedchamber when she was unwell (fig. 4, no. 4).48 This means that the ceremonial unfolded primarily in the three impressive, official rooms of the regent on the ground floor,withtheirfrescoesof‘famouswomen’.Thecircularroutewhichwasfollowedcorrelatedwith therooms’cycleonsalvationhistory,thusinvestingitwithparticularrelevance. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  193 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  PietasAustriacaandthegoldenageoffemalerule Programmeswithgroupsoffiguresrelatedtosalvationhistoryalwaysculminateinaviewofagolden age: at Poggio Imperiale, this role is realized both through the men and women of the House of HabsburgandthrougharecoursetothefourtheclogueofVergil,whichprophesiedthefoundationof a gens aurea through a boy: in this case, Ferdinando II de’ Medici.49 Thus, the space of physical activityandthepictorialspacecomplemented,insteadofcontradicting,oneanother.Theactionsof some of the female exemplary figures selected—like those of the militant Semiramis—transgress theirgenderrole;however,theinterpretationaccordingtoVergilopensaprospectontoapositive resolution to a situation of crisis, one in which female rule does not call the social order into question. Nonetheless,theroomsoftheheirtothethronewereintegratedintoawoman’sapartment, incontradictiontotheconventionalgenderedtopographyofthecourts;theywerealsothematically linked to the rooms of his mother through the gallery of Habsburg emperors.50 Ferdinando’s suite clearly seems to have had a more symbolic function: it played no major role in the ceremonial. In spiteofthis,previousscholarshavefocusedtheirattentionprimarilyonthemalegenealogyandits link to Pietas Austriaca. It is in fact possible to point out fundamental motifs, such as the Pietas Eucharistica in the image of Rudolph and the Priest (fig. 15), which underwent a performative intensificationthroughthecelebrationoftheFeastofCorpusChristiatPoggioImperiale—something thatalsooccurredatthecourtsofPragueandMadrid.51ThedeedsofEmperorCharlesVcelebrate hisvictoriesagainsttheOttomansandthoseofFerdinandIIhisvictoriesagainsttheProtestants.The two rulers are presented as Defensor Ecclesiae and Defensor fidei, and Ferdinand’s personal venerationoftheTrueCrossisdepicted(fig.6).52Inmyopinion,however,thisapproachisalsovalid fortheprogrammeof‘famouswomen’,whichwasrealized(amongotherplaces)inthehall,thatis, in a space typically reserved for male heroes.53 By tracing most of the empresses and queens pictured there back to the Habsburg genealogy, they come to correspond to the—only later codified—conceptofPietasAustriacathroughtheirexemplaryandoftenalsomiraculousrule. The ambiguity of previous contextualizations of the Poggio Imperiale fresco programme derives,ontheonehand,fromthelackofattentionpaidtoMariaMaddalenaasapatronand,onthe otherhand,fromtheprogramme’suniqueinterweavingoflocalartandHabsburgiconography.The depiction of uomini famosi and donne famose had a long local tradition in Florence, shaped by its republicantradition:here,itisfilledoutwithfiguresfromtheHouseofHabsburg.54TheHabsburgs already had their own tradition of ancestral portrait galleries consisting of saints and emperors of bothsexesdrawnfromtheirownlineage.ThecombinationofimperialgenealogywithPietasmotifs gradually replaced the Habsburg’s purely dynasticͲgenealogical veneration of their ancestors.55 The spread of this new constellation is typically dated to the reign of Emperor Ferdinand II, who was heavily influenced by the Jesuits. However, the earliest known visual manifestations of such programmesdatefromthereignofhissonEmperorFerdinandIII.56ThecycleatPoggioImperialeis therefore of special significance: while the iconography of ‘famous women and men’ continues to point back to an older tradition that was increasingly being supplanted by mythological cycles, the combinationwithPietasAustriacamotifsisthefirstofitskind.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  194 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Thissuggeststomethat asimilarlyintensivereceptionoftheCatholicReform’sspirituality and concept of government took place in the case of Maria Maddalena as is documented for her siblingsEmperorFerdinandIIandMargaretofAustria,QueenofSpain.57Itwastheirmother,Maria ofBavaria,ArchduchessofInnerAustria,whowasprimarilyresponsiblefortheirupbringingandfor their strongly Catholic formation, because their father, Karl II, died at a relatively young age.58 Bavarianinfluencewasoftheutmostimportance,becauseMaria’sfather,DukeAlbertVofBavaria, and her brother, the future Wilhelm V, both exercised a decisive influence over politics in Graz. Bavaria served as a model of success for the Catholic Reform: here, religious unity was initially successfully implemented.59 The House of Wittelsbach developed a Pietas Bavariae of their own, including a marked veneration of the True Cross and the saints.60 To date, however, there is little researchintotheroleoftheduchessesattheBavariancourt.BoththemotherofMariaMaddalena ofAustria—MariaofBavaria,whowasadaughterofAnna,adaughterofEmperorFerdinandIand thusaHabsburgherself—andMariaMaddalena’sgrandmotherMariaJakobaeaofBadenͲSponheim were known as prominent patrons and stout defenders of the Catholic faith. It is, for example, commonly accepted that the latter embodies St Helena in the depiction of the Finding of the True CrossbyBarthelBehamofcirca1530(fig.14).61Thispaintingisalwaysthoughtofasbeingapartof thecyclewithancienthistoriescommissionedbyDukeWilhelmIV.AsitistheonlyChristiantheme knownfortheprogramme,itseemstomethatitillustratesoneoftheearliestexamplesofCatholic Reformartandmayhaveservedasparadigmforthegenerationsthatfollowed.Moreresearchinto the field of this matrilineal tradition would certainly deepen our understanding of the spread of devotionalpracticesandoficonographicalPietasmotifsthroughoutEurope.  Fig.14BarthelBeham,TheFindingoftheTrueCrossbyStHelena,Munich,AltePinakothek,ca.1530, MariaJakobaeaofBadenͲSponheimisdepictedkneelingontheleftsideofthecross ItisalsoremarkablethatRubensandWildens’paintingofRudolphandthePriestwascreated atroughlythesametimeastheimageatPoggioImperiale(figs.15and16).SimilaritiestoRoselli’s fresco become apparent, particularly in the twisted figure of Rudolph. According to Elizabeth ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  195 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  McGrath’s research, the painting was to be found in the bedchamber (as was the case at Poggio Imperiale) of King Philip IV in the Alcazar of Madrid. It was very probably hung together with a dynastic portrait gallery, Titian’s Religion saved by Spain, and Rubens’ Garden of Love.62 Earlier versionsofthemotifhavebeenpreservedinbooksandasabackgroundsceneinpaintings,butnot as primary subject matter.63 The decoration of the bedchamber probably coincided with Philip’s accessiontopowerin1621,andbothimagesfulfilledaprogrammaticfunctionatalocationthatwas centraltodynasticprogeny.TherewasaveryintensiveexchangebetweentheMadridandFlorence courts during the life of Margaret of Austria, Queen of Spain, who was Philip’s mother and Maria Maddalena’ssister.64Thealmostsimultaneousplacementofthissubjectmatterinthechambersof thetworulerscouldpointtoacommunicationbetweenthecourts.Atanyrate,itdemonstratesthe cleariconographicchoiceforthePietasAustriacathroughtheHabsburgmonarchyatthatmomentin time. TheunusualsituationoftheregencyinTuscanyledtotherealizationofamonumentaland genderedarticulationoftheconceptofPietasAustriaca.InherprofoundstudyofMariaMaddalena’s musicalpatronage,KelleyHarnesswasabletodemonstratehowintensivelytheregentparticipated in the production of the performances that she financed. It is therefore plausible to consider the regentherselftobetheprimarycreatoroftheprogramme:onlysheandherclosestadvisorscould havehadsuchanintimateknowledgeoftheHabsburggenealogyandthepracticesassociatedwith it.65 It is even possible that the decoration of Poggio Imperiale provided a model for the plans surrounding the apartment of Maria Maddalena’s niece Anna of Austria, Queen of France, for her residence in the Parisian abbey ValͲdeͲGrâce, which she had founded and which was meant to featureanequallyextensiveprogrammeinvolvingsaintedfemalerulers.66 While the concept of Pietas Austriaca has begun to be criticized for being too static to describethehighlydiversephenomenaoftheHabsburgcourts,67itwasextremelyproductiveinthe presentcontext,becauseithelpedtoclarifythedistinctionwithrespecttoMedicicyclesandtheir conceptofgovernment.However,MariaMaddalenaformulatedherownengenderedversionofthe Pietas.ShemadeuseoftheprizedartisticresourcesofFlorenceinordertoprovidehervulnerable positionasregentofTuscanywithanimpressiveouterform.Thisunusualsituationfoundexpression bothintheatypicaldispositionoftheroomsandintheextremelyrarepictorialinventions.Still,the fullsignificanceoftheprogrammeofPoggioImperialeunfoldsonlywhenitisseenwithinthecontext of the House of Habsburg as a transnationally organized network of rulers. Further research could clarifyhowthismodelofPietasAustriacawascommunicatedbetweenthedifferentcourts—andalso in which ways the performative and visual realizations of the theme affected the subsequent theoreticalconsiderationsandwrittenformulationoftheconcept.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  196 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.15MatteoRosselli,RudolphIofHabsburgandthepriest,Florence, VillaPoggioImperiale,formerbedchamberofFerdinandoIIde’Medici,1623Ͳ24.  Fig.16PeterPaulRubensandJanWildens,RudolphIofHabsburgandthepriest,Madrid,MuseodelPrado,ca.1625. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  197 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Bibliography Acanfora,Elisa,‘MariaMaddalenad’Austria,donnadigovernoevirtuosadellearti’,inFastodicorte. La Decorazione murale nelle residenze dei Medici e dei Lorena, ed. Mina Gregori, 4 vols. (Florence, 2005–07),vol.I,pp.131о87. 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ChristinaStrunck(Petersberg,2011),pp.75о91. Sustermans:Sessant’anniallacortedeiMedici,ed.MarcoChiariniandClaudioPizzorusso(Florence, 1983). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  202 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Tarchi,Rossella,‘UnaletteradiMariaMaddalenad’AustriasullareliquiadellaSantaCroceinS.Maria Impruneta’,Rivistad’arte,41(1989),pp.159о65. Tippelskirch, Xenia von, ‘“Con la lettura di questa santa operina, attenderà ad infiammare se medesima” – Annotazioni alla vita di Maria di Portogallo, Principessa di Parma e Piacenza (1538– 1577)’, in Alle origini della biografia femminile: dal modello alla storia, ed. Catherine Brice and Gabriella Zarri, Mélanges de l’école française de Rome, Italie et Méditerranée, 113 (2001), pp. 233о55. Tippelskirch, Xenia von, ‘Die Indexkongregation und die Würde der Frauen: Cristofano Bronzini, “Delladignitàenobiltàdelledonne“’,inFraueninderFrühenNeuzeit:LebensentwürfeinKunstund Literatur, ed. AnneͲMarie Bonnet and Barbara Schellewald (Vienna, Cologne & Weimar, 2004), pp. 235о62. Vácha,ŠtĢpán,DerHerrscheraufdemSakralbildzurZeitderGegenreformationunddesBarock:Eine ikonologische Untersuchung zur herrscherlichen Repräsentation Kaiser Ferdinands II. in Böhmen (Prague,2009). Valenta, Rainer, ‘Schloss Windhaag und die Topographia Windhagiana (Aucta): Zur Darstellung der Pietas Austriaca Eucharistica in einem adeligen Landsitz’, Acta Historiae Artium, Academiae ScientiarumHungaricea,47(2006),pp.175о89. Visconti, Enzo, ‘La saletta di Cosimo II. Capolavoro di Matteo Rosselli’, ‘Il Poggio’: Giornale dell’Educandando Governativo della SS. Annunziata al Poggio Imperiale di Firenze (May 1960), pp. 1о5. Visconti, Enzo, ‘Rapsodia di Matteo Rosselli a Poggio Imperiale’, ‘Il Poggio’: Giornale dell’EducandandoGovernativodellaSS.AnnunziataalPoggioImperialediFirenze(October1960),pp. 2о36. Wandruszka, Adam, ‘Ein Freskenzyklus der “Pietas Austriaca“ in Florenz’, Mitteilungen des österreichischenStaatsarchivs,15(1962),pp.495о99. Wandruszka, Adam, ‘Maria Magdalena von Österreich’, in Die Habsburger: Ein biographisches Lexikon,ed.BrigitteHamann(Vienna,1988),pp.338о39. Wenzel, Michael, ‘Heldinnengalerie – Schönheitengalerie: Studien zu Genese und Funktion weiblicherBildnisgalerien1470–1715’(doctoralthesis,UniversitätHeidelberg,2005)atwww.ub.uniͲ heidelberg.de/archiv/5771/(accessedon29August2012). Winkelbauer, Thomas, Ständefreiheit und Fürstenmacht 1522–1699: Länder und Untertanen des HausesHabsburgimkonfessionellenZeitalter,2vols.(Vienna,2003),vol.I,pp.185о239.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  203 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Sources(unpublished) Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Handschriftenabteilung, Biblioteca Palatina Vindobonensi,Cod.3077***,JacobusMennelsiveManlius,DeclarismulierbusdomusHabsburgicae libergermanicus,Augsburg1518.  Illustrations Fig.1,4MapsauthorandHenningGrope. Fig.2Fanelli,Giovanni,Firenze–Architetturaecittà(Florence,1973),fig.730. Fig.3,5Soprintendenzaperibeniambientaliearchitettonici,Gabinettofotografico,PalazzoPitti. Fig.6Spinelli2008,p.653,fig.4. Fig.7,8,10,12,15Acanfora2005,p.144,fig.83;platesLXXXVIII,LXXXV,CII,XCIV. Fig.9MinisteroperiBenieleAttivitàCulturali.SoprintendenzaspecialeperilPolomuseale fiorentino. Fig.11Photoauthor. Fig.13Stanzesegreteraccoltepercaso.ImediciSanti–Gliarredicelati,ed.CristinaGiannini(Cittàdi Castello,2004),p.37,fig.23. Fig.14Greiselmayer1996,plateX. Fig.16ElSiglodeRubensenElMuseodelPardo,CatálogorazonadodePinturaFlamencadelSiglo XVII,ed.MatíasDíazPardon,3vols.(Barcelona,1997),vol.II,cat.no.1645.   *IwouldliketothankthegenderequalityprogrammeoftheHumboldtͲUniversitätzuBerlin,whichfacilitated thetranslationofMichaelWetzel,towhomIamgratefulforhisaccuratework. 1  For the biography of Mary Magdalene, see Pieraccini 1924Ͳ25, vol. II, pp. 345о64; Galasso Calderara 1986; Wandruzska1988;Arrighi2008;Betz2008. 2 SeminalarethestudiesDonneefede1994;Reinhard1995;‘InChristo’1999;Schilling1999,pp.51о55. 3 Forthisaspect,seeHoppeforthcoming. 4 Hoppe2004b;Hoppe2012. 5 Galluzzi1781,vol.III,p.394;Diaz1976,p.366;Pieraccini1925,vol.II,p.345;GalassoCalderara1985,p.93; Cusick2009,p.193,n.9;Hoppe2012,pp.27í34. 6 ForChristineofLorraine,seenowStrunck2011. 7 Forthehistoryandthearchitectureofthevilla,seePanichi1989;Bohr1994,pp.344–46;Hoppe2012,pp. 35о55. 8 Hoppe2012,p.283. 9 ForthediscussionofthecompleteensembleofsculpturesandfountainsseeHoppe2012,pp.42о43,55. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  204 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   10 TheauthorofthelibrettoisFerdinandoSaracinelli,themusicwascomposedbyFrancescaCaccini.SeeSolerti 1905,pp.179о83;Harness2004,vol.II,pp.264о80;Cusick2009,pp.191о246.FortheseriesofillustraƟons, seeNegroSpina1983,p.118;Blumenthal1984,pp.201о07. 11 ‘VILLAIMPERIALISABAUSTRIACIS/AUGUSTISNOMENCONSECUTA/FUTURAEMAGNAEDUCESETRURIAE/ VESTROOCIODELICIISQUE/AETERNUMINSERVIAT’,quotedafterPrato1895,p.41.Theblazonisnowlost. 12 Hoppe2012,p.281. 13 TheinventoryispublishedfullyinHoppe2012,pp.290о330;thechroniclepartially. 14 Hoppe2012,p.57. 15 Hoppe2012,pp.58о59. 16 Wandruszka1962;Klieman1993,p.181;Preiss1997,pp.382–83;Acanfora2005,pp.149о50;Spinelli2008, pp.650о56;Hoppe2012,pp.65,169о89. 17  For the concept of the Pietas Austriaca, see Coreth 1982; Kovács 1990; Kovács 1992; Bérenger 1993; Winkelbauer2003;Baumgarten2004,pp.164о172;Ducreux2011. 18 Visconti1960(October),pp.2о36;Couëtoux1998,pp.731о39;Rossi1999,pp.169о74;Acanfora2005,vol.I, pp.143о57;Spinelli2008,pp.645о79;Hoppe2012,pp.95о168. 19 Spinelli2008,p.670;Hoppe2012,pp.108о09. 20 Preiss1997,p.387. 21 Mennel1518,fol.1v,4rо4v. 22 Kovács1992,p.94;Reinhardt2002,pp.74,77,133о34,166о67;Hoppe2012,p.116. 23 Argomentodellareginasant’Orsola:RappresentazionediAndreaSalvadori(Florence,1624),seeSolerti1905, pp.159,174о78.Perunregaleevento,cat.no.109,110;seeHarness2006,pp.79о110. 24 Kovács1992,pp.94о96. 25 MeloniTrkulja1973;Fumagalli1990,pp.71о73;Hoppe2012,pp.95о102. 26 Hoppe2012,pp.118–24.Cf.Pizzorusso1986;Acanfora2005,p.146;Spinelli2008,p.667. 27  Painted are Jael, Judith, Miriam, Esther, the Mother of the Maccabees, Rebecca, The Finding of Moses, Susanna,andZipporah. 28 PaintedarethemartyrdomsofLucia,Dorothea,Christina,Agnes,Caecilia,Agatha,Barbara,Margareta,and Apollonia. 29 Mennel1518,fol.108vо110r;Reinhardt2003,pp.158,229;Hoppe2012,pp.146о48. 30 Lorini,Niccolò,ElogiidellepivprincipaliS.donnedelsacrocalendario,emartirologioromano,vergini,martiri, etaltre.Messiinsiemeconmoltevigilie.DalM.R.P.M.ePredicatoreGeneraleF.NiccolòLorinidelMonte,ed. ZanobiPignoni(Florence,1617). 31 Coreth1982,pp.38о44;Matsche1981,pp.123о42. 32 Tarchi1989;Hoppe2011,pp.227о32,244. 33 Foramoredetailedcomparison,seeHoppe2012,pp.198о201. 34  Visconti 1960 (May); Faini Guazzelli 1968; Cantelli 1983, p. 131; Spinelli 2001, pp. 24–25, 40–46;Acanfora 2005,p.149;Sodini2011,pp.290о92;Hoppe2012,pp.189о205. 35 Hoppe2012,p.65. 36 Spinelli1997,pp.5о17;Hoppe2012,p.70. 37 Hoppe2012,pp.68о69. 38 Hoppe2012,pp.69о70. 39 Forasummary,seeHoppe2012,pp.70о76. 40 Fumagalli1990;Fumagalli1997b;Fumagalli2001. 41 Sustermans1983,cat.no.14.Lamaddalena1986,cat.no.99;seePolleroß1988,vol.I,pp.13о16,48о50, cat.no.434. 42 Hoppe2012,pp.66о67. 43 Forthemodelofthe‘holyprincess’intermsoftheCatholicReform,seeTippelskirch2001.Forasurveyof themaleconceptofthe‘Christianprince’afterAdrianoProsperi,seeFantoni1998. 44 TherewererumoursthattheregencyhadtobeassignedfirsttoCardinalCarlode’Medici,brotherofthe deceasedGrandDukeCosimoII.SeeFumagalli1997a,p.315,n.14.IntheencomiumbyCristofanoBronzini, dedicated to Maria Maddalena, the praise of female rulership and the predominance of the female sex was criticized by the Vatican and therefore censored. See Tippelskirch 2004. For female regencies and their problematiclegalbasis,seetheseminalstudybyGuerraMedici2005. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  205 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   45  La maddalena 1986, pp. 166о67; Hoppe 2012, pp. 25о26, 74о76. See also the records in Archivio di Stato Firenze,MediceodelPrincipato,6081:16077;6077:15741,15744,15745,15746,15748;6101:15547;6100: 15502attheMediciArchiveProject,www.medici.org(accessedon19November2012). 46 ForthefunctionofPoggioImperialeintheseyearsandtheinnerdispositionofrooms,seeHoppe2012,pp. 77о93. 47 Hoppe2012,p.84. 48 Hoppe2012,pp.87о88. 49 ‘UltimaCumaeivenitiamcarminisaetas;/magnusabintegrosaeclorumnasciturordo./iamreditetvirgo, redeunt saturnia regna; / iam nopva progenies caelo dimittitur alto. / to modo nascent puero, quo ferrea primum / desinet actoto surget genas aurea mundo,/ caste fave Lucina: tuus iam regnat Apollo’,Vergil, IV. Eclogue. 50 ForthegenderedspheresatItaliancourts,seeHoppe2004a,pp.104о106;Hoppe2012,pp.11о13,88о93, 227о229.BroadersurveysongenderandspaceintheearlymodernperiodareDasFrauenzimmer2000;and Architecture2003. 51 ForthePietasEucharisticaandtheImitatioRudolfi,seeMatsche1981,pp.80о83,112,116о17;Coreth1982, pp.20о25;Preiss1997,pp.377–78;Bruckmüller1998,p.273;Valenta2006,p.180. 52 ForthedevotionofFerdinandIItotheHolyCross,seeVácha2009,pp.68о89. 53  Explicitly mentioned in Armenini 1587, vol. III, VIII, p. 262. The famous women iconography was recommendedforthebedchambersofwivesanddaughters. 54  For a summary on the different traditions of famous men and women iconography, see Hoppe 2012, pp. 205о25. 55 Herbst1970,pp.290,326;Matsche1997,pp.330о31;Polleroß1985,p.24. 56 Matsche1981,p.74;Vácha2009,pp.10,68о89. 57 ForFerdinandII,seeBireley1981.ForMargaret,seeSánchez1998. 58 SeenowtheseminalstudyofKeller2012.Fortheeducationofherchildren,seeBetz2008,pp.50о61;Keller 2012,pp.50о56.ForthedecisiveinfluenceofMariaofBavariaintermsofculturalexchange,seeKoldau2005, pp.69о79. 59 Herzig2000,p.17andpassim. 60 Herzig2000,p.13;Richter2009,pp.225о304. 61 Greiselmayer1996,pp.131í56. 62 McGrath1997,cat.no56. 63 Hoppe2012,p.184. 64  Queen Margaret of Spain ordered an extensive painting cycle in Florence in 1610 and she was herself rememberedinFlorencewithavastfuneralcycleingrisailleafterherdeathin1611,afterwardsshowninthe CorridoioVasariano.SeeGoldenbergStoppato1999;Bietti2004;Strunck2011,p.86. 65 ForabroaderdiscussionoftheauthorshipseeHoppe2012,p.219. 66 Theconcettowasdescribedas:‘touteslesimpératricesetlesreinesquiontétéenreputationdesainteté.’ SeeDorival1976,vol.I,p.49,vol.II,cat.no.424;Wenzel2005,pp.78о79. 67 See,e.g.,Ducreux2011. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  206 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  PietasAustriacaattheLisbonCourt TheMonumentalChapelandFuneraryTombsbuiltbyCatherineofAustria intheSanJerónimosMonasticComplexinBelém AnnemarieJordanGschwendȋ‡–”‘†‡‹•–×”‹ƒ†‡Ž±Ǧƒ”ǡ‹•„‘Ȍ  Prologue In1570,atacrucialstageinherlifeandreign,CatherineofAustria(1507Ͳ1578),QueenofPortugal, decided to retire from politics and government.1 She sought official permission from court and church officials to leave Portugal and return to her native country of Spain, where she hoped to reside in a convent, living out the remaining years of her life in prayer and meditation. Although Catherinewasinspiredbyearlierprecedencediscussedbelow,shewasalsotroubledbyintriguesat theLisboncourt.By1570,afterhavingbeenpredeceasedbyherbelovedhusbandJohnIIIandher ninechildren,thequeenwasreadytoliveouttherestofherlifeinsolitude. In 1498 the Dowager Queen Leonor of Portugal (1458Ͳ1525) had founded a new confraternity in Portugal dedicated to the Virgin of Mercy (Virgem da Misericordia), the primary purposeofwhichwastoassisttheindigent,illandvagabond,ransomcaptivesoftheMoors,shelter orphans, run hospitals and hospices, promote works of charity, and build convents and churches.2 Leonor, who earned a reputation in Portugal, as the ‘Perfect Queen’ (Rainha Perfeita), was celebrated by her subjects for her Christian virtues, charity and cultural patronage. The Madre de Deus convent of Franciscan nuns with its church in Xabregas on the city outskirts of Lisbon was foundedandbuiltbyLeonorin1519tohousetherelicsofSaintAutaandthe11,000VirginMartyrs thatshehadreceivedfromhercousinEmperorMaximilianIin1517.3Leonorbecameanexemplary modelforsubsequentPortuguesequeensandprincesses,andwasagreatsourceofinspirationfor Catherine of Austria. Following the Dowager Queen’s example, Catherine retired to the summer palaceofXabregasseveralyearsaftershegaveuptheregencyin1562,havingruledforhergrandson for five years. Catherine’s residence at Xabregas was situated near a princely retreat that her husbandJohnIIIhadbuilttherebetween1556and1557,basedondesignsbyFranciscodeHolanda.4 Catherine’s ‘palace’ was situated in quarters near the premises of Leonor’s convent,5 to which she haddirectaccessviaaninteriordoorthatlinkedherapartmentswiththeMadredeDeuschurchand the chapel of the Passion of Christ, also known as the Capela do Espirito Santo.6 In the latter, Catherinebuiltatribunetoaccommodateherandherfemaleretinuewhenattendingattendmass.A contemporary account describes Catherine leaving her apartments daily by means of a corridor to reachthesmallchurchwheresheheardmasswithherladiesandtheresidentSpanishAmbassador, Juan de Borja (1533Ͳ1606), when he was present.7 Catherine’s determination to lead a vita contemplativa completely removed from court politics and intrigues is reminiscent of other close ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  207 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Habsburg family members who sought seclusion and refuge within the precincts of a religious foundation. ThedramaticdecisionofCatherinetochoosetoabandonthecountryshehadruledoveras queen for close to fifty years was certainly inspired by the example of her elder brother Emperor Charles V (1500Ͳ1558), who abdicated and moved to a monastery at Yuste in the Extremadura (in Spain)in1556.CatherineturnedtoherHabsburgnephewPhilipIIofSpainforguidance,supportand adviceregardingherretirement,8andthisdramaticmomentinCatherine’slifeisdocumentedbya numberofunpublishedlettersintheArchivoGeneraldeSimancas(Valladolid)exchangedbetween them,aswellaswiththeaboveͲmentionedSpanishAmbassadorinPortugal,JuandeBorja.9Thiswas thefirsttimeinherreignthatCatherinehadfeltincapableofconfrontingthechallengeswhichfaced her, in particular, her intractable grandson King Sebastian of Portugal (1554Ͳ1578). Sebastian had since early childhood adamantly refused to follow her sound advice and heeded her counsel even less after he assumed the Portuguese crown in 1568. Catherine’s insistence that he marry and produceanheirforthethronebroughttheiralreadyfragilerelationshiptoagrindinghalt.Catherine hadtried in vaintosecureamarriageworthyofSebastian’srank,seekingallianceswith theValois courtinFrance,theHabsburgcourtsinSpainandAustria,andtheducalcourtinBavaria.Catherine hadbankedonbringingamarriageableprincesstoLisbonwhomshecouldeducatetobethefuture queen of Portugal and its vast overseas empire. However, her various matrimonial plans to marry Sebastian to Margaret of Valois, Isabella Clara Eugenia (daughter of Philip II), Isabel of Austria (daughter of Emperor Maximilian II), and Maximiliana (daughter of Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria) all metwithfailure. By 1570 the elderly queen felt emotionally and physically overwhelmed, unable to further confrontSebastian’snonͲcomplianceandinsubordinationandthemultiplecourtfactionsalliedwith himandhisuncletheInfanteCardinalHenry(Henrique)(1512Ͳ1580),who,likeCatherine,hadserved asregentfortheyoungprincefrom1562to1568.Thequeendecideditwouldbebestforcourtand countryforhertoleave,andsheinitiatedcomplexnegotiationswiththeSpanishHabsburgcourtto verifyherrents,propertiesandwealthbothinPortugalandinSpain,sothatshecouldfinanceher existence in her future convent.10 However, her plans to depart to Spain were thwarted by her subjects, who refused to allow their beloved queen to go. Her departure officially impeded, the reluctant queen was compelled by duty and by her personal devotion to stay in Portugal and superviseanarchitecturalprojectwhichwouldhighlighttheendofherlifeandreign:therebuilding of the main chapel (the capela mor) of the Jerónimos monastery located in Bélem (Lisbon). The transformation of the former ornate Manueline chapel into a severe classicistic structure underscoresCatherine’sdesiretobuildachapelinanarchitecturalvernacularandstyleneverbefore deployed in Portugal, a desire coupled with an aspiration to leave a remarkable personal imprint uponthefabricofthismonumentalmonastery(figs.1Ͳ2).Catherine’spiety,religiosityanddevotion motivatedhertorebuildthecapelamorfirstbuiltbyherlatefatherͲinͲlaw,KingManuelI(r.1498Ͳ 1521),shortlyafterVascodaGamadiscoveredtheseaͲroutetoIndiain1498.11Hersenseofdutyand dedicationtotheAvisandHabsburgroyalhousesalsopromptedhertobuildapantheonworthyof herillustriousfamilies.   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  208 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.1ExteriorviewoftheJerónimosMonasteryinBelém(Lisbon).ThesquareboxͲlike structureatthefarrightdemarcatesthecapelamorbuiltbyCatherineofAustria. Photo:JoséAntónioSilva.   Fig.2FloorplanoftheJerónimoschurchwiththecapelamormarked intheyellowbox.Photo:publicdomain.  CatherineofAustria’sRoyalPantheonfortheAvisDynasty ModelsandPrecedences:TheIdealHabsburgWidow In 1530, shortly before her death, Catherine of Austria’s aunt Margaret of Austria (1480Ͳ 1530), regent of the Netherlands, made a pivotal decision to build a funerary monument in the Flamboyant Gothic style at Brou near BourgͲenͲBresse (France), in memory of her third husband, PhilibertIItheFair,DukeofSavoy,whohaddiedprematurelyattheageoftwentyͲfour.Margaret undertook this architectural project in fulfilment of a vow she had made just before her beloved husband died. The monumental chapel and tombs, which the regent intended as architectural ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  209 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  expressionsofherpiety,wereattachedtoasumptuousmonasterywiththreecloisterserectedthere between 1506 and 1532. This funerary complex was to commemorate, in accordance with the teachings of the Spanish humanist and philosopher Juan Luis Vives (1492Ͳ1540), the glory of Margaret’sdeadhusbandandhisfamily.DuringherregencyMargarettooktofashioningherselfas the ideal widow, as Vives advised in his writings. His influential book, De institutione feminae Christianae,publishedinAntwerpin1524,definedmarriageasthelegitimateunionofonemanand one woman bound together for life. He strongly counseled widows to devote themselves to the memory of their dead husbands rather than to marry again. Vives advocated absolute faithfulness and chaste abstinence for widows: advice that Margaret took to heart. The Brou church was conceivedofasavotivechapel,atempleofremembranceandasumptuoussettingforthreeprincely tombs: one for her husband Philibert the Fair, one for herself, and one for her motherͲinͲlaw, MargaretofBourbon.  During the lifetime of her beloved father Emperor Maximilian I and during her marriages, Margaret had been proud of her roles as exemplary daughter and wife. She was educated to be a paragonofvirtuouswomanhood:agoodwife,loyal,trueandsubmissivetofatherandhusband.She assumedherwifelyattributeswithdedication,goingsofarastomendandsewclothesforthemen of her immediate family. In one letter dated 17 May 1511, Maximilian expressed his delight upon receivingshirtsmadebyhisdaughter,‘gratefulforthespecialcareandattentionshegiveshisbody, especiallysincethisyearhemustwearheavy,hardarmorinthefaceofwarandbattle.’12Margaret wasnot,however,theonlywomaninCatherineofAustria’sfamilytopromoteherselfastheideal spouse. Queen Isabel of Castile (1451Ͳ1504), Catherine’s grandmother, the woman she was later often compared with, and who had also been Margaret of Austria’s motherͲinͲlaw, set an even earlier precedence. Margaret’s second marriage to the heir of the Catholic Kings of Spain, Prince Juan, in 1497, exposed her to the exotic splendor of Isabel’s court, where the artistic and cultural influenceofIslamcoloureddailylife.Isabelwasahighlyeducated,scholarlywomanwholovedmusic andLatin;skilledinthedomesticartsofsewingandneedlework,shewaspraisedbycontemporaries formendingherhusband’sshirtswithherowndelicatehands.13Shewaswellreadinreligiousand secular works and especially fond of chivalric romances, and her library numbered nearly four hundredvolumes.SheguidedintellectuallifeinSpainandsolidifiedeconomic,cultural,artisticand dynastic ties with Burgundy and the Habsburg territories, which culminated in the marriage of her son Juan with Margaret. Isabel would have considerable repercussions upon Margaret and later generationsofwomeninherfamily.  Margaret of Austria’s third marriage in 1501 to Philibert II, Duke of Savoy, united her to a ducalhousewithclosetiestotheFrenchcourt.ThisallianceconsolidatedHabsburgpowersouthof theAlpsand furtheredherfather’sprestigeaswellashisdynasticandpoliticalaimsabroad.Their short marriage was marked by a magnificent itinerant court life marked by royal entries, jousts, dances, masques, theatrical productions and fêtes. They held court throughout the duchy, which extended from Lake Geneva to the Piedmont, at their palaces in BourgͲenͲBresse, Chambéry and Turin. Philibert’s untimely death in 1504 forced widowhood upon Margaret, who definitively returnedtoFlandersandrefusedallthemaritalalliancesthatMaximilianhopedshewouldcontract againfortheHabsburgdynasty.Notlongafter,Margarettooktofashioningherselfinthevisualarts, inparticular,inherofficialcourtportraits,asawidowinperpetualstateofmourning,adoptingthe ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  210 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  motto:Fortune,Infortune,Fort,Une(Luck,MisfortuneMakesOneStrong),topromoteherimageas theidealChristianwidowdevotedtoherfamilyandtheHabsburgdynasty.14 PatronageprovidedHabsburgwomen,especiallyprominentwidowslikeMargaretwhowere liberated from marital duties and childbearing responsibilities, with creative and social outlets. Margaret and such of her female relations who were in control of their own financial resources undertookprojectsandartisticcommissionswhichnotonlypromotedtheinterestsoftheirnataland conjugal dynasties but also gave expression to their own personal piety within the context of the Church, in the form of family tombs, and the commissions of chapels with their decoration. This channel offered Habsburg female patrons the opportunity to exercise patronage outside of the private domain in the form of public piety.15 But these Habsburg women were not the only prominent patrons and collectors of their day to follow such a path: Isabella d’Este (1474Ͳ1539), Marquise of Mantua, similarly acknowledged the necessity for widows to succumb to political exigencies and carefully stage acts of public piety by way of religious commissions. The Habsburg womenwhodesignedtheirowntombscultivatedandnurturedapersonalagendapreoccupiedwith andfocuseduponselfͲpromotion,selfͲimaging,andthelegitimacyofstatus. Inaddition,Margaretwasmotivatedbyherprincelymausoleumtoconsciouslycelebrateher ownfamilyatBrou,withtheintentofglorifyingtheBurgundianandHabsburgdynastiesinthismost publicofsettingsbyprominentlypositioninginthechancel’sfivestainedͲglasswindowsthecoatsof arms of these two royal houses. The church serves as a monumental platform which equally memorializes Margaret herself, with her princely background and rank being displayed throughout the church with personal heraldic emblems and devices. Her physical memoria is likewise rememberedherebyhersculpturalportrayal,withtheregentbeingrealisticallydepictedrecumbent on her tomb. Brou and its construction essentially offered Margaret of Austria the opportunity to identifyherselfasacontemporaryArtemisiaofCaria,whohadbuilttheMausoleumatHalicarnassus in the fourth century BC. In the words of Margaret’s French contemporary Pierre de Bourdeilles, Seigneur of Brantôme, Brou was a ‘beautiful and sumptuous memorial’ that far surpassed the one erectedbyherancientfemalecounterpartArtemisia.16TheBroucomplexconstitutedanastuteact ofpoliticalselfͲfashioningonthepartofMargaret,whereheridentityasapiouswidowwasfirmly consolidated. Assovereignandregent,Margaretwieldedmorepowerthanherdeadhusband,PhilibertII of Savoy, and her ultimate objective with Brou may have been to rival the imperial, monumental tombherfather,MaximilianI,projectedatInnsbruck.BesidesVives,Margaretwasmuchencouraged by Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim’s book On the Nobility and Excellence of Women, which he dedicatedtotheregentin1529,ayearbeforeherdeath,andinwhichheunconventionallypromotes thefullequalityofthesexes:‘Womenandmenwereequallyendowedwiththegiftsofspirit,reason andtheuseofwords;theywerecreatedforthesameendandthesexualdifferencebetweenthem willnotconferadifferentdestiny.’17 AdynasticmessagewasthereforeprojectedbyMargaretforBrou,andonethatwasnoless potentthanthepoliticalmessageswhichunderscoredthenumerousartisticcommissionsherfather undertook. As a selfͲfashioned, modern Artemisia, Margaret asserted herself both at the Flemish courtandinthemasculine,publicrealmofpoliticsandwar,withoutsacrificingherequality,power orinfluencewithintheHabsburgfamilynetwork.NordidMargaretcompromiseherroleasaruler, ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  211 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  learnedscholarandcollector,becomingamodelandexampleforotherfemalerelatives,especially herniece,CatherineofAustria.Asafunerarycomplex,Brouestablishedaprototypeforasuccession of Habsburg women and widows who followed Margaret’s example with their own conceptions of personal and family tombs, and in particular dynastic pantheons, such as the capela mor of the JerónimosmonasteryinBelémdedicatedtothememoryoftheAvizroyalhouse. Margaret certainly influenced Catherine of Austria’s rebuilding of the Manueline chapel in thismonastery,erectedbyManuelIin1498tohonorthemaritimeexplorationsofthePortuguese. This royal pantheon was one of the few building projects Catherine would assume as a personal initiative. In doing she also broke new ground architecturally, replacing a lateͲGothic nave with a classicalstructureneverbeforeseeninRenaissancePortugal.Untilthisjunctureinherlifeandreign, Catherine’sarchitecturalpatronagehadbeenmoderateandconstrained.Shehadoftenshouldered thecostsofunfinishedbuildingprojectsinitiatedbyotherroyalswhichshefeltcompelledbydutyto complete,asshedidwiththeConventofNossaSenhoradaAssunçãoinFaro(Algarve)foundedby heraunt,theDowagerQueenLeonorofPortugal(1458Ͳ1525).Immediatelyafterherentryin1525, Catherine ordered the court architect, Afonso Pires, to supervise and complete its construction in Faro, and by 1541 the first nuns of the First Order of Saint Clare entered this convent.18 Until the Jerónimos project, Catherine’s religious patronage can be best defined as gifting convents and religiousinstitutionswithendowmentsanddonations,evenwithofferingsoffemaleblackslaves,19 preferring to leave architectural concerns in the hands of her husband, John III. As king, he used architecture to advance personal ideologies, and his building commissions reflect visions of global rule in which he promoted himself, as did his father Manuel I, as dominus mundi of a new Roman empire.20 Catherine’s interests in secular or profane building projects were not as ambitious, until shebeganremodelingandtransformingtheJerónimoschapelintoafamilypantheon. InthecapelamoratBelém,onbothsidesofthemainaltar,setwithinindividualarches,are four royal tombs in the form of sarcophagi, ornamented with giltͲbronze crowns resting upon caryatidsintheformofanelephant,anexoticanimalcloselyassociatedwiththeLisboncourtasa symbol of the Portuguese conquests (figs. 3Ͳ4).21 Catherine’s intent was to superimpose a severe, monumentalprogramontheornate,flamboyantdecoroftheJerónimoscomplex,whilethetombs reflect a hybrid intermingling of East and West. This was a conception where the exotic and the antiquewereperfectlyamalgamated.ThealtarpiececommissionedbythequeendepictingScenesof theLifeofChristmirrorsnotionsofimperialismandauniversalChristianmonarchycultivatedatthe Lisbon court.22 This pantheon reflects Catherine’s concern with her own selfͲimaging for posterity. NotunlikewhatwasthecasewithMargaret’sfunerarycomplexatBrou,shesoughttopromotetwo dynasties, first and foremost focusing on the Aviz dynasty while at the same time legitimizing her own association and status within the House of Habsburg. In essence, Catherine dedicated the JerónimoschapeltothememoryoftheAvizdynasty,whodividedtheworldwithHabsburgSpainin theRenaissance. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  212 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.3InteriorviewoftheJerónimoschurch.Viewofthecapelamor throughtheornateManuelinenave.Photo:publicdomain.   Fig.4ThetombsofJohnIII(farleft)andCatherineofAustriaontheright sideofthecapelamorfacingthealtar.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.  SobrietyandOpulence:TheHistoryofConstructionoftheCapelaMor(1563Ͳ72) The capela mor underwent a complicated construction history before reaching its present form,startingwithseveralbuildingphasesinitiatedbyManuelIbeforethoseundertakenbyJohnIII andfinallyCatherineofAustria.23In1563,shortlyafterCatherine’sabdicationasregent,Sebastianof Portugal, under the influence of his grandmother, began remodeling the main chapel first constructedbyManuelI,whichhadbeendesignatedinhis1521testamentashismausoleum.Bythe endofCatherine’sregencyin1562,theManuelinechapelwasconsideredbythecourt‘toosmalland too low in height,’ despite transformations made by John III around 1551. Descriptions from this period,whichcouldshedmorelightonthechapel’solderappearance,havenotsurvived.By1569,all works in Belém were suspended upon Sebastian’s orders: fortifications on the African coast necessitatedfinancingfromthecrownandfundswerereͲdirectedforthesemilitaryrenovations.It ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  213 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  was at this juncture that Catherine assumed responsibility as she had done for previous building projects,undertakingresponsibilityforthecompletionofthechapel’sremodelinganddefrayingall costsfromherpersonalincome. SousaViterbowasthefirsttopublish,inhismonumentaldictionaryofPortuguesearchitects and engineers, the series of documents in the Torre do Tombo archive which outline this later constructionphasesupervisedbythequeen.24Thearchitectappointedmasteroftheroyalworksin 1571,JerónimodeRuão(JérômedeRouen,ca.1531Ͳ1601),sonofthesculptorJoãodeRuão(Jean deRouen),wascontractedbyCatherine.25TheplanconceivedwasatunnelͲlikebarrelvaultattached tothenaveofthemonastery(seefig.3),replacingtheolderstructurewhichwasformerlysquarein plan. This chapel was the first of its kind seen in Renaissance Portugal and was to exert great influence upon later religious buildings.26 In particular, as the architectural historian George Kubler found, the distinctive contrast between the Manueline nave and the chapel sanctuary created a forbiddingantithesisbetweensacredandeverydayspace.Measuringthirteenmetersinlengthand slightlyovereightmetersinwidth,thechapelinteriorissevereandrestrained,inaformalclassicism thatcontrastsgreatlywiththesurroundingornatestyle(fig.5).     Fig.5ThecapelamorbuiltbyJerónimode Fig.6PanelwithgrotesqueinthearchnexttoCatherineof Ruão.Photo:publicdomain. Austria’stombafteraFlemishmodel.Photo:A.Jordan  Gschwend. SixteenwhitemarbleIoniccolumnssuperimposedbyaslenderCorinthianorder(disproportionatein scale)—intersected by six windows above and two below—surround the walls until the arch, supporting cornices that circumvent the vault. The opulent, luxurious play of colored marble revetment(blue,whiteandred),broughtfromVilaViçosa(Estremoz),isfinelycarved.Thecheckered floorlaidoutingeometricpatternsreflectsthissamecoloration.Atotalof224,960reaiswasspent on the cutting, polishing and transportation of the marble, all elements and details being highly carvedandfinelyexecuted.27Thevaultimitatesinstoneawoodencofferedceiling,inasimulationof wood paneling that is carried further in the window frames below, which are carved like wooden screens, projecting an illusionistic perspective meant to make the chapel appear larger than in reality. In each of the niches where the tombs are housed, carved in the upper registers of the ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  214 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  arches,areveryplastic,illusionisticgrotesquescopiedafterFlemishengravingsdesignedbyCornelis BosandHansVredemandeVries(fig.6). The documents published by Sousa Viterbo indicate that the window grates were embellished with brass plates costing 20,000 reais, which were later gilded, the gilding being commissionedfromthemetalͲfounderSimãodaRosa.AleixoPires,locksmithandmetalworker,was paid 40,000 reais for iron grates made for these same windows, while the tinͲsmiths, Diogo FernandezandSimãoFeio,werepaid50,000reaisforbalustersdescribedinFrei(orFrayinSpanish) Manuel Baptista de Castro’s seventeenthͲcentury chronicle of the Hieronymite order, Chronica do maximoDoutorePríncipedosPatriarchasS.Jeronymo,ParticulardoReynodePortugal.28Thesewere madeofbronzeandplacedabovethestepsleadinguptothechapel,whichclearlysegregatedthis spacefromthenave.Nowremoved,theymeasuredsixpalmosinheight(132cm).BaptistadeCastro relatesthatanothersetofgiltbronzegrates(intheformofspears)oncedividedthechapelfromthe presbytery. According to a contemporary 1572 account written by an anonymous courtier, the fenestration commissioned by Catherine of Austria came from Venice.29 The project was finally completedbyOctoberof1572.                 Fig.7ViewofCatherineofAustria’sTomb. Fig.8Detailwithoneelephantcaryatid Photo:A.JordanGschwend. holdingCatherineofAustria’ssarcophagus  withtusksofrealivory.Photo:A.Jordan  Gschwend.  Throughout, Jeronimo de Ruão displays a preference for contrasting surface pattern and soberlinearity.Onbothsidesofthechapel,setintoindividualarcades,arefourpyramidaltombsin the form of classical sarcophagi made of colored marble (pink and gray), resting on dark grayishͲ green marble elephant caryatids with real ivory tusks (figs. 7Ͳ8). Each elephant wears a different trapping or caparison; all eight were carved between 1571 and 1572 (fig. 9).30 Set on top of the sepulchersaregiltbronzeroyalcrownsrestingonrealisticallycarvedmarblepillowswithfourtassels (fig. 10). Catherine’s decision to display Portuguese regalia resting on richly appointed pillows adornedwithtrompeͲl’oeiltextileswasborrowedfromHabsburgephemeralcatafalquesdisplayedat ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  215 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.9ViewofthepairofelephantcaryatidsofCatherineofAustria’s tomb.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.  Fig.10ViewofCatherineofAustria’sbronzeroyalcrownrestingabove hersarcophagus.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.   royalexequiesandfunerals,prefiguringtheadornmentoftheatricalBaroquefunerarymonuments withregalattributes.  Each tomb bears cenotaphs with panegyric inscriptions in Latin composed by the court humanistAndrédeResende(1498Ͳ1573)(fig.11).Facingthealtartotheleft(theGospelside)arethe remains of Manuel I and his second spouse, Maria of Castile (1482Ͳ1517), while to the right (the Epistle side) are those of his son John III and Catherine of Austria (see fig. 4). The queen had first planned to be buried with her husband on the Gospel side, which is considered more noble. However, her intentions were challenged by Cardinal Infante Henry, who claimed this privilege belongedexclusivelytohisfatherManuelIasfounderoftheJerónimosmonastery.Amarblealtar below the painted retable is encased with the same geometric patterns of circles, squares and lozenges, and the muted color schemes of pinks, grays and white used throughout the chapel. Its table was described, in this same 1572 anonymous account, as a large block of porphyry, a particularlyhard,expensivestoneusedsinceAntiquityforsepulchersandmausolea.However,this stoneisnotnativetoPortugalandtheauthormusthaveconfuseditwithdarkredmarble,purple beingacolorlongassociatedwithroyalty.   Fig.11CatherineofAustria’sepitaph,composedby AndrédeResende.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  216 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Thelateralchapelsinthetranseptflankingthecapelamoremulatetheseverestyleusedby Ruão for the main chapel. They postͲdate the commission issued by Catherine, who may not have evenenvisagedtheirconception,andbecamearepositoryforprincesoftheAvizroyalfamilyafter 1580. Ten tombs are set within niches, made with the same contrasting play of colored marble. Amongthoseburiedhereare:Sebastian,Catherine’sgrandson,JohnIII’sbrothers,CardinalInfante Henry, former Regent and King of Portugal, Infantes Luis, Ferdinand and Afonso, and two of Catherine’schildrenwhodiedinearlyinfancy.Thereissomeconfusionastothedatesofexecution of these lateral chapels and whether Ruão himself undertook this later project. They were built sometime between 1587 and 1591. These later sarcophagi with Latin inscriptions also rest upon identicalmarbleelephants,asinthecapelamor. The exterior of the capela mor is encased with a turreted square box with small round towers punctuated by small windows and a heavy bracketed cornice (figs. 12Ͳ13). Whether Ruão executedhisowndesignorcompletedonedrawnupearlierbyDiogodeTorralva(active1545Ͳ1566) hasremainedapointofcontention.Theoutsideechoestheinteriorsobrietyandisarchitectonically reminiscent of military structures, in particular towers. George Kubler dubbed this style the estilo chão,orplainstyle.Ruão’sintention,andtoadegreeCatherineofAustria’saspatron,wastoimpose dignity and majesty on the Jerónimos complex. By the midͲsixteenth century the Lisbon court evidently found the ornate Manueline style too outdated to convey the royal decorum and statelinessthequeenrequired.BoththeinteriorandexteriorofCatherine’scapelamordemonstrate a complete break with older traditions, and the integration of novel architectural ideals borrowed fromItalywasdeemedappropriatebyCatherine.31                 Fig.12Exteriorviewofthecapelamor.Photo:A.Jordan Gschwend. Fig.13Therearofthecapelamorwithits  fortified,towerͲlikeexteriorinastyle  GeorgeKublerdubbedtheestilochão.  Photo:A.JordanGschwend.   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  217 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Catherinerenouncedherregencyin1562.In1563PiusIVbestoweduponherthePapalrose, the highest recognition granted by the Church to a Renaissance queen. The rose, made of gold branchesoftenembellishedwithjewels,symbolizedChrist’sloveandpassion,andwasgivenonrare occasions to royal monarchs and queens for services to the Church, as a token of reverence and affection.Despiteher capacityforgovernment,especiallyduringherregency (1557Ͳ1562), andthe recognition granted her by the Papacy, in the late 1560s Catherine was determined to retire to a convent in Spain. In later letters to Pope Pius V of 1572 seeking his advice and support, Catherine confided in him, mentioning her discontent about residing in Portugal and her persistent wish to leave:‘tambemdasrazõesqueeutenhoparaviverdescontentoeintentar,eaindaefectuarqualquer mudança.’32Herearnestintenttorelocatetwoyearsearlierhadbeenfullysupportedbyhernephew inSpain,PhilipII,withwhomshecultivatedclosepersonalties.TheSpanishkinghadevenproposed variouslocationsforhisaunt,firstamongthemCarmonaandBaeza.33ThenTalaveraandOcañawere consideredoptimalcitiesforthequeen’snewresidence,andwhenCatherinefinallysettledforthe latterlocation,muchtoPhilip’ssatisfaction,shedecidedtotravelthereviathepilgrimagechurchof Guadalupe(Extremadura).34Theseplans soondisintegratedwhen newsofherimminentdeparture reachedgovernment,courtandchurchofficialsinPortugal.35Attheirinsistence,Catherineresigned herself to remaining in Portugal, removing herself to the Madre de Deus convent in Xabregas, determinedtocompletetheJerónimoschapelaccordingtohergrandiosevisionandintendingthis structure to be her last official undertaking as patron and queen. Despite her satisfaction with the building,thequeen’sdesiretoleavethekingdomofPortugalpersistedlongaftershehadcompleted herpantheon. A combination of motives lay behind Catherine’s rebuilding of the capela mor. Taking her auntMargaretofAustriaandBrouasoneexemplum,Catherinesoughttocreateherownmonument honoringherlatehusbandJohnIII,hisfatherManuelI,andtheAvisdynasty.Withhertomblocated in this sumptuous funerary chapel, Catherine also wished to glorify her Habsburg family. A third motive was to demonstrate her piety and her devotion to the religious order of the Hieronymites. The queen’s attachment to religious orders in Portugal throughout her reign,36 and in the closing years of her life to the Jeróminos monastery, did not differ from the devotion displayed by her HabsburgrelativesattheFlemishandSpanishcourts.HerbrotherCharlesVretiredtoaHieronymite monasteryatYuste,whichwasreconstructedtofithisspecificneedforadignifiedretreatandafinal restingplace.HernephewPhilipIIbuiltasuperlativeHabsburgpantheonattheEscorialmonastery, whileherniece,JuanaofAustria,conceivedtheideaofapersonaltombandmemorialencapsulated within the Convent of the Descalzas Reales in Madrid, which she founded in 1555 and whose institutional purpose was to be the leading spiritual center in Spain. In these monastic complexes Catherineandherimmediatefamilymadepublictheircommonconcernforsalvation,memoria,and remembrance. Above all, Catherine’s commission reaffirmed the original intentions of Manuel I, who transferredcontrolofthemonasteryin1496fromtheOrderofChristtotheHieronymites,building thechurchin1498.Fromtheoutsethevisualizedthecomplexasaroyalpantheonincombination with a symbolic, iconographical program that was implemented throughout.37 In the medieval interpretationofkingshipManuelimagedhimselfasanOldTestamentking,andmorespecificallyas DavidLusitanus.ThisideologywasappliedinthedecorationandsculpturalprogramoftheJerónimos cloister where the Portuguese were depicted as the newly elected people of God, who because of ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  218 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  their maritime achievements and conquests in Africa and Portuguese Asia were able to spread Christianitytotheendsoftheglobe.ThecloistersculpturesshowManuelasthetriumphantmessiah surrounded by Virtues and being promoted as the victorious leader of the quasiͲmythological and historicalexploitsofthePortuguesediscoverers.Hisearlypantheonwasintendedasadignifiedfinal resting place for himself and his illustrious royal dynasty. André de Resende’s Latin epitaph on Manuel I’s tomb reconfirms this ideology: ‘To whom—from the western sands to where the sun rises—extended the cult and knowledge of God. To whom so many subjugated kings relinquished theircrowns.Here,inthistomb,restsManueltheGreat.’ Inordertoensureeternalsalvation,Manuelstipulatedthatahundredmonksbededicated to the eternal service of the deceased royal souls. In her 1577 testament Catherine provided for merceeiros who would pray for her  after her death.38 Twenty people were appointed to the Jerónimos monastery for this purpose: courtiers with limited financial means were paid an annual rentof20,000reaistoprayforthesoulsoftheroyalfamily,withpreciseinstructionsstipulatedby the queen for the number of liturgical services and prayers to be said. The queen purchased land neartheJerónimosmonasteryforhermerceeiros,inordertohousetheminthevicinityandfacilitate the carrying out of the functions of their offices: ‘tambem se lhes daram pera sua habitação e morada casas convenientes no sitio que pera ellas tenho mandado comprar perto do mosteiro de Nossa Senhora de Beleem onde estão as sepulturas del rey meu senhor que Deus tem e minha.’ A plaque was hung in the sacristy listing all the perpetual masses and devotions to be said for the queenandJohnIII.Thus,therelationshipofthemainaltartotheroyaltombswasintendedtofulfill two functions: the service of God and the service of the dead. According to CounterͲReformation ideologyCatherineofAustriawascomplyingwithobjectiveslaiddownbytheCouncilofTrent:the intercessiononbehalfofthedeadandtheperpetualadorationofChristintheBlessedSacrament. The cult of the host gained momentum in Portugal precisely in this period. It was probably at this timethatJerónimoOsório(1506Ͳ1580),Bishopof Algarveand thequeen’s confessor,dedicatedto Catherine a treatise on the sacrifice of the mass, which the court humanist considered one of the mostprofoundmysteriesoftheChristianreligion,entitledBrevesumariodoqueaReligiãochristiana insinaaçercadosacrificiodamissa.39Catherine’sdevotiontotheEucharistwaswellknownamongst conventsandchurchesinLisbon,40especiallytheMadredeDeus,forwhichchurchthequeenmade graycurtainsembroideredwithgoldforthetabernaclewheretheBlessedSacramentwasreserved.41 Thememorializationofdeceasedroyals,withstatuesinperpetualprayer,withinthecontext ofahighaltarsanctuarywascertainlynotnovel,especiallyinfuneraryartinFrance,Italy,Austriaand Spain.ContemporaryexamplescanfoundontombswithgisantsoftheBurgundiancourt(Dijon),on the tomb of the recumbent Mary of Burgundy in Bruges, on the monument to Maximilian I at InnsbruckwithitslifeͲsizebronzeportrayalsofhisHabsburgancestors,ontheroyalFrenchtombsat St.Denis,attheCartuxadeMirafloresinBurgos,andintheCapillaRealinGranada.Ruão’spyramidal tombs show a conscious break with older traditions, rejecting representational jacent or orant effigies (with portraits) for severe, classical sarcophagi in keeping with the new, innovative type of sepulchersintroducedbyCatherine.TheelephantcaryatidsinBelémrecallthoseoftheSigismondo chapel in the Tempio Malatestiano in Rimini, which were designed by Alberti and executed by AgostinodiDucciobetween1446and1447(seefig.9).TheMalatestafamilyadoptedtheelephantas an emblem and devisa that appeared everywhere on family escutcheons, medals, and sarcophagi. Although this Italian precedence may have influenced the Lisbon tombs, whether Francisco de ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  219 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Holanda (1517Ͳ1584), who was familiar with Italian monuments, had any influence as an artistic advisor to the queen is difficult to confirm. Holanda has often been proposed as designer of the capela mor, because of his firstͲhand experience with contemporary Italian architecture and his position as courtierͲartist to Catherine of Austria. There is, however, no documentary evidence for his participation in this building project. During the period of the chapel’s construction, Holanda’s careerattheLisboncourtwaswaning,andin1572hesoughtapostfromPhilipIIofSpain,offering his services to the Spanish monarch through a letter of petition.42 Alberti’s De Re Aedificatoria, translated in 1551 by André de Resende upon the orders of John III, could equally well have transmitted ideas about the iconography and symbolism of the Malatestiano temple to the Lisbon court.43 IntheRenaissancetherepresentationoftheelephantasabeastofburden(withacastleon its back) was assimilated by the Western imagination as the beast of regal triumphs, a symbol of vanquishedmight.44InAntiquity,Romanimperialtriumphsinvariablyincludedelephants,andinthe sixteenth century ancient entries coupled with imperial imagery were enthusiastically revived. Manuel I paraded daily around Lisbon—in triumph—with his five Asian elephants and their Indian mahouts.45 Renaissance artists incorporated the timeͲhonored motif of the elephant as a worthy visual element for pageants and festivities. A series of Tournai tapestries depicting the Portuguese conquestsinIndiacommissionedbyManuelIin1510,whichincludeddepictionsofelephants,were usedasportableformsofvisualpropagandaforthenation’sachievementsinhisroyalresidences.46 TheConquestofIndiatapestrycyclewasthesinglemostimportantcommissionofhisreign,which celebratedthePortuguesediscoveryofIndiainthemannerofancientRomantrionfi.47 Elephants had played a fundamental role at the Portuguese court since the early sixteenth century, both for the image and the prestige of Lusitanian monarchs.48 Damião de Góis, the court humanist and chronicler of Manuel I’s life and reign, was truly impressed with the elephants that Indian kings and Ceylonese emperors sent to Manuel as tokens of respect and as tribute.49 In his writings he referred to these Lisbon elephants and especially to the spectacle they caused when paraded through the city streets. It is clear that Manuel’s pachyderms were a source of pride for Góis,whoviewedthemasphysicalmanifestationsoftheforeignlandsdiscoveredbythePortuguese. Catherine cultivated a special affinity for elephant imagery, often purchasing costly objects in the form of elephants for her Kunstkammer collection.50 Her fascination with elephants is further evidencedbythequantityofivoryobjectsfromCeylonandIndiaonceinhercollection;furthermore, asatokenofheraffectionshepresentedliveAsianelephantsasgiftstoherHabsburgrelativesfor their menageries in Spain and Austria. For the Portuguese court, the elephant represented the triumphant conquest of overseas territories. Not surprisingly, in Hindu culture the elephant was considered strictly the property of the king, a practice later adopted by the Portuguese monarchs, whoregardedthemselvesasrulersofempire. ElephanticonographypermeatedPortugal’sartisticcircles.In1571,inanefforttoboosthis career at court, Francisco de Holanda sent Sebastian a manuscript entitled Da fabrica que falece a cidade de Lisbon.51 In this treatise, the artist pleads with the young king to undertake certain architectural projects abandoned after John III’s death in 1557, which would transform Lisbon into thejewelofallcities.Holanda’sconceptionforafountainplacedneartheroyalpalace,thePaçoda Ribeira,builtbyManuelI,wasofanelephantwithacastleonitsback(fig.14). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  220 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    Fig.14FranciscodeHolanda,Drawingforafountainprojectedfortheship dockyardsofLisbon(Ribeiradosnaos)fromDaFabricaquefaleceLisboa,1571, BibliotecadaAjuda,Lisbon,Ms.51ͲIIIͲ9,f.18r.  DuringtheMiddleAgestheelephantalsobecamethetoposforthesymbolicbattlebetween good and evil; the death of the elephant was considered a prefiguration of Christ’s death on the cross. Combats between wild beasts were staged in Lisbon. The natural antipathy of wild animals provokeddebateatManuelI’scourt.Curiosityandaninterestinthewritingsofancientauthorssuch asPlinycombinedwiththedesiretoimitateanimalcombatsofancientRomeinspiredthestagingof abattleinJuneof1515betweenanelephantandarhinocerosfromCambay(thefirstseeninEurope sinceAntiquity),whichhadbeensenttoLisbonbythesultanofGujarat.Inacourtyardbetweenthe Lisbon royal palace and the Casa da India, the India customs house, this confrontation ended unexpectedlywiththeelephantfleeinginfrighttohisstablesatRossiosquare.Therhinoceroswas declared victorious by default. The Lisbon court fully appreciated the medieval moralization of the elephant’s virtues: power, might, diligence, sagacity, humility, and industry. This melding of pagan and Christian symbolism in the use of elephant caryatids for the capela mor was intentional on Catherine’spartandinkeepingwithManuelI’sideologyandherownlovefortheAsianpachyderms shecollected.  TheRetabloMor(1571Ͳ1572):LourençodeSalzedo Catherine of Austria’s close supervision of the painting of the altarpiece she commissioned forthecapelamorisdemonstratedbyaletterwrittenbyCatherinetoherambassadorinRome,João Telles de Meneses.52 In this missive dated 7 July 1571 the queen thanked the diplomat for assiduouslyexpeditingthedeliveryofthecolorsshehadrequested.Thiswasnotthefirsttimeinthe courseofthiscommissionthatthequeenwouldgotosuchlengthstoobtainqualitypigmentsfrom Italy. In reality the altarpiece took months to realize and Catherine’s concept underwent several stagesandtransformationsbeforereachingitsfinalandpresentstate. Forheroriginalaltarpiece,thequeenchosetoemulateherelderbrotherCharlesVandthe commissionhegaveTitian(ca.1488Ͳ1576)forthemonumentalLaGloriaaltarpiecedestinedforthe Yustemonasterychurch,todayintheMuseodelPrado(Madrid).53In1568Catherinecommissioned fromthesameVenetianmasterapaintingoftheFlagellationofChrist,whichisnowlostbutwhich wasrecordedinanengravingentitled,IlSemolei(fig.15)bytheVenetiandraughtsman,painterand ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  221 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  etcherBattistaFranco(ca.1510Ͳ1568?).GiorgioVasariwasthefirsttorelate,inthesecondeditionof hisVite,thatCatherineorderedfromTitianalargeͲscalepaintingofTheFlagellationofChristforthe Jerónimoschapel,whichVasaridescribedasexquisite:‘allareinadiPortogalloinunquadrofeceun Christo poco minore del vivo, battuto da’ giudei alla colonna, che è bellissimo.’54 This was the first ItalianRenaissancepaintingCatherineevercommissionedforaspecificlocationandwithaspecific purposeinmind,anditistellingthatshechoseTitian,CharlesV’sfavoritecourtpainter,toexecute forheranaltarpieceintendedforthemostsignificantprojectofherreign.Itequallyemphasizesthat thequeen’soriginalconceptionforthecapelamoraltarpiecewasradicallydifferentfromitspresent form. Her intention was to hang one single magnificent painting as the focal point of her austere chapel.Titian’sFlagellationreflectedCatherine’sdevotiontotheHoursoftheCrossandthePassion ofChrist.   Fig.15BattistaFranco(ca.1510Ͳ1568?),IlSemolei,TheFlagellation ofChrist,engravingafteralostTitian,Venice,1568,British Museum,London,inv.no.1874,0808.369. Catherine was greatly influenced by a contemporary manuscript from the hand of the Hieronymite priest and mystic Frei Miguel de Valença, Meditaciones sobre las horas de la Cruz. ValençabecamePrioroftheJerónimosmonasteryin1550,wherehededicatedhimselftostudyand meditation.Underhispriorship,andinlinewiththedictatesoftheCouncilofTrent,theimagingand iconographyofChristinthemonasterywasgivennewdirectionandsignificance.Valençamusthave encouraged the queen to present in the visual program of the altarpiece a more direct, accessible and straightforward image of Christ. Through information provided by agents or resident ambassadors in Italy, the Portuguese queen may well have been aware of a contemporary commissionforaTransfigurationofChristexecutedbyTitianfortheChurchofSanSalvadorinVenice anddatedaround1560(fig.16),the TransfigurationbeingaChristologicalthemewhich dealswith the dual nature of Christ as God and man.55 The dedication of this church to the divine nature of ChristasSaviorprovidedthejustificationforTitian’sextraordinarilylargepainting(245x295cm)at themainaltarformingthecentralfocusofthechurch(fig.17).Thismonumentalcanvasissetintoan elaborate marble tabernacle, recalling a smallͲscale monstrance containing the Holy Eucharist. Evidently, Catherine had envisaged, if not the identical theme, a similar concept and manner of presentation for her commission of the Flagellation for the capela mor, probably at the advice of Titianhimself. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  222 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM    Fig.16Titian,Transfiguration,ChurchofSanSalvador,Venice. Photo:publicdomain.    Fig.17InteriorviewoftheChurchofSanSalvadorwiththemain altar,Venice.Photo:publicdomain.  For inexplicable reasons, however, Titian’s Flagellation never reached Lisbon, and it is not known if the queen ever expressed regrets about Titian being unable to complete her altarpiece. Why the Flagellation remained in Titian’s workshop, and why Catherine never received it, is enigmatic.56TheanswermaylieinthefactthatTitianandhisstudioassistantswereextremelybusy in1568completinganumberofotherpaintingsfortheSpanishcourt,whichtookpriority,including thecolossalMartyrdomofSt.LawrenceforPhilipIIandtheEscorialmonastery,whichisstillinsitu. ThesecommissionsforSpainmadeitimpossibleforTitiantofulfilCatherine’swishesatthisjuncture, let alone to have the time needed to complete a gigantic altarpiece for the Jerónimos chapel. But whohadguidedandadvisedCatherinetoorderatourͲdeͲforcepaintingbyTitian?Onepossibilityis thathersister,MaryofHungary(1505Ͳ1558),oneofTitian’sforemostpatrons,mayhaveintroduced thePortuguesequeentotheVenetianmasterbeforeherdeathin1558. Mary’sowncourtportraitbyTitian,ofwhichCatherineownedareplicainherportraitgallery intheLisbonroyalpalace,visuallyemphasizedherpoliticalroleasregentoftheLowCountries.No ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  223 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  longer extant but known through copies, it was executed in Augsburg in 1548 and depicts Mary dressed in widow’s weeds standing in front of a column, a pictorial allusion to Charles V and his emblemofthetwincolumnsofHercules(NonPlusUltra).57Maryspecificallychosetomoldherselfin the likeness of her widowed aunt Margaret of Austria, selfͲimaging herself as a loyal servant dedicated to the rule of the Habsburg dynasty. This Titian portrait was a conscious commission, a political move by Mary, who chose to have herself portrayed both as a pious widow and as a stateswomanengagedinHabsburgcourtpoliticsanddiplomacy. CatherinewasnotaconnoisseurofItalianpainting,nordidshecollectthekindofItalianart works, sculpture or antiquities so avidly sought by contemporary princes, collectors and her sister Mary. An introduction to Titian through Mary of Hungary is quite plausible. An important link between the Habsburg court in Flanders and Portugal was cultivated through the relationship of MaryandCatherine.DocumentsintheLisbonarchivehavedisclosedthatthesesisters,whonever met, maintained close contact, exchanging ideas on artistic and political matters.58 Gifts, court portraits, Flemish tapestries, slaves, and exotica from Portuguese Asia were reciprocated between the two siblings. Catherine’s patronage reflects patterns of collecting and modes of patronage established by Mary in Flanders.59 Catherine’s preference for Flemish art works and craftsmen reflectstheguidinginfluenceofthissister,60butinthecaseoftheJerónimosaltarpiece,aVenetian— Titian—wasconsideredbyCatherine,underMary’sinfluence,tobeamoresuitablechoice. WhilefewartworkswithanItalianprovenancewererecordedinCatherine’scollectionand Kunstkammer,Flemishtapestries,paintingsandobjectswerepresent.61Throughherclosetieswith thePapalcourt,CatherinedidreceivegiftsfromtheVatican,asinJanuary1577,whenacasketfullof Agnus Dei was sent by the Pope to the queen.62 Only one painting from Rome is documented in Catherine’sprivatechapelintheLisbonroyalpalace:themiraculousimageoftheVirginfromSanta MariaMaggiore,commissionedbyFranciscodeBorjain1569forthequeen.OrwasitCharlesVwho inspiredhisyoungersistertothinkofTitianasthepainterforheraltarpiece?Catherineidolizedher brother and knew many details of his living arrangements and daily life at Yuste. From courtiers whomshesentalmostonadailybasistovisitherbrothershewaswellͲinformedabouttheemperor hearingmassfromhisquarters,withadirectview ofthehighaltarintheYustemonasterychurch where Titian’s La Gloria hung. Despite the emperor’s predilection for Flemish tapestries, portraits andpaintings,hisrespect andadmirationfortheVenetianpainterwascelebratedat hiscourtand amonghisfamily. CircumstancesinTitian’scareerandworkshopforcedCatherinetobeginanewsearchfora newconceptforheraltarpieceandforasuitablepainterofquality.63Atthisjunctureshehopedto securetheservicesoftheSpaniardGasparBecerra(†1568),whowasengagedintheserviceofher niece, Juana of Austria in Madrid, or of the Fleming Frans Floris (1519Ͳ1570), through the intervention of her nephew Philip II and her ambassador in Spain, Francisco Pereira. However, Becerra had recently passed away and the queen was unaware that Floris resided in Flanders. Consequently, Catherine next solicited her nephew and her court diplomat Pereira to obtain the services of the Italian painter Francesco da Urbino (†1592), who was then working at the Escorial monastery,butthistooendedinanimpasse.Catherine’sextendedsearchfinallyledhertosettlefor apainterwhowasactiveatherowncourt—herlastchoiceforreasonsofnecessityandtime—andof Spanish origin (from Seville), Lourenço de Salzedo (ca. 1530Ͳ1577).64 He subsequently designed an ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  224 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  altarpieceradicallydifferentfromheroriginalmasterpiece,thegrandiosebutminimalistconception tohavebeenexecutedbyTitian.Salzedo’sretable,morecomplexindesign,ismadeupoffivepanels superimposed on two levels with Scenes of the Life of Christ, mirroring the notion of a universal ChristianmonarchycultivatedattheLisboncourt.65 Once the queen had committed herself to Salzedo, she went, as discussed above, to great lengths to obtain for him the best artist’s materials and pigments from Italy and from Spain, as recently discovered archival documents reveal. Catherine had no intention of leaving any detail to chance, as she expected her memorial to last forever. From two surviving letters,66 we know she closelysupervisedSalzedo’saltarpiece,havingwrittenherambassadorinRomeasearlyasFebruary of 1571 to secure quality pigments, ordering him to send these as quickly as possible to Lisbon.67 TimewasoftheessenceforCatherine,andwhenthoseexpectedfromItalyhadinJune1571notyet arrived in Portugal, she then requested Juan de Borja, the Castilian ambassador in Portugal, to intervenewithhernephewPhilipII.68ThediplomatinturnaskedtheSpanishking’ssecretary,Gabriel Zayas,toorganizethepigmentsCatherineneededforheraltarpieceandtoadvisehimoftheircost andexpense: LaReynamemandoquedesuparteescrivieseaV.M.yleenbiaselamemoriaqueconesta vadeçiertascoloresqueamenesterparaelRetabloquemandapintarembelenparaquesi aylashuviereV.M.lasmandecomprarylasenbieavisandodeloquecuestanparaqueayse denluegolosdinerosynoallandoseacomprarsepidanasuMagestat[PhilipII]delasque sus pintores tienen / su Alteza a muchos dias que tiene escrito por ellas a Italia y no se las [han]enbiadoyaquitienenyaneçesidaddeellas. WhenZayasdidnotimmediatelyreactandrespond,Borjaremindedhimagaininasecondletterof theimportanceofthesecolorsforthequeen’sJerónimosaltarpiece:‘lascoloresmemandoLaReyna [Catherine]quetornaseaacordaraV.M.escosadequesuAltezallevamuchogustoporserparael monasterio de belen.’ Shortly after, Philip II sent word to Lisbon agreeing to help his aunt obtain pigmentsthroughhissquadronofItalianandforeignpaintersworkingattheEscorial.Muchtothe queen’s dismay and outrage, however, the courier organized by her Portuguese ambassador in Castile encountered problems en route to Lisbon and her package with colors was mistakenly confiscatedbycustomofficialsnearBadajoz,inAlbuquerque(intheExtremadura).69Thismishapof coursecausedmoreunexpecteddelays,asJuandeBorjadulyreportedbacktoZayas: Elcorreoquetruxolas[cartas]de26[deJunio]queesunoque despacho el embaxadorde portugalquesellamaPintomedixocomometrayaunemboltorioqueV.M.ledioelqualle tomaronenAlburquerquecomoV.M.loveraporlacartadeGasparRamirezqueconestava estoy con muy gran cuydado de saber lo que era aunque tengo por çierto que seran las colores que su Magestad [Philip II] enbia a la Reyna lo qual me pareze que es ya tanta desverguençaqueyonosecomollevarloyconfiesoaV.M.quehetenidoquehazercomigo elholvidarlatierraadondenaçiporquenosecosaquesellevepeorquesinjustiçiaarmada laReynaquedamuyescandaliçadaytantoquequeriaenbiaruncriadosuyoaquexarsede todosestos.70 Philip II again had to intervene and promised to remedy the matter and punish the official responsibleforthisblunder.Oncematterswereresolved,thepigmentsfinallyarrivedattheLisbon ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  225 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  courtandthemoniesforpaymentwereforwardedtoSpain.71Catherine’sartisticexchangewithher nephew at this date was a fruitful one and demonstrates that identical pigments were used for frescoesattheEscorialandforthealtarpieceoftheJerónimoscapelamor,thuscreatingasymbolic link, through color and paint, between these two representative churches and their pictorial decoration. InasecondseriesoflettersfromLisbon,BorjainformedGabrielZayasofawoodenwriting desk, perfumes and gloves that Catherine had sent to the king’s secretary for his invaluable assistance with the purchase of the pigments.72 In equal gratitude, the queen sent her nephew a numberofgifts,amongthemchurchvestmentsandpaliosfortheEscorialmonasterythatshehad personallyembroideredin1575,forwhichPhilipwasmostgratefulbecausetheyweremadebyhis aunt,‘kissingherhandsmanytimes’forthem.73 TheneedfornotimetobelostinthecompletionofthealtarpiecewasduetoCatherine’s advancedageandfragilehealthatthisdate.Thiswascompoundedbythefactthatherrelationswith her grandson Sebastian had disintegrated, both personally and politically. In a letter Catherine addressed to Sebastian in 1571 she justified her reasons for moving to Spain, complaining that he neverresidedinLisbonwhenshedid,andstatingthatbecauseoftheirestrangementshepreferred toburyherselfalive(‘enterrarseviva’)inaconvent.74InanotherlettertoJerónimoOsório,Bishopof Algarve, she confessed that her departure would be a wakeͲup call for the country: ‘desejo de ser com minha ida hun despertador.’75 Just before the Jerónimos chapel and altarpiece were even completed,thequeenagainmadeseriousmovestoretiretoaconventinSpain,makingitimperative forherthattheJerónimosprojectbeterminatedbeforeherintendeddeparture.BoththeJerónimos project and the continuous strife with her grandson had left the queen tired and exhausted. In a personal note to Philip II, Catherine confirmed she would retire to the Madre de Deus convent foundedbyheraunt,ManuelI’ssister,theDowagerQueenLeonor,andthatshewouldresideinher aunt’sformerquarters.76Thecapelamoraltarpiecehadtakenitstoll:ithadbeenalongjourneyfrom Titian to Salzedo. The queen, worn down by the tense political situation at the Lisbon court, was mostpleasedtoseethecompletionofherchapel,asJuandeBorjareportedtoPhilipIIinOctoberof 1572:‘alacapillanuevaquelaReynaleshahechoenBelen,hizoseconmuchasolemnidad,yestaya lacapillaacabadaypuestaensuperfeçion,esunedifiçiomuyparaver,quedolaReynamuycontenta dehaverledadofin.’77 TheJerónimosaltarpiecewasfirstattributedtoLourençodeSalzedobyBaptistadeCastroin hisseventeenthͲcenturyaccountofthemonastery.Atotaloffivepanelsdepictscenesfromthelife ofChristwithtwothemesthatwhichunderscorethehumananddivinenature.Oneithersideofthe altar are paintings of the Adoration of the Magi, while above the altar are three scenes from the PassionofChrist(fig.18aͲb).Thesequenceofthetwolastsceneswasdeliberatelyinverted,sothat oneseesfromlefttoright,ChristcarryingtheCross,thentheDescentfromtheCrossandthenthe Flagellation. The representation of Christ’s dead body, which normally follows the Flagellation, visually dominates the central area, directly above the altar, and serves as an antithesis to the paintingbelow,nowlost,oftheinfantChrist,thenewMessiah,inthemangerbeingworshippedby oneofthekneelingMagi:Caspar,theeldestofthethree.Totherightofthelostcentralpanel,each withhisretinue,areBalthasar,theblackAfrican,andtotheleftMelchior(orBelchior,theyoungest ofthethree),towhomSalzedogavetheidealizedappearanceofthelatekingJohnIII.Theblackking ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  226 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  is realistically portrayed and may have been a realͲlife portrait of one the numerous slaves (some manumitted) employed in Catherine’s household.78 Balthasar wears the turban and cloak of an easternpotentateasheoffersthechildaluxuriousgoldvessel.Theseatedmaleandfemalefigures to left of Melchior are very sculptural in appearance, particularly in their poses and drapery, reflecting the impact of the Roman school of painting represented by Michelangelo and Giulio Romano,andSalzedo’sexposuretotheseartistsduringhisinfluentialperiodofresidenceinRome.79 Melchiorisprecededbyapagecarryingacasket,dressedasanOldTestamentkingandwearinga crown.TheelementsofexoticismusuallydepictedwiththethreeMagi—camels,tigers,leopards— wereeliminatedinthispanel,beingreplacedbytherealisticportrayaloftwoAsianelephantsinthe rightbackground,sharingawaterfountainwithmules. The decision to juxtapose the Adoration of the Magi with the Life of Christ was deliberate andSalzedo’sFlagellationwasevidentlycommissionedbyCatherinetoreplacethepaintingshehad expectedfromTitian.IntheLateMiddleAgesthethreeMagicametorepresentthethreepartsof theknownworld:Europe,AfricaandAsia.TheluxurioussymbolicgiftsbroughttotheChristchild— frankincense (homage to Christ’s divinity), myrrh (used for embalming), gold (symbol of Christ’s kingship)—foreshadow his death on the cross. The theme of the Adoration of the Magi essentially representedthesubjugationoftemporalpowerstotheauthorityofGodandtheChurch.Inkeeping withCatherineofAustria’sbeliefsandCounterͲReformationphilosophy,theultimatepurposeofher chapelwastheworshipofChristintheEucharist,visuallyreinforcedbythebodyofthedeadChrist dominatingthepaintedspaceabovethealtar.  ThepresbyterywasconsideredthesymboliccenteroftheBlessedSacrament.Theprincipal themestressedhereisthevenerationoftheCrossandtheEucharistintheformofChrist’sbodyand blood.DevotiontotheEucharistbecameaformoffamilypietyinstitutionalizedbytheBurgundian andHabsburgcourts.80Piety,asCatherinefullyappreciated,wasavirtueclaimedbytheHabsburgs asaninalienablebirthrightofthefamily,andtheEucharistwasadoptedasanamuletandtalismanof the Habsburg dynasty. The image of the Holy Cross and Eucharist became potent politicoͲreligious symbolsrepresentingthesacrosanctnatureofHabsburgpower,whichCatherinetransposedtoher chapel.      ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  227 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM                          Fig.18LourençodeSalzedo,mainaltarpiece,CapelaMor, JerónimosMonastery,Belém.Photo:LuísPavão.  The Christological themes of passion and death in the altarpiece, highlighting Christ’s dual natureashumananddivine,werecarefullyselectedandintentionallyjuxtaposedwiththeMagiasa prefigurationofthesalvationofmankind.Theentireconceptionandiconographicalprogramofthe capelamorandtheretablewithitspictorialprogramrevolvedaroundthemass,whichwasoffered both for Christ and for the deceased members of the royal family. The symbols of majesty representedbytheactualdeadbodiesofthemonarchsandtheirqueens,placeddiscreetlyoneither side of the chapel and reposing in severe classical sarcophagi set upon elephant caryatids, were subjecttotheglorificationofChrist.Bothterrestrialand celestialpowersare honoredhere,asare the immortality and divine character of kingship. This notion was reinforced by the now lost iron balustersandgratesthatonceseparatedtheAvizmonarchs,thechosenrepresentativesofGodon earth,fromtherestoftheChurchandhumanity.ManuelI’sideologyreflectedinthedecorationof thecloistersculminateshereinCatherine’sagendaforthecapelamor:theJerónimoscomplexhad notonlybeendedicatedbyManueltotheVirginMary,butalsototheThreeMagi. Thereisnodoubtthatthisaltarpiecewasconceivedofwithitsarchitecturalcontextinmind. Catherine’s letters to Rome reconfirm that Salzedo had begun painting the retable in February of 1571, precisely when construction of the chapel was nearing completion. Details in the formal composition of the altarpiece show that Salzedo allowed himself to be dictated to by its structural andarchitectonicframe.Certainelementsvisuallyandillusionisticallyunitethetwopaintedcycles: the background pilaster in the panel of Melchior is placed directly underneath the column in the Flagellationabove.ThesmalllandscapewithChristcarryingtheCrossispreciselyrepeatedbelowin theMelchiorpanel.Thenumerousfiguresareunusuallylarge,placedclosetotheforegroundplane, ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  228 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  filling the entire scene. There is little room for any progression into background space and for extraneous details. The objective was to render the figures as large as possible, in order that they might be seen from a greater distance, particularly since the chapel was once divided from the church. Salzedo intentionally painted the Magi as bulky giants (colossi), while Christ appears more delicateandslender. Salzedo adhered to the strict, cohesive symmetry of the chapel. There is uniformity in its simplicity, both in the architecture and in the altarpiece. It appears that Catherine of Austria informedherselfofcurrentaesthetictrendsimportedfromItalyandconsciouslyappliedthesetothe capela mor. Decorum and gravitas are emphasized throughout, in conformity with CounterͲ Reformationthought,butwhoadvisedandguidedher?CouldithavebeentheintellectualSpanish Ambassador,JuandeBorja,whowasveryclosetothequeenandwhoobservedthebuildingofthe capelamorateverystage?OrwasitSalzedo,whohadlivedforaconsiderableperiodinRome?The modelsforthefigureswereadaptedfromcontemporaryItalianart,andthestrongandevenlighting projects a sense of realism and monumentality. The red, blue, and yellow palette is strident, emulatingin certainareasthecompositionsandcolorschemesfavoredbysuchcontemporariesas ParmigianinoandSebastianodelPiombo,whosealtarpiecesand paintingswereavidlycollectedby Spanish nationals residing in Rome. Despite his erstwhile ‘rival’ Titian, Salzedo fulfilled Catherine’s patronagerequirements,andwasequallyableunderpressuretocompletethealtarpiecewithinthe queen’srestrictivetimeframe.DespiteCatherine’sneedfornotimetobelost,hisretablebrokewith tradition, innovatively keeping in line with Italianizing influences which appeared in Portuguese paintinginthethirdquarterofthesixteenthcentury.Salzedo,thoughobviouslynotofthecaliberof Titian or del Piombo, nevertheless satisfied the queen’s requirements, finding pictorial solutions which satisfied his demanding patron. The capela mor with the Salzedo altarpiece prefigured the stylisticandaesthetictendenciesthatoccurredslightlylater(after1576)atthecourtofPhilipII,and whichmanifesteditselfattheEscorialmonasteryinthepaintingsandfrescoesemulatingtheRoman schoolofpaintingbyPellegrinoTibaldi,LucaCambiaso,FederigoZuccaroandRomuloCincinnato.81  TheQueen’sFuneralandExequies:February1578 ArareaccountofCatherine’sdeathandfuneralceremony,theonlyonetohavesurvived,can be found in the Archivio Segreto in the Vatican. The Papal Nuncio in Portugal, Roberto Fontana, summarized these events in two letters he wrote to Cardinal Como in Rome on 7 February 1578. Catherine’shealthhaddeterioratedtosuchadegreethattwodaysbeforeshehadbeengiventhe lastrites.Then,intheearlymorninghoursofFebruary6,accordingtoFontana,thequeendiedwith greatpain,passingintoabetterworld:‘equestanotteèpassataamegliorvita,congrandolore.’82 KingSebastianwaspresentandretiredafterwardstotheConventofS.FranciscoinXabregas,aswas the Cardinal Infante Henry, who went to the Madre de Deus convent adjacent to the queen’s residence.FontanafurtherexplainedtoCardinalComohowthequeen’ssepulcherwaslocatedmany leagues from Xabregas, in the capela mor of the Jerónimos monastery, which she had built for herself,herhusbandandherchildren:‘moltilegati[...]lasuaseputturaellastessagiàsilehaveva preparatanelleCapellaMaggioredellaChiesadiBelemmonasteriodimonachedeS.Geronimodove tuvo parimente quelle de suo Marito e figliuoli.’ On the morning and evening of February 6, processions and orations were held throughout the city of Lisbon. In his second letter, Fontana ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  229 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  relates how that same evening Catherine’s body was carried to her sepulcher at Belém on a litter coveredwithblackvelvet,decoratedwithawhitecross,infrontofwhichmarchedmanynoblemen, courtiers and members of the Confraternity of the Misericordia.83 This group was followed by one hundredfriars,eachcarryingatorch,andtheroyalfamilyonhorsebacksurroundingthefuneralbier. Catherine’schiefladyͲinͲwaitingwalkedbehindthebier,withtheArchbishopTeotónioofBraganza and a great multitude of gentlemen and courtiers on horseback. Other participants, priests and clergymenwentaheadtoBelém,towaitatthedooroftheJerónimoschurchforthearrivalofthe Count of Vimioso and three other principal officials of the realm. When Catherine’s funeral processionarrived,theceremonyandofficesbegan,lastingwellpastmidnight.FrayLuisdeGranada (1504Ͳ1588),Catherine’sspiritualadvisorandconfessor,deliveredtheprincipalsermon,whichwas wellreceivedbythosepresent.InitGranadaeulogizedthevirtuesofthedeceasedqueen,comparing herreligiositytothatofacanonizedsaint:‘predicó[...]congranencarecimientodelasvirtudesdela Reina,quehayaGloria.’84 In her own testament, Catherine of Austria requested that she be buried in her sepulcher with the ‘accompaniment and funereal pomp normally observed for the burial of the kings and queensofthiskingdom.’85Hersoleconcernwasthatherfuneralexequiesshouldnotbeexcessivein displayandspectacle;accordingly,asnotedbytheCastiliancourtierinLisbonJuandeSilva,although ‘celebrated with pomp, they were less sumptuous than those observed at the Madrid court’.86 CatherineofAustriawasthuslaidtorestinhersplendidtombwiththesamemajesty,restraintand decorumwithwhichshehadlivedherlife.Her‘incomparablequeenlyvirtues,pioussoulandsingular prudence’ were praised and memorialized in her epitaph composed by André de Resende (see fig. 11).87   Bibliography Alves,JosédaFelicidade,OMosteirodeJerónimos.I.ͲDescriçãoeevocação(Lisbon,1989).  Alves,JosédaFelicidade,OMosteirodeJerónimos.II.ͲDescriçãoeevocação(Lisbon,1991).  As Gavetas do Torre do Tombo, Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 12 vols. (Lisbon, 1960Ͳ 1977).(http://digitarq.dgarq.gov.pt/details?id=4185743).  Azcárate,J.M.,‘LosenterramientosrealesenElEscorial’,Goya,56Ͳ57(1963),pp.130വ39.  BaptistaPereira,F.A.,‘OretratodeD.SebastiãodoMuseuNacionaldeArteAntiga’,Prelo,11(1986), pp.53വ66.  Brantôme, Pierre de Bourdeille, Seigneur de, Recueil des dames, poésies et tombeaux, ed. Etienne Vaucheret(Paris,1991).  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  230 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Bohde,Daniela,‘Titian’sthreeͲaltarprojectintheVenetianchurchofSanSalvador:strategiesofselfͲ representation by members of the Scuola Grande di San Rocco’, Renaissance Studies, 15, 4 (2001), pp.450വ72.  Bouza,Fernando,CartasdeFelipeIIasushijas(Madrid,1998).  Bouza, Fernando, Imagen y Propaganda. Capítulos de historia cultural del reinado de Felipe II (Madrid,1998b). Carpino, A., ‘Margaret of Austria’s Funerary Complex at Brou. Conjugal Love, Political Ambition, or PersonalGlory’,inWomenandArtinEarlyModernEurope.Patrons,CollectorsandConnoisseurs,ed. CynthiaLawrence(UniversityPark,Penn.,1997),pp.37വ52. Carvalho,A.,Marquesde,DoMosteirodosJerónimos(Lisbon,1990).  Chiari,MariaAgnese,IncisionidaTiziano.CatalogodelfondograficoastampadelMuseoCorrer (Venice,1982).  IVCentenariodelMonasteriodeElEscorial,4vols.(Madrid,1986).  ChuecaGoitia,Fernando,Casasrealesenmonasteriosyconventosespañoles(Madrid,1987). Deswarte,Sylvie,Lesenluminuresdela‘LeituraNova’1504Ͳ1552.Étudesurlacultureartistiqueau Portugalautempsdel’humanisme(Paris,1977).  Deswarte, Sylvie, ‘De l’embleématique à l’espionage: autour de D. Juan de Borja, ambassadeur espagnol au Portugal’, in As Relações Artisticas entre Portugal e Espanha na Época dos Descobrimentos.IISimpósioLusoͲEspanholdeHistóriadaArte(Coimbra,1987),pp.147വ83.  Deswarte,Sylvie,‘EspoirsetDéséspoirsdel’InfantD.Luis’,MareLiberum,3(1991),pp.243വ98.  Deswarte,Sylvie,IdeiaseImagensemPortugalnaépocadosDescobrimentos(Lisbon,1992).  Deswarte,Sylvie,‘FranciscodeHolandaeoMosteirodeSantaMariadeBelem’,inJerónimos.Quatro SeculosdePintura,ed.AnísioFranco(Lisbon,1992),pp.40വ67.  Deswarte, Sylvie, ‘Le Panthéon royal de Belém’, in Demeures d’éternité. Églises et chapelles funérairesauxXVeetXVIesiècles,ed.JeanGuillaume(Paris,2005),pp.157വ98.  Eichberger, Dagmar, ed., Women of Distinction. Margaret of York/Margaret of Austria (Leuven, 2005).  FerreiradeAndrade,ManuelVaz,PaláciosreaisdeLisboa(Lisbon,2nded.,1990).  Franco,Anísio,‘2oNúcleo.AreconstruçãodacapelaͲmorpelaRainhaDonaCatarina’,inJerónimos. QuatroSéculosdePintura,ed.AnísioFranco(Lisbon,1992),pp.70വ71. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  231 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Giesey,Ralph,Leroinemeurtjamais.LesobsèquesroyalesdanslaFrancedelaRenaissance(Paris, 1987).  Haupt,Albrecht,AArquitecturadoRenascimentoemPortugal(Lisbon,1986).  Heckscher,William,‘Bernini’sElephantandObelisk’,ArtBulletin,29(1947),pp.155വ82.  Hirsch,ElizabethFeist,DamiäodeGois.TheLifeandThoughtofaPortugueseHumanist.1502Ͳ1574 (TheHague,1967).  Hofmann,Christina,DasSpansicheHofzeremoniellvon1500Ͳ1700(FrankfurtͲBern,1985).  Jordan, Annemarie, ‘Portuguese Royal Collections (1505Ͳ1580): A Bibliographic and Documentary Survey’(master’sthesis,GeorgeWashingtonUniversity,1985). Jordan,Annemarie,‘TheDevelopmentofCatherineofAustria'sCollectionintheQueen’sHousehold: ItsCharacterandCost’(doctoralthesis,BrownUniversity,1994). Jordan,Annemarie,RetratodeCorteemPortugal.OLegadodeAntónioMoro(1552Ͳ1572)(Lisbon, 1994b). Jordan,Annemarie,‘PortugueseRoyalCollectingafter1521:thechoicebetweenFlandersandItaly’, inCulturalLinksbetweenPortugalandItalyintheRenaissance,ed.K.J.P.Lowe(Oxford,2000),pp. 265വ93. Jordan, Annemarie, Catarina de Áustria. A rainha colecionadora (Lisbon, 2012). (http://rainhasdeportugal.blogspot.ch/). Jordan Gschwend, Annemarie, ‘Catherine of Austria and a Habsburg Relic for the Monastery of Valbemfeito,Obidos’,JournaloftheHistoryofCollections,2(1990),pp.187വ98. Jordan Gschwend, Annemarie, ‘A Crystal Elephant from the Kunstkammer of Catherine of Austria‘, JahrbuchderKunsthistorischenSammlungeninWien,87(1991),pp.121വ26. JordanGschwend,Annemarie,‘ACapelaͲMor:umpanteãorealparaadinastiadeAvis’,inJerónimos. QuatroSéculosdePintura,ed.AnísioFranco(Lisbon,1992),pp.70വ90. Jordan Gschwend, Annemarie, ‘Lisbon: Between Spices and Diamonds, 1500 to 1700’, The Court Historian,3,1(March1998),pp.16–23. Jordan Gschwend, Annemarie, ‘La Capela Real del Palazzo Reale di Lisbona: Politica, Dottrina, Ceremoniale e Committenza Religiosa alla Corte di Giovanni III e Caterina d’Austria’, in Maria di Portogallo, sposa di Alessandro Farnese. Principessa di Parma e Piacenza dal 1565 al 1577, ed. GiuseppeBertini(Parma,2001),pp.27വ81.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  232 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Jordan Gschwend, Annemarie, ‘The Portuguese Quest for Exotic Animals’, in Triumphal Procession withGiraffes.ExoticAnimalsattheServiceofPower/CortejoTriunfalcomGirafas.Animaisexóticos aoserviçodopoder,ed.JessicaHallett(Lisbon,2009),pp.32വ42.  JordanGschwend,Annemarie,‘ReliquiasdelosHabsburgoyconventosportugueses.El patronazgo religioso de Catalina de Austria’, in V centenario de la llegada de la reina Juana I a Tordesillas. CongresointernacionaldeArteehistoria,ed.M.A.Zalama(Valladolid,2010),pp.215വ38. (http://arteysociedad.blogs.uva.es/files/2012/09/13ͲJORDAN.pdf). Jordan Gschwend, Annemarie and Beltz, Joahnnes, eds., Elfenbeine aus Ceylon: Luxusgüter für KatharinavonHabsburg(1507Ͳ1578),exhibitioncatalogue,MuseumRietberg(Zurich,2010). Jordan Gschwend, Annemarie, The Story of Süleyman. Celebrity Elephants and other Exotica in RenaissancePortugal(ZurichͲPhiladelphia,2010b).(http://suleymantheelephant.ch/).  Kantorowicz, Ernst, The King’s Two Bodies. A Study in Medieval Political Thought (Princeton, N. J., 1981).  King, Margaret, ‘Virgo et Virago. Women and High Culture’, Women of the Renaissance (Chicago, 1991),pp.157വ239.  Kubler, George, Portuguese Plain Architecture. Between Spices and Diamonds 1521Ͳ1706 (Middletown,Ct.,1972).  Lawrence,Cynthia,‘Introduction’,inWomenandArtinEarlyModernEurope.Patrons,Collectorsand Connoisseurs,ed.CynthiaLawrence(UniversityPark,Penn.,1997),pp.1വ20.  LlanosyTorriglia,Félix,ContribuciónalestudiodelareinadePortugal,DoñaCatalina,hermanade CarlosV(Madrid,1923). Lowe, Kate, ‘Rainha D. Leonor of Portugal’s Patronage in Renaissance Florence and Cultural Exchange’,inCulturalLinksbetweenPortugalandItalyintheRenaissance,ed.K.J.P.Lowe(Oxford, 2000),pp.226വ48. Lunenfeld,Marvin,‘IsabellaofCastileandtheCompanyofWomeninPower’,HistoricalReflections/ ReflectionsHistoriques,4(1977),pp.207വ29. Lunenfeld, Marvin, ‘The Royal Image: Symbol and Paradigm in Portraits of Early Modern Female SovereignsandRegents’,GazettedesBeauxArts,97(April1981),pp.157വ62. MartínGonzález,JuanJosé,‘ElpanteóndeSanLorenzodelEscorial’,Goya,56Ͳ57(1963),pp.140വ47. Moreira, Rafael, ‘A Ermida da Nossa Senhora da Conceição, Mausoleu de D. João III?’, Boletim CulturaleInformativodaCâmaraMunicipaldeTomar,1,(1981),pp.93വ100. Moreira,Rafael,Jerónimos(Lisbon,1987). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  233 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Moreira,Rafael,‘OCadeiraldosJerónimos’,inORostodeCamõeseoutrasimagens(Lisbon,1989), pp.6വ11. Moreira, Rafael, ‘A Arquitectura do renascimento no Sul de Portugal. A Encomenda Régia entre o ModernoeoRomano’(doctoralthesis,UniversidadeNovadeLisboa,1991). Moser,Jorgede,‘LourençodeSalzedo,PintordaRainhaD.Catarina’,BoletimdoMuseuNacionalde ArteAntiga,11,1(1950),pp.27വ31. Mulcahy, Rosemarie, ‘A la mayor gloria de Dios y el Rey’. La decoración de la Real Basílica del MonasteriodeElEscorial(Madrid,1992). Orso, Steven, Art and Death at the Spanish Habsburg Court. The Royal Exequies for Philip IV (Columbia,Mo.,1989).  Oriol e Trindade, António de, ‘Jerónimo de Ruão e o programa arquitectónico da capelaͲmor do MosteirodeSantaMariadeBelém’,inOLargoTempodoRenascimento.Arte,PropagandaePoder, eds.MaríaJoséRedondoCanteraandVítorSerrão(Lisbon,2008),pp.459വ534.  OstenSacken,Corneliavon,ElEscorial.EstudioIconológico(Madrid,1984).  Pereira,Paulo,AObraSilvestreeaEsferadoRei.IconologiadaArquitecturaManuelinanaGrande Estremadura(Lisbon,1991).  Pinheiro,Antonio,Summariodapregaçamfunebreetrasladaçãodosossosd’elreyDomManuel,ed. F.Portugal(Lisbon,1985).  Portugal, Miguel Joam de, Elogios das Rainhas. Mulheres dos Cinco Reys de Portugal do Nome de JoãoescritopeloCondedeVimiosoDomJoseph(Lisbon,1747). ResinaRodrigues,M.I.,FrayLuisdeGranadaylaliteraturadeespiritualidadenPortugal(1554Ͳ1632) (Madrid,1988). Segurado,Jorge,Franciscod’Ollanda(Lisbon,1970). Senos,Nuno,‘ACoroaeaIgrejanaLisboadeQuinhentos’,LusitaniaSacra,2ªsérie,15(2003),pp. 97വ117. Serrão,Vítor,APinturaManieristaemPortugal(Lisbon,1982). Serrão, Vítor, ‘O rétabloͲmor do Mosteiro dos Jerónimos (1570Ͳ1572) pelo pintor Lourenço de Salzedo’,inHistóriaerestaurodapinturadorétabloͲmordoMosteirodosJerónimos(Lisbon,2000), pp.17വ80. Serrão, Vítor, ‘Lourenço de Salzedo en Roma. Influencias del Manierismo romano en la obra del pintordelareinaCatarinadePortugal’,ArchivoEspañoldeArte,76,303(2003),pp.249വ65.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  234 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Sigüenza,FrayJoséde,HistoriadelaOrdenJerónima(Madrid,1605).  SousaViterbo,F.M.,Dicionáriohistoricoedocumentaldosarquitectos,engenheiroseconstructores portugueses(Lisbon,3vols.,reprint,1988).  Sullivan,Edward,‘PoliticsandPropagandaintheSagradaFormabyClaudoCoello’,TheArtBulletin, 67,2(June1985),pp.243വ59. Tanner,Maria,TheLastDescendantofAeneas.TheHapsburgsandtheMythicImageoftheEmperor (NewHaven,1993). Thomaz,LuisFilipe,‘L’idéeimpérialemanueline’,inLadécouverte,lePortugaletl’Europe.Actesdu colloque.Parisles26,27et28mai1988,eds.JeanAubinetal.(Paris1990),pp.35–103. Varela, Javier, La Muerte del Rey. El ceremonial funerario de la monarquía española (1500Ͳ1885) (Madrid,1990). Vasari, Giorgio, Le vite de’ piu excellenti pittori, scultori ed architettori (1568), ed. G. Milanesi (Florence,1881).  Sources(unpublished) Lisbon,DirecçãoGeraldosArquivos(DGARQ),TorredoTombo,Mss.daLivraria,Ms.729,Baptistade Castro,FreiManuel,ChronicadomaximoDoutore Príncipedos PatriarchasS.Jeronymo,Particular doReynodePortugal(unpublishedmanuscript). Simancas (Valladolid), Archivo General de Simancas (AGS), Estado (Portugal), leg. 390, Anonymous (DonJuandeBorja?),RelacióndelmodoquesetuvoenlatranslacióndeloshuesosdelReyDonJuan ydelReyDonManuelydelaReinaDoñaMariaalacapillamayordeBelen(1572).   Illustrations Fig.1ExteriorviewoftheJerónimosMonasteryinBelém(Lisbon).ThesquareboxͲlikestructureat thefarrightdemarcatesthecapelamorbuiltbyCatherineofAustria.Photo:JoséAntónioSilva. Fig.2FloorplanoftheJerónimoschurchwiththecapelamormarkedintheyellowbox.Photo: publicdomain. Fig.3InteriorviewoftheJerónimoschurch.ViewofthecapelamorthroughtheornateManueline nave.Photo:publicdomain. Fig.4ThetombsofJohnIII(farleft)andCatherineofAustriaontherightsideofthecapelamor facingthealtar.Photo:A.JordanGschwend. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  235 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Fig.5ThecapelamorbuiltbyJerónimodeRuão.Photo:publicdomain. Fig.6PanelwithgrotesqueinthearchnexttoCatherineofAustria’stombafteraFlemishmodel. Photo:A.JordanGschwend. Fig.7ViewofCatherineofAustria’sTomb.Photo:A.JordanGschwend. Fig.8DetailwithoneelephantcaryatidholdingCatherineofAustria’ssarcophaguswithtusksofreal ivory.Photo:A.JordanGschwend. Fig.9ViewofthepairofelephantcaryatidsofCatherineofAustria’stomb.Photo:A.Jordan Gschwend. Fig.10ViewofCatherineofAustria’sbronzeroyalcrownrestingabovehersarcophagus.Photo:A. JordanGschwend. Fig.11CatherineofAustria’sepitaphwrittenbyAndrédeResende.Photo:A.JordanGschwend. Fig.12Exteriorviewofthecapelamor.Photo:A.JordanGschwend. Fig.13Therearofthecapelamorwithitsfortified,towerͲlikeexteriorinastyleGeorgeKubler dubbedtheestilochão.Photo:A.JordanGschwend. Fig.14FranciscodeHolanda,DrawingforafountainprojectedfortheshipdockyardsofLisbon (Ribeiradosnaos)fromDaFabricaquefaleceLisboa,1571,BibliotecadaAjuda,Lisbon,Ms.51ͲIIIͲ9, f.18r. Fig.15BattistaFranco(ca.1510Ͳ1568?),IlSemolei,TheFlagellationofChrist,engravingafteralost Titian,Venice,1568,BritishMuseum,London,inv.no.1874,0808.369. Fig.16Titian,Transfiguration,ChurchofSanSalvador,Venice.Photo:publicdomain. Fig.17InteriorviewoftheChurchofSanSalvadorwiththemainaltar,Venice.Photo:public domain. Fig.18aͲbLourençodeSalzedo,mainaltarpiece(anddetail),CapelaMor,JerónimosMonastery, Belém.Photo:LuísPavão.    1 Thequeen’smalaiseandmelancholywerecompoundedbythefactthatLisbonwasbesiegedbytheplaguein 1569, in the worst epidemic to have struck Portugal in the sixteenth century. Catherine and the Portuguese courtfledtocitiesalongandacrosstheTagusRiver,movingbetweenVilaFrancadeXira,SantarémandAlvito, residingoutsideofLisbonformonths. 2 ConsultLowe2000,pp.226ಥ48,forLeonor’sculturalandreligiouspatronage.Morerecently,theexhibition catalogue:CasaPerfeitissima.500anosdaFundaçãodoMonasteriodaMadredeDeus(Lisbon,2010). 3 ForacopyofaletterwrittenbyMaximilianin1517toLeonorconcerningtheserelicsseeLisbon,Bibliotecada Ajuda(hereafterBA),Ms.51ͲVIͲ25,no.7:CartadoEmperadorperaaRainhadonaLianorsobreasreliquiasque lheinviou.SeeBouza1998,p.52:‘[...]enlaMadredeDiosdeEnxobregashaycuerposdesantos.’ ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  236 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   4 Jordan1985,pp.16ಥ18;JordanGschwend1990,pp.187ಥ98. 5  See Bouza 1998, p. 52, note 73 for a letter which describes Catherine’s residence at Xabregas: ‘[…] en un monasterio que hay fuera de aquí, de la misma orden, que se llama Madre de Dios de Enxobregas […]. Y en medioestálacasadondelamiatia[CatherineofAustria]vivioynolapodréverporqueestanallísuscriados.’ 6 FerreiradeAndrade1990,pp.21ಥ23.On18August1558CatherinewasgrantedaspecialPapaldispensation whichallowedhertolaterbuildthisdoor,givingherdirectaccesstothePassionchapel.Shewasallowedto build such doors at other monasteries she frequented in Lisbon, such as the Esperança convent. Cf. Corpo Diplomático Português, vol. 8 (Lisbon, 1884), pp. 56–57: ‘Bulla de penitenciaria à Rainha. Bulla Exigit Celsitaclinem:absolvendoaRainhaD.Catherinaporterabertoumaportadeseuhospicioparaoconventoda Esperança,edandolhepermissãoqueopossafazerparaoutrosconventos.”AlsoBouza1998,p.52,note73: “DeallidioenXabregas,dondelasereníssimaReynadePortugaltienesualcázarysaleporuncorredoraoyr misaaunayglesianogrande,consusdamas,yelembajadordeEspaña[…].’ 7 JuandeBorja,sonofFranciscodeBorja(aSpanishcourtierwhogrewupwithCatherineatTordesillas),was ambassadortothePortuguesecourtfrom1569to1575.Hewasatrustedconfidantofthequeenandinher 1578codicilshelefthimthesumof4,000cruzadosforhisdaughter’sdowry.Borjawasalsoactiveartistically during his Portuguese residency, enjoying the friendship of Francisco de Holanda. Borja, an amateur of emblems and devisas, published in Prague in 1581 a book entitled Empresas Morales which was partially conceivedofduringhisresidencyattheLisboncourt. 8  Catherine set into motion serious plans to consolidate her finances in Portugal in order to undertake her movetoSpain.ForletterswhichdocumentherintentionsseeArchivoGeneraldeSimancas(hereafterAGS). SeeespeciallytheminuteofaletterfromPhilipIItohisambassadorJuandeBorjadated12May1571,AGS, Estado(Portugal),leg.388,f.108fortheproblemsCatherinefacedintakingherestateandmoniestoSpain, becausehergrandsonSebastianwasherlegalheir.Atthesametime,Catherineorderedresearchundertaken attheHabsburgfamilyarchivesinSimancastoseewhichrentsandpropertieswerelegallyherswhileareview ofher1524marriagecontractandcapitulationswasmade.Shewantedacopyofthiscontractsenttoherto Lisbon.Cf.AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.388,f.115forthenotarizedcourtpapersregardingCatherine’sdowry andjewelsdated1525.AswellasAGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.390,f.99.AlsoaletterfromJuandeBorjato PhilipII’ssecretary,GabrieldeZayas,writtenfromLisbon(22May1571),AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,ff. 162and160,concernsCatherine’sestatein1570whichtheambassadorfoundtobeverymodestinincome: ‘[...]nohepodidoentenderloçiertoenloquetocaadinerosyajoyasylosdemasmueblessonpocos[…],’and f.172,BorjatoZayas(12June1571):‘yaescreviav.m.comoloquesabiadelaaçiendadelaReynaeraquela Rentaserancomosesentamilducados,lasjoyasnosesillegaranaçientoyçinquentamil,loquesesabela demasRecamaraespocacosa[...].’ 9 TheexchangeoflettersbetweenPhilipII,JuandeBorjaandCatherineofAustria,regardingwheresheshould retiretoinSpainareinAGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.387,f.21(21August1570);AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.388, f.216(29August1570).AlsoLisbon,BibliotecaNacionalofPortugal(hereafterBNP),Cod.8570,ff.143ಥ144v, DecomoaRainhaDonaCatherinasequeriairagravadadestesReynosperaCastella. 10 SeeAGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,f.91(1571)foraletterCatherineaddressedtoSebastianjustifyingher reasonsformovingtoSpain.ShecomplainedtoSebastianthatheneverresidedinLisbonwhenshedid,and that she preferred to bury herself (enterrarse viva) in a convent rather than continue the tense relationship theycultivated. 11 Moreira1987. 12 Lunenfeld1977,pp.57ಥ78. 13 Lunenfeld1977,p.69. 14 Eichberger2005. 15 Lawrence1997,p.17;Carpin1997,pp.39ಥ40. 16 Brantôme1991,p.511.AlsoKing1991,pp.188ಥ193. 17 King1991,p.182. 18 DGARQ,NA792,f.193v(1543). 19 FormoreonCatherine’sreligiouspatronageseeJordanGschwend2010,pp.215ಥ38. (http://arteysociedad.blogs.uva.es/files/2012/09/13ͲJORDAN.pdf). 20 Moreira1987. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  237 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   21 JordanGschwend2009,pp.32ಥ42. 22 Thomaz1991,pp.35ಥ103. 23 JordanGschwend1992,pp.70ಥ90;DeswarteͲRosa1996,pp.157ಥ98;OrioleTrindade2008,pp.459ಥ533. 24 SousaViterbo1988,pp.419ಥ24;Jordan1994,PartTwo:Appendix6,cats.11,13,15ಥ18,20. 25 DGARQ,CCI,maço109,doc.40;DGARQ,CCII,maço248,doc.23.Cf.SousaViterbo1988,pp.419ಥ24. 26 Kubler1972,pp.63ಥ64. 27 DGARQ,CCII,maço248,doc.80.Cf.SousaViterbo1988,pp.423ಥ24;Alves1991,pp.183ಥ84. 28 DGARQ,CCI,maço29,doc.47;DGARQ,CCI,maço109,docs.42and55;DGARQ,CCII,maço248,doc.38; DGARQ,TorredoTombo,Ms.daLivraria,Ms.729,ch.26,f.597v. 29 Carvalho1990,pp.181ಥ84;Alves1991,pp.191ಥ95. 30 Onepachydermhadbrokenduringproductionortransportationandwasimmediatelyreplaced. 31 OrioleTrindade2008,pp.459ಥ533. 32 BA,Ms.46ͲXͲ22,f.77v. 33 AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.387,f.21(12August1570). 34 AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.388,f.216(29August1570)andf.225(20December1570). 35  Lisbon, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (hereafter BNP), Reservados, Cod. 8920 (1571); London, British Library(hereafterBL),AdditionalMss.,ff.61Ͳ65,forlettersthecitymunicipality(camâra)ofLisbonwrotethe queenaboutherwishtomovetoCastile. 36 Amongthem,theHieronymitemonasteryatValeBemfeitonearObidós,theDominicanconventofPedrogão Grande,theconventofSãoFranciscoinFaro,andthechurchesofSantaCatarinaandS.DomingosinLisbon.In alettertoPopePiusIV,CatherinetoldhimofthespecialdevotionsheandJohnIIIhadfortheConventofSanta CruzinCoimbra.SeeBibliotecaApostolicaVaticana(hereafterBAV),Barb.Lat.9920,f.213(Lisbon,8October 1564):‘[orei]aquetinhasingulardevoção[totheSantaCruzconvent]comoeutenho.’ 37 Moreira1987,pp.16–18. 38 BNP,ColecçãoPombalina686,ff.803Ͳ822:‘TresladodoCompromissodasCapellasdaRainhaD.Catharina tiradodooriginalqueestánoTorredoTombodondeestáseutestamento.TratadadoaçãofeitaaoConvento deBelemparasustençãode20Merceeiros.’ 39  Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España (hereafter BNE), Ms. 474. This religious tract personally written by Osório has never been studied and remains unpublished. Also Jordan 1994, pp. 136Ͳ150; Jordan Gschwend 2001,pp.60ಥ68. 40  Over the years a number of gifts had been given by Catherine of Austria to the Jerónimos monastery in Belém.Shedonatedreliquaries(inasilverͲgiltcoffer),costlyornamentsandreligiousobjects(amiraculouscult statueofOurLadyofAjudaandaSt.Sebastian)whichwerelaterlistedinthemonastery’sinventoriesinthe seventeenthcentury.Otherobjectsperhapsassociatedwiththequeen(asilverͲgiltcross,chaliceandvarious churchvestmentspossiblyembroideredbyCatherine)areintheMuseuNacionaldeArteAntiga(Lisbon).Fora summarizeddiscussionofalltheseobjectsseeMoreira1987,p.21. 41  Jordan 1994, p. 27, note 66; Jordan Gschwend 2001, p. 62, note 129. See also Noticia da fundação do convento da Madre de Deos de Lisboa das religiosas descalças da primeira regra de Nossa Madre de Santa Clara…, located in the library of the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Estante 74, no. 2, ff. 26ಥ27r. Other generousdonationsmadebythequeentotheMadredeDeusconventincluded,in1565,largeͲscaleportraits ofherselfandJohnIIIinprayeranddevotionbyCristóvãoLopesandin1574severalorgans.Sometimebefore Catherine’s death in 1578, she gave the convent a number of important relics, including two heads of the 11,000VirginMartyrs,andcurtainsofgraysilkembroideredwithgoldshehadsewnherselfforthetabernacle containingtheBlessedSacrament.ThislattergiftisnotedintheaboveNoticia...,f.27r:‘[a]indaestroutrodia soubequefizeraaSenhoraRaynha[CatherineofAustria]comsuasmaosascortinasdoSantissimoSacramento deretrosPardo,lavradodeouro.’ 42 Segurado1970,pp.330ಥ333;DeswarteͲRosa1987,pp.147ಥ83. 43 Moreira1981,p.98. 44 Hecksher1947,pp.155ಥ82. 45 Jordan1985,p.30. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  238 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   46 Jordan1985,pp.56ಥ57. 47 JordanGschwend2009,p.34. 48 JordanGschwend2010b. 49 Hirsch2001,p.3;JordanGschwendandBeltz2010. 50 JordanGschwend1991,pp.121ಥ26. 51 FelicidadeAlves1984;Jordan1985,p.17,note38andpp.121ಥ22. 52 BaptistaPereira1986,pp.53ಥ66. 53 Madrid,MuseodelPrado,oiloncanvas,346x240cm,inv.no.432. (http://www.museodelprado.es/coleccion/galeriaͲonͲline/galeriaͲonͲline/obra/laͲgloria/). 54 Vasari1881,p.453;Chiari1982,p.29. 55 Bohde2001,pp.450ಥ72. 56 AnotherVenetianpainter,Tintoretto,isrecordedashavingpurchasedCatherineofAustria’sFlagellationat theauctionofthecontentsofTitian’sworkshopafter1576.WhethertheFlagellationwasevercompletedand whatbecameofthispaintingisnotknown. 57 Paris,MuséedesArtDécoratifs,inv.no.PE243.FormoreonthisportraitconsultJordan1994b,p.88,fig.51. 58 Jordan2005,pp.91ಥ113. 59 ‘PatternsofPatronageamongHabsburgQueens,RegentsandPrincesses,’inJordan1994,pp.417ಥ31.For moreonHabsburgwomen,theircourtsandcollectionsinthesixteenthcenturysee: http://habsburgsintherenaissance.blogspot.ch/. 60 DGARQ,NA792,f.95v,forunspecifiedgoodsthePortuguesefactorinFlanderssentthequeenin1538. 61  Serrão 2003, p. 252, argues for Catherine’s ‘gusto romanista’ and her taste for things Italian (specifically Roman) throughout her reign. However, in the queen’s inventories and related documents this cannot be corroborated, and Serrão’s assertion that Catherine purchased engravings and works of art in Rome is not documented. 62 VaticanCity,ArchivioSegretoVaticano(hereafterASV),SegretariadiStato,Portogallo,3,ff.32ಥ33v. 63 ThecomplexitiesregardingCatherine’ssearchforasuitablepainterwerefirstoutlinedinBouza1998b,pp. 77Ͳ78.SubsequentlytakenupbySerrão2000,pp.17ಥ77;Serrão2003,pp.249ಥ65. 64 Moser1950,pp.27ಥ31;Serrão2003,pp.249ಥ65. 65 Franco1992,pp.70ಥ71. 66 ThequeenwroteatotalofthreeletterstoRomein1571requestingherambassadorbuyhighͲqualitypaints. 67 TwolettersinBA,citedinJordan2000,pp.285ಥ86,note56. 68 AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,ff.172ಥ73(12June1571). 69 AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,f.58(7July1571). 70 SeeAGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,f.59,foraresponsewithamarginalnotemadebyPhilipII:‘Justosera bolver a remediar esto y aun a castigarlo.’ In short: the need to remedy this unfortunate situation and to punishthecustomsofficerforhisblunder. 71 AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.390,f.94,letterfromBorjatoZayas(9January1572). 72 AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.390,f.10(July25,1572),f.27(7September1572),f.33(23October1572),f.120 (29October1572)andff.121ಥ22(10December1572):‘estandoparapartirseestecorreovinoamiposadael secretario de la Reyna y me dio esta escrivania para V. M. la qual le embia su Alteza por señal de agradeçimientoquetienedelcuydadoqueV.M.tieneenloquetocaasuservicio.’ 73 MinuteofaletterfromPhilipIItoCatherine,inAGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.392,f.204(19September1575): ‘ytambienrecibimuchamerçedycontentamientoconloscorporalesypaliosparasanctlorençio[ElEscorial], queporsertanpulidosydemanodeV.A.loshetenidoenloqueesrazonylasbesoaV.Altezamuchasvezes porellos.’ 74 AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,f.91(1571). 75 BNP,Reservados,Cod.8570,f.144v. 76  AGS, Estado (Portugal), leg. 392, f. 175 (18 July 1575): ‘en çiertas casas y aposiento en que la reyna doña leonormytiavivio.’ ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  239 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   77 AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.390,f.117(28October1572). 78 Jordan2005,pp.155ಥ80. 79 Serrão2003,p.252andp.264.Thereisnodocumentation,however,whichconfirmsCatherineofAustria broughtSalzedotohercourtin1564toworkasherpainterorportraitist. 80 Tanner1993,pp.183ಥ222.In1565CatherinecommissionedfromtheLisboncourtpainterCristóvãoLopes twolifeͲsizeportraitsofherselfandthelateKingJohnIIIatprayer,whichshedonatedtotheConventofMadre deDeus.Theseportraits,whichhungfacingthemainaltaroftheMadredeDeuschurchinadorationofthe Eucharist, not only express the pietas and devotion of the Portuguese monarchs, but were also visual reaffirmations of the queen’s own fidelity to the Habsburg notions of Pietas Austriaca cultivated by her and othermembersofthedynasty.FormoreonthesedevotionalportraitsseeJordan1994b,pp.136ಥ50. 81 FortheimmenseinterestPhilipIIshowedinthebuildingandconstructionofhisauntCatherine’scapelamor consult Serrão 2000, pp. 29ಥ34. The Spanish king went so far as to request a drawing of the Jerónimos monasteryin1568(Serrão2000,p.21). 82 ThedateofCatherine’sdeathinthescholarshiphasinvariablyanderroneouslybeengivenas12February 1578.Cf.ASV,SegretariadiStato,Portogallo,1,f.61v. 83 ASV,SegretariadiStato,Portogallo,1,f.63(8February1578). 84 ExcerptofaletterwrittenbyJuandeSilvatoPhilipII(April1578)citedinLlanosyTorriglia1923,p.90,note 118,whileacopyofGranada’sspeechsentbyCardinalInfanteHenrytotheSpanishkinghasnotsurvived.Cf. ResinaRodrigues1988,p.578. 85 ‘TestamentoecodycillodaRainhaCatarinaqueDeustem[…],’inAsGavetas,6(1967),p.10. 86  Resina Rodrigues 1988, p. 578: ‘a pesar de su innegable pompa, se revistió de un aparato menor que lo habitualenlacortedeMadrid,enidénticascircunstancias.’ 87 Resende’sinscriptionreads:CATHERINAPHILLIPICASTELREGISF.JOANNISIIILUSITAN.REGIS.P.F.INVICTI CONIUXMAGNIANIMIPIECTATISEXIMIOPRUDENTIASINGULARISETINCOMPARABILISEXEMPLIREGINAH.S. E. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  240 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM       IV HabsburgsandMuslims   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  241 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Europe’sTurkishNemesis LarrySilverȋ‹˜‡”•‹–›‘ˆ‡•›Ž˜ƒ‹ƒȌ    Americans who lived through the Cold War with the Soviet Union from World War II until the late twentieth century probably can well imagine from the Iron Curtain what life was like across the ChristianͲMuslim frontier during the sixteenth century. Ever since the fall of Constantinople to the OttomanTurksin1453,threatsfrombothmilitaryattackaswellasideologicalwaragainstthealien religionofIslampreoccupiedtheconsciousnessandcreatedaclimateoffearinEuropeanChristian states. Nowhere was this anxiety concerning the rival superpower greater than within the loose GermanͲspeaking confederation known as the Holy Roman Empire, led by Habsburg emperor Maximilian I (r. 1493–1519).1 Indeed the eventual frontier between Catholics and Muslims, established after the battle of Mohács in Hungary (1526), still coincides almost exactly with the modern, hostile frontier between Catholic Croatia and Orthodox Serbia (Catholics who remained behind the Ottoman lines were forced to convert to Islam and became the Muslims of BosniaͲ Herzegovina).   Fig.1MapoftheDanube,byWillemandJohannBlaeu, NovusAtlas(Amsterdam,1636).  InanatlasmapoftheDanubewatershed,producedbyJohannBlaeuinAmsterdamduring the 1630s we see this confrontation institutionalized around the image caption (fig. 1). Here this heightened awareness of both a political and religious frontier, manned against a mysterious and foreignenemyattheborder,ispersonifiedbytheconfrontationoftwopairsoffigures.Ononeside, the east, a sultan with an elaborate turban brandishes his scimitar above a round shield with the crescent moon of Islam. His female companion, surely an allegory of the Muslim faith, stands contemptuouslyuponacrucifixanddispensestheexoticscentofincense;butsheisscantilycladina revealinglylowͲcutdress,certainlyisnotafiguretoadmire.Incasetheviewermissedtheseobvious visualcues,anoxioustoadrestsonthegroundbetweentheseOttomanpersonifications.Bycontrast, ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  242 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM onthewesternsideofthestandoff,ahandsomebeardedrulerfigureinarmorsteadfastlyconfronts this enemy with a broadsword. His shield displays the doubleͲheaded eagle of the Holy Roman Empire,andhiscrownresemblestheofficialBügelkrone;complementinghisorbofoffice,hewears theexclusivependantofthenobleOrderoftheGoldenFleece,headedbytheHabsburgs.Hisfemale companion, who personifies the Christian religion, holds her crucifix upright and wears a distinctly modestgown.  Throughout the sixteenth century Turks were regarded in apocalyptic terms by leading ChristianthinkersasascourgeofGod.Thisattitudebeganearly:wecanalreadyfinditprominently advancedinSebastianBrant’sShipofFools(1494).2InChapter99,‘OftheDeclineoftheFaith,’Brant intonesaboutChristendom, Atfirstthecruelheretic didtearandwoundittothequick andthenMohammedshamefully abuseditsnoblesanctity withheresyandbaseintent.[…] SostrongtheTurkshavegrowntobe theyholdtheoceannotalone, theDanubetooisnowtheirown, theymaketheirinroadswhentheywill, bishoprics,churches,sufferill[…] ButthepoetplaceshistrustintheyoungEmperorͲelectedtobetheantidote, ThenobleMaximilian, hemeritswelltheRomancrown. They’llsurelycomeintohishand, theHolyEarth,thePromisedLand.  Many of the woodcut illustrations in Brant’s popular volume were designed by the young Albrecht Dürer, the same artist who produced some of the earliest German images of Ottoman Turks. Beginning with his first visit to Venice in 1494, Dürer turned his omnivorous gaze to the substantialcommunityofTurkishvisitors,documentingtheirexoticdress.3Heseriouslyengagedwith this unfamiliar nationality, which had such a strong trade presence in Venice, and his curiosity resulted in a series of drawings that emphasize distinctive costumes.4 Some of these colored drawings of ‘orientals’ by Dürer survive in copies, indicating their importance as models, used for later reference by his many followers and credited with an onͲsite accuracy. However, several of these drawings actually derive, not from studies of costumed models, but rather from earlier artworksbylocalVenetianpainters,particularlyGentileBellini,whohadevenvisitedIstanbulearlier onadiplomaticmission(figs.2Ͳ3).5   ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  243 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM           Fig.2AlbrechtDürer,ThreeTurkish Fig.3GentileBellini,ProcessioninPiazzaSanMarco, Men,ca.1495.  1496,detailofthreeTurkishmeninbackground,  Venice,Galleriedell’Accademia.  Other Dürer drawings expressly focus on the military trappings and skills of Turkish soldiers, specifically theirarchery (fig.4).This otherpreoccupation͸afocusonTurksasformidablemilitary enemies͸would strongly inflect not only Dürer’s own presentations but also those of many of his laterGermanfollowers.  Fig.4AlbrechtDürer,Oriental Fig.5AlbrechtDürer,Oriental Fig.6AlbrechtDürer,Apocalypse familyofanottomanarcher,1496, RulerseatedonhisThrone,ca. Series,1497,pl.2:TortureofSt. Milan,BibliotecaAmbrosiana. 1496/97),Washington,National JohntheEvangelist. Gallery.  Inthewake ofhis1494visittoVenice,Düreralsoproducedadrawingstudy(fig.5)foran uncompletedengraving:anOrientalRulerSeatedonhisThrone(ca.1496/97).6Inthisfantasyimage any firstͲhand experience of Turks inVenice is overwhelmed by an intimidating suggestion of both powerandmajestyaswellassternmenace.Detailsofthisexoticforeigncostumestillpreoccupythe artist. A distinctive crowned turban (probably imaginary) marks the royal rank and status of this ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  244 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM frontal,enthronedfigure;itsencrustedroundjewelsareechoedonhisprincelyrobes,highlightedby anenormousnecklacewithpendant.7Exoticdetailsofthecostumespeakto its‘Asiatic’character: fringesaddedtotherobeaswellasthefootwearofsandalsbeneathit.Bothpowerandauthorityof thisrulerareconveyed,respectively,byahuge,twoͲhandedbattleswordinhisrighthandandbyan orbinhisleft.WhileakintotheceremonialorboftheHolyRomanEmpire,whichDürer’shometown ofNurembergproudlyguarded,theorbinthedrawingsignificantlylacks thesurmountingcrossof imperialChristianregalia.Thethreateningauthorityofthisbeardedpotentateisfurtherenhancedby hissternandmenacingfacialexpression;despitehisformalfrontality,hisgloweringeyesturnaway toscowlobliquelyoutoftheframe,asakindofnegativeinversionofholyiconsofthefaceofJesus.8 This image clearly does not record a portrait of any particular Ottoman sultan; instead, it uses a figureofauthoritytopersonifytheperceivedthreatofTurkishIslamtoChristendom.Indeed,Dürer would soon adapt this enthroned orientalist ruler as the persecuting emperor Domitian in the woodcut scene of the Martyrdom of St. John, the first illustration of his 1498 publication of the Apocalypse(fig.6).                      Fig.7AlbrechtDürer,SultanSüleyman, Fig.8Anonymous,SultanSüleyman,ca.1530/40, 1526,Bayonne,MuséeBonnat. Vienna,KunsthistorischesMuseum.    AttheendofhiscareerDürerproducedaverydifferentimageofaTurkishruler,theprofile ‘portrait’ofrulingSultanSüleyman(monogrammedanddated1526,seefig.7),intheartist’sfavored medium for portrait drawings, silverpoint.9 Its profile presentation suggests that the German artist had access to an existing portrait prototype, almost surely derived from a Venetian painter, in the form of a medal.10 In fact, a specific source survives: a silver medal in which the profile faces the oppositewaybutwiththebusttruncatedatthesamepointofthechestandshoulders.Therethe sultanwearsthesameturbanasinDürer’ssilverpoint,andheisidentifiedbyaninscriptioninthe blockLatinletters,‘SULEYMAN.CAESAR‘TURCARUM/MELECK.ET.ARAB.TURC.’11Boththemedalof SüleymanandtheDürerprofiledrawingpresentthesamedistinctivelongneckandprominentnose ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  245 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM andlips.AroundadecadelateraVenetianpainterclosetoTitianpaintedabustͲlengthportraitofa young, mustachioed Sultan Süleyman in the same orientation as Dürer (ca. 1530/40; see fig. 8), presumablyusingthesamevisualsource.12             Fig.9AlbrechtDürer,TheMartyrdomofTen Fig.10AlbrechtDürer,TheMartyrdom Thousand,1508,oilonpanel,Vienna, oftheTenThousand,ca.1497/98, KunsthistorischesMuseum. woodcut.  In 1508, in response to a commission by one of his principal courtly patrons, Frederick the Wise of Saxony, Dürer painted an image to commemorate martyrs’ relics in the prince’s extensive religiouscollectionatWittenberg.Forthisimage,DüreragaincasttheTurksassadisticpersecutors forthenarrative,TheMartyrdomoftheTenThousand(1508,fig.9).13InthisearlyChristiansubject from the Middle East, the Persian king Sapor, acting on command of Emperor Diocletian of Rome, slaughtered the Christians of Bithynia (343 C.E.). Dürer had depicted this same subject already appearedadecadeearlierinawoodcut(ca.1497/98;fig.10).Inbothcompositions,Christiansare cruelly tortured to death, tossed from cliffs by turbaned conquerors. In the painting, however, the martyrs’ imitation of Christ is emphasized by two figures on crosses and a third standing awaiting execution; two wear crowns of thorns like Christ in the Passion, a clear medieval allusion to martyrdomandsainthoodasanimitatioChristi,butnowwiththeoppressorsrepresentedasTurks. Opposite, in the lower right corner, both standing and mounted figures with distinctive beards, complexturbansandcolorfulrobesclearlyconflatetheancientking,throughdress,tothemodern Turks.Hissinistercommandsthusbecomefusedwiththoseoftheimplacablereligiousenemiesof Dürer’sownday.  Inaddition,thepaintingalsotookonmorepersonalsignificancefortheartist,whoincluded hisownselfͲportraitasadarklycladwitnessinthecenter,inscribinghimselfexpresslyas‘Albrecht Dürer,German’(AlbertoDüreraleman),tolinkhisidentitystillclosertohispatron,anElectorofthe Empire and the leading lieutenant to Emperor Maximilian. He also included a friend, plausibly ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  246 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM identifiedwiththerecentlydeceasedpoetlaureateoftheEmpire,ConradCeltis.Thus,Dürerfuses past with present and assimilates modern Ottomans onto historic persecutions of Christians in the Levant.14  Theyear1529markedtheclimaxoftheongoingconflictbetweentheforcesofHolyRoman Empireandtheirenemies,theOttomanTurks,thenpoisedinsiegeatthegatesofViennaafteran unbroken string of victories in the Balkans and along the Danube (a series highlighted by Belgrade 1521,MohácsandBuda,1526).NotonlydidtheadvanceofthearmiesofSultanSüleymanposean immediate threat to the Habsburg rulers in their traditional capital, but ultimately the siege undermined their own Christian claims to universal monarchy, claims implicit to the title of ‘Holy Roman Emperor.’ This peril was actually redoubled by the contemporary ‘odd couple’ alliance, especially after 1530, between the Ottomans and the Habsburgs’ mortal enemy in Europe, King Francis I of France, an alliance that encompassed commercial privileges, nonͲaggression pacts, and culminated in coordinated military campaigns (1536Ͳ37).15 Taken together, this period of political tension heightened national selfͲconsciousness in Germany of the Empire as the ultimate bulwark againstfurtherTurkishincursion.          Fig.11NicolausMeldemann,CircularViewofthe CityofViennaattheTimeoftheFirstTurkishSiegein 1529,eightsheetwoodcut,1530.  TheSiegeofViennain1529,amomentouseventattheHabsburgcapitalthatturned back thetideofTurkishadvancesintocontinentalEurope,receivedcarefuldocumentationintheformof alarge(81.2x85.6cm.)multiͲsheetcommemorativewoodcut,designedbyDürer’sfollowerSebald BehamandprintedinNurembergbyNicolausMeldemannfromsixblocks(1530)(fig.11).16Thework hadanofficialimprimatur,aprivilegegrantedbytheNurembergcitycouncil.Theprintmakerprized reportorial accuracy of battle details; topographical accuracy was emphasized as well, with all the viewsbasedoncarefulstudiestakenfromthegreattowerofSt.Stephen’scathedralintheheartof thecity.TodocumentfullythedefenseagainstthetroopsoftheTurks,theprintshowsthecityat the pictorial center; the siege itself outside the city walls is seen in the round from an elevated, bird’sͲeye viewpoint above the central cathedral tower.17 This composite image visualizes actual troopmovements,tents,andartilleryexplosionscharacteristicofcontemporarypracticesofwarfare. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  247 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Intheprocess,Beham’swoodcutcelebratesvictoryoverTurkishinvaders͸evenasitparticipatesin thevogueforprintedimagesofmilitarydocumentaries.  Meldemann’s local rival as publisher of woodcut broadsheets in Nuremberg, Hans Guldenmundt, made his own commemoration of the great event as a pamphlet with text by local poetHansSachsandprintsbySebaldBeham,asTheThreeBesiegersofVienna.Hisprocessionseries of Turkish officers and soldiers included archers, armed spahis (roughly akin to European knights), and earnest profile equestrian portraits of Turks on horses. These Turkish besiegers were led by Sultan Süleyman himself, plus his principal counselor Ibrahim Pasha and General Sansaco.18 The source for these images stemmed from an earlier suite of five woodcuts, produced in the NetherlandsbyJanSwartofGroningenanddated1526,thehighwatermarkofOttomanconquests along the Danube.19 These images thus held contemporary pertinence as newsworthy while also catering to the ongoing fascination with Turkish costume, particularly headwear, as well as their exoticweaponsandbattlefieldinstruments(trumpet,bagpipe,andhighͲpitchedshawm).Thesultan himself (fig. 12)appearsinprofileat the center,ridingonhorseback,accompaniedby alonefootͲ soldierandlabeled‘SolimanusimperatorTurcharum’withthedate.Othermountedtriads,variously dressed,arealsolabeledas‘Mamelukes,’‘Arabs,’and‘heathens,’respectively.    Fig.12SebaldBeham,TheTurkishSultanSüleyman, woodcutpublishedwiththepamphletTheThree BesiegersofVienna.   AdarkersideofTurksatwarwasproducedin1530byHansGuldenmundtatNurembergasa woodcutseriesforopinionformationandrallyingofimperialtroopsinrevengeforallegedatrocities inandaroundVienna.Images,attributedtoErhardSchoenbutfreelyadaptedfromSwart,nowshow mountedTurkishwarriorsleadingpairsofcaptiveChristiansonfootwitharopearoundtheirnecks; versesbyHansSachsdescribetheircruelconditions.20Evenworseisthebabycarriedbyoneofthem on his spear. The text laments how ‘the evil, gruesome Turk’ has killed children, stolen sheep and cattle,burneddownhomes,andcondemnedChristiancaptivestoslavery,pullingplowslikeanimals. Worse still is the 1530 Guldenmundt/Schoen broadsheet woodcut collaboration recounting the ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  248 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM threat to civilians by Turks on the outskirts of the Vienna Woods, showing them killing babies by impalingthemonstakesorslicingthemwithscimitars(fig.13).21HeretheSachspoemreads: OhLordGodonthehighestthrone, lookatthisgreatmisery, theTurkishragingtyrant hascarriedoutintheViennaWoods, murderingvirginsandwives, cuttingchildreninhalf, andimpalingthemonpikes[…] Oh,ourshepherdJesusChrist[…] saveusfromthehandoftheTurk.     Fig.13ErhardSchoen,TurkishAtrocities, woodcut,publishedbyHans GuldenmundtinNuremberg,1530.  NofriendtoeitherpapacyorEmpire,MartinLutherdeclaredinhisprefacetotheBookofRevelation (1530;publishedin1546)thattheTurkswereascourgesentbyGodtochastenChristiansontheeve oftheapocalypse: Here, now the devil’s final wrath gets to work: there in the East is the second woe. MohammedandtheSaracens,hereintheWestarepapacyandempirewiththethirdwoe. To these is added for good measure the Turk, Gog and Magog […] Thus Christendom is plagued most terribly and miserably, everywhere and on all sides, with false doctrines and withwars,withscrollandwithsword.22  Butforthecurrentemperor,defenderofChristendom,theongoingcontestagainsttheTurk wasconceivedasacrusade,soafterViennain1529,EmperorCharlesVlookedforanopportunityto goontheoffensiveandreverseTurkishconquestsinmainlandEurope.Indoingso,hecouldreassert his imperial status as well as his leadership of the Christian faith. He got his opportunity in 1535, when he led a campaign from his base in Spain against the fortified city of Goleta near Tunis. The 1535campaignintheMaghrebcombatedBerbercorsairKheirͲedͲDin(knownintheChristianwest as‘Barbarossa’),admiraloftheTurksintheMediterranean.Equippedwithfourhundredshipsand somethirtythousandsoldiers,CharlesVhadsetouttostopMuslimraidsonChristianshippingand tosecuremaritimedominanceovertheSultan’sfleets.FrancisIofFrance,CharlesV’snemesis,was supplying Barbarossa with arms while treating with Sultan Süleyman (thus forging an alliance between the two principal enemies of the Empire). The proximate cause of war was Barbarossa’s deposing of King Mulay Hasan of Tunis, a nominal vassal of the emperor. Andrea Doria of Genoa commandedtheimperialfleet;landforcesservedunderAlfonsod’Avalos,marquisofVasto.  Commemoratingandcelebratingthat(shortͲlived)victory,theemperorwaslaterpresented with a suite of tapestries, the most costly and luxurious of all media. Using the same panoramic ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  249 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM designasan earliertapestrycycle, celebrating the militaryspectacleofthe 1525Battle ofPavia(a glorious1525victoryovertheFrenchinItaly),designedforCharlesVatthebehestofMargaretof Austria by her court artist, Bernart van Orley. This twelveͲpart set on the Conquest of Tunis was woveninBrusselsbyWillemdePannemaker(1549–54)afterdesignsbyDutchartistJanVermeyen (who had been embedded with the invading troops, like recent American journalists in Iraq), probablywiththehelpofexperiencedtapestrydesignerPieterCoeckevanAelst(1546–50).23  In terms of documentary validity, this tapestry suite offered a mixture of careful observations, especially of costumes and settings, even as it conveyed a fully realized propaganda message.TheclimaxoftheconflictwasthemonthͲlongsiegeofthefortofGoleta(whichprotected Tunis)andthesubsequentsackofthecapital.Particularlycarefultopographicalrenderingsofthecity ofTunisincludemosquesandcitywalls.FurtherdetailsincludeancientruinsofCarthage,especially the prominent aqueducts, seen from different angles in successive tapestries, as well as the distinctive Mediterranean oared galleys, marked by their triangular, lateenͲrigged sails. Moreover, theentireseriesbeginswithanaerialmapoftheentireMediterraneanbasin,seenfromthevantage pointofBarcelona,withAfricaatthetop.Thedocumentarycharacterofthesetapestriesisfurther emphasizedbytheinclusionoftexthistoriesintwolanguages;longerpassagesinCastilianatthetop, shorterLatinversesatthebottom.24Asiftoassuretheimages’documentaryclaims,Vermeyeneven included a selfͲportrait while drawing in the field into the design of The Sack of Tunis. He also appearsintheinitial map panel,whereafullͲlengthselfͲportrait figurestandsbesideatabletwith the proud declaration: ‘The course of events is represented in this work as exactly as possible the actionistreatedinthistapestryaccordingtonature,allthatconcernscosmographyleavingnothing tobedesired.‘25   Fig.14WillemdePannemakerafterJanC.Vermeyen,TheQuestforFodder,Sixth tapestryoftheConquestofTunisseries(includingancientruinsofCarthage),Madrid, PatrimonioNacional.  According to Hendrick Horn, Vermeyen distinguishes between the Maghrebi ‘Moors’, and their Turkish allies, and he even subdivides the former group into the more urban Arabs and the nomadicBerbers.BothgroupsofturbanedMoorsareshownmoresympatheticallythantheTurkish ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  250 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM warriors, Janissaries, in their pointed caps, who fought for Barbarossa and are shown in several tapestries as headͲhunters. These varied groups are especially evident across the foreground of severalworks,notablythesixthtapestry,TheQuestforFodder(fig.14).MulayHassanandhisretinue ofMoorishalliesofCharlesValsoappear,acrosstheforegroundoftheFallofTunis.  LikeVermeyen,carefullyproducingcostumestudiesandlandscapetopographiesinTunisia, the artistically trained nobleman Melchior Lorichs of Flensberg was another Northerner who exploitedhisprivilegedroleinanimperialentouragetogainaccesstotheIslamicworld.Lorichswent totheOttomancapitalofIstanbulasamemberoftheHolyRomanEmpire’sentouragetothecourt ofSüleyman underambassadorOgier GhiselindeBusbecq(1554–62),thesameindividualcredited with importing the tulip into Europe from Turkey.26 He served as the ambassador’s eyes for the military capacities and resources of the Ottomans, and published several treatises (1568, 1574) concerningthedangersthattheTurkisharmyposedtoChristianEurope.YetLorichsalsoproduced themostmeticulousonͲsitestudiesofthepeopleandbuildingsofConstantinoplebyanyEuropean visitorduringthesixteenthcentury.   Fig.15MelchiorLorichs,ByzantiumsiveConstantineopolis(ViewofIstanbul),1559,two sections,Leiden,UniversityLibrary.  FromthehighgroundofGalata(thepartofthecityoppositetheGoldenHornfromwhatis now called the Old City), Lorichs made a vast yet careful sepia and black ink panorama of Istanbul (Leiden,UniversityLibrary,45x1.127,5cm;nowdividedintotwentyͲonesections;seefig.15).27This panorama, obviously composed out of separate studies from various positions, records the city skyline,includingnotonlythedominatingdomesandminaretsofmosquesbutalsoancientRoman memorial columns, palaces, caravanserais, gates, and city walls. Ships of all sizes and shapes, including European carracks as well as Levantine vessels with lateenͲrigged sails, fill the crowded waterways. Inscriptions label the points of interest in two different colors of sepia ink, though writteninasinglehand.NearthecenteroftheensembleappearsanidealizedselfͲportrait;awellͲ dressed, youthful European in dark costume seen from the back, prepares to write or draw on an extended scroll similar to the one today at Leiden. He dips his quill into an elaborate gobletͲlike inkwellthatisheldforhimbyaturbanedTurk(fig.16). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  251 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Fig.16MelchiorLorichs,Sectionwithan Fig.17MelchiorLorichs,SultanSüleyman’sMosque, idealselfͲportraitoftheauthoratthe 1570,woodcut. centerofByzantiumsiveConstantineopolis, 1559,Leiden,UniversityLibrary.   Lorichs also produced a woodcut, monogrammed and dated 1570 (fig. 17), of the great mosquecomplex,theSüleymaniye,thatthearchitectSinanhadrecentlybuilt(1550വ57)forSultan Süleyman.28 Scholars have suggested that this print lacks both the clarity and the accuracy of the skylinedrawingsmadeonsite,butsuchdistortionsmayhavebeenintentionaleffortsonthepartof the artist to convey the grandeur of the complex to an audience that had never actually seen it. Lorichs’ print furthermore suggests a momentous historical event by placing in the sky above the mosquebothgatheringstormcloudsaswellasaglowingstarwithatail,likethe‘comets’andother ominous celestial apparitions associated with earthly catastrophes or conflicts in contemporary German cosmology.29 To many Europeans, the architectural splendor of this complex would have beencompromisedbythesourceofitsfunding,tributeamassedthroughconquestandcolonization ofChristianͲruledterritories,sothismaybeLorichs’wayofaccommodatinghiswesternaudiences.  Lorichs’ careful drawings of both male and female costumes served as studies for his later woodcut illustrations and were composed with clear graphic syntax of parallel and cross hatchings that indicates that he was thinking from the outset about reproduction in printed form. In fact, Lorichs planned a large edition of woodcut illustrations based upon his onͲsite drawings in Turkey. Blockswerecutfromthesedesignsin1565,1570,1575and1576,buteventhoughatitlepagewas produced (1575) the planned publication was never completed.30 A small, reduced version of this volumeappearedinAntwerpin1574(publishedbyGillisCoppensvanDiest,whoalsopublishedthe first atlas, Abraham Ortelius’s, Theatrum orbis terrarum, 1570) under the title, Soldan Soleyman TurckischenKhaysers…Whareundeigendtlichecontrafectungundbildtnuss(SultanSüleyman,ATrue and Real Facsimile and Portrait of the Turkish Emperor). One drawing (monogrammed and dated 1557,Paris,Louvre)showsarichlycaparisoneddromedarycamel,stridingthroughalandscapewith a royal drummer on his back pounding his instrument, presumably to announce the advent of the sultan behind him.31 This image was produced as a reversed woodcut in 1576. The artist also producedotherdrawingsofdistinctive,sometimeshistorical,Germancostumes,thatwereprobably intendedforacompanionvolumeofEuropeancostumes,akintocontemporarycostumebookslike CesareVecellio’s(Venice,1590)orAbrahamdeBruyn’s(Antwerp1577).32  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  252 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Fig.18MelchiorLorichs,PortraitofSüleymanthe Fig.19MelchiorLorichs,SüleymantheMagnificentwith Magnificent,1562(?),engraving. theSuleymaniyeCamiinBackground,1574.   Lorichs also produced portrait engravings of the Sultan Süleyman when the latter was advanced in years (1574). One of these, based on a drawing of 1559 and monogrammed with the artist’sinitials(fig.18),presentsthesultanatbustͲlength,wearinghisown,distinctivelyhighturban. FollowingtheformulaestablishedinthelateportraitengravingsbyDürer,suchasFredericktheWise (1524), the sitter appears before a neutral, toned background with a ledge bearing an inscription. TheprintiselaboratelycaptionedinbothArabicandLatin.TheArabicinscriptiondeclaresthesitter tobe‘Sultanofsultans,Süleymanshah,sonofSultanSelimKhan,’andconcludeswiththeformula, ‘may God protect his helper.’ The Latin inscription is even more elaborate: ‘Imago Suleymanni TurcorumImp.inOriente,UniciSelimiyFilii,QuiAn.DoMDXX.PatriinImperioSuccessit:QuoEtiam AnnoCarolus.V.MaxaemylianiCaesarisNeposAquisgraniinOccidenteCoronatusestChristian:Imp: A Melchiore Loricis, Flensburgensi, Holsatio, Antiquitatis Studiosiss°, Constantinopoli, An. MDLIX, Men. Feb., Die XV, Verissime Expressa.’33 The fullͲbearded ruler’s face is somewhat haggard and drawn,showinghisageandthecumulativestrainofhisreign.  Lorichs´ second engraved portrait of Süleyman shows the sultan standing at fullͲlength beforeagateofthecity,throughwhichpassesacaparisonedelephantbearingtwobannerͲcarriers, oneofthemdisplayingthecrescentmoonofIslam(fig.19).Visiblethroughthegatebehindhimis Süleymaniye mosque complex, which Lorichs had studied on site in preparation for the abovementioned woodcut. The features of the sultan derive from the bustͲlength study made by Lorichsin1559,buttheengravingwasonlyproducedin1574.Inthatyear,inscribedasthe‘trueand reallikeness[counterfeit]’ofthesultan,itaccompaniedGillisCoppensvanDiest’spublication.34 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  253 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Lorichs’ woodcut images return us to the tradition of observant, onͲsite documentary treatment of the Ottoman Turks and their empire, first conveyed by the woodcut illustrations by Erhard Reuwich for the pilgrimage guide of Bernhard von Breydenbach in 1486 and maintained in Dürer’s early accurate drawings of Turkish costume and custom in Venice. However, after the decisive military advances in the Balkans, especially during the 1520s, the heightened threat of TurkisharmiestoboththeGermanHolyRomanEmpireaswellastowiderEuropeanChristendom made it difficult for Dürer and his followers to remain neutral observers of contemporary Islam. Aroundthetimeofthe1529siegeofVienna,Europeanfascinationintensifiedaboutmilitaryaspects of the Turks. Both in Germany and in The Netherlands, sixteenthͲcentury artists’ designs͸for printmakers and for tapestry producers alike—kept images of Turkish armies richly available to Northernaudiences,whetherprincesorgeneralpublic.  After the Emperor Charles V’s siege of Tunis in 1535, the next signal victory over Turkish forcesintheMediterraneanoccurredatsea,theBattleofLepanto(1571).Maincreditforthevictory wassharedbetweenthenavalforcesofVeniceandthearmiesofCharles’sson,SpanishKingPhilipII. SoappropriatelytwoprincipalcommemorationsofLepantowereproducedfortheSpanishmonarch andsenttotheEscorialpalacebytheagedVenetianpainterTitian.   Fig.20Titian,PhilipIIOfferingthe InfanteDonFerdinandtoHeaven,(1573– 75),Madrid,PradoMuseum.  The first of these is an allegorical portrait, Philip II Offering the Infante Don Ferdinand to Heaven (1573–75) (fig. 20), which shows a fierce naval battle behind the principals, where dark smoke silhouettes the flaming vessels.35 Documents describe the picture as ‘The Naval Battle’ (BatallaNaval).Ironically,DonFernando,presumptiveheirandfirstsonoftheking’sfinalmarriage, whowasbornintheverysameyearastheBattleofLepanto,1571,woulddieascantthreeyears aftertheimagewaspainted.Inthepictureadescendingangel—and/orawingedVictory—extends both a laurel crown and palm of military conquest, together with a banderole with a message intended for the youth: Maiora tibi (greater things for you). This same combination of classical referencewithreligioussymbolismsuffusesthemainaction.Philip,bareheaded,wearsparadearmor ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  254 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM asheoffershissonatwhatlookslikeanaltartableinaChristoͲmimeticact,likethePresentationof Jesus in the Temple (Panofsky has compared this gesture to imagery in late medieval manuscripts, whereapriestisshownliftingupanudechild,asymbolofthesoul;thissceneadornstheopeningof Psalm 24: ‘Unto thee O Lord, do I lift up my soul’). A row of columns like a temple entry recedes along the right side; the sturdy column, symbol of the virtue of Fortitude, frequently accompanies thefullͲlengthstandingsubjectsofcourtportraits,suchasTitian’sformative1551imageofPhilipII, thenaprince.Thisrowconvergesperspectivallylikeaseriesofancestorsonthebrightcentralfigure oftheinfante.Meanwhile,inthelowerleftcornercrouchesashackledTurkishprisoner,identified not only by his features but also by his crescent banner and his discarded turban; the spoils of his weaponsbehindhimwereaddedonastripbypainterVicenteCarduchoin1625,whenthepainting was enlarged to match the grand dimensions of Titian’s earlier great military celebration for a Spanishkinginarmor:hisequestrianportrait,EmperorCharlesVattheBattleofMühlberg(1548),a conquestnotofTurksbutoveraProtestantalliance.  Fig.21Titian,ReligionSuccoredbySpain, 1573,Madrid,PradoMuseum.  TheotherpaintingsentbyTitiantoSpainincelebrationofKingPhilip’scontributiontothe BattleofLepantowasanallegory,ReligionSuccoredbySpain(1573,fig.21).36Itshowstheencounter oftwofemalepersonificationsbeforeaseabattleinthebackground.Crouchingontherightside,a nude who attempts modestly to cover herself can be identified as Catholicism from the chalice behindherandacrossleaningagainstasolidrock(offaithandthepapacy).Abovethatcross,snakes onthetrunkofadeadtreesignifydevilishthreatstoChristendom,presumablybytheIslamicTurks as well as by heretic Protestants in Europe. Striding boldly in from the left and facing Religion, a femalewarriorenterscarryingaspearandashieldlikethegoddessMinervainearliermythologies by the artist. Panofsky rightly associates her with the pictorial tradition of the goddess of war, Bellona,andcallsherEcclesiamilitans.Behindherasecondwomanadvanceswithupraisedsword, likeafigureofFortitude;sheinturnheadsatroopofAmazons.Theirarmedforceisidentifiedwith SpainthroughtheheraldicarmsofPhilipIIonthecornershield.Oncemorethespoilsofwarappear as weapons in the center foreground, between Spain and Religion. At the head of the background navalbattle,inplaceofaNeptuneonhismarinechariot,drawnbyseahorses,weseeinsteadthe personificationofaturbanedTurk,headingforshoretothreatenthevulnerablefigureoftheChurch, whoturnstoacceptwelcomereinforcementfromherdeliverer.Thustheallegory,deftlyunpacked ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  255 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM by Panofsky, can be described in his words as ‘The Christian Religion, Threatened by Internal Subversion (the snakes of Heresy) and External Enemies (the Turk), Seeking the Protection of the ChurchMilitantandFortitude.’   Fig.22DomenikosTheotokopoulos,ElGreco, AdorationoftheHolyNameofJesus,ca. 1577–79,RoyalMonasteryofS.Lawrenceof theEscorial,PatrimonioNacional.  One final image commemorates the Catholic unity that provided victory at Lepanto. It survivesonlyasanambitiousvisionbyanartistwhohopedinvaintoservethecourtofPhilipII:El Greco,arrivinginSpainin1576,freshfromhisownperiodoffinishingschoolatVeniceandRome. HisAdorationoftheHolyNameofJesus(ca.1577–79)survivesintwoversions,oneintheEscorial (fig. 22), the other now in London (National Gallery).37 Its subject was correctly identified in the seventeenthcenturybyFrayFranciscodelosSantos(1657),whoidentifieditasarepresentationof the mouth of Hell and the bridge of Purgatory, called it the Gloria by El Greco for Philip II, thus comparing it directly with Titian’s Gloria, made earlier for the meditation of Charles V. Kneeling in adoration of the holy name, itself a Jesuit object of devotion, the three great leaders of the Holy LeaguewhomarshaledtheforcesforLepanto:PhilipII,dressedasalwaysinblack,DogeMocenigoof Veniceinarobetrimmedwithermine,andthecurrentpope,PiusV,inclericalrobes.On9March 1566, Pius V had issued a bull, Cum gravissima, exhorting all Christian powers to unite against the Turk.38Afourthkneelingfigureatthepope’srightisdressedinclassicalarmorandholdsasword;he hasbeenidentifiedbyAnthonyBluntasanidealizedportraitofthegeneraloftheLepantofleet,Don Juan of Austria, halfͲbrother of Philip II, who died in 1578 and was buried in the Escorial Royal Pantheon.Indeed,accordingtoFranciscodelosSantos,thisimagehungnearthattombinthemid seventeenth century. This picture reaffirms Christian doctrine and Catholic unity while also presentingtheseimportantcontemporaryfiguresalongsideresurrectedsoulswhoawaitredemption and admission to heaven and the company of the angels above. Even more than an allegory, this visionsituatescontemporaryreligionwithinacosmosoftheLastJudgmentandthetriumphofgood overevil. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  256 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Ontheeasternfront,theHolyRomanEmpireresumeditsownactiveTurkishWars(1593– 1606), fought during the reign of Emperor Rudolf II (r. 1576–1612). The renewed conflict began in August1593,whenSultanMuradIIIbrokeatrucethathadbeenineffectsince1584.39Althoughthe two sides fought to a deadlock before the peace of ZsitvaͲTorok (11 November 1606) was ratified, this protracted activity along a Central European front held worldwide significance as another boundarycontestbetweenChristendomandIslam.Italsoprovidedtheopportunity(or,indeed,the necessity) for considerable propaganda͸including visual art͸on the part of the Habsburg ruler. AlthoughRudolfIIneveractuallyledhistroopsinbattle,hehadhimselfportrayedbyhisnumerous courtartistsasagreatmilitaryvictorandpreserverofthefaith.    Fig.23HansvonAachen,Allegoryofthe TurkishWar(BattleofKronstadt/Brasov), 1603,Vienna.KunsthistorischesMuseum.    PrincipalpropagandisticcommissionswenttoRudolf’scourtpainterinPrague,Hansvon Aachen,theauthorofabelatedcycleofoilsketchesonparchment,boundtogetherinavolume underthetitleAllegoryoftheTurkishWar(completedbefore1607).40Thelatestofthemilitary eventsdepictedinthecycle,theBattleofKronstadt/Brasov,datesfrommidͲ1603(fig.23).This motivationtocelebrate‘victories’throughvisualimageryechoestheheritageofthegrandiose cartoonsandtapestriesofCharlesV’searlierTuniscampaign.LikeVermeyenpreparingtopainthis cartoons,vonAachenmademeticuloustopographicstudies.Yethealteredtherhetoricofthe presentationbyutilizingallegoricalfigures,chieflyfemalepersonifications,suchaswingedvictories orplaces(e.g.Hungary),alongwithmorehistoricallycrediblegroupingsofinfantryandcavalry.In thefinaltwoimageshealsoincludedbannersastrophiestosignifyvictory. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  257 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Frequentlythecompositionsdisplaytheheavensopentoshowdivinefiguresoverseeingthebattle: classicalgodsappearinpersonorthroughthesurrogatesoftheirsymbolicanimals,andtheartist doesnotmisstheopportunitytosuggestparallelsbetweentheeagleofJupiterandtheheraldic eagleoftheHolyRomanEmpire.Theeagleclawingthecrescentmoon,symbolofIslam,wasalsoa favoriteimpresaofRudolfII.        Fig.24AdriaendeVries,Reliefwiththeregainingofthe Fig.25HansvonAachen,TheBattleofSissek(1593), fortressofRaab/Gÿor(1598),Vienna,Kunsthistorisches Vienna,HeeresgeschichtlichesMuseum. Museum.    SomeofvonAachen’sdesignsweretranslatedintosculptedreliefbyRudolf’scourtsculptor, Adriaen de Vries, notably the image (ca. 1604–05) of the regaining (1598) of the fortress of Raab/Györ(fig.24).41Boththeoilsketchesandthebronzereliefweremorepersonal,privateitems thantapestriesorprints,andwerereservedforthenotoriouslywithdrawnemperorhimselfrather thanconceivedforlargeͲscalepublicdisplayorbroadcirculation.Yettheirgenesisandpresentation receivedmoredirectinputfromtherulerhimselfthanhadthetapestries,commissionedthroughthe agencyoftheemperor’ssisterandregent,MaryofHungary.  A characteristic von Aachen image, The Battle of Sissek (1593; one of the sources for de Vries’s relief) (fig. 25), inaugurates the scenes of war. It shows the emperor’s eagle attacking the sultan’screscentintheskyabove,andplacesclassicalrivergodsinthecornerstosuggestthesite. Additionally, a winged Victory extends palm and laurel garlands to the seated female allegory of Croatia,whobearsacrownandscepterandheraldicblueandwhitesquaresonherskirt.Alongside thesefantasticallegoricalelements,thebackgroundoftheimageclearlydepictstheactualriverside setting of the city and its fortified walls. The battle is in progress: imperial forces move inexorably fromlefttoright,sportingtheirbanners,andvanquishedTurksarecastintotheriver.Cavalrywith lances are complemented by infantry with pikes; the modern firearm, a harquebus or musket, is visibleintheleftmiddleground.SomeTurkswearidentifiablecostume,especiallyturbans,butthese are less ethnographically accurate records of dress than they are symbolic attributes to help communicateandcelebratethepartisanvictoryoveradreadedenemy.Alongwiththeirallegorical ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  258 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM mainfigures,theserepresentationsofbattlesbyvonAachenattendmoretothespecifictopography ofthesitesthantheydocumenttheactualmovementsofarmies.  VonAachen’sworkssurviveforthemostpartbothintheformofoilsketches(Vienna)and presentationdrawings(Dresden),thelatterofwhichwerefinishedin1604andpresentedin1607to Christian II, Elector of Saxony.42 Once more both patron and audience are courtly, imperial adversaries of the Turks, and again the chosen subjects are battles͸a different category from the traditionof dispassionateethnographicstudyofcostumesorcustoms,intendedtosatisfy curiosity anddisplaytheexotic.  By contrast, Rudolf II assembled in his castle at Prague the actual battlefield booty seized fromtheTurks,makingitafeaturewithinhisvastcollections.43Consistingchieflyofbowsandtheir leather cases, as well metalͲedged weapons (daggers, swords, battleͲaxes), these trophies were displayedtoimpressvisitingambassadors.SuchdelegationsincludedSafavidPersians,envoysfrom the empire that abutted the Ottomans on the opposite flank. This display of trophies must have helped kindle a proposed alliance between the Holy Roman Empire and the Persian Shah Abbas (1587–1629).44  TheartistofprintedportraitsofRudolfIIwashiscourtengraver,AegidiusSadeler.45Sadeler, like the imperial sculptor, Adriaen de Vries, devoted his main portrait energies to depicting the majestyofRudolfII.Andhisallegoricalvocabularyinframingtheimperialmajestypartakesofanew learned artistic vocabulary, which asserts conquest over the Turkish nemesis. After an extended century of visualizing Turks, this imperial program fits firmly into an ongoing Habsburg tradition, albeit with a more propagandistic purpose. Indeed the allegories, like Rubens’s cycle for Queen MotherMariede’MediciinFranceduringthe1620s,notonlyofferamorelearnedandelitepictorial vocabulary but also serve to airbrush embarrassing setbacks and harsh realities, in this case the ultimatemilitarystalematewiththeTurkishforcesbytheEmpire.Likethemodernexampleofthe Cold War adduced above, no European Christian could ever forget the clear and present danger posedtobothhisfaithandhispoliticalautonomybytheIslamicOttomanEmpireacrosstheborder. That threatening superpower, however, also held ongoing fascination and exotic allure, realized in pictorialtermsallthemorebythoseartists,particularlyVermeyenandLorichs,whohadexperienced TunisandIstanbulinpersoninsteadofpicturingstereotypesofTurks.  Ultimately,almostallimagesofTurksfromtheHolyRomanEmpirenecessarilyblended(to varying degrees) these opposing qualities: fear and loathing towards a formidable enemy that defined Christian Europe through contrast; alongside fascinated, careful observation, produced, usuallyinmultipleprintimages,forthedelectationinEuropeofcommonersaswellasrulers.        ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  259 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Bibliography Aikema, Bernard and Brown, Beverly L. (eds.), Renaissance Venice and the North, exhibition catalogue(Venice,1999). Anzelewsky,Fedja,TheDrawingsandGraphicWorksofDürer(London,1970). Atil,Esin(ed.),TheAgeofSüleymantheMagnificent,exhibitioncatalogue(Washington,1987). Bartrum,Giulia(ed.),AlbrechtDürerandhisLegacy,exhibitioncatalogue(London,2003). Blunt, Anthony, ‘El Greco’s “Dream of Philip II”: An Allegory of the Holy League,’ Journal of the WarburgandCourtauldInstitutes,3(1939–40),pp.58Ͳ69. Brown, Christopher and Vlieghe, Hans, Van Dyck 1599–1641, exhibition catalogue (London & Antwerp,1999). Brown,Jonathanetal.(eds.),ElGrecoofToledo,exhibitioncatalogue(Toledo,1982). Campbell,Caroline,andChong,Alan(eds.),BelliniandtheEast,exhibitioncatalogue(Boston,2005). Campbell, Thomas P., Tapestry in the Renaissance. Art and Magnificence, exhibition catalogue (LondonandNewHaven,2002). Carboni,Stefano(ed.),VeniceandIslam,exhibitioncatalogue(NewYork,2007). Checa, Fernando, Tiziano y la Monarquía Hispánica. Usos y funciones de la pintura veneciana en España(siglosXVIyXVII)(Madrid,1994). Clifton, James, ‘Mediated War,’ in The Plains of Mars. European War Prints, 1500Ͳ1825, ed. James CliftonandLeslieScattone,(Houston2009),pp.41–50. ColdingSmith,Charlotte,‘MilitaryImagesoftheTurkandtheConflictsoftheSixteenthCentury,’in ‘Apocalyptic Battles and Exotic Courts: Printed Images of the Turk from SixteenthͲCentury German Territories,’Ph.D.dissertation(UniversityofMelbourne,2010). Dessins de Dürer et de la Renaissance germanique dans les collections publiques parisiennes, exhibitioncatalogue(Paris,1991). DeWitt, Lloyd, ‘Testing Tradition against Nature. Rembrandt’s Radical New Image of Jesus,’ in RembrandtandtheFaceofJesus,exhibitioncatalogue(Philadelphia,2011),pp.109–45. Evans, Helen C. (ed.), Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261Ͳ1557), exhibition catalogue, The MetropolitanMuseumofArt(NewYork,2004). Evans,R.J.W.,RudolfIIandhisWorld(London,1997). Fischer,Erik,MelchiorLorck,exhibitioncatalogue(Copenhagen,1962). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  260 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Fisher,Erik,MelchiorLorck(Copenhagen,2009). Goodwin,Godfrey,AHistoryofOttomanArchitecture(London,1971). Goodwin,Jason,LordsoftheHorizon(NewYork,1998). Haupt,Herbert,‘DerTürkenkriegKaiserRudolfsII.1593–1606,’inPragum1600,exhibitioncatalogue (Essen&Vienna,1988),vol.I,pp.97–98. Heinz,GüntherandSchütz,Karl,PorträtgaleriezurGeschichteÖsterreichsvon1400bis1800(Vienna, 1976). Horn,Hendrik,JanCorneliszVermeyen(Doornspijk,1989). Humfrey,Peter,Titian:theCompletePaintings(Ghent,2007). Im Lichte des Halbmonds. Das Abendland und der türkische Orient, exhibition catalogue (Dresden, 1995). Jacoby,Joachim,HansvonAachen1552Ͳ1615(Berlin,2000). Jardine, Lisa and Brotton Jerry, Global Interests: Renaissance Art between East and West (Ithaca, 2000). Kafadar, Cemal, ‘The Ottomans and Europe,’ in Handbook of European History, ed. Thomas Brady (jr.),HeikoObermanandJamesTracy(Leiden,1994),vol.I,pp.599–628. Kappel, Jutta, ‘Die Türkennot des Kaisers. Zu einigen Aspekten der Darstellung des TürkenͲkrieges (1593–1606) in der Hofkunst Rudolfs II,’ in Im Lichte des Halbmonds. Das Abendland und der türkischeOrient,exhibitioncatalogue(Dresden,1995),pp.125Ͳ33. Kaufmann,ThomasDaCosta,TheSchoolofPrague(Chicago,1988). Knecht,RobertJ.,FrancisI(Cambridge,1992). Koschatzky,WalterandStrobl,Alice(eds.),DürerDrawings.TheAlbertinaCollection(Greenwich,CT, 1971). KunstvoordeBeeldenstorm.NoordnederlandseKunst1525–1580,exhibitioncatalogue(Amsterdam, 1986). Landau,DavidandParshall,Peter,TheRenaissancePrint1470Ͳ1550(NewHaven,1994). Levenson,Jay(ed.),Circa1492,exhibitioncatalogue(Washington,1991). Luther, Martin, Luther’s Works, vol. 35: Word and Sacrament I, ed. E. Theodore Bachman (Philadelphia,1960). Mango,Cyriletal.,MelchiorLorichs’PanoramaofIstanbul1559(Berlin,1999). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  261 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Moxey, Keith, Peasants, Warriors and Wives. Popular Imagery in the Reformation (Chicago and London,1989). Necipoglu,Gulru,Sinan(Princeton,2005). Nuti,Lucia,Rittratidicittà(Venezia,1996). Panofsky,Erwin,‘ConradCeltesandKunzvonderRosen:TwoProblemsinPortraitIdentification,’Art Bulletin,24(1942),pp.39–54. Panofsky,Erwin,ProblemsinTitian,mostlyiconographic(NewYork,1969). Pfaffenbichler,Matthias,‘DietürkischenWaffeninderKunstkammerRudolfsII,’inRudolfII,Prague andtheWorld,ed.LubomirKoneēnyetal.(Prague,1998),pp.161–65. Pragum1600,exhibitioncatalogue(Essen&Vienna,1988),2vols. Press,Volker,‘TheHabsburgLands:TheHolyRomanEmpire,1400–1555,’inHandbookofEuropean History,ed.ThomasBrady(jr.),HeikoObermanandJamesTracy(Leiden,1994),vol.I,pp.599–628. Raby,Julian,Venice,DürerandtheOrientalMode(London,1982). Romanelli, Giandomenico (ed.), A volo d’uccello: Jacopo de’ Barbari e le rappresentatzioni di città nell’EuropadelRinascimento,exhibitioncatalogue(Venezia,1999). St.Clair,AlexandrineN.,TheImageoftheTurkinEurope,exhibitioncatalogue(NewYork,1973). SchätzeausdemTopkapiSerail,exhibitioncatalogue(Berlin,1988). Scholten,Frits,AdriaendeVries1556–1626,exhibitioncatalogue(Amsterdam,1998Ͳ99). Seipel,Wilfried,DerKriegszugKaiserKarlsVgegenTunis.KartonsundTapisserien(Vienna,2000). Sievernich,GereonandBudde,Henrich(eds.),EuropaundderOrient,800Ͳ1900,(München,1989). Silver,Larry,‘NatureandNature’sGod:LandscapeandCosmosofAlbrechtAltdorfer,’ArtBulletin,81 (1999),pp.194–214. Silver, Larry, ‘The Face is Familiar: German Renaissance Portrait Multiples in Prints and Medals,’ WordandImage,19(2003),pp.6–21. Silver,Larry,‘CivicCourtliness:AlbrechtDürer,theDukeandtheEmperor,’inArtistsatCourt:ImageͲ MakingandIdentity1300–1500,ed.StephenCampbell(Boston,2004),pp.149–62. Silver,Larry,MarketingMaximilian:TheVisualIdeologyofaHolyRomanEmperor(Princeton,2008). Spitz,Lewis,ConradCeltis(Cambridge,Mass.,1958). Strauss,Walter,TheCompleteDrawingsofAlbrechtDürer(NewYork,1974). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  262 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Strauss,Walter,TheIntaglioPrintsofAlbrechtDürer(NewYork,1981). WardͲJackson,Peter,‘SomeRareDrawingsbyMelchiorLorichs,’TheConnoisseur(March,1955),83– 93. Westbrook, Nigel, Rainsbury Dark, Kenneth and van Meeuwen, Rene, ‘Constructing Melchior Lorichs’sPanoramaofConstantinople,’JournaloftheSocietyofArchitecturalHistorians,69(2010), pp.62–87. White,Christopher,‘“AnOrientalRuleronHisThrone”and“TheEntombment”:TwoNewDrawings byAlbrechtDürer,’MasterDrawings,11(1973),pp.365–74. Wien1529.DieersteTürkenbelagerung,exhibitioncatalogue(Vienna,1979Ͳ80). Wittkower,Rudolf,‘Titian’sAllegoryof“ReligionSuccoredbySpain”,’inAllegoryandtheMigration ofSymbols(London,1977),pp.143–46. Yerasimos, Stéphane, ‘Istanbul au XVIe siècle. Images d’une capitale,’ in Soliman le Magnifique, exhibitioncatalogue(Paris,1990),pp.184–321. Zeydel,Edwin,TheShipofFools(NewYork,1944).  Illustrations Fig.1MapoftheDanubeRiver,byWillemandJohannBlaeu,inNovusAtlas(Amsterdam,1636). Fig.2AlbrechtDürer,ThreeTurkishMen,ca.1495. Fig.3GentileBellini,ProcessioninPiazzaSanMarco,1496,detailofthreeTurkishmenin background,Venice,Galleriedell’Accademia. Fig.4AlbrechtDürer,Orientalfamilyofanottomanarcher,1496,Milan,BibliotecaAmbrosiana. Fig.5AlbrechtDürer,OrientalRulerseatedonhisThrone,ca.1496/97),Washington,National Gallery. Fig.6AlbrechtDürer,ApocalypseSeries,1497,pl.2:TortureofSt.JohntheEvangelist. Fig.7AlbrechtDürer,SultanSüleyman,1526,Bayonne,MuséeBonnat. Fig.8Anonymous,SultanSüleyman,ca.1530/40,Vienna,KunsthistorischesMuseum. Fig.9AlbrechtDürer,TheMartyrdomofTenThousand,1508,oilonpanel,Vienna,Kunsthistorisches Museum. Fig.10AlbrechtDürer,TheMartyrdomoftheTenThousand,ca.1497/98,woodcut. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  263 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Fig.11NicolausMeldemann,CircularViewoftheCityofViennaattheTimeoftheFirstTurkish Siegein1529,eightsheetwoodcut,1530. Fig.12SebaldBeham,TheTurkishSultanSüleyman,woodcutpublishedwiththepamphletThe ThreeBesiegersofVienna. Fig.13ErhardSchoen,TurkishAtrocities,woodcut,publishedbyHansGuldenmundtinNuremberg, 1530. Fig.14WillemdePannemakerafterJanC.Vermeyen,TheQuestforFodder,Sixthtapestryofthe ConquestofTunisseries(includingancientruinsofCarthage),Madrid,PatrimonioNacional. Fig.15MelchiorLorichs,ByzantiumsiveConstantineopolis(ViewofIstanbul),1559,twosections, Leiden,UniversityLibrary. Fig.16MelchiorLorichs,SectionwithanidealselfͲportraitoftheauthoratthecenterofByzantium siveConstantineopolis,1559,Leiden,UniversityLibrary. Fig.17MelchiorLorichs,SultanSüleyman’sMosque,1570,woodcut. Fig.18MelchiorLorichs,PortraitofSüleymantheMagnificent,1562?,engraving. Fig.19MelchiorLorichs,SülemaniyetheMagnificentwiththeSuleymaniyeCamiinBackground, 1574. Fig.20Titian,PhilipIIOfferingtheInfanteDonFerdinandtoHeaven,(1573–75),Madrid,Prado Museum. Fig.21Titian,ReligionSuccoredbySpain,1573,Madrid,PradoMuseum. Fig.22DomenikosTheotokopoulos,ElGreco,AdorationoftheHolyNameofJesus,ca.1577–79, RoyalMonasteryofS.LawrenceoftheEscorial,PatrimonioNacional. Fig.23HansvonAachen,AllegoryoftheTurkishWar(BattleofKronstadt/Brasov),1603,Vienna, KunsthistorischesMuseum. Fig.24AdriaendeVries,ReliefwiththeRegainingofthefortressofRaab/Gÿor(1598),Vienna, KunsthistorischesMuseum. Fig.25HansvonAachen,TheBattleofSissek(1593),Vienna,HeeresgeschichtlichesMuseum.   1  For a discussion of Maximilian’s art patronage, including his various verbal and visual campaigns for a contemporarycrusadeagainsttheOttomanTurks,seeSilver2008. 2 EditedandtranslatedbyZeydel1944,pp.315–22. 3 Raby1982;Levenson1991,pp.212–13,nos.109–110. 4 Carboni2007.SeealsotheessaybyElizabethRodiniinthesamevolume. 5 Raby1982,p.25;Aikema&Brown1999,pp.266–67,no.38;Koschatzky&Strobl,1971,pp.64–65,no.15(W. 79,ca.1495);Levenson1991,p.213,no.110;Bartrum2003,pp.108Ͳ09,no.38(W.78,ca.1494–95).Seenow Campbell&Chong2005.InthespecificcaseoftheThreeOrientals(London,BritishMuseum,W.78,ca.1494– ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  264 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  95),DürerexplicitlyreplicatedthreesmallfiguresinthebackgroundofalargepaintingbyGentileBellini,the Corpus Christi Procession in the Piazza San Marco, dated 1496; therefore, these figures must have been experiencedbyDürerpriortocompletionofthefinalpicture,perhapsthroughpreliminarydrawingstudies. 6 Levenson1991,pp.212–13,no.109,White1973,365–74.Thefigureofthedrawingwastracedthroughto theothersideofthesheet,toserveasthemodelfortheengraving.Thatprintexistsinonlyoneunfinished proof (Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum) and was unrecorded by Bartsch. See also Strauss 1981, pp. 54–55; and Strauss1974,no.1495/18–18a. 7 Additionofbothrubiesandturquoisedoesindeedmarkanumberofthesultan’spersonaldecorativeobjects, includingtheroyalmace;seeAtil1987;andSchätzeausdemTopkapiSerail,1988. 8 DeWitt2011,pp.109–45,esp.112–13,121–23. 9  See Strauss 1974, pp. 2320 – 2321, no. 1526/8. The drawing is inscribed in German script, Suleyman imperator,dieleibfarbistgantzlederfarb(EmperorSüleyman,thebodyͲcoloriscompletelyleatherͲcolored). 10 Fortherelationsbetweenportraitmedalsandportraitwoodcutsasmultiplelikenesses,Silver2003. 11 Dresden,Münzkabinett;ImLichtedesHalbmonds...1995,p.75,no.24.Thisraremedaldoesnotappearin thecelebratedcollectionsofLondon,Vienna,Berlin,andMunich,anditsartistandoriginremainunknown.It alsoresemblesarelatedetchingbyHieronymusHopfer.ComparealsotheprofilemedalwithturbanofSultan Mehmet II (‘the Conqueror’), facing the same leftward direction as Dürer drawing, dating ca. 1480 and patternedafteradesignbyGentileBelliniofVenice,ibid.,p.53,no.5,withGentile’scelebratednearͲprofile paintedportraitofMehmetII(1480;London,NationalGallery),ibid.,p.52,no.1. 12 ImLichtedesHalbmonds...1995,p.74,no.21;Heinz&Schütz1976,pp.182–84,no.156,fig.101.Basedon theageofthesultan,theprofilemodelforthepaintingprobablydatestothe1520's,likeDürer’sownsource. 13 Anzelewsky1970,pp.212–18,no.105.Ahorizontalformatdrawing,preservedinafastidiouscopy(W.438, Vienna, Albertina; see Koschatzky & Strobl, pp. 168–71, no. 62), served as a preliminary composition of this complextheme.MorewidelyonFredericktheWiseasacourtlypatronofDürer,seeSilver2004,pp.149–62. 14 Panofsky1942,39–54;Spitz1958. 15 Especiallyafter1530.Knecht1992,pp.224–25,233–34,294–95.ForthebestrecentsurveyoftheHabsburgs andtheOttomansinthesixteenthcentury,seePress1994andKafadar1994. 16 ImLichtedesHalbmonds…1995,pp.78–79,no.36;Landau&Parshall1994,pp.227–28,figs.233–34;Moxey 1989,pp.78–79,n.28forreferences. 17 ColdingSmith2010,pp.72–73;Hale,1990,pp.17–19;Clifton2009,pp.41–50;Landau&Parshall1994,pp. 227–28. 18 ImLichtedesHalbmonds...1995,pp.79Ͳ80,no.37.Wien1529...1979Ͳ80,pp.63Ͳ69,no.151. 19 ColdingSmith2010,pp.54–82,esp.65–67(IamgratefultoDr.Smithforsharingherresearchwithmeprior topublication);KunstvoordeBeeldenstorm…1986,pp.175–76,no.59. 20 ColdingSmith2010,p.54,withtranslation;Moxey1989,pp.76–77,fig.4.7. 21 ColdingSmith2010,p.1,withtranslation. 22 Luther1960,vol.35,p.407. 23 Campbell2002,pp.385–91,428–34;Jardine&Brotton2000,pp.82Ͳ87;alsoHorn1989,pp.13–17,35Ͳ37, 41–47, 111–223; Seipel 2000. Scholarly debate continues about whether Vermeyen designed the tapestries aloneorwhetherhecollaboratedwithexperienceddesignerPieterCoeckevanAelst. 24 History,indeed,butnotwithoutbias.TheSackofTunisusesitsLatininscriptiontoeditorialize:‘Thetroops sentagainsttheoutskirtsofthetownlaysiegetoandtakethem,slaughtertheenemy[hostemque]inarmor and, taking the houses, spare the inhabitants. They use the right of conquest [iure belli]. More than twenty thousandcaptivesrecovertheirlibertyandthricesaluteCharlestheAvenger[VictoremCarolum]withcriesof gratitude.TheconquerorreestablishestheunfortunateHasanonthethroneofhisancestors,thoughhehardly meritedthis,ashehadpromisedsomuchandperformednothing,’translatedbyCampbell2002,p.429,no. 50.OrtheLatinfromtheinitialtapestry:‘WishingtoovercometheinfidelarmiesoftheTurkandthewarrior [Barbarossa]who,obeyingtheordersofSuleiman,raisescruelwaragainsttherealmsofSpain,Caesar,Charles theFifthofthatname,gatherstogetherwiththeblessingsofheaven,thearmiesandfleetsofSpainandItalyto threatentheAfricantroops.Notbrookingdelaywhiletimeandthehourproceed,heenergeticallyhastensto hisshipsandhisloyalcompanions,’translatedbyHorn1989,p.181. 25 Horn1989,p.181. 26 Fischer1962;Fisher2009;St.Clair1973,nos.6–10. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  265 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  27 Westbrook,RainsburyDark&vanMeeuwen2010,pp.62–87;Evans2004,pp.406Ͳ08,no.249;Sievernich& Budde1989,pp.241–44;Mangoetal.1989;Romanelli1999,pp.154–58,no.16;Yerasimos1990,pp.294–97; Fisher1962,p.24.Forthegeneralphenomenon,seeNuti,1996. 28 SchätzeausdemTopkapiSerail1988,p.72,no.6.Forthebuildingcomplex,Goodwin1971,pp.215–39;now seeNecipoglu2005. 29 Silver1999,pp.194–214,withreferences. 30  Fischer 1962,pp.38–58. After several false starts, the publication first appeared in1626 in Hamburg with MichaelHering.WardͲJackson1955,83–93. 31 DessinsdeDürer…1991,pp.128–29,no.120,arguesthatthedrawingwasdoneatalatermomentbackin Germany,withthedaterecordingtheperiodofobservation. 32 Kaufmann1988,pp.64–65,nos.14–15;andFisher1962,pp.58–64,nos.64–78. 33 ThetranslationoftheLatininscriptionwillbeaddedhere. 34  Soldan Soleyman Turckischen Khaysers... Whare und eigenliche contrafectung und biltnuss, dated 21 April 1574. 35 Humfrey2007,p.368,no.293;Checa1994,pp.52–56;Panofsky1969,pp.72–73. 36 Humfrey2007,p.367,no.292;Checa1994,pp.58–60;Panofsky1969,pp.186Ͳ90.AlsoWittkower1977,pp. 143–46,whichseestheChurchTriumphantintheMinervafigureandthenudefigureastheMagdalene,Sin redeemed.ButseeaseventeenthͲcenturyassessmentoftheimagebyFrayFranciscodelosSantos,Wittkower 1977,p.145,n.8.Humfrey2007rejectsthenotionthatthispictureisareworkedversionofamuchearlier painting,seentheartist’sstudioanddescribedin1566byVasari(VII,458)asaworkbegunforAlfonsod’Este, who had commissioned the Ferrara Camerino d’alabastro. However, recent technical examination does not showchangestotheattributesofthemainallegories,sotheVasariworkisprobablylost,thoughitispossibly identicaltoaworksenttoEmperorMaximilianIIandengravedin1568byGiulioFontana.Intheengravingthe suppliant nude is described in Latin as ‘the pious image of the religion of the unvanquished Emperor of the Christians,’ in Panofsky 1969, p. 187. A workshop copy of the Escorial painting is in Rome, Palazzo Doria– Pamphilij. 37 Brownetal.1982,pp.231–32,no.12;Blunt1939–40,pp.58Ͳ69. 38 Panofsky1969,p.188. 39  Kappel 1995, pp. 125Ͳ33; Haupt 1988, vol. I, 97–98. For the complex diplomatic history via an imperial perspective, Evans 1997, pp. 75–78; the Ottoman outlook, between Europe and Persia, is conveyed by Goodwin1998,pp.164–67. 40  Jacoby 2000, esp. pp. 174–75, 178–80, 182–203; nos. 56, 58, 60; more generally for von Aachen and the other artists at Prague, Kaufmann 1988, esp. pp. 133–63, nos. 1.44, 1.48–60. Ink drawing copies of the oil sketchesbyvonAachen’sworkshopshowalargeroriginalcycle. 41 Scholten1998Ͳ99,pp.159–61,no.18.Thismorecompositework,derivedfromseveralofthevonAachen designs,speaksmoregenerallytotheTurkishWaronthebattlegroundofHungary,anditfeaturestheMuslim dragon and serpent being attacked by imperial eagle and lion along with river personifications (Danube and Sava). 42  Unusually for von Aachen a pair of preliminary compositional drawings survive: one in Dusseldorf, Kunstmuseum(inv.no.941),theotherinMoscow,PushkinMuseum(inv.no.7456;discussedinPragum1600, vol.I,pp.333–34,no.183). 43 Pfaffenbichler1998,pp.161–65. 44 ThisproposedalliancewasbrokeredbytheEnglishmanRobertShirley;seeEvans1997,pp.77Ͳ78;seealso theremarkabledoubleportraitsinPersianambassadorialdress(1622),paintedinRomebyAnthonyvanDyck ofSirRobertandTeresia,LadyShirley(PetworthHouse),inBrown&Vlieghe1999,pp.160–63,nos.29–30. 45 ImLichtedesHalbmonds,nos.132Ͳ34;Pragum1600,vol.I,nos.19,36–37,esp.HuseinAliBeg,depictedin 1601,whoalsovisitedtheElectorofSaxony. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  266 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM ‘TheGoodandHonestTurk’ AEuropeanLegendintheContextofSixteenthͲCenturyOrientalStudies PálÁcsȋ‡•‡ƒ”…Š‡–‡”ˆ‘”–Š‡—ƒ‹–‹‡•ǡ—‰ƒ”‹ƒ…ƒ†‡›‘ˆ…‹‡…‡•Ȍ    ‘Butdeliverusfromevil’ ‘Believe me, it is a greater pleasure to repay with good deeds and injustice suffered, rather than punishevilwithevil.Takeyourfreedom,takeConstanzeandbemorehumanethanyourfather[...]’ —thisishowSelimpashaaddressesBelmonte,thesonofhisardentenemyintheclosingsceneof Mozart’soperaTheAbductionfromtheSeraglio.‘Nothingisasuglyasrevenge[…]’,singthefreed prisoners,totheutmostangerofthefat,meanandbloodthirstyOsmin.1Weknowthatthefigureof the good and noble Turk, Selim pasha, who generously overcomes his prejudices and voluntarily forgives his enemies was formed by the composer himself in accordance with his Enlightenment ideals, and that it was Mozart himself who turned Osmin into a comic yet bloodͲcurdlingly cruel figuretobalancethepasha’sgenerosity.2WemaysaythatSelimandOsmindemonstratethelight andthedarksideoftheEuropeanimageoftheTurkinaperfectlyclearform.3  Lightandshadowareinseparable—afactthatthosestudyingthecenturiesͲlongstruggleof ChristianityandtheOttomanEmpireoftentendtoforget.Intheoldandnewliteratureexploringthe image of the Turk, dark and light tones seem to alternate and never to find harmony: in the foregroundisthefictitiousorrealfigureofeitherthemeanandcruelorgoodandnobleTurk.4The literaryfigureofthe‘paganTurk’conceivedasthe‘naturalenemy’ofChristianityandthe‘scourgeof God’5islostinthedistantpastbeforetheEuropeanappearanceoftheOttomansandiswoveninto conceptsoftheHuns,theTartarsandtheHungarians.JeanDelumeauisrightinsayingthattheWest representeditsownfearsinthedemonizedMuslimenemy.6Thisishowtheenemyturnedintothe apocalypticdragonidentifiedwithSatan:dracorufus.7  Theothersideofthecoin,thelegendofthe‘honestTurk’(Voltaire’s‘bonmusulman’)8—in the form depicted by Paolo Giovio, Guillaume Postel and Jean Bodin,9 and then in the age of the Enlightenment10byVoltaire,Lessing,HumeandMozart—mayalsobetracedbacktothedepthsof thepast.11ItisrelatedtotheideastemmingfromOrigenthatneitheralltheevilthingsintheworld nor even Satan and hell can be considered everlasting, as God will destroy them on the last day, ‘whenherestoresallthings’.12‘Sedliberanosamalo’,thusprayedChristians,notknowingwhether tolookforevilintheoutsideworldorinthemselves.Theycouldnotdecidewhetherfinalliberation wastobethedestructionorthetransformationandimprovementofevil.‘Thewholecreationcarries thehopeofliberty’,saidOrigen,13andhisfaithwassharedbymanygreatmenoftheRenaissance ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  267 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM suchasPicodellaMirandola,Erasmusandothers.14Renaissanceitself—amongmanyotherthings— was the rebirth of the desire for liberty. This ray of hope sometimes projected itself on the image ChristiansformedoftheTurk.15  ThesecondRome Travellers, ambassadors, writers, scientists, artists and polymaths interested in the world of the Orient—sixteenthͲcentury intellectuals in the service of the Habsburgs promising to describe the OttomanEmpireintheirworks—wereallawareofthesharpcontrastbetweentheEuropeanimage oftheTurkandtheirs.16Theyhaddifferentviewsof‘Turkishness’,17yettheybasicallytreatedtheir subjectasanintellectualproblemandtriedtograspitwithinRenaissanceconcepts.   Fig.1TheSerpentineColumnandtheObeliskofTheodosiusinConstantinople.  ItisworthwhileexaminingthesignificanceoftheHabsburgpeacedelegationsenttoIstanbul in1553fromthepointofviewofthedevelopmentofOrientalstudies.18Therelationshipbetween theHabsburgsandthePortewasextremelytenseatthetime;sultanSüleymanIcouldnotforgive Ferdinand for the 1551 attack against Transylvania and the murdering of governor Frater Georgius (GeorgeMartinuzzi),19withtheresultthatin1552helaunchedageneralattackagainstthekingdom of Hungary.20 Peace negotiations came to a halt and the Habsburg ambassador Giovanni Maria Malvezzi was imprisoned by the Ottomans.21 The new delegates of Ferdinand I had been charged with a very difficult and multiͲlayered task: they were supposed to sign a peace agreement that ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  268 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM wouldleaveTransylvaniaunderHabsburgrule,andatthesametimetoseekpoliticalrelationswith theexternalenemiesoftheSultan,primarilythePersians.22  Researchers of the history of Ottoman and Habsburg diplomacy are usually amazed that Ferdinand’senvoyscarriedouttheirdelicatemissioninsuchawayastoleavethemplentyoftime for scholarly and scientific research: they discovered and studied ancient architectural remains, explored thepeoplesoftheSultan’sempire,andobservedthefloraandfaunaofthelandscapein frontofthem.23Inreality,theprofoundinterestoftheambassadorsintheOttomanEmpirewasnot atallasideactivity.Onthecontrary,thefeverishsearchforantiquitiesexpressedtheessenceofthe mission, tellingly representing the aims for power—however far exceeding their current possibilities—oftheViennesecourt.   Fig.2MartinoRota:AntoniusVerantius.  We know that the embassy was led by the best Humanist intellectuals of the time. Antal Verancsics (cr. Antun Vranēiđ, it. Antonio Veranzio; 1504–1573), the bishop of Pécs (Fünfkirchen), wasascholarwithanoriginalmindandawideintellectualhorizon.24Amerelistofhisdiscoveries and works would fill pages. We still treasure his uniquely rich collection of Hungarian historical sources—diaries,memoirs,memorandums,biographies,etc.:thesoͲcalledVerancsicsCollection25—, hisabundantcorrespondence,26andhighͲqualityhistoricalessays.27Aspartoftheembassy,heused Ptolemaios’smaptofindancientruins,copiedRomaninscriptions,andcollectedGreekandRoman coins.28 This is when he came into possession of a valuable Turkish manuscript, the soͲcalled ‘enlarged’ version of the narrative of the Ottoman chronicler Mehmed Muhjí alͲDín. The author of thisimportantsourcecompiledanonymousOttomanchroniclesfromthebeginningsoftheOttoman Empiretohisownera(until1549).ThemanuscriptlaternamedafterVerancsics(CodexVerantianus) becameoneofthemainsourcesforEuropeanhistoriansresearchingOttomanhistory.29 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  269 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Another important role in the Istanbul embassy was played by Ferenc Zay, a brilliant Hungarian soldier who was captain of the Danube fleet. He was an educated man; his Hungarian military chronicle of the 1521 fall of Nándorfehérvár (Belgrade) is preserved in the Verancsics Collection.30DespitehismanybattlesagainsttheTurks,Zaywasknowntohaveexcellentrelations withthem,whichispreciselywhyhewasselectedforthePortedelegation.31Anothermemberofthe mission was the Hungarian commissioner of the Fugger bank, Hans Dernschwam, who profoundly despised the Turks but studied the country’s glorious past with holy devotion.32 Dernschwam possessedoneoftherichestlibrariesoftheera,33anditwasprimarilyduetohimthattheembassy gotholdofsuchvaluablemanuscriptsastherarecopiesofDioskorides’sHerbarium34andZónaras’s Annales, which are now great treasures of the Hofbibliothek in Vienna.35 The brilliant Hungarian humanist Joannes Belsius completed Dernschwam’s famous travel diary with sketches of ancient monumentsandinscriptions.36  In1555,Verancsicsandhisembassywerejoinedbyoneofthebestdiplomatsofthetime, OgierGhiselindeBusbecqfromFlanders,whosedelicate,readableandelegantTurkishLetters—the literary adaptation of the mission in question—introduced the Ottoman Empire and the Turks to Europe.37 The other ornament of the delegation was Melchior Lorck, a DanishͲGerman painter in Ferdinand’sservice.38HisengravingsanddrawingsofOttomansubjectsrepresentthesamequalityin the fine arts as Busbecq’s book does—in line with the works of Montaigne and Justus Lipsius—in literature. Ferenc Zay, Verancsics and Busbecq were depicted by Lorck in a Renaissance series of portraits,39 which is perfectly harmonious in elaboration and composition—expressing the intellectualtogethernessofthemembersoftheOttomanmissionwithartisticmeans(seefigs.3–5). We may learn a lot by highlighting typical motives in the works of Lorck, Busbecq and Verancsics, motivesthathelpexploretheinnerlinksofthissharedworldofthoughts.40   Figs.3–5MelchiorLorck:TheportraitsofAntoniusVerantius,FranciscusZayandAugeriusBusbequius.   In1559,MelchiorLorckpaintedhisselfͲportraitontheextremelypreciseandlightpanorama of Constantinople (fig. 6).41 The extract shows the painter standing on the banks of the Galata, paintingthehugemetropolisontheotherside.Weseeanelegantlydressed,blondͲhaired,Western Europeanyoungman,lethargicallydippinghispeninaninkpothandedtohimbyaclearlysymbolic ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  270 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM figure, a big ‘Turk’ wearing a turban. The meaning of the allegoric gesture is quite clear. Lorck interprets the panorama before him and himself getting lost in the landscape simultaneously. The artist—antiquitatis studiosissimus42—spectacularly turns away from the Turk but at the same time acceptshishelp.HeisdrawingthemosquesoftheOttomancapital(seefigs.7and9),Istanbul,but seestheaqueductsandcolumnsofConstantinople,the‘secondRome’.Thearchaicizingpanoramaof IstanbulwastheintellectualrecapturingoftheOttomanEmpire.   Fig.6SelfͲportraitofMelchiorLorck.    Fig.7MelchiorLorck:TheSuleimanyeinIstanbul.  BusbecqelaboratedonthesamethoughtintheclosingchapteroftheTurkishLetters,inthe panegyricofFerdinandI,writteninthestyleofancientroyalmirrors.Hecomparedhisownkingto SüleymanI.Heusedvividcolourstodepicttheimmeasurablenumericalsuperiorityandpowerofthe Ottoman emperor, against which Ferdinand—the stoic philosopher, the persevering and ingenious new Fabius Cunctator—could primarily rely on his morals and rationality, and these virtues indeed ensuredhimsuccess: Three things Solyman is said to set his heart on, namely to see the building of his mosque finished (which is indeed a costly and beautiful work),43 by restoring the ancient aqueducts to giveConstantinopleanabundantsupplyofwater,andtotakeVienna.Intwoofthesethingshis wishes have been accomplished, in the third he has been stopped and I hope will be stopped. Viennaheiswonttocallbynoothernamethanhisdisgraceandshame.44 Busbecq thus saw the rivalry between Habsburgs and Ottomans not as the struggle of ‘good’ and ‘evil’butasatrialbetweentwodifferentlystructuredancientempires,RomeandCarthage. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  271 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM     Fig.8TheMonumentumAncyranuminAnkara. Fig.9MelchiorLorck:TheHagiaSophiainIstanbul.   When sultan Süleyman invited the Habsburg embassy to Amasya in Asia Minor in 1555, Verancsics,DernschwamandBelsius,thedelegation’ssecretary,discoveredthemostfamousancient inscriptionamongtheruinsofasanctuarynearAnkara,thepoliticaltestamentofEmperorAugustus, latertobeknownastheMonumentumAncyranum(fig.8).45Althoughthepublicwasonlyinformed about the findings through Busbecq’s book—published almost two decades later—and he was the one to carry the glory, success had in reality been shared. Many scholars have studied the circumstances under which the findings were discovered. Here I would only like to emphasize that Augustus’s inscription, apart from its historical significance, expressed the humanist aims of the ambassadorsinaperfectlyconstructedform.AsBusbecqsays: Herewesawaverybeautifulinscription,containingacopyofthetabletsinwhichAugustusgave a summary of his achievements. We made our people copy out as much as was legible. It is engravedonthemarblewallsofabuildingnowruinousandroofless,whichformerlymayhave formed the official residence of the governor. As you enter the building one half of the inscription is on the right, and the other on the left. The top lines are nearly perfect; in the middle the gaps begin to present difficulties; the lowest lines are so mutilated with blows of clubsandaxesastobeillegible.Thisisindeedagreatliteraryloss,andonewhichscholarshave much reason to regret; the more so as it is an ascertained fact that Ancyra was dedicated to AugustusasthecommongiftofAsia.46  Letusfocusonthelastsentenceofthequote.WeknowtheMonumentumAncyranumtobe a basic document of the institution of the Roman principatus, and in this document Octavian seemingly defined himself as the reformer of Roman freedom and republic but in reality as the omnipotentAugustusCaesar,reconstructorofworldorder(restitutororbis).47PeopleinViennaknew thattheOttomansultandeclaredhimselftheheirofByzantinerulers,inotherwords,emperorofthe ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  272 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Eastern Roman Empire.48 Western and Eastern emperors were considered to be of the same rank. Augustus’s testament—which was discovered in the Orient—represented the unity of the empire onceruledfromtheWest.WecanrestassuredthatFerdinandI,thewouldͲbeemperoroftheHoly RomanEmpire,entirelyagreedwiththisdefinitionoftheconceptofemperorship.  Studiaturcica Peter Lambeck and Adam František Kollár, the scholarly seventeenthͲ and eighteenthͲcentury librariansoftheVienneseHofbibliothek,alreadynotedthatthefindingsoftheVerancsicsdelegation lookingforOttomanantiquitiesandtheentireintellectualresultsoftheembassybecameanintegral part of the imperial library and the scientific work supported by the court.49 During the reign of Ferdinand I’s heirs Maximilian II and Rudolph II, a new generation of humanists belonging to the Viennese circle turned to Oriental studies. Ottoman studies at the time owe the most to two competing foreign scholars, the Dutch Hugo Blotius50 from Delft, the first praefectus of the Hofbibliothek,andJohannesLöwenklau,51theWestphalianhistorian,bothofwhomwereprotégésof LazarusvonSchwendi.  In 1576, Blotius wrote his important Turcica catalogue entitled Ex bibliotheca librorum et orationum de Turcis et contra Turcas scriptorum catalogus. Research has shown that the scholarly librarian compiled his encyclopaedic work—an attempt to assemble and collect all works and knowledge on the Ottomans—with strong antiͲTurkish intentions.52 In the preface addressed to Rudolph,Blotiustalkedaboutthepracticalusesofthecollection,expressinghiswishthathiswork might serve as an intellectual weapon in the hands of warriors fighting in the ultimate struggle againstTurks.ResearchershaveoftenwonderedwhytheirenicBlotius,whowasagainstallreligious conflict53—and was himself a member of the mystic religious community called the Family of Love (FamiliaCharitatis)—spokeoftheOttomanquestioninsuchharshtones.  Thereareseveralcorrectanswerstothisquestion.ItispossiblethatBlotiussimplywantedto please the new ruler, Rudolph, who was much more aggressive and violent than his predecessors. AnothersolutionisthatthelibrarianurgedtheemperortoleadawaragainsttheTurksbecausehe wantedtodeterhimfromtakingotheraggressivesteps—launchinganarmedCounterͲReformation againstProtestants.  Itisalsopossible,however,thatBlotius’santiͲTurkishfeelingsdidnotimmediatelystemfrom the topical political and religious aims of the collection but from the genre of the work, the encyclopaedic‘spirit’ofthecatalogue.54WeknowthatwhileBlotiuswaseditingTurcica,hehadin mindtheexampleofalibrarycontainingeverysinglebookintheworld,encompassingscienceand cultureasawhole—ConradGessner’sBibliothecaUniversalis.55Theimaginaryuniversallibrarywasa modeloftheuniverse,servedomniscience,andthuscontainedallbranchesofscience,includingthe culturaltreasuresoftheMuslimenemiesofChristianity,aswellasalltheliteratureonthesubject. TheBaconianprincipleofscientiaestpotestasnaturallyexistedlongbeforeBacon.  Johannes Löwenklau wrote his famous Ottoman chronicles with highly similar ideas. Publishedbetween1588and1591,hisLatinandGermanhistoricalworksaretothisdayinvaluable ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  273 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM andessentialsourcesforthosestudyingthehistoryoftheOttomanEmpire.Theauthortracedthe historyoftheOttomansfromthebeginningstohisowntime,wishingtowriteanauthenticOttoman history. He used all available genuine sources—the books of Guillaume Postel, Ogier Busbecq and Ottomanhistorians,andAntalVerancsics’saboveͲmentionedTurkishcodexamongothers.56Justlike Blotius’s Turcica catalogue, Löwenklau’s Ottoman chronicles were encyclopaedic works, elaborated withtheaimofhistoriauniversalis.Löwenklau’sLatinͲlanguageTurkishchroniclepublishedin1591 (fig. 10) also served as intellectual ammunition for the European powers preparing to attack the Turks.TheGermanhistorianwasalsoamemberofaProtestantspiritualcommunity,theMoravian Brethren. He was a tolerant, gentle Humanist, but he nevertheless supported the imminent great antiͲOttoman war with all his heart, and a few years later ended his life in the fifteenͲyear war in Hungary, during the siege of Esztergom/Gran. In a dedication to the German princeͲelectors, Löwenklausummeduptheprimaryaimofhisworkasfollows:     Fig.10JohannesLöwenklau’s Fig.11JohannesLöwenklau:VaticiniumdeIIIregibus. OttomanChronicles(1591). Thetimeofchangesissoontocome,bringingthemenacingtyrannistoanend.IthinktheTurks arenotfarfromit[…].Ogenerousprinces[…],youwerepromisedbeautifullaurelleavesalong time ago, this is what the prophecies cited by so many warn you of. The prophecies say that threekingswillkilltheTurkishkingbytheriverRhine(fig.11).Thereisnoreasontowaitforthe helpandworkofthesethreemortalkings,itisevendoubtfulwhethertheywerekingsatall.You arethosekings,partiallybecauseofthedignityofthetitleyouarewearing,partiallybecauseof the great power that few kings have. You now have protective weapons, great treasures and strongarmies[…],youaresuppliedwithexcellentammunition.57  This confessionͲlike prophecy was the intellectual programme of Löwenklau and other humanists interested in Ottoman studies, stemming from the almost apocalyptic, late Renaissance thinkingoftheendofthesixteenthcentury.58Whileononehanditurgedtheevolutionofscience andtheencyclopaedicsummingupofknowledge,ontheotheritannouncedtheimminentendof ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  274 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM theworld.Ourcontemporarythinkingfindsthesetwoviewpointsincompatible,yettheycontained nocontradictionsforBlotiusandLöwenklau.  The scholars of the time of Ferdinand I were still hoping for the return of ancient Rome (Roma instaurata)59 and they integrated the programme of the intellectual occupation and transformationofTurksintothisbeliefinrenewal.Thisideawastheveryoriginofthelegendabout the‘goodandhonest Turk’.ItseemsthatLöwenklauand hiscontemporariesdid notcounton the returnofgoldenantiquity:onthecontrary,theybelievedinsteadinthequickperfectionoftheworld (instauratiomagna)andtheimminentendofhistory.60Theprophecythehistorianisreferringtois evidentlyfromJohannesLichtenberger’sfamousbookofprophecies(Heidelberg,1488,seefig.12), which says that at the end of time the Turkish emperor is going to march to Cologne by the river Rhine,wherehewilllosehishead.61Thewordsaboutthethreekingsrefertotherelicsofthepatron saintsofCologne,theMagirelicswhichtheauthorfindsitunnecessarytobelievein.62   Fig.12JohannesLichtenberger:Prognosticatio ontheEndoftheOttomanEmpire.  The ‘time of changes’, the approaching universal reformatio—Lichtenberger uses the same word— will seize and transform everything and everyone. In Saint Paul’s words, often cited at the time: ‘Where there is neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, Barbarian, Scythian bond norfree:butChristisallandinall’(Col.3,11)—thatis,theMessiah.Thisratherpessimisticprophecy paradoxicallyenvisionedapositivepictureoftheTurk:theTurkishwillfallbutwewillfallwiththem. Whatwouldcomenextwasnottobepartofhistoryanymore.      ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  275 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Bibliography  Ács,Pál,‘“TheNamesoftheHolyMaccabees”.ErasmusandtheOriginoftheHungarianProtestant Martirology’,inRepublicofLetters,Humanism,Humanities,ed.MarcellSebƅk(Budapest,2005),pp. 45о62. Ács, Pál, ‘“Apocalypsis cum figuris”. A régi magyar irodalom történelemképe’ [‘Apocalypsis cum figuris’. The Image of History in Ancient Hungarian Literature], in Történelem—kép. Szemelvények múlt és mƾvészet kapcsolatából Magyarországon [History—Image: Selected Examples of the InterplaybetweenthePastandArtinHungary],eds.ÁrpádMikóandKatalinSinkó(Budapest,2000), pp.48–62. Ács,Pál,‘ProTurcisandcontraTurcos.Curiosity,ScholarshipandSpiritualisminTurkishHistoriesby JohannesLöwenklau(1541–1594)’,ActaComeniana,25(2011),pp.1–22. Ágoston,Gábor,‘Information,IdeologyandLimitsofImperialPower’,inTheEarlyModernOttomans: RemappingtheEmpire,eds.VirginiaH.AksanandDanielGoffman(Cambridge,2007),pp.75–103. Andermann, Ulrich, ‘Geschichtsdeutung und Prophetie. Krisenerfahrung und Ͳbewältigung am BeispielderosmanischenExpansionimSpätmittelalterundinderReformationszeit’,inEuropaund dieTürken,eds.WilhelmKühlmannandBodoGuthmüller(Tübingen,2000)(=FrüheNeuzeit,54),pp. 29–54. Assman,Jan,MosestheEgyptian.TheMemoryofEgyptinWesternMonotheism(Cambridge,Mass., 1997). Babinger, Franz, Tagebuch einer Reise nach Konstantinopol und Kleinasien (1553–55) (München & Leipzig,1923). Ball,BryanW.,AGreatExpectation:EschatologicalThoughtinEnglishProtestantismto1660(Leiden, 1975). Barnes,RobinBruce,ProphecyandGnosis.ApocalypticismintheWakeoftheLutheranReformation (Stanford,1988). Bartoniek,Emma,Fejezeteka16–17.századimagyarországitörténetírástörténetébƅl[Chaptersfrom theHistoryoftheHistoriographyinHungaryinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies](Budapest, 1975). Berlász,Jenƅ(ed.),ADerschwamͲkönyvtár[TheDerschwamLibrary](Szeged,1984). Biondo,Flavio,Romainstaurata,ed.KláraPóczy,EdinaZsupán(Budapest,2005). Bredekamp, Horst, The Lure of Antiquity and the Cult of the Machine. The Kunstkammer and the EvolutionofNature,ArtandTechnology,transl.AllisonBrown(Princeton,1995). Brotton,Jerry,St.GeorgebetweenEastandWest,inMacLean2005,pp.50–65. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  276 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Busbecq,OgierGhiselinde,LifeandLetters,vol1.,eds.CharlesThorntonForsterandF.H.Blackburn Daniell(London,1881). Busbequius,AugeriusGislenius,LegationisTurcicaeEpistolaequatuor(Hanau,1605);firstpublished (Paris,1589). Cairns,David,MozartandhisOperas(Berkeley,California,2006). Centorio, Ascanio degli Hortensii, Commentarii della guerra di Transilvania (Vinegia, 1566); riproduzionefotograficaconunsaggiointroduttivodiLadislaoGáldi(Budapest,1940). Cooley,Alison(ed.),ResGestaeDiviAugusti.Text,Translation,andCommentary(Cambridge,2009). D’Ayala, Mariano, Vita di Giambattista Castaldo, famosissimo guerriero del secolo XVI (Firenze, 1867). Darkó, Jenƅ, Császárimádó Róma—képromboló Bizánc [Caesar Worshipping Rome and Iconoclastic Byzantium](Budapest,1977). Delumeau,Jean,LaPeurenOccident(XVIe–XVIIIesiècles)(Paris,1978). Dernschwam, Hans, Erdély, Besztercebánya, törökországi útinapló [Transylvania, Besztercebánya/Banská Bystrica, Itinerary in Turkey], ed. by Lajos Tardy (= Bibliotheca Historica), (Budapest,1984). Dimmock, Matthew, New Turkes. Dramatizing Islam and the Ottomans in Early Modern England (London,2005). Faroqhi,Suraiya,SubjectsoftheSultan.CultureandDailyLifeintheOttomanEmpire(London,2007). Fischer, Erik, Bencard, Ernst Jonas, and Rasmussen, Mikael Bøgh (eds.), Melchior Lorck, 4 vols. (Copenhagen,2009);vol.5(forthcoming). Green,Jonathan,PrintingandProphecy.PrognosticationandMediaChange1450–1550(AnnArbor, MI,2011). Gyulai,Éva,‘Enseopusest—VerancsicsAntalemblémaverseI.Szulejmánszultánról,1558’[Enseopus est–TheEmblemPoembyAntalVerancsicsonsultanSuleymanI,1558],PublicationesUniversitatis Miskolcinensis,SectioPhilosophica,16/2(2011),pp.129–167. Häberlein, Mark, The Fuggers of Augsburg. Pursuing Wealth and Honor in Renaissance Germany (Charlottesville,VA,2012). Iuliano,Marco,MelchiorLorck’sIstanbulintheEuropeanContext,inFischer,Bencard&Rasmussen, vol.5(forthcoming),pp.25–60. Jacob, Margaret C., The Radical Enlightenment. Pantheists, Freemasons, and Republicans (London, 1981). Jardine, Lisa and Brotton, Jerry, Global Interests. Renaissance Art between East and West (London, 2000). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  277 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Jellinek George, History through the Opera Glass. From the Rise of Caesar to the Fall of Napoleon (NewYork,1994). Kuntz,MarionLeathers,GuillaumePostel.ProphetofRestitutionofAllThings,HisLifeandThought (TheHague,1981). Kurtze,Dietrich,‘PopularAstrologyandProphecyinthefifteenthandsixteenthCenturies.Johannes Lichtenberger’,in“Astrologihallucinati”:StarsandtheEndoftheWorldinLuther’sTime,ed.Paola Zambelli(Berlin,1986),pp.177–193. Leu,UrsB.,Keller,Raffael,andWeidmann,Sandra,ConradGessner’sPrivateLibrary(Leiden,2008). Leunclavius, Johannes, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, de monumentis ipsorum exscriptae libri XVIII.Commentariiduocumonomasticogemino(FrankfurtamMain,1591). Lichtenberger,Johannes,Prognosticatio(Straßburg,after31December1499). Louthan, Howard, The Quest for Compromise: Peacemakers in CounterͲReformation Vienna (Cambridge,2006). MacLean, Gerald (ed.), ReͲOrienting the Renaissance. Cultural Exchanges with the East (London, 2005). Martels,RudolfWillemMariavon,‘TheColouringEffectofAttic Styleand StoicisminBusbequius’ Turkish Letters’, in Travel Fact and Travel Fiction. Studies on Fiction, Literary Tradition, Scholarly Discovery,andObservationinTravelWriting,ed.id.(Leiden,1994),pp.140–157. Martels, Zweder Rudolf Willem Maria von, ‘The Discovery of the Inscription of the Res Gestae Divi Augusti’,inResPublicaLitterarum.StudiesintheClassicalTradition14(1991),pp.147–156. Maurer, Zsuzsanna, Si nos haec spes fefellerit aliud conabimur—Nicasius Ellebodius és a respublica litteraria[NicasiusEllebodiusandthe RepublicofLetters],inCorollarium.Tanulmányoka hatvanöt évesTarIbolyatiszteletére[EssaysinHonourofIbolyaTarontheOccasioninthe65thAnniversaryof herBirthday],ed.MariannCzerovszkiandJánosNagyillés(Szeged,2011),pp.166–176. McCabe, Ina Baghdiantz, Orientalism in Early Modern France. Eurasian Trade, Exoticism, and the AncienRégime(Oxford,2008). Meyer Setton, Kenneth, Western Hostility to Islam and Prophecies of Turkish Doom (Philadelphia, 1992). Mikó, Árpád, ‘Gótika és barokk között. A reneszánsz mƾvészet problémái a kora újkori Magyarországon’ [Between Gothic and Baroque. The Problems of the Renaissance Art in the Early Modern Hungary], in Mátyás király öröksége. Késƅ reneszánsz mƾvészet Magyarországon (16о17. század),vol.1.[TheHeritageofKingMatthiasCorvinus.LateRenaissanceArtinHungary,16th–17th Century],ed.id.andMáriaVerƅ(Budapest,2008),pp.22–35. Miller, Iacobus Ferdinandus, Epistolae imperatorum, et regum Hungariae Ferdinandi primi et Maximiliani secundi ad suos in Porta Ottomanica oratores, Antonium Verantium, Franciscum Zay, AugeriumBusbek,AlbertumWyss,etChristophorumTeuffenpach(Pest,1808). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  278 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Molino, Paola, “Die andere Stimme”. La formazione di un intellettuale erasmiano nell’Europa del tardoCinquecento.HugoBlotius(1534Ͳ1574).(Tesidilaurea)(Firenze,2005). Molino, Paola, L’impero di carta. Hugo Blotius “Hofbibliothekar” nella Vienna di fine Cinquecento (PgDthesis): (http://www.academia.edu/1106461/LImpero_di_carta._Hugo_Blotius_Hofbibliothekar_nella_Vienn a_di_fine_Cinquecento_PhD_thesis_2011_) Molino, Paola, ‘Esperimenti bibliografici fra Vienna e Zurigo. La corrispondenza fra Hugo Blotius e JohannJakobFrisius(1576Ͳ1589)’,Bibliothecae.it,1/1Ͳ2(2012): (http://www.bibliothecae.it/index.php?content=pagina&page=16) Mommsen,Theodor,MonumentumAncyranum(Berlin,1883). Niewöhner, Friedrich, Veritas sive varietas. Lessings Toleranzparabel und das Buch Von den drei Betrügern(=BibliothekderAufklärung,5)(Heidelberg1988). Panofsky,Erwin,RenaissanceandRenascencesinWesternArt(Stockholm,1960). Papo,Adriano,‘Lediverseversionisull’assassiniodiGyörgyMartinuzziUtyeszenicsesulritrovamento delsuotesoro’,MediterránTanulmányok,18(2009),pp5–21. Papo, Adriano and Nemeth, Gizella, ‘La carriera, le proprietà e i tesori di György Martinuzzi Utyeszenics’,Crisia,29(2009),pp.173–184. Rogerson,Barnaby,ADoublePerspectiveandaLostRivalry.OgierdeBusbecqandMelchiorLorckin Istanbul,inMacLean2005,pp.88–95. Schlosser, Julius von, Die KunstͲ und Wunderkammern der Spätrenaissance. Ein Beitrag zur GeschichtedesSammelwesens(Leipzig,1908). SchmidtͲBiggemann, Wilhelm, Philosophia Perennis: Historical Outlines of Western Spirituality in Ancient, Medieval and Early Modern Thought (=Archives internationals d’histoire des idées, 189), (Dordrecht,2004),pp.339о368. Sebƅk, Marcell, Humanista a határon: a késmárki Sebastian Ambrosius története, 1554–1600. [HumanistontheBorder:theStoryofSebastianAmbrosiusofKésmárk],(Budapest,2007). Sörös,Pongrác,VerancsicsAntalélete[TheLifeofAntalVerancsics],(Esztergom,1898). Sutter Fichtner, Paula, Terror and Toleration. The Habsburg Empire Confronts Islam, 1526–1850 (London,2008). Tardy, Lajos and Moskovszky, Éva, ‘Zur Entdeckung des Monumentum Ancyranum (1555)’, Acta AntiquaAcademiaeScientiarumHungaricae21(1973),pp.375–401. Tardy, Lajos, Régi magyar követjárások Keleten [Ancient Hungarian Embassies to the Orient], (= KƅrösiCsomaKiskönyvtár,11),(Budapest,1983),pp.110о135. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  279 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Thallóczy, Lajos, Csömöri Zay Ferenc, 1505–1570 [Ferenc Zay of Csömör, 1505–1570] (Budapest, 1885). Tzamalikos,PanagiƃtĤs,Origen:PhilosophyofHistory&Eschatology(Leiden,2007). Verancsics,Antal,Összesmunkái[CollectedWorks],eds.LászlóSzalayandGusztávWenzel,12vols. (Pest–Budapest,1857–1875). Viskolcz, Noémi, Corvinák Bécsben a 16–18. században. Görög szerzƅk latin fordításai [Corvinas in Vienna in the 16th–18th Centuries. Latin Translations of Greek Authors], Magyar Könyvszemle 124 (2008),pp.272–291. Visser,Arnoud,‘FromtheRepublicofLetterstotheOlympus.TheRiseandFallofMedicalHumanism in 67 Portraits’, in Living in Posterity. Essays in Honour of Bart Westerweel, ed. Jan Frans van Dijkhuizen,PaulHoftijzer,JulietteRodingandPaulSmith(Hilversum,2004),pp.299–313. Westbrook, Nigel, Dark, Kenneth Rainsbury, and Meeuwen, Rene van, ‘Constructing Melchior Lorichs’sPanoramaofConstantinople’,JournaloftheSocietyofArchitecturalHistorians,69/1(2010), pp.62–87. Zay, Ferenc, Az Lándorfejírvár elveszésének oka e vót, és így esött [On the Cause and the CircumstancesoftheFallofBelgrade/1522],eds.IstvánKovács,FerencSzakály(Budapest,1980). Zimmermann, T. C. Price, ‘Paolo Giovio. The Historian and the Crisis of SixteenthͲCentury Italy’ (Princeton,1995).   Illustrations Fig.1ManuscriptLöwenklau.PortraitsofTurkishEmperors,Courtiers,Soldiers,andTowns,paper, 185folios.Vienna,ÖNB,8615,f.142r. Fig.2MartinoRota:ThePortraitofAntoniusVerantius,1571,engravingandetching.Budapest, HungarianNationalMuseum,HistoricalGallery,cat.4552. Figs.3–5MelchiorLorck:ThePortraitsofAntoniusVerantius,FranciscusZayandAugerius Busbequius,1557,woodcuts,tobereproducedinFischer,Bencard&Rasmussen,vol.5,cat.nos. 1556,2;1557,1and1557,2; Figs.6,9MelchiorLorck:PanoramaofIstanbul,ByzantivmsiveCostantineopolis,1559,paper,pen andink.Leiden,UniversityofLeiden,TheNetherlands,cat.BPL1758sheetsVI,XI. Fig.7MelchiorLorck:SüleymaniyeMosque,1570,woodcut.Copenhagen,DepartmentofPrintsand Drawings,StatensMuseumforKunst,cat.KKSgb8249. Fig.8ResGestaeDiviAugusti,Ankara,Turkey. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  280 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Fig.10JohannesLeunclavius,HistoriaeMusulmanaeTurcorum(FrankfurtamMain,1591). Fig.11JohannesLichtenberger,Prognosticatio(Straßburg,after31December1499),p.Diijr.   1 ‘Glaubemir,esisteinweitgrößeresVergnügen,eineerlitteneUngerechtigkeitdurchGroßmutzuvergelten, alsSchulddurchSchuldzusühnen.NimmdeineFreiheit,nimmKonstanzeundwerdedumenschlicheralsdein Vater’[…]‘NichtsistsohäßlichwiedieRache’(WolfgangAmadeusMozart,DieEntführungausdemSerail,K 384,librettoGottliebStephanienachChristophFriedrichBretzner,N21a;N21b). 2 Cairns2006,pp.69–92. 3 Jellinek1994,pp.163–64;SutterFichtner2008,pp.100–07. 4 Dimmock2005,pp.5–42. 5 Barnes1988;MeyerSetton1992;Andermann2000;Ács2000;Schmidt&Biggemann2004,pp.392–408. 6 Delumeau1978,pp.342–55. 7 Schlosser1908,pp.17,19;Jardine&Brotton2000,pp.13–22;Brotton2005. 8 ‘Candide,enretournantdanssamétairie,fitdeprofondesréflexionssurlediscoursduTurc;ilditàPanglosset àMartin:Celionvieillardmeparaits’êtrefaitunsortbienpréférableàceluidessixroisavecquinousavonseu l’honneurdesouper.’(Voltaire,Candide,chapter192). 9 Zimmermann1995,pp.121–122;Kuntz1981,pp.97–100;McCabe2008,pp.15–36,58–64. 10 Jacob1981. 11 Thetopicofthe‘goodandhonestTurk’,whichappearsforinstanceinLessing’sNathantheWise,Mozart’sIl SeraglioandVoltaire’sCandide,hasaremarkableprehistory.Onthehistoricalandphilosophicalcontextofthe anonymoustreatiseDetribusimpostoribus(1598)seeNiewöhner1988;Assman1997,pp.93,157,238,240, 249. 12 Schmidt&Biggemann2004,pp.339о68. 13 Tzamalikos2007,p.320. 14 Panofsky1960,pp.18–21. 15 Coles1968,pp.145–58;MacLean2005,pp.1–28. 16 Faroqhi2007,pp.80–100;Ágoston2007. 17 Dimmock2005,pp.20–25. 18 Miller1808;Verancsics1857–1875,vols.3–4;Busbequius1605;Busbecq1881;Tardy1983,pp.110–20. 19 D’Ayala1867;Papo2009,Papo&Németh2009. 20 Centorio1566. 21 ‘MalvecziusoratorTurcicusincarceratur’:Busbequius1605,pp.8–9. 22 Thallóczy1885,pp.76–106. 23 Tardy1983,pp.121–7;Dernschwam1984. 24 Sörös1898;Gyulai2011. 25 Bartoniek1975,pp.35–56. 26 Verancsics1857–1875,vols.6–12. 27 Verancsics1857–1875,vol.1.,cf.Bartoniek1975,pp.37–39. 28 Thallóczy1885,p.83. 29 Ács2011,p.11. 30 Zay1980. 31 Thallóczy1885,p.72–75. 32 Babinger1923,cf.Häberlein2012. 33 Berlász1984. 34 OnthediscoveryandfateofthesixthͲcenturyilluminatedmanuscriptcalledViennaDioskoridesseeVisser 2004. 35 Dernschwam1984,p.51. 36 TardyͲMoskovszky1973,pp.390–94;Tardy1983,pp.128–35. 37 Busbequius1605;Busbecq1881;Martels1994. 38 FischerͲBencardͲRasmussen2009,vol.1,pp.pp. 66–138 (biography), pp. 87–106 (Turkish sojourn). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  281 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM 39  Mikó 2008, pp. 26–27; Fischer, Bencard & Rasmussen, vol. 5. (forthcoming), cat. nos. 1556,2; 1557, 1 and 1557,2;Gyulai2011,pp.129–30. 40 Rogerson2005. 41 Iuliano,p.56;Westbrook,Dark&Meeuwen2010,pp.75–76. 42 Fischer,Bencard&Rasmussen2009,vol.1,p.108.ThisselfͲdesignationisusedforthefirsttimeonhis engravedportraitofsultanSüleymanpublishedin1562.Ibidem,vol.5(forthcoming),cat.no.1562,1. 43  ‘The Suleimanyeh, or mosque of Solyman, is the most glorious masterpiece of Ottoman architecture. It is builtafterthepatternofSt.Sophia,andwasintendedtosurpassit.Asregardstheregularityoftheplan,the perfection of the individual parts, and the harmony of the whole, that intention appears to have been fully attained.Itwasbegunin1550andfinishedin1555.’Noteoftheeditors:Busbecq1881,p.410. 44 Busbequius1605,pp.289–90. 45 TardyͲMoskovszky1973;Tardy1983,pp.128–35;Martels1991. 46 Busbequius1605,p.62;Busbecq1881,p.142–43. 47 Mommsen1883;Cooley2009;cf.Darkó1977,pp.34–45. 48 JardineͲBrotton2000,pp.23–47. 49 Viskolcz2008. 50 Molino2005;Molino2011. 51 Ács2011. 52 Cf.Louthan2005,pp.75–79. 53 Molino2005,pp.284–298;Sebƅk2007,pp.302–332;Maurer2011. 54 Bredekamp1995,pp.30–36. 55 Leu,Keller&Weidmann2008;Molino2012. 56 Ács2011. 57 Leunclavius1591,p.15. 58 MeyerSetton1992;Green2011. 59 Biondo2005. 60 Ball1975,15–54. 61 Lichtenberger1499,p.Diijr;Kurtze1986. 62 Ács2005. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  282 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM TheMoeursetfachonsdefairedeTurcs SüleymanandCharlesV:IconographicDiscourse,EnhancementofPower andMagnificence,orTwoFacesoftheSameCoin?1 AnnickBornȋ Š‡–‹˜‡”•‹–›Ȍ    Introduction Incourtculture,setsoftapestrieswereoftencommissionedtocelebratethegloryofprinces,kings ortheEmperor,withiconographicprogrammesemphasizingthesepersonages’braveryorillustrious provenance. The political use of tapestries as visual paraphernalia (or artefacts) of monarchal and imperialstatusdesignedtobedisplayedduringpubliceventssuchasprocessions,coronationsand receptions of foreign ambassadors is well established today. In the context of the longͲstanding conflict between the Ottoman Empire and Emperor Charles V (r. 1519–1556), the series of the Moeurs et fachons de faire de Turcz, intended as tapestry designs, made after drawings by Pieter CoeckevanAelst(Aelst,1502–Brussels,1550)isofgreatinterest.2  The iconographic programme cannot be grasped without an inͲdepth understanding of Ottoman history bound by ideology rather than race,3 and without a reassessment of the reign of Süleyman the Magnificent (1520–1566),4 particularly with regard to the political, economic and cultural exchanges with the West and to court ritual and rivalry. In this respect, the 1989 study of GülruNecipoŒluhashighlightedthemimeticdiscoursebetweenSüleymanandCharlesV,focusingon the symbolic meaning of the regalia as a visual representation of sovereign insignia supporting a clever mise en scène of political powerͲlust.5 Elaborating further on the topos of a selfͲfashioning compelling image of imperial power, Lisa Jardine and Jerry Brotton shed light on the permeable natureofthepoliticalandartisticboundariesbetweentheOttomanempireandChristendomonthe basisofareͲevaluationoftheculturalproductionoftheRenaissancewithparticularattentiontothe politicalͲideologicaluseoftapestriesasacommoncourtlanguagethatprevailedalloverEurope.6For these authors, the journey to Constantinople ‘was not simply an unprincipled attempt to sell sumptuousbuticonographicallyincomprehensivetapestriestotheOttomancourt[…]itshowedan astute understanding of the shared imperial and iconographic preoccupations of the courts […] skilfully […] manipulated by a firm, and designer, situated at the nexus of the European tapestry industry.’7  The present study aims to review critically the documentary value of these prints as primarysources,thecircumstancesofCoecke’sjourneytoConstantinople,andfinallytheartisticand culturalcontextinwhichthischorographicfriezewascreated. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  283 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM TheMoeursetfachonsdefairedeTurcs Several copies of the original edition of the Moeurs et fachons de faire de Turcz are conserved in publiccollections(fig.1).Mostly,onlythesevenwoodcutswithpanoramicscenesdividedfromone anotherbyterms8withalternatemaleandfemalefiguresinTurkishcostumesarepreserved.9When assembled,thesevencompositionsformafriezeframedbyanentablatureandabase,withatitle pageandacolophon,likethesetintheBritishMuseum.10Theworkwasintendedtobepresented togetherintheformofascrollorperhapsasamuraldecoration.11    Fig.1PieterCoeckevanAelst,LesmoeursetfachonsdefairedeTurcz...,FeastoftheCircumcisionoutsideof Constantinople,Antwerp(?),1553,London,BritishMuseum,Department:Prints&Drawings.  The title page and the colophon (fig. 2–3) with elaborate strapwork and scrollworkͲlike design,inthestyleofCornelisBos(‘sͲHertogenbosch,before1515–Groningen,1555)12andCornelis IIFlorisdeVriendt(Antwerp,1514–1575),providethedataaboutthisset,mentioningexplicitlythat thesceneswere‘auvifcontrefaictezparPierreCoeckd’Alost,luyestantenTurquie,l’AndeIesuchrist M.D. 33’ and that the woodcuts were published posthumously, three years after the death of the artist,byhiswidow,MaykenVerhulst(Malines,1518–after1593/1596). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  284 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM     Fig.2Ͳ3PieterCoeckevanAelst,LesmoeursetfachonsdefairedeTurcz...,titleͲpageandcolophonAntwerp(?),1553, London,BritishMuseum,Department:Prints&Drawings.  The same year she published in de ‘coopstadt van Antwerpen’ the Dutch translation of SebastianoSerlio’sBooksI,IIandVonArchitecturethatopenwithsimilartitlepagesdecoratedwith strapwork(fig.4).13TheplacewheretheMoeurswoodcutswereprintedisnotmentioned,butitis verylikelythatitwasAntwerp.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  285 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Fig.4DeneerstenboeckvanarchitecturenSebastianiSerlij.../overgesedtuitenItaliaenischeinnederlandts,duerPeeter CoekevanAelst...GedructindevermaerdecoopstadtvanAntuerpen:...duerMaykenVerhulstvveduwedesseluenPeeters voers,1553,Ghent,UniversiteitsbibliotheekGent.  Mayken Verhulst, mentioned by Guicchardini among the female painters, was well acquaintedwiththeAntwerphumanistandprintermilieu,firstandforemostwiththebookprinter Gillis Coppens van Diest (?, c. 1496 – Antwerp, 1572), who printed for Coecke several of his translationsofbooksonarchitecturebySerlio,butalsothefamousaccountoftheJoyousEntryof PhilipIIinAntwerpwrittenin1549byCorneliusGrapheus,citysecretary,withwoodcutillustrations oftheephemeraldecorationsafterdesignsbyCoecke.14MaykenVerhulst,asmotherͲinͲlawofPieter Bruegel the Elder (Breda (?) c. 1525 – Brussels, 1569), also maintained close ties with Hieronymus Cock(Antwerp,1518–1570),founderin1548oftheprintinghouseAuxQuatreVentsorthe‘House of the Four Winds’.15 Moreover, from 1548 on, Cock published series of prints with cartouches framed by interlaced bands and scrollwork with grotesque figures, garlands and trophies after designsbythearchitectandsculptorCornelisFloris.16Although noconclusion canbe drawnabout theauthorofthetitlepageandthecolophonoftheMoeurs,itismorethanlikelythatFlorisknew personallyCoeckeandhisentourage.17 TheLondonseriesmountedoncanvasshowsclearlythatthearchitecturalframewasprinted fromseparatewoodblocksrepeatingthesamemotif,whereasthecommentaryinvernacularFrench ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  286 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM alongthebottomunderneatheachscenewasmostprobablyimpressedwithblockletters.Contrary towhatisfoundintheliterature,thefriezepreservedintheBrusselsRoyalLibrarywasassembledin thenineteenthcenturypriortoitsentrancein the collection,theentablatureandbasebeinglater additionsbasedontheLondonsetorevenafterthefacsimileeditionofSirStirlingMaxwell.18 Thematerialdescriptionraisesquestionsconcerningthegenesisofthewoodcutseries.Does thewholecompositionwithanarchitecturalborderalongthetopandthebottomreflectfaithfully the original project of Coecke, even though modelli for tapestries usually did not include borders? Thiscouldalsoexplaintheblankspaceoftheborders.Nevertheless,thetitlepagementionsthatthe artistdrew thedesignontheblockslater:‘Lequel aussydesa mainpropre apourtraict cesfigures duysantes à l’impression d’ycelles’. This would suggest that he was only responsible for the preparatorydrawings,thoughthewellͲbalancedratiobetweentheheightofthecompartmentsand theentablatureandbasetestifiestotheartist’spersonalknowledgeoftheprinciplesofarchitecture. Finally,theFrenchtextisproblematicasfarasitsauthorisconcerned.Isitanaccuraterecordofthe notes made by Pieter Coecke on the original drawings? Or are we dealing with posthumous commentarieswrittendownbyhiswidow?19Similarly,textsinCastilianintheupperborderandLatin in the lower describe the events illustrated in the Conquest of Tunis designed by Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen(Beverwijck,c.1500–Brussels,1559)after1546andwovenintheBrusselsworkshopof WillemdePannemakerbetween1549and1554aftercartoonsproducedincollaborationwithPieter Coecke.20  CoeckejourneytoConstantinople:apoliticoͲcommercialenterprise? AlthoughtheexactcircumstancesofCoecke’straveltoConstantinopleremainuncertain,allwritten sourcessituateitwithinthecontextoftheAntwerpͲBrusselstapestry.InhislifeofPieterCoeckeof 1604,KarelVanManderreportsinmuchdetailonthevoyagetoTurkey: […]He[i.e.Coecke]wasurgedonbysometradesmen,tapestryͲmakersfromBrusselscalled Van der Moeyen, to travel to Constantinople in Turkey where they were planning to undertake something special by making beautiful, costly tapestries for the Great Turk, and theygotPietertopaintsomethingsforthatpurposetoshowtheTurkishEmperor;butsince theTurk,accordingtohisMohammedanLaw,didnotwantfiguresofpeopleoranimals,it was fruitless and nothing came of it—except that a useless journey and high expenses incurred.21 AnotherimportantaccountisbyAndréFélibien,whoreportedin1666that‘[…]hewentto Turkey,fromwherehebroughtthesecretofbeautifuldyesofsilkandwool[…]’.22 Somearchivalsourceshavebeenconnectedtotheseliteraryones.On15 June1533,Jacob Rehlinger,merchantfromAugsburgandhisAntwerpassociatePietervanderWalle,trader,jeweller andmerchantofluxurygoods,signedacontractwithWillemDermoyenforanoptiononreͲediting thesetoftheHuntsofMaximilianandoftheBattleofPaviaseries.Rehlingerdeclaredthathehad receivedatapestryofeachsetassamplestosendoffabroad.FortheHunts,theexamplewasthe MonthofSeptember,thoughthedocumentdoesnotspecifywhichonewasselectedfromtheother ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  287 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM series.RehlingerandhisassociatecommittedthemselvestoinformingDermoyen,beforetheendof yearoratlastinDecember1533,whethertheywouldacquirethefirst,thesecond,orbothseries. The document provides other valuable data concerning the transaction that are also found in another contract concluded at the request of Marco Casarli by a notary in Venice on 18 Augustus 1533, between Jacob Rehlinger and the Venetian jeweller Marco di Niccolò. This second source, dated two months later than the first contract, mentions explicitly that the samples of tapestries weretobeofferedforsaletoSüleymanbytheirVenetianpartnerMarcodiNiccolò.23Thedelayofa maximumoffourmonthsbetweenthesigningofthesecondcontractandthecommitmentvisͲàͲvis Dermoyen concerning the commercial issue of this enterprise is very short, which allows us to conclude that this trading network operated efficiently. The average time for couriers to travel betweenVeniceandConstantinoplewasfortyͲsixdays,withaminimumoffifteenandamaximumof eightyͲonedays.24Similarly,aVenetiantravellerundertookthejourneytoConstantinopleinJanuary 1534 and arrived sixtyͲseven days later; a month to six weeks seems to have been the usual time span.25 Untilnow,noarchivaldocumentmentioningthenameofCoeckecanbeconnectedtothis attempttopenetratetheLevantinemarket.Nevertheless,itisverylikelythattheartistcouldhave beeninvolvedinonewayoranother.Indeed,businesstieslinkedCoecketotheAntwerpmerchant PetervanderWalle,whosoldasetoftheSevenDeadlySinstoMaryofHungaryin1544.According to Thomas Campbell, ‘maistre pierre van aelst paintre d’anvers’, as he is cited in a contemporary manuscript describing the iconography of the designs prepared for the Brussels weaver Willem de Pannemaker,26mayhavedesignedthisseriesjustbeforeheleftforTurkey.Campbellalsosuggests that Van der Walle commissioned the cartoons as a speculative venture.27 Coecke, as a pupil of Bernard van Orley (Brussels, c. 1491/92 – 1541), was also very familiar with the Brussels circle of tapestry designers and weavers and maintained close connections with it during his entire career. Moreover, the name of Coecke has been associated with the cartoons for three series woven in Brusselsduringthe1520s:theLifeofChrist,theBattleofPaviaandtheHuntsofMaximilian(fig.7), the last two sets being attributed to Van Orley and assistants.28 Although it is still a matter of conjecture, Coecke’s collaboration on the design of the Hunts was already mentioned by André Félibienin1666,andthiswasthefirsttimethathewasdirectlyassociatedwithasetoftapestriesin awrittensource,which thusprovidesadirectlinkbetweenCoeckeandDermoyen.29Finally,Jacob Rehlinger,oneofCharlesV’simportantfinanciersandfactorfortheFuggerCompanyinAntwerpin 1520–21andagainin1538–40,translatedSerlio’sBookIVonarchitecture,whichhadbeenpublished in1542byCoecke,intoGerman. Whileacommercialpurposeofthiswholeenterprisecannotbedenied,itisalsolikelythatit wasapretexttosendspiestotheOttomanCourt.AsrecordedinvariousletterskeptintheImperial archives,theRomanEmperorendeavouredtokeephimselfinformedonadailybasisaboutwhatwas happeninginTurkey,especiallyasof1529.Toachievethis,heestablishedadiversifiednetworkof informants that was parallel or complementary to the one created by his brother Ferdinand. AmongsttheseinformantswasMarcodiNiccolò,doubleagentforbothCharlesVandSüleymanthe Magnificent,whowasdecapitatedinMars1536inConstantinople.30 AfteryearsofhostilitiesattheeasternbordersoftheHabsburgempire,theconstantthreats to Vienna, and at last the alliance of Francis I with Süleyman, Charles V delegated the Fleming ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  288 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Cornelis de Schepper to negotiate an agreement concerning Hungary. He entered into pourparlers withtheGrandVizierIbrahimPashabetweenMayandJuly1533andconcludedatruceallowingfree trade between the Holy German Empire and the Ottoman Empire.31 De Schepper went back to BrusselsandthenjoinedtheRomanEmperorinMonzón(Aragon);bytheendofDecember1533he had returned to Constantinople via Venice and Ragusa (today Dubrovnik), where his presence is attested on 26 April 1534. In a letter dated 2 June 1534 and addressed to a certain Monsieur de Malines, an encoded name for Charles V, references are made to the tapestries sent to Constantinople: Last,IwrotetoyouhowIarrivedatthatplace,andwhatIthoughtcouldbesaidtoPierre VandeWalleconcerningthetapestriesandothergoods.Sincethenthemerchantshavehad muchtosuffer,andareoppressedincreasinglyfromdaytoday,tosuchanextentthatIdon’t advisethemtocomeanymore,andIthinktheywillfollowmyadvice.Otherwayshavetobe foundtoselloffthesaidmerchandise.32 Regardingtheintensepoliticalexchangeandtheflowofinformationthatcirculatedatthat 33 time, itisimpossibletocreditVanMander’sassertionthatthetriptoConstantinopleledtonothing because of Islamic law, first and foremost because human representations are indeed found in contemporaryminiaturesbutalsobecausesetsoftapestrieswerealreadysenttoConstantinoplein thelatefourteenthcentury.34ItcouldevenbearguedthattheGrandVizierIbrahimPashawaseager tocompetewiththelustreoftheWesterncourts,asattestedbythetiaracommissionedinVenice anddeliveredin1532;theluxurygoodsconsistedmostlyofjewelleryandcuriosities.Afterhisdeath in1536hissuccessorsavoidedconspicuousconsumptionattheOttomancourt.35Thepoliticalevents themselvesnecessitatedaradicalbreakwiththediplomacyofreconciliation.Beforetheendof1533 Süleyman summoned the pirate leader Barbarossafrom Algiers to the court in Constantinople and orderedhimtoreorganizetheOttomanfleetintheMediterranean.DeSchepperleftConstantinople on13,June1534forVienna,viaBelgrade(30June),Pressburg(todayBratislava,15 July),andPrague (30July). With the exception of the date of 1533 on the frontͲpage of the woodcut series and Van Mander’s statement that Pieter Coecke ‘was there for about a year’, no accurate information with respecttohistripisknown,36neitherthedatesofhisdeparturefromAntwerpandConstantinople, norhisitineraryfortheoutwardorthereturnjourney.Manyscenariosareplausible.Theartistcould havebeenamemberoftheentourageofDeSchepperwhoarrivedintheOttomancityinMay1533 or, as a representative of the Dermoyen firm, he may have left Venice soon after the 18 Augustus 1533,thedateofthesecondcontract,withthesamplesoftapestriesandcouldhaveaccompanied DeSchepperonhisreturn,butthisispurespeculation.37Onlythedrawingsthatthepainterbrought from his journey, which are considered as the first reliable and illustrated reportage on Turkish civilizationwithviewsoflandscapesandcityscapesfromlife,andthecommentariesthatlocatedthe scenesallowapartialreconstructionofthecountrieshevisited.    ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  289 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM Thesevenpanoramicscenes‘auvifcontrefaictez’ AccordingtoVanMander,thislongfriezeshouldbereadfromrighttoleft,startingwithSüleyman ridingthroughtheruinsoftheHippodrome(fig.6),sothattheSultanandthecavalcadearelooking left from the epitomized centre of the Ottoman Empire to his widely spread territories with the representationofAnEncampmentinSlavonia(fig.5)atthebordersoftheHabsburgempireensuring thateventhemostrecentlyconqueredterritoriesareincluded.Aftertheinvasionofthekingdomof HungaryandthedefeatatthebattleofMohács,from1529until1552theOttomanarmygradually conquered the eastern part of Slavonia, one of the three core regions of the medieval kingdom of Croatia. This scene reflects everyday life in a camp and the difficult conditions encountered by travellers in the mountains, especially during winter. At the time, caravanserais were not yet built alongthewholeImperialroadbetweenConstantinopleandBelgrade,viaSofiaandEdirne.Cornelius deSchepper,onthewaybackfromConstantinopleinJuly1533,relatedthat,afterEdirne,theyput uppavilionsandtentsinordertosleepinthecountryside.   Fig.5PieterCoeckevanAelst,LesmoeursetfachonsdefairedeTurcz...,EncampmentinSlavonia,Antwerp(?),1553, London,BritishMuseum,Department:Prints&Drawings.   The commentaries are a mine of information for viewers unfamiliar with the Turkish civilization and Muslim traditions. The detailed description of each scene interacts with the visual depictionanddrawsattentiontoparticularsituations,customsandbeliefsthatareconfirmedamply byothersources,notonlythelettersandtraveldiaryofCorneliusdeSchepperalreadymentioned, but also the accounts of other ambassadors, the most famous being the Turkish Letters of Ogier GhislendeBusbecq,whowasappointedbyFerdinandbetween1554and1562asambassadortothe ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  290 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM courtinConstantinopletonegotiate,interalia,thedisputedterritoryofTransylvania(whichmoreor lesscorrespondstopresentͲdayRomania).38 Theiconographyofthewholesetatteststoahighsenseofobservationandathorough understandingofOttomansociety,emphasizingthediversityofcultureintheextensivelandsaround theeasternMediterraneanandtheBalkansunderOttomancontrol.Everythingisdepictedwitha greatrespectforforeignersandanonͲChristiancivilization,whichitevenglorifies.39Itistemptingto followFriedländer’sassumptionandtoconsiderthewoodcutsasbeingbasedonthemodelli40 intendedtobesubmittedtoSüleyman’sapprovalbeforetapestrieswerecommissioned.NecipoŒlu suggestedthatthedecisiontoshowtapestrieswithproͲHabsburgsubjectswasprobablymeantto incitetheSultantoordersimilartapestriesforOttomanpropaganda.41However,afterthetruce negotiatedbyCorneliusdeSchepper,thesendingoftheMonthofSeptemberwasprobablynot insignificant,giventhatitfeaturedahorsemanseenfromthebackwhoseprofileandbeardlessface recallthatofFerdinandintheMonthofDecember.42Indeed,thefigureofariderperfectlycontrolling hishorse,inthiscasethekingofBohemiaandHungary,couldbeconsidered,inlightoftherecent politicalevents,asamessagedeliveredfortheattentionoftheSultan.Evenifthesehypotheses cannotbeignored,especiallyinthecontextofcourtculture,thesamplesprobablyalsohadanother functionaswell,namely,toshowwithconcreteexamplestherefinementofexecutionandthehigh qualityofthematerialusedinthetapestrieswovenbytheBrusselsfirmofDermoyen. The very similarity that the generic iconographic programme of the woodcut frieze shares withtheHuntsofMaximilianisstriking.Thesamerhetoricprevails:intheHunts,thedepictionofthe leisureoftheEmperorandothernoblemenisthepretexttorepresentthecentreofHabsburgpower in the Low Countries during the reign of Charles V on the first tapestry of the set, the Month of March.ThecityscapeoffersauniqueviewofBrusselswiththeoldCoudenbergpalaceontheleft,the tower of the town hall as a symbol of the civic authorities and the church of St Nicholas in the middle, and finally the church of Sts Michel and Gudule on the right. Both tapestries feature representations of places and buildings directly associated with the Emperor and court ritual and practices,forexample,theSoignesforest,thecastleofTervueren,orthePlacedesBaillescreatedby theEmperorinfrontoftheCoudenbergpalace. In the Moeurs et Fachons de Faire des Turcs, the ethnographic reportage made by Coecke was also a way to visualize for the ‘others’ the vast territories of the Ottoman Empire. As for the Hunts,thefirstscenepresentstheruler,thePadisharidingthroughtheruinsoftheHippodromein Constantinople,theheartoftheOttomanEmpire,formerlycapitaloftheEasternRomanEmpire,and astrategicplacefortradewithAsiaandAfrica.SincethefallofthecityinMay1453,thereconquest ofoldByzantiumconstitutedaleitmotivatWesterncourts,reflectingitshighsymbolicsignificance forChristendom. As a court painter familiar with the imperial propaganda programme, Coecke intentionally chosetosituatethesceneontheHippodrome,whichwasfilledwithstatuesofgods,emperorsand heroesaswellaswithlootedtrophiessuchasthreesculpturesofantiquegodsandnudegoddesses placedonacolumn(HerculesandVenusorDianaandApollo?)thathadtakenfromtheroyalcastle at Ofen in Hungary in 1526 and destroyed in 1536 after Ibrahim Pasha fell into disgrace. Pieter CoeckeandCorneliusdeSchepperweretheonlyonestorecordhavingseenthesesculptures.43This almost topographic view of the site with the cityscape of the imperial capital shows many of the ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  291 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM monuments visible at that time, not only those of the Ottoman civilization but also ones from the Byzantineperiodandfromantiquity.44 The similarity in mise en scène with the Month of March is obvious, with its strong relationshipbetweentherulerandthecity.Easilyidentifiableurbanlandscapesareusedasmarkers of sovereignty and power, at the same time delivering a strong political message, namely, the recognitionofSüleymantheMagnificentasthelegitimateruleroftheformerEasternRomanEmpire. Both emperors are portrayed on horseback, a strong reference to the antique Roman code of representation that enhanced the legitimacy of their title. Moreover, both were the temporal representativesoftheirrespectivereligiousworld,CharlesVbeingheadoftheHolyRomanEmpire and the sultan likewise being a ruler with moral and religious authority. Even if not explicitly expressed, the representation of Charles V and Süleyman also emphasizes a semiotic analogy betweentheimageoftheroyalportraitandGod.   Fig.6PieterCoeckevanAelst,LesmoeursetfachonsdefairedeTurcz...,Süleymanridingthroughtheruinsofthe Hippodrome,Antwerp(?),1553,London,BritishMuseum,Department:Prints&Drawings.  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  292 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Fig.7BernardvanOrley(afterdesignsbyca.1528–31),DeparturefortheHunt(MonthofMarch)fromatwelveͲpieceset oftheHuntsofMaximilian,Brussels,Dermoyenworkshop,1531–33,Paris,MuséeduLouvre. Pieter Coecke, who was well aware of the discourse delivered in tapestries intended for largeͲscale public display at the Habsburg court, translated it quite literally in a set considered to have been designed originally for Süleyman. As mentioned before, this attempt to penetrate the Levantine market led to nothing, with the exception of the record that still survives in this chorographicwoodcutfrieze.45 TwodecadeselapsedbetweentheprintingoftheMoeursandthejourneytoConstantinople. Wecanlegitimatelyaskwhattheoriginalplanwas,andevenifmodelliwereeversubmittedtothe Sultanorhisentourage.ThatPieterCoeckewasaprivilegedobserveroftheOttomancivilizationin allitsdiversityofculture,mannersandcustomsisamplydemonstratedbyscenessuchastheTurkish funeralandtheFeastoftheCircumcisionoutsideofConstantinople(fig.1),eventhoughnooriginal drawing‘fromlife’survives. In1553(ormaybe1554ifwetakeintoaccounttheEasterCalendar,astheprecisedateof theeditionoftheMoeursisnotgiven),thetapestrysetoftheConquestofTuniswasalreadywoven oratleastalmostcompleted.ItwasdisplayedforthefirsttimeattheweddingofPhilipIIofSpain andPortugalandtheEnglishqueenMaryTudoron7July1554inWinchesterCathedralandagainin January 1555 at the church of NotreͲDame in Antwerp for a meeting of the Order of the Golden Fleece.46ItistemptingtohypothesizethatatthattimeMaykenVerhulstsawauniqueopportunityto printthetraveloguemadetwentyyearsearlierbyherhusband.BeforeCoecke’sprematuredeath,an eventthatwascloselyassociatedwiththerealizationofthecartoonsoftheTunistapestriesseries,47 itisobviousthathereworkedthedrawingstakenfromlifeduringhistripandsojourn.Butforwhat purposedidhedoso?Theunusualoblongformatofthescenesseparatedbyterms,theentablature andthebasedoesindeedsuggestthattheserieswaswelldesignedasmodelsfortapestriesandwas only later on turned into printing blocks.48 Several elements point in that direction. First and ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  293 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM foremost, the style is much more compatible with Pieter Coecke’s late works, such as the Lisbon triptych, but one also notices the same creative spirit that prevails in the Tunis tapestries, even if theiriconographydivergesdrastically.Thecompositionsexhibitsimilaritiesinlayout,withtheaction beingconcentratedmainlyintheforegroundtoleaveamaximumofspaceforthedevelopmentof thepanoramicviews.ThepresenceofthepainterinthelastscenedressedinaSloveniancostume, which affirmed that he was there, just as Jan Vermeyen portrayed himself twice in the Tunis tapestriesinordertocertifyhispresenceduringtheEmperor’scampaignin1535,atteststoakindof mutual emulation between the two court painters. Moreover, the text in the tablet of the first tapestryoftheTunisseries,TheMapoftheMediterraneanBasin,displaysthesamerhetoricasthe titlepageoftheMoeurs.IttestifiesthatVermeyenreportedtheactionaccordingtonaturebutalso that the project was represented with geographical accuracy.49 Again, a similar willingness to convince the viewer that what he was seeing had been depicted with all possible topographical rigourisfoundintheFrenchcommentaryonTheFeastoftheCircumcisionoutsideofConstantinople (fig.1),inwhichitisexplicitlystatedthatthe cityscapeisatruerepresentationofthecityoutside madeafternature:‘LavrayeassieteouqualitedelaVilledeConstantinopleparledehorscontrefaict apreslenaturel’.50 More than fifty years before Van Mander introduced the notion of ‘naer het leven’ into Dutch art theory, the term of ‘au vif contrefaictez’ had already appeared in the title page of the chorographicfriezeoftheMoeursetFachonsdefairedeTurcz,andthesameideaprevailedaswell in the introductory text of the Tunis series. Both ensembles started as independent records of ‘topographical views’ and events with ethnographic interest and were only later transformed into worksofart.51 From1540,Antwerpbecameamajorcentrefortheprintingofaccountsandtraveloguesof the Levant. At that time the Europeans were better informed about what was happening in the OttomanEmpirethananywhereelseintheworld.52In1544,GillisCoppensvanDiestpublishedthe accounts of Bartolomej Georgijeviđ, a Hungarian captured by the Turks who returned to the West after thirteen years in slavery, and the same year Gregorius Bontius printed a book by the same authors on the origins of the Turks and various aspects of their social life.53 As Cecilia Paredes has pertinently noted, although the Moeurs innovate in terms of iconography, the set is still part of a figurative and literary tradition. It assumes the literal transposition into image as much as it representsandillustratesthevoyageofCoeckeinTurkey.54  Conclusion BecauseofthewholeculturalandartisticcontextinwhichfirstthedrawingswerereͲelaboratedand thenthewoodcutfriezecreated,itseemsdifficulttoconsiderthisseriesasanillustrativeexampleof the mimetic discourse in a selfͲfashioning image of imperial powerͲlust between Charles V and Süleyman.Ifitwasnot,thenwhowasbehindtheinitiative? More than ten years elapsed before Mary of Hungary commissioned Vermeyen to execute the Conquest of Tunis to celebrate the victory of the Emperor. However, the repercussions of this ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  294 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM military success were of limited scope, since the Ottoman fleet quickly regained control of the EasternMediterranean. The Moeurs, which can be considered as an ethnographic reportage or an illustrated travelogue,alsocontainsapowerfulpoliticalmessage,asisshownbythecomparisonwiththeHunts ofMaximilian,atypicalexampleofHabsburgpropagandisticdiscourse.ByshowingSultanSüleyman as the Magnificent, the victory of the Holy Roman Emperor at the Battle of Tunis was made even moreglorious.   Fig.8PieterCoeckevanAelst,LesmoeursetfachonsdefairedeTurcz...,detailofSüleymanridingthroughtheruinsofthe Hippodrome,Antwerp(?),1553,London,BritishMuseum,Department:Prints&Drawings.      Bibliography  Atasoy, Nurhan and Uluç, Lâle, Impressions of Ottoman Culture in Europe: 1453–1699 (Istanbul, 2012).  Balis, Arnaud, De Jonge, Krista, Delmarcel, Guy and Lefébure, Amaury, Les Chasses de Maximilien (Paris,1993).  BacquéͲGrammont, JeanͲLouis, ‘L’apogée de l’empire ottoman: les évènements (1512–1606)’, in Histoiredel’empireottoman,ed.RobertMantran(Paris,1989),pp.139–59. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  295 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Bauer,RotraudwithcontributionsofSteppe,JanK.,TapisserienderRenaissancenachEntwürfenvon PieterCoeckevanAelst(Eisenstadt,1981).  Bisaha,Nancy,CreatingEastandWest:RenaissanceHumanistsandtheOttomanTurks(Philadelphia, 2004).  Boorsch,SuzanneandOrenstein,NadineM.,‘ThePrintintheNorth.TheAgeofAlbrechtDürerand LucasvanLeyden’,TheMetropolitanMuseumofArtBulletin,54,4(1997),pp.50–51.  Born, Annick, ‘Pieter Coecke van Aelst and the roads leading to Rome’ in Culture figurative a confronto tra Fiandre e Italia dal XV al XVII secolo. Atti del convegno internazionale Nord/Sud. RicezionifiamminghealdiquadelleAlpi.Prospettivedistudioeindaginitecniche(Padova,Università degliStudi,25Ͳ27ottobre2007),eds.AnnaDeFlorianiandMariaCleliaGalassi(Milan,2008),pp.94– 105.  Brotton,Jerry,TheRenaissanceBazaar(Oxford,2002).  Campbell,Thomas,TapestryintheRenaissance.ArtandMagnificence(NewYork,2002).  DeJonge,Krista,‘Anvers:lespremièrestraductionsdutraitéd’architecturedeSerlio’,inSebastiano Serlio à Lyon. Architecture et imprimerie, vol. I., Le traité d’architecture de Sebastiano Serlio. Une grandeentrepriseéditorialeauXVIesiècle,ed.SylvieDeswarteͲRosa(Lyons,2004),pp.262–83.  DeSaintGenois,JulesandYsseldeSchepper,Gerhard,MissionsdiplomatiquesdeCorneilleDuplicius DeSchepper,ditScepperus,ambassadeurdeChristiernII,deCharlesV,deFerdinandIretdeMarie, reinedeHongrie,gouvernantedesPaysͲBas,de1523à1555(Bruxelles,1856).  De la Fontaine Verwey, Herman, ‘Pieter Coeck van Aelst and the publication of Serlio’s book on architecture’,Quaerendo,VI(1976),pp.166–194.  Faroqhi,Suraiya,ApproachingOttomanHistory.AnIntroductiontotheSources(Cambridge,1999).  Félibien, André, Entretiens sur les Vies et sur les Ouvrages des plus excellens peintres anciens et modernes.Nouvelleéditionrevue,corrigéeetaugmentée(London,DavidMortier,1705);ed.princeps (1666Ͳ1668).  Friedländer,MaxJ.,‘PieterCoeckevanAlost’,JahrbuchderKöniglichPreussischenKunstsammlungen, 38,(1917),pp.73–94.  Friedländer, Max J., Early Netherlandish Painting. XII. Jan van Scorel and Pieter Coeck van Aelst (Leiden&Brussels,1975).  Gachard,LouisP.andPiot,GuillaumeJ.(eds.),CollectiondesvoyagesdessouverainsdesPaysͲBas,4 vols.(Bruxelles,1874–82).  Hamilton, Alastair, Arab Culture and Ottoman Magnificence in Antwerp’s Golden Age (London & Oxford,2001).  Horn, Hendrik, Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen Painter of Charles V and His Conquest of Tunis: paintings, Etchings,Drawings,CartoonsandTapestries,2vols.(Doornspijk,1989). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  296 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  7nalcik, Halil, ‘The Ottoman State: Economy and Society, 1300–1600’, in An Economic and Social HistoryoftheOttomanEmpire,1300–1914,eds.Halil7nalcikandDonaldQuataert(Cambridge,1994), pp.9–409.  7nalcik, Halil, ‘Mutual Political and Cultural Influences Between Europe and the Ottomans’, in OttomanCivilization,eds.Halil7nalcikandGünselRenda(Istanbul,2002),pp.1049–1089(reprinted in7nalcik,Halil,TurkeyandEuropeinHistory(Istanbul,2008),pp.141–194).  Jardine, Lisa and Brotton, Jerry, Global Interests: Renaissance Art Between East and West (London, 2000).  Kafadar,Cemal,BetweenTwoWorlds:TheConstructionoftheOttomanState(London,1995).  Kunt,MettinandWoodhead,Christine(eds.),SuleymantheMagnificentandHisAge:TheOttoman EmpireintheEarlyModernWorld(London,1995).  Lewy, Mordechay, ‘An Unknown View of Mt. Zion Monastery by the Flemish Old Master Pieter CoeckevanAeslt(1502Ͳ1550)asEvidencetoHisPilgrimagetoJerusalem’,JahrbuchderStaatlichen KunstsammlungeninBadenͲWürttemberg,44(2007),pp.61–74.  Mack, Rosamond E., Bazaar to Piazza. Islamic Trade and Italian Art, 1300–1600 (Berkeley, Los Angeles,London,2002).  Marlier,Georges,LaRenaissanceflamande:PierreCoeckd’Alost(Brussels,1966).  NecipoŒlu, Gülru, ‘Süleyman the Magnificent and the Representation of Power in the Context of OttomanͲHapsburgRivalry’,ArtBulletin,71(1989),pp.401–27.  Orenstein, Nadine, ‘Processsion of Süleyman the Magnificent through the Hippodrome’, in Byzantium.FaithandPower(1261–1557),ed.HelenC.Evans(NewYork,2004),p.411cat.253.  Paredes, Cecilia, ‘Du texte à l’image. Les tapisseries de la Conquête de Tunis et les gravures des Moeurs et Fachons des Turcs’, in L’Empire ottoman dans l’Europe de la Renaissance/El Imperio Otomano en la Europa renacentista. Ideas e imaginarios de intelectuales, diplomáticos y opinión pùblicadelsigloXV,XVIyprincipiosdelsigloXVIIenlosantiguosPaísesBajosyelMundoHispánico/ Idéesetimaginairesd’intellectuels,dediplomatesetdel’opinionpubliquedanslesAnciensPaysͲBas etleMondeHispaniqueauxXVe,XVIeetdébutduXVIIesiècles,eds.AlainServantieandRamónPuig delaBellacasa(Leuven,2005),pp.123–50.  Parker,Geoffrey,‘LemondepolitiquedeCharlesQuint’,inCharlesQuint1500Ͳ1558.L’Empereuret sontemps,ed.HugoSoly(Antwerp,1999),pp.113–225,513–16.  Raby,Julian,Venice,DürerandtheOrientalMode(London,1982).  Schéle,Sune,‘PieterCoeckeandCornelisBos’,OudHolland,77,3Ͳ4(1962),pp.235–43.  Schéle,Sune,CornelisBos:astudyoftheoriginsoftheNetherlandgrotesque(Stockholm,1965).  SchneebalgͲPerelman, Sophie, Les Chasses de Maximilien. Les énigmes d’un chefͲd’oeuvre de la Tapisserie(Brussels,1982). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  297 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Sellinck,Manfred,Bruegel.L’œuvrecomplet.Peintures,dessins,gravures(Bruges,2007).  Servantie, Alain, ‘L’information de Charles Quint sur les Turcs, ou les éléments pour décider de la guerre ou de la paix: du rêve de croisade aux réalités’, in L’Empire ottoman dans l’Europe de la Renaissance/El Imperio Otomano en la Europa renacentista. Ideas e imaginarios de intelectuales, diplomáticosyopiniónpùblicadelsigloXV,XVIyprincipiosdelsigloXVIIenlosantiguosPaísesBajos y el Mundo Hispánico/ Idées et imaginaires d’intellectuels, de diplomates et de l’opinion publique danslesAnciensPaysͲBasetleMondeHispaniqueauxXVe,XVIeetdébutduXVIIesiècles,eds.Alain ServantieandRamónPuigdelaBellacasa(Leuven,2005),pp.249–95.  Silver,Larry,‘TriumphsandTravesties.PrintedProcessionsoftheSixteenthCentury’,inGrandScale: MonumentalPrintsintheAgeofDurerandTitian,eds.LarrySilverandElizabethWyckoff(Wellesley, MA:DavisMuseum,2008),pp.23–41.  Silver, Larry, ‘East is East: Images of the Turkish nemesis in the Habsburg world’, in The Turk and Islam in the Western Eye, 1450–1750. Visual Imagery before Orientalism, ed. James G. Harper (Farnham,2011),pp.185–215.  St.Clair,AlexandrineN.,TheImageoftheTurkinEurope(NewYork,1973).  Stirling Maxwell, William, The Turks in MDXXXIII. A Series of Drawings Made in that Year at ConstantinoplebyPeterCoeckofAelstandPublishedfromWoodblocks,byhiswidow,atAntwerpin MDLIII;reproducedwithotherillustrationsinfacͲsimile(London&Edinburgh,1873).  Van der Coelen, Peter, ‘Cornelis Bos—Where did he go? Some New Discoveries and Hypotheses aboutaSixteenthͲcenturyEngraverandPublisher’,Simiolus,23(1995),pp.119–46.  VanderStock,Jan,PrintingImagesinAntwerp.TheIntroductionofPrintmakinginaCity:Fifteenth Centuryto1585(Rotterdam,1998).  Van der Stock, Jan, ‘Hieronymus Cock et Volcxken Diericx, éditeurs de gravures à Anvers’, in Van Grieken, Joris, Luijten, Ger and Van der Stock, Jan, Hieronymus Cock. La gravure à la Renaissance (Bruxelles,2013),pp.14–21.  Van Grieken, Joris, ‘In de vier winden/Aux quatre vents (1548Ͳ1600). De eerste Antwerpse prentenuitgeverijopwereldschaal.Eenstandvanzaken’,inDeRenaissanceprentkunstindeZuidelijk Nederlanden/LagravuredelarenaissancedanslesPaysͲBasméridionaux,ed.GodelieveDenhaene (Brussels,2010),pp.93–120.  VanGrieken,Joris,Luijten,GerandVanderStock,Jan,HieronymusCock.LagravureàlaRenaissance (Bruxelles,2013).  VanGrieken,Joris,‘Ledéveloppementetl’exploitationd’unfondsd’éditeur’,inVan Grieken,Joris, Luijten,GerandVanderStock,Jan,HieronymusCock.LagravureàlaRenaissance(Bruxelles,2013), pp.22–29.  Van Mander, Karel, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters from the first editionoftheSchilderͲboeck(1603Ͳ1604),ed.HesselMiedema,6vols.(Doornspijk,1994Ͳ1999).  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  298 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM VanMulder,Christine,‘Depretenreeksen’,inHuysmans,Antoinette,VanDamme,Jan,VandeVelde Carl and Van Mulders, Christine, Cornelis Floris 1514–1575. Beeldhouwer, architect, ontwerper (Brussels,1996),pp.36–69,142–61,figs.119–95.  Wittek,Paul,TheriseoftheOttomanempire:StudiesontheHistoryofTurkey,13thͲ15thcenturies.Ed. ColinHeywood(London,2001);firstpublishedbytheRoyalAsiaticSociety(London,1938).  Illustrations  Fig.1Ͳ3,5Ͳ6,8TheTrusteesoftheBritishMuseum,Department:Prints&Drawings.  Fig.4Photoauthor.  Fig.7RMN,GrandPalais(MuséeduLouvre),photobyDanielArnaudet.     1  My warmest thanks go to Krista De Jonge, Larry Silver, Hilmi Kaçar, Nadine Orenstein, Cecilia Paredes and Joris Van Grieken for our fruitful discussions on this topic and for providing me with useful references. I am gratefultoMaximiliaanMartensforthereviewofmyEnglishtext. 2 OnPieterCoecke,stillworthreferringtoFriedländer1917andFriedlander1975,pp.32–39andonthisseries, seeespeciallyStirlingMaxwell1873;Marlier1966,pp.55–74. 3 ConstantinoplealonewasamultiͲethnicsocietywheretheTurkscohabitedwithnonͲMuslimethnicgroups, mostly Jews, Greeks andArmenians. Thebibliography on the subject is very abundant, seeWittek 1938(ed. 2001);7nalcik1994;Kafadar1995. 4  Considered as the ‘golden age’ of the Ottoman Empire, see BacquéͲGrammont 1989; Kunt & Woodhead, 1995. On the politics of Charles V, see Parker 1999 and on the mutual influences between Europe and the Ottomans,see7nalcik2002. 5 NecipoŒlu1989. 6 Jardine&Brotton2000.Thisviewhasbeenchallenged.NancyBisaha2004notesthattheauthors’claimto cultural openness and respectful exchange relies on material goods and artwork, though she presents a superficialtreatmentofwrittensources(esp.pp.6,191–92n.13),whereasSilver2011emphasizesthatinthe Holy Roman Empire the Turks were seen as a marker of difference, with the usual stereotype of exotic and cruel warriors. Nevertheless, the importance of the EastͲWest luxury trade in decorative art is well documented and attests to the European taste for ‘exotic objects’. Paintings provide evidence of the disseminationofsuchconsumergoodsaswellasmodelsfortheemergenceofnewartefactsproducedlocally. For Italy, see Mack 2002; Brotton 2002. For a broad overview of the import of textiles, tiles and ceramics, carpets,armsandarmourinEasternandWesternEurope:Atasoy&Uluç2012. 7 Jardine&Brotton2000,p.120. 8  And not caryatids as often mentioned. Similarly, the title page of the second edition of Coecke’s Dutch translation of Sebastiano Serlio’s Book IV on Architecture (1549) is decorated with male and female terms supportingapediment.AcopyispreservedinGhent,UniversiteitsbibliotheekGent,ACC.028738. 9  Like the set kept in Ghent, Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent, BHSL. RES. 1323/2 and in New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund 1928, inv. 28.85.7a,b; Boorsch and Orenstein 1997; Orenstein2004. 10 London,BritishMuseum,Department:Prints&Drawings,inv.E,6.1Ͳ7,455x4825mm(overall). 11  As suggested by Stirling Maxwell 1873 (p. 2) this may explain the destruction of the greater part of the impression.Onprocessionfriezesandtheirorigin,functionanduse,seeSilver2008. 12 Asearlyas1962SchéleconsideredacollaborationbetweenCornelisBosandPieterCoecke.In1542,Coecke suppliedBoswiththreehundredcopiesofthe1539DutcheditionofSerlio’sBookIV,sixofthe1542German editionand650ofDieinventivedercolommenpublishedinFebruary1539(n.s.1540).Schélespeculatedthat Boswasinvolvedintheproductionofthebooksandthathewasresponsibleforthewoodcutillustrations.See ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  299 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  also Schéle 1965, pp. 18–23. This hypothesis is questioned by Van der Coelen (1995, pp. 191–92) who emphasized that Bos was a specialist in engraving on copper. Nevertheless, the banishment of the artist in 1544 makes it unlikely that he was implied in the series of the Moeurs, though he does seem to have maintainedcontactswiththeartisticcommunityinAntwerpuntiltheendofhislife(VanderCoelen1995,p. 143). 13 Ghent,UniversiteitsbibliotheekGent,ACC.028724/1andACC.028738.Seealso: http://adore.ugent.be/OpenURL/app?id=archive.ugent.be:0D7B5258ͲB864Ͳ11E0Ͳ8849Ͳ E58E37D8FA8C&type=carousel 14 ThecollaborationwithGillisCoppensstartedasearlyas1539withtheDutcheditionofBookIV:Generalen reglenderarchitecture.ThatPieterCoecke,whoexplicitlyusedthetitleofswornbookselleroftheEmperor, hadpermissiontopublishthememorialbookoftheEntryprintedin1550underhisownnameatteststhathe enjoyed aprivileged statuswithin the Scheldt city, whose council forbade painters, sculptorsand printers to reproduceinanyformwhatsoeverthedecorationserectedontheoccasionoreventopublishdescriptions.In otherwords,onlytheofficialpublicationswereauthorized.Concerningthedecreeofthecitycouncil:Vander Stock 1998, pp. 152–53, 370 (transcription of the document). On the Books of Architecture, see a.o. De la FontayneVerwey1976;DeJonge2004(withbibliography). 15 BruegelstartedtoworkforCockassoonas1554orevenin1552.TheearliesttestimonyofBruegel’sactivity inCock’sprintinghouseisillustratedbyaprintWoodedlandscapewiththeTemptationofChristbearingthe signatureH.Cock.fecit.Sellink2007,pp.13,57cat.16withpreviousbibliography.OnCockandthepublishing house,seeVanGrieken2010;VanderStock2013;VanGrieken2013. 16 Thetitlepageofthe1548seriesoftwentydesignsforpitchersandshellswithgrotesquedecorationsdisplays similaritieswiththatoftheMoeurs.OnemightwonderwhattheparticipationofCockwasinthepreparation ofthisset;hedidindeedhaveknowledgeofsimilarworksbasedonantiquemodelsbyAgostinoVeneziano, EneoVicoandLeonardodaUdine.FortheprintseriesandthecollaborationwithCock,VanMulders1996and forthe1548series,esp.pp.43–49,142–45,figs.119Ͳ139;seealsoVanGrieken,Luijten&VanderStock2013, cat.76aͲb,pp.280–283. 17  His brother, Frans I Floris, painted the decoration of the Triumphal Arch erected by the Genovese for the 1549JoyousEntreeofPhilipIIofSpaininAntwerp. 18  Bruxelles, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique/Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België, inv. S. II 32364, frieze of fourteen woodcuts; the title page and the colophon, on separate sheets, are also late additions (probably nineteenthcentury).Asecondsetonfourteensheetsofalateredition(seventeenthcentury?)isalsokeptin thecollection:inv.S.II148040Ͳ148049. 19 Seethediscussionbelow. 20  The original tapestry set is preserved in Madrid, Patrimonio Nacional, and the cartoons in Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Gemäldegalerie. A close examination of the cartoons sustains this hypothesis. Campbell (2002, pp. 387–90) has suggested that some of the main figures in the foreground are by Coecke, unlike Horn (1989, pp. 122–25), who denied the participation of the artist. Several figures that present recurrentstylisticanalogieswithlaterworksbyCoeckewerepastedovertheverticalstripsofthecartoons.A technical study of the cartoons would probably help us to understand the genesis of the work and the collaborationbetweenthetwomastersandtheirworkshop.Nevertheless,besidestylisticfeaturesthatsome mainfiguressharewithCoecke’sworks,somepiecesoftechnicalevidencereinforcethisassumption,suchas the comparison of the underdrawing of the Triptych of the Descent ofthe Cross (Lisbon, Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, inv. 112), which shows idiosyncratic handwritten characteristics in the drawing outlines and shadowingeffects.ThiswillbedevelopedinanotherstudydevotedtotheLisbonaltarpiece. 21 VanMandered.Miedema1994,I,pp.130–31. 22 Félibiened.1705,p.255. 23 NecipoŒlu1989,pp.419–21;Balis,DeJonge,Delmarcel&Lefébure1993,pp.39–40;Campbell2002,p.379. 24 Estimationfortheperiodbetween1497and1522.SeeParker1999,p.114. 25  For the account of this voyage and comments, see Stirling Maxwell 1873, pp. 22–30. In a letter (Constantinople,2June1534)to‘MonsieurdeMalines’(theEmperor),CorneliusDeSchepperwritesthathe willleaveonFridaynextandhopestobeinViennaintwentyͲfivedays.SeeGachard&Piot1881,III,p.541. 26 Madrid,BibliotecaNacional,seeBauer&Steppe1981,pp.90–99. 27 Campbell2002,pp.381,414. 28 Ibid.,p.379. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  300 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  29  Félibien ed. 1705, pp. 254–55;Marlier 1966,pp. 31–32. For the author of the drawings and the cartoons: SchneebalgͲPerelman(1982,p.191–226)attributedthemtoFrançoisBorremanandCoeckewhereasBalis,De Jonge,Delmarcel&Lefébure(1993,pp.54Ͳ79,esp.p.78)rejecttheviewthatCoeckecouldhaveplayedarole intheelaborationoftheset. 30 Servantie2005,pp.271–74andn.68. 31  The travel journal of Cornelis de Schepper is published by De SaintͲGenois & Yssel de Schepper 1856, pp. 118–222. 32 ‘Parmesdernières,vousayescriptcommentj’estoiearrivéencelieu,etcequemesemblaquepourrezdireà Pierre Vande Walle touçant les tapisseries et aultres marchandises. Depuis ce temps les marchandts ont eut assezàsouffrir,etdejourenjoursetreuventoppressezdeplusenplus;desortequejeneconseillepasqu’ilzy viegnent plus, comme aussi je croy qu’ilz ne feront. Il fault trouver aultre mode pour hwyder lesdictes marchandises’. Quoted after Gachard & Piot 1881, III, pp. 539–42 (esp. 539). In the note it is stated that hwydermeans‘faireécouler’,i.e.tosell. 33 Servantie2005. 34 DuringamilitaryexpeditionagainsttheSultanBeyazit,thefutureJohntheFearlesswastakenprisoner.He was released in exchange for Arras tapestries that represented good old stories. Philip the Bold provided tapestries with the story of Alexander the Great’s triumphs that were displayed on the walls of the Topkapi Saray.Jardine&Brotton2000,p.76. 35 NecipoŒlu1989,p.421.InthelettertotheEmperorabovementioned,DeScheppercomplainsthatduring the absence of Ibrahim Pasha things are not going as they should and that business is bad: ‘par l’absence d’ImbrahimBassa,leschosesvontaultrementqu’ellesnesoulloient[...]Seullementjevousveulxpriervouloir dire à Pietre Vande Walle ce que ensuyt, affin qu’il ne se fie pas sur ces pierreries; car ce Grand Seigneur n’achapteplusainsiqu’ilsouloit.C’estparl’absenced’ImbrahimBassa’.AfterGachard&Piot1881,III,pp.539– 40.Thecontentoftheentireletterisambiguousandclearlyshowsthattrade,diplomacyandespionagewere closelyrelated. 36 Lewy(2007,pp.67–74)believesthatPieterCoeckemadeapilgrimagetoJerusalemduringtheperiodhewas inConstantinople.Theauthor’sargumentationisbasedonananonymousdrawingofJerusalemasseenfrom the south (Antwerp, private collection, pen and ink, 140 x 395 mm) that he ascribes to the artist. The view appearsrepeatedlywithsomealterationsonseveralworksattributedtoCoecke,asforinstanceinthetapestry with the Stoning of St Stephen belonging to the cycle of Paul’s tapestries (Munich, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, inv. n° T 71/8) and the triptych of the Resurrection (Karlsruhe, Staatliche Kunsthalle, inv. 153). Nevertheless, as for the View of the Saint Peter basilica under construction (Roma, Città del Vaticano, BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana,Ashbycollection,inv.329,penandbrownink,198x408mm),theattributionof thedrawingdoesnotrelyonstrongstylisticsimilaritieswithundisputeddrawingsbythemasterbutmerelyon thefactthatCoeckeistheonlyNetherlandishartistwhosepresenceisattestedintheSouthernLevantatthe time.OntheRomaindrawing,seeBorn2008,pp.96–97. 37 OntheroadtoConstantinople,seeStirlingMaxwell1873,pp.21–30.Marlier(1966,p.60)suggestedthat CoeckecouldhavebeenpartofDeSchepper’sembassy,whereasHamilton(2001,p.41)presentsthisasafact butwithoutanyreference. 38  Aedigius Beys, Plantin’s sonͲinͲlaw, printed the first completed edition in Paris in 1589 under Busbecq’s supervision. See Hamilton 2001, pp. 41, 45. On European sources on Ottoman history (travellers, diplomats, pilgrims,merchants,etc.),seeFaroqhi1999,pp.110–43. 39 ThetopicoftheimageoftheTurkhasbeenalsowidelydiscussedintheliterature.SeeforexampleSt.Clair 1973,Raby1982,Silver2011andtherecentoverviewofAtasoy&Uluç2012,pp.327–63. 40 ThestyleandthewellͲbalancedcompositionsofthewoodcutspointtoalaterdate,suggestingthatCoecke reworkedthem. 41 NecipoŒlu1989,p.419. 42 IdentificationsuggestedbyBalis,DeJonge,Delmarcel&Lefébure1993,pp.32,122. 43  De Schepper visited on the 27 May 1533 Ibrahim Pasha in his palace situated on the Hippodrome and providedadescriptionofthesite.SeeDeSaintͲGenois&YsseldeSchepper1856,p.119. 44  The buildings around the Hippodrome and the axis of the different obelisks and columns are slightly rearrangedandshiftedforcompositionalreasons.Foradiscussionontheaccuracyofthesiteandmonuments, seeMarlier1966,pp.69–72. 45  Until now, no preliminary drawing has been associated with this woodcut series. A large woodcut: Description de la court du Grand Turc Solimans faisant son sejour en Constantinople, avec la maniere des ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  301 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  vestementsdeceuxdesasuite(Antwerp,MuseumPlantinͲMoretusPrentenkabinett,189x36cm)isassociated withtheMoeursbuterroneouslyinmyview.IllustrationsinHamilton2001,pp.28–33. 46 Campbell2002,p.428(withpreviousreferences). 47  Coecke died in Brussels on 6 or 16 December 1550. In a letter dated 17 December 1550 from Mary of HungarytoCharlesVconcerningtheTunistapestries,wefindthefollowingstatement:‘ilaplutàDieuprendre àsoylepeintremestrePiere’.Ifitcannotbeformallyexcludedthatthereismorethanonepainterwhosefirst name is Pierre, it seems unlikely that two court masters painters died unexpectedly in Brussels at the same time.Fortheepitaph,seeMarlier1966,pp.29–31,35anddocumentpublishedbyHorn1989,II,p.381. 48  Even after the artist’s death, the statement ‘Lequel aussy de sa main propre a pourtraict ces figures duysantesàl’impressiond’ycelles’shouldperhapsnotbetakenliterallybutaddscredibilitytotheassumption thatthescenesfromnaturewerenotalteredbythehandofanotherperson. 49  ‘The course of events is represented in this work as exactly as possible […] the action is treated in this tapestryaccordingtonature,allthatconcernscosmographyleavingnothingtobedesired’.QuotedafterHorn 1989,pp.181,230n.32(Spanishtext). 50 ThecityisdepictedfromaplacecalledKassimpasha,seenfromacrosstheGoldenHorn,thecity'sharbour. Marlier1966,pp.66–69. 51  Nevertheless, there are, of course, drawings preserved that are portraits of cities or monuments, like for instance Jan Gossart’s View on the Colosseum Seen from the West (Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett,inv.kdz12918)withalatersixteenthcenturyinscriptionatupperright:‘JenninMabusen eghenen/handt.ContrafetetinRoma/in[?]Coloseus’ortheViewonBergenͲopͲZoommadebyDürerduring hisstayinAntwerpin1520(Vienna,GraphischeSammlung,Albertina,inv.3165D139).Thenotion‘naerhet leven’ has been developed further in our presentation The Customs and Fashions of the Turks «au vif contrefaictez»byPieterCoeckevanAelst:criticalreadingandvisualevidence,inNetherlandishCultureofthe SixteenthCentury.InterdisciplinaryConference,Toronto,19–20October2012. 52 Hamilton2001,pp.26,35andff. 53 DeAfflictionetamcaptivorumquametiamsubTurcaetributoviventiumChristianorum,Antwerp,Copenius, 1544,8°andDeTurcarumrituetcaeremoniis,Antwerp,1544,8°,Ghent,UniversiteitsbibliotheekGent:Hi4013 andHi7026. 54 Paredes2005,pp.146–48. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  302 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  ’Allaturca’ TürkischeElementeinTheaterundFestandenHabsburgerhöfenim16.und 17.Jahrhundert* AndreaSommerǦMathisȋ—•–”‹ƒ…ƒ†‡›‘ˆ…‹‡…‡•Ȍ    FestaufführungeninWienundMadridzurFeierdesEntsatzesvonWien1683 SpätestensseitderSchlachtvon Mohácsam29.August1526 wurdendieExpansionsbestrebungen derOsmaneninMitteleuropazunehmendalsBedrohungempfunden.ManversuchtedieserGefahr sowohldurchAbwehrkriegealsauchdurchdiplomatischeVerhandlungenzubegegnen,docherstder Entsatz Wiens im Jahre 1683 brachte die endgültige Wende, und im Frieden von Karlowitz 1699 musstedasOsmanischeReichschließlichauchumfangreicheGebietsabtretungenhinnehmen. DieErleichterungüberdasEndederosmanischenExpansionschlugsichinganzEuropanicht nurineinerFlutvonFlugblätternundDruckschriftennieder,1sondernauchinzahlreichenFestenund Theateraufführungen. Schon die ersten Feierlichkeiten unmittelbar nach der Zweiten Wiener Türkenbelagerung16832spieltensowohlfürdieKonstruktiondesspäteren‘Türkengedächtnisses’als auch für die Imagebildung der europäischen Fürsten eine nicht unwesentliche Rolle. Die mediale Verarbeitung der militärischen Ereignisse erfolgte einerseits über die Betonung der eigenen Größe undTapferkeitundandererseitsüberdiegleichzeitigeDiffamierungdesbesiegtenGegners.Diesgilt auch für die Festlichkeiten und Theaterproduktionen, in denen man den so mühsam errungenen TriumphüberdieOsmanenandenhabsburgischenHöfeninWienundMadridfeierte. Am Kaiserhof setzten die Jesuiten den Entsatz Wiens in dem allegorischen Drama FerdinandusQuintusRexHispaniaeMaurorumDomitor3(Abb.1)mitdemspanischenSiegüberdie Mauren1492inBeziehungunderinnertenineinerSzeneauchandiegleichzeitigeVertreibungder JudenausSpanien.4InderabschließendenmusikalischenHuldigung5derhabsburgischenKronländer wird Kaiser Leopold I. mit Ferdinand dem Katholischen verglichen und als neuer defensor fidei gefeiert.6 Am spanischen Hof in Madrid wurde der Sieg über die Türken 1683 mit einer zweiteiligen comediavonPedrodeArcegefeiert,dieunterdemTitelElsitiodeViena7(Abb.2)dashochaktuelle ThemaderBelagerungunddesEntsatzesvonWienthematisierte,jedochdenpolnischenKönigJan III. Sobieski als den eigentlichen Helden feierte. Dem in Sobieski verkörperten Tugendideal werden dienegativenEigenschaftendesHochmutsundderMachtgiergegenübergestellt,diehiernichtnur– ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  303 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  wie sonst meist üblich – an den feindlichen Osmanen, sondern auch an einigen Christen exemplifiziertwerden.    Abb.1TitelblattderPeriochedesJesuitendramas Abb.2TitelblattderComediadeElSitiodeViena,1684 FerdinandusQuintusHispaniaeMaurorumDomitor,1684 (Madrid,BibliotecaNacionaldeEspaña,T12709). (Wien,ÖsterreichischeNationalbibliothek,406.766Ͳ B.Mus.). DerspanischeKönigKarlII.hattesichzwarselbstanderTürkenabwehrnichtaktivbeteiligt, ließdenEntsatzWiensaberdennochinMadridmitProzessionen,Dankgottesdiensten,Feuerwerken und Festbeleuchtungen als kollektiven Triumph der gesamten Casa de Austria feiern.8 Die comedia Pedro de Arces stellt auf Grund ihrer besonderen zeitlichen Nähe zum aktuellen Anlass eine Besonderheitdar,fügtsichjedochineinelangeTraditionhistorischerDramen,diesichmitpolitischͲ militärischen Ereignissen der jüngeren Vergangenheit beschäftigten, wobei auch die Begegnung zwischenOrientundOkzidentimmerwiederthematisiertwurde.9  Turcos,morosymoriscosinderspanischenDramatikdes16.und17.Jahrhunderts Die ersten theatralischen Werke mit türkischen Sujets, die aus Spanien bekannt sind, entstanden unmittelbar nach den Feldzügen von Sultan Süleyman I. dem Prächtigen gegen Ungarn, die ihn zweimal–1529und1532–bisvordieToreWiensführten.DieseVorstößederOsmanenbedeuteten zwar für Spanien, im Gegensatz zu ihren späteren Offensiven im Mittelmeer (1535 Belagerung von Tunis,1541vonAlgier),keineunmittelbarekriegerischeBedrohung,10dochwardieAngstvoreiner neuerlichen Islamisierung Spaniens stets präsent. Dies wirkte sich auch auf die Wahrnehmung der ‘Türken’inSpanienaus;siewurdenzumneuenFeindbildmitdenvondenMaurenübernommenen stereotypenZuschreibungenalsUngläubige,BarbarenundTyrannen. Davon ist allerdings in den spanischen Dramen aus den 30er Jahren des 16. Jahrhunderts nochkaumetwaszufinden:LópezdeYanguasbenutztedas‘türkische’AmbienteseinerFarsadicha turquesanacontraelTurcomuygalana11(1530)lediglichalsFolie,umdasChristentumalsdieeinzig wahre Religion zu propagieren, während in Luis Miláns Divertissement El cortesano12 (1538) die ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  304 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Türken überhaupt nur als stumme Statisten fungierten, die dazu dienten, die Hofgesellschaft von ValenciamitgalantenTexten,exotischenTänzen,SpielenundKostümenzuunterhalten. NachderneuerlichenKonfrontationderspanischenTruppenmitdenOsmanenwährendder Belagerung von Malta (1565) und vor allem in der Seeschlacht von Lepanto (1571) erweckten ‘los turcos’auchinSpanienimmergrößeresInteresse,wassichnicht nurinzahlreichenChronikenund Reisebeschreibungen,13 sondern auch in einer deutlichen Zunahme von ‘türkischen’ Stoffen in der spanischenLiteraturmanifestierte.14DieerstenDramatiker,diesichderartigenThemenzuwandten, bezogen sich dabei jedoch nicht auf die rezenten Feldzüge, sondern auf länger zurückliegende Ereignisse: Gabriel Lobo Lasso de la Vega wählte als Sujet für La destrucción de Constantinopla15 (1587) den Fall Konstantinopels 1453, und der valencianische Kanoniker Francisco Agustín Tárrega nahmdieBelagerungenvonRhodosindenJahren1481und1522zumAusgangspunktderHandlung seinesDramasElcercodeRodas16;beideAutorenreichertendiehistorischenEreignissemitdenfür diezeitgenössischencomediascharakteristischenLiebesintrigenan. Anders als Gabriel Lobo Lasso de la Vega oder Francisco Agustín Tárrega konnte Miguel de Cervantes in seinen Werken ganz persönliche Erfahrungen in der Begegnung mit dem Orient verarbeiten,17dennerwaralsSoldatanderSchlachtvonLepantobeteiligtgewesenund1575indie Gefangenschaft nordafrikanischer Korsaren geraten.18 Während er in seinen Dramen Los tratos de ArgelundLosbañosdeArgel19realeErlebnissewährendseinerfünfjährigenGefangenschaftinAlgier einfließen ließ, entspringt das ‘türkische’ Milieu von La gran sultana Doña Catalina de Oviedo20 weitgehendseinerPhantasie.21 Auch in der überaus reichen Dramenproduktion Lope de Vegas finden sich etwa zwanzig Dramen mit ‘türkisch’ inspirierten Sujets sowie eine noch weit größere Anzahl von comedias mit ‘maurischen’Themen;siewarenweitgehendfreierfundenundbasiertennurzueinemgeringenTeil aufrealenGegebenheiten,wobeiLopedeVegaauchdiesemitdichterischerFreiheitinterpretierte.22 Sonahmeretwaindemzwischen1598und1603entstandenenDramaElcercodeVienapor CarlosV23dieErsteWienerTürkenbelagerungvon1529zumAnlass,umKaiserKarlV.alsSiegerim Kampf gegen die Türken zu feiern, obwohl dies den historischen Tatsachen keineswegs entsprach, dennKarlV.hatteseinenBruder,KönigFerdinandI.,damalsmilitärischkaumunterstützt,undSultan SüleymanI.derPrächtigewarzwar1529bisvordieMauernWiensgelangt,hatteabernachnurzwei Wochen den Rückzug seiner Armee angeordnet. Erst im Jahre 1532, beim zweiten Versuch Süleymans,Wienzubelagern,versammelteauchKarlV.einstattlichesHeer,dasdenSultanletztlich an der Durchführung seines Vorhabens hinderte.24 – Im Widerspruch zur historischen Realität präsentierte Lope de Vega in El cerco de Viena por Carlos V den Kaiser (Abb. 3) als Idealbild eines VerteidigersderChristenheitundstellteihninkrasserSchwarzweißmalereiSultanSüleyman(Abb.4) gegenüber, den er als grausamen Despoten charakterisierte, der aus purer Willkür schreckliche Gräueltatenangeordnethabe.25IndercomediabegegneteKarlV.seinemKontrahenten‘conlaFèen el ombro, y el mundo a los pies’, wie es in einer Bühnenanweisung heißt, während der Sultan – in Umkehrung des Bildes – nach Lope de Vega den Glauben mit Füßen getreten und widerrechtlich Anspruch auf die Weltherrschaft erhoben habe. Im Schlusssatz feierte Lope de Vega den Sieg über die Osmanen explizit als Triumph Spaniens – ‘Y esta es la ilustre vitoria,/ que alcançò España en Viena’–undhuldigtedemneuenspanischenKönigPhilippIII.undseinerDynastie.26 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  305 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM      Abb.3Tizian,KaiserKarlV.imHarnisch,Mitte16.Jh. Abb.4UmkreisTizians,SultanSüleymanI,um1530/40 (Wien,KunsthistorischesMuseum,Inv.ͲNr.GGͲ8060). (Wien,KunsthistorischesMuseum,Inv.ͲNr.GGͲ2429). DieMetapherdesGlaubens,denderKaiseralsWeltenherrscheraufseinenSchulternträgt, entspricht in ihrem Bedeutungsgehalt zahlreichen bildlichen Darstellungen auf zeitgenössischen ephemerenTriumpharchitekturen.EsseibeispielhaftnuraufeinenderTriumphbögenverwiesen,die 1570 anlässlich der Hochzeitsfestlichkeiten des spanischen Königs Philipp II. mit Erzherzogin Anna von Österreich, einer Tochter Kaiser Maximilians II., in Madrid errichtet wurden: Karl V., der Vater des Bräutigams, wurde dort mit anderen Herrschern aus beiden Linien des Hauses Habsburg dargestellt,darunterauchmitseinemBruderFerdinandI.,wobeiHinweiseaufihren’gemeinsamen‘ Sieg über die Osmanen nicht fehlten. Auf demselben Triumphbogen befand sich auch eine allegorischeFigurSpaniensmiteinerdurcheineschwereKetteansiegefesseltenPersonifikationder Ketzerei zu ihren Füßen; aus den erklärenden Inschriften geht hervor, dass damit sowohl der ProtestantismusalsauchderIslamgemeintwar.27 Ähnliche Darstellungen finden sich auch außerhalb des habsburgischen Herrschaftsgebiets, etwa in Florenz, wo man 1589 zur Eheschließung von Ferdinando de’ Medici mit Christina von Lothringen einen Triumphbogen mit zwei Kolossalstatuen habsburgischer Herrscher errichten ließ, die als Kriegshelden und Bezwinger der Türken dargestellt wurden: Karl V. neuerlich als derjenige, der1529dieTürkenausWienvertriebenhabe,undseinSohnPhilippII.alsstrahlenderSiegerinder SeeschlachtvonLepantoimJahre1571.28 Lope de Vega konnte somit in seinem Drama El cerco de Viena por Carlos V an eine Argumentationslinieanknüpfen,diedamalsschoneuropaweitinWortundBildetabliertwar.Gegen EndedercomediakameszueinerkurzenBegegnungdesKaisersmitseinemBruderFerdinand,bei der die beiden Monarchen und ihre Generäle mit tapferen Herrschern und Feldherrn der Vergangenheit verglichen wurden, mit Scipio, Alexander dem Großen und Marius – wieder in Analogie zu den bildlichen Darstellungen und panegyrischen Texten der gleichzeitigen fürstlichen EinzügeinganzEuropa. ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  306 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  Neben Lope de Vega setzte sich auch Francisco de Rojas Zorrilla mit der Ersten Wiener Türkenbelagerungauseinander,29zeigteaberinseinemDramaEldesafíodeCarlosV30auchdiemit demKriegverbundenenexistenziellenundfinanziellenNöte,jasogardiekörperlicheGebrechlichkeit des Kaisers, der von heftigen Gichtanfällen geplagt wird. Titelgebendes Thema der comedia ist die Legende vom Zweikampf zwischen Süleyman dem Prächtigen und Kaiser Karl V., der nur deshalb nichtzustandekommt,weildieTürkenschonvorherabziehen.BeiRojasZorrillawerdendieFeinde durch den Spanier Luis de la Cueva in die Flucht geschlagen, wobei dieser vom Heiligen Martin unterstützt wird, der auf einem weißen Pferd an der Seite der Christen kämpft – in Analogie zur spanischen Legende von Santiago Matamoros, dem Heiligen Jakob, der den Spaniern im Kampf gegendieMaurenBeistandgeleistethabensoll. Historische Wahrheit war bei Francisco de Rojas Zorrilla ebenso wenig zu finden, und auch nichtzuerwartenwiebeiLopedeVegaunddenübrigenDramatikerndesSiglodeOro,wasjedoch keineswegs bedeutete, dass sie die historiographischen Quellen nicht kannten oder benutzten. Bei Lopes Türkendrama El cerco de Viena por Carlos V konnten diese zwar bisher nicht eindeutig nachgewiesen werden, doch in anderen seiner historischen comedias hielt er sich, wie viele seiner Zeitgenossen, häufig an die Darstellung der umfangreichen Vita Karls V., die König Philipp II. zur GlorifizierungderHerrscherpersönlichkeitseinesVaters–unddamitimplizit auchseiner eigenen– beiFrayPrudenciodeSandovalinAuftraggegebenhatte.31 AnderWendevom16.zum17.JahrhundertverfassteLopedeVeganocheineganzeReihe weitererDramenmit‘türkischen’und‘maurischen’Sujets,indenenerohneUnterschiedGroßtürken undBerberkönige,SultaneundihreFavoritinnen,RenegatenundspanischeGefangeneauftretenließ –entscheidendwardieBühnenwirksamkeitderStoffeundFiguren.EsgingLopedeVegawohlvor allem darum, ein möglichst attraktives ‘orientalisches’ oder allgemein ‘exotisches’ Milieu für die dramatische Handlung seiner comedias zu schaffen.32 Symptomatisch ist dabei, dass in all diesen DramenkeineklareDifferenzierungzwischenTürkenundMaurenvorgenommenwird.Turcos,moros y moriscos waren Sammelbegriffe für alle Muslime, gleichgültig, ob sie aus Nordafrika, dem arabischenRaumoderausdemOsmanischenReichstammten.IhreAndersͲundFremdartigkeitwar nichtethnologischdifferenziert,sonderneinzigdurchihreZugehörigkeitzumIslam,denes–inden AugenderkatholischenMonarchenundihrerliterarischen‘Sprachrohre’–zubekämpfengalt.  TurcicainritterlichenTurnierenandenösterreichischenHabsburgerhöfen EineähnlichundifferenzierteDarstellungvonMaurenundTürkenfindetsichauchindenritterlichen Turnieren, die ab der Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts an den österreichischen Habsburgerhöfen veranstaltet wurden. Stellvertretend für viele andere sei das ‘Huszarische Turnier’ genannt, das Erzherzog Ferdinand II., der jüngere Sohn Kaiser Ferdinands I., 1557 als böhmischer Statthalter in Prag abhielt. Die Husaren, eine ungarische Elitetruppe des Reichsheeres, galten als die tapfersten Verteidiger Europas gegen die Osmanen und boten sich daher als Identifikationsfiguren für die HabsburgerinbesonderemMaßean.SotratauchErzherzogFerdinandII.nureinJahrnachseinem Feldzug gegen die Osmanen in Ungarn (1556) in der Rolle und im Kostüm eines Anführers der HusarenzumSchaukampfgegendieMuslimean(Abb.5).33 ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  307 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM   Abb.5ErzherzogFerdinandalsAnführerderHusaren (Wien,KunsthistorischesMuseum,Kunstkammer,Inv.ͲNr.5134,fol.167).  Bei dem Prager ‘Huszarischen Turnier’ handelte es sich um ein Scharmützel, einen Gruppenkampf,dervonzweiParteienausgetragenwurde:DieeineerschienimKostümchristlicher RitterundHusaren,dieandereGruppeals‘Türken’und‘Mohren’(Abb.6).FürdieAusstattungder islamischenGegnerließFerdinandMaskenvisiereanfertigen,dieausEisengefertigtundmitÖlfarbe bemalt waren; sie sollten die Physiognomie von Türken und Mohren imitieren (Abb. 7). An den Visieren angenietete Lederschlaufen dienten zur Befestigung von Schnurrbärten aus Rosshaar, Turbanen und Kapuzen. Über dem Harnisch wurden die entsprechenden orientalischen Kleider angelegt. Zur Ausstattung der ‘huszarischen’ oder ‘ungarischen’ Reiter gehörten auch sogenannte ‘Flügeltartschen’, Schilde, die spitz zulaufend die Gestalt eines Flügels nachbildeten und dadurch SchutzgegenSäbelhiebeaufdenKopfunddenNackenboten(Abb.8).   Abb.6Reiterim‘mohrischen’Kostüm (Wien,KunsthistorischesMuseum,Kunstkammer,Inv.ͲNr.5134,fol.53). ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  308 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM     Abb.7Maskenvisiere.    Abb.8Flügeltartsche. (Wien,KunsthistorischesMuseum,SammlungenSchlossAmbras,Inv.ͲNrn.WA284,WA248,WA494).  Von den Ausstattungsstücken dieses und ähnlicher Turniere haben sich einige erhalten; nachgearbeitete orientalische Sturmhauben (Abb. 9) ebenso wie die ‘Silberne huszarische Rüstung’ FerdinandsII.,diederErzherzognach demTürkenfeldzugvon1556inAuftraggab(Abb. 10).Esist anzunehmen,dassnochweitereorientalischebzw.orientalisierendeWaffenundRequisitenausdem BesitzdesErzherzogsfürdieseTurnierebenutztwurden.NachderÜbernahmederRegentschaftin Tirol 1564 stellte Ferdinand diese Originale, zusammen mit den speziell für die ‘Huszarischen Turniere’angefertigtenDekorationen,inseiner‘Türkenkammer’aufSchlossAmbrasaus.34          Abb.9SturmhaubeimorientalisierendenStil Abb.10SilbernehuszarischeRüstung’Erzherzog (München,BayerischesNationalmusueum,Inv.ͲNr.W FerdinandsII.(Wien,KunsthistorischesMuseum, 1388) HofjagdͲundRüstkammer,Inv.ͲNr.A878)  ©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors  309 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3  THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  PropagandistischerHintergrundder‘HuszarischenTurniere’wardieDarstellungdesKampfes derchristlichenHabsburgergegendenIslaminOsteuropaundNordafrika.Nebendiesempolitischen AspektistallerdingsauchderstarkeEinflussderRitterepenundͲromanezuberücksichtigen,diemit AmadísdeGaula,AriostsOrlandoFuriosoundTassosGerusalemmeliberataim16.Jahrhunderteine großeBlütezeiterlebten.DarinwurdennebenchristlichenauchmohammedanischeRitteralsgroße, tapfere Krieger dargestellt, was es den Hofadeligen erleichtert haben mag, in das Kostüm des ‘Erbfeindes’zuschlüpfen.35 Auch die Ritterspiele im Rahmen des sogenannten ‘Wiener Turniers’ von 1560,36 die der spätereKaiserMaximilian II.zuEhrenseinesVaters FerdinandI. veranstaltete,enthieltenkonkrete Hinweise auf die Rolle der Habsburger in der Türkenabwehr. So inszenierte man unter anderem möglichstrealitätsgetreudieBelagerungeineraufderDonauerrichtetenStadt(Abb.11)undsparte beiderDarstellungderfiktivenSeeschlachtauchnichtmitdrastischenMitteln:UmdieVerwundeten möglichst ‘echt’ aussehen zu lassen, verwendete man Ochsenblut, und um die toten Körper der Feinde darzustellen, katapultierte man aus Mörsern Strohpuppen mit Türkenmasken. Damit sollte einerseits ganz gezielt die Erinnerung an die Grausamkeit der Feldzüge gegen die Osmanen in der jüngstenVergangenhei