Mediaeval Scandinavia 14 A J OU R N AL DF . V0T E D T O T l I E ST UDY OF SCAN DI N AVI AN CI VI L I SAT I ON I N T I I E E U R OP E AN MI D D L E ACE S B RE POLS Philip Augustus and the Angevin Empire: The Scandinavian Connexion J . E. M B E N H A M f_ niiersity of TLast Anplia On 14 August 1193 King Philip Augustus of France married Ingeborg, the eighteen-year-old sister of King Cnut V I of Denmark. Contemporary AngloNorman chroniclers interpreted the alliance within the context of current European politics, fearing that Philips marriage would revive the old Danish claims to the English throne and provide the French king with a fleet to invade England while King Richard I was in captivity. This view of the marriage has been dismissed by modern historians, thinking the revival of the Danish claim to be a little far-fetched some one hundred vears after the last attempt to make good that claim." Any hope of a political advantage through this alliance would, moreover, have disappeared when Philip, after one night only, dispatched his Danish bride to the monastery of Saint-Maur-des-Fosses and sought an annulment of the marriage on grounds of consanguinity/ Both of the modern biographers of Philip Augustus have consequently concluded that the marriage alliance had little political rationale and rhar Philip's repudiation of Tngeborg was on personal and sexual grounds." Philips divorce from Ingeborg in November 1193, without papal consent, and his new marriage to Agnes de Meran in 1196 was the cause of disturbed relations with the papacy lasting nearly a decade. According to modern historians, the whole affair was an ecclesiastical matter and not an urgent and fundamental political problem." Their interpretation of the Franco-Danish marriage alliance is not, however, wholly satisfactory. I t does not fit neatly with the facts as presented bv conremporanes, leaving many questions unanswered, and it paints a very unflattering picture of Philip Augustus as a king unable to make worthwhile and lasting alliances. There is a more satisfactory 1 William of Newburgb, His;o>i:i rerun, Ang/ icariim, in Chronicles oj the Reigns of Stephen, I letiry I! and Richard J, Rolls Series 82, 2 vols { London, 188-4-85;. I . 368; Howdcn, Chronica, ed. by W. Stubbs, Rolls Scries 51, 4" vols (London, 1870;. Ill, 224: Gcrvase of Canterbury, Opera Omnia, ed. by W. Siubbs, "Rolls Series "3, 2 vols (London. 18~9-8(l), I. 529. - John YV. Baldwin, The Gorvnwieni of Philip Augustus (Berkeley, 1986), p. 82. Ibid., pp. 82-83. - Ibid., p. 83; J i m Bradbury, Philip Augustus. King of France 1180-1223 (London, 1998), p. 179. " Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 83-87; Bradbury, Philip Augustus, pp. 179-85. The essential srudy of rhe marriage is srill "Robert Davidsohn, Ph/ lipp 11 August von Prankrekh mid Ingeborg (Stuttgari, 1 .\ 14 (2004) 3" 50 /. E . M. Benbam solution, one that, if nothing else, has the benefit ot taking tins alliance scnously. During rhe early 1190s the Capetian king, Philip Augustus, found himself squeezed between two large power blocs. On his eastern frontier, he was confronted with the Holv Roman Empire, recently united with the Norman kingdom of Sicily through the marriage of Emperor Henrv VT to Constance, heiress of Sicily.' I n the west, the French monarch was faced with his most formidable rival, Richard I , king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and count of Anjou. According to the English chronicler Roger of Howdcn, the emperor, during the negotiations for the release of King Richard from captivity, offered to enfoeff Richard with the kingdom of Aries.' This offer, first noted bv A, L. Poole in an article published in 1927, was corroborated bv letters from the emperor to the English barons and by a letter from Richard himself to the archbishop of Canterbury.'' Poole was in no doubt that the grant was made in an attempt to encircle France, and Philip Augustus: a threat that would have appeared more real bv the memories of other such imperial advances against France in the 1120s and the mid-eleventh century. That this was rhe emperor's aim is cleaxlv stared by both Roger of Howden and Pope Innocent I I I , the latter admittedly after the death of Henry \T. " Moreover, Ralph de Diceto noted how, in the early 1180s, Henry VT together with his father, Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, had supported the count of Flanders in his dispute with King Philip in a bid to draw Philip's French kingdom into a wider empire." The offer of the crown of Burgundv to the English king may thus have been part of a long-term plan. The threat that King Richard, already strong in the possession of Aquitaine and Toulouse, would pose to the king of France if he held also the kingdom of 1 1 15 1 '' I or tins marriage see \X'. Frolich, The Marriage of Henry VI and Constance ot Sicdv: Prciodc and Consequences', Angio-Nornian Studies 15 (1992), 99-116. " liuperaior dedir rcgi Angliae, er carta sua conflrmavit lias terras subscriptas: scilicet, Provinciam, et Vianam, ct Vienais, er Marsiliam, et Nerbonam, et Arlcblanc. ct Lean supra Rodanum usque ad .Vlpes. er quicquid imperator habel in Burguiidia, et homagium Regis Arragoniae, et homagiam eomiri^ de Disders, et homagium comids dc Sancro Aegidio.' Howden, Chronica, III, 225; A. L. Poole, 'England and Burgundy in die Lnsr Decade of the Twelfth Centurv', in Essays in HistoryPresented to K L ,'W.-. ed. bv H. W C Davis (Oxford, 1927), p. 261. Howdcn, Chronica, III, 22 ; T. Rvmer, Foedera, conventions; iiierae e* cwuscunqtte generis acta pubiica. ed. • T. V i .brk and K f lolbrooke, new edn.. (London, 1816 ), 1, i, 62. ]•'• >E. England and Burgundy", p. 263. A useful comparison to this problem can be found in die ::„j-cic'.e!nfi century when the alliance between the Emperor Henrv I I I and the count of Anion d •'. diplomatic crisis between the trench king, Henry I , and the Emperor. For rhis see |. {")'-. 'Henri ler, I'Empire et 1'Anjou (1043-1056)', Reii/ te Beige de Philohgie et d'l listoire 25 (194~j, 7 * _ ' ! - I i I >v. d:::. 0" W< w, III, 501; Poole, 'England and Burgundy', p. 263. RXP." Je Diceto, Opera Historical, ed. by W Stubbs, Rolls Series 68, 2 vols (London, 18""6), II, 8, ^'-•/ in . if/ g/ i.:/ / !- .-l':^:!w >;nd llrnpjr:: The Suindinarian Connexion 39 Burgund\s clear."" Though the emperor maintained a friendship with Philip Augustus during Richards captivity and held the king's bribes as a threat over Richard as a way to exact better terms, bv late June 1193 it would have been clear to Philip that his former imperial ally was not to be relied upon. A meeting between the emperor and the French king had been arranged to take place at Vaucoleurs on 25 June 1193; it was never held, and four days later the terms of Richard's release were agreed.'' It is likely that it was at some point during these diplomatic twists and rurns diat Philip Augustus approached King Cnut VI of Denmark asking for the hand in marriage of his sister Ingeborg. 1 Denmark was one of the Empire's expanding neighbours. During the reign of Valdemar I (d. 1182), the Danish king had made Mege homage to the emperor, wiio in return had sanctioned Valdemar's eastward expansion into Slav territories. The execution of this expansion was made in competition and often in alliance widi Henrv the Lion, duke of Saxony.'" The duke's fall from grace in 1180 left a power vacuum in parts of the conquered Slav territories that were soon filled bv the Danish king. \n a few years of King Cnut's succession to the throne, the Danish king was the overlord of several of the Slavic people living around the Empire's borders, styling himself not merely king of the Danes, but also king of the Slavs. King Cnut was also becoming a thorn in the side to those German lords living near his ever-expanding borders, and moreover, to the emperor, whose overlordship he now refused to recognise. I n 1187, King Cnut entered into an alliance consisting of the former duke of Saxony, the archbishop of Cologne, the count of Flanders, and the king of England, further alienating his former imperial all} . As Henry the lion's bid to regain his former position failed and Richard 1 was captured at the end of 1192, the marriage between Ingeborg arid Philip offered rhe opportunity of a new ally to counteract further imperial influence, as the Danish negotiator, the French abbot of Ebelhok, was quick to point out to King Cnut. 14 1 16 1 ,s '- I n this 1 am following |. Giliin^ham. 'The Angevin Empire', in his Richard Coeur de \ (Ijmdoii, 1994't. p. 5". Howdcn. Cftrwaw, III, 212-16. ( d { { abaiim Gesu I>\i,—. I IwMtris, ed. by G. Waltz, MGH SRG 46 (Hannover. 1884), 158. K. Jordan, Henry tlx Urn: .-•1 Mow in (Oxford, 1986), pp. 53-68 and 180-87. ' Knyt/ mga Saga, rrans. bv H. Parson and P. Edwards (Odense, 1986), p. 176 (cap. 128); Saxo, Dauorum \legnm Heroumc/ m- Histona. ed. bv E . Cnrisriansen, BAR International Series 118, 3 vols (1981), il,6i)6. Difdumji.iritfffl Danintm .hercatrer Dip/ . Dan.), vol. I , puis i—iv, cd. by C. A. Christensen (Copenhagen. 1991), I, iii, no. 145; lord.in. Henrythe Lion, pp. 53- 68 and 180-87. r.p'.itolae ,i<'>ivt/ .'.r Wiikimi. m Dip;. Da'/ ., 1, iii, nos. 23, 61; Riis, 'Atirnur du mariiige de 1193: 1 15 I; 1 40 /. I I M. Benham It would be difficult to think of a better way for the French king to neutralise this new threat of an alliance between Henry V I and Richard I , preventing them from encircling his territory, than to ally with the Scandinavian king. The threat of the Danish king, under the auspices ot Philip Augustus, stirring up trouble on the borders ot the empire at a time of political instability within Germanv. would surelv have bought Philip some bargaining power. I t is possible that the Capetian king negotiated his Danish marriage alliance in order to persuade the emperor not to release King Richard, and to dissuade him from actively aiding the English king, and, perhaps most importantly, to avert Henry \Ts desire to encircle Philip's own kingdom. Furthermore, it cannot be denied that Richard's captivity presented Philip Augustus with the opportunity to invade England. I t is clear from events of 1213 thai Philip would need a fleet to carry out the invasion, and in the 119"> the Danes did have one.' Moreover, Philip seems to have secured the support of the count of Flanders in May 1193, who, apart from having a coastline narht opposite die English kingdom, was also, a former ally of the Danish king. The Franco-Danish alliance thus nourished the Danish king's claim to the English throne, no matter how tenuous, and Philip's hopes ol using the Danish fleet to stage an invasion.~ Philip Augustus' marriage to Ingeborg of Denmark was far from lacking political rationale, as claimed by some modern commentators: it was a carefully calculated plan, spun in a web of many threads that were all intended to destabilise the Angevin empire. Historians cannot ignore the fact that at least two contemporary chroniclers put die alliance within such a context. Both Roger of Howden and William of Newburgh were well informed about events on the continent. Howden derived much information from the English king's continental advisers, and" there are strong reasons to believe that William's account of King Richard's captivity and of French and German affairs intimately connected with it, is 'derived from the work of Anselm the king's chaplain, who is known [...] to have penned an account of this episode which is now lost'." 19 20 1 - J 4 1.1 ".•-()usr. M)ii pays er Ivs iclanons Franto-Danoise>.', ]JI France de Philippe Angtish: 1* Terr-U.J./v;,,-.. vd. b\. Baurier (Paris, 1982), p. 36U. T i >r a p. -od summary of the interna, politics of Germanv in 1192—93, see J. Giliingium. R.v:sj New I laven, CT, 1999), p. 234. - Giliirmhiirn, Richard J, p. 245. W^-.d j- er, tlores i listoriaruw, cd. bv H. G. Hewlett, Rolls Series 84, 3 vols (London. 1886—S . , ~ - I , N ,. -,d " " -" 8. - !v :•••/ .'^ Acre.de PbihptxAmiste, ed. by H-f. Delaborde, 4 vols (Paris, 1916—"^. ], no. 455: Dr.. :>.,-'.-.i • M5. - W lihain ot- Xewburgh, Historic! rerum Anglicarum, 1, 368; Howden, Chronica, I I I , 224; Gerva^e =f < .an.vrb .• Omnia, 1, 529; Giliingham, Richard I, p. 245. ~~ Y'CLnm r t Newburgh. His/ oria rerum Angl/ car/ wj, in Chronicles op the Reigns of Shp'Mu. Henn II an:; r : c : i' • ;;>:> Augustus and the Angevin Empire: '{ 'he Scandinavian Connexion 41 Ti must h;:\ been clear to King Philip, almost immediately, that he had made a miscalculation. According to the chroniclers, instead of a dower consisting of the use of the Danish army and navy for one year, Philip received a gift of 10,000 marks of silver.*" Anv further Danish assistance and political advantage that Philip had hoped to gain by the marriage disappeared when he, according to contemporaries, dispatched Ingeborg to the monastery of Saint-Maur-des-Fosses 'after one night only'." Modern historians have interpreted this statement literally and pointed out that Philip must have physically disliked his new bride. '' I t should, however, be noted that all contemporary chroniclers stated that 'it was said' that after one night only Philip put his bride away, showing some uncertainty over the matter. * It is. moreover, generally accepted among historians, that when a chronicler states that a king appeared accompanied by tens of thousands of men, this is merely a description for "many'. Similarly, 'one night only' may simply indicate a short time. The Capetian chroniclers shrouded Ingeborg and Philip's separation in tales of magic and sorcery and their accounts must be treated with some caution. ^ William the Breton was the French king's official historian, and hence his account of the separation was likely to be favourable to Philip. Moreover, William's works, the Cesta Philippic confusingly a continuation of Rigord's work with the same name, and the poem Pbilippide were both composed more than ten years after the Franco-Danish marriage. Rigord, though not quite so favourable to Philip Augustus as William on dtis matter, nonetheless presented his version of the Gesla Phiiippi to the French king in 1196 and a continuation of the work to Prince Louis in 1200.'" Consequently, Rigord was not entirely likely to have written anytliing unfavourable to Philip Augustus, even if that had been the 6 2 2 2 30 31 Richard I, I, xi; Gillingham, "Historians without Hindsight: Coggcshall, Diceto, and Tlowden on the Early Years of Johns Reign', in King John: Xai Interpretations, ed. bv S. D. Church (Wuodbridge, 1999), pp. 16-17. William of Ncwburgh. I itstoria reni/ n Ang/ icamm, I , 368: Davidsohn, Philipp II August, pp. 13—32. ' Howdcn, Chronic.-,; 711, 224—25: William oi Newburgh. Hcstoriu rerum Anglicarum, I, 369; Rigord, Cesta Phiiippi, m Oeuvresde R/ gord'tidi Gtu'Lumt h Breton, cd. bv H.-F. Dclaborde (Paris, 1882-85), 1, I — 167 (pp. 124—25'i; William the Breton. Gesra P'\;'rppi. in Oewres de Rigord etde Cuillaiune k Breton, I, 168333 (p. 195). VXendovcr and Dicero state mar Ingeborg was dispatched to Soissons: Wendover, Flares Histmiarum, I, 23M; Dicero, Optra Historic.;, :1, 111. Baldwin, Gru^rn/ nait of Philip A.'<'ins::t>. p. 83; Bradburv, Philip Augustus, p. 179; Gillingham, Richard 1, p. 245. * William of Newburgh, H-stori.-i rerun: . { r.^icamm, I , 369; Rigord, Gesla Phiiippi, pp. 123-24; yVilliam the Breton, Gesta Phiiippi, p. 195. - Rigord, Gesta Phiiippi, pp. 123-24: \m the Breton. Gesta Phiiippi, p, 195. Baldwin, Governnunt of Philip Angus:;/ :, p. 39"; Bradburv, Philip Augustus, p. xviii. Ibid. > Baldwin, Goiernwcui oj P'''tip Air~!i":>.\. 596; Bradburv, Philip Augustus, p. xvii. 2t T 2 ; 1,1 51 2 42 / . hi. M. Rtnham case. Furthermore, Bradbury noted that 'sorcery was accepted by the Church as grounds for divorce', on account of which, it is likely that Rigord and William the Breton's accounts were a justification of Philip's behaviour towards his Danish bride, rather than descriptions of what actually happened/ I t is certainlv clear that French contemporaries found King Philip's behaviour difficult to understand. 3 During the months immediately after the wedding, it must have become increasingly clear to Philip that the huge ransom for King Richard was being collected at an incredible speed and that his release was drawing nearer."" Anv hope that Philip may have had that Henry V I would not release Richard 1 on account of the threat posed by the alliance between Philip and King Cnut thus vanished. I t was probably at this point, a couple of months after the wedding, thar Philip decided to have the marriage annulled. In the wake of Richard I's release from captivity an ally with a strong imperial connection would make better political sense for the French king, and this is clearly corroborated bv at least one contemporary. Roger of Ilowden states that Philip's desire to marry the daughter of the count Palatine of the Rliine, a staunch Hohenstaufen supporter, was the real reason for the separation. "' Howden hence connected this event with Angevin-French relations in the context of Richard's captivity' in Germanv. and not to the physical appearance of the bride. 1 Modern historians may be forgiven for thinking that the Franco-Danish marriage alliance by the annulment of November 1193 ceased to serve anv political purpose. We know, of course, that the papacy's refusal to accept the annulment sparked an ecclesiastical dispute with the French king, who was twice put under threat of interdict. However, to view the Franco-Danish marriage alliance after Xovember 1193 as simply an ecclesiastical matter is to look at a coin from one side only. I f Ilowden's statement about PhiUp's reason for wanting the annulment from Ingeborg is to be believed, then it should also be considered that rhe alliance with Denmark continued to be of importance. Though this may seem as a contradiction in terms, it can very easily be explained. Philip's intended bride, the daughter of the count palatine of the Rhine, was already engaged to Henrv of Brunswick, Henry the Lion's eldest son. '' Possibly Philip thought that the fact that he was king of France would make a marriage agreement with him so attractive that the mother ot the bride would conveniently forget the arrangement alreadv 30 1 Bradbury, Philip Augustus, p. 1"9. FTowden, Chronica, III, 225. '• f low-den. Chronica, Til, 224-25. Baldwin, Government 'if Philip Augustus, pp. 83—87. " Howden, Chronica, ill, 224-25. ; 4 ; ?::.'. T _-t.-c.i..-.-;/ .' ; .,-»/ ,; .''<<- Angcnn Empire: The Scandinavian Connexion 43 made with Henry ot Brunswick. That, this was not a completely flawed diplomatic manoeuvre can be shown bv one other famous example, that of King John and Isabella of Angouleme. whose engagement to Hugh le Brun was broken off in favour of the English king." Unfortunately for the French king, the bride's mother had no intenuon of breaking the existing agreement believing Philip's record as a husband iefr much to be desired, much to the French king's annoyance and rhe English chroniclers' glee.' An alliance against PhiLip Augustus was clearly building up. The agreement between the Emperor Henrv VI and Richard I held firm. On 20 December 1193, Henry VT announced that Richard would be released in January 1194 and that on the 24th of that same month Richard was to be crowned king of Aries. The release date was later revised to February 1194, at which time the emperor sent the French king a threatening letter stating that if Philip did not restore Richard's land the emperor would help the English king to recover it. An agreement clearly also existed to the etfect that the English king could not make peace with Philip Augustus without consulting the emperor. This can be clearly seen in 1195 when, though terms had been agreed between the kings of England and France, peace was deferred to await the emperor's approval.' " Furthermore, upon his release, Richard 1 concluded a series of alliances with the German princes around the Rhine, where, in return for money fiefs the princes promised military aid against King Philip. The English king's long term friend and ally, Henry the Lion, was also reconciled with die emperor at Tilleda in March 1194. To add insult to injury, Philip's intended bride, rhe count Palatine of the Rhine's daughter and heiress, Agnes, was finally married oft to Henrv of Brunswick, leaving Philip without a spouse for two years before finally being able to marry another bride with Hohenstaufen connections, Agnes de Meran. 9 40 41 1 4j 44 It is possible thar Philip adopted a wait-and-see' policy, thus not closing the door completely on his Danish alliance. Indeed, die French king did not marry his Dice to. Opera Historica, 11, 1 ~fi; Howden, Chronica, IV, 119. William o f Newburgh, 1 ii'totia nrnmAnglkarum, I , 385; Howdcn, Chronica, 111, 224—25; Arnold of Liibccb, Chronica Slavorum, ed. b\. M. Lappenbcrg, MG H SRG 14 (I lannover, 1878; repr. 1978), pp. 183-85; '\nnaks Sied.rhnrxem^, ed. bv C. Pert?, MG H SS 16 (Hannover, 1875), p. 227; Giliingham, Rj.hardT p. 24". Howdcn, Chronica, 111, 225—2", includes copies of the letters sent by the emperor and Richard to England on this matter. How-den, Chronica, III, 234. I lowden, Chronica, III, 3u2. ' Howden, Chronica, III, 234; Poole, 'Richard the First's Alliances with the German Princes in 1194', Stttdt.s in Mfdieval I limn, ed. b\t and others (Oxford. 1948), pp. 90-99. Arnold of T.tibeck, Chronica Sid! wim, pp. 183 -85; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 84. ;ii ,u 41 4 2 A AA 44 J. h. M. Unborn next bride until 1196, and it would seem, though the exact chronology is uncertain, that negotiations between the Danes and Philip continued as the matter of the annulment was referred to the pope. Certainly, the Danes were quick to point out Philip's vulnerable political position after the divorce and King Richard's release. In a letter addressed to the French king, William, abbot of Ebelholt. warned Philip about 'attacks from someone with a fierce bite', seerninglv in an attempt to remind the king of the reason(s) for wanting the alliance in the first place/' it is, moreover, known that when Henry of Brunswick, at some point after Ingeborg's repudiation, approached the Danish court asking for support to recover his father's lands, his request was rejected.' ' This may indicate thai me Franco-Danish alliance was not completely void and that the separation of Phiizs and Ingeborg, in terms of the political context, was not the open and shut ca5e that historians often think. The fact that Henry VT's offer to crown Richard ihe king of Aries was never realised may further indicate that die alliance wa> sufficiendv live to induce the emperor into aborting his plans. Most importantly ii Philip thought that the alliance would not. serve any further political purpose, he would surelv have sent Tngeborg back to Denmark instead of depositing her in .2 monastery? 43 1 Though the alliance against Philip fizzled out in 1196, it is clear that the French king kept Ingeborg, and his Danish alliance, as a political tool to be usee when needed. The succession of Innocent I I I to the papal throne in 119* breathed new life into the question of the annulment, and between 1198 and 12vl there were more or less continuous negotiations between King Cnut. Philip Augustus and the papacy on this matter. I t is possible to view the negotiations after 1198 in a context involving not only the French and Danish courts, but also the two rival imperial candidates, Philip of Swabia, who was Philip Augustus" preferred candidate, and Otto of Brunswick, supported by the English king and initially also by the pope. This can be seen in a letter from the Danish king ro Innocent 111 in 1200, where the Danish king made promises of inilitarv assistance ro Otto, ' These promises, which were never realised, could be seen as an attempt bv the Danish king to foster good relations with the papacy in order to secure Innocent's support in the negotiations with the French king. King Cnut and Pope 48 4 * Howden, Chronica, IV, 86; Wendover, F/ ores Hisioriamm, I , 240; hipisto/ ae abbatis Wiiittm. nc*. 2 i: Bradbury Ph/ ip Augustus, p. 183. ^ hpi'f'iut aldiatrs Willemi, no. 25. - Arnold ot f uheck, Chronica Siavomni, pp. 183-85; Gillingbam, Richard I, p. 24~\ How den. Chronica, TV, 86 and 146—18; Wendo\, F/ ores Historinrum, I, 290; Rigord, Cesia PUJTT:. Pp. 124 25 •*'-' Dipi. Dan.. I , iv, no. 4. ; J .Or •;//>" Aaptnti Umpire: The Scandinavian Connexion 45 Innocent were successful I ranee was laid under interdict on account of Philip's marriage to Acnes de Meran and his refusal to restore Ingeborg as his queen/ According to Baldwin, the direat of interdict also came precisely at a critical moment in the political negotiations with the count of Flanders and King lohn of England, forcing Philip ro make unnecessary concessions at the peace of Peronne." After nine mondis under the inrerdict, the French king did decide to take his Danish queen back. " Though this is usually interpreted as the result of ecclesiastical pressure, it is feasible that Philip took Ingeborg back also in order to prevent any Danish military assistance to Otto, who was King John's preferred imperial candidate/'"' Once the interdict had been lifted and Philip had concluded the treaty of Le Goulet wirh King lohn, in which the English king promised not to aid Otto of Brunswick, the French king sent Ingeborg back to the monastery from where she had been retrieved. * Thus, again, the rivalry between the French monarch and his Angevin counterpart was instrumental in determining how Philip Augustus conducted his relations with Denmark and the Empire. 0 1 It is evident that the context of Angevin-Capetian rivalry was foremost also in the minds of contemporary chroniclers. To the English chroniclers, the French king's Danish marriage aDiance was of great importance and they continued to follow events surrounding it. many supplying detailed narrative of the divorce proceedings that followed the separation, Philip's new marriage in 1196 to Agnes de Meran, and the negotiations with the papacy following the succession of Innocent 111. ^ According to some modern commentators, the chroniclers' interest in these negotiations was merely ot an ecclesiastical nature, but it is equally possible that their continued interest in the alliance bear witness of the (perceived) threat that Philip and his Scandinavian allv continued to pose. It is the English king's response to this threat that will be the focus of the last leg of this discussion. In a letter of |ulv 1200, Pope Innocent I I I warned the English archbishop Hubert Walter against receiving envoys or gifts from King Sverrc of Norway, who - Howden. Chronica, \\, 112-15; Ant-Ji- ot If 'inchesler, in Annahs Monastici, ed. by 11. R. Luard, Rolls Scries 36, 5 vols Tondon, 1864—69 11. ~3: 'Barnwell Chronicle", in Mtmmiak Fratris Walter? de Caoitna, ed. by \ Stubbs, Rolls Series 58. 2 vols Tondon, 1872-73), I I , 143; Bradbury, Philip Augustus, p. 184. - Baldwin, 'La decennie decisive: les .uinecs 1190—1203 dans la regno de Philippe Auguste', p. 317. Howdcn, Chronica, i\ 112-13. 138; Dipl. Dan., I . iv, nos. 12-20; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 85-86; Cartclheri. Philtpp 11. August. iv, 55-63. " I bid. '• Ibid. " William of Newburgh, liinona r Angiicarum, I I , 459; Howdcn, Chronica, TV, 86, 112-13, 138, and 1 16 48. I! ,1 5 2 4 : T O W / . F. M. Benham 46 was excommunicate and described by the pope as 'a sacrilegious apostate and perfidious murderer'/ Clearly Innocent was concerned to cut off anv assistance to this Scandinavian king, whose dubious royal descent had put him on a collision course with a large part of western Christendom. This letter has usually been interpreted in a religious context by modern commentators. The evidence ior this conclusion has been found in an early thirteenth century obit list from Christ Church Canterbury where King Sverre is listed as one of the benefactors of the community.' ' Accorcling to the Norwegian historian Arne Odd Johnsen, Sverre had turned to Canterbury and Hubert Walter in an attempt to ensure his salvation at a rime when tiiis could not be obtained within Norway because of the kings dispute with his clergy. 6 T 1 I t is well attested that the dispute with the Norwegian clergy was not King Sverre's only problem. There were two rival factions within Norway, neither of which exercised complete control over the kingdom. During the 1190s the struggle between these two factions had worsened, severely affecting the economy and the people.^ Foreign merchants had started to turn to other destinations as their ships were raided, and Bergen, Norway's foremost trading town, was burnt in WOS." ]ohnsen observed that nothing would be more natural for Sverre than, in the increasingly more difficult situation he found himself, to look to Hubert Walter and to England for both spiritual and political support. " As King John's archbishop and chancellor, Hubert would certainly have been one of the king's advisors who could effectively have raised the matter of assistance with the English king. 9 6 61 I t is clear that Sverre was successful in obtaining support. 1'here are several references in the pipe rolls to corn being exported between 1200 and 1203.~ I n 1201 a cerrain Brian de Therefeld journeyed to Norwaywith a shipload of corn. " Brian was, however, not a merchant but a member of King John's household, 6 1 C. R. Chencv, Hubert Waller (London, 1967), p. 123; The hellers of Pope Innocent III concerning tznglaud and Wait J.' A Calendar with an Appendix of 'Texts, ed. by C. R. Cheney (Oxford, 196~ ), no. 234. >~ Arne Odd johnsen. KongSverre. og England 1199-1202 (Oslo, 1970), pp. 4-5. ^ lohnsen, Kong Sverre, pp. 14—17. Ibid., pp. 14-15. '» Ibid., p. 13. Ibid, hor anorher example of a chancellor raising diplomatic matters with his truster and generalh acting as rhe frrsr port of call for envoys see Episiolarum Hugoni de Campo-Ybrido, in Reeved des Hisforiens des G.wh et de la France, ed. by M. Bouquet and others, 24 vols (Paris, 1840-1914). XVI. 202 and 205. ^ PR 1 John. 289bis; PR 2 John, 153; PR 3 John, 128; PR 4 John, 104, 131. -- PR 4 John, 104; Rot. Uk, 12, 85. r s W] n : P' 47 Au^isrui .;>:<: r 'c An& rix p.mpire: T>>e Scandinavian Connexion ; being described is "osuarium nostrum' on at least two occasions. I t is quite possible that his lournev was of a diplomatic nature, intended to negotiate further assistance, This is made more credible bv the fact that shordy after Brian's return, the Norwegian king was offered land in England. The first reference to this land appears in 12(14 wrier: ;w-:> Emcolnshire manors, Kelsey and Waltham, are described as belonging to the k:ng of Norway. Most Norwegian historians have thought that these two manors were part of a loan to King Sverre or perhaps his son Hakon, as Sverre himself cued in 1202/* This seems unlikely as the rent for half a year onlv amounted to /4 for Kelsev. and five marks for Waltham. ' More likely, the manors were gifts, part and parcel of the establishment of a potential ally. This same policy can be seen in King Richard's negotiations with the German princes in 1194. I n return for annual rents, rhe princes were to do homage and swear fealty to Richard, and aid him against Philip Augustus. One such prince was the duke of Eouvain who received around £ 13 a year in return for his promise of aid. Also the count of Flanders had in 1101 concluded such an agreement with King Henrv I . which was later renewed at various points during the twelfth century. '' The Norwegian example is remarkably similar to these earlier agreements. After 12u4. the Norwegian king's lands were in the custody of Brian de Therefeld, seemingly awaiting the outcome of the dispute over the Norwegian throne that erupted after the death of Sverre's son Hakon.' The fact that the lands did not revert to the crown mav perhaps indicate that King John considered the lands to be a diplomatic card to be played if a suitable candidate emerged. Moreover, in connecnon with the offer of land in England it should be noted that around the time of Brian de Therefeld's first journey in 1201—02, King John sent his Norwegian counterpart military aid consisting of Welsh foot soldiers and archers on horseback. " Modern historians have not made clear the purpose of all this evidence for food supplies, land and military aid. For instance, 63 6 68 6 0 1 « Rat.JJk.A2, 85. <•-- PR6Jot>«,63. Bugge, Norges His/ one, 2 vols ''Oslo. 1916). II. 2 and 216; johnsen, Kong Sverre, p. 22. PR 6 John, 63-64; PR 4 John. 104. PR 6 Ric. I, 7; Poole, '"Richard the First's Alliances with the German Princes in 1194', 90-94. Diplomatic Documents Preserved in the Public Record Office, 1101-1272 (hereafter Dipl. Docs), vol. T, ed. by P. Chaplais (London, 1964), nos. 1—4. Ro/ . Li.'/ . Claus., i, 26. I n fact when the king of Norwav and his advisors made a commercial treaty with king Henry I I I of England in 1223, the Norwegian kings advisor did indeed ask for these manors back. Dipl. Docs., I, no. 155. Sverris Saga (hereafter SS), ed. bv Gustav Indrebo (Krisriania, 1920; repr. Oslo, 1981), p. 187; PR 3 John, 128, 137,264. Ul tl7 6S w 71 72 J. h. M. Benbam 48 W! L. Warren, in his biography of King John, commented that the English Kr-y; 'kept on good terms with King Sverrir Birkebein of Norway; sending ham i shipload of corn occasionally, to ensure a good supply of the r^O L ar& i Norwegian birds'. The evidence so far clearly indicates a far less Ci f u i . relationship. 73 Pope Innocent Ill's letter of 1200 does not state how long Hubert Walter hac been tins accommodating to the Norwegians. It is possible that the embassies from King Sverre had been received at Hubert's household for some nrae. even during King Richard's reign. When King Richard was released from imr^eriil captivity in February 1194, his foremost desire was to recapture the gains thai ix^ rival Philip Augustus had made in parts of Normandy. For this purpose the English king enlisted the support of the German princes around the Rhine. These alliances were clearly directed against France and King Philip, but perhaps also against the French ldng's ally, Denmark. There can scarcely have been a better war to further neutralise the danger of Danish military assistance to France, thac to strike up a close relationship with another of Denmark's close neighbours — Norway. As King Sverre was furthermore allied with the Swedish kiru?. Knui Eriksson, and rhe Swedish jarl, Birger Brosa, the threat to Denmark would have been clear. I n one fair swoop, Richard I could have turned the tables on his Capetian rival. 4 There is no evidence in the rolls or in the chronicles that such an alliance was concluded in the 1190s. However, shordy after the Franco-Danish rnarriaee alliance, Eirik, archbishop of Nidaros in Norway, then in exile in Denmark, together with his friend Absalon, archbishop of Lund and long-serving advisor to the Danish king, obtained the pope s permission to excommunicate Sverre. after a wait ol some four years.'" It may also be significant that the contemporary saga of King Sverre briefly mentions both King Richard and King John. Furthermore, the milirarv support from King John to King Sverre came precisely at a time when Philip Augustus was under severe pressure to reinstate Ingeborg as his queen. It should moreover be noted that King John's alliance was with Sverre and his successor personally, against Sverre's opponents, who clearly received aid from rhe 6 \ L. Warren, KingJoAx, 3rd cdn, (New Haven, CT, 1997) , p. 140. S. Bagge, Prom Gangkader to T_ar/ i? Anointed: Kingship in Svirrir Saga and Wakonar Saga Odense. 1996), p. 21; KiiutHelle, Nor$> Mr en Stat 1130-1319 (Bergen, 1974), p. 62. " Diplowatarium Norvegiatm, ed. by A. Bugge and others, 21 vols (Oslo, 18 9 5 - ) , IT, no. 3. and \. no. 4:JX p. 158. '• I X pp. 162 and 187. PR 3 John, 128, 13 \; Howdcn, ChrotmaU, 479 and 500-01; W'hidover, I, 290; Annates Mon.isnn. 11. ~3: 'Barnwell (ihrorucle/, in Wait. Co;:., II, 143; Bradburv, Philip Augustus, p. 184. 1 u;^:ir. F.nitnre: The Scandinavian Connexion 49 Danes, and againsr the Danish kuig liimself, This can be seen from the fact that when Sverre'^ son Hakon died in 1204. all references to Norway disappear from the English rolls, As one ot HakonV successors, another pretender to the throne supported bv the old ann->verrc taction, was put on die Norwegian throne bythe Danish king himself in 12o4_ the implication is clear. Tt would then seem that the English king distanced himsei: from this Danish supported successor, indicating that the alliance with anv Norwegian king was made in opposition to the king of Denmark. Tt mav also be sigruiicant that there are no references in the English records to Denmark, neither trade nor ecclesiastical or political, for the period between 1193 and 1208. "Enough ^uch references are scarce also for Norway during King Richard's reign the;, are indeed frequent during the reign of John. While it is dangerous tr, argue trom the absence of evidence, in this case the absence is suggestive. I t would -cem that historians should view the English support to the king of Norway a- having its roots in the reign of Richard I as a wav to counter-balance the threat of die Franco-Danish alliance to the Angevin empire. It is evident that to Philip Augustus the marriage alliance with Ingeborg was just one of many diplomatic cards. As the astute politician that King Philip was, he would surelv not have put all eggs in one basket. This is reflected by the fact that Philip, again and again, offered himself as marital partner to candidates that could bring him valuable support in his attempts to destabilise his Angevin rivals: to Ingeborg and Agnes, rhe daughter of the count Palatine of the Rhine, in 1193; to Agnes de Meran in 1196; to Margaret, daughter of William king of Scots in 1209; and to the daughter of the margrave of Thuringe in 1210. Finally in 1213 Philip Augustus decided to restore his long-suffering Danish queen. Crucially, he did so at a time when a strong political alliance was building up against him, involving both his Angevin rival. King John, and the Emperor Otto IV. The importance of the Scandinavian connection can furthermore be seen by the fact that Philip was not the only one trvuig to woo the king of Denmark, as King John had sent Brian de Thereield on an embassy ro the Scandinavian kingdom in that same year.'' Furthermore, in an attempt to safeguard himself, King John also resumed his connection with Denmark's Scandinavian neighbour, as several 78 For the 1209 offer to Margaret, daughter of William king of Scots, see A. A. M. Duncan, 'John King of England and [Ire King of Scots", in King John: Xew Interpretations, ed. by S, D. Church (VVoodbndge, 1999), p. 260. For the 121 o marriage offer see letter in Ream! des Actes de Philippe Awjifft. ill. no. ! 152. See also the discu^Mon bv Brooke on the Capedan kings" 'habit' of divorcing at least once. Christopher Brooke, Tht Mtdirralldta of Marriage (Oxford, 1989; repr. 1994), pp. 121-25. R"f. Li.'t. Clans., I , 132. ;ii 50 / . E. M henhcDf i embassies trom Norway were present in England during 1213. ' Though w do not know the nature of these embassies - we rarely do — the tiriing is suggestrrt Philip Augustus' marriage alliance to Ingeborg of Denmark in 1193 seemtrigrr opened up another diplomatic front to Philip and his Angevin rivals, one which was pursued on and off for many years. Though the context ot the diplomatic activity is not always clear, one thing seems certain: to contemporaries Scarichrtavia was peripheral, but not unimportant. ?l PR1628; Rot. Utt. Clous., 1, 138b, 168. 182b, 231; Rot. Lift. Pat.,1, 118b.