Student no. 12303984 ‘What major objectives informed the patronage of Julius II?’ Fig. 1 Introduction Julius II’s legacy as a patron of the arts is arguably one of the most impressive of all times, almost certainly of the Renaissance. In this paper I will aim to identify and discuss some of the objectives behind the patronage of this highly controversial figure, whose aesthetic motives were often blurred with the political ones, and whose complex personality has been the object of fervid speculation by many scholars. More particularly, I will argue that he intended to elevate the Della Rovere’s family name and boost their dynastic ambitions even before he became Pope through early commissions in his hometown of Savona as these demonstrate that Giuliano had always been aware of the value of works of art and architecture as a means to establish an image of authority. I will then use a few examples to analyse his design to restore 1  Student no. 12303984 the religious and secular power of the Church in Rome through the realisation of architectural and urban plans of unprecedented grandeur once he became Pope. Lastly, I shall also look at portrayals of the pontiff that helped to boost his reputation as the forceful leader of the Papal States, as well as of the Catholic Church. ADJUST DEPENDING ON FINAL CONTENT. The role of the Pope in the Renaissance: an unconventional Pope and his primary goals In order to understand the significance of the Pope in Renaissance society, one should clarify that the authority of the leader of Western Christianity was based on the notion that he was the successor to St Peter, who had been the first pontiff. 1 Before discussing the Della Rovere Pope’s patronage motives, it is necessary to attempt a quick analysis of his multiple identities and of his wider papal objectives. He had a reputation for having a violent temper, one that earned him the nickname of ‘Il Papa Terribile’ (The Fearsome Pope’). This should be regarded as both suggestive of his nature and of his political and military endeavours. Baumgartner argues that the adjective ‘terrible’ did not necessarily indicate an evil nature, but rather that Julius II was a very strong-willed and determined man. 2 However, we know that he was a true military leader and that he did accompany his troops, while he also forced the younger cardinals to go with him. 3 His vision was thus one of political unity under papal leadership. Julius II acted very much like an autocratic prince, displaying his own temporal supremacy and the spiritual authority of the papacy at the same time. He saw religious and temporal power as inseparable and as essential to the achievement of his goal to liberate the Papal States from the foreign invaders as they 1 In Matthew 16: 17-19, Jesus says: “You are Peter, the Rock; and on his rock I will build my church, and the powers of death shall never conquer it. I will give you the keys of the kingdom of heaven.” The New English Bible with the Apocrypha (New York: Cambridge University Press 1970), Matthew16: 17-19. In Fishburne, p. 3. 2 Baumgartner, p. 12. 3 Shaw: Julius II, the Warrior Pope pp. 151-152. 2  Student no. 12303984 stood in the way of his design for a unified Italy under a Universal Church. 4 When cardinal Giuliano della Rovere was elected to the papal throne in 1503, he was confronted with issues around the control over the Papal States.5 This situation of uncertainty had its roots in the period during which the papal seat had been moved to Avignon, with the effect of diminishing the Church’s authority over those territories. 6 It was thus essential for Julius II to act in order to regain a firm grip on those provinces, and this resulted in substantial military efforts being devoted to reinstating and increasing papal supremacy. 7 The large bronze statue he commissioned to Michelangelo in 1506 for the tympanum of Basilica of San Petronio after conquering Bologna is a fitting example that helps us to understand Julius II’s dual identity. The statue showed the Pope raising his hand in a sign of blessing, but this could also be interpreted as a threatening gesture, a warning to the Bolognese to submit to his temporal power. In support of this theory, there is an anecdote, reported by Condivi in his Vita. According to Condivi, upon showing the Pope the clay model he had made for the statue, Michelangelo asked Julius II if he wanted to be shown holding a book, to which the Pope allegedly replied: “A book? A sword rather, 4 Fishburne, p. 3. 5 The Papal States covered the central regions of Latium, Marche, Umbria and most of the Emilia- Romagna. 6 In the period from 1309 to 1378 the seat of the papacy was moved to Avignon, France. It was Pope Clement V, a Frenchman, who chose to move the papal court because of the turbulence in Rome caused by the conflict between his predecessor Boniface VIII and King Philip of France, which made the Italian capital unsafe as a residence. When the Popes eventually went back to Rome, they found the city in a state of serious decline and disrepair. 7 It is worth remembering that much of the Church’s income was determined by the taxes paid by the Papal States. During this same time, the Papal institution increased its national focus as it was losing power in Europe due to the growing supremacy of local dynasties in Austria, France, Germany and Spain. An example is the campaign undertaken by Julius II against the Bentivoglio, a feudal family that had been ruling the northern town of Bologna since the beginning of the XV century. Taking advantage of their weakened position due to internal spats with other families, in 1506 Julius II issued a bull excommunicating and interdicting Giovanni Bentivoglio and seized the town with his troops, making an triumphal entrance in Bologna on his horse like a real military leader, thus forcing the local ruler into exile and reclaiming a territory that had been taken from his control a century earlier. Nepi and Rotondi Terminello, p. 33. 3  Student no. 12303984 for I am no scholar.” 8 If we believe in the veracity of this exchange, such a statement from the Pope would reveal where he thought the power of the Church lied. Fig. 4 The iconic portrait of Julius II painted by Raphael in 1511 (fig. 4) also provides us with interesting clues supporting the ‘warrior Pope’9, as he was also called, theory. 10 While in Melozzo’s fresco of the Founding of the Vatican Library (fig. 1) the cardinal is depicted with a clean-shaven face, in Raphael’s portrait, Julius II appears wearing a beard. At a time when facial hair for the clergy was considered unacceptable, sinful even, the Pope’s choice to challenge the tradition and grow a beard thus contributing to a more forceful and virile appearance of ‘terribilita’’ takes on very specific symbolic meaning. 11 In fact, the reason for Julius II growing a beard is of a political nature and is linked to his failed attempt to expel Louis XII’s French troops from Italian soil. As reported by an anonymous Bolognese chronicler: ‘Portava la barba per vendicarsi et diceva che non la voleva piu’ rasar per 8 The statue was completed in 1508 and destroyed during a revolt by the rising population in 1511. Shaw, p. 203. 9 C. Shaw, Cardinal Giuliano Della Rovere: The Man, the Politician, the Prince of the Church. in Rotondi Terminiello, p. 44. 10 Vasari praises Raphael’s ability to capture the essence of Julius II’s personality by writing “tanto vivo e verace, che faceva temere il ritratto a vederlo, come se proprio egli fosse vivo”. In Zucker, p. 524. 11 Zucker, p. 525. 4  Student no. 12303984 insino a tanto che non aveva anco fuora scazato el re Ludovico de Franza d’Italia. ’ 12 The fact that Giuliano was Pope Sixtus IV’s nephew is also particularly relevant, meaning that he was ‘born in the purple’. Was this meant is that he was bestowed with many benefices, such as bishoprics, abbacies and the major curial office of Gran Penitenziere. His status also implied that he possessed a certain influence at the papal court. Shaw however argues that his prominence as a cardinal was not just due to his family ties, as Giuliano managed to retain and even increase his influence after his uncle’s death. His power, writes Shaw ‘was determined in large part by his personal qualities … and how they shaped his plans and actions.’ 13 The early patronage: Savona When looking at Julius II’s endeavours as a patron of the arts, it is important to remember that these started well before his ascent to the papal throne, both in Rome and in his hometown of Savona.14 12 Ibid, p. 526. 13 Shaw, Cardinal Giuliano Della Rovere: The Man, the Politician, the Prince of the Church. In Nepi and Rotondi Terminello, p. 37-48. 14 The artistic renaissance of the city of Savona had started with Sixtus IV, Julius II’s uncle, who was responsible for various major architectural projects, such as the extension of the cathedral and that of the Bishop’s Palace. He also ordered the construction of the Cappella Sistina (1481-1483) in one of the cloysters of the church of San Francesco in honour of his late parents. 5  Student no. 12303984 Fig. 2 Towards the end of 1489, he commissioned the monumental Della Rovere Polyptych (fig. 2) for the church of Santa Maria Assunta sul Priamar, to Vincenzo Foppa and Ludovico Brea, who collaborated with a team of wood-carvers. 15 The size of this work, 670 x 380 cm, suggests an ambition for grandeur and a desire from Giuliano to make his presence known despite his absence from Rome.16 In 1493 the Della Rovere cardinal asked Giuliano da Sangallo, Lorenzo the Magnificent’s favourite architect, to oversee the construction of the impressive Palazzo Della Rovere (fig. 2). With its prominent location in the city centre, its use of the classical language and unparalleled grandeur, this building matched the greatness of the cardinals’ 15 Foppa is said to have painted the central and left-hand side panels and the predella, while Brea is responsible for the paintings on the right-hand side of the polyptych. It is reported that the wood-carvers were at least two, one possibly from northern Europe. The polyptych is now on display in the Oratorio di Nostra Signora di Castello. Nepi and Rotondi Terminello, p. 17. 16 In 1494, due to ongoing and increasing political differences with Cardinal Rodrigo de Borja, who was to become Pope Alexander VI, Giuliano Della Rovere went on self-imposed exile to Savona. 6  Student no. 12303984 palaces in Rome, standing out for scale and sophistication in the otherwise more modest context of a small province town such as Savona. 17 Fig. 2 The scale of these commissions leads to the consideration that Giuliano Della Rovere, following in the steps of his uncle Sixtus IV, had consistently been showing substantial dynastic glorification ambitions. Indeed, by increasing the prestige of his hometown he was effectively strengthening his own identity. 18 One could also argue that, at least to an extent, Giuliano was driven by aesthetic motives in his patronage activities. While he wasn’t known for his learning, there are anecdotes of Julius II’s enjoyment of the proportions of a fortress, the beauty of a garden, of musical performances as well as the grace of horses. 19 However, the imposing scale of the Savona commissions and the fame of the artists chosen to realise them gave away a clear determination to be recognised and appreciated through his artistic legacy. 20 17 Shaw, The Motivation for the Patronage of Pope Julius II, p. 47. 19 Shaw, The Motivation for the Patronage of Pope Julius II, pp. 45-46. 20 The cardinal’s patronage in his hometown of Savona also includes the Della Rovere Polyptych painted by Giovanni Mazone in 1489 and the wooden choir of the Cathedral in 1500. 7  Student no. 12303984 Julius II and the renovatio Romae programme But it is arguably after his election to Pope in 1503 that Giuliano’s patronage revealed the real extent of his ambitions. He chose the most prominent artists of his time to help him realise his vision as he aimed to restore the capital’s authority both as regards the spiritual and political renovatio of Christianity, and the city’s architectural splendour, the latter seen as an essential means to the achievement of the former. As Hibbard points out in his biography of Michelangelo: ‘Julius II operated as a patron on a scale and on a level of quality to make him equal to the artists we associate him with: Bramante, Raphael, Michelangelo. If, as many believe, this was the greatest assembly of talent ever to work for one man at the same time, we must hail Julius II as the most perspicacious as well as the most fortunate patron the world has ever known.’ 21 As part of his renovatio Urbis plans, in 1503 Julius II nominated Bramante as the superintendent of the papal fabbriche. The construction of the Strada Julia (started c. 1504) can be considered as the first example of urban planning, the symbol of a new, more rational organisation of the city, in that the road was built with the specific objective of connecting the key business and judicial buildings of the area of the Banchi. 22 As Vasari wrote in his Vita di Bramante da Urbino: ‘The Pope resolved, having had the Strada Julia straightened out by Bramante, to place in it all the public offices and tribunals of Rome, on account of the convenience which this would bring to the merchants in their business, which up to that time had always been much hindered.’ 23 One could therefore assume that Julius II had intended to somehow facilitate the smooth running of the city’s business. More importantly, it should not be forgotten that the via Giulia had equally been built to grant the pilgrims easier access to the 21 H. Hibbard, Michelangelo, p. 86. In Shaw, p. 189. 22 This plan equally included the construction of a brand new Palazzo dei Tribunali, which started in 1508 and that was never completed. 23 Vasari, Masselli p. 471. 8  Student no. 12303984 Vatican, which meant that Julius II had fulfilled his duty both as head of state and as leader of the Church. A contrasting theory suggesting that the construction of the via Giulia had ulterior motives linked to Julius II’s own political and economical agenda is brought to us by Temple: ‘ By destroying many of the properties in the area Bramante had clearly intended to assert Papal jurisdiction over the Florentine bankers and merchants, an initiative that was however to be reversed by Leo X (1513-21), Medici Pope and Julius’ successor … Julius therefore sought to extend the field of influence of the Leonine city to the east bank of the Tiber River, in an area that was crucially important to the commercial and financial activities of Rome.’ 24 The reconstruction of the Basilica of St Peter’s Julius II’s commitment to urban planning and major public works should be regarded as the continuation of his predecessors’ efforts to restore Rome’s splendour after the return of the papacy to Rome. It was in fact Pope Martin V (1417 – 1431) who was responsible for initiating a comprehensive and organised building scheme, particularly in the area of the Borgo adjacent to the Vatican. And it was then Pope Nicholas V (1447 – 1455) who first laid firm plans for the renovation of St Peter’s, which was in a serious state of disrepair. 25 As Lees-Milne writes: ‘ The condition of the Basilica too was by now deplorable. During the past century and a half, it had often been used as a fortress and sometimes subjected to siege. It had 24 Temple, p. 49. 25 The words spoken by Nicholas V on his deathbed clearly express the objective behind his reconstruction plans and support the idea that he was aware of the power of art: ‘To create solid and stable convictions in the minds of the uncultured masses. There must be something that appeals to the eye; a proper faith, sustained only on doctrines, will never be anything but feeble and vacillating. But if the authority of the Holy See were visibly displayed in majestic buildings, imperishable memorials and witness seemingly planted by the hand of God himself, belief would grow and strengthen … noble edifices combining taste and beauty with imposing proportions would immensely conduce to the exhaltation of the Chair of St Peter.’ Lees-Milne, p. 124 9  Student no. 12303984 suffered from damage from earthquakes as well as from assault and lack of maintenance.’ 26 While initially Julius II was inclined to follow Nicholas V’s more conservative plans, which were never carried out after his death and only partially executed by his successors, he then made the decision to completely destroy the existing Basilica 27 and asked Bramante to draw up plans for the construction of a new one that would have the tomb of St Peter’s as its central focus. 28 The Pope’s motivations behind this bold decision can be interpreted in more than one way. Due to the Basilica’s symbolic value in Christianity, for Julius II to be identified with a new and colossal St Peter’s meant he could leave his own personal and eternal mark in history and in the Catholic Church. Such an ambitious project was also bound to boost papal prestige and authority. Subsequently, one can assume that Julius II believed in the power of a building of such splendour and colossal proportions to inspire awe and reverence in the masses, thus contributing to the restoration of the Church’s waning spiritual influence. Julius II’s move did not go down well with the Curia and with the population. It is also worth mentioning that Giuliano also had medals made of his features, both before and after he became Pope, once again showing an interest in promoting his name and accomplishments. In fact, most of these medals were coined to celebrate events and can thus be seen as a means to reinforce and perpetuate the importance of 26 Lees-Milne, p. 124. 27 Julius II was also convinced that the existing Basilica was structurally unsound. ‘… to all intents and purposes ruinous and in a highly dangerous condition.’ Ibid, p. 136. 28 The one objective shared by the two Popes was to address the issue of lack of space for the clergy and the pilgrims in the area around the high altar. Partridge, p. 50. 10  Student no. 12303984 his achievements. While the recto of the medals usually bore his effigy, it was the choice of iconography on the reverse that can be considered as the manifesto of his agenda. If, for example, we look at the medals made by Caradosso (1445 – c. 1527) in 1506 to commemorate the laying of the foundation stone of the new St Peter’s (Fig. 3), we can see the basilica as Bramante originally planned it, which is quite possibly the most iconic example of Julius II’s ambitions. 29 Fig. 3 These medals were not only placed in St Peter’s foundations, as it was often done with medals of saints, but they also went on to establish the Pope’s official image becoming the model used by other medallists to represent Julius II. Weiss comments that ‘Caradosso’s portrait of Julius II wonderfully characterises the superhuman strength and energy of that formidable Pontiff.’ 30 To this purpose, it is relevant to observe the numerous examples of works representing Julius II whose iconography can be used as the key to the reading of the pontiff’s depiction both as the head of the Catholic Church and as the forceful leader of an empire. It is however essential to emphasise that there is no real evidence that he had any input on this. 29 The authorship of this medal is the object of a dispute. While it was initially attributed to Cristoforo Foppa known as Caradosso, some scholars, G.F. Hill amongst them, have argued that it could actually be the work of Bramante himself. Weiss, p. 169. 30 Weiss, p. 170. 11  Student no. 12303984 Conclusion It was Julius II’s uncle Sixtus IV who called Rome the ‘capital of the world’ (caput mundi), revealing a design to re-model the city after imperial Rome. And indeed, as Partridge reports citing curialist Raffaello Maffei: ‘(Sixtus) had made Rome from a city of brick into a city of stone just as Augustus of old had turned the stone city into marble.’ 31 One can thus argue that Julius II’s grand plans can be seen as a continuation of his uncle’s legacy as he strived to create a city whose urban and architectural magnificence projected an image of ‘harmonious and peaceful Christendom’. 32 But what these plans also showed is a will to use construction and urbanism as an instrument of power and political propaganda, similarly to what some Roman emperors had done in the past. Shaw suggests that ‘he was aware that art and ceremony could covey powerful messages’, thus revealing that he recognised the impact produced by a work of art or architecture. 33 And while we may find numerous different meanings in Julius II’s patronage, Shaw also writes that: ‘It must not be forgotten that not all messages conveyed in works commissioned by a patron, let alone those addressed to him, can be read as a communication by the patron of his thinking and aspirations … it should not be assumed that patrons would necessarily have cared about or understood or been motivated by theories about their power and authority that may be coded into the works of art they paid for.’ 34 It is difficult to be in agreement with Shaw in this instance. In fact, while her theory may apply to some painted works, Julius II’s vision for a unified and visually integrated 31 Partridge, p. 21. 32 Ibid, p. 21. 33 The one work in whose iconography Julius II is said to have taken a personal interest, is the stained glass window depicting Louis XII kneeling at his feet Shaw, The Motivation for the Patronage of Pope Julius II, pp. 60-61. 34 Ibid, p. 61. 12  Student no. 12303984 urban scheme for the city of Rome cannot be separated from a deliberate design in support of his claims for temporal and spiritual power. And while, as stated above, there is no proof of his influence on the iconography of the painted works, one should acknowledge that the scale of his patronage efforts was instrumental to the achievement of his plan to restore the power of Rome and that of the papacy. 13  Student no. 12303984 Bibliography Baumgartner, F.J, Julius II: Prince Patron, Pastor, in The Papacy Since 1500: From Italian Prince to Universal Pastor. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010. Campbell, Ian. The New St Peter's: Basilica or Temple? Oxford Art Journal, Vol. 4, No. 1, Tradition (Jul., 1981), pp. 3-8. Fishburne, James. Shepherding the Flock: Pope Julius II’s Renaissance Vision of a Unified Italy. Carte Italiane, 2 (8), 2012, http://www.escholarship.org/uc/item/2kj5f86f. Lees-Milne, James. Saint Peter’s: The Story of Saint Peter’s Basilica in Rome. London, Hamish Hamilton, 1967. Nepi, Giulio, Rotondi Terminello, Giovanna (edited by). Giulio II: Papa, Politico, Mecenate. Genua, De Ferrari & Devega, 2005. Panofsky, Erwin. The First Two Projects of Michelangelo’s Tomb of Julius II. The Art Bulletin, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Dec., 1973), pp. 561-579. Partridge, Loren. The Renaissance in Rome. London, Laurence King Publishing, 1996. Shaw, Christine. The Motivation for the Patronage of Pope Julius II. In Princes and Princely Culture: 1450-1650 - Volume 2 edited by Martin Gosman, Alasdair James Macdonald, A. Alasdair A. MacDonald, Arie Johan Vanderjagt. Leiden, Brill, 2005. Shaw, Christine. Julius II: The Warrior Pope. Oxford, Blackwell Publishers, 1993. Temple, Nicholas. Renovatio Urbis: Architecture, Urbanism and Ceremony in the Rome of Julius II. Routledge, 2011. Vasari, Giorgio, Masselli, Giovanni. Le Opere di Giorgio Vasari: pittore ed architetto Aretino. Vol. 1. D. Passigli & Soci, 1838. Weiss, Roberto. The Medals of Pope Julius II (1503-1513). Journal of the Warburg and Curtauld Institutes, Vol. 28, (1965), pp. 163-182. Zucker, Mark, J. Raphael and the Beard of Pope Julius II. The Art Bulletin, Vol. 59, No. 4 (Dec., 1977), pp. 524-533. 14  Student no. 12303984 Images Figure 1 Melozzo da Forli’ (1438-1494) Founding of the Vatican Library, 1477 Fresco Vatican, Pinacoteca http://www.wga.hu/html/m/melozzo/foundati.html Figure 2 Ludovico Brea (…), Vincenzo Foppa (….) Della Rovere Polyptych Figure 3 Giuliano da Sangallo (c.1443-1516) Palazzo Della Rovere, Savona, c. 1495 http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palazzo_Della_Rovere_%28Savona%29 Figure 3 Cristoforo Foppa, known as Caradosso (1445-c.1527) Bronze medal of Julius II, 1506 Diameter 56.5 mm London, British Museum http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/online_tours/europe/michelangelo_money_a nd_medals/bronze_medal_of_julius_ii.aspx Figure 4 Raphael (1483-1520) Portrait of Pope Julius II, 1511 Oil on poplar 108.7 x 81 cm London, National Gallery http://www.nationalgallery.org.uk/paintings/raphael-portrait-of-Pope-julius-ii Figure 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8 Fig. 9 15