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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
When Ulrich, Duke of Württemberg, regained his ducal throne in May of 1534, he immediately took steps to institute the Reformation in Württmberg. Probably because of his own divided loyalties, he asked both Lutherans and Swiss-Reformed Protestants to come to Württemberg. From the outset, however, their mutual opposition, combined with determined Roman Catholic resistance in some areas, led to difficulties beyond Ulrich's expectations. The ducal commissioners for the Reformation in the southern half of Württemberg was Ambrosius Blarer, the reformer of Constance and a firm ally of both Martin Bucer and Zurich. Part of his responsibility was the University of Tübingen, a center of particularly strong Roman Catholic opposition to the Reformation. Blarer appealed to Duke Ulrich for assistance, asking for the Basel Greek scholar Simon Grynaeus, another Swiss partisan. Ulrich, however, took far more dramatic steps to reform the University of Tübingen. Under instructions from Ulrich, Chancellor Knoder and Erhard Schnepff, Blarer's counterpart in northern Württemberg, wrote to Philip Melanchthon, requesting that he return to his homeland to teach in the University of Tübingen, his alma mater.
1. Ulrich was converted to the Protestant cause by Oecolampadius and Zwingli and restored to his ancestral lands primarily through the efforts of his cousin, the Lutheran Philip of Hesse. For Ulrich's conversion, see Bossert, Gustav, “Okolampad als Seelsorger des Herzogs Ulrich von Württemberg nach seinen Predigten über Psalm 137 im Herbst 1526,” Blätter für Württembergische Kirchengeschichte, 36 (1932): 208–229.Google Scholar For the background of Ulrich's return to Württemberg, see Wille, J., Philipp der Grossmütige und die Restitution Ulrichs v. Wirtemberg 1526–1535 (Tübingen, 1882).Google Scholar
2. Corpus Reformatorum: Philippi Melanchthonis Opera quae supersunt omnia, ed. C. G. Bretschneider and H. E. Bindseil (Halle, 1834– ), 2: no. 1215.Google Scholar Subsequent references will read CR, followed by volume and letter numbers. For the Reformation of the University of Tübingen, see Harrison, Richard L. Jr, “The Reformation of the Theological Faculty of the University of Tübingen, 1534–1555.” (Ph.D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 1975).Google Scholar See also Bok, August Friedrich, Geschichte der herzoglich Würtenbergischen Eberhard Carls Universität zu Tübingen im Grundrisse (Tübingen, 1774);Google ScholarEisenbach, H. F., Beschreibung und Geschichte der Stadt und Universilät Tübingen (Tübingen, 1822);Google ScholarHaller, Johannes, Die Anfänge der Universität Tübingen, 1477–1537, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1927);Google ScholarHermelink, Heinrich, Die Theologische Fakultäi in Tübingen vor der Reformation 1477–1534 (Tübingen, 1906);Google ScholarKlüpfel, Karl August, Geschichte und Beschreibung der Universität Tübingen (Tübingen, 1849);Google Scholarvon Riecke, K. V. and Hartmann, Julius, Statistik der Universität Tübingen (Stuttgart, 1877);Google Scholarvon Roth, Rudolph, Urkunden zur Geschichte der Universität Tübingen am den Jahren 1476 bis 1550 (Tübingen, 1877);Google Scholarvon Weizsäcker, Karl Heinrich, Lehrer und Unterricht an der evangelische Facultät der Universität Tübingen von derRiformation bis zur Gegenwart (Tübingen), 1877.Google Scholar
3. Briefwechsel der Brüder Ambrosius und Thomas Blaurer 1509–1567, ed. Traugott Schiess, 3 vols. (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1908–1912), no. 442.Google Scholar Hereafter referred to as Schiess, followed by number of entry.
4. CR, 2: no. 1219.
5. Württembergische Hauptsstaatsarchiv, Stuttgart, A63, Religions- und Kirchensachen, folio 4.
6. CR, 2: no. 1225.
7. “Dux Vuirtebergensis accersivit me εɩς τήν ακαδημἱαν 
. Permisi totam rem arbitrio nostri principis, κâν ευξα⋯**μην τε κα⋯ δεήσει ποτ⋯ 
με εκ ταύτης 
ανεπιτηδε⋯ον χώρας” CR, 2: no. 1222.
8. Disputes over the meaning of the Lord's Supper became the focal point of the struggle for power between Reformed and Lutheran factions in Württemberg. At times, Bucer feared that the contentiousness of the Württembergians could seriously damage his efforts for Lutheran-Reformed unity.
9. CR, 2: no. 1281.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid. Of particular concern to Melanchthon in 1535 and 1536 were the difficult situations for Protestants in England and France. Melanchthon's correspondence with Camerarius includes a number of references to discussions with English and French representatives. See, for example, letters in CR, II and III: nos. 1309, 1339, 1352, 1365, 1396, 1401, 1409, 1437.
12. CR, 3: nos. 1467–1469.
13. Blarer had known for some time that Melanchthon would be coming to Tübingen, although the letter which informed him of the impending visit does not reveal the nature of Melanchthon's visit to his Schwabian homeland. Schiess, no. 717, Jakob Bedrot to Blarer, 30 July, 1536. “Der Hagenauer Drucker, der, direkt von Wittenberg kommend, hier durchreiste [Strassburg], versichert, Philipp ruste sich zur Reise und komme in anderthalb Monaten nach Tübingen. Nimm Dich der Schule an, dass sie nicht in so schlechtem Ruf stehe.”
14. Pressel, , Blarer, pp. 396–397.Google Scholar
15. CR, 3: no. 1473.
16. Ibid., no. 1471.
17. lbid., no. 1473. See also no. 1474, for a letter to Johannes Brenz dated 17 October 1536 which concerns Melanchthon's recommendation that Brenz come to Tübingen for a while as a reformer. No. 1475 includes a letter to Camerarius of the same date and gives some comments about the meeting with Duke Ulrich.
18. Schiess, no. 748, Blarer to Johann Machtolf, 27 November 1536: “Am andern, als ir mir geschriben des Philippi Melanchthons halber, wisst, das er gantz wol mitt mir zufriden gewesen, ouch aller ding freuntlich von mir abgeschaiden ist” [On another matter, since you wrote me about Philip Melanchthon's visit, you should know that he was completely satisfied with me, and our parting was friendly on all points.] For comments on Blarer by Melanchthon, see CR, 2: no. 1474.
19. “Quid Philippus egerit apud vestrum principem, non ita scire cupio, atque metuo, ne sua έπιεικε⋯ą laboribus tuis remoras aliquas iniecerit.” [What Philip discussed with your prince, I do not want to know, and I fear that by his graciousness he will have hindered or overthrown your work in some way.] Schiess, no. 747, Wolfgang Musculus to Blarer, 22 November 1536.
20. “Reipub. Academiam.”
21. CR, 3: no. 1473, dated 15 October 1536.
22. Ibid.
23. “Princeps ipse dicebat scire se Blareri nomen officere Scholae.” Ibid., no. 1474, 17 October 1536.
24. Ibid.
25. Brenz, Johannes, Anecdota Brentiana: Ungedruckte Briefe und Bedenken, ed. Pressel, Theodore (Tübingen, 1868), p. 187,Google Scholar dated 10 November 1536: “Quid? Itane Philippus et tu nullum ineptiorem asinum quam me invenire potuistis, cui tantum hoc oneris imponatis?”
26. Schiess, no. 747, 22 November 1536.
27. Roth, , Urkunden, pp.186–188.Google Scholar
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid., p. 192.
30. Roth, , Urkunden, pp. 184, 193.Google Scholar
31. Ibid., pp. 194–195.
32. Weizsäcker, , Lehrer, pp. 8–9.Google Scholar
33. CR, 3: no. 1473.
34. Ibid., no. 1474.
35. After less than a year in Tübingen, Simon Grynaeus returned to his teaching position at Basel. He was replaced by another advocate of the Reformed type, Paul Phrygio, the last significant representative of Reformed Protestantism on the theological faculty at Tübingen until modern times.
36. After the arrival of Brenz, only in regard to his personal relations with students from the upper German towns did Blarer continue to have any significant influence. See the numerous references in Schiess. See also Pressel, , Blarer, pp. 398–399.Google Scholar
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