St. Kliment Ohridski University Press URBAN AND URBANIZATION Chief Editors Prof. Dr. Recep EFE Prof. Dr. Turgut Tüzün ONAY Assoc. Prof. Dr. Igor SHARUHO Assoc. Prof. Dr. Emin ATASOY Managing Editor Assist. Prof. Dr. Mehmet BAYARTAN ISBN 978 954 07 3772 0 ST. KLIMENT OHRIDSKI UNIVERSITY PRESS SOFIA • 2014 CONTENTS FROM THE HISTORIC TO THE VIRTUAL CITY: THE NEW IDEA OF PUBLIC SPACE:........................................................................................................................... Valentina ALBANESE MODELING OF LAND USE DYNAMICS: CASE STUDIES ON URBAN GROWTH IN TURKEY:.................................................................................................................. Nurdan ERDOGAN; Birsen KESGIN ATAK; Engin NURLU MEGALOPOLIS TOKYO: THE MOST SAFEST CITY IN THE WORLD —FROM 1600’S TO PRESENT: .................................................................................................. Mitsuru SANO; Yukimasa KATO THE TWO LEVEL CITY, THE LAND OF BLACK DIAMOND: ZONGULDAK:.... Taşkın DENIZ POPULATION AND SETTLEMENT FEATURES OF BALIKESİR BETWEEN 1940 AND 2010: ............................................................................................................ İsa CÜREBAL, Recep EFE, Abdullah SOYKAN, Süleyman SÖNMEZ URBAN TRANSPORT LOGISTICS OPTIMIZATION – A CASE STUDY FOR BALCHIK MUNICIPALITY, BULGARIA:.................................................................. Boyko RANGUELOV PRISHTINA, THE ONLY EUROPEAN CAPITAL WITHOUT GIS IN ITS MAIN INSTITUTIONS:............................................................................................................ Florim ISUFI; Shpejtim BULLIQI; Bashkim KASTRATI; Fitim HUMOLLI; Ferat Krasniqi A CONTRIBUTION TO SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT: URBAN AGRICULTURAL LANDS:................................................................................................ A. Esra CENGİZ, Umut PEKİN TİMUR, Aybike Ayfer KARADAĞ, Demet DEMİROĞLU EVALUATION OF LIVEABILITY IN RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENTS IN THE SCOPE OF SUSTAINABLE URBANIZATION:.......................................................... Reyhan YILDIZ, Nihal SENLIER, Tayfun SALIHOGLU PROPAGATION OF HYPERCONCENTRATED FLOWS IN PROTECTION CHANNELS AROUND URBAN AREAS: EXPERIMENTAL INVESTIGATION; Donatella TERMINI ;...................................................................................................................... Alice DI LEONARDO URBAN FORESTS AND THEIR CONTRIBUTIONS TO URBAN SUSTAINABILITY: Atilla ATİK; Bülent YILMAZ; Ezgi TAÇORAL; Şah İsmail BAYAZIT; Miraç KILIÇ THERMAL COMFORT IN LANDSCAPE PLANNING:............................................. Mehmet TOPAY CULTURAL HERITAGE IN URBAN PLANNING PRACTICES:.............................. Nurhan KOÇAN EXAMINATION OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN HISTORICAL CITY FORM AND MODERN GREEN WAY PRACTICES IN THE CASE OF BARTIN CITY :.... Banu BEKCİ Çiğdem BOGENÇ Deryanur DİNÇER 1 11 26 32 48 57 79 85 105 125 134 149 165 173 xvii Urban characterization by means of dynamic fractal parameters: .......................................................................................................................... Jean-François PARROT ; Carolina RAMÍREZ-NÚÑEZ INDUSTRIAL POTENTIAL OF BURDUR:................................................................. Osman YILMAZ URBAN CULTURE, URBAN IDENTITY AND LIVABLE URBAN PLACES:......... Erkan POLAT AN ANALYTICAL APPROACH IN THE CONTEXT OF CONSISTENCY OF PROVINCIAL AND REGIONAL BOUNDARIES WITH CATCHMENT BASIN BOUNDARIES: ............................................................................................................ Ufuk Fatih KÜÇÜKALİ POWER- IDENTITY AND CITY SQUARES: A SOCIOPOLITIC GEOGRAPHY ANALYSIS: ................................................................................................................... Nurettin ÖZGEN SEISMIC MONITORING AND EARLY WARNING SYSTEMS FOR SMALL-SIZED CITIES. PERNIK CASE STUDY, BULGARIA: ................................................. Boyko RANGUELOV THE SIGNIFICANCE OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION IN ADANA IN TERMS OF URBAN GEOGRAPHY: ......................................................................................... Tülay ÖCAL CITY AND URBANIZATION: URBAN CULTURE OF IZMIR IN THE PROCESS OF MIGRATION:........................................................................................................... Nevzat GÜMÜŞ; Nalan ALTAY THE SOUND OF STREET IS CRACKED:.................................................................. Seher KEÇE TÜRKER A RESEARCH IN TERMS OF POPULATION GEOGRAPHY: BÜYÜKÇEKMECE: Kaan KAPAN Littoralization and rural-urban divide in the Italian region of the Marches...................................................................................................... Gian Luigi CORINTO USING ANACRONISM FOR THE IDENTIFICATION OF CHARACTERS IN ANECDOTES: ISTANBUL AND BEKRİ MUSTAFA:................................................ Abdulkadir EMEKSIZ THE URBANIZATION PERCEPTIONS OF THE EIGHT GRADE STUDENTS:..... Bahadır KILCAN; Turhan ÇETİN ; Bülent AKSOY CHANGE OF LAND USE WITHIN THE CITY OF PRISHTINA:............................. Florim ISUFI; Riza MURSELI THE POPULATION DISTRIBUTION IN ÜSKÜDAR:............................................... Adem YULU SOCIO-ECONOMIC SITUATION OF ARMUTLU IN THE MIDST OF THE 19TH CENTURY (1844):......................................................................................................... Mehmet BAYARTAN xviii 183 192 209 219 228 242 256 274 290 294 305 317 325 343 354 361 CITIES, URBANIZATION, METROPOLISES, AND RELATED PROBLEMS: THE CASE OF TURKEY:...................................................................................................... Mesut DOĞAN SOCIAL DEPRIVATION AND URBANITY AS THE ELEPHANT IN THE ROOM:. Mirek DYMITROW ; René BRAUER PRINCIPLES AND CONCEPTS IN THE TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS OF URBAN AREAS:................................................................................................................. Özlem SERTKAYA DOĞAN INVESTIGATING THE FEMALE SUICIDES IN KARS PROVINCE IN THE NOVEL “SNOW” WITH SPECIFIC REFERENCE TO THE NOTION OF AUTHORITY:........ Pelin DİMDİK EXAMPLES TO CITTASLOW (QUIET CITY) MOVEMENT FROM TURKEY:..... Zehranur ŞERBETCİ ATABEGS RULE IN AL-JAZĪRA REGION AND CITY SETTLEMENTS (521-660 / 1127-1262).................................................................................................... Adnan ESKİKURT A GENERAL REVIEW ON POLITICAL STABILITY AND CITY SETTLEMENTS IN ANATOLIA (ROME-BYZANTIUM AND SALJUQID PERIODS):....................... Adnan ESKİKURT InvestIgatIon of the PotentIals for SustaInable Urban Pattern FOR Turkey:................................................................................................... Reyhan YILDIZ; Nihal SENLİER; Ayşe Nur ALBAYRAK GEOCULTURAL FRAMEWORK OF TRADITIONAL TURKISH URBAN SETTLEMENTS IN THE BALKANS:................................................................................. Bekir Yüksel HOŞ INVESTİGATİON OF MUDDY VOLCANOES İN AZERBAİJAN İN TERMS OF GEOGRAPHİCAL AND ECO TOURISM:................................................................... Fatih İMAT; Duran AYDINÖZÜ AN EXAMPLE FOR TOURISM ORIENTED URBANISATIONS IN TURKEY: ALANYA (ANTALYA):....................................................................................................... Erol KAPLUHAN PROCESSES and CHANGES IN THE SELECTION OF LOCATIONS FOR RESIDENTIAL AREAS: A CASE STUDY OF ADAPAZARI:............................................. Zerrin KARAKUZULU; Fatih ARICI; Hatice TURUT AN EVALUATION OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF DENİZLİ IN TERMS OF ITS POTENTIAL FOR URBAN DEVELOPMENT: ............................... Erol KAPLUHAN SPATIAL DEVELOPMENT OF TARSUS AND THE CHANGES IN LAND USE:... Ersin Kaya SANDAL; Fatih ADIGÜZEL ECOLOGY-BASED CONTEMPORARY URBANISM APPROACHES:.................... Demet DEMİROĞLU; Umut PEKİN TİMUR; Aybike Ayfer KARADAĞ; A. Esra CENGİZ 374 381 396 406 416 427 443 461 481 496 513 532 546 570 579 xix AS ONE OF THE MOST SIGNIFICANT KARST HERITAGES OF TURKEY, A RESEARCH OF ILGARINI CAVE IN TERMS OF GEOGRAPHY AND ECOTOURISM . ....................................................................................................................................................................................................................... Fatih İMAT; Duran AYDINÖZÜ; B.Ünal İBRET DIPLOMACY AND CITIES:......................................................................................... Kerim ACARTÜRK URBANITE LIFE OFFERED IN ADVERTISEMENTS OF HOUSING PROJECTS IN İSTANBUL:............................................................................................................... Nebiye KONUK THE COURSE OF POPULATION GROWTH IN SOUTHWESTERN COASTS OF THE SEA OF MARMARA (BALIKESIR, CANAKKALE) AND ITS SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION:................................................................................................................ Sümeyra KURT SPATIAL AND FUNCTIONAL TRANSFORMATION OF SETTLEMENTS IN PRESEVO VALLEY:...................................................................................................... Arsım EJUPI THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT STRATEGIES FOR THE PROTECTION OF ARCHITECTURAL AND CULTURAL HERITAGE: THE CASE OF BURSA METROPOLITAN MUNICIPALITY:......................................................................................... Z. Sevgen PERKER EVALUATION OF LOCATION SELECTION IN YALOVA IN TERMS OF GEOMORPHOLOGIC FEATURES AND NATURAL RISKS :........................................... Sümeyra KURT; Himmet HAYBAT THE IMPORTANCE OF OTTOMAN FINANCIAL DECREE LEDGERS FROM THE STANDPOINT OF CITY HISTORY: THE EXAMPLE OF KONYA IN THE 16TH CENTURY:............................................................................................................. Rıfat GÜNALAN CITTASLOW – SLOW CITIES:.................................................................................... Onur GÖRKEM; Murat BAYRAM; Serkan BERTAN URBAN CULTURE, URBAN IDENTITY AND LIVABLE URBAN PLACES:......... Erkan POLAT URBAN RUSSIA AND GLOBALIZATION: PROBLEMS, CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES: . ...................................................................................................... Anokhin A. A.; ZHITIN D. V. ; LACHININSKII S. S. A Survey on Population Geography: Population Mobility in Turkey and EXAMPLE OF Uşak CITY:.............................................................. Erol KAPLUHAN CAN KINSHIP IDENTITY BE CONVERTED INTO A CONSENSUS TOOL IN URBAN LIFE?:.. .............................................................. Nebiye KONUK ABOUT THE AUTHORS.............................................................................................. xx 601 618 622 636 653 660 673 689 670 712 722 732 753 765 FROM THE HISTORIC TO THE VIRTUAL CITY: THE NEW IDEA OF PUBLIC SPACE Valentina Albanese INTRODUCTION: PUBLIC SPACE IN THE WEB CITY Globalization is based on strategic activities taking place in real time, and the world economy today is based on flows of information and knowledge. The current system of spatial dislocation is based on this phenomenon, along with the growth of ITC and urban expansion. Advanced services concentrate and disperse within cities to the extent that urban space is enlarging, and the whole world is starting to take on the form of a network of cities (Borja, Castells, 2002). The process of globalization has a significant impact on spatial and social structure of cities and gives it its main post-modern characteristics (Amendola, 2003). The new urban structures reflect the paradoxical relationship between dispersion and concentration of economic activities. The technical-economic model underpinning globalization shows a high level of dynamism in production while at the same time tending to exclude large geographical and social areas and leading to extreme inequality. Today’s information city, the globalized city, is becoming fragmented, and geographical points of reference are also contributing to the loss of significance for traditional urban locations like squares and streets (Miani, 2010) The fragmentation of the city and the break-down of its intrinsic characteristics are particularly evident in collective spaces used for various purposes in socially authentic interactions (Rodrigo Salcedo Hansen, 2002). It has led to public spaces today being emptied of their significance. Today many are attempting to keep up with the times and metamorphosize into containers for new forms of socialization deriving from diverse flows of people, data sharing and online activity. The city of today, attempting to keep up with radical and rapid changes, is witnessing the arrival of new types of social space less strictly codified and more fluid as a result of new characteristics of social aggregation. The concept of social space is being enriched so much that it has become more logical to consider cyberspace as an extension, rather than a parallel. (Albanese, 2012) Paradoxically, at the same time as cities are becoming more spread out, urban functions are multiplying and public spaces are being enriched with new meanings, media are increasingly bringing external reality inside domestic spaces. The home is gaining a public, on top of its private, role, given that most of an individual’s relationships and conversations about topics of common interest are played out there. Removed from the influence of social pressure, the private sphere has thus become the main area where ideas are developed and decisions taken. Contemporary public space today coincides with media space rather than physical space. The city tends to have the role of neural network, and urban structure consists of data and relationships. Social media are playing a key role in confining the individual to the private sphere by absorbing the natural propensity for meeting and discussing. This conflict between spaces and their significance is clearly reflected in the organization and planning of physical space. The actual places in a city are increasingly the subject of extremely detailed communications on social media. Social media tend to supply so much information and description 1 in so much detail that there tends to be too much for our eyes and mind to absorb. This presupposes a lack of direct contact or experience of tangible urban reality and is cutting completely the distance between the subject experiencing and the object of the experience. Techno-culture is the medium for learning about space to such a great extent that the individual today is constantly lost in the flow of media communication (Torres, 2004). “Internet is the fabric of our lives. If ITC is today’s equivalent of electricity in the Industrial era, Internet could be compared to the electricity network and to the electric motor because of its capacity to distribute the power of information in all areas of human activity. Moreover, just as new technologies for energy production and distribution enabled factories and big firms as the organizational basis of industrial society, Internet is the technological basis for the organizational form of the Information Age: the network” (Castells, 2007, p.13). (Author’s own translation) The main functions and processes of Internet 2.0 (already giving way to 3.0) are increasingly designed around networks (Albanese, 2011), the new structure of society. The spread of network logic1 is concretely altering production processes, knowledge and culture along with all processes and results. Of course, for different reasons and using different means of communication, networks have existed in the past, but the new ITC archetype constitutes an innovation which allows an unprecedented expansion in pervading the whole of the social structure. Towns and cities too are changing in the new context, the “Network Society” (Castells, 2008). Any given area, reflecting social structure, is now taking on the connotations of a network of subjects and places which carry out production functions, especially for services. Both subjects and places compete and collaborate on the global market. Boundaries or confines are gradually losing significance and there is a crisis in the concept of territorial space. As Joseph Rykwert notes in The Seduction of Place, the modern city is made up of contradictions, and often conflicts, because it is home to different and contrasting ethnic, cultural and religious groups. It therefore needs to have more than one face to attract more people, which gives enormous complexity to the modern city (Rykwert, 2003). And Cellamare finds that because people and places are becoming more important than social and material aspects, urban spaces are becoming less significant (Cellamare, 1999). An area or territory can no longer be objectively or univocally identified; increasingly today an area or territory is only the same as the significance and value given to it. It is no longer the case that a single territory corresponds to a single place name, but to numerous names according to the cultures and ways of life present there. The superimposition and combination of different cultures in a time of online and social media communication prevails and reveals its numerous different facets without the weight or interference of characteristics of the place. This is where the concept of network is most constructive: it makes possible an all-round interpretation of an area as a network of political, social and cultural <?> A network expresses the extra-local nature of the elements as well as strong relationships crossing local boundaries, in both global and media space. Network relationships can be very complex but they are always horizontal. They can consist of intersecting hierarchies or different networks which intersect at certain nodes. They can also be chaotic. But in all cases new relationships formed online are part of a network and horizontal. Networks consist of interconnected nodes. Their intrinsic elasticity and adaptability are crucial for survival in a rapidly changing environment, and makes them extremely suitable for planning and organization. The use of a network as metaphor has been widespread in urban geography since the early 1990s. It is very useful to express the changes in communications and other areas affecting urban spaces. 2 subjects etc. who have a relationship with the area and whose strength in initiatives and planning gives the area its significance. As real public spaces are declining, they are being repositioned in virtual reality. This space is made up of meeting and virtual interaction of a multitude of people in public online squares and a cyberspace universe accessed through handheld devices and applications. And with this type of socialization tool, social networks are far from being completely separate from the real context. In fact, through a complex system of actors, tools and actions they enable contact between physical components, cultural elements, search engines and organizing frameworks of space and local or territorial elements. This occurs by way of projection of place, virtual exploration and all types of spatially localized information, as in the case of the foursquare social network, for example. So cyberspace is not only virtual; it is inspired by and strongly influences real space through relationships underpinning conversations on social media. This revolution in space is a key element in the innovation of today, which is based on the new dynamics of socialization. As noted by Bauman, in order to interpret the spatial changes deriving from the new social structure, we need new paradigms capable of including technological, cultural and spatial innovation (Bauman, 2005). The transformation of space today needs to be contextualized into the complex transformations in relationships, communications and socialization. Rather than a reflection, spaces are a physical representation of society. The characteristics of cities today reflect the dictates of the new social ways of interacting and living. THE IRREPLACEABLE CITY: IDENTITY AND CULTURE The search to define local identity is complicated today by processes of globalization which are extending cultural links and therefore the individual’s identity. After two thousand years of being closely linked, the relationship between public and collective space can be said to have disappeared in the metropolis of today. Many cities have attempted to rebuild the link in historically consolidated ways, but their attempts have brought a sense of disorientation and made the new public buildings and spaces even more inefficacious and desolate than they would otherwise have been (Sampson J., Raudenbush S. W., 1999). Today, a space can only become a place when cyberspace becomes real space. Rigidly defined categories with precise functions, such as the town square or piazza, are no longer effective. Today, it is an online square or piazza that is most likely to lead to society identifying with a space. The virtual entity corresponds to a piazza in the traditional sense of the term, but has completely new functions; as well as socialization and sharing, it can offer distance interactive activities and sustainable mobility. Existing public spaces are also being affected. The concentration of people in private spaces dedicated to consumption, such as shopping malls and factory outlet centers etc. appears to be one of the main reasons for city centers being weakened and impoverished (Miani, 2010). Shopping and outlet centers are not places where people build a social identity; they are where people go to buy the right to anonymity (Miani, 2006). It is difficult to describe the type of individual who goes to these places; they appear to be similar generic identities, each having the ability and the right to occupy the physical space which they are not, however, invited to identify. This is a revolutionary use of space which is based on de-materialized and almost virtual space, which individuals are always required to identify without, however, identifying themselves with it. The definition of a non-place (Augè M. & Rolland D., 1993) is a spatial node where we try to exploit a 3 context and a community, which is random, not integrated in place and variable over time, and there is no requirement or opportunity to identify ourselves with it. Public spaces today are up against the multiple-nature of the social identities they are used by. Each space now has the need to appeal to a wide variety of different subjects, with different cultures and values, in the various aspects of their identity. Rather than non-places, it may be more accurate to talk about hyper-spaces as places where different identities meet up. In the work of urban sociologist Massimo Ilardi, hyperspaces are required to please everyone and avoid every sort of normality, especially in people’s expectations. There really are no places any more, yet city planners face the difficult task of creating a hyper-place which everyone will like, where normality is banished especially from people’s expectations. So we are really left without places, but whether it is condemned or saved, we are in a city destined to continue (Ilardi, 1997). One of the most commonly held ideas regarding changing social roles in the age of Internet is the end of the city. It is often said that cities and their symbolic places are fated to become meaningless in the presence of new ITC which enables us to carry out any daily or other action. Things such as office work or travel staying on the sofa with new apps like Whai Whai (Albanese, 2011) can all be experienced at home. However, in reality, the worldwide population is becoming increasingly urbanized with greater numbers concentrated in metropolises (Thomson, 2010); Italy, too, is growing rapidly in this respect. So the forecast of the inexorable decline of cities and the rise of cyberspace does not appear to be borne out in fact. Young people socialize in virtual spaces, but for a lot of the time they are doing this they are in fact together in a public place. A group of young people chatting on their digital devices, but in the company of others, is a fairly frequent sight. There are two opposing trends. Social relationships, and increasingly economic relationships too, are becoming increasingly decentralized and network based, while towns and villages are becoming increasingly concentrated in space. In spite of new communications techniques and the social media, old cities and especially large metropolises are continuing to grow and acquire new functions and complexities. The sociologist Manuel Castells is one of the few to provide a convincing interpretation of this dichotomy. Castells finds that the basic reason for the growth of the metropolis is the spatial concentration of income-generating activities, services and opportunities for human development in cities, particularly big metropolitan areas. The current wave of migration from countryside to city is the result of two trends in production sectors which are important at the present time. It is true that higher productivity in the knowledge sector corresponds to a crisis in farming and mining, but this corresponds to higher availability of employment in cities and particularly metropolises where higher income generating work is concentrated. And although new media cancel out distances and globalization leads to focus debate on functions rather than spaces, metropolises still offer the best in terms of general services available and quality of essential services. In the context of significant variation in spaces and roles, cities in fact retain intact their role of cultural centers of innovation and individual city residents have better quality of life and more choice in access to more opportunities for cultural stimulus which resist as localized events in spite of Internet and the network, (Castells, 2007). Culture as expressed in urban spaces and especially in places of socialization is a key function for the survival and transformation of public spaces. The development of culture in an urban environment 4 brings a series of long term effects, which are intangible, but mark the area indelibly. They can show up, for example, as a higher international profile or competitiveness which leads in turn to further advantages. These may include a higher standard of living, urban design, greater social cohesion and a higher rate of participation in cultural activities. This virtuous circle is a mechanism arising from the positive reinforcement of individual identity in the area the individual belongs to. It is a city which offers the opportunity for multiple forms of sharing and participation which meet the ancestral need for a community and strengthen the stability and sense of belonging of the individual. None of this is possible in virtual space. The town or city is in fact the only place where it is possible to make a living on culture and art. Even on new media, art and artists often look for a raison d’etre in the urban fabric. The exploitation of culture and related events require dedicated spaces which increasingly cities are setting up, often in disused or empty spaces (Dansero, 1993). To this role as producer of culture and aggregator of life styles the city adds the fact that it is intrinsically a place of identities. It is at the same time producer and protagonist of identity, where physical sedimentations of architecture, institutions and local customs and traditions make an infinite number of interventions to redefine its role and identity. These interventions are sparked by various social requirements, but they are always the expression of a common and urgent need which can be structural (city centre and historical areas of town) and cultural. (Vicari Haddock, 2004). Every city re-organizes its own identity and re-generation can only be understood by looking at the society and its evolution. A radical change in the way the individual builds his or her identity is currently underway in society. In modern times, identity was built on basic values such as work and family, but today both of these elements have lost a great deal of importance and they are no longer key elements in individual or collective identity. Identity is thus more difficult to build today. The process is now the subject of ongoing and constant reflection as each individual is obliged to assimilate huge amounts of data, skills and experience in specific and extremely diverse pathways and life styles. But another key element of identity building is still a sense of belonging. This sense is mainly given by social and cultural factors, and tends to survive independently of objective factors such as the quality of the landscape or the culture of a place. It exists even where the individual is indifferent or critical to the town and its spaces, a sense of belonging is developed on the basis of symbolic and affective meaning. It develops on the basis of the changing city which redraws its spaces on the basis of its intangible heritage and takes its inhabitants as subjects using two cardinal points, culture and identity. THE WEB AND PHYSICAL SPACE: A DIFFICULT CO-EXISTENCE So the new concept of space is no longer a static reality with functions that can be determined at first, but rather a dynamic reality where society is expressed in flows. New places appear as the consequence or expression of a new social structure based on networks of interaction. It is also true that certain cities are becoming stronger in the face of new models of online socialization. ICT development has two opposite effects; on one hand concentration and on the other spatial decentralization with urban nodes spread anywhere and networks. Social relationships absorbed by and expressed in cities have two characteristics which are exploited by both offline and online interaction; they strengthen both individuality and the trend to sharing with the online community. 5 Today’s urban scene appears to be dominated by a dualism reflecting the new rules of interaction. Networks are overtaking low value, i.e. poorly connected, spaces, and while at the same time places and individuals with high value and strong identity are celebrated. There is a contemporary presence of globalism and localism, with the two meeting up precisely in the city. On one hand, city dwellers take part in localized activities such as cultural and sports events and politics, and on the other hand, they act every day as actors in the global network using social networks, e-commerce and social media marketing. The online role of the individual is increasingly the rather ambiguous one of the prosumers. And because this role, like many others, follows conflicting logic in development and growth, the challenge for cities is to act as the glue between the global and local roles of their inhabitants. The local aspect is mainly the individualist identity expressed in the independence of pre-formed models. The global aspect is the attitude towards forming communities of relationships, sharing information and centrality of group members’ interest interacting for work, sharing or forming relationships. This is mainly expressed on social networks. The urban space has a dual relationship with the global space of flows and the local space of physical spaces. Finding a balance requires dynamic compromise which can express the varying and fragmented interests of individuals. There is no point in looking for static a priori solutions, but it is possible to link the virtual and real worlds, and cities constitute the node of the relationship. It is inconceivable that the city be left without a purpose or significance, and it is equally impossible to think that human activities can be de-materialized. The digitalization of communications has not after all led to the complete dematerialization of economic transactions; as noted by Amin and Thrift, tangible persons and material goods and services still exist at beginnings and endings of flows of online communication (Amin and Thrift, 2005). The more integration between virtual and real activities, the more successful the knowledge economy, which itself requires servicing, purchase and sales and delivery of the goods etc. The new localism emphasizes the importance of the cultural resources of the city, necessary to increase the number and importance of urban cultural functions able to sustain knowledge workers and entrepreneurs. The city is where knowledge is produced before it is spread over the network. But rather than a duality of real and virtual space, what we see today in social behavior is more of a mixed scene, usually termed “augmented reality”. Here, what is real is amplified by what is virtual, by way of incessant interaction with online information systems. The space for flows is rooted in physical space (Castells, 2004) in spite of there being two completely different dialectics with conflicting characteristics in the two dichotomous trends: individualism (offline) and community experience (online). For the purpose of integration between these two systems, physical space changes its functional role into a hybrid which can take the form required by the moment, tastes and culture exactly in the way popularized by social networks; the categories of private and public and the role of spaces are in continuous evolution. The past is never destroyed but is constantly reorganized to fit the present. The city is the place of communications and messages. It is a place where the interaction between geographically-based communication and the virtual world of media and messages has made communication more important for inhabitants, and every collective action now revolves around it. Today’s communications jungle, mediated by computers, is increasingly contaminating cities with images, information and signs from social media. 6 But in the disorientation that frees subcultures and aesthetic forms of cities, this loss of objective significance for reality is precisely what has a liberating and innovative aspect .There is a dynamic interaction which generates urban communication as an essential component of contemporary city culture. Identities are increasingly fragmented and linked by the idiomatic language of the place and fusion with expressions typical of an objectively determinable space. Online squares or piazzas, which combine the function of socialization typical of the old-fashioned meeting places with the new ways of network interaction, are a new contemporary type of public space. They constitute a real space where things which normally happen online can take place before they are spread on social network. They are a space in which contacts become physical but are based on contacts and exchange only permitted by Internet. A very interesting and innovative online piazza is that created by US artist Aaron James using ‘Youtube Theatre (www.viaggidiarchitettura.it/news/). (Youtube Theatre. Source: http://archinect.com/news/article/5512269/youtube-theater-by-aaron-jones) The project is a good example of an online town square or piazza, and is extremely interesting as an attempt to use public space as a platform for sharing. It takes advantage of the public accessibility of wireless networks to create a user-run, guerrilla theatre. Visitors can dock their smart phones into the structure itself, which uses basic audiovisual equipment to project online media and videos browsed on the device onto a large screen which is the walls of surrounding buildings. The project was set up in a public car park in Detroit, and shows that ‘the internet can potentially deliver entertainment and information into any place’, even buildings and neighborhoods that may be run-down or overlooked The widespread use of handheld devices means that every individual can carry round a vast amount of information, images and music which to share or exchange at any time or place. Cities need to accommodate this type of social activity and offer suitable structures. The public space can never disappear if it includes a platform for sharing, a sort of physical social network run under the same rules as virtual reality. The new version of the public space has no stable fixed significance but is rather a container of numerous significations 7 and identities which move through it in indeterminable flows. CONCLUSIONS: TOWARDS A NEW CITY MODEL? There is a tendency for new ITC to emphasize the private individual sphere and cast doubt on the future of the public space. It is true that social functions have largely moved into the private sphere, because social networks are mainly used, by the young, for meeting and socialization. But the concept of public or collective retains significance. In collective imagination it evokes matters which concern everyone without distinction, an idea of sharing and involvement, and an inexhaustible aggregating function (Cicalò, 2009). The widening of private spaces subtracts from public spaces some of their key characteristics, such as being the main place for meeting and social interaction. This is leading to a big crisis in meaning for public urban spaces, but they are nevertheless surviving thanks to the key role they play in the sense of belonging and identity. It is interesting to note that as far back as 1983 the sociologist H. Proshansky (1983) stated that the identity of place involved the dimension of the self-resulting from the interaction between conscious and unconscious processes of each individual in relationship to his or her environment. In other words, we identify a place, or give it an identity, through notions or norms learnt institutionally either consciously or subconsciously, or through culture, in notions learnt through experience or habit in customs and traditions. We pick up numerous affective or sensorial signals which reach us in more or less intense ‘swarms’ at a level below that of rational discernment. Or, in terms made familiar by the use of computers, every spatial experience opens a file in our mind which is largely readable on the monitor at any time or place, and where the other parts are contaminated by interference or cannot be retrieved from the memory. But it is the whole file which is used to give us a mental image of the place, in an image which is more or less complex according to the reality and its always differing iconographic reproductions. In the same way, the city, the area or the home, like an individual, in order to have an identity, must be similar to others but at the same time different. If characteristics cannot be recognized they will never be known, but if they are exactly the same they will never be identified. They must meet common expectations, expressed implicitly or through norms, and retain their own personality at the same time. Characteristics of a town need to develop these relationships and reconcile continuity with change. The key coordinates for the survival of public spaces are identity as attachment and identification with the urban context (Dematteis, Governa, Vinci, 2003) together with culture as a code expressing social and geographical situations and organization (Miani, 2013 ; Claval, 2007). It is important to remember that the city is a complex system where concrete processes such as travelling, eating and sleeping take place alongside symbolic ones such as cultural needs, remembering and feeling nearness. Media help to link these processes as the vehicle par excellence of information, knowledge and values. Piazzas and squares cannot return to being as they were in the past, but today they are coming back “in full color” with screens, interactive tablets and Wi-Fi stations which all change urban language, transforming the aesthetics of the city and challenging architects to find new solutions. Over time, following the course of social relationships and economic and cultural activities, public spaces have taken on different connotations. They have been many things 8 from an electric transformer (Braudel, 1977) to a historical necessity (Benevolo, 1993). But in most European cities, and certainly in all Italian cities, the idea that the best type of social container is the urban space called piazza or square has never changed and persists today. Social Networks will never be able to replace the city if the piazza is able to meet the challenges of smart living and the variety of individuals who meet there. REFERENCES ALBANESE, V. (2010), The Regeneration of Public Spaces for Urban Quality. Valencia. In: Gaddoni S. (Ed.) Public Spaces and Urban Parks in the Contemporary City, Bologna: Pàtron. ALBANESE, V. (2011), “Slow tourism and the era of web 3.0”. In: UGI Conference 2011. Santiago, Chile, (DVD). ALBANESE, V. (2012), Come (e se) coesistono social networks ed esperienze di turismo sensoriale. In: Cerreti C. & Dumont I. & Tabusi M. (Eds), Geografia sociale e democrazia, Roma: Aracne, 241 – 254. AMENDOLA, G. (2003), La città postmoderna. Magie e paure della metropoli contemporanea, Bari: Laterza. AMIN, A.; THRIFT, N. (2005), Città. Ripensare la dimensione urbana, Bologna: Il Mulino. AUGE’, M.; ROLLAND, D. (1993), Non luoghi: introduzione a un’antropologia della surmodernità, Milano: Elèuthera. BAUMAN, Z. (2005), Globalizzazione e glocalizzazione, Roma: Armando Editore. BENEVOLO, L. (1993), Storia della città, Roma-Bari: Laterza. BERGER, P.; LUCKMANN, T. (1969), La realtà come costruzione sociale, Bologna: Il Mulino. BOYD, D. (2007), Social Network Sites: Public, Private, or What?. In: Knowledge Tree 13, May. http:// kt.flexiblelearning.net.au/tkt2007/?page_id=28. BORJA, J.; CASTELLS M.(2002), La città globale. Sviluppo e contraddizioni delle metropoli nel terzo millennio, Milano: De Agostini. BOTTINI, F. (2010) (Ed), Spazio Pubblico: declino, difesa, riconquista, Roma: Ediesse Editore. BRAUDEL, F. (1977), La dinamica del capitalismo, Bologna: Il Mulino. CASTELLS, M. (2004), La città delle reti, Venezia: Marsilio. CASTELLS, M. (2007), Galassia Internet, Milano: Feltrinelli. CASTELLS, M. (2008), La nascita della società in rete, Milano: Brossura. CELLAMARE, C. (1999), Culture e progetto del territorio, Milano: Franco Angeli. CICALO’, E. (2009), Spazi pubblici. Progettare la dimensione pubblica della città contemporanea, Milano: Franco Angeli. CLAVAL, P. (2002), La geografia culturale, Novara: DeAgostini. CLAVAL, P. (2007), “The nature of cities and the analysisof their cultural problems”. In: Tijdschrift Voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, 2, 153-164. DANSERO, E. (1993), Dentro ai vuoti: dismissione industriale e trasformazioni urbane a Torino, Torino: Cortina. DEMATTEIS, G.; GOVERNA, F.; VINCI I. (2003), “La territorializzazione delle politiche di sviluppo. Un’applicazione del modello SLoT alla Sicilia”. In: Archivio di studi urbani e regionali, n.77, 33-74. EFE, R.; CUREBAL, I. (2011). Impacts of the “Marmaray” Project (Bosphorus Tube Crossing, Tunnels and Stations) on Transportation and Urban Environment in Istanbul. In: Stanley D. Brunn (Ed.). Engineering Earth-The Impacts of Megaengineering Projects. Chapter 41. Springer: Dordrecht,Heidelberg, London, New York FRACASSO, L. (2008), “Lo spazio urbano attraverso i sensi: mappatura dei territori e orditura dei fatti”. In: Scripta Nova. Revista Electrónica de Geografía y Ciencias Sociales, Barcelona: Universidad de Barcelona, 1/08/2008, vol. XII, 270,120. FUMAGALLI, M. (2008), Inarrestabile città:note di geografia urbana, Santarcangelo di Romagna (RN): Maggioli. 9 GEERTZ C. (1973), Interpretazione di culture, Bologna: Il Mulino. GIORDA C. (2000), Cybergeografia, Torino: Tirrenia Stampatori. ILARDI, M. (ed) (1997), La città senza luoghi, Genova: Costa & Nolan. JEDLOWKI, P. (1998), Il mondo in questione, Roma: Carocci. KRIPPNER, Greta (2005), “The Financialization of American Economy”, Socio-Economic Review, 3 (2), 173-208. MACIOCCO, G. (2008), Fundamental Trends in City Development, New York: Springer Verlag. MIANI, F. (2000), “ Nuova ideologia urbana e valori nella società del terzo millennio”. In: Bollettino della Società Geografica Italiana, Roma, Serie XII - Vol.V, Fascicolo 4, ottobre-dicembre 2000, 841-846. MIANI, F. (2006), “Nuovi magneti nella città diffusa: Factory Outlet Centers”. In: Bollettino Società Geografica Italiana, Serie XII – Vol. XI, Fascicolo 2, Aprile – Giugno 2006, 285 – 305. MIANI, F. (2010), Cultural Landscape and Local Identity for a Sustainable Urban Development: The Italian Historical Heritage. In: Lehmann S., Al Waer H., Al-Qawasmi J. (Eds.), Sustainable Architecture & Urban Development, Amman: The Center for the Study of Architecture in Arab Region, 475-490. MIANI F. (2013), “Il futuro è nel passato”. In: Bollettino della Società Geografica Italiana, Serie XIII - Vol. VI, Fascicolo 3, luglio- settembre 2013, 423 – 441. NEGROPONTE, N. (1995), Essere digitali, Milano: Sperling & Kupfer. PROSHANSKY, H. M.; FABIAN, A. K.; KAMINOFF, R. (1983), “Place-identity: Physical world socialization of the self”. In: Journal of environmental psychology, Volume 3, Fascicolo 1, 57-83. RYKWERT, J. (2003), La seduzione del luogo. Storia e futuro della città, Milano: Einaudi. SALCEDO HANSEN, R. (2002), El espacio público en el debate actual: Una reflexión crítica sobre el urbanismo post-moderno. In: EURE (Santiago), vol.28, n.84,5-19. SAMPSON, R. J.; RAUDENBUSH, S. W. (1999), “Systematic Social Observation of Public Spaces: A New Look at Disorder in Urban Neighborhoods”. In: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 105, n. 3. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 603-651 SCHUTZ, A. (1979), Saggi sociologici, Torino: UTET. SMITH, N. (2002), “The Urbanization of Neoliberalism: Theoretical Debates New Globalism, New Urbanism: Gentrification as Global Urban Strategy”, Antipode: A Radical Journal of Geography, 34 (3), 427-450. SMITH, N. (1996), The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City, London: Routledge. THOMSON, A. (2010), Le città e la popolazione, Bologna: Il Mulino. TORRES, M. (2004), Nuovi modelli di città, Milano: Franco Angeli. VICARI HADDOCK S., La città contemporanea, Bologna: il Mulino. www.oecd.org/gov/37840082.pdf www.wikipedia.com www.viaggidiarchitettura.it/news 10 MODELING OF LAND USE DYNAMICS: CASE STUDIES ON URBAN GROWTH IN TURKEY Nurdan ERDOGAN Birsen KESGIN ATAK Engin NURLU 1. INTRODUCTION Land use-land cover (LULC) change is a general term for the human modification of our habitat. They have both direct and indirect impacts on main components of the environment and they are important drivers of climate change, biodiversity loss, the pollution of soil, water and air, urban sprawl, population growth etc. at global, regional and local scales. LULC changes are complex and dynamic processes which are reactions to social and ecological processes on a landscape. They do not affect all regions in the world in a similar way. Thus, timely and accurate change detection of Earth’s surface features is important for understanding relationships and interactions between human and natural phenomena in order to promote better decision making (Lu et al., 2004). Monitoring the causes and consequences of LULC change has therefore become a major priority of researchers and policy makers all around the world. Changes in LULC are vital in terms of shaping’s future development trends on each particular piece of land. They are driven by interaction in space and time between humans and the environment that can be captured by computer simulation models (Veldkamp and Verburg, 2004). In the last few decades, land use change models have played an important role in understanding the causes, mechanisms and consequences of land use dynamics. The models have provided an opportunity to explore and evaluate land use policies, and have helped to visualize alternative futures (Chaudhuri and Clarke, 2013). LULC change modeling, especially if done in a spatially explicit, integrated and multi-scale manner, is an important technique for the projection of alternative pathways into the future and for conducting experiments that test our understanding of key processes in land use changes (Veldkamp and Lambin, 2001). Models of LULC change are tools to support the analysis of the causes and consequences of LULC changes in order to better understand the functioning of the land use system and to support land use planning and policy (Rounsevell et al., 2006). With a model, the functioning of the system can be explored through ‘what-if’ scenarios and alternative land use configurations resulting from policy decisions or developments in society can be visualized (Couclelis, 2005). Lambin (2004) pointed out that LULC change models should aim at addressing at least one of the following questions; why, where and when do LULC changes occur? Depending on the addressed research question, the most suitable modeling approach has to be taken (Koch, 2010). 1. 2. THEORIES AND METHODS of LAND USE-LAND COVER CHANGE MODELS Models for simulating future land use exist in various types and forms, but they all rely on a limited number of theories and methods (Koomen and Stillwell, 2007). These theories and methods are generally categorized as; economic principles; spatial interaction; cellular 11 automata; empirical/statistical techniques; optimization models; rule-based simulation models; multi-agent models and neural network. Economic principles; LULC changes can be discussed within the economic principles, because land is an important economic asset and is an input to the production of an array of private goods, including agricultural crops, forest products, and housing. However, the supply of land is fixed, creating specific demand-supply relations (Koomen and Stillwell, 2007). In economic models of LULC change, demand and supply functions are seen as the driving forces of LULC change. Spatial interaction; in a social, geographical context, it refers to every movement in space as a consequence of a human process. The models in this group have been used for modeling a variety of types of interactions arising from a host of human activities such as the journey-to-work, shopping, circulation, and mobility, in general (Briassoulis, 2000). Cellular automata (CA); are classes of mathematical models in which the behavior of a system is generated by a set of deterministic or probabilistic rules that determine the discrete state of a cell based on the states of neighboring cells (Irwin and Geoghegan, 2001). Although CA models complex systems, they have been defined as very simple dynamic spatial systems (Barredo et al., 2003). In CA, every cell has a certain function that is influenced by its surrounding cells as well as the characteristics of the cell itself. The degree and direction of interaction between the functions are determined through transition rules. MOLAND and SLEUTH are examples for LULC change models based on CA. Empirical/statistical techniques; attempt to identify explicitly the causes of LULC changes using multivariate analyses of possible exogenous contributions to empirically derived rates of changes. This type of model typically applies regression techniques using linear or logistic regression assumptions, in order to evaluate observed LULC changes (Koch, 2010). Statistical technique is an essential tool for almost all models of LULC change. An example of an advanced statistical LULC change model is CLUE-s. Optimization models; optimization is a prevailing method to explore the potentials of a given area to progress the spatial coherence of land use functions. The methods for optimization are spatial optimization: a method designed to minimize or maximize the objectives in spatially explicit studies, given the limited area, finite resources, and spatial relationships between different functions (Mansor et al., 2012). Optimization is an important way to promote intensive and economical use of land resources to achieve the goal of sustainable development (Yaolin et al., 2013). Genetic algorithm is one of the optimization models. Rule-based simulation models; can be used to imitate processes that can be described by strict, quantitative, location-based rules. The rule-based approach has been applied, in studies with a more socio-scientific orientation such as LULC change. Rule-based simulation is also an important element in many integrated models of global change. Examples for this group models are CUF (California Urban Futures) and What If? system (Klosterman and Pettit, 2005). Multi-agent models; offer a way of incorporating the influence of human decision making on LULC in a mechanistic, formal, and spatially explicit way, taking into account social interaction, adaptation, and decision making at different levels. These models consist of a number of ‘agents’ for instance, people or organizations, which interact both with each other and with their environment, and can make decisions and change their actions as a 12 result of this interaction. In these models, it is assumed that the behavior of the whole system depends on the aggregated individual behavior of each agent (Matthew et al., 2007). Neural network; inspired by the working of the human brain and characterized by parallel data processing and the ability to enhance its knowledge itself. NNs are powerful tools that use a machine learning approach to quantify and model complex behavior and patterns. They are used to determine the location of LULC change using landscape scale variables given a certain amount of change determined by regional and global scale variables (Pijanowski et al., 2002). 1. 3. LAND USE-LAND COVER CHANGE MODELS Land use-land cover (LULC) change modeling is a widespread tool in environmental studies, and various LULC change models have been developed over the years. Some of these models which are spatially explicit have been described below. LCM (Land Change Modeler); is a software solution designed to address the pressing problem of accelerated land conversion and the very specific analytical needs of biodiversity conservation developed at Clark Labs, Clark University. Integrated within the IDRISI system and also available as an extension to ESRI’s ArcGIS, it provides tools for the assessment and projection of land cover change, and the implications for species habitat and biodiversity In LCM, land cover change prediction utilizes two land cover maps from two different dates to predict what the land cover will be in the future (Clark Labs, 2009). It is based upon neural networks (Pérez-Vega et al., 2012). CA-Markov; Markov Chain and Cellular Automata (CA) both are the discrete model in time and state (Ye and Bai, 2007). CA-Markov is a combined Cellular Automata/Markov Chain/Multi-Criteria/Multi-Objective Land Allocation land cover prediction method that adds an element of spatial contiguity as well as knowledge of the likely spatial distribution of transitions to Markov chain analysis. It also considers the land use changes’ suitability and the effect of natural, societal and economic factors about LULC changes. A CA-Markov model is a robust approach in the spatial and temporal dynamic modeling of LULC changes, because geographic information systems and remote sensing can be efficiently incorporated (Sang et al., 2011). It is a kind of enhanced CA model, of which the knighthood rules and transition rules are combined with Markov models. Thus, the influence of subjective factors when modeling can be decreased to some extent (Xie et al., 2009). MOLAND; the aim of the MOLAND (Monitoring Land Cover/Use Dynamics) project, which is coordinated by the Institute for Environment and Sustainability (IES) of the European Commission’s Joint Research Centre (JRC), is to provide up-to-date, standardized, comparable information on the past, current, and likely future land use development in Europe (Barredo et al., 2003). It is based upon CA. The model takes as input five types of digital maps, for the geographical area of interest: (i) actual land use types; (ii) accessibility of the area to the transport network; (iii) inherent suitability of the area for different land uses; (iv) zoning status of the area for different land uses; (v) socio-economic characteristics of the area (Lavalle et al., 2004). The implementation of MOLAND is divided into three phases-corresponding to the three specific aims-called as change, understand and forecast (Erdoğan et al., 2006). UrbanSim; is a model system for analyzing urban development. It was initially designed in the late 1990s to respond to a perceived gap in operational models to support metropolitan 13 scale coordination of transportation and land use planning and analysis (Waddell, 2002). It is an open source land use modeling system, which integrates with an external travel model to provide a capability for integrated modeling of urban land use, transportation, and environmental impacts. The model simulates land market and interactions of supply and demand with prices adjusting to short-term imbalances. It requires extensive calibration to derive coefficients for several models: land price model, developer model, residential location model, employment location model, and mobility rate model. What if?; is an interactive GIS-based planning support system developed by What if? Inc. It uses the GIS data sets that communities have already developed to support community based efforts to evaluate the likely implications of alternative public policy choices (Klosterman, 1999). It is local and expert knowledge ultimately obtained from experts, planners, politicians and the community and it can be combined with data in to order to realize possible future LULC change scenarios. It comprises three models; i) land suitability, ii)land demand and iii) land allocation. The suitability module applies standard weights and ratings based on user-defined land use criteria. SLEUTH; is a cellular automaton (CA) based model developed by Dr. K. Clarke at University of California, in order to simulate the urban dynamics. It has been applied extensively in the geographic simulation of future planning scenarios (Clarke et al., 1997; Clarke and Gaydos, 1998; Clarke, 2008; Chaudhuri and Clarke, 2013). It is an acronym based on the inputs to the model: slope, land use, exclusion, urban extents, transportation, and hill shade (Silva and Clarke, 2002; Clarke, 2008). SLEUTH model can be classified as a land cover change model and it has a potential to support planning and management decisions in understanding of dynamics of the urban system and forecasting future changes or trends of development. It operates in two main phases: calibration, where historic growth patterns are simulated and prediction, where the historic patterns of growth are projected into the future (Clarke and Gaydos, 1998; Silva and Clarke, 2002). CLUE-s (Conversion of Land Use and its Effects at Small regional extent); was developed at Wageningen University, to project and visualize the spatial patterns of changes in land use-land cover (Verburg and Overmars, 2009, Luo et al., 2010). It simulates LULC change using empirically quantified relations between land use and its driving factors combined with the modeling of competition between land use typed (Berkoff and Herrmann, 2009). The model is sub-divided into two distinct modules, namely a non-spatial demand module and a spatially explicit allocation procedure. The non-spatial demand module can be based on different techniques ranging from simple trend extrapolation to advanced multisectoral modeling to define for each land use type the area needed for each year at the regional level (Verburg and Overmars, 2007). The spatial allocation module is based upon a combination of empirical, spatial analysis and dynamic modeling. Allocation of LULC change is made in an iterative procedure given the probability maps, the decision rules in combination with the actual land use map, and the demand for the different LULC types (Verburg et al.2002). 3. CASE STUDIES This section provides research results using modeling methods and tools applied to an assortment of LULC dynamic situations. SLEUTH and CLUE-s models, that integrate various criteria in a probabilistic approximation to perform urban growth scenarios, 14 were employed in case studies. This section examines the LULC change dynamics in the Aegean coastal case study areas, Turkey. It shows LULC change modeling results of two case studies based on SLEUTH and CLUE-s models, including a list of relevant topics; objectives, chosen modeling approaches and tools, involved databases, used study areas, performed calibration and validation techniques, results, and originality of each work. Both studies deal with spatio-temporal data and present validated model outputs in the form of time projections. 3.1 CASE STUDY: Didim Peninsula, Turkey Objectives; The aim of this study was to detect land use-land cover (LULC) changes in Didim Peninsula between 1984 and 2010 and to develop urban growth projections for 2035 based on three urban growth scenarios using SLEUTH model (Kesgin Atak, 2013). Study area; The SLEUTH model was applied to a 388 km2 area located along the Aegean coast of Aydın Province, Didim Peninsula, which has experienced LULC change in recent years depending on the rapid population growth (Figure 1). Since, it is one of the most-visited tourist attractions in Turkey including natural, cultural and historical diversity, the population has rapidly increased over 20 years; from 11.378 to 58.752 between 19902011 (TUIK, 2013). Figure 1. Location of the Study Area Database; The model was calibrated by fitting simulated data to historical spatial data collected from maps and remotely sensed data. Input dataset for calibration to run the SLEUTH model were transportation and urban layers for the years 1984, 1990, 2000, 2010 derived from 1:25.000 scale topographic map and Landsat 5 TM images, land use layers for the years 1984, 2010 derived from Landsat 5 TM images applying supervised classification techniques. LULC was defined in seven classes taking into account CORINE Land Cover (CLC) nomenclature; urban areas, agricultural areas, forests and semi natural areas, wetlands, water bodies and others (sparsely vegetated areas, burned areas, bare lands, rocks, etc.). Additionally, slope and hill shade derived from USGS Digital Elevation Model (DEM) data have been used and for each scenario excluded layer that describes where development is more and less likely to occur were created from land use layer of 2010 (Figure 2). All input layers were converted into 8 bit grayscale GIF format and prepared in the same extent, projection and resolution. 15 Figure 2. Input Dataset for the SLEUTH Model Calibration; The model was calibrated in three phases: coarse, where the spatial resolution of all input layers was reduced to ¼; fine, where the resolution was reduced to ½; and final, where input layers were used in original resolution (Candau, 2002). Before proceeding calibration, all input data was resized for three phases of calibration. The resolution of all input data were 30m and resolution was resized to 120m, 60m, 30m for coarse, fine and final calibration respectively. SLEUTH model begins with an initial set of conditions, after that, a set of transition rules is applied. The initial conditions are defined by input image data. Five growth coefficients that synthesize the behavior of the system is obviously critical to SLEUTH’s application; diffusion, breed, spread, slope resistance, and road gravity. When the calibration process is automated, SLEUTH learns the best set for any application from data. Through analyses, the dynamics of urban growth are expressed by four growth rules: spontaneous, new spreading center, edge and road-influenced (Clarke et al., 1997; Clarke and Gaydos, 1998; Silva and Clarke, 2002; Candau, 2002; Dietzel and Clarke, 2007). In the last stage, self-modification rules are applied in order to control the parameters, allowing the model to modify itself and therefore making the resulting simulations closer to what is observed in the real world (Candau, 2002). Prediction; After calibration phase, forecasts of future urban growth and LULC change were created through modifications of the excluded layers which indicate areas that are partially or completely excluded from development. Parameter values to be used in prediction were assigned by applying different future growth rates using SLEUTH’s self-modification function. Future urban growth from 2010 to 2035 in Didim Peninsula was projected out considering three urban growth scenarios; the current trends scenario, management trends scenario and preservation of natural potential scenario. Natural protected areas, water bodies, salt marshes were fully protected from development in 16 all scenarios. The current trends scenario reflects that growth trends were to continue current historical trends with partial protection. The management trends scenario reflects effectiveness in reducing total urban expansion and promoting more sustainable growth trends. The preservation of natural potential scenario reflects maximum protection. Higher levels of protection were implemented on critical habitats such as forests and semi natural areas, agricultural areas. For each scenario, LULC pixels in excluded layer were assigned a value between 0 and 100 (Table 1). While 0 represents areas with no protection and 100 represents areas with full protection from the urban development, interval between 0 to 100 represent degree of partial protection from the development. Table 1. Levels of Exclusion for each Scenario Results; From the three phases of the calibration mode are given in Table 2. Optimum values for the diffusion, spread, slope resistance and road gravity parameter values were ranged from 1 to 100 as the maximum values for each of breed, spread, slope resistance and road gravity. As a result, in the coarse calibration, the resulting values were narrowed to 1, 1, 25, 50, 50, and became even more sensitive to the locale with the final calibration results presenting, respectively, values of; 1, 13, 25, 78, 30. According to these parameter values, spread and slope coefficients control the behavior of the system and affect urban growth more, compared to diffusion, breed and road gravity coefficients, which were found to be less important for the urban growth in the study area. Table 2. Growth Parameters and Calibration Results Three scenarios were created to predict urban growth from 2010 to 2035 in Didim Peninsula based on the current trends, management trends and preservation of natural potential. Spatial patterns of change are given in Figure 3 and Table 3 for the years between 2010 and 2035 for alternative scenarios. Under the current trends scenario, the total urban area would increase from 2.156,17 to 6.151,72 ha. Under the management trends scenario, 17 by 2035, the total urban area would be 4.036,59 ha and under the preservation of natural potential scenario, the total urban area would be 3.804,59 in entire modeled area. It was obvious from the result that if current trends continue, there would be more development. Most of the semi natural areas, forests, agricultural and other land use-land cover areas would be lost. On the contrary, two planning scenarios, management trends and preservation of natural potential, seem effective in limiting urban expansion and preserving the natural areas due to the higher levels of protection against to urban development. Moreover, the results indicated that urban development was one of the major dynamics of LULC change and the major urban growth in Didim Peninsula were of the outward expansion from the city centre. Table 3. Land Use-land Cover Simulation Results for 2035 depending on Alternative Scenarios Figure 3. Predicted LULC Layers for the year 2035 in Scenario 1, Scenario 2, Scenario 3. (Scenario 1: current trends, Scenario 2: management trends, Scenario 3: preservation of natural potential) Validation techniques; Combination of various metrics is used to determine the goodness of fit according to different researchers. In this study, compare, population, and Lee-Sallee index were used for this aim. Population refers to the number of total urban pixels in dataset and the compare ratio reflect the comparison of the final urban areas to the 18 actual urban areas. Compare score decreased during the refinement phases (coarse, fine, final) in the study area; on the contrary, population score increased. The Lee-Sallee index is able to measure the degree of spatial matching between the modeled growth and the known urban extent for the control years (Silva and Clarke 2002). Achieving high score is not an easy task. Silva and Clarke (2002) and Veerbeek (2005) stated that the value up to 0.30 and 0.40 were high and acceptable enough for simulation. Lee-Sallee score for coarse, fine and final calibration were 0.46, 0.45, 0.44 respectively (Table 2). As a result, the different shape and scattered structure of the urbanization in the study area lead to obtain moderately low score for Lee-Sallee index. 3.2 CASE STUDY: Urla, Çeşme, Karaburun Districts of Izmir, Turkey Objectives; The aim of this study was to analyze and to model the dynamics of LULC changes using CLUE-s modeling approach and to predict LULC changes between 20102025 based on two alternative scenarios. Study area; In this study, Urla-Çeşme-Karaburun districts located on the west of Izmir Metropolitan Area were selected as the case study area (Figure 4). It lies between 26° 13’ 49’’ to 26° 55’ 47’’ longitudes and 38° 40’ 48’’to 38° 06’ 10’’ latitudes and it covers an area about 1420 km2 (Erdoğan, 2011). The study area is on the one of the major growth axes of the Izmir Metropolitan Area to the west and it is an important touristic destination. Urban growth has been the most important reason for LULC changes in the study area. Urban areas expanded dramatically by more than 400% between 1987-2010, primarily at the expense of agricultural lands. Figure 4. Location of the Study Area Database; The data used in the study to run CLUE-s model can be divided into three categories as data for historical and current LULC, data for biophysical and socio-economic driving factors, data for spatial policies and restrictions (Table 4). 19 Table 4. Input Dataset for the CLUE-s Model Calibration; Calibration of the model was made for the years between 1987-2010. Demand for LULC classes between 1987 and 2010 was allocated based on the results of logistic regression analysis and decision rules in the spatial allocation procedure. The spatial resolution of data was 100x100 meters and six LULC classes, urban fabric, agriculture, forests, maquis, phrygana and open spaces with little or no vegetation, were considered in the model. LULC changes in study areas were affected by both biophysical factors such as topography, slope, soil depth and socio-economic factors such as distance to roads, distance to beaches, distance to city centers. The significant driving factors and coefficients derived from the logistic regression analysis that determined the location suitability of the six land use types are given in Table 5. The goodness of fit of the logistic regression models was measured by the Relative Operating Characteristics (ROC) (Pontius et al., 2004). In the study ROC values ranked between 0.704 and 0.936. Table 5. β Values of Significant Driving Factors for Regression Results related to each LULC Class In this study, conversion of agriculture, forest, maquis, phrygana and open spaces with little or no vegetation to urban fabric was not allowed in natural sites defined by Ministry 20 of Culture and Tourism. Therefore, no further encroachment was allowed in these areas and natural conservation was possible. In the study, the final conversion elasticity values of urban fabric, agriculture, forests, maquis, phrygana and open spaces with little or no vegetation were determined as 1, 0.2, 0.6, 0.4, 0.2 and 0 respectively. Validation; To evaluate the validation of the model “multi-resolution goodness of fit” was applied to the reference map of 2010 and the simulated LULC map of 2010 (Figure 5). The accuracy of the LULC change model was the percent of pixels with LULC classes in agreement between these maps. According to the results, this model can be used to predict for future LULC. Figure 5. Proportion Agreement at Multiple Resolutions for Simulated LULC and the Reference LULC Maps of 2010 Results; The simulation of LULC change in the study area has been achieved for a time frame of 15 years, from 2010 to 2025, to evaluate the possible effects of the completion of the new road construction in Karaburun on LULC changes in study area. It is assumed that new road construction in Karaburun will cause an increase in growth of urban fabric and this situation can damage its natural and cultural characteristics. However, Karaburun is one of the rare areas which has protected its natural and cultural characteristics relatively compared to other Aegean coastal areas because of its rocky terrain and difficulties in transportation (Saricam and Erdem, 2012). In the study, demand for LULC classes were computed based on linear trend scenario, between 1987, 2000 and 2010 and extrapolated to the year 2025 (Table 6). The output of the model is shown in Figure 6. According to the simulation results, predicted urban fabric pattern in future was quite different among two scenarios. In case of keeping the same transportation conditions to Karaburun, urban fabrics in the study area will continue to growth in the neighborhood of previous urban fabrics in Çeşme and Urla. Expansion of urban fabrics will significantly reduce the amount agricultural areas. According to this scenario, a significant LULC change will not be experienced in Karaburun Peninsula. On the contrary, simulation results of second scenario showed that construction of the new motorway to Karaburun increased urban growth around Karaburun and Mordogan. Karaburun and Mordogan are breeding and living areas of the Mediterranean monk seal (Monachus monachus), one of the world’s most endangered marine mammals and included in the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. As was available in the first scenario the urban fabrics expanded primarily at the expense of agricultural land. 21 Table 6: The Distribution of LULC Classes in 1975, 1990, 2010 and 2025 Figure 6. Predicted LULC Pattern for 2025 under Different LULC Change Scenarios 4. CONCLUSION The contributions range from analyzing historical land use-land cover changes to simulating future trends to help policy makers make their decisions. Therefore, LULC change models can serve as a platform to summarize our current knowledge and discuss future LULC change projections with the relevant stakeholders. This chapter has focused on LULC change modeling approaches and has given a description of LULC models and also 22 ended with implementation and results of two case studies based on SLEUTH and CLUE-s models. Both of these models have relative strengths and weaknesses with respect to the different objectives and expectations of policy makers. Results of the SLEUTH model has shown that it is an effective model for the prediction of future land use-land cover changes, both in quality and quantity, depending on urban growth in the study area. In addition, preservation of natural potential oriented urban growth scenario has been proposed to be the most effective landscape planning scenario for Didim Peninsula. The strength of SLEUTH model is that it can perform well for quantitative simulation of urban growth and it has the ability to incorporate GIS-based information and to adjust a set of parameters through a semi automated calibration process for specific local conditions. Also, CLUE-s model was successfully implemented to the local study area. According to the results, it was very useful to simulate land use allocation and to visualize land use-land cover patterns. CLUE-s model can be applied to two or more land use-land cover classes at the same time. It is easy to implement, because it did not require extensive data collection. Also, the algorithm of the CLUE-s is applicable to different scales and capable of simulating different types of land-use change trajectories. Hence, land-use changes trajectories with the CLUE-s modeling framework is very flexible. However, in CLUE-s model the ‘processes’ inferred from the observed patterns are statistical associations relevant to pixels. Translation into concrete action requires an understanding of the underlying mechanisms of change at the level of individuals and groups. Acknowledgements: The case studies were funded by Ege University Scientific Research Foundation with grant numbers 2009ZRF016 and 2010ZRF014. REFERENCES BARREDO, J.I., LAVALLE, C., DEMICHELI, L., KASANKO, M., McCORMIK, N. (2003), “Sustainable Urban and Regional Planning: The MOLAND Activities on Urban Scenario Modeling and Forecast”, Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, European Communities, Luxembourg, ISBN 92-894-5513-6. BERKHOFF, K. and HERRMANN, S. (2009), Modeling Land Use Change: A GIS Based Modeling Framework to Support Integrated Land Use Planning (NabanFrame), Advances in GIScience, Lecture Notes in Geoinformation and Cartography, (Eds. M. Sester, L. Bernard, V. Paelke), Springer-Verlag, Berlin, Heidelberg, 309-328, BRIASSOULIS, H. (2000), “Analysis of Land Use Change: Theoretical and Modeling Approaches”, The Web Book of Regional Science, Regional Research Institute, West Virginia University, http://www.rri.wvu.edu/ WebBook/Briassoulis/contents. htm. CANDAU, J.T. (2002), Temporal Calibration Sensitivity of the Sleuth Urban Growth Model. Thesis (Master), University of California, Santa Barbara. CHAUDHURI, G. and CLARKE, K.C. (2013), “The SLEUTH Land Use Change Model: A Review”, The International Journal of Environmental Resources Research, 1 (1), 88-104. CLARK Labs (2009), The Land Change Modeler for Ecological Sustainability. IDRISI Focus Paper, Worcester, MA: Clark University. http:// www.clarklabs.org /applications/upload/LandChange-Modeler-IDRISIFocus-Paper-pdf. CLARKE, K.C., HOPPEN, S., GAYDOS, L.J. (1997), “A Self-modifying Cellular Automaton Model of Historical Urbanization in the San Francisco Bay Area”, Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design, 24 (2), 247–261. CLARKE, K.C. and GAYDOS, L.J. (1998), “Loose-coupling a Cellular Automaton Model and GIS: Long-term Urban Growth Prediction for San Francisco and Washington/Baltimore”, International Journal of 23 Geographical Information Science, 12 (7), 699-714. CLARKE, K.C. (2008), Mapping and Modeling Land Use Change: An Application of the SLEUTH Model, Landscape Analysis and Visualization: Spatial Models for Natural Resource Management and Planning, (Eds. C. Pettit, W. Cartwright, I. Bishop, K. Lowell, D. Pullar, D. Duncan), Springer-Verlag, Berlin, Heidelberg, 353-366. COUCLELIS, H. (2005), “Where Has the Future Gone?” Rethinking the Role of Integrated Land-use Models in Spatial Planning”, Environment and Planning A, 37 (8), 1353-1371. DIETZEL, C. and CLARKE, K.C. (2007), “Toward Optimal Calibration of the SLEUTH Land Use Change Model”, Transactions in GIS, 11 (1), 29-45. EFE, R., SOYKAN, A., CÜREBAL, İ., SÖNMEZ, S. (2012) Land Use and Land Cover Detection in Karinca River Catchment (Nw Turkey) Using GIS and RS Techniques, Journal of Environmental Biology, Special Issue: Environment and Geography in the Mediterranean, 33: 439-447 ERDOĞAN, N. (2011), İzmir İli Örneğinde Peyzaj Değişim Senaryolarına Yönelik Modelleme Yaklaşımı: CLUE-s, Doktora Tezi, Ege Universitesi, Izmir. ERDOĞAN, N., YİĞİTER, S., NURLU, E., ERDEM, Ü. (2006), Establishing Database as a Spatial Planning Tool Within the EU: A Case Study on the Province of Izmir, Turkiye’, 4th GIS Days in Turkiye, September 13-16, 343-349, Fatih University, Istanbul. IRWIN, E.G. and GEOGHEGAN, J. (2001), “Theory, Data, Methods: Developing Spatially Explicit Economic Models of Land Use Change”, Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment, 85 (1-3), 7-23. KESGİN ATAK, B. (2013), Didim Yarımadası Örneğinde Sleuth Modeli Kullanılarak Alan Kullanım Senaryolarının Geliştirilmesi, Doktora Tezi, Ege Universitesi, Izmir. KLOSTERMAN, R.E. (1999), “The What if? Collaborative Support System”, Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design, 26 (3), 393-408. KLOSTERMAN R.E. and PETTIT C.J. (2005), “An Update on Planning Support Systems”, Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design, 32 (4), 477–484. KOCH, J. (2010), Modelling the Impacts of Land Use Change on Ecosystems at the Regional and Continental Scale, Thesis (PhD), Kassel University Press, Kassel. KOOMEN, E. and STILLWELL, J. (2007), Modelling Land-Use Change, Modelling Land-Use Change: Progress and Applications, (Eds. Koomen, E., Stillwell, J., Bakema, A., Scholten, H.J.), The GeoJournal Library,Vol. 90, 1-24, ISBN 978-1-4020-5647-5, Springer, Dordrecht, The Netherlands. LAMBIN, E.F. (2004), Modelling Land-Use Change, Environmental Modelling: Finding Simplicity in Complexity, (Eds. Wainwright, J. and Mulligan, M.), 245-254, ISBN 0-471-49618-9, John Wiley&Sons, Ltd., London. LAVALLE, C., BARREDO, J.I., McCORMIK, N., ENGELEN, G., WHITE, R. and ULJEE, I. (2004), “The MOLAND Model for Urban and Regional Growth Forecast: A Tool for the Definition of Sustainable Development Paths”, Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, JRC Publication No. JRC29277, European Communities, Italy. LU, D., BATISTELLA, M., MORAN, E., MAUSEL, P. (2004), “Application of Spectral Mixture Analysis to Amazonian Land-use and Land-cover Classification”, International Journal of Remote Sensing, 25 (23), 53455358. LUO, G., YIN, C., CHEN, X., XU, W. and LU, L. (2010), Combining System Dynamic Model and CLUE-s Model to Improve Land Use Scenario Analyses at Regional Scale: A Case Study of Sangong Watershed in Xinjiang, China”, Ecological Complexity, 7 (2), 198–207. MANSOR, S.B., PORMANAFI, S., MAHMUD, A.R.B., PIRASTEH, S. (2012), “Optimization of Land Use Suitability for Agriculture Using Integrated Geospatial Model and Genetic Algorithms”, ISPRS Annals of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences, XXII ISPRS Congress, 25 August-01 September 2012, Melbourne, Australia Vol.I-2, 229-234. MATTHEWS, R.B., GILBERT, N.G., ROACH, A., POLHILL, J.G., GOTTS, N.M. (2007), “Agent-based Land-use Models: A Review of Applications”, Landscape Ecology, 22, 1447-1459. PIJANOWSKI, B.C., BROWN, D.G., SHELLITO, B.A., MANIK, G.A. (2002), Using Neural Networks and GIS to Forecast Land Use Changes: A Land Transformation Model”, Computers, Environment and Urban Systems, 26 (6), 553-575. PÉREZ-VEGA, A., MAS, J.F., LIGMANN-ZIELİNSKA, A. (2012), “Comparing Two Approaches to Land 24 Use/Cover Change Modeling and Their Implications for the Assessment of Biodiversity Loss in a Deciduous Tropical Forest”, Environmental Modelling and Software, 29 (1), 11-23. PONTIUS, R.G., HUFFAKER, D., DENMAN, K. (2004), “Useful Techniques of Validation for Spatially Explicit Land-change Models”, Ecological Modelling, 179 (4), 445-461. ROUNSEVELL, M.D.A., REGINSTER, I., ARAÚJO, M.B., CARTER, T.R., DENDONCKER, N., EWERT, F., HOUSE, J.I., KANKAANPAA, S., LEEMANS, R., METZGER, M.J., SCHMIT, C., SMITH, P., TUCK, G. (2006), “A Coherent Set of Future Land Use Change Scenarios for Europe”, Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment, 114 (1), 57-68. SANG, L., ZHANG, C., YANG, J., ZHU, D., YUN, W. (2011), “Simulation of Land Use Spatial Pattern of Towns and Villages Based on CA-Markov Model”, Mathematical and Computer Modelling, 54 (3-4), 938-943. SARICAM, S. and ERDEM, U. (2012), “The Importance of Biosphere Reserve in Nature Protection and the Situation in Turkey”, The Biosphere, (Eds. Ishwaran, N.), Chapter. 10, 193-214, ISBN 978-953-51-0292-2, InTech, http://www.intechopen.com/books/the-biosphere/the-importance-of-biosphere -reserve -in-natureprotection-andthe-situation-in-turkey. SILVA, E.A. and CLARKE, K.C. (2002), “Calibration of the SLEUTH Urban Growth Model for Lisbon and Porto, Portugal”, Computers, Environment and Urban Systems, 26 (6), 525-552. TUIK (2013), Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu Genel Nüfus Sayım Sonuçları 1985-2000 ve Adrese Dayalı Nüfus İstatistikleri 2000-2011, http://tuikapp. tuik.gov.tr/nufusmenuapp/menu.zul. XIE, F., ZHANG, X., CHEN, X. (2009), “Forest Pest Occurrence Prediction Using Ca-Markov Model”, Computer and Computing Technologies in Agriculture II, Vol. 3, eds. D. LI and Z. CHUNJIANG, in IFIP International Federation for Information Processing, Vol. 295, 1613-1618. VELDKAMP, A. and LAMBIN E.F. (2001), “Predicting Land-use Change”, Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment, 85 (1-3), 1-6. VELDKAMP, A. and VERBURG, P.H. (2004), “Modelling Land Use Change and Environmental Impact”, Journal of Environmental Management, 72 (1-2), 1-3. VEERBEEK, W. (2005), “Calibrating the SLEUTH Urban Growth Model in a Multi-Modal Fitness Landscape”, Artificial Intelligence Section, Faculty of Sciences, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, Netherlands, http:// dinarch.home.xs4all.nl/originals/ sleuth/calibrating_SLEUTH.pdf. VERBURG, P.H., SOEPBOER, W., VELDKAMP, A., LIMPIADA, R., ESPALDON, V., MASTURA, S.S.A. (2002), “Modeling the Spatial Dynamics of Regional Land Use: The Clue-s Model”, Environmental Management, 30 (3), 391-405. VERBURG, P.H. and OVERMARS, K.P. (2007), “Dynamic Simulation of Land-use Change Trajectories with the CLUE-s Model”. 321-338, Modelling Land Use Change: Progress and Applications, (Eds. Koomen, E., Stillwell, J., Bakema, A., Scholten, H.J.), The GeoJournal Library Vol. 90, Chapter 18, 321-335, ISBN 978-14020-5647-5, Springer, Dordrecht, The Netherlands, VERBURG, P.H. and OVERMARS, K.P. (2009), “Combining Top-down and Bottom-up Dynamics in Land Use Modeling: Exploring the Future of Abandoned Farmlands in Europe with the Dyna-CLUE Model”, Landscape Ecology, 24 (9), 1167-1181. WADDELL, P. (2002), “UrbanSim: Modeling Urban Development for Land Use, Transportation and Environmental Planning”, Journal of the American Planning Association, 68 (3): 297-314. YAOLIN, L., MAN, Y., JIANHUA, H., JING, Q. (2013), “Model of Land Use Spatial Optimization Based on a Knowledge Guide Genetic Algorithm”, Proceedings of the 12th International Conference on GeoComputation, LIESMARS Wuhan University, Wuhan, China. YE, B.Y. and BAI, Z.K. (2007), “Simulating Land Use/Cover Change of Nenjiang County Based on CA-Markov Model”, Computer and Computing Technologies in Agriculture, (Eds. Li, D. L.), The International Federation for Information Processing Vol. 258, 321-329, Springer: Boston. 25 MEGALOPOLIS TOKYO: THE SAFEST CITY IN THE WORLD —FROM 1600s TO PRESENT Mitsuru SANO Yukimasa KATO INTRODUCTION In cities, intersections are important points of structure and are also important for economic activities. Present-day Tokyo is a huge city that has taken over the urban structure of Edo, the castle town. But, having adopted European urban planning, Tokyo was transformed from a city of economic activity and defense during the Meiji era into an economic and transportation hub. When railways and roads were developed, locations such as the intersection of a road and the front of a railway station gave this modern city a new face (Jinnai, 1992: 253-283). In Japan, an intersection was a mitsuke or a tsuji, a functional space for economic activity, defense, and disaster prevention. This paper’s target area is Tokyo, and its purpose is to clarify the functional changes of the intersection and its future. Fig.1: Position of Mitsuke Note: Created from “Oedo Chiri Kuukanzu” Masai, Y. (2000) City formation began in earnest in Tokyo, with the urban planning of the Edo era, during which Edo was a city for maintaining the samurai society. Modern city planning, which came into effect in the Meiji era, implemented an order that basically followed the canal and street network of Edo. Thus, the urban planning of Edo has a significant impact 26 even today. The Edo castle town was transformed from a defensive castle with samurai land, townspeople’s land, and temples inside the outer shell into a plan to place these areas gradually outside Guo (Yamori, 1970: 247-285). Nevertheless, because at Edo, entry and exit of people and goods were strictly controlled by the mitsuke, and inside and outside of the shells were clearly distinguished. The mitsuke provided both inlet and outlet of Edo Castle at the contact point of the road and moat (Fig.1). At the mitsuke, people’s status and the times when they passed through were monitored. Furthermore, a gate was constructed to defend against a foreign enemy’s invasion. Therefore, dividing the city of Edo was effective, the divisions both separated and connected the people’s activities. However, in practice, the city was transferred to outside the townspeople’s land that was inside the outer shell; as a response to the great fire, the daimyo residences and temples were relocated outside the shell, lively activities of people deployed in mitsuke land it is believed to have been. However, since the townspeople’s land inside the outer shell was transferred to outside, and the lords’ mansions and temples were transferred to the outside the outer shell, lively activities of people have been deployed in mitsuke around fact. In addition, in the Meiji era, the Sujichigai-mitsuke and Sukiyabashimitsuke were crowded representative intersections. Landscape assessment in the areas of current mitsuke CITY TRANSFORMATION DUE TO CHANGES IN THE TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM Between the Edo period and the present day, the transportation system in urban areas has changed greatly. From moving goods and people by simple walking, the automobile and railway changed the focus to greater speed and distance; thus, rationality and convenience increased. Consequently, the urban landscape is gradually changing. The moat and waterways that functioned to transport goods and defend the city were superseded by cars and trains, but now have been reclaimed. “Cranks” have been changed to straight roads for cars. To develop streets in response to changes in the traffic system, Tokyo constructed streets to accommodate vehicles. However, this causes chronic traffic congestion in the city center. LANDSCAPE OF MITSUKE LAND During the Edo period, mitsuke land was the only node that connected the inside to the outside of the moat. However, in five areas today, Tokyo has no mitsuke role. The inside of the Asakusa-mitsuke forms a wholesale district, and high-rise buildings lining the road also form a beautiful skyline. There are groups of buildings on the outside, but the outside has no skyline beauty, and traditional stores are noticeable. At the Sujichigai-mitsuke, the business district is located inside, and the electronics-store district is located outside. The buildings are high-rises, and attached advertising signs exhibit bright colors. In addition, this region has an auditory element—the buzz of people, the sound of a train or automobiles gives a lively impression. Ushigome-mitsuke has many dining options both inside and outside, and the middle floors of the buildings are aligned. There are also old restaurants outside Ushigome-mitsuke, whose alley provides a nostalgic impression. Among these five intersections, Yotsuya-mitsuke has the least change in character from inside to outside, both being business districts. 27 Inside the Akasaka-mitsuke, large buildings such as hotels and embassies are located. Therefore, instead of a skyline with no gap, such as in the business district, the location has moderate greenery. In contrast, the outer part is crowded with stores. Relatively, there is a difference of areas inside and outside Akasaka-mitsuke among the five regions. Thus, the functions vary in each area, but the current mitsuke has a similar urban landscape inside and outside the moat. HISTORICAL LANDSCAPE EVALUATION OF MOAT IN MITSUKE Mitsuke are being buried in the uniform urban landscape. Even so, mitsuke land still has elements that feel like a historical symbiosis, and the epitome of these elements is the moat. Currently, the moat remains in Asakusa and Sujichigai, and one part is left across the mitsuke in Ushigome and Akasaka. One side of the Akasaka and Ushigome and the moat of Yotsuya are landfill, used as a railroad track. In short, the moat is not simply a relic of Edo’s past defenses. In the current urban city, the moat plays various roles (Ushigaki & Tanaka & Hatakeyama & Sano, 2005). First, a green space remains around the moat. In skyscraper-lined Tokyo, green space is valuable for people who want to connect with nature. The greenery and moat’s waterside also provide comfort. At Akasaka and Ushigome, more green space remains inside the moat, but streets with a lot of atmosphere. Second, the moat can be effectively used as a waterfront space. Near Asakusa-mitsuke today, boathouses are located in the moat, and the moat at Akasaka-mitsuke has been used as a fishing pond. Third, the moats add topographical characteristics. In a moat, water stretches across, and a person must cross a bridge to go to the other side. The act of crossing gives the passerby a sense of moving from one area to another. In other words, the moat has the potential ability to divide the area into the inside and outside. However, current mitsuke areas do not effectively utilize the moat’s potential for landscaping. In other words, the moat is not fastened to the past as a relic with a historical value; making use of its potential is important for future urban development. SIGNIFICANCE OF LANDSCAPING WITH AWARENESS OF EDO In recent years, community development that takes advantage of history and culture has been implemented in Japan. But in Tokyo, which has the history and culture of Edo, uniform urban landscape is spreading. In the center of Tokyo, development based on a unified concept is difficult. In Europe, however, many communities practice improvement that takes advantage of history and culture. Delineating the new city and old city clearly divides the landscape into modern and historical. For example, Strasbourg, in the Alsace region of eastern France, is surrounded by walls, with the old city inside and the new city outside. Prague in the Czech Republic and Salzburg in Austria, are divided into new and old towns by the Vltava and Salzach rivers, respectively. Old castles, churches, and streets remain in the old towns. Restaurants and souvenir shops must fit the landscaping. In addition, tourist buses cannot travel into old towns; instead, buses are parked in the new city, and tourists go to the old towns on foot. Applying the European system is difficult in Tokyo. However, creating an image of inside and outside of the historic district is not difficult because people often understand things visually. The concept of inside and outside the historic district should be maintained 28 as a visual space, accenting the city’s surrounding and urban areas. In fact, the inner and outer boundaries of Edo are the moat, which is a major component forming Tokyo’s landscape today. Using the moat’s potential to landscape public spaces makes it possible to create a lively city space like those in Europe. Awareness of the historic district is leading to a changing landscape image of Tokyo, from uniform high-rise density to the earlier landscape of Edo. With traffic restrictions and regulations to promote the historic district, there is also likely to be a measure for controlling automobile traffic in the city center. If traffic is restricted at the boundary, Tokyo could promote inner-city pedestrian space, further activating use of public ground transportation. TSUJIBAN OF EDO AND ROLE AS URBAN FACILITIES AND LOCATION IN “KOBAN” Role and location of tsujiban In Edo, the tsujiban was established in 1629 and functioned like the police. The number of guards was two to four at noon and four to six at night. The guards patrolled alternately, standing and waiting in an established order. Because the tsujiban were distributed in samurai lands, cyclic patrolling was conducted in consideration of positional relationships within a narrow range (Ito, 1987: 166-186). For example, the tsujiban distribution of Kanda Surugadai was placed with a good overall view, but simultaneously overlooking the crossroads of three tsujiban (Fig. 2). Because of this, the safety and security of samurai land was maintained. The chounin have gradually declined because of financial problems. The tsujiban’s duties were protection of the wounded and enforcement against rioters. Instead of catching the culprit when there was a fight, it should have been contacted to inspector, and the townspeople were able to play a role in that (Goto, 1922: 121). Fig.2 Position of Tsujiban in northeastern part of Edo Castle Note: Create from “Edo-Tokyo Kasane Chizu” , APP Company (2000) 29 Role and location of the “koban” In 1873, shortly after the Edo Shogunate debacle, bannin was enacted to organize the tsujiban (Keishicho-shi-hensan-iinkai, 1959: 32). When the Metropolitan Police Department was established in January 1874, the bannin concept transformed into the occupation and title of constable. “Defined for Koban Installation,” the so-called “koban law” was enacted on August 25, 1874, and kobansho was initiated. Kobansho was not a facility, but a place for watching a three-way junction or intersection. Afterward, buildings were built at Kobansho and called Hasshutsujo, but the name was eventually changed to the current Koban. Fig. 3 shows the trend of locations opened each year for the existing koban; three points opened before 1874, inheriting the tsujiban of Edo. Since 1874, Koban have been installed in the old downtown, for example, in the current Bunkyo and Taito areas. In the Taisho era, Koban were located on average in 23 wards, many around nearby train stations. During the Showa period, with the expansion of urban areas, Koban were located in the suburbs, and after the Second World War, the trend strengthened further. After a period of rapid economic growth, Koban were located in re-development areas in the city center and on reclaimed land in the Gulf area. Currently, the Koban distribution trend is at approximately equal intervals throughout the 23 wards. (insert position of Fig.3) Way of Koban for safe and secure urban development Koban, which inherited the character of tsujiban, has been changing locations along with the formation of downtown and development of rail traffic due to urbanization. Because security systems become cyclically oriented, the number of police officers at koban decreased. The tsujiban of the Edo Period was a system that maintained Edo’s security by sight. Because of the complexity of traffic problems and diversity of crimes likely to occur within the city, the Koban, which should have inherited this character, can no longer focus on safety and security in public life. The ability of human eyes to see small things and thus contribute to crime prevention has not been employed. This situation resembles the late Edo tsujiban that was a mere façade. Because of financial problems, Koban have been consolidated in recent years. It is unlikely, however, that decreased koban can be positive for a future security system. To realize the sense of security that the citizens feel with a policeman of the Koban once again, we must study Koban distribution to keep the safety and security of citizens and visitors in perspective. When placing a large number of police officers in koban becomes financially difficult, the use of retired police officers is valid. To establish a more dispersed and minutely directed security system, adopting a retired police officer makes it possible to promote safer urban development. SUMMARY Tsujiban provided in Tsuji, and mitsuke in Edo Castle, were facilities for the security and defense of the feudal city, and thus Edo was an enclosed space. When modern city planning was conducted during the Meiji period, to retain the basic character of Edo, no dramatic change took place in the economic activities and lifestyles of the people in terms of urban structure of land use and the road network. However, urban planning concepts emphasized rationality and convenience of living through economic activity and from those 30 values, also emphasized security and crime prevention. The square of mitsuke that worked effectively for closing the castle town of Edo, was removed, and the bridge built in the shape of a crank was also replaced by a straight line. Because the way through the mitsuke was a major highway in Tokyo, development progressed, and the distinction between inside and outside of mitsuke became obscure. As a result, Tokyo and its surrounding areas have a landscape without accent. In recent years, the top tourist locations for foreign travelers to Tokyo have been Shinjuku, Ginza, Shibuya, Asakusa, Akihabara, Tokyo Sky-Tree, Harajuku, Ikebukuro, Tokyo Imperial Palace, Roppongi, and Tokyo Tower. Many of these attractions are areas with no history, which has been noted in recent years, and even the sub-center was developed after World War II. If Tokyo is to develop as a city with personality and charm, a policy to accent the outside of the inner city is required. One measure for this is designating a historic district utilizing the moat. By placing the mitsuke near the moat as a historical point for crossing between eras—Edo and Tokyo—the city landscape will be sharpened. Awareness of the historic district can be applied to control the volume of automobiles in areas inside and outside mitsuke. Regulating motor vehicles will reduce traffic flow to the city center, and automobile traffic through the nearby city center will also be greatly reduced. Consequently, the city of Edo that includes the surrounding area in central Tokyo inside the outer moat can plan a pedestrian space among the features of the Edo. Promoting residency in the current Koban, where police officers do not reside, can enhance the safety and security of visitors and of the people residing in the city center and periphery of downtown Tokyo. Some Koban where police officers do not reside are maintained alternatively by retired police officers. In summary, cities that actively promote urban development with Koban will be comfortable, safe and secure. REFERENCES GOTO, S. (1922), Edo no jichisei [Systems of self-government in Edo], Tokyo: Nishodoshoten ITO, K. (1987), Edo no machikado [street corners of Edo], Tokyo: Heibonsha JINNAI, H. (1992), Tokyo no kuukanjinruigaku[Airspace Anthropology of Tokyo], Tokyo: Chikumashobo KEISHICHO-SHI-HENSAN-IINKAI Ed. (1959),Keishicho-shi[History of the Metropolitan Police Department.], Tokyo: Keishicho-shi-hensan-iinkai USHIGAKI, Y.; TANAKA, E.; HATAKEYAMA, T.; SANO, M. (2005), A Crowd in Crossing: Function of Mitsukechi and Tsuji of Edo in Present Tokyo, IATSS Review, 30 (2), 118-128 YAMORI, K. (1970), Toshi plan no kenkyu: henyoukeiretsu to kuukankousei[Study of city plan: Transformation sequence and spatial structure ], Tokyo: Taimeido 31 THE TWO LEVEL CITY, THE LAND OF BLACK DIAMOND: ZONGULDAK Taşkın DENİZ Zonguldak is a city which has a special position in terms of labor history. It is a labor city which has played a host to various experiences since 1850’s up to now in the triangle of the employee, the employer, and the employment. As a citizen of Zonguldak, I can say that while Zonguldak is like a painting which has the special blue color of the Black Sea on the one hand and all the tones of green on the other hand, it has a jet black world under it. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk stated that “For us, the value of Zonguldak is as much as the rich source it has under its deep land./21.08.1931”. The poet Orhan Veli Kanık expressed that “… The stream of Zonguldak flows in black. It is not the face black (disgrace) but the coal black. This is the way of earning the cost of bread. ” Zonguldak, which is the only city in Turkey where the coking coal is produced, is located in the Black Sea region on the west part of Black Sea. It has become a settlement developing and improving fast. That is because on November 8, 1829 the coal was found by Uzun Mehmet by the Mill of Ereğli Köse Ağzı Viran Stream, and on 1848 it was opened for mining. With the start of coal mining, it became the center of interest by the English, Armenian, Georgian, and French operators. The operators of the abovementioned countries had a voice in management of the coalfield in the field during the process. Zonguldak was invaded by France on March 8, 1920. The reactions against the invasion became effective in a short time and with the support of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) France was forced to draw back from the city on June 21, 1921. Zonguldak received the statute of city in 1924. In 1991 Bartın and in 1995 Karabük received the statute of city and separated from Zonguldak. Currently it has 8 districts which are called Merkez, Kilimli, Kozlu, Çaycuma, Gökçebey, Devrek, Ereğli and Alaplı. “Zonguldak” From The Etymological View It is stated by Flavius Arrianus, who was from Izmit and lived in the ancient ages, in his study which denotes his travel to Black Sea between the years of 131 – 137, that Zonguldak and around the city used to be called as “Sandrake” and this field was used as a harbor with small ships. Moreover, in his study he indicates that the distance between Sandrake and Crenidai (Kilimli) is 60 stadia (11 km). Similarly, on the study of Klaus Bekle which is called “Papklagonien und Honorias”, on the pages of 270-271, the location of Sandrake is described as “Sandrake (Sindarache) is a small harbor by the coast of Black Sea which is presumably known as Zonguldak today” (Uyar, 2012:2-3 ; Arslan, 2005:26-27). Donald Quataert, who is known with his studies related to the periods of Ottoman and Republic, declares in his study of “Miners and the State in the Ottoman Empire: The Zonguldak Coalfield 1822-1920” that at the time when the coal was found the city of Zonguldak used to be a rural area which was in the state of bog, sedge, and reed. For this reason, some people called this region as Zongalık. The physical state of the field caused the widespread of malaria between people due to the mosquitos. The symptoms of malaria which are freezing, shaking, and throbbing made people to call this settlement 32 as “the place of throbbing (zonklatan) and the location of pain”. Thereafter its name was called as Zıngalık, Zongalık and finally as Zonguldak. A similar statement by Zonguldak Chamber of Commerce and Industry on the study called “Zonguldak and the Coalfield on the 10th Year of Republic” is depicted as: As the bogs and sedges are the natural sources of malaria, even when there is no settlement in Zonguldak, the local people of the villages around it called today’s city center as “Zonguldayık” which means throbbing place with the irony of the malaria. Furthermore, according to some studies, the meaning of Zonguldak consisted of the names of Zogal and Dağ in Persian. In Persian, Zogal means coal. Dağ means mountain. When the two names unify, Zogal Dağ means the mountain of Coal. On the Mufassal (detailed) cadastral surveys dated in 1512 – 1520 which belong to Bolu Ensign in the archive of Prime Ministry assortment of deeds on the number of TD51, the name of Zonguldak was stated as Songuldayık. The first testimonial where the name of Zonguldak was stated as a place dates in 1854. In the journal of this date, the name of Zonguldak was written as; (Uyar, 2012:3-4-5). On the article called “Today’s City of Zonguldak” which was written by Emin Çakıroğlu and published in the Journal of Karaelmas (black diamond), Halkevi, volume 12, on 29.09.1943, it is suggested that due to the hyacinth flowers that blossom in spring in this region, it was called as Sümbül Dağı (the mountain of hyacinth), and this name has later become Zünbüldağı and finally as Zonguldak. Futhermore, Kalyoncu explains the transformation of the words “Songuldayık” and “Zonguldayuk” to the word Zonguldak in this way: “The word “Zonguldak” in Turkish acquired its current form by going through the following stages: “Zongul” is the noun root of the word “Zongulda-y-uk”. “-da” is an annex making verb from the noun in Turkish. Then “-y” which is the buffer letter in Turkish is included to the verb form of the word “Zongul-da”. Thereafter “-u-/-ü”- or “-ı-/-i-” auxiliary letters and “-k” annex making noun from the verb in Turkish are included. In this way the word “Zongulda-y-uk” is obtained. Through the process of pronunciation of the word for many years, the buffer letter “-y” and the auxiliary letters “-u-”or “-ı-” have been dropped as it occurred in many other Turkish words. Therefore, the word of “ Zonguldayuk” has started to be pronounced as “Zonguldak” by time” (Kalyoncu, 2005:73-79-80). There are three more views regarding the name of Zonguldak. According to the first view, the city center is located by the mouth of the stream of Üzülmez which used to be called as “Sandra” in the early ages, and this location used to be called as “Sandaraca” which has been transformed to the name of “Zonguldak” by time. Sandrake is the name of the mineral of sulfur with the color of red-orange which was used in the production of dyestuff and chemicals. This mineral which was produced in today’s Zonguldak, was exported from the harbor of Sinop. According to the second view, since Göldağı is regarded as a landing mark, it is taken from the Turkish way of reading “Zone Ghuel Dagh” which means the zone of Göldağı. Furthermore, according to the finding of Necdet Sakaoğlu, the French entrepreneurs who opened mine pits mostly in the region of today’s Zonguldak 33 called there as Jungle, because the field was hilly and woody. With the inclusion of the name of “Dav – Dağ” (mountain), the name of “Jungle-Dağ” was born which finally transformed into the name of Zonguldak (http://www.zonguldak.gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036 ; Yeni et. al., 2013:48).” Document 1: Zonguldak was written “Zongouldak” or “Zungul” in French Zonguldak Port Map (19 April 1902) (Uyar, 2005:10). Document 2: Zonguldak was written “Songuldayık” in Bolu Title Deed between 1512 and 1520 in the Ottoman Empire (Uyar, 2005:11). Geographical Features of the City of Zonguldak The city of Zonguldak is surrounded by Bartın on the east, Karabük on the southeast, Bolu on the south, Düzce on the west, and Black Sea on the north. It is located between the 41° - 41° 48 minutes north latitude and the 31° 10 minutes - 32° 50 minutes east longitude. The total area of the city is 3.309 km² (İlhan and Koçal, 1986:26 ; http://www.zonguldak. gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036). 34 Photograph 1: Zonguldak City Center and Zonguldak Port Even though in the beginning of 1990’s it was one of the cities of Black Sea region with the biggest area (8629 km²) and the largest population (1.073.560, in the year of 1990), both the area and the population of the city were significantly shrunk with the separation of Bartın in 1991 and Karabük in 1995 after receiving the statute of city. The length of the Black Sea coast of Zonguldak is approximately 46 sea-miles (85 km). Within the city, there are 31 municipalities and 365 villages. The distance of the city is 270 km from Ankara and 360 km from Istanbul (Yeni et. al., 2013:46). Taking the city center as a base, the accessibility can be obtained through Ereğli, Alaplı, and Akçakoca to Istanbul on the way to the west, through Bartın, Katamonu and Sinop to the cities of the East Black Sea on the way to the east, through Devrek to Ankara on the way to the south. Both the coastal road and the roads connected to the inner parts are pitched, hilly, and full of turns due to the physical geographical features. This situation increases the accessibility time of the way between Zonguldak and the other cities. It is noteworthy to analyze the geological state of the region from the Black Sea Ereğli to the lowland of Bolu in order to understand the structure and the form of the land of Zonguldak which is located on the west of Bartın stream. This region consisted of several anticlinal and synclinal which are parallel to each other from the southwest to the northeast. The main elements of this structure are Kan­dil­li-Amas­ra anticlinal, Ereğli synclinal, Göktepe anticlinal, Ormanlı synclinal, Baba Mountains,Yığılca depression, Bolu Mountains and Bolu – Mengen – Safranbolu gully. Therefore, it can be deduced that Zonguldak is a region which is exposed to III. era Jura type folds (Güngördü, 2010:513). The only dentation of the shoreline of the city is Baba neck near Ereğli. The hilly land between Ereğli-İnebolu by the coast of the Black Sea is a formation belonging to Mesozoic age according to today’s geological data. The layers which comprise coal are visible on the surface in many places 35 (http://www.zonguldak.gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036). Zonguldak is mountainous with the West Black Sea Mountains which are parallel to Zonguldak coastal line. This situation makes it harder to access to the inner Anatolian part from the city. These mountains which belong to the third era are not very high. The height of the mountains is 1000 m by the shoreline, 1200 m in the middle part, and 2000 m in the inner parts. The coal reserves mostly exist in the mountains which are by the coastal line. The most important heights are Atyaylası Hill (710 m), Göldağı (771 m), Kantar Hill (905 m), Orhan Hill (920 m), Baba Mountains (1120 m), Gökdirentepe (1128 m), Soğukoluk Hill (1268 m), Karatepe (1517 m), Kızıltepe/Kızıltaş (1468 m) and Keçikırantepe (1619 m). The area of the city consists of mountains with 50% of the land, of tablelands with 34%, and of plains with 16% (http://www.zonguldak.gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036). Only the 29.17% of the city land which is sited in the mountainous parts has a slope lower than 20% and is suitable for settlement and agriculture. The slope increases from the coast to the inner parts and decreases in Devrek and Gökçebey. 83.8% of the city of Zonguldak has a problem of erosion at medium and drastic levels. Since it is mostly mountainous, there are not large tablelands and plains. The most important valleys are Filyos Stream Valley, Alaplı River Valley, Gülüç River Valley, and Üzülmez River Valley. There are tablelands in the city of Zonguldak called Gölcük, Kızılcaören and Kumtarla in the center; Aksu, Manzut, Kızkulak and Karatepe in Devrek; Bacaklı and Bölüklü in Alaplı. Map 1: Zonguldak Physical Map 36 Since there is a large area of karstic landscape in Zonguldak, it is also rich with caves. The most important caves of the city are Gökgöl, Kızılelma, Cumayanı, Erçek, Sofular, Ilıksu, Kokaksu, İhsaniye, İncivezaltı, Çıngıllıkuyu, Ayıburnu, İnağzı, Çayırköy and Ereğli Cehennemağzı. The lightening and the roads of Gökgöl and Cehennemağzı caves are constructed. The longest ones are Kızılelma (6600 m), Gökgöl (3350 m) and Çayırköy (1500 m) (Yeni et. al., 2013:64-71). The inappropriateness of the landscape affects the highway accessibility both within the city and between the cities in a negative way. For this reason, the stairs have an important role in the accessibility within the city and the local people call Zonguldak as the city of stairs due to this situation. There is Saltukova Airport in Çaycuma district. This airport which has a yearly passenger capacity of 500.000 has 65 km distance from Zonguldak city center, 89 km from Karabük, and 38 km from Bartın (Zonguldak Valiliği,2011:525). Figure 1: The Caves are Located in and around Zonguldak: I-İnağzı Cave, 2-Gökgöl Cave, 3-Erçek Cave, 4- Sofular Cave, 5 -Cumayanı Cave, 6 -Kızılelma Cave, 7-Çayırköy Cave, 8-Ilıksu Cave, 9-Kokaksu Cave, 10-Hayat Village Cave, 11-Abazaltı Cave, 12Cehennemağzı Cave, 13-İncivezaltı Cave, 14-Yenice Cave, 15- Mencilis Cave (Yeni and diğerleri, 2013:62). The majority of the city has the climate of Black Sea. The summers are cool and rainy, the winters are soft. The impact of continental climate can be observed in the inner parts. The most rain falls in autumn season. The yearly average humidity is 75%. Since the humidity is high, the daily, monthly and yearly temperature differences are not much. While the yearly average temperature is 13.6, the average of the warmest month (July) is 21.9 ºC and the average of the coldest month (February) is 6 ºC. The highest temperature (39.5 ºC) was reached on July 13, 2000, and the lowest temperature (-7 ºC) was reached on February 9, 1976. The average time of sun is 2.1 hours in January and 10.1 hours in July. The yearly amount of rain is 1222 mm. The highest amount of rain falls in November and December. The average number of rainy days range from 18 days in January to 7.1 days in July. The dominant direction of the wind is east-southeast, southeast, and south-southeast. The average wind rate is highest in the months of December, January, and February (http:// www.mgm.gov.tr/veridegerlendirme/il-ve-ilceler-istatistik.aspx?m=ZONGULDAK). Since 37 the rain falls in all the seasons of the year, there are many short streams within the city. The most important streams are as the floowing; Filyos Stream which was formed with the merge of the Devrek and Yenice Streams, Üzülmez Stream, Kozlu River, Çomaklar River, Ilıksu River, Dereköy River, İhsaniye River, Salı River, Uğurlar River, Abacıoğlu River, Kurtsuyu River, Akyazı River, Kavukkavla River, Kocaman River, Beycuma River, Agusto River, Buldan Stream, Kanderesi, Kemerderesi, Kabasakal River, Niren River, Alaplı Stream which starts at the northwest hillside of Baba Mountain and Gülüç (Aydınlar) Water which has its source from Baba Mountain. Among these streams, the ones with the highest flow are Filyos, Yenice, Devrek, Gülüç and Kocaman (Yeni et al., 2013:60-61). Since the settlement is based right behind the shoreline due to the landscape, when the rain reaches to the end points, it causes floods and landslides especially around Filyos Stream and Devrek Stream. There are not any natural lakes within the city. The well-known artificial lakes of the city are Ulutan in the center, Kızılcapınar and Gülüç Dams in Ereğli, Dereköy in Çatalağzı, and Çobanoğlu in Karapınar (http://www.zonguldak.gov.tr/default_ b0.aspx?content=1036). The land of the city consists of forests with 56%, cultivated land with 23%, meadow land with 11%, and infertile land with 10%. The mountains in Zonguldak are mostly between 0 – 1800 m. 88% of the forests are grove, 12% is coppice, 70% is wide-leaved and 30% is pinales. The wide-leaved forests are common. The most common tree types are populus, oak, beech, fir, hornbeam, plane tree, linden tree, scots pine, willow, and chestnut tree. This main green structure is completed by the flora under the forest such as rhododendron, quercus ilex, Ilex aquifolium, bay laurel, Arbutus unedo, Cornus mas, cherry, shrub, Vaccinium myrtillus, rose hip, berry, strawberry tree, and fern. Zonguldak region has also a rich potential in terms of endemic plants. The most important endemic plants are Astragalus, Verbascum, uludağ, fir, Cyclamen, heracleum, Araceae, Fenugreek, Campanula, urtica, and carnation. 3% of the plants in the city are under protection. The most important fauna types are salamander, frog, turtle, lizard, snake, heron, stork, hawk, eagle, falcon, owl, woodpecker, sparrow, hedgehog, mole, bat, and weasel. Among all the fauna types (524), birds and the fish come in the first two ranks and 28% of the types are under protection (Zonguldak Governorship,2011:156). Since the landscape of Zonguldak is hilly and the mountains start from right behind the shoreline, the settlements are gathered around the coast, the north slope of the mountains, and the valleys at the inner parts. In parallel with the economical and administrative development of Zonguldak through the historical process, the population has also been increased. The total population of the city is 619.842 in 2009, 619.703 in 2010, 612.406 in 2011, 606.527 in 2012, and 601.567 in 2013. Especially for the last 10 years, there has been migration from Zonguldak due to the unemployment problems. After the year of 1980, thousands of employees were gradually retired from Turkish Coal Enterprises which caused the increase of the population of young retired people within the city. Most of the people migrated to the cities like Istanbul and Bursa for employment reasons. Kilimli and Kozlu became a district in 2013. In terms of the population of districts, the following ones can be ordered respectively; the center district, Ereğli, Çaycuma, Devrek, Alaplı, Kozlu, Kilimli and Gökçebey. It is one of the cities in Turkey where the female population is dominant (http://www.tuik.gov.tr/HbGetirHTML.do?id=15974). When Zonguldak is mentioned, the first things that come into mind are black diamond coal and the health problems it causes. Specifically the workers directly working in coal production have various health problems related to lungs and cancer. It is known that in 38 Zonguldak the industrial disease related to the coal dust is frequent. For this reason, since the first years of the Turkish republic, many health investments in Zonguldak have been made which resulted in the existence of numerous hospitals in the city. The production of vegetable, fruit, and grain is dominant within the city. 48% of the agricultural land is field land, 27% is orchard, and 3% is vegetable. The most dominant agricultural products are corn, wheat, vetch, oat, trefoil, potato, linen, sunflower, onion, garlic, water melon, melon, tomato, eggplant, courgette, okra, spinach, leek, pepper, bean, red cabbage, kale, carrot, apple, hazelnut, medlar, plum, pear, chestnut, mulberry, walnut, cherry, peach, strawberry, and grape. Due to the rains falling in every season, there are many green meadows and leas. Hence, the bovine breeding is common in the city. That’s why it is easy to find fresh milk and milk products any time in the shopping places called villager bazaar which is very popular. Fishing is one of the most important sources of income especially in Alaplı, Ereğli, Kozlu and Kilimli. Anchovy and bluefin come in the first places in fishing (Zonguldak Valiliği,2011:367-370). The importance of mining in the economic life of Zonguldak continued in the first years of the Turkish republic as it was in Ottoman times. According to the 1927 census which is the first industrial census of the republic, mining was the industry which created the most employment among all the industries (Genç, 2010:138). This situation continued in the following years. The elements that constitute the economic structure of Zonguldak are coal, iron and steel industry, cement industry, forest products, and paper industry. As Zonguldak turned into an industrial city due to the railways and harbors, it received a significant worker migration with the impact of workforce deficit. This resulted in the start of a fast urbanization process through which the cultures that come from different parts of Anatolia get harmonized. The most important industrial facilities of the city are Turkish Coal Enterprises (TTK), Ereğli Iron-Steel Factory (ERDEMİR), Çaycuma Seka Paper Factory, Filyos Stone Brick Factory, Çatalağzı Thermal Power Plant (ÇATES), Zonguldak Eren Thermal Power Plant (ZETES) and the privatized coal pit enterprises. There are industrial enterprises such as timber and package in Devrek, Çaycuma and Gökçebey; cement and brick in Filyos, Ereğli and Çaycuma; Dinarsu industrial enterprise in Alaplı. The other important industrial enterprises are biscuits, tinning, oil, and flour factories. The most important rich sources in Zonguldak are coal, lignite (Ereğli, Davutlar and Çamalı), iron (Alaplı Kangalar and Merv, Devrek Kodamanoğlu), aluminum (Zonguldak Kokaksu and Sapanlıdere), mangenese (through the valleys of Ereğli Gülünç and Kızlar rivers, Devrek Yiyicitepe), bauxite (Center district Hayat village) and dolomite (Alaplı and Ereğli). There are two harbors, namely Zonguldak Harbor which belongs to TTK in Zonguldak city center, and Eren Harbor which belongs to Eren Power Enterprise in Çatalağzı Muslu. There are three fishing shelters in Filyos, Kilimli and Kozlu. Moreover, there is a naval yard in Kilimli district which is in the process of licensing for operation, and a ship recycling place in the process of renting. In Ereğli district, there is a harbor which belongs to TTK and ERDEMİR harbor. The importance of these harbors is big in the economy of the city and in transportation. The most important one among them is Ereğli Harbor which is one of the most important and busy harbors of Black Sea region and in which 75% of the shipment is made (Zonguldak Valiliği,2011:511). The most common food of the local cuisine is the farinaceous (wheat and corn flour) food. Small chestnut (kuzu kestanesi in Turkish) which is supposedly the most delicious chestnut of the world is growing in Zonguldak forests. This chestnut can be utilized as 39 “tuzlama” by boiling the chestnut which is taken in the season, as “kavşak” by baking it as a whole in the furnace, and as “kebap (kömme)” by cooking it on the fire. It can also be preserved as dried. The Ottoman strawberry which grows only in Ereğli in Turkey, fruit of the strawberry tree which grows on underbrush, cranberry, rose hip, berry, basil, mint, laurel, prunus laurocerasus and wild pear are used in various ways in the local cuisine. The most well-known flavors of the local cuisine are Uğmaç Soup, Göce Soup, stuffed beet with walnut, malay, Çaycuma Yogurt, Ereğli Pitta, Ereğli dry curd, Devrek Simit, Devrek bread with walnut (kömeç), Beycuma Püryanisi (Kuyu Kebab), Hoşmerim, and Chestnut Kebab (Kömme) (http://www.zonguldak.gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036). Zonguldak region is rich in terms of dances with drum and köçek. It is known that drummers were dancing with double drums hanging on their shoulders in the past. Discrete order dances such as “göbekleşme”, spoon, and bell were made with the instruments such as bağlama, tanbur, cura, çiftelli, horn, flageolet, tambourine, tabor, bell, spoon, zilli maşa (a rhythm instrument made of tongs to which tiny cymbals have been attached), and tangurdak (an instrument made of sheep bells). Among the local dances and melodies, the following can be listed; Aman Of, Döktür Muazzez, Maça Kızı, Biriciksin in Çaycuma; Dirgine, Topal Osman in Devrek; Kestaneci Köyü, Eğrice Meşe, Geminin Anbarında in Ereğli; Sömsöm Yavrum, Kabtaşın Altı Bayır, Dıv Dıv, Dürüyemin Güğümleri, Kale kapı and Yeşil İpek in Alaplı (http://www.zonguldak.gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036 ; İlhan ve Koçak, 1986:109). The businesses peculiar to the region is mining, textile, and wood operation industries. The local textile, namely “elpek” in Ereğli, “pelemet” in Çaycuma, and “çözme bez” in other districts, are weawed with linen and cotton thread on the worktables called “düzen”. The needlework specific to Zonguldak region can be seen on handkerchief edged with “oya” on fez (abacuk), fine muslin (yazma, atça, çatkı), potur which men wear under the jacket (zıbka), cot-like wooden bedstead (sedir), girl dowry, yağlık (large napkin), and collar napkin. These needlework have excellent specialties in terms of the needlework fabric (pure silk, linen), needlework style (Turkish style), needlework technique (muşabak, straight and diagonal needle, pesent, güzeme, cut hemstitch, diagonal cloth made with golden glitter), the color used (madder root, woman hair), and motives. The carpenter craftsman Ali Ziya Efendi from Devrek who was taken prisoner by English in Egypt started to make the walking stick that he learned from the English in Devrek. The walking stick which is improved with the efforts of Aziz Salman Usta, Münteka Çelebi Usta and the other craftsmen, is identified with Devrek by time. The classical Devrek walking stick is hand-made. The body part is from cranberry and the handle is from walnut. On the body part, there are two snake motives which are wrapped through the handle part. Today, there are also walking sticks made of different material and shape with paint, silver, nacre, and copper handwork on the body. Moreover, the production of hope box made of chest; inset cupboard over and on the two sides of the oven, shelf, door, wooden handwork on the ceiling, spoon, dough lodge, clog, patten, and ship in Ereğli and Alaplı are the examples of wood-work (Yeni et. al., 2013:86). (http://www.zonguldak.gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036 ; Zonguldak Governorship, 2011:373). The important touristic centers of Zonguldak are National Sovereignty Nature Park (Çaycuma), Göldağı Nature Park (Çaycuma), İncivez Nature Park (Alaplı), Gümeli Nature Park (Alaplı), Gökgöl Cave (center district), Bakacakkadı 100. Yıl Atatürk Hizmet Village; Alaplı Gümeli Bölüklü Plateau; Elvanpazarcık Harmankara, Kozlu Değirmenağzı, Ereğli 40 Güneşli and Kayalıdere, Karanlık River, Özbağı and Kurtdamı Streams. The antic names of the cities are as the following; Sandrake (Zonguldak), Crenides (Kilimli), Herakleia Pontike (Ereğli), Cales (Alaplı) and Teion (Filyos). The most appropriate shores for swimming in the city are İnağzı in the center of Zonguldak, Uzunkum, Kapuz and Değirmenağzı; Ilıksu in Kozlu, Ereğli beach in Ereğli, Köseağzı, Kemerarkası and Çavuşağzı; Göbü in Çaycuma, Türkali, Filyos and Sazköy. It is possible to make rafting in Dirgine valley. In Elvanpazarcık, it is possible to find historical flour mills and to make off-road sport in the valleys. It is likely to see bird in Filyos Sazköy; deer, return deer, bear, pig, jackal, fox in Eğerci (Yeşilöz); deer, return deer, bear, pig, jackal, fox in Gümeli Valley; bear, pig, jackal, fox and rabbit in Hacımusa (Yeni et. al., 2013:72). Yayla (Fener) neighborhood which is Zonguldak city center is II. degree urban protected area due to the French houses it has. Furthermore, the proximity to the important tourism centers such as Safranbolu, Abant and Yedigöller brings opportunities to Zonguldak for longer holidays. The important days and occasions celebrated in Zonguldak are as the following; International Coal Conference (June 2-4), Ereğli Ottomon Strawberry and Culture Festival (2nd week of June), Çaycuma Yogurt and Culture Art Festival (the last week of June), the Rescue of Zonguldak from the Invasion and the Memorial of Uzun Mehmet (June 21), Karaelmas International Culture Art Festival (June 21-26), Kilimli Coast Navigation and Culture Art Festival (July 1), Bölüklü Upland Festival (the 2nd week of July), Devrek Walking Stick and Culture Festival (the 3rd week of July), Alaplı Nut, Culture, Tourism and Sports Festival (the first week of September), Alaplı Traditional Oil Wrestling Festival (the 3rd week of September), and Ereğli Hamsi Festival (the first week of December) (http:// www.zonguldak.gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036). Zonguldak is one of the cities in Turkey which has had the most martyrs. As of 05.09.2012, there are 114 martyrs registered in the city population. The Historical Geography of the City Zonguldak The history of the region where Zonguldak city is founded goes back to Paphlagonia which was established in this land in the early ages and which had Kastamonu as a city center. It is written on Hattuşaş and Boğazköy tablets that there was a war between Kaskians and Hittites for long years in the region in which the cities of Zonguldak, Karabük, Bartın, Kastamonu, Sinop and Çankırı exist today. This region was called as Upper Town by Hittites and later on called as Paphlagonia by Helens. The name Paphlagonia is also mentioned in the work of Strabon. Paphlagonia is the land between Bithynia Kingdom on the west and Pontus Kingdom on the east. The west border is formed by Sakarya River and the east border is formed by Kızılırmak (Halys). After the collapse of the Hittites, the societies which is known to be of Thrak stock like Frigs, Lydians, and Paphlagonians continued their existence in Anatolia. Paphlagonians settled in West Black Sea region of today (Ersoy, 2011:13,17). After the collapse of Hittites, the sovereignty of primarily Kaskians for a short time and later of Frigs started (Eser, 2006:189). In this period, the most important settlements in the region are Ereğli (Marianydn, Herakleia Pontika) belonging to Frigs period, and Hisarönü (Filyos, Teion). The first known societies of Zonguldak are Bythin, Mariandyn and Migdons from Frig tribes migrated from Aegean zone to the inner Anatolian zone in B.C. 1200. These tribes which lived for several centuries in this region without constructing 41 any political constitution made significant improvements in terms of mining and handwork arts (B.C. 676). Meanwhile, after B.C. 9th century, with the strain of the borders in sea access, while the Greek mariners went into the Black Sea passing from Marmara, they also started to reach to Syrian and Phoenician coasts through Rhodes and Cyprus. As the commercial sails towards Black Sea start in early dates, Black Sea Colonization of Greek City Governments occurs between the years of B.C. 750-550 (Mansel, 1984:557). The first societies of Zonguldak region have been destroyed by Cimmerians. After the leave of Cimmerians from the region in B.C. VI. century, Lydians start their dominance in the periods of King Alyattesand and King Kroissos in B.C. 585-546 around Zonguldak (Eser, 2006:189;Umar, 2007:12). In this period, Megarians and Boitians who live by the coast of west Anatolia established commercial colonies in order to empty the supplies that they brought from the Black Sea coasts in Filyos, Amasra, and Ereğli. Persians ended the Lydian sovereignty in Zonguldak in B.C. 546. However, the sovereignty of Persians over Anatolia which lasted for 213 years ended when Macedonian King İskender conquered the Persian army near Bronikos (Biga) in B.C. 334. In Persian Period, Paphlagonia was administered as the third satrap of the empire. However, after the death of Big İskender in B.C. 323, the sovereignty of Big İskender Empire ended in the region, and Pont Kingdom which would last between the years of B.C. 301-64 was established by Iranian Mitridat Ktistes (Ersoy, 2011:20,23). The Romans who pillaged İzmit by entering in Bythinia in B.C. 85 also conquered the Black Sea coasts from Ereğli to Samsun in B.C. 70. Therefore, Zonguldak region became a province of Roma. In this period, the Romans repaired the coastal cities. The settlements such as Herakleia, Teion and Amastris were connected with the secondary roads to Nikomedia (İzmit) - Amasia (Amasya) highway. In the period before Christianity, there was polytheism. There were many gods and goddesses that they deify one of which is Zeus. In this region, specifically the sea goddess Poseidon was respected in a great extent. When the Christians were under pressure, the Christians who were overwhelmed with this pressure sheltered in Anatolia. The caves in Ayazma River Valley (Cehennemağzı Cave) in Ereğli District were used as a church. After Roman Empire, the region was passed to the control of Byzantium Empire. The Emperor Justinyen turned Paphlagonia into a region consisted of 12 cities in the year of 536 (Ersoy, 2011:30). In VII. century in Byzantium Period, Herakleia, Tieion and Amastris were the important haunts of the empire on the way of Trapezus which was the eastern center of the empire. In the period when the Turks started to expand through Anatolia (XI. century), Zonguldak and the cities around it had the appearance of a small town-castle. In these years, due to the weakening of Byzantium administration, there were significant security problems within the region (BAKKA:27-28). During the Byzantium sovereignty, the commercial activities of especially Venice and Genoa city governments by the Black Sea coasts draw attention. Venice Republic received important commercial privileges with the agreements made in 992 and 1082. It received the license to trade freely with all kinds of commodities without paying any taxes in all the places belonging to Byzantium, even in Istanbul (Ostrogorsky, 1986:331; Turan, 1990:22-23). It is seen that a similar commercial agreement was made with Genoa in the years of 1142-1155-1261. Therefore, as Venice has the south part of Aegean Sea, Genoa created a strong situation for itself both in north islands and Marmara Sea, and at Black Sea. It started to control the sea access going from Galata to Mediterranean, Black Sea and the countries behind it (Heyd, 2000:482-493). There are works such as graveyards, sarcophagus, and pillars in Ereğli belonging to 42 Phrygian, Roman, Byzantium, Seljuk Sultanate of Rum and Ottoman Culture Civilizations; in Çeştepe tumulus, Bozhane Mosque, Halil Paşa Mosque, Kırmanlı Mosque, Molla Halil Mosque, Ali Molla Mosque, İskele Mosque, Ağa Mosque, Hacı Eşref and Akarca Mosque, Kayabaşı Place of Pilgrimage, Aktaş Şeyhi Mausoleum, Seyit Nasrullah Efendi Mausoleum, Demirci Dede in Keşif Hill (Çeştepe), Mersin Dede Mausoleum in Kuştepe and the coast in the city, Hacı Mehmet Fountain and Murtaza Mahallesi Fountain (http:// www.zonguldak.gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036). Besides these works, the cave in Acheron Valley Ören, which also as Cehennemağzı cave, is used by the first Christians as a place for worship. In Ereğli, the most important works remained from Byzantium period (13th century) are Ereğli Castle, Çettepe Light Tower, Akarca neighborhood Byzantium Cistern and Byzantium church, Halil Paşa Mansion, and Filyos Antic City (Tieion, Tion) which is at the mouth of Filyos Stream. The existence of the most important sources belongs to the period of Seljuk Sultanate of Rum. Today, the inns, public baths, mosque, madrasah, tomb, grave, and bridges in Safranbolu, Eflani within the city of Karabük and in Amasra and Filyos within the city of Bartın are the evidence of this situation. It is known that the region is conquered by Hüsamettin Çoban in I. Alâeddin Keykubat period in the beginning of 13th century (İlhan ve Koçal, 1986:9). During the IV. Crusade, Latin invaded Constantinople in 1204 and founded Latin Empire. The Byzantium who ran from Crusade established Trebizond and İznik-Byzantium Empires. When Trebizond Greek people who expanded the borders in a short time were failed by İznik Byzantium, Zonguldak region was taken by İznik Byzantium Empire. At the end of XIII. century, with the invasion of the inner parts by Turks, and the shores by Geneon mariners, the Byzantium dominance over Zonguldak and around it ended. Eflani, Devrek, Bartın, Safranbolu, Ulus and today’s Karabük land were included within the borders of Candaroğulları Beylik which received its freedom in 1335 (BAKKA:28). During the Beyliks period started after the collapse of Seljuk Sultanate of Rum, Candaroğulları Beylik was dominant in the region. It is known that Genoa had dominance time to time over specially the region between Zonguldak - Ereğli – Amasya and made sea trade with the colonies. When the year 1300 arrived, almost the entire Anatolia was passed to the dominance of Turkish. After a short while, several protected castles such as İznik, İzmit, Bursa, Sardes, Philedelphia, and Magnesia, and harbor cities such as Karadeniz Ereğli, Foça and İzmir became a small island in the Turkish flood (Ostrogorsky 1986: 454). Right after the foundation of Ottomon Empire, the dominance of Ottoman Empire started in the field which became the end point of İsfendiyar by taking Ereğli from Genoa and Eflani (Eflagan) Castle from Candaroğulları Beylik in return for money in 1380’s. In this period, there were important coastal settlements such as Ereğli (Heraklia), Filyos (Tieion) and Amasra (Amastris) on Zonguldak shoreline. During the period of Yıldırım Beyazıt, the control of the field was entirely acquired (İlhan and Koçal, 1986:11 ; Yeni et. el., 2013:48). Until the beginning of 19th century, Zonguldak continued its existence within the borders of the Ottoman Empire like a rural area which has bog, reed, and where there is not much settlement due to reasons such as economical unproductivity and the difficulty of access. Zonguldak city center of today used to be a bay which had a Tahta İskele (wooden dock) by the sea coast within the district of Ereğli. It is known that the timber stored around Tahta İskele was sent from there to Istanbul Haliç naval yard (http://www.zonguldak.gov.tr/ default_b0.aspx?content=1036). However, the destiny of Zonguldak started to change with the discovery of coal by Uzun Mehmet on November, 8, 1829. As a result of the start of 43 processing coal in 1848, Zonguldak became a fast-growing settlement area with the impact of worker migration. The discovery and the processing of coal which is known as black diamond started a new period in the economy of the country. From then on, Zonguldak was a city not known with the disease of malaria, but known with the worker migration and providing work and bread in return for effort to thousands of people. In this time, there was a significant migration to Zonguldak from Bolu, Ordu, Giresun, Trabzon, Rize, Artvin, Kars, Çankırı, Sivas and Gümüşhane. The population that came with the migration was grouped specifically in Kilimli, Kozlu and Çatalağzı. Zonguldak Mining Coalfield lies for 50 miles from Black Sea coast between Ereğli in southwest and Çatalağzı in northeast. The majority of the production was transferred to the industrial regions of Anatolia and Istanbul through railway and sea route (Güney, 1966:108). Ottoman Empire operated the mines only for supplying weapon and ammunition to the army, and money to the treasury. It did not have an economic intention to increase the profit by turning the raw materials produced in the country to a product (Avşaroğlu, 2006:32). The importance of the coal was revealed for Ottoman Empire with the following occurrences: the start of the utilization of steam power in Ottoman Empire around the second half of the 19th century, the high cost of using the coal imported from England in steam engines, the increase of the dependence on foreign trade for the coal which would be used either for war ships or for railways (Zaman, 2004:20-24). With the interpretation of the value of the coal, in 1848 Ottoman Empire defined the borders of the field where coal was mined and opened for operation unifying this field under the name of Ereğli Coalfield Enterprises. This date is also seen on the emblem of Turkey Coal Enterprises (TTK) as a foundation year (http:// www.taskomuru.gov.tr/index). Therefore, from the beginning of 1850’s, coal detection and extraction for commercial reasons, or in other words mining, entered into the life of the region forever (Öğreten, 2009:325). There is not any important operation done in the coalfield between the years 18291849. With the investigations and the regulations made in 1848, the fields with coal were determined and the mine borders were defined for the first time. With the mandate of I. Abdülmecid, the coal mine was included in the land of Evkaf-ı Celile-i Mülükane and was issued a title deed on the foundation of I. Abdülmecid. The management and the operation were given to Hazine-i Hassa (the budget of the palace). The yearly rent money that came from the coal mine was assigned to religious charitable institutions under the supervision of Evkaf (an association executing the work related to foundaitons) (http://www.zonguldak. gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036). Therefore, between the years 1849 – 1854, it was administered by Hazine-i Hassa in order to meet the needs of the naval force. The production work was given to Jewish Money Lenders from Galata (jeweler and bankers) which were supported by England in return for the tax valued 30.000 kuruş (Turkish cent) (http://www. taskomuru.gov.tr/index). Nevertheless, after the Crimean War between the years 18541865, even though the administration of the mine legally belonged to Hazine-i Hassa, in actual fact it was administered by England Coal Enterprise. In this period, the right for production in the mine was given to Zafirapulos in Rum Yorga which was supported by England. However, due to corruption practices, the right was taken back (Sarıkoyuncu, 1992:318). In February 10, 1865, after the impact of the war was gone, the administration of the mine was given to Maden-i Hümayun Ministry. There was Commodore Dilaver Paşa at the head of the administration. Named after Dilaver Paşa, there is a city in Zonguldak which is called Dilaver. Between the years 1865 – 1877, railway lines were established to 44 the mines, the mines were numerated, factories of stone brick and cement were founded, regulation were made regarding workforce and working hours, and work responsibilities by the ministry (İlhan and Koçan, 1986:16-23). This improvement process occurred in Zonguldak coal mine stopped between the years of 1877-1878 due to Ottoman-Russia War. At the end of the regulations made in 1883, foreign private enterprises became effective in the coal mine between 1883-1908. Armenian, Georgian, and French enterprises started to be more effective than Turkish enterprises in Ottoman Empire such as Kozlu Coal Mines Ottoman Corporation and Maadin Ottoman Corporation. Meanwhile, in 1893 Zonguldak Harbor loading port and the bidding of railway production for some routes were given to Ereğli Enterprise. The settlement field was officially named as Zonguldak as a city center in September, 1, 1899. On the same date, municipality was founded. The administration of the field was assigned to Forest and Maadin Commerce and Agriculture Ministry in 1908. There were over 300 local or foreign coal enterprises on these dates. With Teskere-i Samiye Law numbered 289 issued on January, 30, 1911, the coal mine was entirely nationalized (http://www.taskomuru.gov.tr). Photography 2: A Coal Mine is belongs to Mr. Ahmet in Armutçuk at the end of the XIX. century (Bozoğlan, 2010:15) With the start of the I. World War, Germany became effective on the control of the coal mine. Many German private enterprises started operation on the coal mine in a short time. Nevertheless, with the Armistice of Mondros, the control of the mine was given to the Allies Coal Commission which had the center in Istanbul. The control process depending on the invasion ended with the withdrawal of France from Zonguldak on June, 21, 1921. From then on, the administration of the coal mine was entirely taken by Turkey. The production continued with the name Zonguldak – Ereğli Coal Mine. The Grand National Assembly of Turkey separated Devrek, Ereğli, Mudurnu, Bartın, Göynük and Zonguldak from Bolu Independent Mutasarrıf on April, 20, 1920 and joint to Kastamonu. The lieutenant colonel Ahmet Cevdet Bey was charged as mutasarrıf administrator by making Zonguldak a mutasarrıf on May, 14, 1920. It takes its place in the history as the district which the Grand National Assembly of Turkey made mutasarrıf. According to the Teşkilat-ı Esasiye Law with 45 number 491 and article 60 issued on April,1 1924, mutasarrıf of Zonguldak turned into the first city of Turkish Republic (http://www.zonguldak.gov.tr/default_b0.aspx?content=1036). Through the process, the name Zonguldak – Ereğli Coal Mine first became Ereğli Coal Enterprises (EKİ) on October, 23 1943, then became Turkey Coal Enterprise (TTK) on April 11, 1983 and still continues with this name today. According to the results of bidding made in February and March 2005, it was rented for 20 years to the corporations which are Alacaağzı - Kandilli HEMA Endüstri Corporation; Gelik Senklinal Dik Kanadı Sahaları EREN Holding Corporation and Amasra - B HEMA Industry Corporation. Photography 3: Zonguldak Port, At the beginning of the 1900’ (Yüce ve Namal, 2012:9) Photography 5: Zonguldak Port, 1906 (Yüce and Namal, 2012:11) 1930 Photography 7: Zonguldak Port, 1940 (Yüce and Namal, 2012:24) 46 Photography 4: Zonguldak Kilimli Gelik Coal Mine, At the beginning of the 1900’ (Yüce ve Namal, 2012:34) Photography 6: Zonguldak Tarlaağzı Coal Mine, (Yeni and diğerleri, 2013:55) Photography 8: ÇATES Construction, 1949 (Yüce and Namal, 2012:140) REFERENCES ARSLAN, Murat, (2005), Arrianus’un Karadeniz Seyahati, Odin Yayıncılık, Sayfa 26-27. AVŞAROĞLU, Nadir, (2006), Türkiye Madencilik Sektöründe Yabancı Sermaye, Ankara. BOZOĞLAN, Mustafa, (2010), Ülkemizdeki Kömür Madenciliğinde İş Sağlığı ve Güvenliği Mevzuatının Gelişimi: 1867-2010, Ankara: Korza Yayıncılık. ERSOY, Hüseyin Lütfi, (2011), Karabük’ün Köyden Kente Dönüş Hikayesi: Karabük Tarihi, İstanbul: Kurtiş Matbaacılık. ESER, Erdal, (2006), Boyabat Kalesi, Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi Aralık 2006, Cilt: 30, No: 2, Sayfa: 187-211. GENÇ, Hamdi, (2010), Cumhuriyetin İlk Yıllarında Zonguldak’ta Nüfus, Ticaret ve Sanayi (1920-1932), Zonguldak Karaelmas Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, Cit 6, Sayı 122, Sayfa 137-152. GÜNEY, Mehmet, (1966), Zonguldak Kömür Ocaklarında Yer altı Madencilik Faaliyetleri, Orta Doğu Teknik Üniversitesi, Ankara. (www.mta.gov.tr/mta_web/kutuphane/) GÜNGÖRDÜ, Ersin, (2010), Türkiye’nin Coğrafyası: Türkiye Fiziki ve Coğrafi Bölgeler, Ankara: Gazi Kitabevi. HEYD, Wilhelm von, (2000), Yakın Doğu Ticaret Tarihi, Çeviren: Enver Ziya Karal, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara. İLHAN, M. Hamdi, KOÇAL, Ali, (1986), İki Katlı Şehir Zonguldak. KALYONCU, Hamit, (2005), Kömürde Açan Çiçek, Pervaz Yayınları, Sayfa 73-79-80, Ankara. MANSEL, Arif Müfit, (1984), Ege ve Yunan Tarihi, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara. OSTROGORSKY, Georg, (1986), Bizans Devleti Tarihi, Çeviren: Fikret Işıltan, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara. ÖĞRETEN, Ahmet, (2009), 1876-1908 Döneminde Ereğli Kömür Havzası’nda Uygulanan Madencilik Teşvikleri ve Sonuçları, Uluslararası Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi, Volume: 2/7, Sayfa: 323-344. SARIKOYUNCU, Ali, (1992), Milli Mücadele’de Zonguldak ve Havalisi, Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı Yayını. TURAN, Şerafettin, (1990), Türkiye - İtalya İlişkileri I, Selçuklulardan Bizans’ın Sona Erişine, Metis Yayınları, İstanbul. UMAR, Bilge, (2007), Paphlagonia, İnkılap Yayınevi, İstanbul. UYAR, Sadi, (2012), Zonguldak Adının Tarihi Gelişimi, Zonguldak Tarih Araştırmaları Dizisi 1, Temmuz 2012. YENİ, Ercan; KURU, Funda GÜRLEYEN, vd., (2013), Zonguldak Doğa Turizmi Gelişme Planı, TC Orman ve Su İşleri Bakanlığı Doğa Koruma ve Milli Parklar Müdürlüğü Basımı, Ankara. YÜCE, Mustafa ve NAMAL, Yücel, (2012), Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e Belgelerle Zonguldak, Bülent Ecevit Üniversitesi Basımı, Zonguldak. ZAMAN, Ekrem Murat, (2004), Zonguldak Kömür Havzasının İki Yüzyılı, Ankara. Zonguldak Valiliği Çevre ve Şehircilik İl Müdürlüğü Zonguldak İl Çevre Durum Raporu 2011. Karabük, Zonguldak, Bartın Turizm Sektör Analizi 2013, http://bakka.gov.tr/site/sayfa/63/turizm-sektoruanalizi#.UtEpd9JdW5V http://www.mgm.gov.tr/veridegerlendirme/il-ve-ilceler-istatistik.aspx?m=ZONGULDAK 07.02.2014 http://www.taskomuru.gov.tr/index.php?page=sayfagoster&id=7/06.12.2013 http://www.tuik.gov.tr/HbGetirHTML.do?id=15974 09.02.2014 47 POPULATION AND SETTLEMENT FEATURES OF BALIKESİR BETWEEN 1940 AND 2010 İsa CÜREBAL Recep EFE Abdullah SOYKAN Süleyman SÖNMEZ INTRODUCTION Settlement and population largely depend on economic features and habitat conditions. That is to say, these two factors affect the sites, functions, and development of establishment of settlements. Geographical features are important in that they set the habitat conditions and characteristics of the area’s potential for use. Areas used in line with their potentials positively affect users’ activities. Yet, areas suitable for agriculture, pasture lands, and forests were converted into urban areas. This, in turn, caused these areas to completely lose their potential features. Settlements on these areas face transportation and infrastructure problems, and the risk of suffering from earthquakes. Settlements cannot remain as they are because of population growth. Thus, they expand over time. First established on slopes, settlements expand towards to other areas such as plain and plateau surfaces. This kind of urbanization leads to many negative environmental impacts such as the loss of fertile lands, and overexploitation and contamination of natural resources. In that sense, it is necessary to consider natural and anthropogenic features when planning the establishment and development sites of settlements. In 2010, 50.5% (3.5 billion people) of the world population lives in urban areas. Urbanization is rapidly increasing all over the world. It is so fast that it is estimated that the world population will increase by 2.5 billion and 80% of it will be living in cities by 2050 (WPO, 2007). 1927 census in Turkey indicates that the population was 13.65 million and 24% of it lived in cities. In 1950, when the population was 20.95 million, urban population reached 25% with a very small increase. It rose to 67.8 in 2000, and the urban population reached 65%. The population escalated to 73.5 in 2010. Urban dwellers in 2010 constitute 75.5% of the total population. Studies were conducted in Turkey to obtain data on the development processes of urban settlements and identify their features. Some of these studies discuss urban settlements while others focus on changes in land use. The following are some of these studies: Afyonkarahisar (Yıldırım and Kılıç, 2006), Aksaray (Yılmaz et al., 2007), Balıkesir (Tolun, 1970; Koç, 2003; Birol, 2004), Bolvadin (Özdemir and Günay, 2005), Çanakkale (Erginal and Erginal, 2002; Tezcan, 2003; Ekrem, 2004; Çavuş, 2007), İzmir (Karadağ, 2000), İstanbul (Efe and Cürebal 2010), Malatya (Karadoğan, 2007), Yalova (Tunay and Ateşoğlu, 2004). Aside from studies for determining the change and development directions of settlements, there are studies delving into the relationship between settlements and geomorphological features (Özdemir, 1996). Preventing unplanned urbanization can only be possible through the temporal and spatial detection of this change. The most suitable and realistic way of achieving this goal is 48 the use of tracing techniques with the utilization of developing satellite images. It is possible to obtain desired results with this method more quickly and efficiently than with classic methods (Maktav et al., 2001). Fig. 1: Location of Balikesir city MATERIAL AND METHOD Balıkesir city center is located in the Marmara Region of Turkey, in the northwest. It is roughly in the middle section of the city. The center is situated between 27º 48′ – 27º 58′ of eastern longitudes and 39º 32′ – 39º 42′ northern latitudes (Fig. 1). According to the 2010 census, the city population is 1.152.323, and about 265.000 live in the Balikesir city center. Lithological structure features of the city area are as follows: The plain base is made up of alluvium. There are Neogene lacustrine sediments on low incline slopes, and Neogene volcanic rocks such as andesite, which is common on hills. 49 Balıkesir urban settlement area is located near the northwest section of the Balıkesir Plain, which has an elevation ranging between 90 and 150 meters and descends towards the northeast. The Balıkesir Plain is like a bowl surrounded by hilly lands that reach 400 meters. Earliest life signs in Balıkesir and its vicinity date back to the period between 8.000 and 3.000 BC. The region was called Mysia in antiquity. Bytins, Myss, Phyrigians, Persians, Empire of Alexander the Great, Seleucids, and the Attalid kingdom ruled the area in historical order. With the collapse of the Attalid kingdom, Balıkesir and its vicinity fell into the territories of the East Roman Empire (Byzantine Empire). Turkish rule in Balıkesir and its vicinity started after the 11th century with the Beylik of Karasi. The Beylik of Karasi was later taken over by the Beylik of Ottoman in 1336. In 1841, Balıkesir became a ‘sanjak’ of Hüdavendigar Province. Karasi Province was established between 1881and1888. Karasi sanjak became a separate administrative zone run by a lieutenant governor on June 28th, 1909. It became a province in 1923, and was named Balıkesir in 1926. Information was obtained with the computer processing of land data from different years. This information was produced in this study, which aims to identify temporal and spatial changes in population characteristics and settlement features of Balıkesir. The data for the year 1940 was obtained from Denker’s study. The map in Denker’s study was coordinated and digitized. The second data on the study area are topographical map sheets of 1960. Data of a topographical map which was updated and printed in 1980 were added. Topographical maps printed in 2000 were the third data. The last data to identify the change in settlement areas was the satellite image taken in 2010. Population characteristics of Balıkesir central district were obtained through data provided by Turkish Statistical Institute. These data were processed on computers and organized into tables and diagrams. 1960, 1980, and 2000 dated maps with a scale of 1/25.000 ( İ19c1 – İ19c2 – İ19c3 – İ19c4 ) were scanned and transferred to computers so that they could be used as bases for data from different periods and with various scales. These map sheets were coordinated by taking into account the corner points on each sheet. Thus, maps on separate sheets became a single piece. These processes were carried out by the use of ArcGIS for Desktop v.10x software and its extensions. Then, geographical features of the area such as settlement areas, rivers, hills, isohips were converted into distinct layers as points, lines and spaces with the screen digitizing method. Military bases with an area of 12.3 km2 were not included in the urban area as they constituted a stable area in wide places. 7.1 km2 area of these military zones is located on the plain base. 4.2 km2 area is on slopes, and1 km 2 is on plateau surfaces. Balıkesir University campus was also excluded. Situated 17 km away from the city center, a significant proportion of the campus is within Bigadiç district boundaries. An image by a multi band sensor named Landsat Enhanced Thematic Mapper Plus (ETM+) was preferred to determine the current boundaries of the urban settlement. The satellite image was integrated into the same coordinate system as the topographical maps to superpose and compare. In order to coordinate in a realistic way, as many checkpoints as possible were used, and standard map projection (Universal Transverse Mercator - UTM) was preferred. The satellite image was analyzed on computers, and boundaries of urban settlement were digitized in polygon format. 50 In the last phase, data of the same settlement areas in different periods were superposed onto population characteristics. Values in the tables were calculated. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION Assessment of the 70 year change in urban settlements of Balıkesir shows that a rapid expansion process occurred. Settlement area that covered an area of 2.4 km2 reached 31 km2 based on 2010 data (Table 1). Settlement grew almost by a factor of 10 in the meantime. The fastest growth was between 1950 and 1960. This was the period when industrialization began in Turkey. This sparked migration from villages to cities. Urban population continued to increase in the following years and reached 265.000 in 2010. Table 1: Population of Balıkesir city center Fig. 2: Population graph of Balikesir Town Table 2: Population growth and growth rates in 1940 - 2010 51 However, population density decreased. Housing and attached buildings dominate the core area. New settlement areas are filled with detached buildings. Thus, the building density is less. This led to a more modern city structure. There were 16.985 people per km2 in 1960. This dropped to 8.572 by 2010. This change in the population structure of the city varied in the degree of effect based on the natural features of the area. The settlement area expanded from slopes to the plain. The rate of settlement area in topographical units did not change much over time. However, area of agricultural lands increased day by day, leading to the misuse of first grade agricultural soils. The city area was 2.4 km2 in 1940 and 3.6 km2 in 1960. It reached 8.8 km2 in 1980, 24.4 km2 in 2000, and 31 km2 in 2010. The plain area was 1.6 km2 in 1940. It reached 18.6 km2. Table 3: Population, settlement area and population density Table 4: Relationship between setlement and geomorphological units in 2010 Balıkesir urban settlement area expanded 28.6 km2 between 1940 and 2010. The city can be said to have expanded 0.4 km2 each year during this period. Balıkesir city center expanded towards every direction except for the western sector in 50 years. Expansion was largely towards the northeast. The plain base, a plain land, and the Bursa road made the expansion towards this direction easier (Fig. 9). 17 km2 of the Balıkesir Plain was lost due to settlements. However, it had been suggested that the plain be used for agricultural purposes (Table 4). The Ayşebacı and Çayırhisar villages on the plain base and the Üçpınar village on northern slopes of the plain became integrated with urban settlements in this process. 52 Expansion of settlements on slopes and plateau surfaces should be deemed appropriate in terms of the land potential. It is true that settlement areas expanded towards these geomorphological units. However, the decline of the proportional values in the total settlement area should not be deemed negative. The population density per unit area in Balıkesir city center gradually decreased during the study period. A comparison of the data from the 1960 census and 1960 topographical maps reveals that there were 16.985 people per km2. This dropped to 14.097 based on the 1980 census and 1980 topographical map data, to 8.829 based on the 2000 census and 2000 topographical map data, and to 8.572 based on 2010 data. This shows that there is no parallel between population growth and the spatial change in urban settlement. In other words, spatial expansion of urban settlement was more than population growth. This increased the settlement pressure on the plain base. Fig. 3:Expansion of residential area on different topographic surfaces in Balikesir Fig. 4: Settlement features of Balıkesir city center and its vicinity in 1940 Fig. 5: Settlement features of Balıkesir city center and its vicinity in 1960 53 Fig. 6: Settlement features of Balıkesir city center and its vicinity in 1980 Fig. 8: Settlement features of Balıkesir city center and its vicinity in 2010. Military zones prevented the city from expanding towards the southeast and west. Fig. 7: Settlement features of Balıkesir city center and its vicinity in 2000. The city center expanded more towards the south. The expansion process of Balıkesir urban settlement can be said to continue in upcoming years due to population growth (Fig. 9). The city’s expansion towards the plain base in the east was halted due to the highway and military airbase. The residential use of the plain base, which is in the north of the Balıkesir Plain and in the west of the Bursaİzmir road, is considered possible. Such a process will lead to further loss of fertile agricultural lands with the increase of urban settlement on the plain base. Military zones prevent the city’s expansion towards the west. Hence, slopes in the north of the plain and low incline lands can be regarded as alternative settlement areas. Yet, building heights should be arranged well when the area has been opened to construction. Tall buildings can have a negative effect on air circulation because the prevail- ing wind direction in Balıkesir is northeast. The plain base is located between the Balıkesir University, which is situated on slopes in the southeast of the Balıkesir Plain, and the city center. There is a risk that the plain base can be used for settlement in near future. This problem is apparent particularly in areas near the road. The settlement expansion process is likely to be towards the slope and plateau surface 54 Fig. 9: Settlement development phases. located between the city center and the organized industrial site in the southwest of the city. In this zone, lands are infertile, and topography is rugged. Hence, infrastructure investments will not be lucrative. Yet, the city’s expansion towards this direction should not be deemed the most reasonable preference. Thus, the use of lands in the north and northeast for settlement can be prevented to a certain degree. REFERENCES BİROL, Gaye (2004). Bir Batı Anadolu Kasabasının Modern Bir Kente Dönüşümünün Hikayesi: 19401960 Yılları Arasında Balıkesir’de İmar Etkinliklerine Genel Bir Bakış”, Ege Mimarlık Dergisi, 51: 10-16. CASTELLS, Manuel (2000), The Information Age: Economy, Society, and Culture, Vol. I, The Rise of the Network Society. Second edition. Oxford: Blackwell. CÜREBAL, İsa; EFE, Recep; SOYKAN, Abdullah; SÖNMEZ, Süleyman (2008), Balıkesir Kent Merkezi Yerleşim Alanı ile Jeomorfolojik Birimler Arasındaki İlişkinin Coğrafi Bilgi Sistemi ve Uzaktan Algılama Yöntemleriyle Belirlenmesi, Ulusal Jeomorfoloji Sempozyumu, 20-23 Ekim 2008, Çanakkale. ÇAVUŞ, Canan Zehra (2007), “Çanakkale’de Kentsel Gelişimin Uzaktan Algılama ve GPS Ölçümleri ile İzlenmesi”, İstanbul Üniversitesi, Edebiyat Fakültesi, Coğrafya Bölümü, Coğrafya Dergisi, 15: 44-58, İstanbul DİE (TÜİK) 1950-1955-1960-1965-1970-1975-1980-1985-1990-2000 Genel Nüfus Sayımı Sonuçları, Ankara DPT (2003), İllerin Sosyo-Ekonomik Gelişmişlik Sıralaması Araştırması, Ankara EFE, Recep (1996), “Yerleşim Açısından Küçükçekmece Gölü Kuzeybatısının Jeomorfolojik Özellikleri”, M.Ü. Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü “Öneri” Dergisi, Sayı 5, Sayfa 95–109, İstanbul. EFE, Recep (2007), Natural Environmental Properties and their Impact on Urban Development of Istanbul. The Fourth Geography Conference “Regional Development and Policy”, 19-23 September, Sozopol, Bulgaria EFE, Recep; CUREBAL, İsa (2011), Impacts of the “Marmaray” Project (Bosphorus Tube Crossing, Tun- 55 nels and Stations) on Transportation and Urban Environment in Istanbul. In: Stanley D. Brunn (Ed.) Engineering Earth-The Impacts of Megaengineering Projects. Chapter 41. ISBN 978-90-481-9919-8 e-ISBN 978-90-4819920-4. DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-9920-4. Springer: Dordrecht, Heidelberg, London, New York EFE, Recep; SÖNMEZ, Süleyman; SOYKAN, Abdullah; CÜREBAL, İsa (2008), Sürdürülebilir Bölgesel Kalkınmada Ekorejyonların Önemi: Balıkesir Örneği. Güney Marmara Bölgesel Gelişme Sorunları Ulusal Sempozyumu. Balıkesir Üniversitesi, İİBF, Bandırma. EKREM, Canan Zehra (2004), Çanakkale’de Şehirleşmenin Fiziki Potansiyeli Kullanımı ve Alternatif Alanların Belirlenmesi, Çanakkale 18 Mart Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Yüksek Lisans Tezi (Basılmamış), Çanakkale ERGİNAL, Ahmet Evren; ERGİNAL, Gülsen (2003), “Çanakkale Şehrinde Yer Seçiminin Jeomorfolojik Açıdan Değerlendirilmesi”, Doğu Coğrafya Dergisi, IX: 94-116, Erzurum. ERGİNAL, Ahmet Evren; ERTEK, Topçu Ahmet (2004), Çanakkale’de Kentsel Gelişimi Etkileyen Doğal Faktörler, Türkiye Kıyıları 2004, Türkiye’nin Kıyı ve Deniz Alanları V. Ulusal Konferansı Bildiriler Kitabı: 333343, ODTÜ, Ankara. ERGÜL, Erdem; ÖZTÜRK, Zafer; AKÇAÖREN, Ferit; GÖZLER, Ziya (1980), Balıkesir İli Marmara Denizi Arasının Jeolojisi, Maden Tetkik ve Arama Genel Müdürlüğü, Proje No:6760, Ankara. GÖÇER, Orhan (2000), Şehirsel Merkezler ve Şehirsel Kademelenme, (Şehircilik Kitabı içerisinde), İ.T.Ü., Gümüşsuyu, 1985 Karadağ, A., 2000, Kentsel Gelişim Süreci, Çevresel Etkileri ve Sorunları ile İzmir, Titizler Grafik Baskı, İzmir. KARADOĞAN, Sabri (2007), Malatya Kenti ve Yakın Çevresi İçin Olası Doğal Riskler ve Afet Yönetimi (GIS Ortamında Örnek Bir Uygulama), TMMOB Harita ve Kadastro Mühendisleri Odası, Ulusal Coğrafi Bilgi Sistemleri Kongresi, 30 Ekim – 2 Kasım 2007, KTÜ, Trabzon. KELEŞ, Ruşen (1993), Kentleşme Politikası, İmge Kitapevi, Ankara, 1993 KOÇ, Telat (2003), Urbanization and Landuse in Balıkesir Plain, International Conference On Sustainable Land Use And Management, 10-13 June 2002, Çanakkale, Turkey, p.14-20, Çanakkale MAKTAV, Derya; SUNAR ERBEK, Filiz; AKGÜN, Hasan (2002), Kentsel Gelişimin Uzaydan İzlenmesi Semineri, 16 Temmuz 2001, TÜYAP, Büyükçekmece, İstanbul. ÖZDEMİR, Mehmet Ali (1996), “Türkiye’de Büyük Yerleşme Alanlarının Seçiminde Jeomorfolojik Esaslar (Geomorphologic Factors in Determining Large Locations of Settlement in Turkey)”, Fırat Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 8 (2): 209–222. Elazığ ÖZDEMİR, Mehmet Ali; GÜNAY, Mustafa (2005), “Bolvadin Kentinin Gelişiminde Coğrafi Koşulların Rolü”, Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, VII (2): 129-156, Afyon SASSEN, Saskia (2001), Global Cities and Global City-Regions: A Comparison, Global City-Regions Trends, Theory, Policy, (Ed. Allen J. Scott), Oxford University Press, Oxford - New York TEZCAN, Şaban (2003), Çanakkale’de Şehirsel Gelişme ve Mekansal Değişim, İstanbul Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Doktora Tezi (Basılmamış), İstanbul. TOLUN (DENKER), Bedriye (1970), Balıkesir Ovasında Yerleşme ve İktisadi Faaliyetler, İstanbul Üniversitesi, Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayın No:1530, İstanbul TÜMERTEKİN, Erol (1975), Türkiye’de Şehirleşme ve Şehirsel Fonksiyonlar, İ.Ü. Coğrafya Enstitüsü Yayınları, İstanbul UN - Population Division, Population Estimates and Projections Section (2011), World Urbanization Prospects WPO (2007), http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs//2007/pop952.doc.htm YILMAZ, Hacı Murat; REİS, Selçuk; ATASOY, Mustafa (2007), Türkiye’de Yeni İllerin Kentsel Gelişim Sürecinin Coğrafi Bilgi Sistemleri ile Belirlenmesi: Aksaray Örneği, TMMOB Harita ve Kadastro Mühendisleri Odası, Ulusal Coğrafi Bilgi Sistemleri Kongresi, 30 Ekim – 2 Kasım 2007, KTÜ, Trabzon. 56 URBAN TRANSPORT LOGISTICS OPTIMIZATION – A CASE STUDY FOR BALCHIK MUNICIPALITY, BULGARIA Boyko RANGUELOV 1. GENERAL TOWN CONTEXT 1.1 Balchik and its vicinity. Balchik Municipality – general description Balchik Municipality is located in North-East Bulgaria in the Dobrich District. It is a Black Sea municipality, a resort centre and a popular tourist destination. There are two ports in the Municipality, Cargo berth and Yacht marine – both located at the sea coast just below the town. The Cargo port is used generally on a seasonal basis – in summer and autumn due to the exported goods (mainly corn and wheat). A big storage building about these goods is located by the port entrance. In summer and autumn great quantities of rough grain are exported. ALBENA Resort The hotels in ALBENA resort are about sixty and avail more then 20,000 beds in single, double, triple rooms and apartments. In summer almost all facilities are in use, while in the remaining part of the year only some of the hotels are open, especially those with SPA facilities. ALBENA resort is a huge complex with a great volume of logistic activities executed during summer. It could be the only place, where the optimization of logistics, ENCLOSE experience and CO2 and other gas polluters can decrease due to the different measures. Unfortunately, this is a private consortium property and not under the Balchik municipality owners’ jurisdiction. TUZLATA Sea Resort This is a small recreation area (Sanatorium) with a unique, once-formed lagoon and a mud lake with therapeutic mud, which offers all healthcare mud procedures. It is located about 10 km north of the town of Balchik and is popular for the curative mud treatment provided. University Botanical Garden The Botanical Garden is the main attraction in town of Balchik. Its 10 hectares surround the small summer palace of the Romanian Queen Marie (20th century) . The gardens are arranged on a steep hillside – deep huge landslide with Pleistocene age, and descend in 6 terraces to the sea (supposedly one for each of the Queen`s children). There are over 3000 shrub, rose and flower species, set among streams, waterfalls, and ornamental channels. The Garden has remained the only almost pure ‘green area’ in Balchik with all restrictions to cars and logistics. The Botanical Garden is under the jurisdiction of the Sofia University of St Kliment Ohridski. Some statistics about Balchik and Balchik Municipality Area size of Balchik Municipality: 523km2 Area size of Balchik town: 23 km2 Population of Balchik Municipality: 23161 people (in summer time they increase by 2000-3000 people) 57 Number of towns and cities in Balchik Municipality: 1 Number of villages in Balchik Municipality: 21 Centre of Municipality Balchik: Town of Balchik Total length of streets in Balchik: 213 km Main industry: tourism (Albena resort), mining (village of Obrochishte), port handling activities (Balchik) Figure 1 Balchik town, Obrochishte mining village (blue), Botanical gardens with the Queen’s Mary Palace (magenta) and the main touristic areas – Balchik promenade and Albena resort (green) 1.2 Strategic Town Plans and Overall Mobility Approach Balchik is small-size town with rich history. It had sprung around 3000–4000 BC (during the Neolithic Period). The town was a great colony during the Hellenistic Period famous for its Cybele Temple (4th century BC–6th century AD). This temple was discovered in April, 2007 in excavation works and was unearthed by archaeologists. The temple is the most well preserved one in the Balkans. It was destroyed by a complex hazardous event (most probably earthquake, triggered tsunami and buried by a landslide in 454 AD). At present, the Cybele Temple is considered as a main historical attraction for tourists. There is a small parking lot (10–15 cars) next to the excavations. During its history the town was struck by earthquakes, from time to time by tsunamis, and most frequently by landslides. Local archaeological and historical investigations suggest that Balchik is a town having survived 7 civilizations – since the Neolithic Period up to these days. In the Middle Ages Balchik was under Bulgarian and Venetian rule. After 1400 it became part of the Ottoman Empire. During that time it was a small local port for farmers’ 58 products shipment. Nowadays Balchik is a small Black Sea municipality, a resort centre and a popular tourist destination. There are two ports in the Municipality, Cargo berth and Yacht marine – both located at the sea coast just below the town. The Cargo port is used generally on a seasonal basis – in summer and autumn due to the exported goods (mainly corn and wheat). A big storage building about these goods is located by the port entrance. In summer and autumn great quantities of rough grain are exported. This suggests heavy seasonal traffic of heavy trucks. (Ranguelov B. et al, 2011). The main traffic streams are going through the two main entrances/exits located in the relatively smooth plain. The steep slopes are the result of very intensive local active landslides. It gives the town very specific morphology of the streets, shops and entertainment facilities. The local streets are developed in two main types: – straight streets (localized in the newly built part of the town, and – very curvy streets (on the steep slopes) of the older part of the town. Figure 2 Areas in Balchik with straight streets (red) and curvy streets (magenta) Figure 3 Balchik – main road entrances/exits. The ‘green area’ is magenta circle. The peers of the ports (Cargo berth and Yacht marine) are visible in the sea (blue area). The air quality is not a significant issue in Balchik. This is due to the local morphology 59 and year wind directions. The local sea breeze is blowing to and from the sea almost all year. Local inversion occurs rarely (few days in cold winter). The dominant seasonal wind directions are northward and south-westward. Figure 4 Predominant wind directions (breeze – green arrows) and seasonal (magenta arrows) 1.3 Main mobility normative aspects (e.g. The main mobility normative aspects include different components as: traffic restrictions, pedestrian areas, regulated access areas, special regulations for residents, parking restrictions, control and surveillance, etc.) The Municipality Transport Strategy (MTS) is developed with a Vision and Objectives over a 10–15-year period for meeting the transport needs of people, businesses and tourism throughout the region. One of the ITS (Intelligent Transport System) objectives is to improve the efficiency, reliability and integration of the movement of goods and people, hence main target is the tourist traffic. The normative regulations are related to the main access to the tourist attractions, hotels and beaches. There are traffic restrictions related to the main pedestrian area – the local promenade (totally restricted in morning and evening hours), where the hotels, restaurants and entertainment facilities are located. Just around this area two local parking areas are established: one of them (about 50–60 cars) beside the main Hotel Mistral and the second one (up to 100 cars) – at the beginning of the pedestrian area in the promenade. Both parking places are under guard’s control. The second one (East) is paid and have manually operated barrier. The entrance to the promenade at the other side (West) is restricted by a barrier operated by a guard. The 24-hour guard is ensured by the local security firm. They are in close cooperation with the local police. 1.4 Intelligent Technology Systems and town mobility technologies The Intelligent Technology Systems include different elements such as: Town mobility 60 technologies Access Control System, ETC and Pricing systems, Parking Management System, etc.) The pricing system is regulated by the local Municipal Council. All regulations are under control by the respective directorate of the Municipality of Balchik. They are responsible about town logistics, local bus transport and all vehicles of the Municipality. The town has only one underground car parking with a capacity of about 40–50 cars. The only measures intended and implemented up to now are related to tourist traffic limitations, development of the parking zones and regulated access areas for the hotels delivery logistics. The pedestrian areas are localized just near the sea shore – the promenade tourist (hotels and restaurants) and entertainment zone. 2. GENERAL LOGISTICS CONTEXT 1.1 Study area The study area covered the entire Balchik town and the villa zones, incorporated therein. Queen Mary’s summer palace (the main historical site) and the botanical gardens (like typical ‘green’ zones) and Albena Resort as part of the Balchik Municipality administrative ruled area are presented. Figure 5 Balchik town (1– yellow), green zone (2 – Botanical garden and Queen’s palace (green) and Albena resort (3–red quadrangle) The focus of investigation is targeted to the coastal area – Balchik Promenade (Dambata), where the main hotels, restaurants, shops and entertainment facilities are located. The new constructions include as well as many apartments and other new build and inhabited structures. 1.2 Specific regulations for commercial and cargo vehicle circulation, entrance and parking There are specific regulations for commercial and cargo vehicle circulation, entrance and parking. Almost all (four for now) big hotels have back yard access areas where heavy vehicles can stop for a short period of time (there are juts for loading and unloading). As there is strict schedule, car traffic jam is practically not possible. Some of the LGV – light-goods vehicles (in general, privately-owned) are entering the 61 restricted zone from 6 to 9 AM and from 11 to 12 PM (varying during the different seasons) just for fast loading/unloading procedures – mostly to supply goods like small industrial products, gifts, souvenirs, fruit and vegetables, as well as ice-cream. (B. Ranguelov, et al, 2013) Figure 6 An entertainment facility – Balchik Promenade 1.3 Access Restriction Strategy The strategy followed during the last years was to undertake integrated actions within the downtown and its surrounding areas that decrease the pressure produced by social and economic demands, with special emphasis on sustainable urban transport. At the same time, pedestrian traffic in the Promenade was prompted by providing comfortable and safe areas for walking, rest and entertainment. The priority pedestrian area was analyzed and its development will further continue – the shops and entertainment facilities will be expanded. To apply these measures, the Municipality Council drew up new itineraries for heavy vehicles, designed traffic signs for the outer roads including different limitations: The following actions were taken in the historical part and the surrounding areas: • Enhancement of pedestrian walkways • Development of access to pedestrian zones for residents and tourists • Introduction of mechanical systems to restrict access – barriers • Implementation of access and car-parking measures for residents (actively involving live guards and a guard firm in drawing up procedures for stakeholders, permits, security methods, etc.) • Design of access schedules for supply vehicles and communication of these measures to the privately-owned supply cars • Promotion of restricted access for heavy vehicles in the town centre and coastal area • Modifications to traffic directions around coastal streets to reduce congestion. The measure results regarding traffic are: 62 - The vehicle speed was limited through speed radars deployed at the coastal streets used by most vehicles to enter the town. The data was an average of the data obtained during one day via the speed radars. A short reduction of the velocity was observed in the period of the project. - Car reduction in restricted area as the number of vehicles entering the area was reduced. It is due to the actions of access restriction and pedestrian area which forced to reduce the impact of the particular vehicle and loading and unloading at the hotels around. The intension of the Municipality is to build some new parking places and to restrict the streets parking car by introducing blue parking zone. 3. BALCHIK STUDY AREA The studied areas include the main tourist and commercial part of Balchik. Two main localities are outlined: (Appendix 1) - Balchik town (divided to old and new part) - Promenade area – with the main hotels, restaurants and attractions 3.1 Goods distribution scheme The shops (and hotels, restaurants, etc.) are divided in several groups (see Table 1) Table 1 The supply traffic flow goes in two directions – to the old part and to the new one. The main suppliers are private firms using light-good vans (LGV). In the central part there are several office buildings within the study area, including the headquarters of Balchik Municipality and underground garage for about 40–50 cars. 3.2 Infrastructure and facilities for town logistics and cargo distribution 63 The currently operated infrastructures and facilities for town logistics and cargo distribution are developed during the earlier times - e.g. Town Distribution Terminal, cargo loading/unloading areas, etc. and others for possible reuse. There are no specific town distribution terminals except the one located near the big corn storage and the port. The port area is the only depot accessed by heavy cars (over 10 tons). During the active traffic season – late autumn/early spring more then 20–30 trucks pass there per day (loading and mostly unloading). This period is no more than a month long. The dust and pollution during this time interval is significant, but not measured up to now. Cargo loading/unloading areas are in the back yards of the hotels and have been discussed above. 3.3 Currently provided services At present services are provided mainly by small privately-owned logistic firms. The town logistics – shops, hotels and restaurants, is regulated by the Municipality Council. In order to set the logistics baseline, special statistics has been applied for the access of cars of logistics as well as for the cars of tourists. Figure 7 Private LGV – fruits and vegetables supply to the hotels during the open hours in the Promenade 4. SETTING LOGISTICS BASELINE 1.1 Mobility approach and regulation in the study area All road space in the study area is regulated by means of Traffic Regulation Orders (TROs), drawn up by the Town Council and compliant with the national legislation, and is subject to enforcement by Town Council-employed Parking Assistants. The TROs define the time when parking and loading/unloading is permitted or restricted and the types of 64 vehicles that can park or load/unload there. These are backed up by traffic signs and lines to guide and inform motorists. The main Promenade street (Dambata) is pedestrianised with restrictions on vehicle access and is landscaped to restrict vehicle speeds and discourage general traffic use. The retail businesses in the pedestrianised street are dependent on front-door deliveries with time restrictions from 07:00 till 10:00 AM. There is no time restriction for the backdoor delivery in the hotels which have off-street servicing areas. Elsewhere in the town centre designated loading bays ensure access to retail and office properties. Intelligent Transport Systems (ITS) have been proposed to Balchik Municipality, but after discussion they were rejected due to the lack of sufficient funds. The Municipality controls the town traffic signals, including bus priority, car park signs and information boards with respective contents, and parking places thus ensuring the efficient movement of traffic and the provision of transport information within the town. (B. Ranguelov et al, 2014) 1.2 Overview of main types of logistic flows Traffic counts were undertaken during several days in tourist (high), intermediate and non-tourist (‘winter’) season in 2012-2013 to determine the number of commercial vehicles entering the study area during weekends and working days. The total number of commercial vehicles entering and leaving the study area of Balchik is as follows: Table 2 Figure 8 Diagrams of the number of vehicles in winter and summer season, as well as the average mileage of the respective types of vehicles travelling in the town. 65 Generally, small private companies are responsible for supply organization. They cover the deliveries to about 76% of the hotels and small shops located in the study area. Figure 9 Guarded barrier restricts the entrance to the Promenade 4.3. Commercial activities The commercial activities in Balchik are located in the two main parts of the town –‘old’ and ‘new’ part. Due to its topography peculiarities – high hills moderated by the huge landslides, the old part is characterized by two main entrances/exists of the transport roads and two secondary roads in the direction of Tuzlata. The streets are curvy and steep and can not absorb huge traffic. The only larger roads are by the sea and over the hills. They are responsible for the main traffic – tourist cars, LGV and OGV1 vehicles. In general, the shops, restaurants and hotels are located near the sea shore. Predominantly, the houses are 1 and 3–4 storey. The new part was build up during the 1960’s and was related mainly with the military activities, military and training base for aircraft commands. The urban planning is modern and streets are straight. The building stock is mixed – higher blocks of flats (5–8 storey) and lower houses and public buildings – offices, schools etc. In both parts shops, coffee shops and other public buildings are located approximately equally. The population is also distributed approximately equally – about 45% (old part) to 55% (new part). In general, the shops, restaurants and hotels are located near the sea shore. 66 Figure 10 Distribution of the commercial activities in Balchik – new part, old part and total number Figure 11 Pies presenting the number of shops and other commercial units 4.4 Goods supply traffic flow The goods supply traffic flows are directly related to the location and the number of the commercial buildings, shops, coffee shops (frequently occupying the ground floors of private homes), etc. The supply of the goods is done by private firms which have contracts with the shop owners. The time schedule is rather free and is arranged mainly to suit big consumers like hotels and supermarkets – generally, they are supplied each week in order to keep the 67 vegetables, fruits, meet and other goods in fresh condition. The supply of goods in the town is related to regulating the vehicles that enter the urban zone and assigning specific areas for supply in the pedestrian and access restriction area. The end results are deliveries that are more methodically done and less harmful to the surrounding environment Figure 12 Pies presenting the percentage distribution of the different commercial units – both in the old and new part of Balchik The analysis of the figures above shows that the old part and the new part are almost equally suplied as far as local food shops, coffee shops and supermarkets go. The predominant number of hotels, souvenir shops and beach suplies are in the old part near the sea shore due to the tourist buisnes. The goods flow together with the huge corn storage and the offices account for more then 40% of the traffic flow near the shore. 4.5 Highlighting the logistic problems To highlight the traffic and possible logistic problems a survey of the entering/leaving cars, LGV and OGV1 vehicles has been carried out at the entrances/exits of the town (study area ‘Entire Balchik’) and Promenade (study area ‘Promenade’) Traffic counts were made during August and September 2013 in both study areas – Study area 1, Entire Balchik, and Study Area 2, Promenade, to determine the number of commercial vehicles and tourist cars entering the study areas during weekdays (Monday to Friday) and holidays (Saturdays and Sundays). The following abbreviations are used: TC – tourist cars are included in the study, because they make up the main traffic flow Commercial vehicles were classified by two types, as follows: 68 LGV – light goods vehicles – comprising car derived vans and goods vehicles up to 3.5 tones. OGV1 – 2 and 3 axle rigid vehicles over 3.5 tones GVW Gross Vehicle Weight (GVW) (typically Ford Transit type vehicles) The only two entrances and exits (main streets) in the study area make the counting procedure pretty easy and effective. Figure 13 Typical delivery LGV for the hotels linen The counts were made for 60-minute periods over a 12-hour day from 07:00 to 19:00. (work days - tourist season – entire Balchik) – Table 3 Table 3 Numbers of cars for the Entire Balchik Study Area 69 Figure 14 Histograme and diagram presenting the traffic flows To separate the tourist cars (they are the main component of the traffic flow), the LGV and OGV1 vehicles have been counted. The results are presented to the next diagram. Figure 15 Number of LGV and OGV1 vechicles 70 The analysis shows that these flows (LGV+OGV1) formed more than 70% of the CO2 emmissions. This is an approximately constant value. It changes mostly during the summer time, but by not more than 10–15%. To investigate seasonality of supplies additional investigations have been made during the winter season in Balchik in 2013. The seasonality of the tourist activity has been studied in ‘winter’ (non-tourist season) and ‘summer’ – (high and low season) and the CO2 emissions were calculated (Table 4). 5. CALCULATIONS MODEL The data related to the daily traffic in the study area extended to all vehicles (cars and commercial vehicles) are very useful. From these data we calculated the baseline (CO2 emission and energy) which shall only refer to logistic activities. For this purpose we indicated the data that we have already assumed for commercial vehicles (diesel vehicles Euro 2-3). We consider these averaged values are suitable): Emissions : OGV1:average experimental consumption = 6 Km/lt ; CO2 emissions = 0,433 gr/ Km LGV:average experimental consumption = 8,3 Km/lt ; CO2 emissions = 0,342 gr/ Km Diesel specific gravity = 0,835 kg/lt Energy: 1kg diesel = 10.200 Kcal Through calculation it is possible to estimate how many kilometres a commercial vehicle runs in average within the Study Areas. (ENCLOSE web page) 5.2 Estimation of the average fuel consumption of the LGV and OGV1 – Table 4 Table 4 Seasonality rate of average numbers and kilometers of LGV and OGV1 with the CO2 emissions Furthermore, since the baseline must be calculated on a seasonal basis, the available data for commercial vehicles on a summer/winter season have been extrapolated to the seasonal basis. It was established that during the ‘winter’ (non-tourist) season the traffic of LGV decreases approximately 10 times. The heavy vehicles – OGV1 we kept in an average year basis having in mind that the intensive traffic is for about 2–3 months related with the corn production export period via the port. 71 Figure 16 CO2 emissions during the summer season Figure 17 CO2 emissions during the winter season Table 5 Number of vehicles in the Promenade Study Area (workdays – tourist season) 72 During the non- tourist season (‘winter’) this area is free of transportation. There are no air-monitoring sites in the study area to record air pollution. 6. SOFT MEASURES PROPOSED AND IMPLEMENTED On the basis of the analysis made, the following conclusions could be extracted: - All road space in the study area is regulated by means of Traffic Regulation Orders (TROs), drawn up by the Town Council and compliant with the national legislation, and is subject to enforcement by Town Council-employed Parking Assistants. The TROs define the time when parking and loading/unloading is permitted or restricted and the types of vehicles that can park or load/unload there. These are backed up by traffic signs and lines to guide and inform motorists. - The main Promenade street is pedestrianised with restrictions on vehicle access and is landscaped to restrict vehicle speeds and discourage general traffic use. - The retail businesses in the pedestrianised street are dependent on front-door deliveries with time restrictions from 07:00 till 10:00 AM. There is no time restriction for the back-door delivery in the hotels which have off-street servicing areas. Elsewhere in the town centre designated loading bays ensure access to retail and office properties. - There are not many traffic-related problems in the town. The streets’ network can absorb the main traffic flow. Heavy problems could exist during the intensive tourist season (July–August), so the new parking places are intended to prevent the entrance of overloaded tourist car flow. - The pollution generated by the traffic flow is not measured up to now. All calculatiuopns are made on a model basis. The wind environment usually prevents the heavy gas polution in the town. - Intelligent Transport Systems (ITS) have been proposed to Balchik Municipality according the ENCLOSE working plan but after discussion it was rejected due to the lack of sufficient funds. The Municipality controls the town’s traffic signals, including bus priority, variable message car park signs, and parking places ensuring the efficient movement of traffic and the provision of transport information within the town. 6.1 Selection of the most suitable measures On the basis of the above presented results, several soft measures have been identified, discussed and implemented. (G.Ambrosino et al, 2005). All soft measures have been divided in several groups: 6.2.1. Soft measures proposed and implemented Two soft measures have been identified for application in the Balchik study area. These are: -Time limitation of vehicle access to the hotel area near the sea shore - Space limitation of vehicles and tourist cars 6.2.2. Extra soft measures have been identified and implemented – in the Promenade area: -There is 1 guarded barrier at the entrance to the seashore pedestrian area - 2 parking places – 1 life-guarded and 1 barrier-guarded 73 6.2.3. Soft measures intended to be implemented in the near future - Extension of the time and space limitations to the new hotels located around the Promenade (this measure is obligatory, as the extension is going to the opposite direction of the present Promenade pedestrian area) This measure is necessitated by the new buildings construction. Most of them are in final construction stage, so very soon the access to them will be restricted by the time for the delivery of goods and supplies. 6.2.4. Parking places locations and construction The greatest difficulties in the town logistics are related to the limited parking sites. Due to the very hilly and steep slopes in Balchik, dominated by local landslides, the space for parking during the summer period is very limited. To eliminate these difficulties there are several new established parking places, but they can not ensure the increased tourist traffic during the summer time. A measure proposed is to build up new parking places near the entrances of the town. They are located at relatively flat areas, where the construction of such large parking places is possible. This can ensure the soft traffic during the tourist season. The aim is to limit the access during the heavy traffic hours of the commercial vehicles and the other traffic. Such measure has effectively been implemented in other seaside towns (Sozopol, Nesebar, etc.). The problem is still the lack of sufficient funds to be invested in this project. Figure 18 Construction of the hotels – on the other side of the Promenade 7. ALBENA RESORT The Albena Resort is another possible place where all activities about logistics support could be modeled and implemented. The resort is a very specific place with special tourist facilities and entertainment. The isolation of the resort is provided by local restrictions, such as barriers, wire isolation and other restricted facilities (doors, observational guard points, etc.). Specific feature is the single entry/exit point of the resort. This gives the possibility of a strict control of all vehicles entering and leaving the resort area. All these specifics make 74 possible the creation of a completely new logistics management of the area. If the owners decide, the transport logistics could be managed according the most modern technologies used in such resorts. These include: introduction of the FEVs and HEVs, logistics and control centre and central depot point about delivery of supplies, clear assessment of the introduction of such measurements by the installation of observation points of air pollution by different elements, etc. The total length of the traffic streets in the resort is about 56 km. • FEVs and HEVs parking place • Logistic Center – LC • Control center – CC • Technical equipment about air pollution observations - OP • Pyramids and other street lockers – SL (1 SL is enough) • Total Bike area - BA The location of all suggested facilities is easy to manage, because the resort has been built after a plan, which permits the introduction of transport logistics by all recent and modern technologies of control and high-quality and in-time deliveries to all facilities in the resort. Table 6 Albena resort traffic – summer season (in winter season the resort not occupied) 75 Figure 19 Intended locations in case of SULP in Albena resort – model of the transport logistics CONCLUSIONS The feasibility study for town logistic measures in Balchik shows that the selected measures could positively influence the decrease of CO2 and other pollution gases emissions. It can cover the investigated categories – commercial, transport, operational and technical, on which the ENCLOSE project focuses. Its purposes by all means represent an added value in environmental and energy terms of the town. The first measure to undertake would be the adaptation of the already implemented Promenade measure of guarded barriers to the cover the newly built hotels, restaurants and entertainment facilities, which could lead to an improvement of urban sea shore area and to the quality of life. Any of the other three measures could be implemented. The acquired experience of implemented temporary soft measures shows that the time and space limitations could be useful, but they can also create some difficulties to the citizens of the town. It will be responsibility of the Municipality Council to decide the measures prolongation or to try to introduce some others. In short, it is important to highlight that generally speaking, in the town of Balchik there are no significant logistics problems. In any case, this feasibility analysis enhances the progress on the habitability of this town – the old central part and the new tourist area near the sea shore. The collaboration between the Municipality authorities and the citizens as well as transport operators and tourist industry could be improved in search of the optimal solutions of the town logistics. Acknowledgments: This work is supported by the 7FP EU Project ENCLOSE 76 APPENDIX 1 Studied areas – entire Balchik (red square) and Promenade (magenta) The Balchik town panoramic view Balchik promenade (panoramic view) – main hotels, restaurants and the pedestrian area 77 Albena Resort REFERENCES RANGUELOV B., S. PETKOV, N. MARINOVA, 2011. The EU 7FP Project ENCLOSE – Partner Balchik municipality., Proc. Eight Scientific Conference, SPACE, ECOLOGY, SAFETY-SES2012,4th – 6th December 2012, Sofia, Bulgaria, p. 373-376. B. RANGUELOV, S. ZHELEZOV, D. DIMITROV, S. PETKOV, N. MARINOVA, 2013. The EU 7FP Project ENCLOSE – feasibility study, soft measures and SULP intensions for Balchik. Proc. Ninth Scientific Conference, SPACE, ECOLOGY, SAFETY-SES2012, 20th –22nd November 2013, Sofia, Bulgaria, p. 146-151 B. RANGUELOV, S. ZHELEZOV, D. DIMITROV, S. PETKOV ., 2014. Smart Cities – Optimization of the transport logistics. Balchik case and the EU ENCLOSE Project partnership. Abstract book. South-East European Forum and Exhibition on Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy. Inter-Expo Centre, Sofia 5th -7th March, 2014. p.310. ENCLOSE web page: http://www.eaci-projects.eu/iee/ (Eds. G AMBROSINO, M BOERO, J. NELSON AND M ROMANAZZO), Systems and advanced solutions for e-logistics in the sustainable city. ENEA, Roma, 2005, 358 pp. 78 PRISHTINA, THE ONLY EUROPEAN CAPITAL WITHOUT GIS IN ITS MAIN INSTITUTIONS Florim ISUFI Shpejtim BULLIQI Bashkim KASTRATI Fitim HUMOLLI Ferat KRASNIQI Geographic Information Systems (GIS), as a perfect methodology for continuous management and monitoring of geographic elements, phenomena and events, has found a wide practical application in all levels in the developed countries (from local to global). Services on the position in the space are GIS applications that provide information through computer, tablet, web, mobile technology and other mobile devices. These services by the help of GIS can be accessible at anytime and anywhere where they are needed. Monitoring and management of all urban activities is much easier and successful with the application of GIS, an application in practical terms as well as in the forecasts and future urban planning. It is unbelievable but it is true that the Kosovo capital – Pristina, with about 192 916(ASK, 2012: 51) resident inhabitants and with about more than 300 000 inhabitants that do they daily activities in this city, has no center of GIS. Faced with this continuing problem, few times it has been attempting scientifically to make a proposal for the creation of GIS entity in the municipality administration. This paper will present the structure of the proposed GIS in urban activities for the city of Prishtina. Figure 1. GIS Operation GIS MODULES IN PRISHTINA – TIME REQUIRED MODULES The most important element in the flexibility of difficult systems and operations in general, is the application of the hierarchy modules. Standard modules focus on: 79 • Attribute Data • Spatial data • Reports Attribute data present specific data on the phenomenon in the form of tabular data. Spatial data present specific data on the phenomenon through the map. These data, in the information system of specific spatial area presents greater opportunities for the user, because what they show is the visual aspect. Reports present all the data including attributes, maps, graphs and photos. Reports can be linked with other data according to their hierarchy. Any subject can build its own module adhering to specific information standards. Figure 2 shows the structure of the modules. When a module has less information and is less detailed, its importance in sub module will be smaller. Updates of the modules can be made according to the intensity in the information system. The overall system architecture can be flexible and refreshing in time and space. Based on ISfoSA, OIS and AIS each element has the structure of the modules (Isufi, 2006: 99). Figure 2 GIS modules, proposed in the Prishtina Municipality. Depending on the success, also for other cities. MunicGDB- Municipality Geo Data Base, ISfoSAInformation systems for Specify area, OIS- Organization Information Systems, AISActivity Information Systems. Data sharing – an element of GIS development in Prishtina municipality For each module in any of the institutions of Prishtina, the data should be defined based on standards that must be met from the holders of GIS modules. Through this standardization, information will be clearly interpreted by different parts and different institutional levels by avoiding the non-compatibility and misunderstandings. In this way it is provided the possibility of collecting and comparing data. When these standards are fulfilled, information can be exchanged between institutions and parts of institutions, from local government to the state institutions for the purpose of analysis or presentation with the aim of managing and monitoring easily the phenomena, 80 geographical elements and events. Further updates and development of individual modules of different GIS in various institutions is beyond the holders of special GIS. Each institution of whatever level can support the growth of their GIS according to its responsibilities, depending on the hierarchical level of the organization and covering space, but it should be based on scientific and practical needs of the responsible institution. In this case the responsibility and misinterpretations fall over the institution which must ensure safe compatibility and conversion of data to other institutional needs. The same architecture can be used in any geographic level, and if required (necessary) a system at the state level is only one leader in GIS for lower levels of utilization. In this way the agencies in the highest level of government and relevant departments in local government can be equipped with identical systems to enhance efficiency in their operations. Such an arrangement would be more efficient between ACA and municipal departments of urbanism and cadastre (Isufi, 2006: 101). SYSTEM ORGANIZATION System organization of GIS in various institutions is not the same and unique. As GIS in various institutions is built in chaotic way or imposed by international staff, its position in the organizational system was not clear and the institutional hierarchy did not always have any weight. If we look at the municipality level, GIS moves from the position under the Head of GIS Office into the level of director, division and sector. Depending on the level of organization and position, it is also the stability of the geo-database. GIS in Prishtina municipality is still seen as technical and service activity, while for the rest of the institutions it has greater role at the technical level. Figure 3 Proposed GIS System in Prishtina Municipality (Isufi, 2006: 89). 81 Some institutions have taken initiatives to restructure the organization of GIS. These initiatives are mainly made after scientific consultations with the purpose of better functioning. Generally speaking, one not centralized GIS is always in danger if the aim was success. The danger can be in both in achievement of the results as well as in budget spending. To construct a proper GIS for Prishtina municipality, all departments have to reconstruct and reorganize their method and models of data processing. PRACTICAL APPLICATION AND BENEFITS OF GIS With the practical application of GIS benefits are large and numerous. From GIS, benefits the direct user as well as institutions which indirectly use GIS products. From numerous analyses it has been concluded that with application of GIS users will have many benefits in the following sectors but not only: observation, academic world, government, market, defense, security etc. As spatial information system convenient in detecting, eliminating and managing the problems, GIS needs to be installed in the administration, and then it can act as a catalyst of either urban or rural issues (Isufi, 2006: 101). In the other part, major institutions that deal with elements of spatial phenomena and events, including state institutions, create suitable conditions to manage the space they cover. In this context is appearing GIS vision, by increasing its role in decision-making processes. Figure 4 Presentation of analysis with GIS geographic part of the village of Marmur, Prishtina municipality. The analysis is based on network mile, MDR, orthophoto and alphanumeric basis. 82 Due to the importance of the application of GIS in practice and also in scientific research, its opportunities advance with time, by working in a sophisticated and usable GIS. Thus by applying this system we are creating an efficient GIS, as a careful cooperation between the environment and data. So on the one by practical application we will be able to provide conditions for establishing a big of database, which will be valid and complete being able to make rapid analysis on all spatial problems, while on the other way, practical application will facilitate the work and lives of a large number of people in Prishtina and beyond this municipality. The application of this system in agriculture, telecommunications, hydrometeorology, resource exploitation, tourism, spatial planning, etc., has shown great success and profit. SPATIAL DATA TYPES FOR PRISHTINA MUNICIPALITY Graphic database (vector/raster) associated with attributive database represents the types of spatial data. Spatial data types – vector base is permanently connected with the tabular base (tables) from which we can do geographical, statistical and geometric analysis. Like any other databases, spatial data types are diverse and they are created by different institutions. Accuracy is depending on the source of the data. Each institution has its own domain for data collection and publication (data types concerning the institution), and if the source of the data in GIS is by relevant institution (e.g. roads from Ministry of Transport), then the quality is taken for granted (e.g. data about averages temperatures are taken from Hydro-meteorological Institute, data about public health are taken from National Public Health Institute etc). Kosovo has large number of this type of data, but usually they are scattered and often incompatible with each other. Collection of all these data types in a single geo-database contributes a lot to the science, community, decision makings processes and administration. All this data can be grouped in the following way: (Isufi & Gashi 2008: 132). • Physical – geographical data: o Morphological data; o Relief data; o Exposure data; o Slope data; o Erosion data; o Morphological forms; o Dynamics of the terrain; o Hydrological data; o Geological data; o Forests data; etc. • Socio-economic data: o Data about industrial zones; o Data about constructed facilities; o Demographic data; o Data about infrastructure with its associated elements; • Administrative data: 83 o o o o Municipal borders; Settlements borders; City zones; Military zones; etc. CONCLUSIONS GIS, during its development in general and especially in Prishtina should have its own goals which will be realized over time. From the most important goals we choose the followings: • Awareness during introducing documents into GIS especially in data (basic, current and historical) that guarantees confidentiality. For the realization of this we need to have in mind: Conversion of existing data is labor intensive work; undefined level data use and collection; Standards of data transfer; Data updates; planning the storage and maintenance of the data; the need for technical assistance; Policies that guarantee confidentiality; GIS copyright. • Awareness over the full training and education at all levels of utilization and management: Lack of staff training; Debates over centralization or decentralization; Lack of application knowledge; not understanding the importance and value of this technology by ordinary politicians and the public. • Awareness over GIS information and technology (hardware and software): Costs of hardware and software; Lack of knowledge about GIS equipment; Lack of foundations; Limit connections; Resistance to change. • Help in coordination of GIS technology to eliminate redundancies. Not compatible system; No will in common use; What is useful and main is not coordinated; There is no GIS entity that will encourage and facilitate cooperation; Floating body; There is no reliable definition of individual data; No formal operational planning; Use of other agencies for lack of data. REFERENCE ASK, (2012). “Final Results Kosovo Population and Housing Census 2011”, Prishtinë ISUFI, F.(2006). “Geographic Information Systems development in Kosovo, practical and scientific role”, (PhD Dissertation), UP, FSHMN, Prishtinë ISUFI, F.; GASHI, G.(2008). “Krijimi i Gjeo-bazës së të dhënave në Kosovë”, Geographical Exploration 14, Geographical Association Of Kosova, Prishtinë J. RONALD EASTMAN. (1997). “Idrisi for Windows”, Clark University PAUL A. LONGLEY; MICHAEL F. GOODCHILD; DAVID J. MAGUIRE;DAVID W RHIND. (2002) „Geographic Information Systems and Science“, Wiley, New York PUSHKA, A.; ISUFI, F. (2004) „Rrjeti rrugor dhe morfologjia e hapësirës urbane në Prishtinë“, 40 vjetori i Departamentit të Gjeografisë, Prishtinë 84 A CONTRIBUTION TO SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT: URBAN AGRICULTURAL LANDS A. Esra CENGİZ, Umut PEKİN TİMUR, Aybike Ayfer KARADAĞ, Demet DEMİROĞLU 1. INTRODUCTION Having accelerated under the principal impacts of the population increase, industrialization, and the changes in the economic order, urbanization has become one of the fundamental causes of environmental problems (Tokuçoğlu, 1993: 19). The triggers for environmental problems have turned into a challenging phenomenon (event/object) of today’s world (Akyol & Eşbah Tunçay, 2013: 133). Cities, which have turned into a form that puts “the human being and nature” and “economy and ecology” against each other at every stage of their existence, are the optimum example of how appropriate the expression “challenging” is. As also stated by Sandstrom et al. (2006), urbanization makes significant changes in land use, the structure of the ecosystem, and biological diversity. This brings about air, soil, water, light, and noise pollution and destroys the dream of a quality life with an unhealthy and artificial environment, as also stated by Grahn and Stigsdotter (2003) (Önder and Akbulut, 2011: 93). When one gets to the root of the problems caused by a city, it is seen that the wrong land use decisions are the real triggers. The most dramatic outcome of wrong urban land use decisions is the destruction of agricultural lands. While the opening of agricultural lands to development causes urban sprawl to get out of control, it demonstrates how far the development policies are from ecological sensitivity. Urban sprawl manifests itself more in the cities and metropolitan regions particularly undergoing the developmental process, which is a product of this approach (Brueckner et al., 2001; Ricketts & Imhoff, 2003; Handy, 2005). The development objectives have not accepted cities as sustainable living spaces where rural and urban areas are balanced but as aggressive living spaces which develop by suppressing the rural area towards its fringes, and this acceptance has gone beyond the awareness of the disappearance of agricultural lands – the sources of existence for the humanity. The problem of opening the agricultural lands in and around the city to the use by different sectors apart from settlement is indeed the common problem of all developing cities today. The industries, the life engines of cities, are only one of these sectors. The industries have triggered the ambition of making a profit in a short way, thereby becoming the basic reason why underdeveloped and developing countries have opened their fertile lands to industry (Paül & Tonts, 2005: 7). The statistics for Turkey reveal that almost 100% of the industrial areas established in provinces and towns have been established on level and fertile agricultural lands (Kocataş, 2010: 474; Çepel, 2007: 97). The loss of agricultural lands has led to a decrease in agricultural production (Paül & Tonts, 2005: 7), the use of unnatu85 ral methods to increase the agricultural yield (e.g. the use of pesticides and production of transgenic products), and environmental pollution. Transgenic (GMO) products were first produced in the world in 1996. Between 1996 and 2008, the lands in which GMO products were sown exceeded 800 million hectares in total (Anonymous, 2014a). Today many states and many local governments around the world are making various studies to cope with the uncontrolled urban sprawl and the loss of agricultural lands which develops accordingly (Brueckner, 2000: 160). Urban agriculture is one of these studies. Urban agriculture is defined as the realization of providing the urban area with the land through activities for agricultural purposes in the vacant lands where no industry or settlement exists and which are not particularly occupied by any use. It has functioned as an essential input in the urban subsistence strategies of developing countries for centuries. It is observed that urban agriculture has rapidly increased worldwide in the last score as a reaction to the economic crises that have intensified depending on the increase in migration (Bryld, 2003: 79). Furthermore, urban agriculture also constitutes an important component of the metaphor of self-sufficient and “tough cities” (Akyol & Eşbah Tunçay, 2013: 146). Urban agricultural practices are attracting attention as essential practices that are still supported by governments in most cities abroad. Moreover, a sustainable urbanization model which also involves parks, hobby gardens, and urban agricultural lands prevails instead of an understanding of urbanism full of multi-story houses. In Turkey, however, urban agricultural lands are becoming a part of the past and disappearing day by day. Nevertheless, these lands used to be socio-culturally and economically important parts of the urban life in the era of the Ottoman Empire. However, the increase in settlement areas upon the increases in industry and population also caused the land value in the city to rise. This resulted in the occupation of those lands which could have been used for agricultural purposes in the city by the other activities with higher yield depending on the fact that agriculture brought a low income in the short term. In conclusion, these lands, which are of extreme importance to improve the ecological environment in cities and for an increase in the breathing spaces of the city, are now mercilessly assigned to the industrial and housing sectors as they provide higher economic yield. This study will address urban agricultural lands and their significance, the brief history of urban agriculture, the situation and examples of urban agricultural practices in our country and abroad, and the contributions of urban agriculture to the sustainable urban development. 2. THE CONCEPT OF URBAN AGRICULTURE AND ITS CONTENTS Included in the agendas of national and local governments in developing countries, urban agriculture has been supported and has become the subject of various practices and studies in North America, Europe, and Australia for long years. While it appears inevitable to address urban agriculture with a novel understanding due to the present conditions, the questions of with what methods and how much it will be reintegrated into cities are discussed in the research made (Rasouli, 2012). While it seems inevitable to consider urban agriculture, which has begun to gain importance gradually in the recent years under the influence of the population increase and urbanization, with a novel understanding due to the present conditions, its contents and the question of how it should be reintegrated into cities are discussed in various investigations made (Binns & Lynch, 1998; Deelstra & Girardet, 2000; Smit et al., 2001; Açıksöz & Memlük, 2004; Drescher, 2004; Başer & Eşbah Tunçay, 86 2010; Akyol & Eşbah Tunçay, 2013; Ekşi & Rowe, 2014). Urban agriculture first of all corresponds to the effort of replacing a type of land use which has become extinct in the city and on its fringes with the phenomenon of gradually increasing urbanization. Cities particularly meet their need to procure food from the agricultural lands on the urban fringes, whereas this extinct type of urban land use is regarded as the harbinger of many ecological problems. At this point, urban agricultural lands manifest themselves as an obligation rather than a gradually increasing need today also by considering the multi-dimensional contributions of urban agricultural lands to the city. In the recent years, the reliability of the food bought from marketplaces, greengrocers, and supermarkets and consumed has begun to create uneasiness in almost all sections of the society, particularly the conscious section of the society with a high level of education, also with the contribution of various publications which have raised awareness of this matter. The urban people who have become completely distant from nature especially upon the phenomenon of increasing urbanization have begun to seek alternative land uses to enable them to get rid of the everyday stresses created by the urban life so as to both produce their own food by themselves and further approach nature that they have drifted apart. Having occurred accordingly, the concept of urban agriculture is attracting attention as a rising trend today. Urban agriculture, which stands out as urban land use with gradually increasing popularity in many different countries of the world particularly such as America, England, Spain, and Taiwan, is first of all defined as the agricultural activities carried out in the city. Varying by urban conditions, these new agricultural structures not only provide city-dwellers with fresh food products but also develop neighborhood relationships, the community spirit, and the sense of belonging. The people who have stood shoulder to shoulder within the concrete jungle replace many social elements which are missing in the urban life in a broad spectrum ranging from satisfying the need for food to reinforcing social relationships (Anonymous, 2012a). According to the FAO (The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations) -SOFA (The State of Food and Agriculture) (1998), it is expected that about 26 cities worldwide will have reached a population of 10 million or greater by 2015. Minimum 6,000 tons of food should be imported every day in order to meet the food need of a city that has reached this population size today (e.g. Tokyo, San Paulo or Mexico City) (Figure 2.1) (Nugent & Drescher, 2000). Therefore, urban agriculture is regarded as the most logical solution that might ensure the procurement of reliable food in underdeveloped and developing countries in particular (Zezza & Tasciotti, 2010: 265). Varying according to urban conditions, urban agricultural lands have an extensive scope in terms of their types and scales. Urban agricultural activities, preferred by those human groups that wish to satisfy their needs for food in a healthy and reliable fashion, appear on the agenda with their uses under different names, the number of which is on the increase. These activities range from the food productions carried out by low-income families for their own consumption to community, hobby, and urban small gardens as well as guerilla gardens and from this point to larger-scale agricultural organizations. In terms of location, the concepts of urban agriculture and peri-urban agriculture are used interchangeably for many times (Koç, 2003: 34). The agricultural activities carried out in urban and peri-urban areas encompass the 87 production, distribution, and marketing of food and other related products in the central areas of metropolises. From a broad perspective, the activities concerned include social food security, quarter and neighborhood development, environmental sustainability, land use planning, agriculture-trade networks & food networks, conservation of agricultural lands, and the other related fields (Anonymous, 2012b). Figure 2.1. A Diagram for the Needs of Cities for Secure Food (Nugent & Drescher, 2000) The phrases “Urban Agriculture (UA)” and “Urban and Peri-Urban Agriculture (UPA)” are originally used only by scientists and sometimes by the press, and it is seen that they have been substantially adopted recently (Mougeot, 2006: 20). This has raised the need to define the concept in a more different way and to indicate its importance. According to Nugent (1997), urban agriculture means “fresher and cheaper food, an action which utilizes and cleans domestic wastes, and more green areas”. Thus, urban agriculture is set forth as “a possible solution to the problems in cities” (Açıksöz & Memlük, 2004: 76). Another concept of urban agriculture (UN Habitat, 1996) was brought forward in the United Nations Habitat Program held in İstanbul in 1996 and defined as “the cultivation, growth, and development of plant cultivars and animal products in the city” (Akyol & Eşbah Tunçay, 2013: 146). The FAO (2014) defines urban agriculture as follows: “Urban and peri-urban agriculture refers to growing of plants and animals in and around a city”. More general definitions of urban agriculture are based on such determinants as “types of economic activities, food/nonfood categories of products and subcategories, the urban and peri-urban characters borne by the location of the practice, the type of lands where the practices are conducted, types of production systems, production scale, and production objective” (Mougeot, 2006: 20). 88 The agricultural activities carried out in urban and peri-urban areas encompass the production, distribution, and marketing of food and other related products in the central areas of metropolises. From a broad perspective, the activities concerned include social food security, quarter and neighborhood development, environmental sustainability, land use planning, agriculture-trade networks& food networks, conservation of agricultural lands, and the other relevant issues (Figure 2.2) (Rasouli, 2012b). Figure 2.2. The Contents of Urban Agriculture and the Relationship of Urban Agriculture with other Issues (Rasouli, 2012b) 3. ORIGINATION AND BRIEF HISTORY OF URBAN AGRICULTURE In fact, agricultural food production in the city is not a new phenomenon. Cities have carried out agricultural activities in almost every period of history. Nevertheless, the city began to be regarded as the space of consumption and nonagricultural production in the modern period. However, it is observed that urban agriculture has acquired a comprehensive and privileged place in the agenda again especially with its contributions to food security in the recent years (Koç, 2003: 35). Upon the conversion of urban areas in various spaces into production areas during the Second World War (Figure 3.1), the governments and the people substantially adopted that a planning-based system was required to ensure adequacy and continuity in food production (Anonymous, 2013a: 114). As Drescher (2000) stated, the early modern prototypes of urban agriculture originated as the provision of the poor with land for food production by means of public support. The examples reflecting the urban agricultural activity in the period after World War II include the zonas verdes of Mozambique, the hydroponicos of Cuba, the school gardens of Mongolia, the small-scale city farms of South Africa, and the community gardens in France and the United States (Koç, 2003: 35). 89 Figure 3.1.Urban Agriculture in New York during the Second World War (Anonymous, 2014b) Despite the supportive or preventive approaches of planning to urban agriculture, urban agriculture has been part of the urban life in various processes for centuries. Especially in the United States of America (the USA), agriculture was included in planning as the basic source of the economic growth of cities as of the colonial period, and although it was excluded from the urban land as a result of the industrialization of the 19th century, it continued as urban gardens on vacant urban lands in order to overcome such problems as economic problems, psychological problems, and population loss that occurred due to the wars in the 20th century (Rasouli, 2012). Having undergone a radical transformation especially in the late 1970s and since the early 1980s, urban agriculture (Bryld, 2003: 79) has been the subject of various practices and investigations supported by both national and local governments in North America, Europe, and Australia for long years. When the civilizations throughout the history are considered, it is seen that urban agriculture was applied as being integrated with cities for centuries; furthermore, the early cities emerged due to the surplus production from agriculture and the market economy. Industrialization leads to an increase in the intra-city land value, whereas agriculture’s providing of an economically low income causes the lands located at the city center and on the urban fringes to be assigned to the activities with higher economic yield. Particularly since the 20th century, agriculture has begun to disappear in cities and small agricultural activities have been disregarded and moved outside the city by city-dwellers. Even though a large number of lands are available for urban agricultural activities even in the densest regions of metropolitan areas, the procurement of the required food outside the city leads to a decrease in the reliability of the food besides its freshness (Rasouli, 2012). According to the research made, urban agriculture has increased by about 20% in the recent years. The gardens created in those buildings which have a backyard or a roof have now begun to constitute a certain source of income for families as well. The migration to the urban area also has had a profound impact on this. In addition, this job becomes attractive, for the reharvesting of the products required by the city also reduces the transport costs 90 substantially (Anonymous, 2012a). 3.1. Urban Agriculture in the Cities Worldwide The groundwork for the present approaches to urban agriculture was laid in the USA by the people as the community gardens began to be widespread in the metropolitan areas in the 1970s. The community gardens led to the utilization of abandoned industrial facilities located in the urban areas, the prevention of a decrease in the population, and the efficient use of large vacant lands in the city, and they were brought forward as a solution to the problems resulting from migration and to unsuccessful urban renewal studies. The agricultural support programs implemented by the governments also succeeded in taking the approach to gardening in the society to a different level. “The Urban Gardens Program”, launched between 1977 and 1996 by “the US Department of Agriculture”, is one of the pioneers of the programs which provided city-dwellers with agricultural and technical support. The urban agricultural activities carried out in the USA today are being conducted by the non-profit organizations which are exempt from tax generally on local and urban scales (Anonymous, 2013a: 112). The urban agricultural activities that initiated in Cuba in January 1991 were a remedy for the overcoming of this shortage by Cuba, which entered an economic bottleneck upon the collapse of the Soviet Union. All areas which were likely to be utilized, i.e. balconies, verandas, sides of motorways, dead-end streets, backyards, vacant lands, and the lawns of parks, were used for urban agriculture (Figure 3.2). Educators were assigned and free courses were opened in order for everyone to receive agricultural training in Cuba, which even founded a ministry for urban agriculture. The areas which had previously been used as dumping grounds became potato, bean, and cucumber gardens (Anonymous, 2012c). Figure 3.2.Urban Agricultural Lands in Cuba (Anonymous, 2012c) In Sao Paulo (Brazil), urban agricultural activities are carried out by an institution called Cidades sem Fome (Cities without hunger), which was founded in 2004 to reduce hunger and unemployment among some of the economically poorest areas (Figure 3.3) (Anonymous, 2012d). The Coney Island attracts attention as one of the neighborhoods of New York where urban agriculture is carried out in extensive lands (Figure 3.4). Here accessibility to fresh fruits and vegetables has particularly increased for the low-income families with limited access to food. The products obtained so provide these people with both a source of income and a chance of accessing healthy food (Anonymous, 2013a: 112). 91 Figure 3.3.Urban Agricultural Practices in Brazil (San Paulo) (Anonymous, 2012d) Figure 3.4. Urban Agriculture in the Coney Island, New York (Anonymous, 2013b) According to Sommers and Smith (1994), urban agriculture has become an integral part of the lives of millions of people who live in cities in many places worldwide. The urban agricultural activities in Asia, Europe, and North America offer valuable experiences to this end (Figure 3.5) (Koç, 2003: 35). According to Drescher (2000), there are various differences between the approaches of developing and developed countries to urban agricultural activities. While the main goals of urban agricultural activities in developing countries are coping with poverty, crisis management, and providing food security, their recreational and educational aspects and their aspects such as the environmental issues concerning urban open spaces and green belt management are predominant in developed countries (Koç, 2003: 35). 3.2. Urban Agriculture in the Ottoman Empire The gardens and bostans1 of İstanbul were considered the most important part of the city’s economic life in the Ottoman Period as well. İstanbul, the population of which had fallen below 100,000 people before the conquest of İstanbul, experienced a rapid demo92 Figure 3.5. Urban Agriculture in the Cities Worldwide (a. Chicago, b. China, c. California, d. Manhattan, e. Japan, and f. Taiwan) (Anonymous, 2014c) graphic growth following the conquest and the population of the city reached 700,000 in the early 17th century. Some of the food needs of the people of İstanbul, which preserved its characteristic of being one of the most crowded cities of the world between the 16th and 18th centuries, in those years were met from the city and its vicinity, while the rest was met from the close vicinity that did not go beyond the coastal band of Marmara. Since it was impossible in those years to bring the nondurable foodstuffs such as vegetables and fruits from distant regions by land without any damage, the gardens and bostans in and around the city were of extremely importance for İstanbul (Anonymous, 2013a: 110). Until the 20th century, the city had not overflowed into the exterior of the city walls in its west, and the city walls had still constituted the western border of İstanbul, except for 93 the neighborhoods outside the Yedikule and Mevlevihane Gates. A band parallel with the city walls between the Bayrampaşa Valley, Langa, and Yedikule (Figure 3.6) and Topkapı had been comprised of gardens and bostans as far as Davutpaşa and had maintained the same form of use until the Republican Period. The bostans of İstanbul were the scene of a sustainable agricultural activity to ensure the highest production thanks to the efficient use of the land, seasonal features, and the other natural resources for centuries. The gardens for the traditional market place known as bostans assumed the duty of meeting the needs of the city for fresh and reliable food as part of the everyday life in the past. The bostans met the vegetable need of İstanbul from the Byzantine Period to the second half of the 20th century and spread over the entire city both inside the city walls and on both sides of the strait (Rasouli, 2012b). Figure 3.6. The Old Image of the Yedikule Bostans (Anonymous, 2013c) It will be seen that “Çiçekli Bostan, Çıngıraklı Bostan, Eski Bostan, Fenerli Bostan, Hacı Bostan, Havuzlu Bostan, Kürkçü Bostan, Macar Bostan, Sakızlı Bostan, Saray Bostan, Sulak Bostan, Sulu Bostan, Tahtalı Bostan, Çınarlı Bostan, Langa Bostans, and Yenibahçe Bostans (Figure 3.7) “ seen when the old maps of İstanbul, particularly the Pervititch Maps2, are examined have unfortunately and truly become history (Figure 3.8) (Anonymous, 2012e). Nevertheless, a considerable number of the bostans around the city wall have been able to survive with their architectural elements such as wells, cisterns, pools, and barns. It Figure 3.7. The Langa and Yenibahçe Bostans (Anonymous, 2013c) 94 is the Yedikule Bostans which have survived and maintained their existence as urban agricultural lands so far out of them (Figure 3.9). The Yedikule Bostans, which the Ottoman Historian Aleksandar Sopov calls “the oldest existing agricultural land of the world within an ancient urban region”, are probably the only existing historical example of urban agriculture – which the world has recently discovered – and an integral part of the landscape of the land walls in UNESCO’s World Heritage List (Anonymous, 2013a: 112). Nevertheless, today the Yedikule Bostansare within the scope of the recreational project by İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality and endangered (Figure 3.10). Figure 3.8. The City Bostans of İstanbul on the Pervititch Maps (Anonymous, 2013d) Figure 3.9.The Yedikule Bostans (Anonymous, 2012e) 95 Figure 3.10. Demolition in the Yedikule Bostans (Anonymous, 2013e) 4. PRACTICAL POSSIBILITIES FOR AND CONSTRAINTS ON URBAN AGRICULTURE AND URBAN AGRICULTURAL TYPOLOGIES The increase in urban agriculture has brought about different spaces with a possibility of carrying out urban agriculture. Urban agriculture, most commonly performed in the gardens of houses and around the buildings, has occupied parks for the last decade besides the community and public lands. The lands where urban agriculture is carried out include those lands which are inconvenient for constructing buildings such as roadsides, airport buffer zones, stream sides, drainage ways, wetlands, and steep slopes (Bryld, 2003: 80). With growing interest, the lands concerned constitute spaces for urban agricultural practices. As the real agricultural lands in the city are also areas convenient for constructing buildings and since the agricultural use always has lower economic yield, they never rank first as a preference of use. Urban agriculture involves not only opportunities but also various constraints and risks. The first and most important one is that the possible lands for such an activity are limited. The second important point is the concerns urban agriculture might create in terms of social health. In the event that there are shortcomings or inadequacies in the evaluation, cleaning, and quarantine procedures in the land, producers and consumers can be confronted with serious threats through contact with contaminated soil and water or the consumption of contaminated food. Besides, it involves the danger resulting from their proximity to industry, traffic, and other contaminants and the risks of contamination caused by various chemicals used for agricultural activities. At this point, it should be noted that the measures for the health of those who deal with urban agriculture and the urban people should not be neglected (Koç, 2003; Rasouli, 2012b). As also stated by Koç (2003), although it is expressed that the possible lands for urban agricultural activities are limited, there are new types of urban land use with such a diversity that will be able to allow urban agricultural activities within the urban boundaries. 96 Table 4.1.Urban Agricultural Typologies (APA, 2007; from Rasouli, 2012a) For instance, uses such as community gardens, allotment gardens or hobby gardens, rooftop gardens, school gardens, city farms, and children’s city farms are included in the activities which encourage social participation in urban agriculture. The land uses with a more efficient structure likely to replace the urban agricultural lands which are gradually decreasing in cities or support urban agriculture should be placed among the urban land uses. At this point, the land uses likely to be alternatives for urban agriculture should be defined and classified (Table 4.1). A few types of general use which are frequently mentioned in the classifications concerning urban agricultural land uses and which also provide information on the general characteristics of the types of urban agriculture are presented below (Koç, 2003: 37-38). Community Gardens: A “Community Garden” is a term which is used for gardening in North America and Europe. This use refers to the gardening and co-production carried out with the neighbors and friends living in the same neighborhood unit or community. 97 Allotment Gardens or Hobby Gardens: Allotment gardens or hobby gardens, the examples of which are also seen in our country, are lands that consist of parcels in various sizes and where activities concerning food production by families are carried out. School Gardens: They are gardens which are established to provide students with information on agriculture, nature, outdoor space, and various other issues. Children’s City Farms: They are farms which are built in the city for the agricultural activities of pre-school and school-age children and in order for them to get to know farm animals. 5. BENEFITS OF URBAN AGRICULTURE In the next several years, the humanity will encounter a turning point as to the fulfillment of its basic needs for life. This process envisages not only satisfying the increasing food needs but also developing new strategies to survive on earth with contributions to environmental, social, and economic cycles. The concept of urban agriculture that stands out at this point and its benefits have been accepted with the scientific research made and the ongoing institutional projects in various developing countries particularly in East Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America almost for the last two years (Başer & Eşbah Tunçay, 2010: 108). Urban gardening, which encourages the formation and continuation of a healthy society, also predominates over urban food production in many countries. Climatic and cultural conditions clearly affect production. The production areas include open areas, roadsides, and banks of rivers and lakes. Urban agriculture is common, but it is carried out under hard conditions. It is necessary to make use of urban agriculture for the development of cities and urban food security. Frequently mentioned in the settlement of the environmental, social, and economic concerns which are on the increase today, urban agriculture provides various benefits in many fields such as environmental, health, social, economic, and ecological fields, along with the reuse of integrated waste water and recycling programs for organic wastes (Figure 5.1) (Drescher, 2004: 227). Regarding this matter, the FAO (2014) expresses that urban agriculture, which is gradually spreading in towns and cities in such forms as agriculture, gardening, animal husbandry, fishing, forestry, and feed and milk production, produces employment by providing fresh food, contributes to the recycling of urban wastes, supports the formation of a green belt in cities, and reinforces the durability of cities concerning the climate change. Urban agriculture also brings about great potential for food security and economic and environmental benefits upon enabling the city-dwellers with a low income to access food in particular (Bryld, 2003: 81). In light of all the above-mentioned, urban agriculture offers the following benefits to urban lands. (Beatley, 1997; Nugent & Drescher, 2000; Koç, 2003; Anonymous, 2012b; Rasouli, 2012b):  It offers a new alternative in food production – which is gradually becoming unhealthy;  It particularly provides the procurement of fresh and perishable food and food security;  It helps environmental restoration and improvement by encouraging the reuse of many waste materials in abandoned lands; 98  It contributes to the ecological cycle, along with the increasing of a city’s needs for green areas and the development of urban landscape;  It reduces greenhouse gases, regulates the air quality and humidity, prevents noise, and provides biodiversity;  It accelerates the conversion of organic wastes into composts and fertilizers;  It ensures the maintenance and management of in active lands;  It provides new income opportunities for the urban population and makes contributions to investment and employment in urban areas;  It provides new production and cash flow;  It reduces the maintenance costs allocated for open areas by municipalities;  It provides the development of nourishment and health habits;  A city turns the rural areas into social centers through the activities performed in the lands convenient for urban agriculture;  It provides the low-income people living in the city with developed food security;  It contributes to the reduction of fuel consumption and air pollution as the distance of travelling in the production process decreases;  It provides those who deal with urban agriculture with an opportunity for exercising in the fresh air;  It provides environmental training towards the people of any age group, particularly children;  It provides the inhabitants of the place where an urban agricultural activity is carried out with an opportunity of recreation;  It provides local trade and shopping habits;  It creates a community fund;  It creates individual satisfaction and social activity;  It enhances social communication and friendship; and  It offers general health benefits – primarily psychological and physical benefits– as a result of the green urban landscape. , Figure 5.1. A Diagram Showing the Benefits of Urban Agriculture (Anonymous, 2014d) 99 As also stated by Smit (1996), cities will become greener and cooler with urban agricultural activities. The biological conversion of urban wastes and the transformation of bare lands into a productive landscape will contribute to the formation of cleaner and healthier environments (Koç, 2003: 39). 6. EVALUATION AND CONCLUSION The approach of integrating food production into urban functions was rapidly lost after the Industrial Revolution and the Second World War. Upon the reduction of agriculturebased trade and production areas in cities, these activities began to continue at the individual level. When this process was over, the lands envisaged for agriculture were disregarded in the master plans of western cities for a long time by designers, planners, and governors (Anonymous, 2013a: 114). When urban agriculture is explored within the scope of the institutional environment in Turkey, it is seen that the Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Livestock, the Ministry of Environment and Urbanization, the related provincial organizations and municipalities, nongovernmental organizations (e.g. Tema [the Turkish Foundation for Combating Soil Erosion, Reforestation and the Protection of Natural Habitats], the Green House, and Permaculture) and the people make initiatives which support agricultural practices in the urban area. Nevertheless, the majority of agricultural lands in time turned into settlement areas and residential areas upon the rapid population increase and urbanization problems. The development plans and the laws were the most important supporters of this transformation with the precedence of the public interest (Akyol & Eşbah Tunçay, 2013: 133-147). As Rasouli (2012) also stated, urban agriculture constituted an essential part of land use planning. Land use plans succeed through the evaluation of physical, spatial, social, economic, and environmental dimensions with an integrated approach. Integrated approaches entail participatory and interdisciplinary decisions. At this point, urban agricultural lands are common fields of activity for planners, designers, food producers, and governors. In addition, those who work in the field of health are also among the stakeholders as it provides an opportunity for healthy and satisfiable food. In this way, urban agricultural lands can be regarded as a valuable means for a healthy life and the quality of urban life and as an innovative land use decision. Today urban agricultural activities are attracting attention as an important approach to sustainable cities as well and they are included in the agenda of a developed country. The importance of procurement of reliable food – the basic need of people – and its speed, which occurred with urban agriculture, has unfortunately begun to be understood only recently because it is impossible to replace the decreasing agricultural land and no adequate land is available in cities to create new agricultural lands. Thus, agricultural lands should be available in cities and planned with the other urban land uses in an integrated fashion. The 1982 Constitution contains the following provision: “The state shall take the measures required to prevent the improper use and destruction of agricultural lands as well as meadows and pastures”. Unfortunately, there are open-ended expressions and gaps in various laws and regulations, particularly “Building Law” No. 3194, regarding the ensuring of the continuation of urban agricultural lands in urban plans. It is observed that there is no promising development for the settlement of the matter in “the Statutes on the Conservation 100 of Agricultural Lands and their Appropriate Use”, last published in the Official Gazette on July 24, 2009, either. Unfortunately, while it is expected that the problem will be settled, urban agricultural lands are becoming further open for exploitation as different laws and regulations pave the way for each other and the losses of fertile lands are increasing day by day due to improper use. Actually, as Sezgin & Varol (2012) also stated, the first thing to do in such laws was not to determine the principles for the improper use of the agricultural land but to determine the principles on the encouragement of use of the agricultural land for agriculture and making this widespread. Besides, as the housing and industrial sectors are always one step ahead of the agricultural sector due to the economic yield, it will be an appropriate approach also to make various studies to increase the economic yield of the agricultural land in the laws and regulations enacted. Furthermore, the regional division of the national territories and, as Ortaş et al. (2008) and Ünal & Başkaya (2000) also stated, drawing up of “the Land Use Plans” of each region were also quite important to this end. Accordingly, management plans for agricultural activities should be prepared, and urban areas, industrial areas and areas for agricultural activities should be opened to the views by all investing institutions and organizations and other stakeholders on the plain basis. Another contradiction on this matter is that fertile agricultural lands, which are natural resources, are not included in the scope of “site”, unlike all the other natural and cultural resources which have to be conserved. Even though there are various gaps in the laws about conservation, it is important to place in this law the concept of “Agricultural Site”, which is not present in the Regional Committee for the Conservation of Cultural Assets (KVKBG), as a solution to this problem, as also stated by Öztürk (2004) and Ünal & Başkaya (2000). Within this scope, rating should be done in conservation in order of precedence, and agricultural sites should be specified. The historically important agricultural lands should be considered primary “agricultural sites”. Ultimately, the absence of such an approach is the reason why a decision on the transformation of the Yedikule Bostans3 in İstanbul into a recreational area was taken. The way for constructing restaurants, parking lots, and cafés in the bostans was paved through the “Project on the Recreation of Internal Conservation Area of the Land Walls between the Yedikule and Belgrade Gates” that was put into effect in the late 2012 by the İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB). Dr. Aleksandar Sopov, a lecturer at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies at Harvard University who makes research on the project conducted by the İBB today and its impact on the bostans, stated: “According to the project by the İBB, no bostan will remain inside the city wall and all bostans will be demolished…”.This is a bitter example of the fact that our country is at a point rather far from the understanding of “using by conserving” with respect to urban agricultural lands – which are of extremely importance in various countries of the world and have to be conserved for the continuation of a sustainable environment. City planners and designers should perform practices to reintegrate agriculture into the urban life in our country, where the population has been increasing and urban and industrial areas have been rapidly occupying the agricultural lands with the support by the economic policies and legal gaps. Nevertheless, success will be attained via the regulations, sanctions, and supervisions whereby the sensitivity of the legal process to the matter stands out. As Koç (2003: 39) also stated, urban agricultural lands should be part of the present cities for more livable and sustainable settlements. 101 ENDNOTES 1 i A “bostan” (plural: bostans) is a vegetable garden. 2 ii They are the cadastral-based insurance maps prepared between 1922 and 1945 by Jacques Pervititch of Croatian origin (Anonymous, 2010). 3 iii The Historical Peninsula in Fatih was accepted as the urban, historic, and archaeological site zone with the resolution by the Council for the Conservation of Cultural and Natural Assets No. 1 in İstanbul dated January 23, 2006, and the interior of the city wall including the bostans was declared a first-degree archeological site with the same resolution. The İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB), which referred to this resolution, took the Yedikule Bostans under conservation with the Master Plan for Conservation with a scale of 1:5000 for the Historical Peninsula in Fatih that it adopted in its meeting on December 14, 2011. REFERENCES AÇIKSÖZ, Sebahat & MEMLÜK, Yalçın (2004), “Kentsel Tarım Kapsamında Atatürk Orman Çiftliği’nin Yeniden Değerlendirilmesi”, Ankara Üniversitesi Tarım Bilimleri Dergisi, 10 (1): 76-84, Date of Access: 28.03.2014, Accessed at acikarsiv.ankara.edu.tr/browse/21467/ AKYOL, Meliz & EŞBAH TUNÇAY, Hayriye (2013), “Üretici Peyzajlar ve Dayanıklı Kentler”, İTU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture, Volume 10, Issue 2, 133-147, Date of Access: 28.03.2014, Accessed at www. az.itu.edu.tr/.../12-Akyol-EsbahTuncay-1... ANONYMOUS (2010), Pervititch Haritaları, Date of Access: 08.05.2014, Erişim Yeri: http://www.uludagsozluk.com/k/pervititch-haritalar%C4%B1/ ANONYMOUS (2012a), “Sağlıklı Kentlerde Kentsel Tarım (Kentsel Tarıma İlgi Artıyor)”, Kentli Dergisi (Mayıs-2012), Date of Access: 28.03.2014, Accessed at yayinlar.bursa.com.tr/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/skbdergi-07-web.pdf ANONYMOUS (2012b), “Kentsel Tarım”, Date of Access: 20.04.2014, Accessed at http://prezi.com/ bxrfloalij_p/kentsel-tarim/ ANONYMOUS (2012c), “Küba’da Kent Bahçeciliği”, Date of Access: 01.05.2014, Accessed at http:// basitbirgun.wordpress.com/tag/permakultur/ ANONYMOUS (2012d), “Urban Agriculture- A Sprouting Solution For Favela Communities”, Date of Access: 01.05.2014, Accessed at http://matthewpike.wordpress.com/2012/07/02/urban-agriculture-in-sao-paulo/ ANONYMOUS (2012e), “Yedikule Bostanları”, Date of Access: 01.04.2014, Accessed at http://kentyazihanesi.blogspot.com.tr/2012/04/sebze-bostanlaristanbul.html ANONYMOUS (2012e), “The Shrinking City: Urban Agriculture”, Date of Access: 20.04.2014, Accessed at http://helmofthepublicrealm.com/2012/01/19/city_urban_agriculture_design/ ANONYMOUS (2013a), “Kent Bostanları”, GEO Dergisi, Eylül 2013, Sayı 7, s: 109-115. ANONYMOUS (2013b), “New York (Coney Island)’da Kentsel Tarım”, Date of Access: 04.05.2014, Accessed at http://truegritnyc.com/2013/09/25/fate-of-beloved-coney-island-garden-remains-uncertain/ ANONYMOUS (2013c), “Yedikule Bostanları”, Date of Access: 10.04.2014, Accessed at http://kulturistanbul.blogspot.com.tr/2013/07/diren-marul-ya-da-uc-bostann-hikayesi.html ANONYMOUS (2013d), “Pervititch Haritalarında İstanbul’un Kent Bostanları”, Date of Access: 08.05.2014, Accessed at http://bizansconstantin.wordpress.com/2013/02/ ANONYMOUS (2013e), “Yedikule Bostanları Yıkılıyor”, Date of Access: 02.05.2014, Accessed at http:// www.baskahaber.org/2013/08/fatih-belediye-baskan-demirden-yedikule.html ANONYMOUS (2013f), “Yedikule’de Rant Kokusu”, Date of Access: 04.05.2014, Accessed at http://arsiv. gercekgundem.com/?p=572893 ANONYMOUS (2014a), “2011 Yılında Üretilen Transgenik Ürünlerin (GDO) Global Durumunun Özeti”, Date of Access: 07.05.2014, Accessed at http://www.isaaa.org/resources/publications/briefs/43/highlights/pdf/ Brief%2043%20-%20Highlights%20-%20Turkish.pdf ANONYMOUS (2014b), “İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nda New York’ta Kentsel Tarım”, Date of Access: 02.05.2014, Accessed at http://environment.nationalgeographic.com/environment/photos/urban-farming/#/earthday-urban-farming-victory-garden_51636_600x450.jpg 102 ANONYMOUS (2014c), “Urban Agriculture in New York City”, Date of Access: 03.05.2014, Accessed at http://www.fiveboroughfarm.org/urban-agriculture/ ANONYMOUS (2014d), “Urban Agriculture - Outside on the Ground and on the Roof”, Date of Access: 20.04.2014, Accessed at http://www.inspirationgreen.com/urban-ag.html BAŞER, Bahar & EŞBAH TUNÇAY, Hayriye (2010), “Understanding the Spatial and Historical Characteristics of Agricultural Landscapes in Istanbul”, İTU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture, 7 (2): 106-120, Date of Access: 06.04.2014, Accessed at www.az.itu.edu.tr/.../12-baser-tuncay-7-2.pdf BINNS, Tony & LYNCH, Kenneth (1998), “Feeding Africa’s Growing Cities into the 21st Century: The Potential of Urban Agriculture”, Journal of International Development, 10: 777-793, Date of Access: 06.04.2014, Accessed at http://EconPapers.repec.org/RePEc:wly:jintdv:v:10:y:1998:i:6:p:777-793 BRUECKNER, Jan K (2000), “Urban Sprawl: Diagnosis and Remedies”, International Regional Science Review, 23 (2): 160-171, Date of Access: 13.12.2012, Accessed at http://igpa.uillinois.edu/library/urban-sprawldiagnosis-and-remedies BRUECKNER, Jan K & MILLS, Edwin & KREMER, Michael (2001), Urban Sprawl: Lessons from Urban Economics (with Comments), Brookings-Wharton Papers on Urban Affairs, Brookings Institution Press, pp: 6597, Date of Access: 13.12.2012, Accessed at http://www.jstor.org/stable/25058783 BRYLD, Erik (2003), “Potentials, Problems, and Policy Implications for Urban Agriculture in Developing Countries, Agriculture and Human Values, 20: 79–86. Date of Access: 13.01.2012, Accessed at http://link.springer. com/article/10.1023%2FA%3A1022464607153 ÇEPEL, Necmettin (2007), Ekolojik Sorunlar ve Çözümleri, TÜBİTAK Popüler Bilim Kitapları 180, ISBN: 978-975-403-290-1, Ankara. DEELSTRA, Tjeerd & GIRARDET, Herbert (2000), “Urban Agriculture and Sustainable Cities”, Date of Access: 03.05.2014, Accessed at http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.168.4991&rep=rep1& type=pdf DRESCHER, Axel W (2004), Food for the Cities: Urban Agriculture in Developing Countries, Proc. IC on Urban Horticulture Eds: R. Junge-Berberovicet al. ActaHort 643, ISHS 2004, 227-231, Date of Access: 06.04.2014, Accessed at http://www.actahort.org/books/643/643_29.htm Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) (2014), “Urban Agriculture”, Date of Access: 06.05.2014, Accessed at http://www.fao.org/urban-agriculture/en// HANDY, Susan (2005), “Smart Growth and the Transportation-Land Use Connection: What Does the Research Tell Us?”, International Regional Science Review, 28 (2): 146-167, Date of Access: 03.04.2014, Accessed at http://irx.sagepub.com/content/28/2/146.abstract KOCATAŞ, Ahmet (2010), Ekoloji ve Çevre Biyolojisi, Ege Üniversitesi Yayınları, Su Ürünleri Fakültesi Yayın No: 51, Ege Üniversitesi Basımevi, Bornova-İzmir. KOÇ, Hülya (2003), “Daha Yaşanabilir Yerleşmeler Arayışında Kentsel Tarım”, Planlama Dergisi, 2003/1: 34-40, Date of Access: 03.05.2014, Accessed at www.spo.org.tr/resimler/ekler/da04049a062f5ad_ek.pdf NUGENT, Rachel & DRESCHER, Axel W (2000), “Urban and Peri-Urban Agriculture (UPA) on the Policy Agenda: Virtual Conference and Information Market”, A Joint Venture of the FAO Interdepartmental Working Group (IDWG) – Food for the Cities (FFC) and the Resource Center for Urban Agriculture and Forest (RUAF/ ETC), Date of Access: 06.05.2014, Accessed at http://www.fao.org/sd/ppdirect/ppre0073.htm ORTAŞ, İbrahim & ŞENOL, Suat & KAPUR, Selim (2008), “Çukurova Bölgesinde Tarım Topraklarının Amaç Dışı Kullanımı ve Planlı Tarım ve Kent Çevre İlişkileri Açısından Önemi”, Adana Kent Sorunları Sempozyumu/21, 259-265, Adana. ÖNDER, Serpil & AKBULUT, Çapan Dede (2011), “Kentsel Açık Yeşil Alanlarda Kullanılan Bitki Materyalinin Değerlendirilmesi; Aksaray Kenti Örneği”, Selçuk Tarım ve Gıda Bilimleri Dergisi, ISSN:1309-0550 25 (2): 93-100. ÖZTÜRK, Banu (2004), Kentsel Açık ve Yeşil Alan Sistemi Oluşturulması: Kayseri Kent Bütünü Örneği, Doktora Tezi (Basılmamış), Ankara Üniversitesi Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü Peyzaj Mimarlığı Anabilim Dalı, Ankara. PAUL, Valeria & TONTS, Matthew (2005), “Containing Urban Sprawl: Trends in Land Use and Spatial Planning in the Metropolitan Region of Barcelona”, Journal of Environmental Planning and Management, 48 (1): 7-35, Date of Access: 03.04.2014, Accessed at http://EconPapers.repec.org/RePEc:taf:jenpmg:v:48:y:2005:i:1:p: 7-3 5 103 RASOULI, Sara (2012a), “Kent Topraklarının Tarımsal Amaçlı Kullanımı: Kentsel Tarım”, Date of Access: 28.03.2014, Accessed at www.skb.org.tr/kent-topraklarinin-tarimsal-amacli-kullanimi-kentsel-tarim/‎ RASOULI, Sara (2012b), “Kentsel Tarım”, Date of Access: 04.05.2014, Accessed at http://prezi.com/ bxrfloalij_p/kentsel-tarim/ RICKETTS, Taylor & IMHOFF, Marc (2003), “Biodiversity, Urban Areas and Agriculture: Locating Priority Ecoregions for Conservation”, Conservation Ecology, 8(2): 1, Date of Access: 19.11.2012, Accessed at http://www.consecol.org/vol8/iss2/art1 SEZGİN, Dinçer & VAROL, Çiğdem (2012), “Ankara’daki Kentsel Büyüme ve Saçaklanmanın Verimli Tarım Topraklarının Amaç Dışı Kullanımına Etkisi”, METU JFA, 29 (1): 273-288. SMIT, Jac & NASR, Joe & RATTA, Annu (2001), Urban Agriculture: Food, Jobs, and Sustainable Cities, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), The Urban Agriculture Network, Inc., Date of Access: 04.03.2014, Accessed at jacsmit.com/book/Chap02.pdf TOKUÇOĞLU, Bülent (1993), “Çevre Sorunları ve Kentleşme”, Çevre Dergisi, 6:19. ÜNAL, Mesude & BAŞKAYA, Hüseyin S (2000), “Kocaeli İli Topraklarının Amaç Dışı Kullanımı “, Ekoloji-Çevre Dergisi, 9 (36): 9-11. ZEZZA, Alberto & TASCIOTTI, Luca (2010), “Urban Agriculture, Poverty, and Food Security: Empirical Evidence from a Sample of Developing Countries”, Food Policy, 35: 265–273, Date of Access: 19.12.2013, Accessed at http://EconPapers.repec.org/RePEc:eee:jfpoli:v:35:y:2010:i:4:p:265-273. 104 EVALUATION OF LIVEABILITY IN RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENTS IN THE SCOPE OF SUSTAINABLE URBANIZATION Reyhan YILDIZ Nihal SENLİER Tayfun SALİHOĞLU Population growth, which is the most basic demographic issue of the 20th century, continues to draw attention especially in developing countries (UN, 2003: 5). The world population which exceeded 7 billion in 2012, is estimated to approach to 9 billion in 2040. Rapidly increasing world population, increasing urbanization and migration speed combined with poverty, put the urbanization issues at the top spot on the agenda of the developing countries. Rapid urbanization which is regarded as one of the world’s largest socio-economic changes during the last 50 years, nowadays, is also defined as the urbanization of poverty and expressed that the earthly scale of poverty has moved to the city (UN, 2003: 10-11). Almost 1 billion people and 32 % of the urban population on earth, mostly in developing countries, live in urban areas which are developed in an unplanned and uncontrolled fashion. The common features of these types of settlement areas are; drinking water, sewerage, lack of technical infrastructure such as electricity and roads, illegal and unhealthy substandard construction conditions, high-density residential areas, risky, unplanned and unregulated settlements, poverty and social exclusion. United Nations, if no serious precautions are taken, estimates that the population living in these areas worldwide will approach to 2 billion in the next 30 years. However, it is strongly emphasized that rapid urbanization should not be considered as a phenomenon which have arisen from demographic changes caused by global powers and population explosions, but also a result of the failure of national and urban policies, legal processes and housing policies. Sustainable urbanization approaches for the solution of this problem in recent years intend not only the spatial improvement of unhealthy housing areas for the need of shelter, but also to address the revenue generation as a part of urban development strategies on larger scales, urban services, environmental, economic and political sustainability, governance and social integration issues in integrity (UN, 2003: 6; Thompson, 2012: 49). Considering the development of the urbanization process in Turkey, it is seen that the proportion of the population living in urban areas did not show a significant change during 1927-1950 era, and that it increased rapidly after 1950 (DPT, 2006: 12-17). Since the beginning of planned development period which started in 1960s, prevention of inter-regional imbalances, excessive urbanization and population goals for solving problems were adopted in the development plan, and balanced development proposals regarding the metropolitan areas were strived to be presented. The proportion of the population living in urban areas in Turkey increased significantly and increased to 64.9 % in 2000, while it was 59 % in 1990. In this period, intense population growth in urban areas and population accumulations in metropolitan areas were reported, and an increasingly negative structure had formed in indicators regarding the development of urban areas and the quality of life (DPT, 2006: 58-60). The challenges posed by rapid urbanization are determined as issues 105 regarding the quality of life, insensitive settlement and urbanization to disasters, protection of natural and cultural assets issues, illegal construction, renovation/ conversion, lack of technical and social infrastructure, and a necessity for improving the quality of life and place in urban areas are emphasized. It was stated that in 2000s urbanization was a process developed with the immigration of those who preferred the urban poverty to the rural poverty, and it was expressed that this process fueled the regional development and unplanned and uncontrolled growth affected the natural environment especially the agricultural areas that require protection, coastal areas, historical and cultural heritage and the technical and social infrastructure negatively. Also it has been determined that in urban areas, squatter houses and illegal housings flourishing especially in the urban fringes of rapidly growing large metropolitan areas and industrial cities have gradually increased, old deed shareholding and squatter areas legitimized with rehabilitation plans have developed as the denser areas of the city carrying no identity with the new reconstruction rights and most of these areas are constructed for speculative and rental purposes by the power centers. In the 10th Development Plan which covers the years 2014-2018, it is expressed that the trend for concentration of population continued in especially metropolitan and large cities, and it is stated that including the most important center of attraction, Istanbul, the overall migration is from east to west, towards the big cities and from inland the coastal areas (KB, 2013: 56). In the 2007-2012 period, while the total population of the country increased by 7.1%, urbanization rate increased from 67.5% to 72.3%. This is expected to reach to 76.4% in 2018. In the 10th Development Plan period; urbanization process and managing the cities in a more competitive, liveable and sustainable manner is expected to make significant contributions to the development of Turkey in reaching its targets. In this context, increasing the life quality of urban and rural areas in a sustainable manner, making urban and rural areas provide better job opportunities and living environments according to their peculiar conditions and qualifications are among the main objectives of the Development Plan. Improving the quality of the housing environment and liveability in housing areas, which are among the main objectives of urban planning and urban policies provide one of the main conditions regarding the sustainable urbanization and improving the urban quality of life. This study aims to address urban quality of life and liveability in housing areas issues which are the major challenges posed by the rapid urbanization in Turkey, and strives to contribute to the presentation of principles of healthy and sustainable settlement in urban areas. In this regard, basic housing patterns that are observed from the earliest stages of the urbanization process to present in Turkey - squatter areas as unplanned and illegal housings, parceled housing areas formed with rehabilitation plans prepared for the improvement of squatter areas and the mass housing areas applied in the context of urban transformation in recent years- were evaluated by analyzing the liveability in Şifa Neighborhood example. For the study area Tuzla-Şifa Neighborhood was selected for being at the urban fringes of Istanbul metropolitan and being an example that reflects the development of rapid urbanization process and for giving an opportunity to compare these main housing patterns. The reason for addressing the subject in neighborhood scale is the consideration of neighborhood scale as the most basic settlement unit of the cities and the conduction of researches on urban quality of life mostly in urban and neighborhood scales. In the evaluation of liveability in different housing patterns in Tuzla-Şifa Neighborhood, “Building for Life” criteria by CABE (Commission of Architecture and Built Environment) which defines the planning and design principles of sustainable housing settlements in England was selected 106 as the method. Building for Life criteria includes; the character of the housing area, streets, parking and pedestrianisation, design and construction, environment and community and subtopics. The essential nature of the study is making a comparison by presenting both subjective evaluations based on interviews with households and objective evaluations based on expert opinions. The results reveal important clues regarding the principles of healthy and sustainable settlements in urban areas. Urban qualIty OF lIfe and LIVEabIlIty In housIng areas As multi-disciplinary research topics; urban quality of life, improving the spatial and environmental quality of life within the context of addressing the urban problems and urbanization topics are among the questions that also urban managements, decision-makers and urban planners, as well as researchers, are looking answers for. Researches on urban quality of life are mostly carried out in urban scales and neighborhood scales which are the most basic settlement unit of the cities based on some objective, subjective and behavioral indicators (Marans & Stimson, 2011: 2). Different disciplines related to housing environment addressing the subject from their own perspective reveals different methods and approaches and offer an important contribution to the enrichment of subjects (Gea & Hkao, 2006: 166). Sam et al., (2012: 1559), in their studies, evaluated of different perspectives of various professional groups, such as urban planners and designers, architects, environmental psychologists and decision-makers. They expressed that urban planners, designers and architects, on satisfaction in housing areas, mostly focused on similar criteria such as neighborhood scale, socio-demographic characteristics, whereas some criteria such as housing unit properties, public services, housing conditions, and environmental characteristics of housing were especially emphasized by architects, and environmental characteristics of the housing area and housing area settlement relations were the criteria mostly emphasized by urban planners. In addition, urban planners and environmental psychologists focused on subjects such as liveability and environmental quality, user characteristics, proximity to urban services and security. On the other hand, decision makers, instead of evaluating the subject on a large scale, are mostly interested in the relationship between housing needs of people and fulfilling their desires for housing. In this study, in order to reflect the perspective of different disciplines on subject, planning and urban design literature was supported with studies done in areas such as environmental psychology and urban social geography to address the subject with a broader perspective. From the perspective of psychology, human-environment relations and personal characteristics are determined from the characteristics originated from the environment and human-environment interactions (Van Poll, R., 1997: 12). For environmental psychology research field which mainly focuses on how people perceive place, examination of the relationship between the residents living housings and their neighborhood in urban environment at different scales (city, neighborhood and housing) is one of the main research topics. Amerigo & Aragones (1997: 48) presented a methodological and theoretical approach and studied the relationship between humans and the housing environment that they lived in a general perspective. Van Kamp et al., (2003:7) indicated that concepts such as housing satisfaction, evaluation of housing and living environment, quality of life, sustainability, liveability, environmental quality overlapped and they were used as synonyms in the literature, and expressed that different concepts originated from different traditions of research and different policy traditions and studied on a conceptual model that described the urban 107 environmental quality and human well-being. Dunstan et al., (2005: 298) who examined the impact of the built environment on the quality of life of people in housing areas, developed a research method (housing environment evaluation method) for the measurement of spatial environmental conditions of housing areas in neighborhood scale. Kaylor et.al, (2007: 29) expressed that life satisfaction in neighborhood scale, forms with the association of sociodemographic characteristics, subjective evaluations of the neighborhood and the objective characteristics of the neighborhood, and used a multilevel model for the estimation of properties in neighborhood scale and personal effects. Hur et al., (2010: 52) evaluated the life satisfaction in neighborhood scale as related with naturalness and open place, while Smith (2011:175) who studied on the relationship between housing satisfaction and a sense of community, a sense of belonging and a sense of place and the effect of these relationships on housing satisfaction, revealed that community developed by showing sensitivity to specific spatial planning policies which would increase satisfaction in housing areas, as well as personal and social needs of the people. In urban planning and design process, geographical and spatial dimensions are an important part in creating sustainable communities and sustainable settlements (Talen, 2011: 127). Accordingly, very important researches are available focused on the assessment of the quality of life in different housing environments in the field of urban social geography (Western et al., 1974; Talen, 2002; Pacione, 2003; Howley et al., 2009; Dekker et al., 2011; Kahrik et al., 2012). Western et al., (1974: 201) assessed the effects of the housing policies of the state on the satisfaction of the people from the urban environment, while Talen (2002: 257) as a guide in local planning applications, determined the principles of pedestrian access for the walkable settlements in pedestrian scale. Pacione (2003: 19) who brought urban environmental quality and quality of life researches an approach in terms of social geography emphasized that despite the objective definitions of urban environmental quality, urban liveability was relative to time, place, and might vary according to the purpose of the study and the value system of the researchers. Also, Pacione expresses that, for a full evaluation of the quality of the urban environment, both objective and subjective evaluation is required. Howley et al. (2009: 847) evaluated the relationship between the high density in the city center and the neighborhood satisfaction by using qualitative and quantitative research data. Dekker et al., (2011: 479) focused on the determinants of satisfaction and housing in European cities after the Second World War. Kahrik et al., (2012: 56) who investigated the reasons of households moved into a new suburban settlements and in urban areas in Tallinn, Estonia, and their satisfaction from the new housing area and the housing environment, found that the needs of households and cultural preferences were the dominant cause for the relocation. When the subjects of liveability in housing areas and satisfaction are examined within the urban planning and urban design literature, studies in different scales and different approaches are seen. Some of these studies address the subject in urban scale (Smith et al. 1997; Chapman & Larkham, 1999; Ogu, V. I., 2002; Gea & Hkao, 2006; Royuela et al., 2010; Marans & Stimson, 2011; Kamalipour et al., 2012), while some focused on the neighborhood scale which is the most basic settlement unit (Richman, 1979; Greenberg, 1999; Greenberg & Crossney, 2007; Kaylor et.al, 2007; Dempsey, 2008; Lovejoy et al., 2010; Saleh & Hashem, 2012). Smith et.al, (1997: 229) who focus on the spatial elements that will contribute to the quality of life, developed a framework for revealing the relationship between the quality of the urban environment and the spatial forms. The spatial forms with 108 the strongest relationship criteria are determined as connectedness, character (identity), diversity, mobility, liveability, and personal freedom. Chapman & Larkham (1999: 211) made a research on quality in urban design in England, and evaluated urban design projects. Ogu, V. I. (2002: 37) who investigated the satisfaction in housing areas in different regions of city of Benin, made the spatial analysis of housing areas using two variable groups of housing environment. In the study, it was revealed that the quality indicators were inadequate in many neighborhoods and necessity of development strategies in housing areas in order to increase the liveability in urban scale. Gea & Hkao (2006: 165) analyzed the housing preferences factors, housing satisfaction and housing preference characteristics models in Saga and Kitakyushu cities of Japan. Royuela et al. (2010: 563) who investigated the impact of the quality of life on housing choice of households and urban development revealed that quality of life also played an important role in the development of the city, as well as factors generally found in the literature such as city size, network economies, and proximity to the city center. Kamalipour et al. (2012: 464) analyzed the determinants affecting the adherence to location in urban areas in Tehran, and emphasized that the physical dimensions of commitment were very important in the development of a sense of belonging in the community, and that neighborhood scale had an important role in adherence to location. The studies on satisfaction in neighborhood scale which is the most basic settlement unit in urban planning, present valuable data on creating sustainable and healthy settlements. Richman (1979: 452) improved the conventional housing planning approach which was known as neighborhood unit, and presented a user-oriented approach that brought social standards together. According to Richman, for a healthy planning of housing areas, planners must consider both spatial and social dimensions and the plan must reflect the local needs, values and attitudes. Greenberg (1999: 620) who examined the relationship between neighborhood properties and characteristics of neighborhood residents, in his study on New Jersey, reported that the low liveability in neighborhood scale was strongly related with crime/vandalism, physical deformation and distrust to government. In another study, Greenberg & Crossney (2007: 189) studied the liveability perception in three different spatial scales (administrative boundary, neighborhood scale, and housing), and found a strong relationship between the quality of life and quality of housing, socio-economic status and age in neighborhood scale. Kaylor et.al, (2007: 47) who investigated the determinants of satisfaction in neighborhood scale by using a multi-staged model, in their study, strived to define the socio-demographic characteristics of households, objective criteria in neighborhood scale and the effect of subjective evaluations of households. Dempsey (2008: 259) who aimed to define the properties of high quality built environment, expressed that there were many quality characteristics which experts such as urban planners, transportation engineers, urban designers, landscape architects shared a consensus. It was emphasized that each of these characteristics such as high residential density, mixed land use, accessibility, connectivity and permeability, legibility, charm, integrity, sustainability, safety, and identity were all connected and related to each other. Lovejoya et.al, (2010: 46) compared the satisfaction level of households living in conventional neighborhoods and suburban settlements and revealed that the people living in suburban settlements were less satisfied from their settlements. Saleh & Hashem (2012: 9) who investigated the environmental quality components of housing areas in conventional and new neighborhood settlements in Tehran and the factors affecting these components, in their evaluation using subjective and objective parameters, reported that the satisfaction levels of new neighborhood settlements were higher than the conventio109 nal neighborhoods. In conventional neighborhoods housing environment quality are lower; however, functional-structural properties are in better condition. Also, it was emphasized that each settlement had its own strengths and weaknesses, and it was expressed that the people living in new neighborhood settlements had higher levels of expectations. While the academic researches contribute theoretically by addressing the subject from different perspectives, public administration and practitioners give directions to the practice with policy documents and design guidelines (CABE, 2005; MEHLG, 2008). These documents expose principles of sustainable housing settlements planning and design, and practically aim to guide planning authorities, housing developers, architects, and designers in evaluation of the current applications and planning of the new housing areas. In 2001, in England, with an initiative launched by the collaboration of Direct Trust, Home Builders Federation and CABE (Commission of Architecture and Built Environment), “Building for Life” design criteria were established for improving liveability and spatial quality in housing areas. In 2005, a guideline (Delivering Great Places to Live) was published in order to promote the use of these criteria in the evaluation of design practices of housing areas in England and other countries in the world (CABE, 2005a). In the research carried out by CABE which evaluated the liveability and spatial quality in different housing areas in the whole of England, significances between the areas were revealed (CABE, 2005b). According to the research; throughout England, 12% of the housing areas were in very good condition, 5% good, 61% average and 22% in poor conditions and the housing areas that were in very good conditions were mostly located in urban areas, and housing areas in medium and poor conditions were concentrated in the urban fringes and in the suburbs. While the housing areas in city centers were more successful due to their with attractiveness, architectural quality, local-specific design and their integration with the existing housing, the main reason for the lack of housing areas in the suburbs which could be described as good, the existence of weaker urban services and public transport in these areas compared to the city center were showed. England as a whole was evaluated in a research report on the reasons for unsuccessful housing area designs as follows: Generally, problems on place making, layout, formation of public places are becoming prominent. Many housing areas have been found to be unqualified in terms of place making and sense of place. Designs which are incompatible with local features, and having integration issues, and carrying no identity and no unique character are taking attention. Problems with the layout generally include the settlement layouts that adversely affect the silhouettes of the streets, the poor distinction perception between public and private places and finding way problems. Problems with public places are defined as dominance of road transport, poorly designed and poorly maintained public places emerged with the impact of unsuccessful parking sites. CABE carried out another research in 2005 based on their emphasizing that on liveability and the place quality, the perception of households living in those places were also important, as well as the opinions and evaluations of the experts (CABE, 2005c). Thus, opportunity to make a comparison between the assessments in the light of objective criteria of experts and subjective perceptions of households became available. The findings obtained from this study draw attention to subjects related with the importance of creating a sense of space and place, regulations of roadways and parking sites, the use of mass transit and neighbor relations. Considering the urban quality of life studies and the development of the issue in Turkey, both theoretical and practical studies at early levels and after 2000, an increasing interest in both academic society and political and planning agenda occurred. Relevant acade110 mic studies have mainly focused on evaluating quality of life in large cities such as Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Adana, Gaziantep, Antalya, Kocaeli (Dökmeci et al. 1996; Türksever, 2001; Ulengin et al., 2001; Turkoglu et al., 2006; Senlier et al., 2009). Dökmeci et al., (1996: 471) studied how users in Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir evaluated the quality of life and they made remarks on many issues such as population growth, inner-city and intercity migration, income distribution, job opportunities, housing requirements, quality of educational and health care facilities and sufficiency of transportation and infrastructure. Research results revealed that in these three cities, according to the public, population growth was the main reason for many urban issues and there was an increasing uneven income distribution in cities. Türksever (2001: 153) evaluated the urban quality of life in Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Adana, Gaziantep and Antalya, and suggested that the life satisfaction of residents in these cities was determined by essential requirements of daily life. In their study to define the priorities, expectations and requirements of people in Istanbul from different socio-economic population groups, Ulengin et al., (2001: 370) determined that the primary indicator to measure life quality of residents in Istanbul was the possibility to find a satisfactory job. This was followed by infrastructure and municipal services and traffic and public transportation, respectively. In another study, Turkoglu et al., (2006) determined that with respect to population density and land values, land value and neighbor relations had a positive correlation and with increasing age, satisfaction levels were also increasing. In their study concerning the urban quality of life in Kocaeli, Senlier et al., (2009: 224) revealed that housing requirement proportionately increased with increasing population growth, issues such as industrialization, physical, social, aesthetic, educational, healthcare and infrastructure arose out of unplanned and uncontrolled development and although being an economically developed city, this development was not reflected in urban quality of life. Along with the quality of life studies in Turkey, there have been a limited number of studies about satisfaction with housing and housing areas (Erman, 1997; Turkoglu, 1997; Kellekci & Berkoz, 2006; Türkoğlu et al., 2008; Bolen et al., 2009). Erman (1997: 91) conducted a study on the perception and preference about squatter houses and apartments of rural-urban migrants in Ankara. Turkoglu (1997: 64) evaluated the satisfaction of residents in squatter settlements and in planned housing areas in Istanbul and found that residents in planned housing areas were more satisfied. Again in Istanbul, Kellekci and Berkoz (2006: 97) investigated the factors that promote satisfaction with housing and housing areas and found that satisfaction promoting factors varied due to differences in socio-economic structures and highlighted the necessity to consider these variations when designing housing areas. In their study based on objective and subjective indicators to measure life quality in Istanbul, Türkoğlu et al., (2008: 110) determined that in moderate-density housing areas with planned development, satisfaction with housing and macro and micro environment was relatively higher and areas with lower satisfaction levels were urban fringes of the city. Again in Istanbul, Bolen et al., (2009: 109) analyzed spatial features of housing areas that affected satisfaction on neighborhood scale and focused on the quality of physical environment of housing areas, socio-economic indicators of life quality and satisfaction levels of residents in housing areas. According to results of liveability index, they determined that urban development in the recent years took place illegally and unplanned in forest lands and water areas, these areas were under pressure to develop in the recent past of the city and this situation threatened the sustainable future of the city. In the study of Bölen et al., Tuzla-Şifa Neighborhood, sample area of our study, was categorized in neighborhoods with 111 low-density and low-land value. METHODOLOGY This study to analyze liveability of different housing patterns in Istanbul Tuzla-Şifa Neighborhood basically has a descriptive quality and includes objective and subjective evaluations. In this study containing results of a related project; for methodology; Building For Life criteria developed by CABE in England to improve the liveability of housing area were adopted, both the observations and expert opinions of our team consisting of architect and town planners and interviews with the residents of Şifa Neighborhood had influence on introducing the results. Building for Life criteria includes; the character of the housing area, streets, parking and pedestrianisation, design and construction, environment and community and subtopics. These criteria are integrated with the issues highlighted by theoretical investigations discussed in literature (Richman, 1979; Smith et al., 1997; Talen, 2002; Ogu, V. I., 2002; Pacione, 2003; Van Kamp et al., 2003; Dunstan et al., 2005; Greenberg & Crossney, 2007; Kaylor et al., 2007; Dempsey, 2008; Smith, 2011; Kamalipour et al., 2012). For the duration of the research, the upper-scale relations of the settlement with its surroundings were studied and spatial analyses that determined the general characteristics of the settlement were obtained by spending long periods of time in the study field. Furthermore, study field-specific observations and interviews with the households in housing areas were carefully recorded and expert opinions were based on evaluations of these studies. Within this framework, in the settlement of Şifa Neighborhood with a population of 23,032 people; interviews with 106 households (22 from squatter area, 59 from parceled housing area and 25 from mass housing area) from a total of 5758 households were conducted. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STUDY FIELD Settlement of Tuzla-Şifa Neighborhood in the urban fringe of Istanbul is located in the east side of the metropolitan area of Istanbul and on Marmara Sea coast (Figure 1). Main transport modes in the area are TEM and E-5 highway, railway, water transportation and Istanbul Sabiha Gökcen Airport. Tuzla shipyard in the district and surrounding industrial and military areas are functions influential on place making in Şifa Neighborhood. Şifa Neighborhood where a rapid population growth and housing development took place in 1980-90 has a population of 23,032 in 2008. The settlement has an area of 342 ha and an average density of 106 person/ha. When the sectoral distribution of working population of Şifa Neighborhood settlement is examined, industry sector with 46.3%, and service sector with 53.7% become prominent. Trading and service functions are centered on the main axis (Inönü Street) and housing areas spread around the settlement from the main axis. Majority of constructions in the settlement are concrete structures (81.7%). Masonry construction can be seen in squatter areas with unqualified and illegally developing housing pattern. 69% of structures in Şifa Neighborhood are apartments, 9% are squatter houses and 20% are detached buildings. 4-5 floored structures are widespread throughout the settlement. Squatter area in northeast of the settlement is occupied with 1-2 floored structures with gardens and mass housing areas built after 2000 are occupied with 12-13 floored structures. When density of the entire settlement is examined, mass housing area is found to have an average density of 600-800 person/ha, parceled housing area is to have a density of 200400 p/ha and 400-600 p/ha whereas, squatter area has a density of 0-200 p/ha. Community 112 facilities in Şifa Neighborhood consist of 3 grade schools, 2 primary health care centers, 1 police station, 7 mosque and two small parks. Generally, for a settlement with a population of 23,032 people, while having educational and health care facilities at insufficient levels, it has a considerable lack of urban services such as socio-cultural facilities, parks and open spaces, playfields, recreation and entertainment sites. Figure 1. Location of Tuzla-Şifa Neighborhood in Istanbul Metropolitan Area Reference: http://sehirrehberi.ibb.gov.tr/map.aspx housıng PATTERNS dıscussed ın the study When examining the development of Tuzla-Şifa Neighborhood, it can be seen that due to the settling of organized industrial site in 1970s and many surrounding industrial enterprises, the settlement received migration and became a fast-growing area after 1990s. During this period, the first settlement consisted of housing areas containing squatter houses on public and share lands (Figure 2). Some parts of the squatter area have existed to this date while, the other parts were tried to be improved by rehabilitation plans and parceled housing areas were built (Figure 3). Today, for urban renewal purposes, mass housing applications of Housing Development Administration of Turkey (TOKI) and Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB) are carried out (Figure 4). This process shows similarity with the development process of many large cities in Turkey. This fact is the main reason of the study field selection. households partıcıpated ın the study Within the scope of the study, interviews with a group containing 49% women and 51% men were conducted in Şifa Neighborhood settlement. Educational backgrounds of interviewed participants varied and in squatter areas and parceled housing areas participants were graduated mostly from elementary and secondary schools whereas, in mass housing 113 Figure 2. Squatter Area Figure 3. Parceled Housing Area Figure 4. Mass Housing Area areas participants were mostly graduated from elementary and secondary schools and higher education institutions. When considering the duration of residency in present housing areas, residents in squatter areas (72.7%) and in parceled housing areas (52.5%) were found to use the same house for 6 years, whereas residents in mass housing areas were found to be in 0-5 year-period (84%). In the squatter area and the parceled housing area, due to having high rates of home ownership and having 30-40 years old housing areas in the entire settlement, a localized population structure was observed. On the other hand, reason for a lower home ownership rate (28%) of the mass housing area which was opened to settlement in 2008, was that although the implementation on local scale was for residents in TuzlaŞifa Neighborhood, majority of the residents consisted of households from other districts. Households mainly with a lower income status in the entire settlement could not afford new housing areas while, workers from surrounding industrial, university and military sites preferred to be tenants in mass housing. When considering these three different housing patterns in terms of socio-economic features, with shifting to parceled housing area from squatter area that mainly had a lower socio-economic status, a shift to middle income status was observed; as for the mass housing area, a structure mainly consisted of middle income status was observed. This also shows that households with similar income status, educational, life style and cultural features prefer similar living spaces. These living spaces show different features in residences. evaluatıon of the fındıngs In this section, interviews with the households that were residents in 3 different housing areas in the study field were systematically evaluated in line with the CABE criteria. As for the general evaluation section, variations between the expert opinions and evaluations of the households were emphasized. These evaluations were based on the character of the housing area, streets, parking and pedestrianisation, design and construction, environment and community criteria (CABE, 2005a). the character of the housıng area Within the scope of the character of the housing area, identity of housing areas, architectural quality of structures, arrangement of streets and structures, language of places and readability issues take primacy (CABE, 2005a: 4-8). Questions with regards to the identity 114 and character of housing areas were addressed to participants from households in different housing patterns in the entire Şifa Neighborhood settlement and different answers were received. Most of the residents in squatter and parceled housing area didn’t refer to any distinctive characteristics (55% and 63%) while, majority of residents in the mass housing area stated that the housing area had a distinctive character (80%). As for residents in squatter area and parceled housing area that considered the housing area to have a distinctive identity, residents stated that this was mainly due to good neighbor relations and the sense of belonging arose from coexistence for several years. In terms of spatial differences, majority of residents in parceled housing area (83%) stated that their district was not significantly different from neighboring districts whereas, residents in squatter area and mass housing area stated that there were significant differences (69% and 84%). Residents in the squatter area described the housing area as different and attractive, especially due to detached houses with gardens, similarity between the area and their hometowns, good neighbor relations and relatives and a secure environment; where residents in mass housing areas named reasons such as being in a building complex, architectural quality of structures, layout plan, quality and cleaning of the environment and security. As for the parceled housing area, few people that made mention of a difference (17%) emphasized good neighbors and friendships whereas majority of residents (83%) indicated that neighbor relations were poor, social and cultural activities were insufficient and there weren’t any green space and earthquake resistant buildings. Different remarks on the security of housing areas were made. Most of residents in the squatter area found their living environment secure (59%), where residents in the parceled housing area and the mass housing area found the environment to be insecure by a majority (58% and 60%). According to residents in the mass housing area, living in a building complex was secure but the rest of Şifa Neighborhood was insecure. Particularly, due to criminal cases in the recent years, walking at night was considered to be dangerous. In the entire settlement, stray dogs in street alleys, drinking in playgrounds at the evening hours, side streets and some dark streets, and industrial sites are located from the housing area were elements considered to raise insecurity in the settlement. streets, parkIng and pedestrIanIsatIon Adjustment of structures has a priority in housing areas (CABE, 2005a:9-14). Within this context, order of structures, order of streets and parking spaces, suitability of streets for vehicles and pedestrians, continuity of existing housing areas with developing housing areas, public spaces and safety issues become crucial. In the entire Şifa Neighborhood settlement, households from all of housing patterns (squatter area 95%, parceled housing area 80%, and mass housing area 88%) stated that finding ways was easy. Few residents that considered finding ways to be difficult pointed out that signboards for roads and streets and traffic signs were mostly on the main road and there were a lacking of signboards and signs for buildings in side streets. There were households in the settlement that find the area to be insecure for wandering elders and children. Lack of playgrounds in the present settlement drew attention. It was stated that children were mostly playing in side streets but due to fast cars in side streets and reckless drivers, accident risk for children was emphasized by many households from the parceled housing area (85%). In the squatter area children playing in streets was mostly considered safe, where due to successful designs for pedestrian-vehicle separation and presence of playgrounds for children, households from the mass housing area referred to safer conditions. On the design and sufficiency of parking spaces, residents 115 in the mass housing area gave mostly positive evaluations. Reserving a single parking place for each household, protecting parking spaces with security cameras, integration of parking spaces with streets, enclosed spaces and other landscaping elements were found to be satisfactory. For the parceled housing area and the squatter area, due to the absence of planned parking, a common dissatisfaction was pointed out (92% and 82%). desıgn and constructıon For the design to be specific to the housing area, it is critical that it contains local place characteristics (CABE, 2005a: 14-19). Within this framework, issues concerning the quality of structures, adaptability of housing areas and arranging public spaces take priority. Throughout Şifa Neighborhood settlement, heat and sound insulations were the leading dissatisfactory issues for households participated in the study. Other primary issues that created dissatisfaction for the parceled housing area were small rooms and balconies or lack of balconies, lack of natural gas, construction materials of poor quality, lack of external sites and conjoint structures; and for the squatter area, issues involved small and neglected houses, heating issues and small kitchens and rooms. Households that were mostly satisfied with heat and sound insulations consisted of residents in the mass housing area. In this housing area, majority of the households were satisfied with their houses (84%) and only a few households complained about poor workmanship, small balconies and kitchen and bathroom equipments of poor quality. Generally, residents from different housing patterns were satisfied with their houses (in squatter area 77%, in parceled housing area 89%, in mass housing area 84%). Household in the mass housing area expressed satisfaction about issues such as high walls surrounding their houses, being in a building complex, gated sites and houses with gardens, layout and regular cleaning of parks and gardens, room sizes, heat and sound insulations, and parking facilities. Detached houses and houses with gardens were satisfactory for households from the squatter area, where households from the parceled housing area were satisfied with elements such as sizes of rooms and kitchens, presence of balconies and facades. Simultaneously, households from Şifa Neighborhood were asked about their evaluations on urban furniture and their quality. Design and quality of bus stops, lighting equipments, benches and containers were found to be insufficient and a lack of statues and monuments was pointed out. Absence and poor quality of such spatial elements were among complaint issues in the entire settlement. envıronment and communıty Presence of regulations on different housing types and home ownership for groups with varying socio-economic status is highly important to provide sustainability and social integration (CABE, 2005a: 20-23). Under the title of environment and community, issues that involve urban services and accessibility, public transportation and the quality of bus services have a priority. Satisfaction levels concerning the sufficiency and quality of the present urban services (shopping, educational and health care facilities) of households from three different housing patterns of the entire Şifa Neighborhood were moderate or low. Most of the households (in the squatter area 77%, in the parceled housing area 78%, in the mass housing area 52%) stated that they benefited from public transportation. Given that a 47% car ownership of households from the entire settlement, higher use of public transportation can be considered a contribution to the liveability of housing areas. Majority of 116 public transportation users found the amount of buses and minibuses sufficient whereas a significant number of users mentioned a necessity for routes to more locations and especially complained about old buses. Lastly, participants were asked if they were pleased with their neighborhood and to make an overall evaluation about the liveability. With regards to the overall liveability criteria, participants from the mass housing area were relatively more satisfied (68%), while participants from the squatter area with a 20.2% and from parceled housing area with a 17.5% were less satisfied with their housing areas. DIFFERENCES BETWEEN EXPERT OPINIONS AND HOUSEHOLD OPINIONS From the perspective of city planning and urban design discipline, the differences between expert opinions and the opinions of people living in that particular settlement provide significant clues with regard to development of the subject. The differences between the considerations of our project team consisting of architect and city planners, and the considerations of the households living in Şifa Neighborhood, our research area, are given in essentials in accordance with the CABE criteria constituting the methodology of this study: Squatter Area: Contrary to expert opinions, close to half (45%) of the households living in the squatter area have stated that the housing area where they live has not a characteristic identity. According to expert opinions, the housing area shows a characteristic structure compared either to other housing areas in Şifa Neighborhood where it is situated or to many housing areas in the city of Istanbul. The area has a distinctive identity with its warm, human-scale, respectful to the natural environment and surprising structure. While wandering in the housing area, the characteristic forms of the housing developed spontaneously in time exhibit interesting scenes, generating an non-monotonous, visual diversity and perception of low density. In the area consisting mostly of one or two storey houses, nearly every housing has its own garden; and in these gardens, it is possible to see fruit trees, vegetable gardens, chicken coops, woodsheds and some junk articles. Some houses are joined to form common space. Interesting common gardens and spaces formed in such manner stand out as areas where children play and neighbors congregate to spend time together. Among those living in the squatter area, the households who think the housing area has a characteristic identity (55%) said this identity originates mostly from good relations in the neighborhood and a sense of belonging due to living together for many years. In addition, a significant percentage (69%), who thinks the housing area is different than other residential area in terms of spatial differences, has specifically emphasized the presence of detached houses with gardens, the resemblance of the area to their hometowns, good relationships with relatives and neighbors and the safe environment. According to expert opinions, unfavorable considerations regarding the characteristic of the housing area could be identified as follows: There are no public spaces such as common open spaces, children playgrounds, etc. other than the private gardens of the housings in the entire housing area. In places that do not have any problems regarding the technical infrastructure such as sewage, clean water and electricity, the roads are fairly neglected. Street lighting and garbage cans are insufficient with poor designs. Roads that have developed spontaneously over time in accordance with the topography are disconnected from the wider roadways surrounding them and have a structure that only allows movement within themselves. Households and experts have different perspectives with regard to finding way in the housing area. Whereas a vast majority 117 of the households (95%) said it was easy to find way within the settlement, expert opinions state it was quite difficult. It was expressed that the distinction between roads and private property was mostly unclear due to the organic pattern. In the area with low vehicle ownership (4-5%), the vehicles are parked either in the garden or by the side of the road. Contrary to expert opinions, the degree of satisfaction with respect to their housing is quite high (77%) among the households living in the squatter area. While especially the houses’ being detached and with gardens was considered pleasing; their being small and neglected, the heating problem, and the smallness of kitchens and rooms were the most common subjects of complaint. According to expert opinions, the housing quality is much lower than the minimum rules such as building regulations, and constitutes significant health and safety risks. The building process, production, construction were shaped completely in accordance with usage requirements over time. Such a production process provides great flexibility with respect to the adaptation of housings to changes over time and requirements. Concerning the ability of the housings to answer changing requirements, nearly half of the households said they were able to adapt, while the majority (71%) stated that their housings were old but they could not afford to renew their housings. Squatter areas have a more flexible structure than other housing areas in terms of sustainable development and transformation. In the area where low-income families working at the industrial factories in the region, generally everyone lives in their own house. However, as the households living here do not have property deeds, they have said this situation creates a sense of temporary housing and insecurity. Parceled Housing Area: There are significant differences between expert opinions and those of the area’s residents with respect to the character of the housing area. Whereas a significant part (63%) of the households said the housing area did not have a distinctive character, those who thought the area had a characteristic identity (37%) stated that this identity mostly originated from good relations within the area and the sense of belonging due to living together for many years. On the other hand, a significant part (83%) of the households emphasized that their neighborhood was not much different than other neighborhoods in the region, that relations within the neighborhood was not strong, that social and cultural activities were insufficient. Furthermore, 58% said the housing area and the entire settlement were considered insecure. However, according to expert opinions, in the area where the settlement conditions were determined to a great extent on the current situation, although a planning study was conducted, there was no concern or effort regarding creating a sense of place, and the quality of buildings and spaces surrounding them. The buildings and streets consist of extremely monotonous and ordinary structures and places lacking identity. There is no street arrangement or landscaping elements such as street furniture, plants, etc. except for insufficient street lighting. In the area, where the building quality is extremely low, there is no public service to meet the residents’ needs. The distinction between public and private places is not clear. There are no public places such as open green spaces or playgrounds for children within the housing area. The children are forced to play on the streets or empty plots. According to expert opinions, there are significant insufficiencies with respect to roadways, parks and pedestrian roads. While vehicle ownership in the housing area is not high (12%), vehicles are mostly parked in side streets and by the side of the road along the main street as parking spaces were never planned. As the transportation network is a grid system consisting of streets intersecting at right angles, it is quite difficult to distinguish places. However, contrary to expert opinions, households living in the housing area stated to a great extent (80%) that finding way in the settlement was easy. Households are 118 significantly (92%) displeased with regard to parking spaces. According to experts’ view, parceled housing area structure order does not show any concordance regarding construction conditions, storey heights, proportions, forms and construction material. In the area with detached houses of one or two storeys as well as apartment buildings with three or four storeys, there are extremely few quality buildings. Although planned, buildings and places meet the conditions given in legal regulations such as building by-laws on a limited scale. Although, contrary to expert opinion, the majority (89%) of the households living in the area is satisfied with their housings, leading causes of dissatisfaction are lack of heat and acoustic insulation, smallness of the rooms and balconies, lack of balconies, and extremely poor quality building material. The parceled housing area has a less flexible structure than the squatter area in terms of sustainable development and transformation. According to expert opinions, it is more difficult to renew as storey heights and density is higher. Mass Housing Area: The mass housing area in the settlement consists of three different types of buildings with twelve and thirteen storeys and houses of four different sizes. According to experts, the presentation quality meeting the needs of different users, its compliance to standards of architecture and landscaping are among its favorable qualities. The significant quality of both the buildings and the open spaces surrounding the buildings reinforce the sense of place. The distinction between public and private property is clear. On the other hand, although housings, open spaces, parking spaces and children playgrounds are designed together, the dominating presence of parking spaces and insufficiency of open public spaces is striking. The design with a priority to vehicles was considered extremely unfavorable. Although the design of the housing area provides a more modern way of living to the settlement surrounding it, it depicts an isolated approach disconnected from its environment, and does not diverge from mass housing applications in cities of Turkey. High walls surround the housing area and the security at the entrance emphasizes the socio-cultural and economic segregation. The opinions of the households are significantly different from those of the experts. Most of the people living in the mass housing area (80%) said the housing area had a distinctive characteristic and that the housing area was significantly different (84%) from other housing areas. They said the housing area was desirable due to reasons such as the existence of a building complex, architectural quality of the buildings, settlement plan, quality and cleanness of the environment, and security. According to expert opinions, the priority of parking spaces and their apparent impact reduces usefulness and sense of place. There is no distinctive and continuous pedestrian walkway or bicycle path in the housing area. Parking spaces were designed mostly by the side of the road and as underground parking spaces. The housing area is a closed structure that is disconnected from the road network in the rest of the settlement. The vast majority (88%) of the households living in the area said it was easy to find way. According to expert opinions, common spaces such as children’s playground, open green spaces, sports facilities, and street furniture, lighting and the landscaping of open spaces are elements that increase the quality of the place significantly. The relative quality observed in the design and application of public spaces is also prevalent for the housings. The housings constructed using the tunnel formwork and radial foundation systems contribute to the liveability in the housing area and quality of place due to their earthquake resistant, heat and acoustic isolated, and climate compatible design. Similar to expert opinions, satisfaction levels of households living in the area are quite high (84%). With respect to flexibility in the design of the housing area and their ability to adapt to the changing demands and lifestyles, the experts state that the design is rather static and 119 without flexibility. According to expert opinions, the mass housing area adopts an introverted settlement system that is not in unity with locality with respect to environmental and social criteria. The housing area’s being economically and socially isolated from the pattern of the settlement it is situated in similar to other public housing applications frequently seen in Turkey is an important source of criticism. Contrary to expert opinions, this situation is considered favorable by the households. CONCLUSION AND EVALUATIONS The aim of this study on the urban quality of life and issues of liveability in housing areas as one of the most important issues resulting from the rapid urbanization phenomenon experienced in Turkey is to offer an insight into the introduction of healthy and sustainable settlement principles in urban areas. In this context, liveability issue in housing areas is presented with objective and subjective evaluations by combining both the theoretical approach of different disciplines such as urban planning and design, environmental psychology, urban social geography, and practical planning and design criteria in a sample area study. There is a limited amount of research on the planned (parceled housing areas and mass housing areas) and unplanned housing areas (squatter areas) particular to the urbanization process experienced in Turkey (Erman, 1997; Turkoglu, 1997; Kellekci & Berkoz, 2006; Turkoğlu et al., 2008; Bolen et al., 2009). The results of this study particular to the Tuzla Şifa Neighborhood show similarities and differences with other studies in the literature. Turkoglu (1997) and Turkoğlu et al., (2008) showed that in the city of Istanbul those living in planned settlements were generally more satisfied than those living in unplanned squatter settlements. Similarly, the mass housing area in Şifa Neighborhood as a planned housing area is the most satisfactory (68%) housing area, whereas the housing areas with the lowest satisfaction levels are the squatter area with 20.2% and the parceled housing area with 17.5%. However, different from the studies in literature, the degree of satisfaction is very low for those living in the parceled housing area albeit its being a planned housing area; because this housing structure developed with the rehabilitation plans prepared in order to improve the squatter areas does not meet the minimum technical and social facility standards given in regular development plans. As a result, these extremely unhealthy living environments lacking identity and with low quality of place and liveability arise. Unfortunately this unhealthy housing construction is seen in all the major cities in Turkey and is significant because it shows the issues in urban areas resulting from the rehabilitation plans once implemented frequently. The low life satisfaction levels with respect to general liveability criteria in Şifa Neighborhood located on the urban fringe of Istanbul corresponds to the results of the research conducted throughout England by CABE, which we use as our methodology (CABE, 2005b). 12% of the housing areas in England are very good, while 5% is good, 61% is average and 22% is poor; very good housing areas are mostly situated in urban areas while average and poor housing areas are concentrated at urban fringes and suburbs. This situation was also demonstrated with studies in other countries (Ogu, V. I., 2002; Lovejoya et al., 2010; Saleh & Hashem, 2012). Weaker urban services and public transportation connections with respect to the city center were suggested as the main reason why good housing areas were not found in urban fringes throughout England. Similarly, Şifa Neighborhood located at urban fringes has significant insufficiencies in urban services such as education, 120 health, socio-cultural facilities, parks and open spaces, sports facilities, recreation and entertainment facilities, and public transportation connections. Furthermore, there are similarities between our study field and the results on the failure of housing area designs throughout England. In CABE’s research report, issues such as place making, layout and public spaces are more apparent. In the light of the evaluations based on interviews with the households living in Şifa Neighborhood and expert opinions, it is possible to reach the following conclusions: 1. While the forms of the houses in the squatter area that have naturally developed in time has a distinctive identity, characteristic and diversity, does not meet the minimum quality standards such as the building by-laws. Although the housings in this area have the highest adaptability, they have significant health and safety risks. A community identity is observed in this area as the residents belong to similar social classes and they have similarities on subjects such as life style, education and income level. Unavailability of public common spaces is a significant insufficiency. Generally, while the squatter area is more successful than other housing areas with respect to the characteristic of the housing area, and environmental and social criteria, it has significant issues regarding roadways, parking spaces, and design and construction criteria. The diversity and flexibility of structure resulting from the distinctive characteristic of the squatter area, and the effect of good neighborhood relationships on the urban quality of life and liveability should not be overlooked. Although the residents do not live in areas with high spatial quality, they are happy to live in housings they have set up with their own hands to meet their needs, and to spend time with their relatives and neighbors. This situation reflects positively on the perception of life quality. 2. There are significant insufficiencies in place making, layout, formation of public spaces, roadways, parking spaces and pedestrian roads, housing conditions and provision of public services in the parceled housing area although it has been designed according to plan. The advantages of the housing area are good relationships with neighbors and friends and a safe environment. This housing area has the spatial presentation with the lowest liveability in comparison to other housing areas and fails to meet nearly all of the criteria. 3. The mass housing area, as a block, is different from the housing structure of Şifa Neighborhood with its mass housing characteristic. Albeit the advantages of construction quality, place making, separation of pedestrians and vehicles, parking spaces, open spaces and common spaces, the predominance and priority of roadways is an important source of criticism. It is relatively the weakest with respect to neighborhood relationships. Furthermore, it shows a disconnected and isolated structure from the settlement where it is situated due to its disagreement with local characteristics and spatial and social integration issues. Although the mass housing area is considered to be better than other housing areas, these practices continuing in every city of Turkey with similar designs and typologies will affect the liveability of these cities negatively, and create issues such as weak social relationships, failing to integrate with the settlement it is situated in, as well as, monotony and rigidity issues. Instead of the partial approaches currently observed in Turkey in mass housing applications, these areas should be addressed in holistic and extensive upper scale plans to ensure social and spatial integration with the surrounding. When addressed within the scope of holistic plans, the design on mass housing, as a nature process, will prevent the professional responsible for the design of these areas from designing monotonous and uniform places. Thus, it will be possible to develop places with different qualities, and high diversity and esthetic values, as well as, solutions particular to the place and its inhabitants. 121 Most of the planning and design criteria used in measuring the quality of urban places are largely affected by the socio-cultural, economic and geographic conditions of the countries in which they have been developed. The most important point in the evaluation of these criteria that may differ among societies and cultures is measuring how these basic criteria have developed as objective indicators are perceived by that particular society. Therefore, in order to ensure the development of the relationship between planning and design within the scope of holistic plans as mentioned above, urban spatial quality measurement criteria particular to our country should be developed in addition to the generally accepted criteria. Thus, it could be more meaningful to compare the different settlement structures originating from the same/similar culture. In addition to satisfaction of the internal validity of this study specific to the chosen area through certain criteria, it also contains findings allowing deductions regarding housing patterns commonly seen in Turkey. From this aspect, the study can set a precedent to future studies. In order to raise the urban quality of life and making of sustainable settlement areas in Turkish cities, it is apparent that there is a need for extensive sample area studies that will be examined within the scope of criteria particular to Turkey. Acknowledgement: Gebze Institute of Technology Research Fund is gratefully acknowledged for supporting this study (Project number: GIT 2012-A-27). REFERENCES AMERIGO, M., & ARAGONES, J. (1997), “A Theoretical and Methodological Approach to the Study of Residential Satisfaction”, Journal of Environmental Psychology, 17 (1), 47-57. BOLEN, Fulin, YIRMIBESOGLU, Funda, ERGUN, Nilgun, TURKOGLU, Handan, TERZI, Fatih, KAYA, Serdar & KUNDAK, Seda (2009), “Quality of Residential Environment in a City Facing Unsustainable Growth Problems: Istanbul”, New Approaches in Urban and Regional Planning, (Eds. Nuran Zeren Gulersoy, Ferhan Gezici, A. Buket Onem, Kerem Yavuz Arslanlı), Istanbul: ITU Faculty of Architecture, 103-113. CABE (2005a), Delivering Great Places to Live: 20 Questions You Need to Answer, Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment, London, England. CABE (2005b), Building for Life Standard: A Better Place to Live, Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment, London, England. CABE (2005c), What is Like to Live There, Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment, London, England. CHAPMAN, David W. & LARKHAM, Peter J. (1999), “Urban Design, Urban Quality and the Quality of Life: Reviewing the Department of the Environment’s Urban Design Campaign”, Journal of Urban Design, 4 (2), 211-232. DEKKER, Karien, DE VOS, Sjoerd, MUSTERD, Sako & VAN KEMPEN, Ronald (2011), “Residential Satisfaction in Housing Estates in European Cities: A Multi-level Research Approach”, Housing Studies, 26 (4), 479-499. DEMPSEY, Nicola (2008), “Quality of the Built Environment in Urban Neighbourhoods”, Planning Practice & Research, 23 (2), 249-264. DÖKMECİ, Vedia, KRISTENSEN, G., UYAR, A. & KILIÇKAYA, U. (1996), “İstanbul, Ankara ve İzmir’de Yaşam Kalitesinin Karşılaştırılması”, İstanbul 2020 Sempozyumu, İstanbul: İTÜ Yayınları, 469-474. DPT (2006), 9.Kalkınma Planı (2007–2013) Yerleşme Kentleşme Özel İhtisas Komisyonu Raporu, Devlet Planlama Teşkilatı, Ankara. DUNSTAN, Frank, WEAVER, Nikki, ARAYAD, Ricardo, BELLA, Truda, LANNONB, Simon, LEWISD, Glyn, PATTERSONB, Joanne, THOMASC, Hollie, JONESB, Phil & PALMER, Stephen (2005), “An Observation Tool to Assist with the Assessment of Urban Residential Environments”, Journal of Environmental Psychology, 25, 293-305. 122 ERMAN, T. (1997), “Squatter (Gecekondu) Housing versus Apartment Housing: Turkish Rural-to-Urban Migrant Residents’ Perspectives”, Habitat Intl., 28 (1), 91-106. GEA, Jian & HOKAO, Kazunori (2006), “Research on Residential Lifestyles in Japanese Cities from the Viewpoints of Residential Preference, Residential Choice and Residential Satisfaction”, Landscape and Urban Planning, 78, 165-178. GREENBERG, M. R., (1999), “Improving Neighborhood Quality: A Hierarchy of Needs”, Housing Policy Debate, 10 (3), 601-624. GREENBERG, M. & CROSSNEY, K. (2007), “Perceived Neighborhood Quality in the United States: Measuring Outdoor, Housing and Jurisdictional Influences”, Socio-Economic Planning Sciences, 41, 181-194. HOWLEY, Peter, SCOTT, Mark & REDMOND, Declan (2009), “Sustainability versus Liveability: An Investigation of Neighbourhood Satisfaction”, Journal of Environmental Planning and Management, 52 (6), 847864. HUR, Misun, NASAR, Jack L. & CHUN, Bumseok (2010), “Neighborhood Satisfaction, Physical and Perceived Naturalness and Openness”, Journal of Environmental Psychology, 30, 52-59. KAHRIK, Anneli Kahrik, LEETMAA, Kadri & TAMMARU, Tiit (2012), “Residential Decision-Making and Satisfaction among New Suburbanites in the Tallinn Urban Region, Estonia”, Cities, 29, 49-58. KB (2013), Onuncu Kalkınma Planı (2014-2018), Kalkınma Bakanlığı, Ankara. KAMALIPOUR, Hesam, YEGANEH, Armin J. & ALALHESABI, Mehran (2012), “Predictors of Place Attachment in Urban Residential Environments: A Residential Complex Case Study”, Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences, 35, 459-467. KAYLOR, Andrew G., WOOLLEY, Michael, MOWBRAY, Carol, REISCHL, Thomas M., GILSTER, Megan, KARB, Rebecca, MACFARLANE, Peter, GANT, Larry & ALAIMO, Katherine (2007), “Predictors of Neighborhood Satisfaction”, Journal of Community Practice, 14 (4), 27-50. KELLEKCI, Omer L. & BERKOZ, Lale (2006), “Mass Housing: User Satisfaction in Housing and its Environment in Istanbul, Turkey”, International Journal of Housing Policy, 6 (1), 77-99. LOVEJOYA, Kristin, HANDYB, Susan & MOKHTARIAN, Patricia (2010), “Neighborhood Satisfaction in Suburban versus Traditional Environments: An Evaluation of Contributing Characteristics in Eight California Neighborhoods”, Landscape and Urban Planning, 97, 37-48. MARANS, W.R. & STIMSON, R. (2011), “An Overview of Quality of Urban Life”, Investigating Quality of Urban Life: Theory, Methods, and Emprical Research, (Eds. R.W. Marans & R.Stimson), Social Indicators Research Series 45, Springer, 1-29. MEHLG (2008), Sustainable Residential Development in Urban Areas, Urban Design Manual, A Best Practice Guide, Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government, Ireland. OGU, V. I. (2002), “Urban Residential Satisfaction and the Planning Implications in a Developing World Context: The Example of Benin City, Nigeria”, International Planning Studies, 7 (1), 37-53. PACIONE, Michael (2003), “Urban Environmental Quality and Human Wellbeing-A Social Geographical Perspective”, Landscape and Urban Planning, 65, 19-30. RICHMAN, Alan (1979), “Planning Residential Environments: The Social Performance Standard”, Journal of the American Planning Association, 45 (4), 448-458. ROYUELA, Vicente, MORENO, Rosina & VAYA, Esther (2010), “Influence of Quality of Life on Urban Growth: A Case Study of Barcelona, Spain”, Regional Studies, 44 (5), 551-567. SALEH, Kesalkheh & HASHEM, Dadashpoor (2012), “New and Traditional Residential Environments”, 48th ISOCARP Congress. SAM, Mehdi, ZAIN, Muhammad F. B. H. M. & SAADATIAN, Omidreza (2012), “Residential Satisfaction and Construction”, Scientific Research and Essays, 7 (15), 1556-1563. SENLIER, Nihal, YILDIZ, Reyhan & AKTAS, E. Digdem (2009), “A Perception Survey for the Evaluation of Urban Quality of Life in Kocaeli and Comparing the Life Satisfaction with the European Cities”, Social Indicators Research, 94 (2), 213-226. SMITH, Kylie M. (2011), The Relationship between Residential Satisfaction, Sense of Community, Sense of Belonging and Sense of Place in a Western Australian Urban Planned Community, PhD Thesis, Edith Cowan University: Faculty of Computing, Health & Science. SMITH, Tara, NELISCHER, Maurice & PERKINS, Nathan (1997), “Quality of an Urban Community: 123 A Framework for Understanding the Relationship between Quality and Physical Form”, Landscape and Urban Planning, 39, 229-241. TALEN, Emily (2002), “Pedestrian Access as a Measure of Urban Quality”, Planning Practice & Research, 17 (3), 257-278. TALEN, Emily (2011), “The Geospatial Dimension in Urban Design”, Journal of Urban Design, 16 (1), 127-149. THOMPSON, John (2012), “Sustainable Urbanism, Green Age, Approaches&Perspectives Towards Sustainability, (Eds. S. Ergonul, A. Kocabas, A.E. Erbas, S. Gundes, S. Karaosman & I. Ozbek Eren), Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, p. 47-64. TURKOGLU, Handan D. (1997), “Residents’ Satisfaction of Housing Environments: The Case of Istanbul, Turkey”, Landscape and Urban Planning, 39, 55-67. TURKOGLU, Handan D., BOLEN, Fulin, BARAN, Perver K. & MARANS, Robert W. (2006), “Measuring the Quality of Life in Istanbul”, ENHR Conference, Slovenya. TÜRKOĞLU, Handan D., BÖLEN, Fulin, BARAN, Perver K. & MARANS, Robert W. (2008), “İstanbul’da Yaşam Kalitesinin Ölçülmesi”, İtüdergisi/a Mimarlık, Planlama, Tasarım, 7 (2), 103-113. TÜRKSEVER, Nilay E. (2001), Türkiye’de Büyük Şehir Alanlarında Yaşam Kalitesinin Değerlendirilmesine Yönelik Bir Yöntem Denemesi, Doktora Tezi, İTÜ Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, İstanbul. UN (2003), The Challenge of Slums, Global Report on Human Settlements, United Nations Human Settlements Programme, London and Sterling: Earthscan Publications Ltd. ULENGIN, B., ULENGIN, F. & GUVENC, U. (2001), “A Multidimensional Approach to Urban Quality of Life: The Case of Istanbul”, European Journal of Operational Research, 130, 361-374. VAN KAMP, Irene, LEIDELMEIJER, Kees, MARSMAN, Gooitske & DE HOLLANDER, Augustinus (2003), “Urban Environmental Quality and Human Well-being towards a Conceptual Framework and Demarcation of Concepts; A Literature Study”, Landscape and Urban Planning, 65, 5-18. VAN, Poll, R. (1997), The Perceived Quality of the Urban Residential Environment, A Multi-Attribute Evaluation, PhD Thesis, University of Groningen (RuG), Center for Energy and Environmental Studies. WESTERN, John S., WELDON, Peter D. & HAUNG, Tan Tsu (1974), “Housing and Satisfaction with Environment in Singapore”, Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 40 (3), 201-208. http://sehirrehberi.ibb.gov.tr/map.aspx 124 PROPAGATION OF HYPERCONCENTRATED FLOWS IN PROTECTION CHANNELS AROUND URBAN AREAS: EXPERIMENTAL INVESTIGATION Donatella TERMINI Alice DI LEONARDO INTRODUCTION Recent catastrophic events due to intense rainfalls have mobilized large amount of sediments causing extensive damages in vast areas. These events have highlighted how debris-flows runout estimations are of crucial importance to delineate the potentially hazardous areas and make reliable assessment of the level of risk of urban areas. Debris flow is a motion of a mixture of water, solid materials, rocks, etc. Thus, according with Rickemann (1999), debris flows could be considered as a phenomenon intermediate between landslides or rockfalls and fluvial sediment transport. The occurrence of debris flow is not easily predictable. One of the main uncertainties of the existing runout estimation methods is related to the need of knowing input parameters that can be difficult to estimate (Rickemann, 1999; Prochaska et al., 2008). Especially in recent years, several researches have been conducted in the attempt to define estimating methods of the most important parameters of debris-flow behavior. Experimental works as well as numerical simulations (among others Natarajan et al., 1995; Louge & Keast, 2001; Pudasaini et al., 2005; Armanini et al., 2009) have also allowed the assessment of the physics of the debris flows. The major part of the experimental studies has especially analyzed the rheological characteristics of the debris flow and the basic kinematic conditions which determine the phenomenon evolution (see as an example Armanini et al., 2005). Furthermore, due to the complexity of the debris-flow process, numerical simulation models of debris flows are still limited. The point is that the design of protective measures requires the knowledge of the propagation conditions (Mizuyama, 2008). In recent years, several debris flow phenomena have occurred in different areas of Italy. In the present work, attention is especially devoted to the event of October 2009 occurred in Sicily (Italy). Intense precipitation event caused loss of lives and great damages to infrastructures and housing, especially in Giampilieri, that is a small urban area included in the territory of Messina. After this event, in the ambit of activities of reconstruction and protection of the urban area, the Regional Authority decided to design a conveyor channel enclosing the urban area of Giampilieri in order to prevent (or to limit) future damages. Analysis of the performance of the conveyor channel in a laboratory physical model was assigned to University of Palermo. The present work addresses the issue of the experimental analysis of the effect of a defence channel on the flow propagation, with particular reference to the designed conveyor channel in Giampilieri’s urban area. To this aim, eexperimental program has been recently conducted at the Hydraulic laboratory of the Department of Civil, Environmental, Aerospatial and of Materials Engineering (DICAM) – University of Palermo (Italy). The experiments were carried out in a flume appositely constructed and were planned in order to analyze the influence of the geometrical characteristics of the inflow confluences on the 125 propagation phenomenon. In this paper, preliminary results of the analysis concerning peculiar factors (such as the slope and the bed roughness) characterizing the inflow channel (hereafter called as “inflow confluence”) at the confluence section of the conveyor channel are reported. EXPERIMENTAL INSTALLATION The experimental apparatus is shown in Figure 1 (Figure 1a reports the render and Figure 1b reports the plane view). The apparatus is composed of two main parts: the main channel, in which the flow is conveyed until the reaching of the downstream tank (Figure 1a), and the so-called distribution channel, which is connected to the main channel through three inflow confluences (indicated in Figure 1b with the abbreviations “InR1”, “InR2”, “InR3”). The main channel is 5.7 m long. The cross-section is rectangular with width of 22 cm along the reach between section 1 (see Figure 1b) and the section downstream of the inflow confluence InR3; the width is of 17.5 cm in the remaining part of the channel. The channel bed is of concrete with constant longitudinal slope of 15%; through a movable system it is possible to vary the bed slope of ±5%. The side-walls are of Plexiglas strips 26 cm high. The distribution channel is composed by three sub-channels; each sub-channel is connected to the upstream end of the corresponding inflow confluence through a small hopper. Three slice gates, located at the bottom of the upstream tank (see Figure 1) allow the activation and regulation of the discharge in each inflow confluence, InR. The upstream tank is located at the upstream end of the distribution channel, as shown in Figure 1. During the experimental runs, the fluid entered on the upstream tank through the recirculating pumping system which includes a PEAD pipe (Φ 100 mm), two regulation valves and a submerged pump inside the downstream tank located at the downstream end of the main channel (see Figure 1). Several runs were conducted varying the volume discharge, the sediment concentration and the geometrical configuration of the inflow confluences. In the present work attention is restricted to inflow confluence InR1. For this reason, the experimental runs considered in the following analyses have been performed by closing the slice gates upstream of the InR2 and InR3 confluences. Under the aforementioned conditions, two series of runs were conducted for different values of the volume discharge. The first series of runs (hereafter denoted as “series I”) was carried out with clear water (hereafter denoted with abbreviation CW) while the second series of runs (hereafter denoted as “series II”) was performed with a mixture (hereafter denoted with abbreviation “MR”) of water and sediment material and for different values of the sediment concentration. The sediment material used in series II runs was taken from the area of the debris flow occurred in Giampilieri on October 1, 2009. During each run, the water depths were continuously measured both by two radar probes (Sitrans Probe LR radar pulse technology at 5.8 GHz) and by four pressure transducers. The measures were performed at reaching of the stationary conditions. The radar probes and the pressure transducers were located at the axis of peculiar sections opportunely selected along the channel. The pressure transducers were based on Wheatstone bridge and were connected to a small pipe located at the bottom of the channel. The radar probes were supported by a carriage on the channel’s side-walls, so as these probes could be moved along the channel. The position of the pressure transducers and of the radars can be visualized in Figure 1b. Furthermore, dur126 ing each run, the longitudinal profiles of the free surface visible at the right bank were continuously recorded by a high-resolution video-camera Panasonic 3CCD (1.7 Megapixel). Fig. 1: Experimental Apparatus: a) Render; b) Plane-view METHODS AND EXPERIMENTAL RESULTS Methods The investigation aimed at verifying how the geometric configuration and the bed roughness of the inflow confluence InR1 (see Figure 1) affect the flow pattern along the conveyor channel. This is important to verify the performance of the conveyor channel at different stages of the propagation phenomenon. To this aim, first, in order to identify the 127 best performing configuration, the runs of series I-CW were conducted; then, once the best performing configuration was chosen, the fluid mixture behaviour along the channel was examined during the runs of series II-MR. Three geometrical configurations and four macro-roughness conditions were investigated. Figure 2 reports the plane-views and the longitudinal sections of the tested configurations. In particular, the following geometrical variations of the inflow confluence InR1 were tested (see Figure 2a): C1, which is characterized by a uniform longitudinal slope of 14 % until the reaching of the confluence section (i.e. the section at the downstream end of inflow confluence - hereafter the confluence section is indicated with abbreviation “CS”); C2, which differs from configuration C1 because of a lower longitudinal bed slope (slope of around 4%) and because of the presence of two jumps (height of 5 cm) respectively at the confluence section and at the section upstream of the InR1 reach; C3, which is characterized by bed slope almost equal to that of configuration C2 and by the presence of three jumps (one of height of 3 cm at the confluence section, another one of height of 5 cm at the section upstream of the InR1 reach and another one, of height of 2 cm, at an intermediate section). The analysis of the effect due to the presence of macro-roughness elements on the bed has been performed by considering both the case of elements with irregular geometry and shape (such as the stones) and the case of elements of regular geometry. In the first case, pebbles were glued on the bed of the inflow confluence; in the second case wooden squared parallelepipeds (of horizontal area of 1 cm2) were used. In the last case, two conditions were examined: 1) high parallelepipeds (height of 6 cm); 2) short parallelepipeds (height of 3 cm). The macro-roughness elements were distributed in an alternating way along the InR1 confluence. Figure 2b shows the plane scheme of the distribution of the macro-roughness elements and the longitudinal sections of each type of examined configuration (Type 1, Type 2, Type 3, and Type 4 of Figure 2b). It can be seen from this figure that each configuration is determined by a peculiar combination of a specific geometrical configuration (as reported in Figure 2a) and a specific macro-roughness distribution. Table 1 reports the series of runs performed and the corresponding geometrical configuration and volume discharge, Q. Table 1: Characteristics of the Experimental Runs 128 Fig. 2: Investigated Configurations: a) geometrical variations; b) plane-view and longitudinal section of macro-roughness combination types As Table 1 shows, series I includes three groups of runs: runs CW1-CW4 (i.e. “series I,a”), which have been performed in order to examine the flow behavior, by using the simplest geometrical configuration C1, for increasing values of the discharge Q; runs CW5CW6 (i.e. “series I,b”) performed in order to compare the flow behavior between different geometrical configurations (i.e. configurations C1, C2, C3) for an almost constant value of the volume discharge; runs CW7-CW10 (i.e. “series I,c”) performed in order to analyze the flow behavior between different macro-roughness combinations, for almost constant volume discharge and by using the same geometrical configuration. The series II includes three 129 runs (MR1, MR2 and MR3) performed by using the geometrical configuration selected on the basis of the results obtained during runs of series I, but varying the discharge and the sediment concentration. Experimental results -Series I: Figure 3 reports the longitudinal profiles of the free surface measured at the right bank of the channel during runs of series I. First, in order to analyze the performance of the configuration C1 for different values of volume discharge, the series I,a have been carried out. The longitudinal profiles of the free surface measured during the runs of series I,a are compared in Figure 3a. This figure shows that all the profiles have an increasing trend between section 1 and section 3; close to section 3 the profiles assume a peak value and then they have a decreasing trend. This behaviour could be related to the fact that at the confluence exit, the fluid jet is characterized by high velocity and kinetic energy. This energy is then dissipated by bumping into the right bank of the channel. As the volume discharge increases (CW3 and CW4 runs), the flow depths increase too so as to determine the risk of the bank overflowing. An attempt to limit the aforementioned risk was made by adding either two jumps (configuration C2 – run CW5) or three jumps (configuration C3 - run CW6). Figure 3b shows the comparison between the longitudinal profiles measured during series I,b and the profile obtained during CW3 run (that was carried out by using the configuration C1 and for a value of volume discharge close to that used during CW5 and CW6 runs). From Figure 3b it appears clear that the presence of jumps does not reduce the risk of the bank overflowing. Among the geometrical configurations examined, C2 seems to have the best performing behaviour. In fact, when C2 is used lower values of the flow depths at the right bank are obtained. Furthermore, the length of the channel reach interested by the risk of bank overflowing is shorter than that observed with configurations C1 and C3. Then, the effect related to the presence of macro-roughness elements on flow pattern has been investigated during series I,c runs (see Table 1). In particular, by considering the macro-roughness types of Figure 2b, the following tests have been performed: I) by using the best performing configuration C2 (obtained as result of runs of series I,b) and varying the typology of the macro-roughness elements (i.e., in particular, with irregular-shaped elements type 1 -run CW7-, with regular-shaped high parallelepipeds type 2 -run CW8-, with regular-shaped short parallelepipeds type 3 -run CW9- (see Figure 2b and Table 1); II) by using a new combination of three jumps (i.e. configuration C3) and the best performing macro-elements chosen as result of test I (i.e. type 4 of Figure 2b). The comparison of the longitudinal profiles measured at the right bank during CW7-CW9 runs (test I) is reported in Figure 3c. This figure shows that after the introduction of the macro-roughness elements, the peaks of the profiles decrease in value avoiding the risk of the bank overflowing. Furthermore, it can be seen that in CW9 run the peak values occur along a channel reach shorter than that observed in CW7 and CW8 runs. This means that the short regular-shaped elements represent the best performing macro-roughness typology. Thus, the short regularshaped elements have been used for test 2 and the combination type 4 of Figure 2b has been investigated (CW10 run). The comparison between the longitudinal profiles measured during CW9 and CW10 runs are reported in Figure 3d. It should be noted that (see also Table 130 1) CW10 has been conducted with volume discharge higher than that used for CW9. It can be observed from Figure 3d that the peaks of the longitudinal profiles reduce strongly in value when the combination type 4 is used, even with high values of volume discharge. Furthermore, on the contrary of that observed for CW9 run, the longitudinal profile measured during CW10 run assumes a gradual decreasing trend after section 2. The behaviour observed by using the combination type 4 is probably related to the presence of the jump at the upstream end of the inflow confluence, which allows the flow kinetic energy could be partially dissipated before to reach the confluence section. -Series II: This series of runs have been performed in order to analyze how/if the addiction of sediment material influences the flow pattern observed during runs of series I. To this aim, the best performing combination (type 4), obtained as result of series I runs, has been used. The runs of series II were performed for increasing values of volume discharge and sediment concentration. For the analysis presented in this work, the sediment concentration was around of 4% in MR1, around of 3% in MR2 and around of 6% in MR3. Figure 4 reports the comparison between the longitudinal profiles measured during runs MR1, MR2 and MR3. This figure shows that the profiles assume a gradual decreasing trend until to reach section 8, as well as observed in CW10 run, with a peak value slightly lower than that obtained in CW10 run. Furthermore no peculiar differences between the profiles determined for different sediment concentrations have been observed. This means that for the sediment concentrations investigated, the addiction of sediment material does not determine significant changes on the flow pattern. Fig. 3: Comparison between Measured Profiles of the free Surface: a) series I,a; b) series I,b; c) series I,c; d) series I,d; 131 Fig. 4: Comparison between Measured Profiles of the Free Surface – series II CONCLUSION The present paper reports preliminary results of experimental investigation on the effect of defence structures on debris flow propagation. In particular, the investigation was conducted in a laboratory flume which follows the conveyor channel under construction in Giampilieri (Sicily- Italy). In this work, the analysis concerns the influence of the geometrical characteristics of the inflow confluence on the flow pattern along the conveyor channel and, consequently, the performance of the channel itself in regards to the bank overflowing risk. Different configurations of the inflow confluence have been tested. These configurations have been selected in order to investigate: a) the effect due to the variation of the longitudinal bed slope; b) the effect due to the addiction of jumps; c) the effect due to the addiction of macro-roughness (both of irregular and regular geometry) elements on the bed; d) the effect of the addiction of sediment material with increasing concentration. The results have shown that the best performing configuration is given by the combination of jumps and macro-roughness elements, opportunely distributed along the inflow confluence reach. In fact, it has been observed that by using such a combination the high kinetic energy of flow at the confluence section is already partially dissipated upstream of this section because of the presence of the jumps; the macro-roughness elements, distributed alternating along the inflow reach, allows to enlarge the flow cross-section and to further dissipate the flow energy. Furthermore, for the sediment concentrations investigated, the addiction of sediment material does not determine significant changes on the flow pattern. Acknowledgements: The experimental apparatus in Palermo has been supported by the Regional Department DRPC and GC of Messina (Sicily). Authors wish to thank Ing. G. LaPlaca for his effort and assistance during the experimental work. 132 REFERENCES ARMANINI A., CAPART H., FRACCAROLLO L., LARCHER M., (2005). Rheological stratification in experimental free-surface flows of granular-liquid mixtures. Journal Fluid Mechanics, vol. 532, 296-319. ARMANINI A., FRACCAROLLO L., ROSATTI G., (2009). Two-dimensional simulation of debris flows in erodible channels. Computers & Geosciences, vol. 35, 993-1006. LOUNGE M.Y., KEAST S. (2001). On dense granular flows down flat frictional inclines. Physics of Fluids. 13(5), 1213-1233. MIZUYAMA T. (2008). Structural Countermeasures for Debris Flow Disasters. International Journal of Erosion Control Engineering, 1(2), 38-43. NATARAJAN V.V.R., HUNT M.L., TAYLOR E.D. (1995). Local measurements of velocity fluctuations and diffusion coefficients for a granular material flow. Journal Fluid Mechanics, vol. 304, 1-25. PUDASAINI S. P., WANG Y., HUTTER K. (2005). Modeling debris flows down general channels Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences, vol. 5, 799–819. PROCHASKA A. B., SANTI P.M., HIGGINS J.D., CANNON S.H. (2008). Debris-flow runout predictions based on the average channel slope (ACS). Engineering Geology, vol. 98, 29–40 RICKENMANN D., (1999). Empirical Relationships for Debris Flows. Natural Hazards. vol. 19, 47–77. 133 URBAN FORESTS AND THEIR CONTRIBUTIONS TO URBAN SUSTAINABILITY Atilla Atik Bülent Yılmaz Ezgi Taçoral Şah İsmail Bayazıt Miraç Kılıç 1. CITY AS A CONCEPT It can clearly be seen when human history is taken into consideration that human’s desire to live together has gradually gained importance beginning with the existence of her/his protection instinct from other creatures and struggling with nature followed by the realisation of the positive effects of cooperation on agricultural crop yield and facing the obligation of storing and conserving their goods and products after they adopted sedentary life style and agricultural production. In addition to the developments mentioned above, as an instinctive fact, human’s need of socialising also played an important role in the appearance of urban concept and urban areas. Urban areas have reached today by facing a restless development and transformation in time and turning into distinctive areas for their form, size and population they inhabited. The word city, which is expressed in Latin by the words “civitas” or “urbs”, represents the concept of a unit of administrative organisation (Keleş, 2012: 103). Today, the concept of city is an inclusive term evaluated in different ways, criteria and approaches by different occupational disciplines and there is neither one fixed and common definition for this term nor a consensus among such definitions. It is possible to evaluate the interdisciplinary criteria and the approaches related to the definition of city under the common physical, administrative, historical, social and economic titles. Cities can be defined according to criteria they have as follows; • Human population and/or human population density they inhabit, • Size of surface area they cover, • Economic activities such as the type of production and main occupational fields urban people work in, • Rank of settlements in both central or local administrative hierarchy e.g. capital city, province or district, • Geographic characteristics of cities e.g. climatic zone they are located in, closeness to maritime effect, elevation from mean sea level, topographic features such as location on plains or in valleys, • Social and demographic characteristics of urban people e.g. social differentiation, family size and education level, • Requirement for cities to shelter equipment elements to serve a certain amount of population; equal distribution and placement of such elements in urban organisation and well-balanced relations between the areas such equipment elements are placed in a planning perspective (Özer, 1998: 5-21). 134 However, such criteria may vary depending on the temporal changes in cities and social structure and technological advances. In addition to the criteria mentioned above, following criteria can be defined to evaluate the cities. • Historical value resulting from the city’s historical background dating back to very old times and density of historical buildings it shelters, • Socio-economic development indicators, • Types of local administration e.g. the municipality of metropolitan, normal – sized city or town. Concept of city in its definitions proposed according to interdisciplinary criteria and approaches given above may also show great variations depending on the discipline defining the concept. When considered these definitions, some interdisciplinary criteria and approaches bear common values while others are dependent strictly on the criteria involving field specific approaches. It is then possible to make such a definition from all these mentioned topics that a city is the combination of the complexly constructed areas where the structures take place for people to live, house, work and perform social activities; which have reached up to a certain level of infrastructural development and an administrative organisation. Common characteristics can be seen between the cities; however, the factors such as climatic and geographic characteristics of cities and beliefs, traditions and practices of urban dwellers are significant differentiating elements between cities. Cities can also have the characteristics of showing alterations in time. Borders and structure density of cities face always a consistent change in time depending on the fluctuations in human population growth, which are witnessed to be mostly in positive direction and have mainly caused mega cities to form. EAS 2. TEMPORAL DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGES IN URBAN AND RURAL AR- Reflections of growing human population and technological advancement can directly be monitored on cities. According to FAO (2012), world human population was 2.5 billion in early 1950s while today it has reached up to nearly 7 billion and is expected to go beyond 9 billion by 2050. It can be observed when human population growth is taken into consideration from urban and rural perspectives that fluctuations in population growth in these two areas all over the world have represented significant differences throughout the years. Only one third of world population lived in urban areas in 1950s, but the increase in the rate of employment possibility depending on the new technological advancements triggered the human population movements from rural to urban. As the consequence of this movement, today urban population is larger than rural, going beyond rural population for the first time in 2010 among the semi-decades monitored for a long time. According to a projection proposed by FAO on world human population, growth rate in urban population is estimated to remain larger in urban than rural by 2050 while rural population is predicted to reduce beginning from 2025 due to the increasing rate of emigration from rural to urban (Figure 1). 135 Figure 1. Changes in the World Urban and Rural Population Increasing urban population density and urbanisation rate have caused serious disorders in the balance and the speed and capacity of interaction between human and nature which began with the existence of human on the earth. Such an altered interaction has mostly shown itself as the rapid pollution of natural resources, changes in the earth climate, and increase in the incidence of the phenomena such as erosion, flood and landslide caused by the destruction of natural vegetation cover. Transformation of forest lands into agricultural lands to meet nutrient needs of growing human population is not only the starting point of this process but also the most serious natural destruction human caused throughout the his/ her history. In addition, spatial and intensive growth of urban areas can increase the pressure on fertile agriculture lands, wetlands and forestlands and transform these land types into land uses such as settlement, industry, transportation etc. Rapid transformation and changes caused by anthropogenic activities may result in narrowing living areas of other living organisms on the earth. Consequently, the increase in urbanisation and human population is the most important threat over biodiversity in nature. Dense immigration today’s cities face in especially the developing countries naturally results in distorted urbanisation and inefficient infrastructure. Growing urban population and dense structuration accompanying with it in cities make it difficult for urban people to reach nature. Urban people surrounded by indoor and outdoor areas are obliged to live away from nature, cannot meet recreational needs and face various physical and psychological problems. It can be observed when urban planning characteristics of today’s modern cities are considered that spaces have been left in their plans for people to meet their cultural and recreational needs as well as housing, commercial, industrial and transportation areas (Keleş, 2010: 193-195). It is no doubt that among such areas are urban open green space systems. 136 3. URBAN OPEN GREEN SPACE SYSTEMS Rapid increase in human population density and structuration in today’s cities have inevitably cased urban green space systems to be the most essential urban elements. Urban open space systems are composed of different elements with different functions, forms and sizes. Green spaces in cities cover not only city parks but also natural and manmade forests around urban areas, orchards, street trees and square plants, roadside and refuge plants, graveyards, house gardens, school yards, green roofs, yards of public and private sector institutions and sports facilities (Konijnendijk et al., 2013: 2-7). Benefits and contributions of urban open green spaces to urban people have been determined in several studies carried out by various authors from various disciplines. It was stated in such studies that urban open green space systems can reduce psychological stress and mental disorders among urban people (Annerstedt et al., 2012: 337; Ward et al., 2012: 221-229; Grahn & Stigsdotter, 2003: 1-18; Hung & Chang, 2004: 235-239; Nielsen & Hansen, 2007: 839-850; Hansmann et al., 2010: 81-89; Hussain et al., 2010: 225-230; Korpela et al., 2010: 200-209; Fan et al., 2011: 1202-1211), have decreasing effect on obesity (Nielsen & Hansen, 2007: 839-850; Bell et al., 2008: 547; Lovasi et al., 2011: 1143-1157; Wolch et al., 2011: 207-214; Toftager et al., 2011: 741-749), allow for physical activity (Mitchell, 2012: 1-5), contribute to protective health care (Mitchell & Popham, 2008: 1655-1660), increase human quality of life (Maas et al., 2006: 587-592; Stigsdotter et al., 2010: 411-417) and have direct and positive psyco – social effects on people (Tinsley et al., 2002: 199-218; Hung & Cromption, 2006: 291-311; Fuller et al., 2007: 390-394; Gidlöf-Gunnarsson & Öhrström, 2007: 115-126; Lafortezza et al., 2009: 97-108; Abkar et al., 2010: 5352-5361; Lee & Maheswaran, 2011: 212-222; Stodolska et al., 2011: 103-126). In addition, such areas were reported to have indirect effects on public health due to their functions of noise reduction (Gidlöf-Gunnarsson & Öhrström, 2007:115-126), air pollution mitigation (González-Oreja et al., 2010: 486-492), supplying physical activity areas for people (Yang et al., 2011: 1032-1048; Su et al., 2011: 319-328; Coombes et al., 2010: 816-822; Elmqvist et al., 2004: 308-322; Chen & Jim, 2008: 298-309; Seeland et al., 2009: 10-17; Ahmad et al., 2011: 1899-1905; Arnberger & Eder, 2011: 891-908; Arnberger & Eder, 2012: 41-49) and increasing social interactions between people and satisfaction with living environment (Maas et al., 2009: 586-595). Urban open green spaces were also determined to have the capability of functioning as carbon sinks in the studies e.g. Jo (2002: 115-126), Makhelouf (2009: 35-40), Kordowski & Kuttler (2010: 2722-2730), Davies et al. (2011: 1125-1134) and Paoletti et al. (2011: 1016). It was also mentioned in such studies that these areas can take important parts in the mitigation of climatic changes due to the carbon sinking effects of plants. Lastly, aesthetical contributions of open green spaces to urban image can make the cities more attractive for visitors and thus causing positive effects on tourism potentials of cities (Majumdar et al., 2011: 275-280). 4. CONCEPTS OF URBAN FOREST AND URBAN FORESTRY ALL OVER THE WORLD The concepts of urban forest and urban forestry are generally used in the same meaning in literature. Urban forest is defined in its most extensive meaning to be the combination of tree planted areas in parks, graveyards, public and private gardens, green belts, streets, 137 roadsides and the banks of rivers or lakes in cities and their close proximity (Grey, 1996: 9-20). As a term, urban forest can be perceived from the definition above to shelter all elements of urban open space system. Over time, the concepts of urban forest and urban forestry have been more specifically evaluated and defined in different ways. According to Konijnendijk et al., (2006: 93-103), the term urban forestry was first used in the USA in 1894. This term then began to be used for the management of all individual, group or set of trees interacting with people in and close proximity of urban areas (Jorgensen, 1970: 43-51). From a broader perspective, urban forestry can be defined as to ensure the sustainability of tree planted or forest areas in or close proximity of urban areas; to constitute new tree planted areas; and to plan maintenance, repairing and management processes of such areas in order to contribute to public health and social, psychological and economic prosperity and wellbeing of urban people. Urban forest is accepted to be forest areas planned (to be) in or accessible distance to urban areas in order to meet recreational needs of urban people (Konijnendik, 2003: 173-186). Such forest areas bear no production functions except for health interventions. Primary function expected from these areas is to meet recreational needs of urban people. Urban forests can enable people to spend time in nature; get away from the noisy, stressful and polluted atmosphere of urban environment; and perform various sportive activities. These areas also have the educational function for they can offer the opportunity for people from any age group to learn about nature and vaccinate the love of nature and tree. Several of cities in a consistent change and development process face environmental matters bearing considerably negative and difficult – to- solve problems for human health and life. Cities can serve urban people who shape and characterize them for not only housing, feeding or satisfying their biological and physiological needs, but also providing the facilities for transportation, telecommunication, education, health care economic, social and cultural activities (Çanakçıoğlu, 2011: 55). Parks are accepted to be the most important elements of green space system in today’s cities which should ideally inhabit mean green area rate of 30 m2 per person (Çanakçıoğlu, 2011: 56). However, parks cannot perform their roles, functions, and services accurately and efficiently because of consistently increasing urban motor-vehicle traffic load and building density. Increasing number of city parks are remaining away from performing their main functions such as providing urban dwellers environments out of noise, visual and air pollution by varying rates depending on their sizes and locations in cities and urban density. Urban people feel dominantly the need of going away from cities in order to escape from noise and stress of cities, breathe easily and recreate themselves. Such a condition causes an increase in the demand and need for urban forests. 5. DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGES IN TURKEY, CONCEPT, DEVELOPMENT AND SAMPLES OF URBAN FOREST In 1950, only 24.8% of Turkey’s population (about 21.2 million) lived in the areas accepted to be urban while in 2013, total population of the country has reached up to 74.9 million and 73.4% of this population live in urban areas. Turkey is among the developing countries facing population movement from rural to urban areas the most densely. It is predicted from FAO (2012) population projection that present increasing trend in total 138 population will go on until 2050 by reaching 94.6 million, only 12.7% of which will be in rural part of the country (87.3% in urban Figure 2). When considered such a situation, it is estimated that there will be a consistent increase in the population and structure density of Turkish cities. Today, in especially Turkish mega cities, human population increase resulting from emigration from rural parts of the country accompanies with infrastructure problems. Unplanned and distorted urbanisation can cause a series of inevitable problems ranging from housing problems to deficiencies in accessibility based largely on increasing number of vehicles and people and the formation of gecekondu areas. In spite of the continuous empowerment and improvement works in urban infrastructure, such a need in cities never ends and local administrations cannot catch up with new demands from newly opened settlement areas due to rapidly increasing human population. Dense structuration and increasing urban stress factors stimulate the city dwellers’ instinct of approaching nature and cause them to long for green. However, rapidly increasing population causes rapid and irreversible destructions due to the structuration of fertile agriculture lands and open green spaces in and around cities. Parks having so far undertaken the most important and active roles in the satisfaction of city dwellers’ recreational needs cannot perform their roles, functions, and services accurately and efficiently because of consistently increasing building and population density, urban motor-vehicle traffic load noise and air pollution. Figure 2. Temporal Trend in Urban and Rural Population in Turkey Urban forests accepted both in Turkey and the world to be a part of urban open green space system are gradually being known by increasing number of people. However, in Turkey, as in other countries, the concepts of urban forests and urban forestry are conflicted and show a nested nature being used in the place of one another. This situation has been caused by the lack of an official definition of these concepts in legal regulations. Such a contradictory situation can be prevented largely by accepting these concepts to be successive and complementary concepts. As in literature, whole of tree groups in and around urban areas constitute the super-scope of urban forestry while urban forests taking place in this defini139 tion can be evaluated to be a sub-concept belonging to urban forestry. Interest in urban forestry has been increasing in Turkey in recent last years. Reasons for this increase can be sequenced as follows. • Unfavourable conditions such as atmospheric pollution, noise, dust, distorted and unplanned structuration caused by urban planning and applications based largely on rant economy across the country; continuous deterioration of urban landscape and areas; reduction in their liveability and attractiveness, • Quality and quantity deficiencies of existent active open green spaces due to improving life standards and increasing recreational demands, • Provision of opportunities by urban open green spaces for people to perform various active and passive activities, • City dwellers’ increasing desires and demands for going away from unfavourable effects of urban areas and joining and being close to nature, • Changes in the opinions and views of local administrations about the design of open green spaces since they see such areas as a means of demonstrating and advertising their works and activities by accepting these areas to be showcase of cities; as a study topics and work field requiring expertise and extra and extensive care, • Collective cultural contributions of trees and forests to urban ecology and quality of life, • Raising public awareness among urban people about nature and environment (Gül & Gezer, 2004: 365-382). In addition to the terms mentioned above, works of Turkish State General Management of Forestry including the campaigns like the “foundation of an urban forest in each province” symbolising “passage from state forest to forest of nation” can be counted among the examples in Turkey. Definition of urban forest in Turkish forestry can be clarified as “the man-made or natural forest areas with predetermined borders and private entrance which are located or constituted in or close proximity of cities; planned to have primary function of meeting recreation needs of urban people and basic infrastructures and simple facilities to serve for their visitors or dwellers from each age group to satisfy their excursive needs as well as offering possibilities for these people to perform various activities such as sports, relaxing and sightseeing without destroying natural structure of forests. Following the first constituted urban forest by Turkish State General Management of Forestry in Ankara in 1999 on an area of 50 ha, works have been accelerated over the last 10 years to constitute urban forest in each city of Turkey. Table 1 gives the spatial distribution of urban forests all over the country in 2013. As can be understood from the table, total number of completed or being completed urban forests by Turkish State General Management of Forestry is 128. Surface area of urban forests has now reached up to totally 11608.462 ha. Ratio of urban forest areas to whole forest areas in Turkey, where 27.9% of country’s 140 surface area is covered with forests, is only 5‰. It can be seen from Table 1 that the number of cities without an urban forest is 10 (Adana, Hatay, Muş, Siirt, Tekirdağ, Trabzon, Yozgat, Aksaray, Batman and Kilis) in Turkey accounting for 87.6% of all cities of Turkey. Istanbul, which shelters 8 urban forests covering a surface area of 1703.930 ha, is in the first row among the Turkish cities for the size and the number of urban forests. Totally 50 – ha urban forest is planned in the province of Iğdır, which has only 161 – ha forest area. From this point of view, the ratio of urban forest area to total forest area is the largest in Turkey (310.6‰). When the distribution of urban forests for regions is taken into consideration, Aegean Region, the third largest region of Turkey for total forest area, shelters the largest surface area of urban forest followed by Middle Anatolia, Marmara, Blacksea, East Anatolia, Mediterranean and Southeast Anatolia Regions (Figure 4). Figure 3. Distribution of Urban Forests for the Cities in Turkey Figure 4. Spatial Distribution of Urban Forests for Geographic Regions of Turkey 141 142 Table 1. Provincial Distribution of Urban Forests in Turkey (TSGMF, 2013). 143 Today, Turkey is counted among the economically, socially and culturally developing countries. Sustainability of development is a priority in the country. Achievement of such a goal is dependent largely on the balance of development in all fields. Improvement in the people’s quality of life depends strictly on the refinement of living areas accompanying with economic development. Urban open green space systems gain importance in today’s cities and turn out to be one of the main actors developing and improving urban infrastructure. It is thought that in near future in Turkey, one fourth of which is covered by forests, urban forest counted among urban open green area systems will have great contributions to the creation of more liveable cities and the increase in the public felicity when their number and total area are increased in the country. 144 Figure 5. Views from Various Urban Forests of Turkey REFERENCES KELEŞ, Ruşen (2012), Kentleşme Politikası, Ankara: İmge Kitabevi. KELEŞ, Ruşen (2010), Kentleşme Politikası, Ankara: İmge Kitabevi. ÖZER, Mehmet Nazım (1998), Planlı ve Tasarlı Yasam Alanlarının Kent Kimliği Üzerindeki Etkileri, Antalya Örneği, Ankara: Gazi Üniversitesi, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, 5-21. GIDLOF-GUNNARSSON, Anita, OHRSTROM, Evy (2007), “Noise and well-being in urban residential environments: The potential role of perceived availability to nearby green areas”, Landscape and Urban Planning, 83, 115-126. GONZÁLEZ-OREJA, Jose Antonio, BONACHE-REGIDOR, Carolina, FUENTE-DIAZ-ORDAZ, Arturo Andres De La (2010), “Far from the noisy world? Modelling the relationships between park size, tree cover and noise levels in urban green spaces of the city of Puebla, Mexico”, Interciencia, 35, 486-492. YANG, Fan, BAO, Zhi Yi, ZHU, Zhu Jun (2011), “An Assessment of Psychological Noise Reduction by Landscape Plants”, International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 8, 1032-1048. SU, Jason, JERRETT, Michael, DE NAZELLE, Audrey, WOLCH, Jennifer (2011), “Does exposure to air pollution in urban parks have socioeconomic, racial or ethnic gradients?”, Environmental Research, 111, 319328. COOMBES, Emma, JONES, Andrew, HILLSDON, Melvyn (2010), “The relationship of physical activity and overweight to objectively measured green space accessibility and use”, Social Science and Medicine, 70, 816-822. KONIJNENDIJK, Cecil, ANNERSTEDT, Matilda, NIELSEN, Anders Busse, MARUTHAVEERAN, Sreetheran (2013), “Benefits of Urban Parks”, A Systematic Review, A Report for IFPRA, 2-7. ELMQVIST, Thomas, COLDING, Johan, BARTHEL, Stephan, BORGSTROM, S., DUIT, Andy, LUNDBERG, Johan, ANDERSSON, Eric, AHRNE, Kristen, ERNSTSON, Hubert, FOLKE, Chen, BENGTSSON, Jimmy (2004), “The dynamics of social-ecological systems in urban landscapes - Stockholm and the National 145 Urban Park, Sweden”, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1023, 308-322. CHEN, Wendy, JIM, Chen (2008), “Cost-benefit analysis of the leisure value of urban greening in the new Chinese city of Zhuhai”, Cities, 25, 298-309. SEELAND, Klaus, DUBENDORFER, Sabine, HANSMANN, Ralf (2009), “Making friends in Zurich’s urban forests and parks: The role of public green space for social inclusion of youths from different cultures”, Forest Policy and Economics, 11(2009), 10-17. AHMAD, Hami, MAULAN, Suhardi Bin, MARIAPAN, Manohar and HABIB, Shahhosseini (2011), “Users’ preferences of usability and sustainability of old urban park in Tabriz, Iran”, Australian Journal of Basic and Applied Sciences, 5, 1899-1905. ARNBERGER, Anne, EDER, Renate (2011), “The influence of age on recreational trail preferences of urban green-space visitors: a discrete choice experiment with digitally calibrated images”, Journal of Environmental Planning and Management, 54(7), 891-908. ARNBERGER, Anne, EDER, Renate (2012), “The influence of green space on community attachment of urban and suburban residents”, Urban Forestry and Urban Greening, 11(2012), 41-49. MAAS, Jolanda, VAN DILLEN, Sonja, VERHEIJ, Robert, GROENEWEGEN, Peter (2009), “Social contacts as a possible mechanism behind the relation between green space and health”, Health & Place, 15, 586-595. JO, Hyun Kil (2002), “Impacts of urban greenspace on offsetting carbon emissions for middle Korea”, Journal of Environmental Management, 64, 115-126. MAKHELOUF, Ahmed (2009), “The effect of green spaces on urban climate and pollution”, Iranian Journal of Environmental Health Science and Engineering, 6(1), 35-40. KORDOWSKI, Klaus, KUTTLER, Wilhelm (2010), “Carbon dioxide fluxes over an urban park area”, Atmospheric Environment, 44, 2722-2730. DAVIES, Zoe, EDMONDSON, Jill, HEINEMEYER, Andreas, LEAKE, Jonathan, GASTON, Kevin (2011), “Mapping an urban ecosystem service: Quantifying above-ground carbon storage at a city-wide scale”, Journal of Applied Ecology, 48(5), 1125-1134. PAOLETTI, Elena, BARDELLI, Tommaso, GIOVANNINI, Gianluca, PECCHIOLI, Leonella (2011), “Air quality impact of an urban park over time”, Procedia Environmental Sciences, 2011(4), 10-16. MAJUMDAR, Suman, DENG, Jinyang, ZHANG, Yaoqi, PIERSKALLA, Chad (2011), “Using contingent valuation to estimate the willingness of tourists to pay for urban forests: A study in Savannah, Georgia”, Urban Forestry & Urban Greening, 10(4), 275-280. GREY, Gene (1996), The Urban Forest: Comprehensive Management, New York: John Wiley & Sons. KONIJNENDIJK, Cecil, RICARD, Robert, KENNEY, Andy, RANDRUB, Thomas (2006), “Defining urban forestry-A comparative perspective of North America”, Urban Forestry and Urban Greening, 4: 93-103. JORGENSEN, Erik (1970), Urban forestry in Canada, In: Proceedings of the 46th International Shade Tree Conference, Univ. of Toronto Faculty of Forestry. Shade tree research laboratory, Toronto. 43-51. KONIJNENDIJK, Cecil (2003), “A decade of urban forestry in Europe”, Forest Policy Economics, 5: 173186. GÜL, Atila, GEZER, Abdullah (2004), Kentsel Alanda Kent Ormanı Yer Seçimi Model Önerisi ve Isparta Örneğinde İrdelenmesi, I. Ulusal Kent Ormancılığı Kongresi, 9-11 Nisan 2004, Ankara s: 365-382. FAO (2012), United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, World Urbanization Prospects: The 2011 Revision, CD-ROM Edition. OGM (2013), Orman Genel Müdürlüğü verileri. ANNERSTEDT, Matilda, OSTERGREN, Per-Olof, BJORK, Jonas, GRAHN, Patrik, SKARBACK, Erik, WAHRBORG, Peter (2012), “Green qualities in the neighbourhood and mental health - results from a longitudinal cohort study in Southern Sweden”, BMC Public Health, 12, 337. WARD THOMPSON, Catharine, ROE, Jenny, ASPINALL, Peter, MITCHELL, Richard, CLOW, Angela, MILLER, David (2012), “More green space is linked to less stress in deprived communities: evidence from salivary cortisol patterns”, Landscape and Urban Planning, 105(3), 221-229. GRAHN, Patrik, STIGSDOTTER, Ulrika (2003), “Landscape planning and stress”, Urban Forestry and Urban Greening, 2, 1-18. HUNG, Chang, CHANG, Cihih (2004), “A study of the restorative effects of urban and natural recreational settings”. In: Relf, D. (Ed.), Expanding Roles for Horticulture in Improving Human Well-Being and Life Quality, 146 Acta Horticulturae, 639, ISHS 2004, pp. 235-239. NIELSEN, Thomas Sick, HANSEN, Karsten Bruun (2007), “Do green areas affect health? Results from a Danish survey on the use of green areas and health indicators”, Health and Place, 13, 839-850. HANSMANN, Ralf, EIGENHEER-HUG, Stella-Maria, BERSET, Estelle, SEELAND, Klaus (2010), “Restorative effects of sports activities in suburban forests, parks, and fitness centres”, Schweizerische Zeitschrift für das Forstwesen, 161, 81-89. HUSSAIN, Gulzar, NADEEM, Muhammad, YOUNIS, Adnan, RIAZ, Atif, KHAN, Aslam, NAVEED, Shaheryar (2010), “Impacts of public parks on human life: a case study”, Pakistan Journal of Agricultural Sciences, 47, 225-230. KORPELA, Kalevi, YLÉN, Matti, TYRVÄINEN, Liisa, SILVENNOINEN, Harri (2010), “Favorite green, waterside and urban environments, restorative experiences and perceived health in Finland”, Health Promotion International, 25, 200-209. FAN, Yingling, DAS, Kirti, CHEN, Qian (2011), “Neighborhood green, social support, physical activity, and stress: Assessing the cumulative impact”, Health & Place, 17, 1202-1211. BELL, Janice, WILSON, Jeffrey, LIU, Gilbert (2008), “Neighborhood greenness and 2-year changes in body mass index of children and youth”, American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 35, 547. LOVASI, Gina, JACOBSON, Judith, QUINN, James, NECKERMAN, Kathryn, ASHBY-THOMPSON, Maxine, RUNDLE, Andrew (2011), “Is the Environment Near Home and School Associated with Physical Activity and Adiposity of Urban Preschool Children?”, Journal of Urban Health-Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 88, 1143-1157. WOLCH, Jennifer, JERRETT, Michael, REYNOLDS, Kim, MCCONNELL, Rob, CHANG, Roger, DAHMANN, Nicholas, BRADY, Kirby, GILLILAND, Frank, SU, Jason, BERHANE, Kiros (2011), “Childhood obesity and proximity to urban parks and recreational resources: A longitudinal cohort study”, Health & Place, 17, 207-214. TOFTAGER, Mette, EKHOLM, Ola, SCHIPPERIJN, Jasper, STIGSDOTTER, Ulrika, BENTSEN, Peter, GRONBAEK, Morten, RANDRUP, Thomas, KAMPER-JORGENSEN, Fin (2011), “Distance to Green Space and Physical Activity: A Danish National Representative Survey”, Journal of Physical Activity & Health, 8, 741-749. MITCHELL, Richard (2012), “Is physical activity in natural environments better for mental health than physical activity in other environments?”, Social Science & Medicine, 2012, 1-5. MITCHELL, Richard, POPHAM, Frank (2008), “Effect of exposure to natural environment on health inequalities: an observational population study”, The Lancet, 372, 1655-1660. MAAS, Jolanda, VERHEIJ, Robert, GROENEWEGEN, Peter, DE VRIES, Sjerp, SPREEUWENBERG, Peter (2006), “Green space, urbanity, and health: how strong is the relation?”, Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 60, 587-592. STIGSDOTTER, Ulrika, EKHOLM, Ola, SCHIPPERIJN, Jasper, TOFTAGER, Mette, KAMPER-JORGENSEN, Finn, RANDRUP, Thomas (2010), “Health promoting outdoor environments - Associations between green space, and health, health-related quality of life and stress based on a Danish national representative survey”, Scandinavian Journal of Public Health, 38, 411-417. TINSLEY, Howard, TINSLEY, Diane, CROSKEYS, Chelsey (2002), “Park usage, social milieu, and psychosocial benefits of park use reported by older urban park users from four ethnic groups”, Leisure Sciences, 24, 199-218. HUNG, Kam, CROMPTON, John (2006) “Benefits and constraints associated with the use of an urban park reported by a sample of elderly in Hong Kong”, Leisure Studies, 25, 291-311. FULLER, Richard, IRVINE, Katherine, DEVINE-WRIGHT, Patrick, WARREN, Philip, GASTON, Kevin (2007) “Psychological benefits of greenspace increase with biodiversity”, Biology Letters, 3, 390-394. LAFORTEZZA, Raffaele, CARRUS, Giuseppe, SANESI, Giovanni, DAVIES, Clive (2009) “Benefits and well-being perceived by people visiting green spaces in periods of heat stress”, Urban Forestry & Urban Greening, 8, 97-108. ABKAR, Mahdieh, MUSTAFA KAMAL, M.S., MARIAPAN, Manohar, MAULAN, Suhardi, SHEYBANI, Mehdi (2010), “The role of urban green spaces in mood change”, Australian Journal of Basic and Applied Sciences, 4, 5352-5361. LEE, Andrew, MAHESWARAN, R (2011), “The health benefits of urban green spaces: a review of the evidence”, Journal of Public Health, 33, 212-222. 147 STODOLSKA, Monika, SHINEW, Kimberly, ACEVEDO, Juan Carlos, IZENSTARK, Dina (2011) “Perceptions of Urban Parks as Havens and Contested Terrains by Mexican-Americans in Chicago Neighborhoods”, Leisure Sciences, 33, 103-126. ÇANAKÇIKOĞLU, H (2011) İnsan ve Çevre, İstanbul: Derin Yayınevi. 148 THERMAL COMFORT IN LANDSCAPE PLANNING Mehmet TOPAY INTRODUCTION Natural and socio-cultural environments that are effective in creating the layout of life have mutual interactions. Interaction of these patterns is significantly shaped by climate. People have been forced to redirect their requirement such as sheltering, nutrition, health issues according to climatic conditions (Figure 1). In order to develop the most healthy life patterns people have worked to establish relationships between climates and human and they have been developed Meteorology and Climatology as a climate science disciplines in order to use of advantage of understanding of climatic events around us. Major advances in technology have been made more understandable of complex nature of climatic events. Thus, climatic data (measurement, estimation, etc.) have been achieved in extremely sensitive. So, some general rules about climate were created derived from these data. People have formed their life cycle consist of socio-cultural and economic factors such as settlement, nutrition, housing, etc. according to these rules. In addition, one of the important components that should be considered in ecological planning is the structure of climate due to the one of the most important factor determine a way of life. Figure 1. Components of Natural and Socio-Cultural Environment. Modified from (Koçman, 1993). WHAT IS THE THERMAL COMFORT? A lot of research shows that weather and climate have effects on psychological and physiological state of humans. People react to the physiological and emotional responses depending on climatic data. Thus, people’s performances will be differentiated. In the comfortable climatic conditions, these responses are positive (Fukuoka, 1997:54-57; de Freitas, 2003: 45-54; Suminski, 2008: 189-197; Topay, 2012: 599-606). Environment in which we live ourselves to feel comfortable climatic point of view, literally fulfil personal performance, sweating, and chills without having a comfortable way under the stress of the day is very important to fulfil our activities. We don’t feel him comfortable in cold or hot. For this reason, we feel ourselves unhappy and under pressure. So, bioclimatic comfort is very important for us (Figure 2). 149 Figure 2. Thermal Comfort is very important to fulfil our Activities (Dreamstime, 2014). Bioclimatic or thermal comfort situation defined as the climatic condition in which people feel themselves healthy and dynamic or the condition of mind which expresses satisfaction with the thermal environment and is assessed by subjective evaluation (ASHRAE, 1966; Fanger, 1970; Olgyay, 1963). In other words, it is the situation for a person to adapt himself to the environmental condition by using the minimum energy (Olgyay, 1963; Berköz etal, 1995; Brown&Gillespie, 1995; Altunkasa, 1987; Topay, 2007:29-36) when the thermal comfort provided (Berköz et al., 1995): 3 Physiological reactions such as chills, sweating is guaranteed to be optimal values 3 The emotional satisfaction is provided and, 3 Personal performance reaches a maximum. In these places, the energy balance is provided to people due to excessive heat or cold stress does not fall over. Therefore, the climatic condition surrounding us is very important to feel him comfortable and to do physical activities easily. The consideration of the thermal outdoor conditions in cities become more and more important for the well being of people and the use of open spaces. To evaluate thermal comfort conditions, detailed information about the urban microclimate is required. Elements of the climate e.g. temperature, precipitation, humidity, solar radiation, wind, lightning, clouds, fog, natural and man-made pollution is more effective on human activities. The characterization of the urban climate was expressed with the domi150 nating meteorological parameters for the thermal aspect as air temperature, solar radiation, humidity and wind speed. The results show that the microclimatic conditions influence the use of open spaces extremely. This was mainly dominated by global radiation (sun and shadow) and ventilation, which could be observed through the parallel measurement of globe temperature and wind speed. A lot of research shows that the thermal comfort sensation is also influenced by the follow up of weather conditions. Temperature, relative humidity, radiation and wind speed detection and evaluation are required in order to determine of bioclimatic comfort in any place. Addition to these basic factors, the number of hot days, rainfall amount, diseases which is caused by weather events, air pollution and the amount of oxygen in the atmosphere affect human comfort. All these effects taking into account all at once “Bioclimatic Comfort” status can be determined (ASHRAE, 1966; Fanger, 1972; Brandenburg&Arnberger, 2001; Olgyay, 1973). Olgyay (1973) explained the bioclimatic comfort condition as a combination to values​​ of climatic elements to look for to ensure the bioclimatic comfort in open area that from 21 to 27.5 ° C, 30-65% relative humidity and 5 m / s wind speed. These values ​​are used in the evaluation of many bioclimatic evaluations (Çınar, 2004). Bioclimatic comfort situation based on the sensed temperature condition is a subjective value and it varies from space, time, and person to person. Sensed temperature value is calculated to interior space and determined 15-27 ° C for a person that does not move, 25 years old, no health problems, normally dressed. Outdoor conditions, these values ​​may be lower or higher than 5 degrees (Hensen, 1990:309-316; Houshmand&Sadat Hashemi, 2012:4740-4750; Çetin at all, 2010:83-95). Sensed temperature evaluated depending on moisture is considered most suitable in the summer 22.8-26.1 ° C and in the winter 20.0-23.9 ° C range. Depending on the combination of temperature and humidity sensed temperatures has been obtained laboratory tests done on middle-aged people and it is a subjective value. Reaction of people against to the temperature observed and in this way average sensed temperature values were determined​​ in experiment room (Anonymous, 2002). According to the rules set by climatotherapy experts, the places has monthly average temperature of 18-32 ° C, relative humidity 30% -70, the number of sunny days is 20 and above or number of fully closed days is less than 10, and the average wind speed less than 6 m / s are considered comfortable in terms of human health (Ülker, 1994). Olgyay (1973) reported from result of his research that, the most suitable temperature is 19 ° C for summer season with a slight wind (0.1-0.3 m / s) and for winter season 16.5 ° C. Bedford defined comfort zone as the range 13.5-23 ° C temperature. Relative humidity is considered to be 30-70% (Ülker, 1998). Altunkasa (1987) was define comfortable condition combination as temperature 21-27 ° C and 30-65% relative humidity when the other conditions are normal, people need temperature or radiation when the value of temperature decrease and people need shade, wind and moister when the temperature increase. HISTORY OF THERMAL COMFORT As early as 400 BC, Hippocrates in his book ‘Air, water, sites’ warned physicians of possible complications in medical surgery during weather changes. In ancient times it was common practice with Romans and Greeks to ask the weather gods prior to political decisi151 ons and war operations. These examples show that weather and climate events, the impact of human activities and health is known since ancient times. So people have developed a sub branch of climate science “biometeorology” to better understand the effects of climate on human beings (Olgyay, 1973; Çınar, 2004; Hensen, 1990:309-316; Houshmand&Sadat Hashemi, 2012:4740-4750; Çetin at all, 2010:83-95). (Figure 3). Figure 3. Traditional Assignment of Human Biometeorology of other Scientific Fields. Modified from (Höppe, 1997:19-23). This branch of science that people with the most comfortable in terms of climatic elements, i.e. values ​​“bioclimatic comfort” values ​​determined are provided. Over time, an understanding of human-climate interactions and climate better utilized for health purposes is a very important natural resource as “climatic” experts has been evaluated. In fact, human biometeorology at the intersection of physics, biology and meteorology is a very old science which investigating of bioclimatic comfort (Höppe, 1997:19-23). The first studies on applied urban climatology were conducted in Germany in the 1960s and 1970s (Matzarakis, 2005:4-6). In the 1980s, the Municipality of the Ruhr Area, well-known for its urban conurbations, ordered a systematic investigation on urban climate, as population grew and density kept increasing, in order to achieve sufficient air and climate quality for the inhabitants ( Alcoforado et al., 2009:56-65). Project RUROS (Rediscovering the Urban Realm and Open Spaces) has provide a unique set of extensive field survey carried out across Europe, including extensive microclimatic monitoring and modelling of open spaces (RUROS, 2014). EU research project ECOCITY is aimed to put forward its own vision of sustainable city of the third millennium, which should also demonstrate its feasibility under the special conditions of the seven selected model areas in several European countries. The overall goal of the project is to develop settlement patterns for sustainable cities (Ecocities), emphasising the implications for an environmentally compatible transport system (ECOCITY, 2014). THERMAL COMFORT INDEXES Increasingly the results of biometeorological research are taken into account in official guidelines and standards as well as in handbooks of other disciplines. Several thermal comfort indices have been set up for analysing outdoor climate. Some of these indices are based only on meteorological parameters, lacking thermophysical relevance, whereas others also 152 include models of the human energy balance (Höppe, 1993: 741-746). For evaluation of the thermal effects outdoors as well as indoors, today almost exclusively bioclimatic indices derived from heat balance models are used. This index considers these aspects of climate and allows them to be reflected in the results of analyses based on the index by incorporating human physical characteristics as well as the climate parameters themselves (temperature, humidity, radiation and wind speed) (Höppe, 1993: 741-746; Höppe, 1999: 71-75; Matzarakis at all, 1999: 76–84). Many climatic index, status of bioclimatic comfort temperature, humidity, and wind elements together, sometimes alone, sometimes depending on the combination of all are evaluated. The most widely used criterion determining comfort condition is “Effective Temperature” (Table 1). Thermal comfort is 80% effective in the creation of bioclimatic comfort (Çınar, 2004; Hensen, 1990: 309-316). Table 1. Bioclimatic Comfort Index depending on Effective Temperature Condition (Çınar, 2004). A lot of researches showing that the values of the lower and upper limits to bioclimatic comfort conditions were made and ​​differ slightly values from each other were obtained for the present day. However, Olgyay (1973)’s bioclimatic comfort approach developed in order to determine the needs of bioclimatic comfort for all the people who live outside the polar regions and Ecuador is very important in this regard. Olgyay (1963) identified climatic conditions providing bioclimatic comfort with the help of a chart given Figure 2 Bioclimatic comfort condition could be determined according to the climatic data of any field from called “Bioclimatic Comfort Chart” (Figure 4). One of the most prominent initiators for evaluation of the thermal effects was Fanger (1970), who with his book “Thermal Comfort” for the first time described a practical, easily programmable heat balance model of the human body. Fanger’s comfort equation: ƒ (M, Icl, V, tr, tdb, Ps) = 0.........................................................................(1) where M = metabolic rate (met); Icl = cloth index (clo); V = air velocity (m/s); tr = mean radiant temp. (oC); tdb = dry-bulb temp. (oC); Ps = water vapour pressure (kPa) Fanger’s equation is complex but it may be transformed to comfort diagrams. It can also be used to yield three indices (MEBS, 2013). 153 Figure 4. Bioclimatic Comfort Chart (La Habitacion Roja, 2014). 3 predicted mean vote (PMV) 3 predicted percentage of dissatisfied (PPD) 3 lowest possible percentage dissatisfied (LPPD). The comfort index PMV (Predicted Mean Vote), calculated from Fanger’s comfort equation, and became the most internationally widespread biometeorological index for description of the predicted mean thermal perception (Höppe, 1997: 19–23). The PMV index predicts the mean response of a larger group of people according to the ASHRAE thermal sensation scale (Table 2). Another important biometeorological index is Physiologically Equivalent Temperature (PET). PET is one of the most important indexes available for developing the thermal comfort for a region, predicated on the concept of energy balance. PET is most frequently used derived from the effective temperature and standard effective temperature (Gagge at all, 1986: 709-731; Oliveira & Andrade, 2007; Lin & Matzarakis, 2008: 281-290). PET is defined as the air temperature at which, in a typical indoor setting, the heat budget of the human body is balanced with the same core and skin temperature as under the complex outdoor conditions to be assessed (Höppe, 1999: 71-75). Compared to other thermal indices, also obtained from the human energy balance, PET has the advantage of a widely known unit (°C). In addition PET can be used all year around and in different climates (Höppe, 1999: 71-75; Mayer, 1993: 957-963; Matzarakis at all, 2007: 323-334) (Table 3). How people find 154 the thermal environment depends on clothing and activity. PET can, therefore, be regarded only as a basis for assessment of the thermal environment that needs to be adjusted to personal characteristics such as clothing and activity (Höppe, 1999: 71-75). Table 2. ASHRAE Thermal Sensation Scale is called PMV (The Engineering ToolBox, 2014). Table 3. Distribution of PET Index Values and Thermal Perception and Grade of Physiological Stress (Matzarakis at all, 2007: 323-334; Matzarakis & Mayer, 1996). MAPPING OF THERMAL COMFORT Landscape is shaped by both natural and cultural factors. It exhibits balanced or unbalanced forms according to different human utilization. For this reasons, landscape planning 155 aims to stabilize the relations between humans and nature (Topay, 2007; Olgyay, 1973; Dirik, 2005). Central purpose of planning is to create an environment suited to the needs of the public, so climate must be the first consideration. The physical well-being of people and their attitudes are directly affected by climate, and human requirement in turn prescribe the planning need (Topay, 2007; Simonds, 1997; Nikolopoulou, 2001; Gajik-Capka, 2001). In urban areas, the weather conditions can be modified through planting, grading, construction material and other systems, but this is not possible in rural areas. Hence appropriate regional selection is very important for sustainable and economic planning (de Freitas, 2003: 45-54; Topay, 2007; Svensson at all, 2003: 102-112). Microclimatic structure should be surveyed well and participated effectively in the planning process for the regulation of comfortable places. Because, thermal comfort is one of the important components of being usable of landscape. Ensure the balance of energy is one of the basic elements of a sustainable landscape design. The heating and cooling costs to ensure the balance of energy will be less. Thus, significant gains in economic terms are provided. In this point, some climatic parameters have gained the significance. A lot of searchers showed that there were six important parameters in the human bioclimatic comfort. Fourth of these related with climatic conditions that humidity, radiation, wind and temperature (ASHRAE, 1966; Fanger, 1970; Olgyay, 1963; Brandenburg & Arnberger, 2001). Some negative changes like sweaty, cold happen in the human body if the region has got out of bioclimatic comfort value. For this reason, the energy balance of human body effects and some energy sent to adaptation of the environment. To gaining of lost energy, people need heat or cold. Thus, the energy cost increase. But, this condition isn’t desire in sustainable landscape planning (Topay, 2007). Human comfort issues are important in many areas, including urban planning and energy demand. During the last two centuries climate researchers have gathered a huge amount of data on urban climate and knowledge about the urban climate is, today, relatively good. Guidelines and tools for urban planning such as climatic maps have been developed and the literature gives several examples of specific projects where climatic aspects have successfully been incorporated in the planning process (Eliassons, 2000: 31-44). Especially in developed countries a lot of important works are done in the climate-based planning and design issue. Thus, cities that appropriate in terms of bioclimatic comfort are formed. To establish of thermal comfort by modifying the elements of climate such as temperature and wind direction, water surfaces are designed or planting and grading are done in the area. A lot of mathematics and fluid dynamics models are used to maintain bioclimatic comfort (Topay, 2012). Increasingly also spatial plots of thermal indices are produced, such as bioclimate maps with the frequency of exceeding. These maps now do exist on different scales for cities, regions, countries. Maps showing information about local climate features have been found to be useful tools in landscape planning as planners and practitioners are familiar with cartographic material. Developing this further and also presenting the thermal component or bioclimate information increases the usefulness of these maps. The spatial variation of the thermal component presented with the model provides a “comfort distribution” and also indirect information about the energy demand (Höppe, 1999: 71-75; Jendritzky & Nübler, 1981: 313-326). 156 Bioclimate maps, comfort zones and areas can be seen from them and provide very important data for sustainable landscape planning. These maps produce from many indices related with thermal comfort. If these maps participate in the planning process literally, prudent ecological and economic decisions shall be taken in the planning issue such as urban and rural planning, land use planning, recreation and tourism planning. Especially, when taken into consideration of dimensions of urbanization, these maps will provide important clues on the determination of tourism, recreation and residential areas (Topay, 2012). For planners, familiar with cartographic material, and other people who have less knowledge about bioclimate, PET might be an understandable and useful measure (Mayer, 1993: 957-963; Matzarakis at all, 2007: 323-334). PET results can be presented both graphically or as bioclimate maps (Figure 5). Figure 5. PET (a) and Thermal Perception (b) Maps of Isparta Province according to the PET Values in April. LANDSCAPE PLANNING TO CREATE THERMAL COMFORT AND ENERGY EFFICIENCY The aim of Landscape Planning is to provide detailed information about the natural and cultural landscape values, and to implement a sustainable planning process based on this information. One of the main landscape values is climate. Humans are situated at the intersection of planning and climate. In this context, bioclimatic comfort, which depends on climatic effects, is important for planning (Topay, 2007; Topay & Yılmaz, 2004). Urban development has been mostly rapid and unplanned in developing countries in recent past decades. As a result, the cities occurred crowd, unable to fulfil the functions, and comfortless. This situation has created serious problems on the natural structure of urban areas. On the climatic point of view, the local changes due to that kind of urbanization process may be considered, in general, harmful to cities, resulting as the main problems (Sad de Assis & Barros Frota, 1999: 4135-4142; Gulyas at all, 2006: 1713-1722; Topay, 2012: 1480–1487): 3 The increase of air temperature and decrease of humidity, producing a bioclimatic stress condition that affects the human productivity and health, and the development of the urban fauna and flora, 157 3 The increase of energy expenditure for artificial cooling of buildings, however without solving the problem of thermal comfort as a whole, 3 The increase of storms over the cities, resulting in social and material damages, 3 The concentration of air pollution and decrease of natural ventilation, affecting human health and damaging buildings. In very densely built-up areas many people suffer from high temperatures and dry air in the summer while other areas in and around the city, such as forests, open green space and water surfaces, provide cool fresh air for the city (Topay, 2007; Matzarakis & Mayer, 1996; Gulyas at all, 2005: 102-112). In the context of open space planning there is a need for information on microclimatic urban situation. Therefore, analyses of thermal comfort have to consider the inhomogeneous microclimatic conditions between street canyons, courtyards and greens. Mainly wind speed and radiation fluxes have a high spatial and temporal variation, while air temperature and vapour pressure are more homogenous. The definitions of an ideal urban climate consider the spatial and temporal variability of the microclimatic parameters and the use of open spaces (Panagopoulos, 2008). The urban landscape creates a local climate different from that of the surrounding rural landscape. The most well-documented effect is the urban heat island and studies show urban-rural temperature differences up to 12-8 oC during clear and calm nights. Cities with varied land use, however, often comprise a mosaic of warm and cold areas as distinct urban land use changes; for example, the change between park and built-up area can produce intra urban temperature differences up to 7-8 oC (Eliassons, 2000: 31-44) (Figure 6). Figure 6. The Heat Variance across a City and Surroundings (EPA, 2013). The urban heat island has negative impact on people. People in cities often feel too hot in the summer due to the higher than average temperatures. This is intensified when the air temperature is higher than 17 oC, the relative humidity is greater than 85%, the air pressure is more than 18.8 hPa and the windspeed is close to zero. This oppressiveness causes worse thermoregulation in our bodies as it slows down evaporation of sweat. To reduce the negative impact of the urban climate on people, we need to increase the amounts of green spaces in cities. Green space has significant ecosystem services, which are defined as “the benefits human population derives, directly or indirectly, from ecosystem functions” (Pana158 gopoulos, 2008). Some uncomfortable affects like sweating and shivering occur in the human body if the region’s climatic values are outside of the bioclimatic comfort values. For this reason, the energy balance of the human body is affected depending on how much energy is needed to adapt to the environment. People need heat or cool to gain the lost energy. Thus, the energy costs increase; but this is not desirable in landscape planning. Microclimatic design requires a conceptual understanding on how microclimatic components such as wind and solar radiation, can be significantly affected from landscape elements (Brown & Gillespie, 1995). According to Brown and Gillespie (1995) and Torre (1999) microclimatic design involves a precise analysis of all the elements present on the studied site like (Brown & Gillespie, 1995; Panagopoulos, 2008). 3 Location: Geographic position, topography, position related to water masses, urban form. 3 Shape: Orientation, volume, dimension, proportion., 3 Limits: Vertical and horizontal limits. 3 Material characteristics. 3 Vegetation: Species, age, soil, oxygen, water and mineral resources available, foliage form, colour, type (evergreen or seasonal). 3 Field measures of a typical day of the period studied (air and radiant temperature, wind speed and direction, solar radiation and relative humidity).Growth hypothesis based on site parameters. Improved microclimatic conditions have major implications for the development of cities. The energy use of the surrounding buildings is affected. By controlling sources of discomfort, sedentary activities, as well as the use of public transport cycling and walking, will be promoted. Successful areas will attract people, which in turn will attract businesses, workers, residents, and the area becomes economically profitable. The strong relationship between microclimatic and comfort conditions demonstrate that careful design can allow for the use of open spaces, balancing exposure and protection to the different climatic elements (Nikolopoulou, 2001; Topay & Akoğlu, 2010). Green areas “filter” the air and air pollution can be lower in a park by as much as 20 to 40% in comparison with the rest of the city. They can produce oxygen, purify air and water, regulate microclimate, reduce noise, protect soil and water, maintain biodiversity, increase air humidity, reduce thermal stress, enhance local air circulation, and have recreational, cultural and social values and improve our quality of life (Panagopoulos, 2008) (Figure 8). In summer, green areas decrease air temperature by shading the ground (less solar energy reaches the ground, so less is absorbed by the surface and radiated back to the air as heat). Different colour soils in mine areas, surface soil temperature under shadow was on average 19.5 oC lower than bare soil temperature of the same area, same time and type of spoil. Also studying the effect of olive trees shadow on soil temperature it was found that during summer period soil could be 11 oC cooler under olive shadow and during winter 4 oC warmer. As a result of shading, soil surface temperatures in a park may be 12 oC lower than the temperature of a street surface and urban tree planting can account for a 25% reduction in net cooling and heating energy usage in urban landscapes. Urban shade trees offer significant benefits in reducing building airconditioning demand and improving urban air quality with associated savings up to $200 per tree (Panagopoulos, 2008). 159 Figure 8. Comparison of Green Areas and Build up Areas (Urban Climate Lab, 2014). The street geometry is also important for the urban temperature pattern. The sky viewfactor (SVF) has been shown to be well correlated with surface temperature but not with air temperature within the city (BaÈrring et al., 1985; Eliasson, 1992, 1994). However, the mean SVF for a city has been shown to have a good correlation with the maximum urban heat island (air temperature) for different cities. The thermal characteristics of the materials in the city (asphalt, brick, glass etc.) differ from those found in the countryside (trees, grass, bare soil etc.). In general, construction materials used in the city contribute to heat island intensity by their greater ability to store heat. Differences in materials (i.e. thermal admittance) and structure (i.e. street geometry) are equally the two primary causes for the heatisland. Other less important factors that might cause the urban heat island are anthropogenic heat sources, air pollution and decreased evaporation (Eliassons, 2000: 31-44). The urban landscape influences the wind pattern and regional wind speed is usually reduced by the city. Trees and buildings usually reduce the effect of the wind but may also create local areas with higher windspeeds and eddy circulations. The urban wind pattern also includes weak airflows which are induced by temperature differences in the city (Eliassons, 2000: 31-44) (Figure 9). The design of open spaces is very important for the urban environment and an understanding of the effects influencing thermal comfort in these spaces will assist in designing spaces that encourage public use all times of the year. However, this can only be feasible if great care is taken to include microclimatic concerns at the design phase. This would assist the design of cities and eventually the use of open spaces, by allowing for different activities to be carried out and social interaction to take place, giving life back to the cities. Ultimately, such systematic knowledge can contribute to the sustainable development of cities of the future (Panagopoulos, 2008). 160 During daytime the air in the city is often drier than in rural areas while the opposite condition prevails at night. Increased amounts of water vapour combined with high levels of air pollution in cities may promote cloud formation and subsequently precipitation over the city (Eliassons, 2000: 31-44). Figure 9. Providing Thermal Comfort with Planting Design (Welch, 2014). The climate in the city is also dependent on factors such as land use, building geometry and building materials. The urban climate is thus, to a large extent, a result of human modification of the local climate in situ. The rapid changes in temperature, wind and humidity generated by the urban landscape influences comfort and health of the people as well as energy consumption and air quality. CONCLUSION The most common motive given for using information about the climate is that climate affects personal comfort. A good building environment should have `a nice climate’, `not too windy but free from air pollutants’, `sunny but also shady’ and it should `not be too dry or too wet’. A minority of interviewees mentioned use of information about the climate in relation to urban ventilation and energy consumption. The results showed that Climate Knowledge had low impact on the planning process. However, a majority of the respondents say that they use climatic data. This contradiction depends on the fact that most planners are very uncertain about their own knowledge of urban climate. Thus, if there is a conflict between different interests in the end of the process, they do not have enough arguments to support the use of climatic data (Eliassons, 2000: 31-44). There is strong public interest in the quality of open urban spaces that they can contribute to the quality of life within cities. However, there is a significant lack of information on comfort conditions in outdoor spaces, which in effect will assist the design and planning of such spaces (Nikolopoulou & Lykoudis, 2006: 1455–1470). Most researchers agree on the fact that, in spite of the available knowledge about the 161 climate and some good examples of climatic design, the impact of climate in the urban planning process in practice is usually low. If this is so and consequently why this is so are two interesting questions, especially as the integration of climatic considerations into the planning process has been considered important for such a long time. Transferring scientific research into tools applicable for urban planning ought to be a great challenge for urban climatologists. From a climatic point of view, the comprehensive planning level is very important as it gives a good view of the interaction of the different climatic effects produced by the city and the surrounding rural landscape. This information is important in order to understand how changes in land use will affect the local climate (Eliassons, 2000: 31-44). REFERENCES ALCOFORADO, MJ, ANDRADE, H, LOPES, A, VASCONCELOS, J. (2009), Application of climatic guidelines to urban planning The example of Lisbon (Portugal), Landscape and Urban Planning, 90, 56–65. ALTUNKASA, Faruk (1987), Çukurova bölgesinde biyoklimatik veriler kullanılarak açık ve yeşil alan sistemlerinin belirlenmesi ilkeleri üzerinde bir araştırma. PhD thesis. Çukurova University Adana. ANONYMUS (2002). Klimatoloji Çalıştayı Konferans Kitabı, İzmir. ASHRAE (1966), Thermal Comfort Condition, AHRAE Standard 55-66, New York, USA. BERKÖZ, E., YILMAZ AYGÜN, Z., KOCAASLAN, G., YILDIZ, E., AK, F., KÜÇÜKDOĞU, M., ENARUN, D., ÜNVER, R., YENER KÖKNEL, A., YILDIZ, D., (1995), Enerji Etkin Konut ve Yerleşme Tasarımı, Proje No: İNTAG 201, TUBİTAK. BRANDENBURG, C, ARNBERGER, A. (2001), The influence of the weather upon recreation activities, Proceedings of the 1st Int. Workshop on Climate, Tourism and Recreation. Int. Society of Biometeorology, Commission on Climate Tourism and Recreation. December. BROWN, RD, GILLESPIE, TJ. (1995), Microclimatic Landscape Design, Jhon Wiley&Sons, Inc. ÇETİN, Mehmet, TOPAY, Mehmet, KAYA, Latif Gürkan, YILMAZ, Bülent (2010), Biyoiklimsel Konforun Peyzaj Planlama Sürecindeki Etkinliği: Kütahya Örneği, SDÜ Orman Fakültesi Dergisi, Seri A (1) 83-95. ÇINAR, İsmail (2004), Biyoklimatik konfor ölçütlerinin peyzaj planlama sürecinde etkinliği üzerinde Muğla-Karabağlar yaylası örneğinde araştırmalar, Basılmamış Doktora Tezi, Ege Üniversitesi, İzmir. De FREITAS, Chris (2003), Tourism Climatology: Evaluating Environmental Information for Decision Making and Business Planning in The Recreation and Tourism Sector. Int J Biometeorol, 48, 45-54. DİRİK Hüseyin (2005), Kırsal Peyzaj. İstanbul Üniversitesi Orman Fakültesi yayını, ISBN: 975-404749-9 DREAMSTIME (2014), http://www.dreamstime.com/royalty-free-stock-photos-young-girl-shiveringcountryside-image20228698 (accessed 15 Marc 2014). ECOCITY (2014), The conceptual framework of the EU project ECOCITY. www.ecocity.szm.com/framework.html#approach (accessed 15 March 2014). ELIASSONS,I.(2000),The use of climate knowledge in urban planning, Landscape and Urban Planning,48:31-44. EPA (2014), United States Environmental Protection Agency, What Is an Urban Heat Island? http://www. epa.gov/hiri/about/index.htm (accessed 15 March 2014). FANGER, PO (1970), Thermal Comfort, McGraw Hill Book Company, New York. FANGER, PO. (1972), Thermal Comfort, McGraw Hill Book Comp, New York. FUKUOKA, Y (1997), Biometeorological Studies on Urban Climate. Int J Biometeorol, 40:54-57. GAGGE, AP., FOBELETS, AP., BERGLUND, LG. (1986), A standard predictive index of human response to the thermal environment. Ashrae,92, 709-731. GAJIK-CAPKA, Mariaelena (2001), Climatological Basis for Planning in Mountain Recreation, Conference proceedings. GULYAS, Á, UNGER, J, MATZARAKIS Andreas (2005), Assesment of the Microclimatic and Human Comfort Conditions in a Complex Urban Environment: Modelling and Measurements, Building and Environment, 162 102-112. GULYAS, A., UNGER, J., MATZARAKIS, Andreas (2006), Assessment of the Microclimatic and Human Comfort Conditions in a Complex Urban Environment: Modelling and Measurements, Building and Environment 41(12), 1713-1722. HENSEN, JLM. (1990), Literature review on thermal comfortin transient conditions, Buildin and Environment, 25(4), 309-316. HOPPE, Peter (1993), Heat balance modelling, Experienta, 49, 741-746. HOPPE, Peter (1997), Aspects of Human Biometeorology in Past, Present and Future, 40, 19–23. HOPPE, Peter (1999), The physiological equivalent temperature – a universal index for the biometeorological assessment of the thermal environment, Int J Biometeorol, 43, 71-75. HOUSHMAND A, SADAT HASHEMI N. (2012), Regionalization and Evaluation of Seasonal Human Bioclimate of Semnan Province. J. Basic. Appl. Sci. Res, 2(5) 4740-4750. JENDRITZKY, Gert, NÜBLER, W. (1981), A model analysing the urban thermal environment in physiologically significant terms. Arch Met Geoph Biokl, B29, 313-326. KOÇMAN, Asaf (1993), İnsan Faaliyetleri ve Çevre Üzerine Etkisi Açısından Ege Ovalarının İklimi, Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayını No: 73. LA HABITACION ROJA (2014), Victor Olgyay, http://mapashita80.blogspot.com/2009/04/victor-olgyay. html (accessed 15 March 2014). LIN, T., MATZARAKIS, Andreas (2008), Tourism climate and thermal comfort in Sun Moon Lake, Taiwan. Int. J. Biometeorol, 52, 281-290. MATZARAKIS, A, MAYER, H, IZIOMON, MG. (1999), Application of universal thermal index: Physiological equivalent temperature. Int J Biometeorol, 43, 76–84. MATZARAKIS, Andreas (2005), Urban climate research in Germany, IUAC Newsletter 11, 4-6. MATZARAKIS, Andreas, MAYER, Helmut (1996), Bioclimate Maps of Greece for Touristic Aspect, Congress of Biometeorology, Conference proceedings. MATZARAKIS, Andreas, RUTZ, F, MAYER, Helmut (2007), Modelling radiation fluxes in simple and complex environments-application of the Ray Man model, Int J Biometeorol, 51, 323-334. MAYER, Helmut (1993), Urban bioclimatology, Experienta, 49, 957-963. MEBS (2014), 6006 Environmental Services I. http://www.hku.hk/bse/MEBS6006/ (accessed 15 March 2014). NIKOLOPOULOU, M, LYKOUDIS, S. (2006), Thermal comfort in outdoor urban spaces: Analysis across different European countries, Build. Environ, 4,1 1455–1470. NIKOLOPOULOU, M. (2001), The effect of climate on the use of open spaces in the urban environment: relation to tourism, Conference proceedings. OLGYAY, Victor (1963), Design with Climate, Princeton University Press, Princeton. OLGYAY, Victor (1973), Design with Climate, Bioclimatic Approach to Architectural Regionalism, Princeton University Press, New Jersey. OLIVEIRA, S., ANDRADE, H. (2007), An initial assessment of the bioclimatic comfort in an outdoor space in Lisbon. Int. J. Biometeorology; 52(1):69-84. PANAGOPOULOS, T. (2008), Using microclimatic landscape design to create thermal comfort and energy efficiency, conference proceedings, Portugal Universidade do Algarve. RUROS (2014), Designing open spaces in the urban environment: a bioclimatic approach. http://www. cres.gr/kape/education/1.design_guidelines_en.pdf (accessed 15 March 2014). SAD DE ASSIS, E, BARROS FROTA, A. (1999), Urban bioclimatic design strategies for a tropical city, Atmospheric Environment, 33, 4135-4142. SIMONDS, JO. (1997), Landscape Architecture, A Manuel Site Planning and Design, Mc Graw Hill Book, New York. SUMINSKI, R, POSTON, WC, MARKET, M, HYDER, M, SARA, PA (2008), Meteorological Conditions are Associated with Physical Activities Performed in Open-Air Settings. Int J Biometeorology, 52, 189-197. SVENSSON, MK, THORSSON, S, LINDQVIST, S. (2003), A GIS Model for Creating Bioclimatic MapsExamples from a High, Mid-latitude City, Int. J. of Biometeorology, 47, 102-112. 163 THE ENGINEERING TOOLBOX (2014), Predicted Mean Vote Index (PMV), http://www.engineeringtoolbox.com/predicted-mean-vote-index-PMV-d_1631.html (accessed 15 March 2014). TOPAY, Mehmet (2007), The importance of climate for recreational planning of rural areas; case study of muğla province. In: Matzarakis A, de Freitas CR, Scott D. (eds.), 3rd Int. Workshop on Climate, Tourism and Recreation, September 2007 Alexandroupolis, Greece. TOPAY, Mehmet (2012), Human thermal comfort (HTC) for sustainable landscape planning. In:Aytaç G. (ed) Bena Istanbul 2012: Proceedıngs of Sustainable Landscape Planning and Safe Environmen Conference, Istanbul 21-24 June 201, Turkey; 2012. TOPAY, Mehmet (2012), Importance of Thermal Comfort in the Sustainable Landscape Planning. Journal of Environmental Protection and Ecology,13, No 3, 1480–1487. TOPAY, Mehmet, AKOĞLU, Mert (2010), Peyzaji daha etkin planlamak: biyoiklimsel konfor yaklaşimi: Bildiri kitabı, İzmir, Türkiye. TOPAY, Mehmet, YILMAZ, Bülent (2004), Biyoklimatik Konfora Sahip Alanların Belirlenmesinde CBS’den Yararlanma Olanakları: Muğla İli Örneği, Konferans kitabı, Türkiye. ÜLKER, İsmet (1988), Türkiye’de Sağlık Turizmi ve Kaplıca Planlaması, T.C. Turizm Bakanlığı Yayını, Yayın No:1006. Ankara. ÜLKER, İsmet (1994), Sağlık Turizmi Kaynaklar Planlama Tanıtım, T.C. Turizm Bakanlığı Yayını, Ankara. URBAN CLIMATE LAB. (2014), http://www.urbanclimate.gatech.edu/ (accessed 15 March 2014). WELCH, WC., (2014). Landscaping for energy conservation, http://www.billboeckelman.com/ files/129288/Landscaping%20To%20Conserve%20Energy.pdf (accessed 15 March 2014). 164 CULTURAL HERITAGE IN URBAN PLANNING PRACTICES Nurhan KOÇAN INTORODUCTION This study aims to analyze the existing practices regarding the assessment of cultural heritage in urban planning practices in Safranbolu and to present applicable and innovative suggestions based on problems and potentials of the area in social, economic and ecological terms. In line with this aim, various studies were carried out in Safranbolu between the years 2002-2012 and as a result of assessing these studies and observations, the current study was carried out. Two important questions that guided the study were; - “How would you like to see the cities which have cultural heritage values in the future?” and - “How do the cultural heritages affect the planning process?” The answers to these questions that guide urban landscape planning will impact the decisions about the utilization scenario and planning process discussed. Urban planning The most significant characteristic of landscape is the interaction between nature and culture. Landscape can be comprehended by handling tangible and intangible values with a holistic approach. The key concept for urban landscape analysis towards planning is “structure” (Hodder, 1991). What is meant here is more than the terminology. Social theories, the impact of individuals and the secret faces of structures and heritages are evaluated under this concept (Giddens, 1984). Because of structures and the city that is formed of all these structures is the sum of tangible and intangible assets and the social structure. Therefore, a change in social structure will change the landscape as well. Traditional urban fabrics define cultural and spatial differences as evidence of past. The concept of protection which has first emerged as a concept towards protecting important buildings is now accepted as introducing and maintaining the differences, continuing the identity based on historical background, in other words, protection of the city and natural environment together (Meşhur, 1999). In modern urban planning the concept of protecting these areas as areas contributing to the regional or urban development is introduced (Lichfield, 1988; Özkan, 2005). The change of some elements during people’s lives is natural. However, when the size, conditions and results of the changes are considered, it is necessary to protect sustainable ones and ensure permanency (Beyhan and Ünügür, 2005). Protection and planning studies should be discussed with different approaches in cities that have cultural heritage. These are: Integrated Conservation: It is a conservation model which considers economic, social, administrative and legal issues (Ahunbay, 1996). Within the scope of this concept, utilization types that integrate cultural heritages with social life are projected. This approach 165 has an encouraging role in the preservation, maintaining, assessment and introduction of natural and cultural values of a city (Eke and Özcan, 1988). Sustainable Conservation: Preservation, maintaining and transfer of the cultural heritage, which are the spatial documents of a society, is a deep-rooted concept as a universal action or approach. Here protection emerges as a requirement of sustainability (Meşhur, 1999). Within this scope, settlements should be sustainable elements of the natural and physical environment they are in. Structures with architectural, historical and cultural meaning should also protect the needs and traditions of the daily life. Modernist Conservation: Urban design approach in the conservation process has emerged as a necessity within the independent planning concept of a city. In order for the spatial elements to integrate among them and with the environment, urban design is used as a planning tool in the organization of open-closed areas to be built among original buildings in urban planning and in the integration of the city with the modern environment. With its flexible rules and methods, the urban design offers technical solutions in the process of reducing general decisions in urban planning practices down to space (Meşhur, 1999). An interdisciplinary approach and cooperation is necessary in problem solving in urban planning (Hayden, 2004). The main difficulty here is that the stakeholders should meet in a common approach and terminology and understand each other. The areas of interest and the roles of the sectors should be defined well for the preservation of cultural heritage in the planning process in which there will be various areas of expertise and stakeholders. A common agreement depends on mutual negotiations. And this can be done by organized studies and social planning. However, regarding the target, some institutions might have an upper control power in certain cases (Kincheloe and McLaren, 2005). Cultural Heritage The traditions, way of live, thinking, arts as well as the tangible and intangible assets formed and transferred to future generations in a society make up the cultural structure of that society. In many countries around the World, definition and planning of cultural heritage is considered as a national responsibility. Archeological and architectural Works with rich content and cultural sites are considered as cultural heritages (Grete and Jerpåsen, 2008). Such features as the height, size, color and form of buildings and the predominance of these features in the city make up the general identity of that landscape. The hierarchy of the buildings among themselves and with one another and their balanced position in the city form the theme in a city and this theme makes up the harmony that makes a city unique. The plainness in the perceptibility of a city and efficiency in the design are parallel elements in ensuring the organization of a city. As cultural heritages these elements affect the relationship of landscape and the dimensions of real life (Groat, 1988). Although cultural heritages are perceived as single structures, they are elements that require more complex approaches. The most important criteria in the planning process of cities with cultural heritages is indeed the own heritage potential of the city. Therefore, it is necessary to know and define the cultural heritages well. There are two main characteristics of cultural heritage; 1- Unique time-scale feature of all physical heritages: Time defines the traces that are left after various uses in different periods. People of different periods use such traces to better learn and experience the way of life of previous generations. All of these define the role 166 of cultural heritage as a source of historical information (Hodder, 1991; Tilley, 1994). 2- The relationship of cultural heritage to modern utilization: This characteristic focuses on meeting the needs of the present day and includes the interpretation of features of cultural heritage for realizing various objectives (Graham and et al., 2000). In order for the cultural heritage to be used efficiently in urban planning and protected, it is necessary to identify an approach that will represent both of these features. MATERIAL-METHOD The main material of the study is Safranbolu district. The data obtained from face-toface interviews with planners, designers in the city, local authorities and public were used. As a result, the knowledge, experience, opinions and comments of different people were guiding in discussing the planning process of the city. 1/1000 scaled Safranbolu Protection Construction Plan helped to examine the open and closed area relationships in urban protected area. In order to find out the characteristics of the area and the historical settlement fabric of the district, environmental analysis and observations had been carried out between 2002 and 2012 for a period of ten years. Relevant research in the area was used for literature review and the photos taken on-site were used as well. Visual analysis on-site is important in understanding the visual relationship between cultural heritage and natural landscape elements. The cultural heritage of Safranbolu was presented as a map using the Geomedia Professional 4.0 geographical information system software. Officially registered buildings, street fabrics, pedestrian and roadway that will guide protection and development studies were shown on the map. The study aims to analyze natural and cultural landscape, the planning practices in the city, and interpretations of the practices and generating ideas for future. FINDINGS General Characteristics of Safranbolu Safranbolu is a city of Karabük province located in the Western Black Sea region. It has a 1032 km2 surface area and is surrounded by Karabük (Center, Ovacık, Eflani, Eskipazar and Yenice districts), Bartın (Ulus district) and Kastamonu (Araç district) (Safranbolu Municipality, 2012). The city is defined with a physical geography in which rural, urban and forest areas are interlaced on the basis of social, economic and ecological relations. Figure 1. Location of Safranbolu in the Country and in the Region Safranbolu center is settled in a rugged terrain. There are large forest areas and high- 167 lands surrounding the district. The geological formation of Safranbolu created km-long caves and deep and long canyons. Safranbolu which has 3000 years of history reached its highest economic and cultural condition during the Ottoman Empire period. That the city was an important stopover on Istanbul-Sinop caravan road in the 17th century enabled the trade business in the city to grow (Kalyoncu, 2010). The population of the city in 2012 was 45.049. Urban Characteristics of Safranbolu Safranbolu is a sample traditional city reflecting all characteristics of Turkish social life and a city which preserves cultural heritage in its natural fabric. Safranbolu reflects mostly 18th and 19th century traditional Turkish culture. And with its 1.125 culture and nature assets to be protected, the city was included in 1994 World Heritage List. Figure 2. Images from Safranbolu City Both functionality and aesthetic features were considered in the formation of the buildings in the city in order to design environmentally friendly buildings. The marketplace in Safranbolu is the part where trade, accommodation, crafts, market place take place. Trade areas are at the center of the city while markets are just around this area. Traditional crafts such as forging, coppersmith and leather trade still exists though partially. Hand-printed head scarves sellers, saddlers, drapers market exist from past until present day. In the Market part of Safranbolu settlements, the narrow and sinuous streets, squaremarket-house relationships, size, shape, fitting, facade and architectural features of the buildings are the most important elements defining the character and identity of the settlement. Plantation in the gardens of the buildings balances the open-closed space ratios in the city. The buildings in the city form a dynamic and consistent visual area. The settlement of urban elements combined with fabric, color and form on topography enabled fluent and pleasing themes. With the harmony of city center with the topography and the intense forest area around the city enabled the integration of nature and culture; and defined the historical silhouette of the city. The urban value of Safranbolu brought a cultural dimension to the area in time and enabled it to be a cultural heritage. The mastery of the urban architecture carried Safranbolu from a regional value to a universal value. With that feature, Safranbolu is a unique example both domestically and internationally. The values that belong to Safranbolu are symbols that are formed via their functions and the history of the society. It includes not only tangible 168 assets but also intangible assets via the documents belonging to the culture and tradition of the area. The most important reason behind the permanency of the heritage in Safranbolu is the well-rooted and unchanging traditions of the people in the area. Figure 3. Safranbolu Urban Protected Area and Area Utilization EVALUATION Studies towards Safranbolu Planning Practices Park-Open Space-Landscaping Practices - In order to benefit from the ecological impacts created by open spaces in the city and to make the city look better the public open space works accelerated. The organization works of the public gardens and open spaces in the city should continue. - In order to ensure that the cultural heritages are perceived better and to increase the amount of public open spaces in Safranbolu the quality and quantity of parks and recreational areas has been increased. And thus, public open places where children can play safely and where everyone can do exercise have been created. - Landscaping should be carried out in the gardens of the unused historical buildings and these areas should be used via renting them. This kind of approach will improve the level of high-quality urban open space. - Improvement of the highways in the city is ongoing. It will be beneficial to form a green belt system by forestation of the sides of the roads. - Landscaping at Hıdırlık Hill and excursion terrace are important developments with their contribution to the perception of the city. Similar works will contribute to the urban planning practices. - Safranbolu streets are significant factors in the socio-cultural identity of the city. Therefore, it is necessary to continue to showing the touring routes in the city, directions to important streets and improve such elements as the wall of the yards and pave cobblestone 169 pavement. - Recent plantation works in Safranbolu brought significant visual and physical benefits to the city. Being careful about the choice of the plants and choosing plants that is in harmony with the historical texture and natural species in the area will increase the success of these works. Urban Infrastructure Practices - Protective barriers in the geological protection sites inside the city and in the areas where there are canyons prevented the damage of cultural heritage and natural structure. - Utilization of idle areas in Safranbolu prevents the demand for areas for new utilizations and these areas turn into clean places serving to public. Existing idle areas should be reconsidered for public use. - With the natural gas system the city now has a clean heating system. Thus, the problem of heating historical residences, which are important elements of cultural heritage, is removed and the economic contribution of the tourists who stay longer in the city increased with the use of these areas for accommodation. - With the building of a tourism parking lot, a place where touring cars and civic cars can park for free is created and the parking problem has been solved. Thus, the traffic inside the city has been reduced and the negative effects of motor vehicles on cultural heritages have been prevented. It is necessary to continue this practice in other areas as well. Environmental Health Practices - Especially during the winter months, the roads in Safranbolu get muddy so the roads are washed. This is an important practice for creating a clean environment and city. - There are recycling boxes located to important points in the city. This practice enables the recycling of wastes back to the economy and creating a cleaner environment. These practices are important as supporting practices that strengthen the image of the city. Socio- Cultural Practices - Safranbolu Municipality and Safranbolu District Governorship exhibit at various national and international tourism fairs. Not only the cultural heritage but also the traditional handicrafts and foods in Safranbolu are introduced during these fairs. - Trekking activities, historical city tour, best protected and renovated house contest in the city encourage conservation and improves this awareness. - That the city attaches importance to international relations increases tourism revenue recognition of the city and the revenue from these activities are important tools used for the protection of the city. - With the natural and cultural expansion project, such environmental values as antique ruins of the city (such as Eskipazar Hadrianapolis Antique City), Yenice Forests, Yörükköy are introduced to tourism and the cultural heritage of the city is protected together with the values of the region. - Within the scope of conservation of Safranbolu culture such cultural elements as guild, ahi-community and Ramadan traditions are also conserved and thus, the sustainability of intangible assets which are the main elements that survive cultural elements is ensured. - Renovation works towards conservation and renovation of the architectural buildings in the city are ongoing. The facades of the buildings in the new settlement area are 170 renovated in compliance with the old fabric of the city. Stone wall works which is of great significance in terms of urban landscape arrangements ensures that the original view of Safranbolu is protected as well as the aesthetics. - Water culture has existed in Safranbolu until present day. In order to conserve and develop this concept in the city, the historical fountains have been provided with fresh water. - Open spaces around historical buildings in Safranbolu are used as areas for cultural activities. The garden of the historical Government Office is used for showing movies during the summer while the backyard of Historical Cinci Hamamı (Turkish bath) is used for art-painting exhibitions. These practices improve socio-cultural development as well as the importance attached to cultural heritage. - Unused and registered buildings in the city should be used as conference hall, accommodation, exhibition center, museum, culture, art and training centers and thus, these buildings should survive. Practices that have started towards this aim in the city should continue. Conclusion It is well-known that planning, design and management practices towards physical, cultural, socio-economic and ecological problems of present day can be solved with interdisciplinary and holistic works. Because of the source of an issue in a city or region lies behind other issues that are interconnected and complex; and the decisions taken effect the whole country and even the world. The significance of this issue increases even more particularly in planning activities in places where universal values such as cultural heritage exist. Therefore, approaches that bring a total solution and carry the place to the future become valid. Therefore, the questions; - “How would you like to see the cities which have cultural heritage values in the future?” and - “How do the cultural heritages affect the planning process?” which have been discussed in the introduction and which guide urban planning studies are important in the decision making and implementation phases of the plans. Open space arrangements, plantation studies, urban infrastructure works, environmental health development practices and socio-cultural studies within the scope of urban planning practices in Safranbolu have occurred in the form of handling holistic, sustainable and modernist conservation approaches together. The people of the city preferred to follow daily life without abandoning their cultural heritage. In this scope, the income generating sources of the people is shaped by the sectors that develop with tourism activities around cultural heritage. The result of this study shows that cultural heritage affects not only the physical future of the environment it exists in, but also the concrete-abstract thought of the people living in the area. - Effective planning and management understanding by using the existing natural and cultural potential of Safranbolu as a “city”, - Conserving natural and cultural heritage values of Safranbolu, original, innovative and concrete planning and design solutions (proper land use decisions, spatial strategy and solutions) and developing operating mechanisms should be the objective of urban planning171 management studies following the existing practices in Safranbolu. To conclude, in designing the past and future of Safranbolu, approaching problems and potentials with different scale and content with long-term spatial plans within the scope of “city-region-country” and in relation to “planning-design-management”; defining physical, social, economic and ecological problems within the mobilization between scales will be the answers to projected questions. REFERENCES AHUNBAY, Z. (1996), ”Tarihi Çevre Koruma ve Restorasyon”, YEM Yayınları, İstanbul. BEYHAN Ş.G., ÜNÜGÜR, S.M. (2005), “Çağdaş Gereksinimler Bağlamında Sürdürülebilir Turizm ve Kimlik, İTÜ Dergisi, 4(2), 79-87. EKE F., ÖZCAN Ü. (1988), “Tarihi Dokunun Korunması ve Uluslar arası Deneyimler”, Mimarlık 288, 34-36. GRAHAM, B., ASHWORTH, G.J., TUNBRİDGE, J.E. (2000), “A Geography of Heritage. Power, Culture and Economy”, Arnold, London. GİDDENS, A. (1984), “The Constitution of Society. Outline of the Theory of Structuration”. Cambridge. HODDER, I. (1991), “Postprocessual Archaeology and The Current Debate”. In: PREUCEL, R.W. (Ed.), “Processual and Post-processual Archaeologies. Multiple Ways of Knowing The Past”. Occasional Papers no. 10, Carbondale. KALYONCU, H. (2010), “Tarih İçinde Safranbolu”. s. 80, Özlem Yayın, İstanbul. KİNCHELOE, J. L., MCLAREN, P. (2005), “Rethinking Critical Theory and Qualitative Research”. In: Denzin, N.K., Lincoln, Y.S. (Eds.), “The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research”, Sage publications, London, pp. 303–343. LİCHFİELD, N. (1988), “Economics in Urban Conservation”. p. 361, Cambridge University press, England. MEŞHUR, M. Ç. (1999), “Tarihi Çevrelerin Korunması Sürecinde Yeni Yaklaşımlar, Amasya Kenti Örneği”, Selçuk Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Konya. ÖZKAN, N. E. (2005), “Koruma ve Kültür Turizmi Bağlamında İstanbul Tarihi Yarımada’da Bizans Dönemi Mimari Mirasının Değerlendirilmesi”, Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, İstanbul. Safranbolu Belediyesi, (2012), “Safranbolu”, http://www.safranbolu-bld.gov.tr SWENSEN, G., JERPÅSEN, G. B. (2008), “Cultural Heritage in Suburban Landscape Planning: A Case Study in Southern Norway”, Landscape and Urban Planning (87) 289–300. TİLLEY, C. (1994), “A Phenomenology of Landscape. Places, Paths and Monuments”, Oxford/Providence, USA, Berg. 172 EXAMINATION OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN HISTORICAL CITY FORM AND MODERN GREEN WAY PRACTICES IN THE CASE OF BARTIN CITY Banu BEKÇİ Çiğdem BOGENÇ Deryanur DİNÇER “Cities always suppose that they are the product of thought or coincidence; however neither thought nor coincidence is enough to keep the city walls up. What fascinate you in a city is not the seven wonders or seventy seven wonders of the city but the answer it gives to a question you ask (Calvino, 2002).” Sufficient interest and attention are not paid to the cities with a historical city identity. And this lack of interest causes the loss of historical values in time and even to the destruction of immovable cultural assets. It is seen that in Turkey most of the historical cities are settled along river corridors. This shows how important water has been in the course of history. Moving from these criteria, this study discusses the river corridor in Bartın city, which keeps its historical city features as well as rural city feature, with a user-oriented assessment. At the end of the study, the environmental quality of river corridors in historical cities was observed and suggestions on the management of sustainable urban green roads were proposed. HISTORICAL CITIES IN THE PROCESS OF MODERN URBANIZATION PROCESS There are elements to be discovered beyond what one can see and hear in a city. Everything in a city is related to its environment. Memories of the past build a bridge between the city and the people living in the city. The image of a city is hidden among the memories and meanings (Lynch, 2011). Historical cities, which incorporate these memories, are the most significant exhibition areas that help to reveal the identity and character of a nation. The notion of city in historical and cultural environments are inherited from the past civilizations and appears as living proofs reflecting the architecture, space use, lifestyles etc. of a certain area. In a world of rapid change in life conditions with technology and building techniques, urban historical areas are considered as open-air museums showcasing the environment that people lived in the past (Erdem 2007: 8). Preserving areas, where there are a lot of historical and cultural artifacts, in their traditional form should be taken into consideration in practices (Kuban, 1997). Historical cities are unique and valuable cultural heritages that have hosted various civilizations and survived until present day. Having this awareness, it is the duty of humanity to protect this heritage and transfer it to the future generations. Principles and results in the formation of historical environment provide significant clues for the solution of recent problems. In addition, old buildings at human-scale, streets and the urban texture these create can be adapted to modern life of present day by small restorations and renovations (Gök 173 and Kayserili, 2013). RIVER UTILZATION IN HISTORICAL CITIES Components of a historical city or environment could vary according to their features. That the first settlements in the world were along river basins is an indicator of the fact that rivers play a significant role in determining the settlement areas of cities from past until present day. It is realized that important civilizations in history have been settled along such rivers as Nile, Euphrates and Tigris. That rivers enable such significant utilizations as providing water circulation, allowing transportation, agricultural activities and recreational activities, serving as raw material source and obtaining potable water made the development around rivers accelerate (Kılıçaslan and Özkan, 2005). Many civilizations in Turkey were settled by the rivers. Such that if the beauty created by Maritza, Tunzha (Tunca) and Arda rivers did not compete with Istanbul, the city of Edirne (Hadrianapolis) would not be founded in between these three rivers. Bergama whose name has remained as it is since the antique ages and which oversees Gulf of Çandarlı from the side of Kaikos (Bakırçay) stream; Side, the strong guard of the place where Manavgat River reaches Mediterranean; Oxus and Jaxartes, which survived up until present day since the Hittites and around which Çukurova civilizations developed; Euphrates and Tigris which shaped Mesopotamia which bears the oldest footsteps on earth; Yeşilırmak around which Amasya, the city of Strabon was founded and many others are the indicators that show how rivers nurture the cultures with the fertile soil surrounding them from past until present day (Ekinci, 1997). The most important factor in the foundation of a city since the formation of civilizations is whether the areas they settled is in direct relation with the natural features of the area they settled. Therefore, the characteristics of the area have a big role (Table 1). In addition to that, the existence of water is also highly significant. Throughout history, the settlement areas have been by side of rivers. As factors forming the basis of “Urban Ecological Corridor” streams, riverbeds are areas having social roles (Wilcock, 1992). Rivers inside a city, which are also considered as ecological corridors, particularly have such significant roles as creating recreational areas, protecting the urban fauna and flora and organizing urban ecology (Kılıç, 1999). In addition to enabling the survival, reproduction, nutrition, sheltering and movement of species, river corridors filter or stop the penetration of materials, energy and organisms (FISRWG, 1998). Table 1. Functional, Aesthetic and Recreational Utilization of Historical Cities 174 The most important objective in planning and design is “Protecting the Nature”. The increase in pollution and unhealthy shared spaces not only affects the living things negatively but also the identity of a city. Therefore, protected areas are to be provided for plants and animals with the formation of green areas by the side of streams and rivers. Such practices can be met all around the world including Turkey. Following the 1989 Revolution, Prague-Vienna green ways formed by a group of American and Czech people supported economic development in regions surrounding rural areas via architectural buildings and thus, prevented the degeneration in those areas (Figure 1-b). Vienna- Prague green way covers almost a 400-km route. It is a route extending from Dyje River in South Moravia along Vitaua River in South Bohemia. There are points on this route where people perform folk dances and music festivals. Vienna- Prague green ways is also known as Czech green ways. This green ways had also been used for commerce for long years (Arslan et al. 2004). A B C Figure 1. Images from Cities with a Historical City Identity (a) Amasya, b) Prague, c) Savannah (Bekci, 2013)) In its 75-century old history Amasya hosted 13 civilizations including Hittites, Phrygian, Cimmerian, Scythian, MED, Persian, Hellenic, Roman, Byzantine, Seljuk, Ilkhanid and Ottoman cultures; and the splendid historical urban silhouette it had during this process made the city look like a living open-air museum (Yardım, 2004:78) (Figure 1-a). Savannah is a small city in the United States of America which can reflect the historical background of the city that dates back to 1733s to present day. Feeling the historical texture of the city on the river corridor surrounding the city creates a mystical environment. When the cities having a river corridor are examined, it is seen that they contribute to the tourist visits and businesses in the planned area. OPEN GREEN SPACES UTILIZATIONS ON RIVER CORRIDORS IN HISTORICAL CITIES In addition to open green areas within the city (public gardens and squares) the contribution of green spaces along the river corridors are very significant in recreational, functional and therapic terms (Ayan, 2014). According to definitions made by many scientists (Özbilen, 1991; Bayraktar, 1973) the areas formed by such water corridors as river and stream are assessed within open green space system. Open and green spaces are areas which incorporate open areas, mass and partial green areas, water surfaces within the urban texture except the architectural structures (blocks, 175 buildings, hard surfaces); which keep the growth of the city under control; which have unifying and separating functions; which ensure the integrity of the overall city and above all, these are systems that ensure the integrity of a city in general and above all, they bring in certain features to a city including ecological, aesthetic, recreational and economic (Yerli and Kesim, 2007). When the fact that these areas cover large spaces in the urban texture and that they will form a network system in the city are considered, careful planning and design activities to be carried out for these areas will enable that the artificial corridors to be formed will function as part of the natural network system (Cook, 2000). As for Noss (1987) functions of corridors were defined under six items. These are; (i) corridors help to increase species diversity and richness by enabling their sustainability (ii) provide convenient habitats for extinct species (iii) provide genetic variations among isolated habitats (iv) provide alternative passages for those species which need different habitats periodically (v) bring different sheltering and hunting areas together (vi) form green spaces for the city and thus provide recreational, visual and climatic benefits (Kupik, 2010). Moving from what Noss has mentioned, the utilization area of river corridors can be divided into two as active and passive area utilization (Figure 2). Thus, the utilization areas of users will be limited and thus damage to open green spaces opening to river corridors will be prevented. Figure 2. Active and Passive Green Area Utilization on River Corridors Open green spaces serves both to the city and the people living in the city in many respects. In terms of their intended use, these areas serve in many areas including relaxing, dining, watching, walking, cycling, socializing, exercising. In addition, in ecological terms, they form healthy environments by forming an air corridor. What is important is to bring the river corridors providing these opportunities together with the city. Especially when the cities with a historical city identity stay out, the developing city centers brings the concepts of old urban pattern and new urban pattern into question (Bekci, et al., 2012). Therefore, sustainability of old urban pattern together with the new urban pattern is highly important. The concept of green way which should be considered at around this point is a significant factor in terms of sustainability. 176 THE POTENTIAL OF RIVER CORRIDORS TO TURN GREEN WAYS The term green generation was first suggested in Ebenezer Howard’s garden city concept in which he designed rural life and urban life together for those random settlements in industrialized cities. In this model, residences were located in the center of the city while industrial and shopping areas were located around the city. In order to restrict the development of the city, meet recreation requirements and allow agricultural areas, forming a green zone around the city was highly significant (Kurdoğlu, 2002). Table 2. Utility of River Corridors Green way is a natural corridor, a channel, a landscape road or a linear open space extending through a route. These areas are kept in their natural character or organized in that way for pedestrians or cyclers. Green ways are linear open spaces that connect green ways, public gardens, natural areas, areas with historical or cultural features to each other and to the settlement areas. Locally, green ways are a series of open spaces including zones or lin177 ear public gardens designed as landscape ways or green zone. Shortly, these areas should be considered as a synthesis of natural and cultural effects in landscape planning studies (Flink and Searns, 1993). River corridors which can be found in many cities in Turkey offer plenty of opportunities in terms of utility. Table 2 gives the utility of river corridors. Figure 3. A View from Bartın Stream Chosen as the Field of Study Figure 4. Passive Utilization Areas in Bartın Stream Chosen as the Field of the Current Study WAY AN ANALYSIS OF THE POTENTIAL OF BARTIN RIVER TO BE A GREEN According to Ahern (1995), rivers should be a part of the green network/ way system which are planned, designed and managed for multi-purpose including ecological, recreational, cultural, aesthetic and other objectives (Özkan, et al., 2003). The settlements around Porsuk stream in Eskişehir, Yeşilırmak in Amasya, Karaçomak stream in Kastamonu and Bartın stream in Bartın are among the best examples for settlements along rivers. This study proposes suggestions for Bartın stream to be a green way considering that the water, which has gathered people around it throughout history, developed many civiliza178 tions and today, turned into an asset for which countries fight for due to the fact that water resources are diminishing, can be used actively in Bartın. Bartın stream is between the 410 53 north latitudes and 320 45 east longitudes; the northern part of the stream is surrounded with the 59-km long Black Sea coastal line and is neighboring Kastamonu on the east, Karabük on east and south, Zonguldak on the west. Bartın stream, which has an area of 2.143 km2, passes through the city center. That the plant density is excessive in the area reduces the perception of Bartın stream (Ayan, 2014). Figure 5. Active utilization areas in Bartın River The most densely used areas of Bartın Stream are Gazhane Public Garden area and Çağlayan picnic area. These areas, which are used frequently by the people of the city, are preferred due to their close location to the city center. That accessing to these areas is easy (Bekci, et.al., 2012) affects the utility of the area positively. The utilization of the historical texture on the route by integrating them into the recreational activities in the area creates a mystical effect not only on the local people but also on tourists visiting the area. The recreational activities in the area are given in Figures 4 and 5 as active and passive activities. Recreation based areas on river corridors in some cities in Turkey (such as Eskişehir and Amasya etc.) are the most intensely used open green spaces in Europe and the USA. These corridors which are planned for the ecological, recreational and cultural utilizations of the cities also bear the mission of serving as air corridors to the cities. River corridors, the starting point of this study, are considered as neglected areas in Turkey. In other words, they can be considered as points of discharging the waste waters of the city. Today, not using such open green spaces which are this close to the city center is a big handicap. In order to resolve these problems, it is necessary to rehabilitate the river corridors and make them usable. In Figure 6 and 7, various activities that can be used in river corridors are assessed. Some of the activities assessed are already done in the field of the study. However, as a result of the observations and examinations carried out, it has been found that the areas allocated for these activities are inadequate and cannot be used. For example, the walking track and cycling tracks are together, there are no place allocated for hand-line fishing, many green spaces are unused and do not serve for recreation activities, the fact that the other coast of the river corridor cannot be used by the users etc. In this study, the most convenient suggestions for the utilization types determined according to the activity areas will be proposed. 179 What is important is to enable users (local people and tourists) to use these areas for longer and to increase recreational activities. The aim was to draw attention to the river corridor values in Turkey and ensure their utility and sustainability. Thus, users will be provided with different alternative areas and this will contribute to their individual rehabilitation. Figure 6. Activities that can be used in the Practices on River Corridors (Bekci, 2013) 180 Figure 7. Activities that can be used in Practices on River Corridors (Bekci, 2013) 181 REFERENCES Ahern, J., 1995. Greenways as a planning strategy, Landscape Urban Planning, 33 (1-3), 131-156. Arslan, M., Barış, M., Erdoğan, E., Dilaver, Z., 2004. Yeşil Yol Planlaması: Ankara Örneği, Ankara Üniversitesi, Bilimsel Araştırma Projeleri, Ankara. Ayan, E., 2014. Kentsel Alanlardaki Farklı Su Koridorlarının Kullanım Olanaklarının İrdelenmesi, Bartın Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, s:106, Bartın. Bayraktar, A., 1973. İzmir Şehrinin İmarında Peyzaj Mimarisi ile İlgili Problemler ve Prensiplerin Tespiti, Doktora Tezi, Birlik Matbaası, Yayın No:33, Bornova, İzmir. Bekci, B., Cengiz, C., Cengiz, B., 2012. Evaluating urban biodiversity in terms of user preferences: Urban residential landscapes in Bartın (Turkey), Fresenius Environmental Bulletin, Vol. 21, No. 6, 1626-1635 Bekci, B., Taşkan G., Bogenç Ç., Dinçer, D., 2013. Kentsel Boşluk Alanlarını Estetik Değeri Yüksek Ergonomik Yeşil Nefes Noktalarına Dönüştürebilir Miyiz?, 19. Ulusal Ergonomi Kongresi, s: 649-655, Balıkesir Calvino, I., 2002. Görünmez Kentler, Yapı Kredi Yayınları Cook, E. A., 2000. Ecological Networks in Urban Landscape, PhD Dissertation, Wageningen University, The Netherlands Erdem, B., 2007. Sivas kenti doğal ve kültürel değerlerinin peyzaj mimarlığı ve turizm açısından değerlendirilmesi, Ankara Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Ankara Ekinci, O.,1997. Kıyılar ve Toplum Yararı, Ege Mimarlık, İzmir, (24), 36–38 Erdem, B., 2007. Sivas Kenti Doğal ve Kültürel Değerlerinin Peyzaj Mimarlığı Açısından Değerlendirilmesi, (Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi), Ankara Üniversitesi, Ankara Gök, Y., Kayserili, A., 2013. Geleneksel Erzurum Evlerinin Kültürel Coğrafya Perspektifinden İncelenmesi, Doğu Coğrafya Dergisi, Sayı:30, s: 175-216 FISRWG, 1998. Federal Interagency Stream Restoration Working Group, Stream Corridor Restoration: Principles, Processes, and Practices, p: 637 Flink, C., Searns, R., 1993. Greenways: A Guide to Planning. Design and Development. The Conservation Fund. Washington Lynch, K., 2011. Kent İmgesi (3. Basım). İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları Noss, R. F., 1987. Corridors in Real Landscapes: A reply to Simberloff and Cox., Conservation Biology, 1(2): 15964 Kılıçaslan, Ç., Özkan, B., 2005. Akarsuların Kentsel Gelişme - Dönüşüm Süreci İçinde Çeşitli Kullanımlar Yönünden Etkileşimlerinin İzmir Kenti Örneğinde Ortaya Konulması, 2005,Ege Üniversitesi, Ziraat Fak. Derg., 42(2):179-190 ISSN 1018-8851 Kılıç, A., 1999. Kıyıdan Geri Çekilme Sürecinde Kent-Kıyı İlişkisi, Kentsel Kıyı Tanımı ve Bu Kavrama Dayalı Kentsel Kıyı Gelişme Stratejileri: İstanbul Örneği, Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Doktora Tezi, İstanbul Kuban, D., 1997. Tarihi Çevre Korumanın Mimarlık Boyutu, Kuram ve Uygulama, YEM Yayınları., İstanbul Kupik, M., 2010. Peyzaj Ekolojisi Kapsamında Yeşil Koridorlar: Haliç Bölgesi, Mimar Sinan Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İstanbul Kurdoğlu, B., 2002. Yeşil Yol Kavramı, Fonksiyonları ve Önemi, Kafkas Üniversitesi, Artvin Orman Fakültesi Dergisi (2002) : (80-86) Özbilen, A., 1991. Kent içi Açık Yeşil Alanları ve Dağılımı, Tarihi Eserler ve Gelişen Yeni Yapılaşma, Trabzon Kentinden Bir Uygulama Örneği, KTÜ, Orman Fakültesi, Yayın No: 17, Trabzon Özkan, B., Küçükerbaş, E.V., A. Kaplan, Ş., Hepcan, E., Malkoç, Y., Sönmez, H., 2003. Muğla Kenti Kamusal Dış Mekanları Bağlamında Master Plan Çalışması, Ege Üniversitesi Basımevi, ISBN 975-93154-0-8, Bornova, 88s Tarihi Kentler Birliği Yayın Organı, Yerel Kimlik Dergisi, 309-319 Wilcock, D. N., 1992. River and Inland Water Environments, Environmental Management, Volume II. The Ecosystem Approach, VUB University Press, Pleinlaan, 1050, Brussels-Belgium Yardım, A., 2004. Amasya Kaya Kitabesi (Bayezid Paşa İmareti Vakfıhanesi), Nokta Ofset, s:78, Ankara Yerli, Ö., Kesim, G., 2007. Kentsel Koridorların Estetik ve İşlevsel Yönden İrdelenmesi: Düzce Örneği, dergiler.ankara.edu.tr/dergiler/47/1037/12518 182 Urban characterization by means of dynamic fractal parameters Jean-François PARROT Carolina RAMÍREZ-NÚÑEZ The basic model of towns’ growth involves a starting point or centre with a high density that generally corresponds to the old small town. Around this inner part, waves of development are observed. The different cycles of growth first use the transportation routes that register at this stage the maximum outer building concentration. The remaining areas are afterwards regularly filled, especially when the demographic pressure is very high conducing then to a star-like shape. Gaps and differences are observed in this general model. Urban space patterns can be associated to previous space conception or natural barriers resulting in differences in density configurations’. The present chapter characterizes the dynamic organization by means of fractal measurements applied to three different urban configurations: Bordeaux (France), Boston (United States) and Brasilia (Brasil). The inner core of Bordeaux corresponds to an old Roman town explaining the high density of its centre. Boston is the example of an embryonic radial concentric modern city adapted to its physical site. Finally, Brasilia represents the special case of a recent immutable planed city centre invaded laterally by satellite cities. The parameters used here are respectively the global fractal dimension of the building organization, the survey of this organization by means of a moving window that measures locally this dimension, the evolution of the density and fractal dimension of the city from the centre calculated by means of radial and crown expansion, and the perimeter roughness calculated by using the Hurst exponent. Results supported by diagrams and illustrations allow explaining the urban evolution in relation with its origin, historical development and present configuration. It is then possible to compare objectively cities that are a priori completely different and to understand the stage of their evolution and probably their future development. I. INTRODUCTION The basic city planning model explained by Doxiadis (1968) considered that cities or towns grew naturally from a centre. Other approaches classify planned cities and also describe the alternation of both organic and planned that sometimes blurred themselves and even dispersed (Burchfield et al., 2006; Huang et al., 2007; Kasanko et al., 2005; Neuman 2005; Schneider and Woodcock, 2008; Tsai, 2005). The complex physical shape of cities is the result of social and economic processes taking into account spatial landscape constrains (Morris, 1979; Eisner et al., 1993). The mixture of the two growing processes is difficult to distinguish in the two-dimensional space and the integration of the urban surface in a three dimensional space may offer a response to this drawback. Nevertheless, the bi-dimensional basic model of towns’ growth involves a starting point or centre with a high density that generally corresponds to an old small town. All around this inner and compact part, waves of development are observed. The different cycles of growth first use the transportation routes that register at this stage the maximum 183 outer building concentration. The remaining areas are afterwards regularly filled, especially when the demographic pressure is very high conducing then to star-like shape. Gaps and differences are observed in this general model. Urban space patterns cannot only be associated to previous space conception or natural barriers resulting in differences in spatial density configurations’ but also to speed at which cities change, scale of development, planned or anarchic growth but also decline and details such as the different patterns of construction in time. The roughness of the resulting city shape depends on the irregularities whose measurement allows characterizing and understanding the city development. As Fractal Dimension (FD) can be used to define and classify patterns into complex assemblages characterized by their roughness, the purpose of this research is to quantify the configuration or structure, the state of organization of a city by means of this kind of measure. Different fractal parameters characterizing urban patterns in their dynamic context are used in this approach applied to three urban agglomerations: Bordeaux, Boston and Brasilia, that present different historical origin, centrifuge development, social and economic characteristics, built environment and physical space. In the first city, Bordeaux, the densely centre corresponds to an old Roman town. The case of Boston represents an embryonic radial concentric modern city adapted to its physical characteristics (Reps, 1965). Finally, Brasilia is the special case of a recent immutable planed city centre surrounded by satellite cities that present an accelerated densification. II. STUDY URBAN AREAS The urban areas studied are Bordeaux, Boston and Brasilia as they have different origin, landscape, historic development, urbanization, etc. A brief description of each of them is provided. The first studied city corresponds to Bordeaux. This city is located in the alluvial plain of the Garonne River. The urban design corresponds to the roman influence from the 3rd century B.C.; in this epoch, the main area of urbanization was the left bank of the Garonne River. In the 3rd century A.D., the city became closed by walls to protect inhabitants from Germanic invasions and during Middle Age walls were extended to the south as population grew. It was until the 18th century when the improvement of the city took place by getting gardens, public promenades and new public plazas. The 19th century was the time of industrialization as well as modernization by building new boulevards, markets, bridges, railroads and sewer network. The urbanization effect started through the right margin of the river. In 1968, the Caderan region, the marshes at the north and the peats from La Bastide to La Benauge were attached to the city of Bordeaux. The new available area was designated for housing keeping the centre protected. Boston is a peninsular city that became an important regional centre though it was isolated from other regions such as Central and South America, the Asian continent and even Europe. Its growth is mainly attributed to artificial acreage that started in the 17th century. In the 1830s railroads and simple roads provided a way to expand and outlying areas became annexed. Post-Civil War period is characterized as a period of prosperity, urban services such as street paving, gas lights, sewage and waterworks increased. Artificial land accretion continued, and nowadays Boston is the city with the highest artificial accretion in the world with 770.52 ha (Kreiger & Cobb, 2001). Finally, Brasilia is a planned city born in the 1960s. The “ideal city”, adapted to the 184 Brazilian context, was conceived by the architects Costa and Niemeyer. Its principles were the separation of functions, the incorporation of natural spaces and a plan of wide streets. The pilot plan consisted of a cross formed by two bars intersecting at right angles; the figure was adapted to topography so the north-south axis direction of the bar was curved. This axis was designed for the residential area organized in quadrants with gardens, and all the services such as shopping centers, schools, hospitals, etc. Moreover, the east-west axis contained the administrative sectors with some of the most renowned buildings from Neimeyer. However, the original urbanization plan was surpassed by unexpected over population leading to densification of the satellite cities. III. PRE-TREATMENTS The data used in order to study the cities of Bordeaux, Boston and Brasilia correspond to optical Landsat TM images with a 30 m resolution acquired for the year 2011 . The different image bands allows calculating spectral indices, pattern recognition, mathematical morphology as well as supervised and unsupervised treatments to obtain the urbanized area. Even if FROG_V2 (Parrot, 2014a; Parrot, 2014b) allows direct use of gray tones sequence, FD treatments generally require binarizing the built area. The threshold is obtained by means of unsupervised classification applied to spectral indices, local fractal calculations and fuzzy relationships between the urban components (buildings, vegetation and bare soils). The extraction of built-up area (Zha et al., 2003) is supposed to be obtained by using two spectral indices: the NDBI (Normalized Difference Built-up Index) and the NDVI (Normalized Difference Vegetation Index) respectively calculated as follows: NDBI = MIR − NIR MIR + NIR and NDVI = NIR − R NIR + R where R corresponds to the red wavelength (0.63 – 0.69 m), NIR to the Near Infra-red wavelength (0.75 – 0.90 m) and MIR to the Mid Infra-red wavelength (1.50 – 1.70 m). This procedure would allow distinguishing the constructed areas from vegetation, but its drawback is that ignores bare soils. Chunyang He and Dingyong Xie (2008) proposed an alternative to resolve this problem by using a double-window flexible pace search (Chen et al., 2003). Recently, Parrot (2013) proposed to improve this classification by means of an unsupervised classification where the relation between Buildings, Vegetation and Soils considered the relative weight of each parameter. Moreover, another kind of procedure (Parrot, 2003; Parrot and Ramírez-Núñez, 2013a; Parrot and Ramírez-Núñez, 2013b) sorts the different pixel components that compose the optical satellite image. This alternative approach classifies urban shapes observed in diverse bands (original bands or images provided by index treatments) by means of three main processes: sensu stricto segmentation, equipopulation or threshold definition of the reflectance values reported in a histogram. Crossing possibilities between the segments obtained in each threshold image are reported in the final resulting image. The pixel components corresponding in this last image to the urban area are extracted by means of a binarization (Fig. 1) that provides the image on which the following fractal treatments are applied. IV. METHODS The treatments used here to measure FD are the Box-Counting (Pentland, 1984; Peleg et al., 1984 and Keller et al., 1989), the Progressive Box-Counting (Parrot, 2010) and the Hurst Exponent (Hurst, 1951). On the other hand, specific tools were developed in order 185 to obtain detailed and dynamic information about the cities by means of fractal treatments (fractal exploration, radial expansion and crown expansion). Finally, local and global density treatments are used as they provide complementary information about the development of the city. IV.1. Fractal Dimension methods IV.1.1. Box-Counting The FD of binary built area extracted from digital images can be calculated by using the classical Box-Counting. The Box-Counting uses a grid of size s and counts the number of boxes (N(s)) that contain partially or completely the studied area. It is possible to measure the FD in many interactions by changing the box size but there must be a sufficient number of dividers that cover the entire image to avoid border effects. The FD can be derived from the relation: (1) 1 = N s s D or D = − log N S log (s ) where N S corresponds to the number of boxes of size (s) needed to cover the structure studied. D value is calculated with the following formula: log N s D = lim s → 0 log (1 s ) (2) log(N (s )) = log(K )+ D(log(1 / s )) (3) and corresponds to the inverse of the curve slope inside the log N S log (s ) diagram. The FD of a line is a float value between 1 and 2 (Euclidian’s values of a line and a surface, respectively). The equation is defined as follows: where K is a constant and (N(s)) is proportional to (1/ s )− D (Falconer, 1990). IV.1.2. Progressive Box-Counting Box-Counting calculation requires choosing image dimension that provides a sufficient number of integer dividers in order to avoid bias due to a border effect. This drawback does not exist when using the Progressive Box-Counting (Parrot, 2010) that consists to reduce gradually the total image by using a -spline function. At each step the algorithm only counts the number of pixels of the studied item (Fig. 2). In this case, it is not necessary to search or define a sufficient number of dividers to calculate the box sizes in the entire image and this procedure can emphasize an eventual multi-fractal behaviour. These two different approaches have been applied to obtain the global FD of the binary image corresponding to the built area. IV.1.3. Hurst Exponent The Hurst exponent H (Hurst, 1951) is applied to identify the independence or randomness of a continuous data base. The Hurst exponent values are from 0 to 1; when H > 0.5 there is a pattern in the series and if H <0.5 there is an arbitrary pattern. If H is equals to 0.5, there is an independent phenomenon. According to the relation F D = 2 − H (Man186 delbrot, 1989), the Hurst exponent allows to measure the roughness of a shape. Lower values of H correspond to high roughness. Then it is possible to apply this concept to define a “perimeter roughness coefficient” as in an image the perimeter of a shape corresponds to a sequence composed by successive pixels. It is possible to attribute to each of those pixels a value that can be for instance the orientation or the distance from either the gravity centre or a point that corresponds for instance to the “business centre”. IV.2. Treatments The previous algorithms were used in the general FD calculation. As detailed and dynamic data from fractal measurements are proposed, specific tools (fractal exploration, radial and crown expansion and density measurements) were developed. IV.2.1. Fractal Exploration The Fractal Exploration is used to understand the repartition of texture (roughness) in a binary or labelled image that in this case corresponds to the urban area. This procedure is based on a complete scanning using an odd moving window of m × m size. However, this type of window centred on the studied pixel i,j (i for the lines and j for the columns) has only two integer dividers and this fact represents a drawback as the fractal calculation needs more dividers. For this reason, four even windows of m-1 × m-1 size are generated depending on the value of the window range. This range r is equals to (m-1)/2. The pixel coordinates of the upper left corner of the first even sector will be equal to i-r, j-r; for the lower left corner of the second sector i-r, j-r+1. The coordinates of the upper left corner in the third sector will be i-r+1, j-r. And finally the coordinates of the pixel in the upper left corner in the fourth sector will be equal to i-r+1, j-r+1. In this way, for a window size if 13 × 13 there are eight dividers (1, 2, 4, 5, 10, 20, 25 and 50) and for a 25 × 25 window there will be thirteen dividers (1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 15, 20, 30, 40 and 60) to calculate the fractal dimension in each sector. At the end all the measurements will be averaged and registered in the central pixel of the moving window (Fig. 3) (Parrot, 2012, 2014a, 2014b). FD will be between 1 (for a line) and 2 (for a surface). If values lower than 1 are reported, the sum of line segments is lower than the size of the window used. For FD image display values are normalized in a gray tone scale being 100 equivalent to the dimension of a line and 200 the surface dimension. IV.2.2. Radial and crown expansion Circle and crown are used as masks to progressively calculate the density and the FD when these shapes increase (Fig. 4a and 4b). Both shapes have an origin of i,j coordinates that generally corresponds to the business centre if not to the gravity centre. In the case of the radial expansion a succession of increasing circular surfaces is used as a mask in order to calculate either the percentage of building inside the mask or the FD calculated by means of the Progressive Box-Counting procedure. As far as crown expansion, its surface remains identical when the internal and external radio increases, in order to compare the distribution of the building when moving away from the centre (Parrot, 2014). IV.2.3. Complementary treatments These last treatments are worth for checking and visualizing the distribution of the 187 FD measurements. We used two different meaning for the expression density in reference to general or local treatment. IV.2.3.1. General density This global density calculation is obtained from the relation between the number of included pixels Pb that represent the built-up area and the total number of pixels of the inclusive surface Ps whether a circle, crown, sector or even the surface delimited by the perimeter of the city (Fig. 5). The resulting value of this type of density is equal to . Dg = (∑ Pb ∑ P )× 100 s IV.2.3.2. Local density The local calculation Dl uses an odd moving window of m × m size which total number of pixels Npv is equal to m × m; when the central pixel of the moving window corresponds to a pixel belonging to the study component, the sum Npi of all the pixels that correspond to the binarized studied item is divided by Npv. This relation is then normalized between 0 and 100 in order to obtain a percentage. This treatment is applied here to a binary image corresponding to FD comprised between 1.5 and 2 obtained by means of the Fractal Exploration procedure. V. RESULTS In order to compare the three selected cities the same image resolution (40 m) is used. In a first step, the global fractal dimension is measured by using the traditional Box-Counting. Even if this measurement is not only related with textural arrangement, but also with the level of image invasion, the respective FD values of Bordeaux (1.820), Boston (1.714) and Brasilia (1.626) seem to show that the compactness of the built-up area is related to its time of existence, even if the FD of the city available surface defined by the urban perimeter is quite similar in the three cases (Table 1). The following treatment (Fractal Exploration) that concerns the FD measurement all over the neighborhoods of each city confirms the sum of local observations of the former conclusion (Fig. 6). Another approach realizes the same fractal calculation not only by using as formerly a moving window that scans the different constitutive urban zones, but taking globally into account the general evolution of the configuration of the city inside a surface (circle or crown). Actually this calculation inside a circle tends to blur the differences and only shows significant differences in accordance to the special configuration of the city of Brasilia where satellite cities increase the FD (Fig. 7a). On the contrary the crown evolution is able to differentiate obviously the distribution and configuration of the constructed zones inside the urban surface (Fig. 7b). For FD measured by crown expansion, the city of Bordeaux shows three main stages. The first of them has a quickly increase from downtown with a maximum value of FD of 1.43. In a second stage, at a radius of 6 km, there is a slightly dropped of FD (1.39) associated to the east wine area known as “Entre Deux Mers”. In the third stage, FD value increases once more to the previous registered profiting of free open areas behind vineyards. In the case of Boston, there are four main picks of FD and all the declines show the presence of rivers; the last abruptly dropped at radius of eight kilometres represents the sea surface. Finally, the FD of Brasilia is quite heterogeneous up to a distance of 10 km. In a first stage 188 downtown has a slightly higher FD from the surrounding area; the following stage has lineal elements with gaps that represent green areas. In a third stage, FD increases as satellite cities appear. The FD plummeted at 12 km from the centre due to westwards dominating satellite cities development. Figure 8 explains the reason of this behavior; lower FD values correspond to retained open spaces (green areas) inside the general plan of the city. In relation with the fractal measurements mentioned above, the algorithm calculates at the same time the global density of the built-up area. The results are as follow: the first type of mask shows the general tendency (Fig. 9a) while crown expansion shows different stages of urban development (Fig. 9b). These treatments are different but confirm the previous results. The same global density calculation according to crown increasing is finally applied on 36 sectors in order to precise the configuration of the city in relation with its cardinal directions. The advantage of this calculation is that we can identify the progressive urbanization from downtown during time and the urban spatial tendencies towards the open areas in the periphery. The three cities show a dense centre followed by different stages of urban development. The differences are that Bordeaux has a higher dense area centered on the medieval downtown (Fig. 10a) while Boston’s surroundings show the influence of physical barriers on its configuration (Fig. 10b). Concerning Brasilia, without taking into account the overpopulated satellite cities, the planned main axes (north-south and east-west) remain the densest areas (Fig. 10c), confirming the recent origin of the city. Finally, the Hurst Exponent considered as a perimeter roughness is calculated using a Bode Diagram that corresponds to the distance from each pixel describing the perimeter and either the gravity centre or a point corresponding to the “administrative centre”. In all cases, it is comprised between 0.834 and 0.896 that is to say a low roughness. We must notice that the differences between the value of the FD perimeter obtained by using the D = 2 − H and the FD obtained by using Box-Counting are lower than 0.15, formula F result comparable with the same approach (Parrot, 2012) applied to the well-known Koch snowflake characterized by the presence of a normal revolution axis. On the other hand (Table 2), the standard deviation of the distances is respectively equal to 57.096, 66.404 and 97.992 for Bordeaux, Boston and Brasilia when taking into account the gravity centre, and of course this difference is greater when taking into account the administrative centre especially in the case of Brasilia that register a huge dispersion of constructions in the town surface (66.373, 66.727 and 176.668). VI. CONCLUSIONS City development obeys to different rules (physical or societal) that can be revealed by using relationships between the built-up and the surface enclosing the constructions. The soil occupation percentages as well as the general shape defined by the urban perimeter and the axis which direct the urban concentration are the witness of the degree of maturation of an urban zone. It is possible to compare the new concept of open town with the European urban development based on a slow evolution over centuries. The fractal concept considers the urban zone as a natural assemblage whose features and configuration can be discern by using appropriate fractal methods. These assessments are based on the comparative study of three cities that have started their history at different epochs. Independently of the low degree of resolution of satellite 189 images used here that attempts to blur relationships between construction and roadways, it is obvious that the concentration is higher in the case of old human settlements than for a new establishment, even if nowadays one can register an acceleration of the urban densification. But the density itself does not represent a criterion sufficient to distinguish the development stage of a city. Actually, estimations concerning old medieval towns such as French or English bastides (fortified towns from south-west of France), cities that correspond with Arabian old town to the higher possible density (57%), show that greater concentrations are due to the roadway smooth out when using a low resolution (i.e. 68% in the case of Boston). However, even if this disadvantage exists, it is clear that the comparison we have done (Table 1) shows that the global fractal dimension seems to be the more adequate criterion to study an urban evolution according to the time of its foundation. REFERENCES BATTY, M.; LONGLEY, P. (1994). Fractal Cities. A geometry of form and function. Academic Press, Great Britain, 394 p. Burchfield, M., Overman, H.G., Puga, D., Turner, M.A. (2006). Causes of sprawl: a portrait from space. Quarterly Journal of Economics 121 (2), p. 587-633. CHEN, J., GONG, P., HE, C., PU, R., SHI, P. (2003). Land use/cover change detection using improved change vector analysis. Photogrammetric Engineering & Remote Sensing, 69(4), pp. 369-379, 2003. CHUNYANG HE & DINGYONG XIE (2008). Improving the Normalized Difference Built-up Index to map urban build-up areas by using a semiautomatic segmentation approach. 1p. En: IEEE International Geoscience & Remote Sensing Simposium, 2008. DOXIADIS, C.A. (1968). Ekistics: An introduction to the science of human settlements. Hutchinston, London, 527 p. EISNER, S., GALLION, A., EISNER, S. (1993). The urban pattern: city planning and design. John Wiley and Sons, USA, 645 p. FALCONER, K. (1990). Fractal geometry: mathematical foundations and applications. Wiley, England, 368 p. Huang, J., Lu, X.X., Sellers, J.M. (2007). A global comparative analysis of urban form: applying spatial metrics and remote sensing. Landscape and Urban Planning 82 (4), p. 184-197. HURST, H.E. (1951). Long-term storage capacity of reservoirs. Transactions of the American Society of Civil Engineering, 116, 770-799. Kasanko, M., Barredo, J., Lavalle, C., McCormick, N., Demicheli, L., Sagris, V.,Brezger, A. (2005). Are European cities becoming dispersed? A comparative analysis of 15 European urban areas. Landscape and Urban Planning 77, p. 111-130. KELLER, J., CROWNOVER, R., CHEN, S., (1989). Texture descriptors and segmentation through fractal geometry. Computer Vision Graphics and Image Processing, vol. 45 p. 150-160. KRIEGER, A., COBB, D. (1999). Mapping Boston. Cambridge, Massachussets and London: MIT Press, 278 p. MANDELBROT, B.B. (1989). Fractal geometry: what is it, and what does it do? Proc. R. Soc. London A., 423, p. 3-16. MORRIS, A.E.J. (1979). History of urban form: before the industrial revolution. Longmans Scientific and Technical, London. Neuman, M. (2005). The compact city fallacy. Journal of Planning Education and Research 25 (1), p. 11-26. OLESCHKO, K.; BRAMBILA, R.; BRAMBILA, F.; PARROT, J.-F.; LÓPEZ, P. (2000). Fractal Analysis of Teotihuacan México. Journal of Archaeological Science, 27, 1007-1016. PARROT, J.-F. (2003). Multidim_Clas. Inedit algorithm. PARROT, J.-F. (2010) FROG (Fractal Research On Geosciences) [First version] 190 PARROT, J.-F. (2012). Aplicación del software FROG_V2 en el análisis fractal del espacio geográfico. In: Quintero Pérez, J.A. (Ed.). Temas Selectos de Geomática: métodos y aplicaciones. Geografía para el siglo XXI. Serie: Libros de Investigación. México, Instituto de Geografía, UNAM, 151-182. PARROT, J.-F. (2013). BVS [Buildings, Vegetation and Soils] (Inedit Software) PARROT, J.-F. (2014a). FROG_V2 (Fractal Research on Geoscience) (Software). PARROT, J.-F. (2014b). FROG_V2 (Fractal Research on Geoscience) (User’s manual). PARROT, J.-F. & RAMÍREZ-NÚÑEZ, C. (2013a). Multidim_V2. (Software) PARROT, J.-F. & RAMÍREZ-NÚÑEZ, C. (2013b). Multidim_V2. (User’s manual) PELEG, S., NAOR, J., HARTLEY, R., AVNIR, D. (1984). Multiple resolution texture analysis and classification. IEEE Trans. Pattern Anal. Macine Intell., PAMI-6, p. 518-523. PENTLAND, A. (1984). Fractal based description of natural scenes. IEEE Transactions on Pattern Analysis and Intelligence. Pami-6, no. 6, p. 661-674. REPS, J.M. (1965). The making of urban America: A history of city planning in the United States. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ. Schneider, A., Woodcock, C. (2008). Compact, dispersed, fragmented, extensive? A comparison of urban growth in twenty-five global cities using remotely sensed data, pattern metrics and census information. Urban Studies, p. 659-692. Tsai, Y. (2005). Quantifying urban form: compactness versus ‘Sprawl’. Urban Studies 42 (1), p. 141-161. England, January 2005. VOSS, R.F.; WYATT, C.Y. (1993). Multifractals and the local connected fractal dimension. In Crilly, A.J.; Earnshaw, R.A. & Jones, H. Eds. Applications of fractals and chaos. The shape of things. Berlin: Springer-Verlag, p. 171-192. ZHA, Y.; GAO, Y.; NI, S. (2003). Use of Normalized Difference Built-up Index in automatically mapping urban areas from TM imagery. International Journal of Remote Sensing 24(3), p. 583-594. 191 INDUSTRIAL POTENTIAL OF BURDUR Osman YILMAZ INTRODUCTION Industry, one of the economic activities, can be defined as operations done to produce finished goods by processing raw or semi-processed materials. There are mostly two ways are preferred in examination of geographical aspects of industrial activities; investigate on an industrial sector or an industrial zone. However, another issue of the industry geographer which is needed to emphasize is investigation of the potential industry zones. As it is known, industrial zones are emerging as a result of physical and human activities. The location of a region, transportation, capital, raw materials, markets and labour are the basic infrastructure of industrial activities. When geographer is examining the production of industrial activities he focuses on production’s location, type, origin and relationship with human environment. (Tümertekin-Özgüç, 1999:441). Industrial activities have relationship with agriculture, mining, trade, market, transport and various service sectors. Industry has flourished especially with agricultural activities. Previously, agriculture has been done as consumption and trade, after a while it has begun to supply raw materials to the industry and has been the most important factor in the development of the industry. Raw materials are produced from soil and soil beneath, are placed on the market. Then they have been transformed into conductive to the consumption as a result of industrial activities. In the transformation of raw materials into usable goods, so many facilities in different sizes are used from handlooms which are the simplest form of industry, workshops or factories to the large industrial facilities. As a facility is needed for the establishment and growth of the industry, and it is also needed to labor and energy to handle the raw material. After the great industrial revolution, every country on earth is making an effort to come to the level of handle for supplying the raw material themselves. The majorities of Western countries have completed the process of industrialization and these countries have become economically advanced countries. Some countries like Turkey, still in the process of industrialization and in terms of economy take place in a group of developing countries. In recent years , % 80 of the exported products consisting of industrial products in our country and producing as many products from food and textile industry to the various machines show that Turkey takes a considerable distance in the industrialization process. Forming the basis of economic development, industrialization, in economic growth is an indispensable process. Turkey has a broad manufacturing industry whose international connects are growing and export-oriented manufacturing. Turkish manufacturing industry’s integration within the global economy, especially developed with implementing policies based on export in 1980s and gained importance by building Customs Union in 1996. In Turkey industry, especially manufacturing industry has made a visible progress in the last 25 years. In recent years industrialization of our country has shown a tendency to spread to Anatolia, especially after 1980s has gained momentum in cities such as Denizli, Manisa, Izmir, Eskisehir and Kayseri. Burdur forming our research issue has not completed its industrialization yet. In the region, there are wide varieties of natural, human and economic resources, although it is clear that they don’t benefited adequately. Therefore, the province’s economic develop192 ment is not at the desired level. In Burdur, the industry occurs with activities in which the agricultural products are used as raw materials or products. These are produced in agriculture oriented, because of low local capital accumulation. Integrated industrial facility in the province shows a distribution generally depends on agriculture and livestock potential. However their scope and physical scale are limited. Such settlements are frequently seen across our county. The examination of geographical sight and determination their problems will provide major benefits in the preparation of development plans. In this study, industrial potential have been studied taking into account the geographical features of Burdur. Located in the Antalya Part of the Mediterranean Region, Burdur is one of the causeway connecting Western Mediterranean coastal areas, Aegean Region and Central Anatolia Region. The province of Burdur has a land area of 6887 km2 surrounded by Afyon from north, Isparta from northeast and east, Antalya from south, Muğla from southwest and Denizli from west. (Figure1.) Figure 1: Map of Burdur Located in the Lakes District, Burdur’s surface shape has the appearance of rugged plateau and plains mostly are in the form of large and small basin floor wedged between the mountains and the hills. This situation is caused by fold mountains called Western Taurus’ towards each other in the lakes district. Mountainous areas constitute about 61% of the province land area. It is surrounded by Esler (2254m), Sogut (1919m) Aldag (2276m) mountains from north, Kocas (2598m), Rahat (2298m) and Katrancik (2334m) mountains from south. Located in the Mediterranean Region research area, is generally in the influence area. However, emerging climate depending on the planetary factors undergoes local changes under the influence of geographical factors and prompt to emerge climatic conditions different from Mediterranean climate seen in the coastal zone. The average annual temperature in Burdur was determined as in the central district 13,2 °C, in Bucak district 14,1 °C, in Golhisar district 12,4°C and in Tefenni district 11,6 °C. This value is very low compared to Antalya (18,7 °C) and Fethiye (19 °C) located in the Mediterranean coast, is slightly higher than Central Anatolia Region stations Eskisehir (10,9 °C) and Ankara (11,7 °C). 193 Analyzing average rainfall is measured as in Central district 436,7mm, in Bucak district 744mm, Golhisar district 587,2mm and Tefenni ditrict 507,4mm. Likewise, it is very low compared to Antalya (1068mm) and Fethiye (993,5mm) located in the Mediterranean coast and is slightly higher than Central Anatolia Region stations Eskisehir (373mm) and Ankara (367mm). The elevation of Burdur is great (average 900m) and presence of the mountains surrounding province reveal some differences in climatic conditions. Especially, terrestrial feature makes itself felt in a significant way. In general, a closed basin in Burdur hasn’t got other rivers that reach the sea except for Dalaman Stream in southwest and Aksu Stream in southeast. When some of small rivers like brook and stream poured to lakes, others lost in sinkholes. Flow values of rivers reach to maximum levels in winter and spring seasons, and fall to minimum level in summer. In Burdur Province, according to 2010 Address Based Population Registration System, 258,868 population are living in this area. According to these data, 159,508 (61,6 %) of the total population live in cities, and 99,360 (38,4%) of population live in the rural areas. Accordingly the urban population in the province is seen to be much more. However, all these values are determined according to the acceptance of the district centers as cities, if criteria of 10 thousand population is considered , urban population will fall to , According to this data, Burdur emerges as a province whose approximately half of population (49.9%) consists of rural population. Burdur province is divided into a total of 213 administrative units including the central district and 11 districts and 202 villages. Located in province 51 of 202 villages are in centre, and the others -151- are distributed to districts. According to 10 thousand population criteria, from district administrative units only Bucak (37,667 people) and Golhisar(13 555 people) can be characterized as city. According to this data, there are only 3 settlements which can be characterized as city within the province administration limits. The remaining 8 district centres, have town settlement features in which some urban functions start to develop. Burdur located on the highway which connects Aegean coast and inner parts of Central Anatolia on Mediterranean coast to Antalya and protect its importance in every period. Located in the Mediterranean Region, Burdur, is making intersection between Western Mediterranean coastal areas, Aegean Region and Central Anatolia Region. Also it has a railway line connected from Gümüşgün station on Izmir-Eğirdir railway. In other words, it is connection of road and railway which connecting coast and inland. Especially, there are 4 caravanserais gained prominence during Seljuk period on the road route. Nowadays, Incir Han and Susuz Han caravanserais remains were found on Burdur- Antalya highway and about 30km away from Burdur, emerge as specific examples that prove transport function in the past. Although there isn’t airport within the borders of our province, there are Suleyman Demirel Airport established very close to Burdur City Center(25km) and Antalya Airport located 130 km. Until recently, Suleyman Demirel Airport has been used only the period of pilgrimage and when Antalya Airport is inadequate in tourist season, but recently it gains importance for Burdur to starts flights on every weekday. Agriculture and animal husbandry constitute the basic sources of livelihood of Burdur. Initially, wheat, barley and grain are the most important herbal products. Also, sugar beet, anise, poppy, industrial crops, such as tobacco and rose are also produced. Opening of the sugar factory in 1955, cultivation of sugar beet encouraged the cattle fattening, today especially in central district and around central district cattle fattening developed very much. Industry basically relies on the processing of agricultural products in research field. 194 The majority of industry institutions are gathered in the central district and Bucak and the most important can be specified as sugar, cement, textiles, weapons, marble factories, forest products, meat industrial complex, brick and tile business. Because of the low local capital accumulation, industry generally consists of activities in which the agricultural products are used as raw materials or produce products for agricultural sector. By the taking Burdur in development prior provinces ambit has led to movement in investment of manufacturing in a certain extent. However in 1980, Burdur was excluded from prior provinces ambit for development, at least industrial investments are continued as diversified and especially from 1990s in marble sector a significant improvement was showed. This study is produced from a research project about Burdur Province’s Industrial Properties and Potential presented in 2009 and supported by Mehmet Akif Ersoy Universty Research Projects Unit. The fitting remark which is the research method of geographical studies formed the most important phase of the study. For this purpose, surveys were applied in industrial facilities with field observations in 2009-2010 and interviews were done with factory managers. Site-directed previous studies were used in detail. Turkey Statistical Institute, Burdur Governorship, public institutions and organizations in provinces and Burdur Chamber of Commerce and Industry’s inventories were utilized on a large scale. The resulting data was attempted to synthesize according to the basic idea of study of geography, distribution, connection, cause and effect and attempted to support with visual techniques commonly used in geographical studies, map, charts and graphs. INDUSTRIAL POTENTIAL OF BURDUR To demonstrate the industry potential of Burdur, primarily, the factors that influence the establishment and location decisions should be examined. Examination would be appropriate under various titles, though it is varied due to characteristics of each branch of industry, such as raw materials, energy, labor, transportation, markets, capital, climate, water resources and individual affects. 1. RAW MATERIALS One of the most important features of modern industry is using a large amount of raw material because of this fact, it depends on a wide range of raw material sources. Indeed, the raw material’s properties in terms of quality and quantity, form one of the necessary conditions of establishment of industrial enterprises (Tümertekin, 1969: 59-60). Natural status of needed material which will be used to create a product or good is called as raw material. In industry, raw materials can be unprocessed and semi-finished. Raw materials in Burdur can be examined under various headings. 1.1 MINNING ASSETS In Burdur, there aren’t significant underground resources , on the other hand, lignite coal, chromium, manganese, iron, molybdenum, magnetite and marble can be defined as known mineral reserves. There are coal reserves in Golhisar district Elmalıyurt and Kargalı villages, Tefenni district and Baspınar town. Coal exploration operations were started in Golhisar district,Elmalıyurt village Divre neighborhood by a private company in 46 hectares area with permission in 1986. However, due to lack of reserves coal extraction process was continued until 2006 in 3951 m2 area. The lignite coal reserves are estimated as 4000000 tons. This extracted from lignite pit coal annual average 8000 tons of coal were tried to be marketed in Golhisar and surrounding districts. Because of low calories (3800 195 calories), the company experienced some problems in marketing, the coal production was stopped by the end of 2005 (Yılmaz, 2009: 153). In terms of metallic mines, the most important mines in the province are chromium and manganese sources. The developed chrome sources based on ophiolite are seen in Yesilova, Tefenni, Cavdır, Karamanlı and Golhisar districts. The first studies for chromium started in 1954 in Burdur, the chrome sources which is subject of extensive studies in 1962 were operated from time to time (Karakaş, 2005: 906). Chrome sources which were in Golhisar district, center Cukuragac and Kelelipinar were tried to extract in some periods between 1953-1992 by many enterprises. A total of 540 tons of chromium metal was removed and sold. Nowadays, the sources where the chrome mine is not executed any more because of the low values of chrome mine and not being rich reserve. Today two companies owned by private sector are producing chrome in Tefenni and Yesilova. In Tefenni Distinct,113 people are employed by Aziz Cevik Mining Company for chrome enrichment facilities. Manganese sources are seen in Bucak, Tefenni,Cavdir, Golhisar and center districts, but today there is no production from these sources. The most important of these sources are in Yazipinari manganese deposits in Bucak, this field which has 9000 tons of visible reserves has operated in the past years. At the same time iron sources has been observed in Yazipinari field and 8963 tons of visible reserves were identified. Turf sources which occur in ebbed field of golhisar lake in Golhisar have been operated since 1995 by a private company. Turf or in other words peat, occurs as a result of plants ( mosses and swamp reeds) which grow in swamp and similar under water areas collapsing at the bottom of water and in environment in which out of touch with air perish and crowd and made thick sources after decreasing level of water of lakes. Because of poor nutrients, generally with acid reaction (5.5-6.5ph), water holding capacity is high, very permeable and loosely structured features, it is a type of organic soil which is used in greenhouses, cultivated mushrooms and cultivation of indoor plants. Turf soil at the bottom of lake removed with dipper within the boundaries of Yamadi Village, and is brought to the factory stated next to the Golhisar-Burdur highway. Materials brought to this factory are separated firstly and then cleaned and packaged. The obtained product is marketed to the centres such as Korkuteli, Antalya, Mersin,Izmir, Kocaeli and Yalova. During the winter season, unfavourable weather conditions make production difficult, but nearly 50-60 tons turf soil are being processed per day and approximately 10 labors are working but it varies (Yılmaz, 2009: 154). In Burdur, non-metallic mineral product’s manufacturing sector comes to the fore. In manufacturing non-metallic mineral products, there are some sub-sectors in the foreground such as cutting the stone of ornamental and building stones, shaping and making to be available, manufacturing lime, manufacturing fireproof ceramic products, manufacturing materials from baked clay, tile, bricks and construction. Burdur is quite rich in terms of marble reserves and there are marble sources in almost all districts. Province’s most important reserves of marble are located in Bucak, Yesilova, Karamanlı and Tefenni districts. As mentioned before, in Burdur marble production developed rapidly especially after 1990 and many quarry and marble processing company were opened. Processed from Burdur, the marble types which are known as Burdur Coffee and Burdur Beige, because of their properties as colorful, tough and durable, they are requested in world market and 85% of current production is exported. 196 1.2 AGRICULTURAL RAW MATERIALS Agricultural raw materials are in the case of important element of economy and especially industrial sector. Because of creating approximately 15% of our national income and 29.5% of employment, agricultural sector, even it separately is an important source for our country (Unal, 2010: 100). Burdur has an important raw material potential in agricultural production in terms of quantity and variety of products due to the owned geographical structure and ecological characteristics. Province’s agricultural raw material existence can be investigated under two headings as herbal and animal raw materials. 1.2.1 HERBAL RAW MATERIAL Using the soil for different economic purposes or evaluating activity represent utilization of soil. In this aspect lands are classified as agriculture, pastures and meadows, forest and areas that are not bring product. Located in Lakes Districts, Burdur’s surface shape has an appearance of rugged plateau and plains mostly are in the form of large and small basin floor wedged between the mountains and hills. This situation is caused by fold mountains called Western Taurus’ towards each other in the lakes district. Mountainous areas constitute about 61% of the provincial land area and it has led to agricultural areas are relatively limited. In fact, 45.6% of the survey area is forest in 2010 but agriculture was being done in 209828 hectares that is 29,4% (Table 1, Figure 2). Table 1: Situation of Used Lands in Burdur (2010). Figure 2: Situation of Used Lands in Burdur (2010) When the production statistics of Burdur are examined for 2010 ( Table2, figure3), 309814 tons of grains, 181405 tons of sugar beets, 197204 tons of fodder crops, 8449 tons of anises, 3535 tons of poppies, 1182 tons of pulses and 322 tons of roses productions are realized. 197 Table 2: Herbal Production in Burdur (2010). Figure 3: Herbal Production in Burdur (2010) Vegetable production has the growth in terms of variety and quantity in study area according to situation of lands in Bucak, Celtikci, Golhisar and Central District villages. Especially vegetables such as green beans, peppers, tomatoes, cucumbers, spinach, lettuce increase their production and cultivation area, products such as carrots and onions decrease their production and cultivation area. When vegetable production statics are examined in Burdur for 2010, according to the cultivation area and production quantity tomatoes and beans are coming first. (table 3, Figure4). The reason for the growth in vegetable production in the region is that increasingly widespread greenhouse production which requires input costs and high income, intensive knowledge and effort. Table 3: Major Vegetable Grown Area and Production Quantities in Burdur (2010). 198 Figure 4: Major Vegetable Grown Area and Production Quantities in Burdur (2010). According to the condition of irrigated land in Burdur, various fruit species are grown in different areas. Peach, cherry, morello, walnut cultivation In Aglasun, Celtikci and Bucak districts and apple cultivation in Tefenni are gained importance. According to statistics the number of fruit trees and production, apple, pear, peach and cherry are coming first ( Table4, Figure5). In our province viticulture has been developed locally. In our province the most produced grape varieties are Burdur Dimrit, Razaki and Isikli. These are table grape varieties. Burdur Dimrit grows in only our province in Turkey and constitutes 60% of grape production in the province. Viticulture traditionally is the low system and Globe Discipline System is applied. Table 4: Major Grown Fruit Tree Numbers and Production Quantities in Burdur Figure 5: Major Grown Fruit Tree Numbers and Production Quantities in Burd 199 1.2.2 RAW MATERIALS OF ANIMAL In the research area, the most important source of livelihood is livestock after cultivation. Livestock is an important economic activity in high places in which agricultural land is fragmented and inefficient and thus agricultural diversity are decreased. Livestock activity especially income obtained from milk greatly helps the family budget in these villages in which income obtained from the cultivation is really inadequate. Livestock is carried out with herbal production in agricultural factories. In Burdur Province, when the presence of animals examined in the year of 2010, the number of cattle is 143150 while the number of small ruminants is 168230, it is seen that the number of small ruminants is more than cattle. In the presence of small ruminants, the number of sheep (106210) is more than others (Table-5 Figure-6). According to 2010 statistics, in Burdur, 1227 tons of meat, 303758 tons of milk 222 tons of wool were obtained. A portion of meat from animal products is processed at sausages manufacturing facilities in Burdur, while a large number of them is marketed through facility of Güçbirliği and Yılmaz meat industrial complex, %25 of obtained milk is processed in milk factories that operating in downtown and county of Bucak, Gölhisar, Tefenni, %75 of its is sent to the milk factories (Aynes, Ülker, Yörükoğlu, Pınar) outside the province. Table 5: Distribution due to the type of the animal grown in Burdur 2008 Figure 6: Distribution due to the type of the animal grown in Burdur 2008 Research area has very favourable conditions beekeeping activities. Approximately % 45,6 of region, which has hilly topographic structure, is covered with forests. Besides 200 the rich natural vegetation, region is rich especially the cultivated industrial plants such as anise, fennel, poppy and black cumin’s flowers in terms of pollen and nectar and this creates favourable conditions for beekeeping but it has not developed sufficiently in province. As a matter of fact, in 2010 the number of hives was 46468 in province and 534 tons of honey was obtained from these hives. As seen, Burdur has a major potential in terms of agricultural raw materials. 1.3 FOREST ASSETS About half of the total area of Burdur (%45.6 of its) is covered with forests and this asset is considerably above in our country’s average (%25). Therefore, in the region forestry activities have gained importance comparatively. 80.8% of the total forest land in the field constitutes grove area and %19,2 of its constitutes coppice areas (Table-6 Figure-7). 157766 hectare of (%48,5) grove area constitutes efficient woods and also 97309 hectare of its (%29,9) constitutes corrupt woods. The dominant tree species of groves are larch. Sporadically pine, juniper, cedar and oak trees are also seen. In coppice areas, shrubs and gariga communities that consist of types of mostly broom, laden, oak, and so on generally are seen. Thus, cause of the occurrence that half of the forest land (%51.4) consists damaged coppice and grove area in the field, is a result of destruction of forest since hundreds of years in the region which settlement date quite old. Table 6: Productivity Condition of Forests in Burdur. Figure 7: Productivity Condition of Forests in Burdur In research, the production of forest good and afforestation activities are conducted by department of forestry that established counties of Bucak and Gölhisar and centre depen201 ding on Isparta Regional Directorate of Forestry. Labour in the production of forest good and transportation generally works as seasonal. The main products obtained from forests area constitute industrial wood and firewood. Industrial wood is classified as bud used in the manufacture of timber, fiber and shaving used in manufacture of board, mine pole evaluated in mine, hair wire pole used in power transmission line and communication and packagable wood used in manufacture of box and ballot box. In Burdur, depending on presence of forest, it is seen that wood products and furniture industry emerged only in centre and county of Bucak, also in county of Gölhisar and Altınyayla, manufacturing of furniture and sawmills and joinery workshops that operated level of workshop manufacturing attract attention. 2. ENERGY An energy source that was one of the factors of effectiveness in the establishment of industry and selection of place is an indispensable of modern industry. In industry usage of energy emerges in different ways. Some industries are used just to get heat and some of them are used to run the machines. There is no electric power generating facilities in the study area. The needed electrical energy is acquired from the interconnected system. Therefore it can be stated that there is no effect of energy sources on the location of industrial facilities in the province. In organized industrial zone, installed electric power of facilities which is active is 5000 kWh, the total electricity consumption is approximately 20 000 000 kWh in 2006. Natural gas has reached to Burdur in 2006 and first natural gas has been given to the Organized Industrial Zone in Central County. Burdur Organized Industrial Zone Built Natural gas connection and distribution lines construction job has been completed on 13.06.2005 and with the contract with the Botas, gas distribution has been done on 08.06.2005 and gas has been distributed to companies that transforming indoor plumbing. Operation, maintenance and repairing of natural gas are carried out by the director of the organized industrial zone. In Bucak, natural gas has been reached in 2010 and natural gas has been distributed to companies that made interior plumbing conversion since 2011. Our country has a significant potential in terms of renewable energy sources. Turkey receives 80 billion TEP (tons of oil equivalent) solar energy in a year. In our country, it is estimated that total solar energy are thirty-twice as much of known solid fossil fuels of reserves and 2200 times as much of oil reserves. But Turkey cannot benefit so much from this huge energy potential unfortunately, because its technology hasn’t developed (Karabulut, 2000: 118). With the purpose of generating electricity from solar energy, in order to implement their projects that named Solar Field, a group of investors came to Burdur from Germany. They have done feasibility studies to establish solar energy panels in 125 square meters in town of Büğdüz depending on the county. If this project can be put into operation, a significant advantage in terms of renewable energy sources will be provided for Burdur 3. LABOUR Despite the mechanization of industry and development of technology, labour is still an indispensable important factor in modern industry. Burdur has young and dynamic population structure, therefore, the rate of the working age population increase in total population and so this is perceived as significant resources for industrialization. The wide range age grouping of population of Burdur has a great importance in terms 202 of detection in active and dependent population. In this grouping, group of 15-64 is accepted that active and working population, group of 0-14 population of children and group of old population over the age 65 is accepted dependent population. When Burdur examined due to the data of ADBKS in 2010, in total population of province, 19.3% of its is 0-14 age group, 68.2% of its is 15-64 age group and 12.5% of its is 65 age and more age group. (table7, figure8). Within these age groups, male population is more in 0-14 and 14-64 age groups, female population in 65 and more age groups. Turkey’s 2010 rates in the general population was recorded as the group of 0-14 age is 25.6%, group of 15-64 age is 67,1%, group of 65 and more age is 7,3% (TUIK 2010). When these values compare with the Burdur, they show that 0-14 age group of the population is less than 6.3% from throughout the country and this shows that birth rates are lower. In contrast, population ratio of the 15-64 age group that considered to be as active population is seen as 1,1% more than the country rates and the 65 and more age group is seen as 5,2% higher than throughout country. These ratios show that apportionment of the young population in total population is quite high. Table 7: Wide Range Age Grouping of Burdur’s population. Figure 8: Wide Range Age Grouping of Burdur’s population in 2010. In Burdur, contribution of industrial sector is very low to employment. According to 2009 data, industrial employment in the province was 13.9%. Lack of the opportunities of employment in the province leads to be unemployed of a part of the growing population. As a result of this migration occurs to the outside from the Burdur. When the number of 203 applications to ISKUR is examined due to level of education, it is seen that the most intense application was made by graduates of primary education (53.2%). The number of applications of master’s and doctoral graduates (0.1%) is quite low. When unemployment data is examined due to age groups in Burdur, it is seen that the more unemployed people are in the 25-34 age groups (38 000 people). When analyzed in terms of educational level, it is observed that the highest unemployed (16,3%) rate is from the general high school, vocational high school and college graduates(12,1%). The presence of the qualified workforce population is an indispensable factor firstly in industry and also in service sector. 4. TRANSPORT Transport activities have a huge impact on the establishment and development of modern industrial activity. In industry that its purpose is to sell the produced good, location selection of industry is an important factor for delivering of produced good to consumer as well as transportation of raw materials to the factory, providing round-trip of workers to facilities, providing communication with raw materials and market field. Technological developments provide both accessing of raw material to industry and accessing of manufactured good to the consumer more easier while ensuring the construction moderns means of transport. Initially, the desire to reduce of distance has started not to be so much important when one or more of the effective factors of location choice of industrialization. (Ünal, 2010: 109). Due to the topographical features of the region, Burdur is on the highway that connecting Aegean coast and inner part of Anatolia to Antalya on the Mediterranean coast and maintaining its importance in every period. Burdur that located in Mediterranean Region, is the intersection between the Western Mediterranean coastal areas and Central Anatolia Region. Also it has a railway line that linked from the railway station of Gumusgun is on the railway of the Smyrna-Egirdir. In other words, it is connection of road and rail that connect coastal and inner parts. There are four caravanserais on the road route that particularly gained the importance during the Seljuk period. Nowadays Incir Han and Susuz Han caravanserais that were found remains on the highway of Burdur-Antalya and were about 30km from Burdur, emerge as specific examples that prove transport function in the past. In addition, port of Antalya provides an important advantage for industrial facilities in Burdur. Working of Istanbul-Antalya speed rail and highways, which department of transportation tries to operate out from on the Burdur until 2023, continues. When these projects are put into operation, the distance between Istanbul and Antalya will be diminished from the Burdur and it is no doubt that in this case will be a large impact on establishment and development of industrial activities in Burdur because of providing a great advantage of both accessing to market and accessing port of Antalya. Although there isn’t an airport within the boundaries of our city, Suleyman Demirel Airport that established very close to the city centre of Burdur and Antalya Airport that is 130km, are located. Suleyman Demirel Airport, while until recently is used only the period of pilgrimage and in tourist season when Antalya Airport is inadequate in the year, today has gained importance for Burdur with starting of flights every day of the week. 5. CAPITAL Due to the fact that industrial facilities have both getting larger capacity and more me204 chanized industrial organizations, today’s industrial companies have become undertakings that wanting more funds when compared to formers. Therefore, capital has gained importance day by day as a requisite of establishment of industrial activities. In contrast, their effect on facility location is reduced due to a mobile factor such as elements of working. Studies of today reveal that the industrialization hence one of the most critical elements of economic growth creates the accumulation of capital. Capital can be divided into as financial capital and physical capital. Although monetary capital is quite moving, factories, machines and physical capital consisting from buildings are fixed. Modern large industrial organizations need to markets of capital and consumption increasingly. Because, industry organizations require both marketing goods and following raw materials and technological innovations. Covering required capital for establishment of modern industry creates major problem in developing country such as Turkey. Against all these difficulties, industry of Burdur has been established by using public investment and local capital before 1990. In this period, it is observed that the local capital benefits from both agriculture and capital accumulation that occurs in trade sector. Modern industry that showing development in Burdur after 1990, has been opened to alongside local capital, to inland even in recent years foreign markets with foreign capital (Junior, Eurdrip, BASF). 6. MARKET The importance of market increases in location selection in industry day by day. Before everything in this diversification of consumer goods and proliferation of consumption fields by strengthening has an important role. But as well as this, as mentioned when examining transportation, development of transportation of both raw material and product are effective in turning to marketing to the establishment of the industrial activities. For processed materials, it must be a certain level above the sales area. In particular, in agricultural countries those purchasing powers is low and have limited consumption, not suiting of market conditions play major role in not developing of parts of many industries(Tümertekin, 1982: 201). Firstly, crowded areas that have high purchasing power have created very powerful drafting zone for industrial facilities. Also, in addition to the size of the market in the nature of industrial facilities plays an influential role in location selection. Indeed, an industrial facility which manufactures durable consumer goods, doesn’t need to be established in the market area. Whereas, the food industry is seen to be mostly dependent on the market. Today, to be improved of transportation facilities, the industrial facilities have reduced the impact of market factors in the location selection. However, due to the fact that the presence of a large population that purchasing power is high, and handling charges in a short time will encourage a limited marketing activities, industrialist generally prefer to invest in densely populated areas(Güner and others, 2001: 167). In Turkey, Antalya that is a regional-scale commercial center and Isparta that shows development in recent years are an important market for industrial facilities in Burdur. Indeed, as stated in parts of industries previously, Antalya and Isparta are the most important market for processed marble, brick, cement, furniture, farm equipment, construction chemicals and the goods in food industries. Today, the effects of globalization are experiencing very significant, and countries tended to world markets that except for in their borders marketing conditions. Today, countries such as the EU countries, Middle East countries, USA, Russia, Ukraine, China constitute 205 the major markets in industries of marble, construction chemicals, cement, agricultural machines, textile and food for Burdur. CONCLUSION It is seen that Burdur has wide variety of natural, human and economic resources but these aren’t used enough. Therefore, the province’s economic development is not at the desired level and industrialization has not yet completed. Integrated industrial facilities in the province generally depend on agriculture and livestock potential. But, their fields of activity and physical scales are limited. Of industrial sector, old technology and showing more and more decreasing of capital accumulation is caused to decreasing of production capacity utilization rates (30-40%). Burdur didn’t benefit to the extent necessary from investment incentives due to not take place in priority provinces. For this reason, Burdur should benefit more from industrial incentives taking in the scope of priority provinces. Thus, both will be taken more added values and will be provided more employment. Due to being insufficient of Organized Industrial Zone and in order to meet the needs of organized industrial zone, studies of setting up second organized industrial zones were began in 1998 and it wasn’t activate still although its location was finalized approving by Ministry of Industry and Trade in 2009. Bucak Organized Industrial Region was established on 85 hectares of land on Burdur-Bucak highway and all 76 plots were allocated to 76 companies. For this reason, location selection about additional 100 hectares of land in Burdur Organized Industrial Zone was finalized in 2009 and expropriator action must be activated completing quickly. On the edge of Denizli-Antalya highway in Cavdır, New Organized Industrial Zone that will serve to Golhisar, Cavdır, Tefenni, Karamanli and Altinyayla should be provided established on the field which a significiant portion of treasury land. In Karamanlı, Cavdır and Tefenni, marble facilities that began to settle in a disorganized manner and harmful to environment with treatment facilities should bring together and take under control in organized industrial zones established. As well as Organized industrial Zones, artisans and small business should be provided to manufacture in an organized manner establising small industrial estates in province. Given to small industrial estate finance, education and technology development support should be increased. 50 business that mostly are founded for auto repair and car wash in the Burdur Centre named old industrial area and blacksmiths in fiery arts bazaar still operate within the city today. Continuing industrial activities within the city is thought provoking when standing small industrial sites that is more appropriate of industrial activity aspect of infrastructure and location.Blacksmiths that are located in both industry workshop and art site, are required to move to small industry site in short time. Weaving, carpet weaving, copper that began to disappear should support and contribute to the local economy. For this purpose, initiatives should be supported for the family business. The export of handicrafts and souvenirs can contribute significantly to the national economy and it will contribute promotion of culture of countries and revival of tourism. In a province that produces about 600 tons of milk per day, the absence of sufficient number and capacity of business that handing these products is noteworthy. While 25% of obtained milk operates in milk factory that functioned in centre, Bucak, Golhisar,Tefenni, 75% of its is sent to the milk factory outside the province(Aynes, Yorukoglu, Pinar, Ulker). After infrastructure works are made for the protection of the environment, industrial 206 facilities based on milk production should be increased to assess the potential of milk and milk goods in the region. Any step taken in this direction will further improve to livestock activities and hence the province’s economy. About half of the total area of Burdur (45.6% of) is covered with forests, this value is considerably above of our country’s average (25%). Therefore forestry activities in the region have gained more importance. Wood products and furniture industries that emerged in only centre and counties of Bucak are seen based on presence of forest in Burdur and manifacturing of furniture and sawmills and joinery of workshop that operating level of manufacturing workshop, attract the attention. Evaulating this potential in Burdur, industry facilities that made hardwood production can be realized. Hardwood production can be realized evaulating this potential in Burdur. In addition to this, in Burdur that has a chance to marketing woodworking tools, investments of hotel and motel furniture, wooden chairs and sun beds, doors, windows and woodwork can be encouraged. Because of being close to the market that can sell forest products such as Antalya, Mugla and Denizli is the most important advantage. In county of Cavdir of town of Bayir, before manufacturing of gun that made for hand embroidery has left its place manufacturing of shotgun. Manufacturers began to give more importance to manufacturing of components of weapons than production of complete weapons in recent years. While in the 1970s, 40 weapons workshop was operated in the town of Bayir, then their numbers have decreased because they couldn’t adapt to technology and in 2010 there are 8 workshops that worked 25 people. In these workshops, parts such as barrel of rifle, butt, swadle are produced and assembly operations are performed to especially Factory of Yıldız Silah in the central district of Burdur and other factories of weapons in other provinces. These manufacturer are brought under one roof of small industrial sites, both in quality and increase in production can be provided and will provide a major contribution to the local economy if any support is provided about the information and technology issues by KOSGEP. In Altinyayla limestone that derived from available limestone resources are converted to powder by conventional methods and this is damaging to the environment. 300 tons production of lime is made in the 30 lime kiln operating in 2010. Lime production facilities should be established in terms of more efficient use of existing resources, and to obtain quenced and bagged lime in Altinyayla. Marble processing business is noteworthy because of rapid increase in marble quarry in the province in the last 20 years, especially in Bucak, in center and other centre of county and even in some villages. 4250 people are employed in business and marble quarry in Burdur that contains approximately 90 operating marble quarries and 60 marble factories today. In the region, marble quarries and marble operations have created employment for the public especially in rural settlements. But the most important problem in such an important sector is the lack of skilled labor. In order to solve this problem, in the vocational high school, departments of marble technology need to be opened. At the same time, AR-GE works should be taken into consideration in order to increase product diversity. Marble plates and finished marble goods which have high added value should be given more importance, too, for export products. Developments in production technology should be monitored and lagging technology of business should be renewed. Also, in wood products, furniture sectors and in the food industry, the most impor207 tant problem is the lack of qualified personnel. The solution of this problem is to educate students via opening departments of food technology, furniture and decoration in both high schools and universities. REFERENCES ALBENİ, M., ÖZMEN, M., 2005, Burdur ili Mermer Sektörünün Türkiye Mermer Sektörü İçerisindeki yeri, Bölge Ekonomisine Katkısı, Sorunları ve Çözüm Önerileri (Stratejik Bir Bakış). I. Burdur Sempozyumu (16-19 Kasım 2005), M. Akif Ersoy Üniversitesi, Cilt 2, Burdur, s: 889-901 ATALAY,İ.,1977, “Burdur Havzası ve Çevresinin Jeomorfolojik Gelişimi” Jeomorfoloji Dergisi,Sayı: 6, Ankara, s. 93-110. BURDUR 1967 İl Yıllığı, 1967, Önder Matbaa, Güven Matbaası, Ankara. BURDUR 1973 İl Yıllığı, 1974, Güven Matbaası, Ankara. BURDUR Sanayi ve Ticaret İl Müd., 2002, Ekonomik Durum Raporu, Burdur. ÇETİN, B., 2007, Burdur Kent Coğrafyası. Atatürk Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Basılmamış Doktora Tezi, Erzurum. DİE. 1968 , 1964 Sanayi ve İşyerleri Sayımı, İmalat Sanayi, Yay. No: 547, Ankara DİE. 1969 , 1927 Sanayi Sayımı, Yay. No:584, Ankara. DİE. 1985, 1980 Genel Sanayi ve İşyerleri Sayımı, Yay. No:1146, Ankara. DOĞANAY, H., 1995, Türkiye Ekonomik Coğrafyası, Öz Eğitim Yayınları:6, 2.Baskı, Konya. DPT., 1986, Burdur İli Raporu, Yayın No: DPT 2463, Ankara. GÜNER, İ., YAZICI, H., DOĞANAY, S., 2001, “Trabzon İli’nin Sanayi Coğrafyası Özellikleri.” Doğu Coğrafya Dergisi, Sayı: 5, Konya, s. 159-191 GÜNEY, E., 1997, “Diyarbakır İli’nde Sanayileşme.” Türk Coğrafya Dergisi, Sayı:11, İstanbul,s.11-34 İŞKUR, 2010, Burdur İli İşgücü Piyasası Araştırması. Ankara KAPTAN, H., 1990, Türkiye’de Turba Yatakları ve Kullanım Alanlarının Saptanması, Atatürk Bahçe Kültürleri Araştırma Enstitüsü Müdürlüğü, Yalova. KARA, H., 1990, “Çukurova’da Endüstri.” Coğrafya Araştırmaları, Cilt: 1, Sayı: 2, Ankara, s. 193-226 KARAKAŞ, M., 2005, Burdur İlinin Yer altı Kaynakları. I. Burdur Sempozyumu (16-19 Kasım 2005), M. Akif Ersoy Üniversitesi, Cilt 2, Burdur, s: 902-909. MUTLUER, M. 1995, Gelişimi, Yapısı ve Sorunlarıyla Denizli Sanayi, Denizli Sanayi Odası Yay., İzmir. TEMURÇİN, K., 2004, “Isparta İli’nde Sanayinin Gelişimi ve Yapısı.” Coğrafi Bilimler Dergisi, Cilt. 2, Sayı: 2, Ankara, s. 87-104 TÜMERTEKİN, E., 1969, Sanayi Coğrafyası. İ.Ü. Yay. No: 751, Coğrafya Ens. Yay. No: 22, İstanbul. TÜMERTEKİN, E.,ÖZGÜÇ, N., 1999, Ekonomik Coğrafya Küreselleşme ve Kalkınma, Çantay Kitabevi, İstanbul. ÜNAL, Ç., 2010, Türkiye’de Sanayi (Sanayinin Tarihi Gelişimi ve Bugünkü Yapısı). Atatürk Üniversitesi Yay. No: 985, Kazım Karabekir Eğitim Fak. Yay. No: 127, Araştırma Serisi No: 52, Erzurum. YAŞAR, O., 2005, “Sanayi Coğrafyası Öğretiminde Araştırma Yöntemlerinden Anket ve Mülakatın Kullanılması.” Doğu Coğrafya Dergisi, Sayı:13, Konya, s. 79-96. YAZICI, H., ÇETİN, B., 2005, Sanayi Coğrafyası Açısından Bir Araştırma; Burdur Tarım Alet ve Makineleri İmalat Sanayi. I. Burdur Sempozyumu (16-19 Kasım 2005), M. Akif Ersoy Üniversitesi, Cilt 2, Burdur, s:1103-1114. YILMAZ, M., 2004, “Çorum İli’nde Endüstrinin Tarihsel Gelişimi.” Coğrafi Bilimler Dergisi, Cilt: 2, Sayı: 1, Ankara, s. 57-72. YILMAZ, O., 2002, Burdur İli’nde Nüfus Hareketleri. Burdur Eğitim Fakültesi Dergisi, Sayı:3, s:162-180 Burdur. YILMAZ, O., 2009, Gölhisar İlçesinin Coğrafyası. Beyazkalem Yayıncılık, Ankara YURT ANSİKLOPEDİSİ, 1984, Burdur Maddesi, C. 3, İstanbul. http://www.burdur.gov.tr/detay.asp?id=165 208 URBAN CULTURE, URBAN IDENTITY AND LIVABLE URBAN PLACES Erkan POLAT INTRODUCTION In this century, there is already an expectation of going through a much faster and stronger process of change and transformation than the one in the past. Leading powers of ‘globalization’, which is seen as inevitable , bring about the concept of ‘region’ beyond the national borders, which necessitates not the separation but the integration of the market as well as the concealment of the local characteristics’, which aims at protecting their own identities, characters and cultures. In this process which is called as ‘glocalization’ (Robertson, 1995), it is expected to view substantial changes in the social and spatial structures of ‘competing cities’, which are struggling to take place in the system. Gabardi (2000:33-34) defined glocalization as follows: “[Glocalization is marked by the] development of diverse, overlapping fields of globallocal linkages ... [creating] a condition of globalized panlocality....what anthropologist Arjun Appadurai calls deterritorialized, global spatial ‘scapes’ (ethnoscapes, technoscapes, finanscapes, mediascapes, and ideoscapes).... This condition of glocalization… represents a shift from a more territorialized learning process bound up with the nation-state society to one more fluid and translocal. Culture has become much more mobile, human software employed to mix elements from diverse contexts. With cultural forms and practices more separate from geographic, institutional, and ascriptive embeddenness, we are witnessing what Jan Nederveen Pieterse refers to as postmodern ‘hybridization’.” In fact, because of the economic gains needed to be attained, it is necessary to put up with the social costs of these so called changes in today’s cities. In this respect, the emphasis is on the fact that, apart from there is social decomposition among social classes in cities, there is the problem of disappearance of traditional cultural values due to the pressure caused by structural change. Yet, there is another problem of ‘identity crisis’, which is encountered by the loss of cultural continuity coming from the past and going on to the future. The main concern is to what extent support this concept of transformation and change, which does not take into account the traditional values and measures in present pattern of cities in order to form prestigious districts and sell privileged city regions (for example, gentrification, etc.) and the image of the city, and which brings about rise and density. How can this concept of decomposition through separating the city into ‘privileged’ and ‘more underdeveloped’ regions and its consequence of concurrence in terms of time and space be united? ‘Urban places that are no longer livable’ frequently appear as a result of the gradual destruction of ‘the sense of urban identity’ and the relation of time and place, in other words, the collaboration of place-memory-identity to gain interest in a narrow sense and to demonstrate power or to establish authority through means which is called ‘planning’ today. At this point not being aware of what is being lost by the application of urban transformations and change stem from not being able to read or to misinterpret ‘the background story of the 209 place’ (Jackson, 1994; Burgess, 2000). THE FACT OF CONTINUOUS URBAN CHANGE AND THE PROBLEM OF NOT BECOMING A CITIZEN There has been the fact of migration from the East to the West, from the North to the South, from the underdeveloped regions to the relatively developed ones, from the rural areas to the urban ones in Turkey for the last fifty years. Although its direction, rhythm, quality and causes have gradually changed through time, this concept of urbanization without becoming adequate citizens goes on to be the cause of substantial changes in social and as a result physical structures of cities. Masses, who want to experience the privileges of the city and to take advantage of its facilities, have settled on the borders of the city in all the possible directions in a disorderly way covering up the environmental sources fast and taking their habits and rural culture to the new regions of the city which they cannot get integrated and united. As this formation goes on in the outer parts of the city, the historical center and the settled structure, and nearby settlement areas, which have completed their developments long ago, are going through the process of becoming high, dense and new through getting knocked down due to the decisions of plans mainly made in this respect and the increasing pressure by the demand of transformation for higher and denser uses. Because of the transformation and change pressure created on the settled region of the city, the traditional environments and the culture heritance have been left neglected and unprotected and have taken their share from this transformation through getting old, outmoded, ruined and abandoned. ‘Plan’ has caused a scattered inhabitation pattern growing with unoccupied parts in any direction as it registers structural and functional changes in the areas with dense and insufficient, grey and stone settled areas, in other words unhealthy structure for the sake of ‘internal renovation’ and dispatches and scatters new housing areas, which are in bigger sizes than the ones needed in the future, in all directions with a relative access for the sake of the generalization of demand in the neighborhood. In the process of this scattered enlargement, towns, which have seen the city moving towards them by growing outwards, also, have started to plan new neighborhoods, more than necessary, taking the risk of undertaking more than their internal structures and thus, they have caught up with the system of contributing to the development of the city and taking share in land market. Instead of approaching general settlement problems of cities with high level regional and national policies and development strategies, preferring partial planning approaches tending to ‘more rent’ in a restricted narrow place from time to time leads to problems, which cause enormous disasters in urban peripherals, which gradually become unhealthy, inadequate, high and dense and stony. It is now known that urbanized peripherals, which have high density, disorderly and uncontrolled structure, giant size and which cannot be urbanized in its real terms have great effects on the dimensions of losses even they stem from a natural disaster. Another problem rising from the concept of this stony and inadequate peripherals because of continuous changes in urban place is ‘identity crisis’ and ‘alienation’. An interesting indicator of this concept is the original names of places, which the old city has 210 had from the past to the present. These names of places have become meaningless as they no longer have their definitions in the memory of the society due to the fact that they have gone through a total physical change in their structured peripherals and thus, in their social structures. However, in societies with established cultural values, cities maintain an identity, which represent their existence in the present time through their spatial characteristics. This concept, in fact, means a cultural continuity with its historical and spatial dimensions in ‘the transfer of memories of the past to the future as a hope’, in other words ‘forming a cultural bridge’. And this is another unarguable and substantial concept of ‘urbanization’ and ‘livability’. (Connerton, 1989; Boyer, 1996; Harvey, 1997). THE CULTURE OF CITIES AND CITIZENS – CULTURAL IDENTITY Although confused and faceless, the world of globalization has its physical limits which cannot be completely vanquished by modern technologies. Nevertheless, the genuine, multiple nature of the city and its new character(s) can be discovered through numerous terms that describe it as a: • Informational City (Castells, 1991) • Telematics City (Hepworth, 1990) • Network City (Batten, 1995) • Dual City (Castells, 1991; Mollenkopf & Castells, 1992) • Intelligent City (Graham & Marvin, 2002; Hepworth, 1990) • Divided City (Fainstein at al., 1992) • City Of Collective Memory (Boyer, 1996) • City Of Spectacle (Short & Kim, 1999) • Entrepreneurial City (Short & Kim, 1999) • Diffuse/Compact City ... Etc. Thus, it is noticeable that the city at the beginning of the 3rd millennium is continuously excited by internal and external economical, cultural, political, historical, social and ethnical stimulations that are the result of its new technological infrastructure and evolving identities. While on this development and changing will be continuity, cities are increasingly complex and confusing places. However, so that we may interact at a functional level, we seek order in and attach meanings to the environment (Walmsley, 1988). According to Norberg-Schulz (1979), the identity or the character of a city is one of the important parts of its existence and mechanism. It is the physical properties of a city which, first of all, forms its urban character. These properties are conceived as matter, structure, color and pattern (Relph, 1976; Tuan, 1977; Norberg-Schulz, 1979). In other words, the character of an urban place, which demonstrates its identity, gains meaning and definition by its structural and materialistic qualities. In this perspective, ‘identity’ and ‘meaning’ are closely related concepts and ‘indefiniteness’ and ‘meaninglessness’ are synonyms with ‘unidentification’, that is having no identity. The presentation of identity of a ‘place’ can only be achieved by a viewer-commentator mentality. And this is realized by ‘perceiving’ (Rowe and Koetter, 1978). A number of relativities related to time, place and individual can be mentioned in the definition and 211 determination of qualities of an urban place. Actually, it is inevitable for the individual to be driven by his past experiences along with external stimulus and his value judgments and expectations; evaluation will appear after such a comparison. Consequently, it can be said that the evaluation of the urban place with its specific qualities, the acquisition of a specific cultural identity, definition and meaning by the place can only be possible by the citizens who have intellectual capacity to represent ‘citizenship culture’, who have reached the consciousness of fellow citizen. The thesis that can be put forward is that there is a mutual relationship, whose existence can be viewed, between the social cultural transmission and structural environment and these two systems continually interact and put each other into shape (Burgess, 2000). The main hypothesis which can be developed is that, in the process of mutual interaction, forming healthy urban environments can be attained through urban culture by means of conscious individuals and by improving urban environment and keeping it in a good shape can help conscious citizens and urban culture to be formed (Bilsel, et al., 1994). The formation which can be viewed in cities today is, in fact, the differences in the ways of reflection of different life philosophies to the place. This concept is understandable because the citizens, who use the whole urban place together, give ‘the urban culture’ different meanings and concepts. In the historical developments of cities, different and recognizable settlement and structure styles, one layer on the other or one next to the other, in the reflection of ideologies to the place, is a known formation style. However, today, the interesting thing is that these urban styles forming next to each other are concurrent. These styles are, in fact, the expressions of the same socio-economic system in different ways (Bilsel et. al., 1994). The discussion goes on to the topic of what the specific urban culture, in fact, which is defined as ‘a fact of structured complexity’ is; what the identity, which is presented by the urban management and reflected to the place, should be, as an outcome of the cultural mix defining a transferable and dominant or the possibility of uniting with an upper-identity (Rowe and Koetter, 1978; Montgomery, 1998). TOWARDS AN IDENTITY CRISIS AND BREAKDOWN PROCESS The city, when it is defined as an artificial physical environment, where an organization more than natural and primitive life mechanisms are settled and represented, the history of civilization and all the admirable facts, if it is the history of urban life, can be said to have been designed in the city. As a matter of fact, there is no great culture which has not created cities (Kuban, 1994). On the one hand, in today’s cities which are gradually becoming overpopulated, extremely big, dense, stony, inefficient the loss of natural and cultural values, in other words urban inheritance; on the other hand, the gradual destruction of place, environment and quality of life is explained by the theory of ‘collapse’ (Polat and Bilsel, 2006). According to Kuban (1994), the enlargement of a city as a livable place is a function of the rational component of the social culture living there. The existence of a city in which you cannot live in a civilized way or which does not produce civilization is now, just an abstract determination, a verbal habit. It can be said that there are the relations gradually becoming weaker between the urban societies and the culture and the disappearance of urban civilization (civitas) underlying 212 urban diseases. The historical cities of the Old World are societies which have succeeded in uniting the politic power with science, humanity, religion and such fields and they have been able to relate these with cultural ideals. Nevertheless, at present, the fact of metropolis, which is a product of civilization, stems from mere functionalism and social rationalism. Contemporary metropolises do not take into consideration any hierarchical order but market mechanism, the superiority of financial power (ignoring moral values because of social welfare) and consuming and destructing powers1. Even if a post-modern city tries to run away from the routines of mass production tending to variable structural differences, there will always be contrasting values between culture cities and metropolises which externalize them. What is more, today’s cities are not much aware of this (Schroth, 2000). Actually, when the identities of societies or citizens are in danger, the problem of ‘cultural identity’ turns out to be a more discussed topic. Historical patterns in the settled regions of the city are specific parts which contribute substantially to the quality of the urban environment as long as they are kept alive by protection and they keep being unit in harmony with the city. Cities can protect cultural inheritance and identity by both a spatial continuality and a historical one, which comes from the past and goes on to the future. Yet, as it is seen in many settlement regions in Turkey, cities enlarging in an unhealthy way become dense and wide and fails in protecting their established culture values (Polat and Bilsel, 2006). These regions turn out to be unidentified places, which, as time goes on, change the meanings of quality, measure, scale due to the loss of specific identities and their readability. In fast growing cities such as Istanbul, the issue of urban identity and culture and their implications are increasingly complex and multi-dimensional. If we define ‘place’ with its relations, history and identity then a place without relations, history and a specific identity will be a ‘non-existent’ one with the meaning of ‘nowhere’ (Auge, 1995). According to Arefi (1999) as the place presents diversity, multiple meaning, livability and spontaneousness, urban places which are defined as nowhere having mono meaning and mono direction. Apart from the concept of losing meaning through scale, size and aim, there is the concept of ‘difference’ or ‘nowhere’, which appears with the loss of relations among places. And this leads to an identity crisis directly related to the place. This relationship between place and identity should not be necessarily established through conscious processes (Stokols & Jacobi, 1990; Dixon and Durrheim, 2000), as follows: The traditional referents of the built environment, rather than promoting a constant awareness of historical links, instead carry important meanings that can be assessed by group members as needed. The physical manifestations of the traditional compose a repository of latent meanings1 that group members draw upon to reaffirm links with past or place (Stokols & Jacobi, 1990). For Harvey (1989), the development of ‘place-identity’ is a characteristics feature of the postmodern city. He compares the dramatic increase in the pace of change, the surge of ‘space-time compression’, with the impact of rapid modernization at the beginning of the 20th century. Similar reactions can be observed, ranging from enthusiasm for the excitement, stimulus and potential for change, to “the search for solid moorings in a shifting world” (Harvey, 1989). Place is something to which urban identity or culture can be attached and where is a At the beginning of the last century, in 1920s, a number of futurist films like Fritz Lang’s Metropolis predicted the possible effects of globalization and tried to inform people about them in a graphic way. 1 213 demand for those qualities which make places distinctive and give them a unique symbolic value. For many, this leads “to a reversion to images of a lost past” (Harvey, 1989), a desire for symbols of continuity and stability. Since there is a limited supply of the ‘authentic past’, this demand is met through what Baudrillard has called ‘simulacra’ (Poster, 2001). THE DILEMMA OF NEW AND OLD IN URBAN PATTERNS – THE PROBLEM OF ARTICULATION Creating a link between past and present leads to bridge the gap between technology and culture, change and tradition, the universal and the regional. It strives to create meaningful, comprehensible and engaging urban areas, which are not ordered by professional mannerisms. The problem in historical cities, where traditional settled pattern features have not been lost yet, is the image of the city presented by parted structure formed by new and old urban patterns and a not easily readable urban pattern. One reason why this formation occurs is that: There is disharmony and contrast between the new geometric urban pattern which was developed by plan in the last century’s modernist structuralism and the traditional city pattern of the past which was formed organically (Bilsel & Bilsel, 2001: 24). As a matter of fact, there is the new grid or radial road pattern placed near or in many places on the organic settlement pattern in a way that is inappropriate to the settled traditional pattern features in historical Turkish cities and there are broad boulevards with high buildings on them which have been constructed with no aim of supplying sufficient transportation capacity. These are all the features of modernist period which aims in acquiring a contemporary urban image and a western identity. Such a formation is also monitored in modernist structures of western cities which use the ‘Cartesian’ frame of modernism as a design principle. Mainly 20th Century western cities fail in uniting with the former traditional historical environments. Since 1940s, planners in the west have followed the rules of geometric edging and uniting which they have invented by the help of complicated system theory. The main mistake in it was the notion that the urban geometry would lead the functional difference. As a result of this, there is no relation between the modern city and the old one as the modern city has consciously been separated from the old one and the urban regions have been put apart and abstracted. From this point of view, the twentieth century planning, in a way, is regarded as ‘urban place erosion’ (Salingaros, 2000; Miles, 2001). CULTURAL CONTINUITY AND THE CONCEPT OF LIVEABLE URBAN PLACE The memory of the city, in other words, ‘social memory’ is viewed as ‘changes which occur in time in the city related to the place and the society and the total impressions of them on citizens’. As a matter of fact, these impressions are important inheritance of the city which are, mainly, verbally, but not visually transferred from one generation to another and they are in a way documentary records. The fact that a number of spatial and structural elements in the documentary mentality of the city are more visible as they differ from their environment is important in the formation of cultural identity in that city. In fact, all these distinctive elements together form ‘the city 214 image’. According to Lynch methodology, the formation of the city image in other words ‘the existence of a perceivable, readable urban structured environment is dependent on the gathering of, mainly, three features, identity, structure and meaning’. Although identity and structure can be explained by the features of usual urban patterns and architectural language, the third feature, meaningful urban place defines different contents according to outsiders and insiders (Lynch, 1960; Ford, 1999). There is a specific identity and thus a ‘cultural continuity’ formed by historic individuals, events and magnificent monuments, by the morphological features forming the city’s own natural and structured environment and by the values presented by today’s citizens. Contrary to the pressure directing to change and transformation, ‘cities which are able to preserve their cultural identities and which have been able to maintain their traditional features, qualities and relations from the past to the present also have a ‘well readable city form’. And these cities consist of ‘places of exchange and meetings’ where there are a lot of activities (Montgomery, 1998; Knox, 2005). From this point of view, if ‘spaces’ which are specific places of social life and which supply ‘urbanization and livability’, in other words ‘livable urban places’, apart from their meanings and structure should contain a number of activities, we can utter the formation of places where urbanization is viewed as a life style or a method of living (modus vivendi) and different social groups live in and communicate with each other. ‘COMMENTING ON THE STORY OF A PLACE WELL’ IN FORMING A CULTURAL STRATEGY In the process of globalization, experiencing a number of new changes and transformations in social structures and places in cities seem inevitable and natural due to gradually developing competitive environment between cities struggling to join the system. In this respect, ‘the visual shape of extraordinary consumption, which citizens are proud to present, and which is represented in the place, leads to an unusual new city image and view (Boyer, 1996; Gieryn, 2000). It is viewed that internationally, ‘the contemporary job of architecture and planning is selling the city by reorganizing it for groups with high incomes, turning huge urban areas into luxurious places of consumption by raising their social statuses. ‘Rent towers, which are built despite the city’, in this respect, are topics of contemporary debates and changing ‘life styles’, livability and habitability are put on the agenda again (Boyer, 1996). There are debates on the resistance of nature, natural and urban structured environment and, in general, humans to materialism and on the possibilities of environmental destruction as a result of so-called formations and its giving people harm (Sternberg, 2000). In the globalization model, whose aim is to prevent corruption and destruction as well as social separation and spatial parting in the urban place, social matters are more emphasized. In this model, the protection of local features by emphasizing on them is put forward and in order to achieve this it is suggested to form an ‘urban identity’, a ‘character’ with its distinctive properties (Bartu, 2000). The problem to be dealt with first gets complicated in who, what for and how the protection will be realized when it is needed to take advantage of historical values and cultural inheritance again in terms of above mentioned goal and in the subject of how 215 different phases of the past will be reshaped in today’s policies. In fact, the contemporary debate on cultural inheritance and the methods of efficient protection stems from the fact that ‘the past of the place is differently perceived by related opponents. From a point of view, even if the cultural identity is important as ‘capital’ in a material and symbolic way in the contemporary race among cities this identity will along with history and culture be far away from being ‘determinable‘ due to the effect of contemporary policies (Bartu, 2000). It is important to improve ‘a cultural strategy’ with respect to efficient protection and refreshment to keep the traditional structural pattern and place in historical terms. In this strategy, which means exploring the identity of place by setting up a kind of time bridge and reading the past story of the city well, and maintaining cultural continuity in a historical and spatial sense through restoration without losing its identity, what is aimed at is a new way of urban life and defining life quality (Gharai, 1998; Wansborough and Mageean, 2000; Carmona, et al., 2012). CONCLUSIONS Identity is the relationship between people and cities, the ways they see them and meanings they attach to them. Identity does not mean blind copying from the past, but requires a thorough research and investigation of its principles. To set up strong links between the past and present we should ensure the continuity of local characteristics in the city. The past is a part of the present and both will be a part of the future (Polat and Bilsel, 2006). Now, at the beginning of the 21st century, it seems inevitable for cities to gradually become wider, more widespread and more difficult to design. Despite today’s features of forming which appear as a result of modernist city planning approaches developed through rational philosophy, in changing planning approaches and changing mental structure, there is the fact that the city is now ‘unreadable’ and ‘uncontrolled’ (Schwarzer, 2000; Graham and Marvin, 2001). Today, there is ‘the city of differences’ formed by a number of contradictions, ambiguities and continuous oppositions. Under such circumstances, apart from interactions at a high level, there is the rapid moveability of capital, physical borders gradually becoming uncertain, architectural and urban formations and city-selling processes which seem disagreeable (Polat, 2006, 2009; Polat and Bilsel, 2006). Another important thing on this, for interpreting urban changing and transformation process, urban locating, ‘the place’ (connected with human beings and physical factors), human being-city-environment interaction and movement or accessibility can be defined on the urban scale (Polat, 2006). Cities with their dimensions and qualities today are man-made structures whose developments can be just a little controlled. In approaches developed in the west according to city theory and design theory, it was started to develop ideas on the concept and fiction of city approximately 20-30 years after abandoning the modern theory of architecture. Despite functional based and technology oriented approach of modern theory, cities in today’s planning, this time, are handled in ‘image-based’ ‘diversity-based’ and ‘mixed-based’ approaches. Cities in Turkey have experienced fundamental social, cultural and economic transformations in recent decades (Polat, 2009). The ongoing migration process from rural 216 to urban areas in increasing concentration of people in big cities has accelerated sociocultural and spatial differentiation and diversity (Polat, et al., 2011). The fact of today’s ‘Turkish City’ which represents an interesting mix of social, functional and spatial meanings and where the traditional and the contemporary disagree with each other needed to be topic of discussion. REFERENCES AREFI, M (1999) “Non-place and Placelessness as Narratives of Loss: Rethinking the Notion of Place”, Journal of Urban Design 4, 175–194. AUGÉ, M (1995) Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthology of Modernity, Verso, London. BARTU, A (2000) Who is the Owner of Old Neighbourhoods?. Rewriting The History in a Global Century İstanbul between the Global and the Local (ed.) Ç Keyder. Metis Pub., İstanbul. BATTEN, D (1995) “Network Cities: Creative Urban Agglomerations for the 21st Century”. Urban Studies 32(2), 313-327. BILSEL, A A, BILSEL, S G, BILSEL, F. Cana, BILSEL, S M C (1994) “Searching for Identity in Our Cities and an Approach to the Fact of Urban Design by the Trio of Urban Culture, Consciousness of Citizenship and City View”. 5Th Urban Design and Applications Symposium, MSU, İstanbul. BILSEL, S G, BILSEL, A A (2001) Towards a Theory in Urban Design. The International Meeting Urban Design MSÜ, İstanbul. BOYER, C M (1996) The City of Collective Memory-Its Historical Imagery and Architectural Entertainment. The MIT Press, Cambridge Mass. BURGESS, P (2000) “Discovering Hidden Histories: The Identity of Place and Time”, Journal of Urban History 26(5), 645-656. CARMONA, M, HEATH, T, OC., T, and TIESDALL, S (2012) Public Places Urban Spaces: The Dimensions of Urban Design. Architectural Press, London. CASTELLS, M (1991) The Information City: Information Technology, Economic Restructuring and the Urban-regional Process. Basil Blackwell, Cambridge. CONNERTON, P (1989) How Societies Remember. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. DIXON, J and DURRHEIM, K (2000) “Displacing Place-Identity: A Discursive Approach to Locating Self and Other”, British Journal of Social Psychology 39, 27-44. FAINSTEIN S S, GORDON I and HARLOE M (Eds) (1992) Divided City, New York and London in the Contemporary World. Blackwell, Oxford. FORD, L (1999) “Lynch Revisited: New Urbanism and Theories of Good Urban Form”, Cities 16 (4), 247-257. GABARDI, W (2000) Negotiating Postmodernism. U Minnesota P, Minneapolis. GHARAI, F (1998) The Value of Neighbourhoods: A Cultural Approach to Urban Design. The University of Sheffield, Sheffield. GIERYN, T F (2000) “A Space for Place in Sociology”, Annual Review of Sociology 26, 463-496. GRAHAM, S and MARVIN S (2001) The City as a Sociotechnical Process. Splintering Urbanism: Networked Infrastructures, Technological Mobilities and the Urban Condition. Routledge, London. GRAHAM, S and MARVIN, S (2002) Telecommunication and the City: Electronic Spaces, Urban Places. Routledge, London. HARVEY, D (1989) The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change. Blackwell, Oxford. HARVEY, D (1997) Justice, Nature and Geography of Difference. Blackwell Publ., Oxford. HEPWORTH, M (1990) “Planning for the Information City: The Challenge and Response”, Urban Studies 27(4), 537-558. JACKSON, J B (1994) A Sense of Place, A Sense of Time. Yale University Press, New Haven. KNOX, P L (2005) “Creating Ordinary Places: Slow Cities in a Fast World”, Journal of Urban Design 217 10(1), 1–11. KUBAN, D (1994) Istanbul has Become a City which Experienced Sudden Collapse. Cumhuriyet Bilim ve Teknik Sept. 10th, Cumhuriyet, Istanbul. LYNCH, K (1960) The Image of the City. MIT Press, Cambridge Mass. MILES, M (2001) “Picking up Stones: Design Research and Urban Settlement”, Design Issues, 17(2), 32-52. MOLLENKOPF, J and CASTELLS, M (eds.) (1992) Dual City: Restructuring New York. Russell Sage Foundation, New York. MONTGOMERY, J (1998) “Making a City: Urbanity, Vitality and Urban Design”, Journal of Urban Design 3(1), 93-116. NORBERG-SCHULZ, C (1979) Genius Loci - Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture. Rizzoli, New York. POLAT, E. (2006) Kentsel Coğrafya, 172 pp., Yayın No:62, Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Isparta. POLAT, E. (2009) “Planlama ve Mekânsal Gelişme Kuramlarındaki Kabuk Değişimi”, Kentsel ve Bölgesel Araştırmalar Merkezi-KBAM, ODTÜ, Ankara. POLAT, E. and BİLSEL, S. G. (2006) “Mimarinin ve Kentin Birlikte Planlanması’nda Farklılaşan Kavramlar Üzerine...”, Planlama Dergisi, 2006-4, ss. 57-67. POLAT, E. SEZGIN, A., DEMIREL, O. & DULUPÇU, M. A. (2011) “Emerging Regional Planning Structures in Turkey: Limits and Challenges”, Regional Studies Association, The International Forum for Regional Development, Policy and Research, (basılma aşamasında), New Castle University, England. POSTER, M (Ed.) (2001) Jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings. Polity Press, Cambridge. RELPH, E (1976) Place and Placelessness. Pion, London. ROBERTSON, R (1995) Glocalization: Time-Space and Homogeneity-Heterogeneity, M. Featherstone et al (ed) Global Modernities, Sage, London. ROWE, C and KOETTER, F (1978) Collage City. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. SALINGAROS, N A (2000) “Complexity and Urban Coherence”, Journal Of Urban Design 5(3), 291316. SCHROTH, S (2000) Images of City and Ideas of Society UDG, Kevin Lynch. Memorial Lecture, Berlin (Review: Judith Ryser ‘CityScope Europe, London). SCHWARZER, M (2000) “The Contemporary City in Four Movements”, Journal of Urban Design 5(2), 127-144. SHORT, J R and Kim, Y-H (1999) Globalization and the City. Longman, Essex. STERNBERG, E (2000) “An Integrative Theory of Urban Design”, Journal of the American Planning Association 66(3), 265-278. STOKOLS, D and JACOBI, M (1983) The Role of Tradition in-group Environmental Psychology, Directions & Perspectives. Plenum Press, New York. TUAN, Y (1977) Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. WALMSLEY, D J (1988) Urban Living: The Individual and the City. Longman, London. WANSBOROUGH, M and MAGEEAN, A (2000) “The Role of Urban Design in Cultural Regeneration”, Journal of Urban Design 5(2), 181-197. 218 AN ANALYTICAL APPROACH IN THE CONTEXT OF CONSISTENCY OF PROVINCIAL AND REGIONAL BOUNDARIES WITH CATCHMENT BASIN BOUNDARIES Ufuk Fatih KÜÇÜKALİ INTRODUCTION Any or a combination of geographical, economical, historical, cultural, administrative and environmental criteria is used to describe the classical approach to planning in the determination of provincial and regional boundaries in Turkey. Whilst socioeconomic data and administrative organizations are evaluated in the first place in determining such boundaries, geographical-physical and environmental limitations are evaluated in the second place, or are not considered at all. Because natural areas that have emerged under the control of natural conditions, socioeconomic areas that have occurred functionally subject to human activity (functional areas) and geographical areas that have been defined through a synthesis of the first two differ in terms of scope and characteristics, they are also examined and evaluated differently when it comes to planning. It is hard to carry out planning according to geographical areas due to the inconsistency between civil administration areas (provinces, counties) and geographical areas whose boundaries are disputed and for which healthy statistical data do not exist (Ozcaglar, 2003: 14). Defining the geographical dimension by only terrestrial parameters such as accessibility, proximity, latitude and longitude is an approach that inherently carries many deficits. While geographical location and proximity-vicinity factors are appropriate only in the sense of physical planning and administrative simplicity, these factors are inadequate in the context of sustainability of socioeconomic development. Here, geographical dimension/space must be evaluated in the context of natural thresholds, and these ecological thresholds and natural structure parameters should be accorded top priority when determining provincial and regional boundaries. In the determination of natural thresholds, the boundary that sets the specific physiography of a natural structure is watersheds. The unit whose boundaries are drawn by these watersheds is called a “catchment basin”. In our language, the word basin may bring to mind a river basin or a stream basin as well as a mining area. (For example, Kızılırmak Basin, Göksu Stream Basin, Zonguldak Coal Basin etc.) However, in the English language, the word ‘watershed’ can give the exact meaning. Again, the English language includes concepts to describe water basins of different sizes, though not in exact terms, and offers “catchment” or “watershed” for small basins and “drainage basin” for bigger basins. However, we do not yet have appropriate words in Turkish for such distinctions. A catchment basin is defined as a hydrological and topographic unit of land which discharges all precipitation to a certain watercourse and which is separated from adjacent basins by ridges of land called watersheds. Brooks et al. (1996: 128) define catchment basin as a topographic area drained by a river system, a hydrological unit on a stream or river, or the entire area where all water drains to a watercourse. 219 Atabay defines a catchment basin in her book as follows; “A catchment basin is a surface unit characterized by a whole set of natural resources presented by the physiographic structure of a region where they have physical, biologic and ecologic relationships and interactions with each other (Atabay, 1998: 9). Another definition describes catchment basin as a geomorphologic, hydrological, topographical, biological and ecological piece of surface which is characterized by a set of ecological relations formed jointly by the intrinsic physical-biologic and ecologic characteristics of each natural resource within the catchment basin and the associated environmental and anthropogenic effects, and which interacts with other ecosystems in its vicinity in the macro-micro scales. A catchment basin reflects the geomorphologic, lithological, limnological, meteorological and biologic characteristics of its geographical region in the macro and micro scales. As catchment basins are connected, via biologic-ecologic relations and interactions, to other catchment basins, remote or close, which have different characteristics, it is important to analyze physical-biological and ecological characteristics, sensitivities and relations of the resources in order to achieve sustainability of catchment basins as potential resources (Atabay, 2001:12). Sustainable development is not only dependent upon economic and social development, but also protection of ecologic values and integration of an environmentally-sensitive planning approach into the planning practice of the country. Natural elements that form a catchment basin are geographical location, topography, geologic structure, hydrologic structure, soil structure, climatic characteristics, flora and fauna, agricultural land, forests, bushes, grasslands and meadows, watercourses, lakes, dams, sea shores, wetlands, reed fields, swamps, dunes, rocky-stony areas. The importance of the physical, spatial and biologic relations of these natural resource elements that form a catchment basin are demonstrated in Atabay’s definition of a catchment basin. Table 1. Sustainable development and planning (Atabay, 2003:8-9 ) 220 The catchment basin is not a closed system whose area of influence is described by absolute boundaries due to its intrinsic natural structural mosaics and mechanisms of interaction. However, it is the natural structure which establishes its boundaries and is thus recognized as the right scale by the developed countries of the world for an efficient operation of the planning department as well as management and administration mechanisms. In planning zones that are determined on a catchment scale, mutual interaction between terrestrial, aquatic and diverse (underground/surface/coastal) ecosystems and the human activities can be considered with an integrated environmental management in the framework of the “sustainability principle”, and this approach might create the atmosphere where a single management authority can carry out “monitoring-inspection of and timely response to” the impact (Küçükali, 2009:86). For an integrated environmental management, a catchment management model should be created (Loomis, 2000: 48). The catchment management model covers watersheds created by the topographic status and climatologic conditions, particularly in a region that accommodates water sources and underground and surface waters that feed such sources, and soil, air, flora and fauna, all natural sources and the sensitive ecosystems within that region. The model is based on the natural renewal and regeneration process of natural sources, and aims to achieve the most appropriate and balanced use of each source and to determine the balance between preservation and use. In line with this aim, catchment management models are created, and taking into account socio-economic sectoral developments, infrastructural investments and use of other sources as well as environmental conditions, and , decentralization, where notably sources of finance are created, and planning, inspection, monitoring and other services are offered (Atalık & Gezici, 1994:48). To the extent we use natural sources and hence ecosystems in a balanced fashion and preserve them, we can guarantee “sustainability”. Then, it appears to be a more meaningful approach in terms of preserving natural balance in particular to carry out zone planning studies in the scale of a “catchment basin” whose natural boundaries do not change than in the scale of zones whose boundaries change subject to socio-economic and technological developments (Atabay, 1996:12). A catchment-scale planning will enable to observe, manage and inspect, in an integrated approach, the use of production/consumption activities on natural resources in excess of their capacity. In the context of ensuring sustainability of socio-economic development, it must be remembered that it is imperative to achieve sustainability of natural sources which are the basis of socio-economic development. For this reason, rather than protecting sources individually, considering and analyzing all natural sources that have an ecologic relationship on a geographical level is necessary, and demonstrates the importance of ecologic planning. Socio-economic plans that are the basis of development (development plans) are plans where a purpose is established on a nation - state scale, targets are identified, basic developments, goals and strategies and use and weight of natural and artificial sources are shaped. Zone plans are necessary instruments for rational use of country sources and minimizing socio-economic imbalance as well as reducing socio-economic targets to a setting. Zone plans which constitute the most important step in reflecting targets on a national level to an individual setting are a vital deficit of the planning practice in Turkey. The physical plans in detail will remain fragmented and far from an integrated purpose unless a rationale descending from the whole down to one piece is followed. 221 When incorporating the principle of sustainable use of natural sources into development plans, the plan should be realized on a zone planning scale through the analysis of authentic, natural and artificial sources of a zone, the synthesis of usage sensitivities and the roles assumed in the division of work towards national targets in coordination with other zones. In today’s world, the word zone which is referred to here transcends nation-state borders in the context of cross-border planning due to the recognition of natural and economic inseparability, and plan zones which are located within the borders of more than one country and constitute a whole may be subject to planning around shared benefits. In this connection, sustainability of socio-economic structure also gains importance, and should be kept in mind in all planning decisions. In Turkey, the planning process has been defined in the Zoning Law Nr. 3194 to include a zone plan, environmental plan, master development plan and finalized development plan. In this ranking, zone plan and environmental plan constitute upper scale plans. In Turkey, a zone plan is prepared in order to reflect socio-economic decisions to a setting. However, a zone planning approach that covers and considers ecologic and biologic characteristics of natural sources besides socio-economic decisions has not yet become mature in the planning practice in Turkey. Plans that take only socio-economic decisions into account give rise to destruction of natural sources and environmental pollution. Upper scale planning offers an opportunity to protect sources, but the existing plan definitions do not set out any natural criteria, such as a catchment, for ecologic parameters that would constitute a basis for the plans. In addition, the fact that in the legal context zone planning is not compulsory causes planning staging to disappear in practice. It has been only very recently that environmental plans have been started to be prepared widely on a country scale. The potential which the inclusion of the environmental plan, as an upper scale plan, in the planning practice of Turkey carries in the context of comprehending ecologic integrities is insufficient, and it is clear that preparation of these plans taking province boundaries into account gives rise to environmental problems. In Turkey, the planning action is carried out on an urban scale with master and finalized development plans in the absence of upper scale plans such as environmental plans, and no such staging is carried out in the nature, scope and staging mentioned above, and plans fail to cover sufficient ecological examinations. Similarly, in the master development plan and finalized development plans of the lower scale, physical and ecologic characteristics of natural sources, and potentials of natural sources are not revealed. It is clearly necessary to produce an Ecologic Master Plan prior to the above mentioned zone plan for catchment areas which bear importance for natural reasons and to underline preservation – usage characteristics of natural resources in the plan. In other words, there is no hierarchy between plans in terms of ecologic integrity since upper scale plan boundaries do not overlap with catchment boundaries in the current planning process. Below a planning hierarchy has been proposed in stages from development plans to detail plans, setting out also its relationship with EIA that assesses ecologic sensitivities. Aside from these, because each plan stage is handled by a different institution (State Planning Organization, Environmental and Urban Planning Ministry, TOKI, DSI, local governments, regional agencies, etc.) and there is lack of coordination between these institutions a confusion of authority occurs in terms of management, and deficiencies are observed in resulting products. On the basis of the principle of an ecosystem operating as a whole, 222 an inter-disciplinary study is necessary in order to plan catchments according to physicalecologic-biologic characteristics. For example, an ecologic catchment planning can be achieved when all natural source analyses are carried out on a catchment scale by a team of experts including town planners, eco-planners, ecologists, biologists, zoologists, geologists, agrologists, climatologists, etc. Table 2. Proposed planning hierarchy and EIA (Atabay, 2003:8-9 ) The current state of natural sources is identified in zone plans, catchment plans and local area plans, but physical-biologic-ecologic characteristics of various natural sources in different geographies are not duly analyzed and not reflected in decisions dealing with use of land. In order to include such data in the planning process, first of all, an inventory of natural sources on a country basis must be established with regards to natural elements that have an ecologic value. At the same time, ecologic value should be subject to ongoing monitoring, and all changes in these values, whether positive or negative, must be included in the planning process. In order to incorporate geographical – physical structure and ecologic characteristics of catchments into the planning decisions in the planning of catchments, it is necessary to develop accordingly the legislation that guides and supports planning and to activate also international agreements. Because the protection measures in the current laws and legislation dealing with watersheds (environmental law, zoning law, earth preservation and land usage law, water pollution control directive, directive on protection of water sources, directive on protection of watersheds, environmental impact assessment directive, and others) are insufficient, protection measures relating to pollution should be created and applied separately for each catchment which has individual ecologic conditions and potential as a natural source. For instance, the legislation dealing with watersheds in Turkey defines prototypes for surface waters (300 m), short (700 m), medium (1000 m – 2000 m) and long-distance protection (> 2000 m) areas. Since the geomorphologic structure, geological characteristics, soil structure, and climatic conditions of each catchment is different, it is 223 necessary to form protection strips which are determined according to the individual physical - biologic - ecologic characteristics of each watershed. The report entitled “Achieving Regional Balances” published in the scope of the Seventh Five-year Development Plan says, “Zone and sub-zone definitions should be made for regional plans and regional physical plans.” In the reports relating to research projects supported by TUBITAK, entitled “Planning of Urban Systems in terms of Protection and Maintenance of Ecologic Balance” (Atalık et al. 1994:78) and “Environmentally-Sensitive Planning for Local Governments” (Atalık et al. 1993: 156), the necessity to adopt catchment scale as the principal scale in the scope of sustainable regional development has been proven and emphasized. In this framework, it is a conceptual and operational imperative that potential regional development programs rely on the catchment scale in zone / subzone definitions. In the studies carried out by the State Planning Organization and Turkish Statistics Institute, rather civil administration regions have been relied upon. State service zones which are created by dealing with individually or grouping provincial areas are not consistent with the geographical regions. In this connection, there is no clear and accurate statistical data in Turkey on a geographical region, geographical section, geographical area basis. In regions defined by other criteria than administrative division, it is likely that the administrative boundaries of the defined zone (operational zone, catchment, etc.), i.e. provincial boundaries, may overlap with the service area boundaries of certain public institutions. As a result, the planning carried out to make best use of natural and human resources of Turkey should be performed according to zones which have been geographically and administratively integrated. Since legal arrangements have not been made on time, administrative units have not been harmonized with geographical regions. For this reason, regional distinctions have been made according to the need during the planning studies. In the light of this information, the problematic of harmonizing provincial, regional and catchment boundaries should be evaluated as an issue that requires urgent solution on the basis of the fact that the criteria regarding determination of provincial and regional boundaries have not been clarified and catchment boundaries have not been used in any study carried out to date. For such harmonization efforts, as a first step, planning studies with different scales and areas of influence prepared by different authorities (Ministry of Environment and Urban Planning, Ministry of Forestry and Hydraulic Works, Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Stockbreeding, Ministry of Culture and Tourism, State Planning Organization, Ministry of Development, İller Bank, State Hydraulic Works, Directorate-General of Rural Services, and local authorities) should be superposed with an appropriate staging and hierarchy (McHarg, 1982: 13-17). By setting up a working commission involving specialists from natural sciences and social sciences, 26 catchments in Turkey should be evaluated and reviewed in terms of typology, natural structure, and social structure, and this review should be submitted to all the relevant authorities for approval. In addition, social support and participation should be taken into consideration in such resulting documents. In this framework, Turkey’s particular conditions should be involved in the evaluation, taking into account the criteria set by developed countries of the world. A new application, involving also establishment of Regional Development Agencies, has been launched 224 in order to benefit from incentive forms offered by EU to member states and to harmonize regional policies with those of EU for the purpose of achieving regional development of Turkey in her process of accession to EU. Whilst EU regional policy consists of regulations and vehicles aimed at eliminating regional development differences within EU, candidate countries that are expected to become a member of the union in near future are also seen to be within this structure. Regional Development Agencies have been established world-wide since 1930s. There are several Regional Development Agencies, but a great majority of them are located in Europe. These agencies have been established as semi-autonomous entities or in partnership with the private sector to set an example for the governance approach in AngloSaxon countries like USA and UK. In countries such as Japan and France, structures similar to GAP Administration are institutions dealing with problems related not only to economic criteria but also to social criteria and unemployment in regions where bureaucracy and public institutions are dominant. In most European Countries, Regional Development Agencies have been founded to foster, organize and improve economy on a regional scale since 1950s and 1960s (Calt, 2005: 45). In the scope of goals and efforts for European Union membership, the basic purposes and policies of the Eight Five-Year Development Plan (2001-2005) include consistency of Turkey’s regional development policies with the regional policies of the European Union, acceleration of Turkey’s efforts in this area, and intensification of efforts towards the collaboration initiated with the European Union with regard to regional policies (DPT, 2000: 146). On the other hand, targets and efforts to become a member of the European Union require compliance with the acquis applied by the Union on a regional level. The European Union attaches great importance to regional development policies in addition to national development levels. For this purpose, very wide financial resources are offered to minimize regional development differences and improve regional welfare in member states. In this framework, the Nomenclature of Units for Territorial Statistics (NUTS) required by EU from our country and included in our National Program has been completed under the coordination of State Planning Organization and with the contribution of Turkish Statistics Institute. Statistical Territorial Units defined in this study are 12 in Level 1, 26 in Level 3 and 81 in level 3 (provinces), and the Decree of the Council of Ministers Nr. 2002/4720 was published in the Official Gazette dated September 22, 2002. Comparative statistical data were needed in order to activate Regional Development Agencies and a NUTS classification was prepared under the guidance of EU. NUTS classification aims to demonstrate basic indicators that would contribute to the collection and improvement of regional statistics, socio-economic analyses of regions, determination of the framework for regional policies, and creation of a comparable statistical database that suits European Union Territorial Statistic System. In the European Union harmonization process, Turkey was categorized in NUTS 2 level in 2006 to create a national databank and integrated with the NUTS system adopted by EU and to create also comparable statistical data. It may not be said that the criteria used by EU were used literally in the determination of such regions. Efforts must be used in order to operate the NUTS system in Turkey, which offers an important chance that we should benefit from in the process of integration with EU. 225 Since the definition of a territory has not been clarified in Turkey and taking into account the inevitable effect of political decisions on the planning process, the success of zoning established in the framework of administrative boundaries is a matter of dispute. The basic factors used by the State Planning Organization in the definition of statistical territorial units include: • Population • Regional Development Plan • Socio-economic Development Index for Provinces • Basic Statistical Indicators • Geography There are still gaps as to the decisiveness of these basic factors. Turkey is under the influence of migration, a phenomenon experienced by developing countries. As a result of employment opportunities posed by metropolises and their socio-economic reflections, Turkey has an imbalanced distribution of population, and carrying out a zoning according to population means to carry out a planning according to a factor which has not yet been taken under control. Likewise, Regional Development Plans which cannot be shaped and managed exactly as desired and socio-economic development index factors of the provinces appear as secondary factors rather than determinant factors. For this reason, it is necessary to plan and manage all ecologically interacting natural sources as a geographical setting rather than protecting sources individually. In sustainable regional development, without performing a NUTS zoning in which catchment scale is taken as the basic scale, it is not possible to have a sustainable management of natural sources which influence each other beyond administrative boundaries. REFERENCES ATABAY, S. (1996), Kentlerin Entegre Yönetimi ve Ekolojik Planlama Stratejileri, Habitat II STK Forumu, İTÜ Konferans Salonu, 06 Haziran 1996, İstanbul, 12. ATABAY, S. (1998), Ekolojik Temele Dayalı Bölge Planlamasına Küreselleşme Açısından Yaklaşım, Ekolojik Temele Dayalı Bölge Planlama Uluslararası Sempozyum Kitabı, Editör: Prof. Dr. Semra Atabay, İstanbul, 9. ATABAY, S. (2001), Avrupa Birliği’nde Mekan Planlama Stratejileri-Ekonomik ve Ekolojik Perspektifler Uluslararası Sempozyum Kitabı, Editör: Prof. Dr. Semra Atabay, YTÜ Basın Yayım Merkezi, Üniversite Yayın No: MF.SM-02.0669, Fakülte Yayın No: MF.ŞBP-02.004, İstanbul, 12. ATABAY, S. (2003), Avrupa Peyzaj Sözleşmesi ve Türkiye Sempozyum Kitabı, Editör: Prof. Dr. Semra Atabay, Y.T.Ü. Basım-Yayım Merkezi, Üniversite Yayın No: MF.SBP-03.0705, Fakülte Yayın No: MF.ŞBP03.001, İstanbul, 8-9. ATALIK, G., ..., Beler Baykal, B., v.d. (1993) Yerel Yönetimler için Çevre Duyarlı Planlama, 1992 Raporu, TÜBİTAK-DEBAG/86-G Projesi, 156. ATALIK, G., ..., Beler Baykal, B., v.d. (1994) Ekolojik Dengenin Korunması ve Sürdürülmesi Açısından Kentsel Sistemlerin Planlanması, TÜBİTAK Deniz Bilimleri ve Balıkçılık Araştırma Grubu, 78. ATALIK, G, GEZİCİ, F., (1994) “Çevre Duyarlı Planlama Kapsamında Turizm Eylemlerinin Değerlendirilmesi,Bildiriler, 4.Ulusal Bölge Bilimi/Bölge Planlama Kongresi, 16-17 Haziran, KTÜ, Trabzon, 48. BROOKS, K., N., FFOLLİOTT, P., F., GREGERSEN, H., M., THAMES, J., L., (1996), Hydrology and the Management of Watersheds, IOWA State University Pres / Ames, IOWA, 128. ÇALT G., (2005). Bölgesellesme ve Avrupa Birligi’nin Bir Aracı Olarak Bölge Kalkınma Ajansları, Ziraat Mühendisleri Odası, Ankara, 45. 226 146. DPT, (2000), Bölgesel Gelişme Özel İhtisas Komisyon Raporu, 8. Beş Yıllık Kalkınma Planı, Ankara, KÜÇÜKALİ, U.F. (2009). “Ecological Risk Assessment and Problem Formulation”, Uluslararası Ekolojik Mimarlık ve Planlama Sempozyumu, Antalya, 86. LOOMİS, J., B., (2000), Integrated Public Lands Management. Columbia University Pres. 474 s. New York, 48. MCHARG, I., (1982), ‘Ecological Planning: The Planner as Catalyst’, Theory in the 1980’s- A search for future directions, The Centre for Urban Policy Research, New Jersey, 13-17. ÖZÇAĞLAR A., (2003), Türkiye’de Yapılan Bölge Ayrımları ve Bölge Planlama Üzerindeki Etkileri, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Coğrafya Bölümü, Ankara, 14. 227 POWER- IDENTITY AND CITY SQUARES: A SOCIOPOLITIC GEOGRAPHY ANALYSIS Where there is progress, or elimination of any type of injustice, this is thanks to protesting citizens, not politicians (Noam Chomsky, 2013). Nurettin ÖZGEN INTRODUCTION Over half of the world population lives in cities. City population ratio increases in developed countries (e.g. it’s over 90% in Belgium and 80% in England). This makes the city management and utilities, hence, the presence of a common representation area inevitable. Common representation areas in cities have made squares, where political, social and cultural rituals are performed, popular. In this context, squares are important places where such demonstrations of the multicultural structure, economic value, politic protests, and occasionally military show forces are done and different identity values towards all these are attributed. In different places of the world, especially in developed and developing countries city squares serve for various missions. These missions become places where the public make use to make their voice heard by the rulers or the “power” for various reasons such as administrative system, belief culture, economic development level, and the education and law system. Similarly, they are the places in which the power makers show their force. Therefore, it is logical to define them not just as physical areas but places to which the masses and the individuals attribute different meanings and importance. These places where many social activities are performed are affective, intellectual, and kinetic sharing areas in which the masses carry out protests and activities. Squares, thus, are not just for protests, but for celebrating national and religious festivals as well as being places where people meet, negotiate, and chat. In addition to all of these, almost all squares of the worlds have been the areas that have made themselves heard with “numerous situations and protests”. For instance, Mahabad Square where the executions by the regime were performed in Iran; Red Square in Russia, where military demonstrations become a show of force; Taksim Square in Istanbul, in which the laborers were slaughtered on the labor day of 1st of May, 1977; Place de la Concorde in Paris or Times Square in New York, which are famous meeting areas. It’s possible to increase the number of such examples. The place, meaning and the importance of these squares in public memory are different from each other. In addition to their aforementioned features, they are defined as the addresses and tools of the changes and transformations in the public. There are many factors playing a role in the change and transformation of today’s societies. Economic and political systems (like liberal and neoliberal ones), technological improvements (internet, social media, and other innovative developments), multinational sociocultural structures (fashion, music, etc.) stemming from immigrations and other supranational interactions lead and force the world to change. The young population of the 21st century is a typical example of this. This young population tracking the world via social media with their multifunctional smart phones in their hands plays a pioneer role in 228 canalizing their society to global protests and situations. Hence, for the first time, a society -leading young generation- being effective in societies’ traditional hierarchic structure and management philosophy- has occurred. This generation can be effective in political systems, fashion, and music, injustice towards women and children, environmental problems and can raise an important awareness in the society by getting into action as a pioneering power. The most important characteristics of this generation is their being libertarian and getting into various actions by shouting out the negatives happening all around the world. Student movements in Chile protesting the paid education, public rebellions in Middle East, which are also called as Arab Spring, protesting the authoritative regimes or organizing for Gezi Park in Istanbul (Taksim Square) all met in squares. These masses’ being “libertarians” and “demanding” some vital requests can be defined as the identity of this “network society”. Developing of the communication network has led to the evolution of the physical features of the city squares; in other words, it has led them to gain different missions and images. Therefore, defining the conscious and global movements in Taksim and Times squares as “Libertarian and Sensitive Network Society” (LSNS) is possible. It is also requisite to express the difference between “Demanding” and “Sensitive” network societies. While (LSNS) appears as social protests organization which is usually created by developed societies, “Libertarian and Demanding Network Society” (LDNS) is more of a protest organization in undeveloped societies. In other words, “sensibility protest” is done by the masses in developed countries towards a negative in their own society or any place in the world because there are not many serious deficiencies that can be demanded from the power in such countries. Such conditions are guaranteed by official legislations. However, the thing that leads the oppressed class or public in undeveloped countries is “demanding protest”. This is because of a lack of nomocratic structure and a fair official legislation. What makes these two different protest types come together is the informatics network and the technological development of the 21st century. Blended with innovations and adapted easily to change, this LSNS or LNDS generation, pushes the formal traditions out of the vital boundaries and have difficulty in meeting the traditional culture. To define the process that this generation lives through by expressing the concept of globalization in terms of protest-effect and transformational structure is either inappropriate or insufficient. As Bonefeld (2007:7) stated, globalization was such a loose term. Using this term as a multifunctional slogan shows that the criticism of the ideology turns into ideology itself. Discussion of globalization is based on the view that the capital indicates a channeler dynamic, which is only internal for itself. Therefore, it reveals an abstract generalization claiming the market is the superior hegemon (Bonefeld 2007:282). However; although the global economy is one of the most important spatial aspects of the society (though the economic interaction triggers many social activities, it is impossible for it to be complementary), it is easily seen that it does not fully express the social-cultural and political systems’ other vital aspects. Thus, the revolutionary social acts of this century have been a process which, rather than the concept of globalization, fronts the distances between political and belief structures via technological networks as well as continents and countries. This is also a process, through which the “sensitive” and “demanding” masses consciously and collectively protest against the autocratic-totalitarian powers, injustices, and inequalities and, in which the digital youth of the 21st century are active. As it has always been the case, the most important places and addresses of these 229 masses to declare their civil unrest against the authority and make themselves heard are “city squares”. Today’s society is regarded as a new sociopolitical world society or a collective structure that acquires various data on informatics network, researches, defends social order and justice as well as individual rights and values. The new generation of these collective protests (defined as Millennium, Digital, or Y generation) has been discussed by many authors and researchers since it is a remarkable theme in social sciences (see: Horovitz and Bruce, 2012; Shapira, 2008; James, Bibb, Walker, 2008; Huntley, 2006; Howe and Strauss, 2000). This generation prompted by the informatics network has been observed in the evolution of the society. Being effective in the re-construction of the society and in this concept, “strengthening of the middle class” forcing the center, increasing of sensitivity on “ecological problems”, “awareness of women” who are exposed to an old injustice in social representation, “spreading of the network and Y generation adapting to this”, are considered as the most important elements of social acts of the 21st century (Figure 1). The most important one of these developments, without doubt, is the multifunctional communication and informatics network providing the flow of information and uniting the masses by making the all sides of the world closer. Today’s world society’s “getting informed via informatics-communication network and applying enforcements towards the power by getting consciously stronger”, more importantly, demanding rights and freedom have triggered the studies based on different social and cultural geographic themes. Certainly, the orientation of these social acts to public protests and transformations is a result of public-place relation. Figure 1. The Basic Dynamics of the 21st Century Society and Spatial Patterns. 230 Handling, especially, the social acts/protests with a perspective of public-place relation is the basic approach of social geography. As is known, social geography, as a division of human geography, deals with social relations and themes such as identities and inequalities and consists of the themes related to public and place. Social geography differs from sociology in its principal approach. While the public is the focus in sociology studies, public and place relation gain importance in social geography (Hopkins, 2013). Therefore, defining the social geography as the examination of the relation between social processes and spatial changes with a geographic approach seems possible. PURPOSE In this study, the sociopolitical geography analysis of the squares that have been the place of social oppositions in recent tears and the masses who fill in those squares have been done. City squares, whose complementary elements are the developing of the informatics network, social media, and Y generation, have a different historic and spatial image. The similarities and the differences of the public wills reflected in squares in three countries were questioned, and in this context, the social movements in Brazil, Turkey and Egypt were examined as examples. Besides, by interpreting these square movements in terms of economic, the background of the social freedom, cultural and juridical concepts, and social protests in three countries were analyzed with a sociopolitical geography perspective. CITY SQUARES AND THEIR SOCIAL CHAOTIC MANIFESTATION Özgen (2010; 2011) defined the geography as people’s effort to control the place and space. This management and control effort appears as different regimes in various regions/countries of the world or can be shaped with different production, management and administration relations. For instance, converting pasture areas into agriculture fields, controlling the water by building huge dams, building transportation networks that connects continents and oceans and producing transportation vehicles, pouring artificial snow in dry winters and increasing demand for winter tourism, conducting interregional trade and colonial acts, form only a few of the acts that the human power rules the physical place. The concept of the human power ruling, for sure, does not only consist of physical places. Beyond the concept of the physical place, there are numerous identity and value patterns (beliefs, languages, values, economic development, sociocultural rituals, art and political approaches) that are effective in building of the public or state. Spatial differences built on these identities and value patterns also cause dialectic between individuals, societies, and states, and as a result of this, they bring a competitive culture and generates an inter-state chaos (See: Özgen, 2014a, 2014b). The force and enforcement experiences of this chaotic environment bring upon spatial production and power conflict. Here, all these settlements and processes are some of the problems occurring with the re-design of the Social Geography theme with another expression. Although the efforts towards controlling and managing the places are carried out with different purposes and methods (military coup, democratic structuring, theological and political evolution), the ultimate aim is the power(s)’ wish to provide maximum benefit/profit from the current place and clinch their power upon this force. The reflections of Arab Revolution in Egypt, protests in Taksim (Gezi Park) in Tur231 key, and protests in Brazil are based on different reasons. To express simply, imperialist powers’ designing Egypt, the demand in Turkey to transform into representative democracy from parliamentary democracy, a square movement based on social state understanding and economic reasons in Brazil occurred. The most important and common feature of the protests done in those three countries is the presence of a protest done against the power having the public authority and the difference in reaction levels that the governments have showed. This situation is closely related to the regime, socioeconomic and cultural development levels in such different countries as Turkey, Egypt, and Brazil (Table 1). Table 1. Some Socioeconomic Characteristics of Brazil, Turkey and Egypt (2010- 2011). TURKEY: MOBILIZED NETWORK SOCIETY & GEZI PARK EXAMPLE Turkey is a country, which connects the Asia, Europe and Africa continents, has a population of over 75 million, has a 9.8% unemployment rate, 10,576 GDP, and 98.6% literacy rate by the year 2012, is 75th in the human development index rank, and has the 17th biggest economy in the world. Having the remnants of Ottoman Empire, Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923 and transformed into nation-state system from an empire. In Turkey, where many revolutions (constitutional and institutional), military coups (1960, 1971, 1980, etc.), and lots of chaos (burning of Izmir in 1922, 1934 Thracian upheavals, chaos of 1955, 1977 Taksim tragedy, 1990-1995 Southeast Anatolia chaos, 28 February post-modern coup, 2007 e-memorandum) occurred in its 90 years of history, the society occasionally rebelled, organized collective marches, and protested the power against the injustices. Although the number of protests decreased in the period of military coups due to the high pressures, the places, where the masses demanded their democratic rights and protested the governments in civil ruling periods, have been the “squares”. One of those squares in which the collective reactions have been done, without doubt, is Taksim Square. This square, where “the acts reflecting the conscious of libertarian, sensitive and demanding network society” have taken place, has been the place of the public to show a common political culture and attitude. This common political culture has brought another meaning to the physical place and been conceived with a sense and meaning beyond what’s seen. This situation has a cultural, ideological, and political holiness quality that is attributed to a physical place; just as 1977 Taksim upheavals occurred as one of the primary arenas of the chaos and destroying policies of the cold war period or the protests done by thousands of protesters opposing the transformation of the Gezi Park into huge structure and gathered in Taksim Square on 30th May, 2013. These protests, beyond not belonging to any political party or ideological group, are the action of the awareness consisting of various class, ethnicity, and belief groups oriented to protect a park (the place with different dimensions) against its capitalist transformation. The urban young generation, which is the “driving force” of those protests and has played an active role during Taksim-Gezi Park upheavals, is quite remarkable; e.g. nearly 232 70% of the protestors being between the ages of 16-30 and 40% of them being between 1624 (Çandar, 2013) bear the traces of a new social generation. Demanding and libertarian attitude of this digital generation, which is called apolitical, appeared as the leading power of a post-modern reaction. Digital generation, in other words 90s generation (those born in 1990s), forms the most dynamic and even the fastest section of the society in terms of their thought and spatial activities derived on time scale. This generation, which rejects the tradition of “parens patriae”, questions the executive, legislative, and juridical powers of the state or the government, observes the global changes, performs these types of evolutions rapidly in their lives by making use of these developments, has developed a postmodern “square” culture. As Çandar stated (2013) this generation, which grew in the most prosperous and steady period of the country and achieved almost everything they wanted, demonstrated firstly to their families, and then to the government that they would not fit into all kind of identities or patterns built on them and would refuse any kind of attempts oriented to their lives. Such approaches as patriarchal, conservator, prototyping, patronizing, rejecting pluralism, not tolerating the criticisms, wishes to treat the individual based on their identities have been proven to not to be valid in new-generation Turkey. After the Kurds, mostly the children of the secular section of the society, so to speak, of the “White Turks” who are constantly in shopping malls and cafes have met the police violence and tear gas and experienced serious losses and trauma as a result of their protests against the building of a shopping mall and Military barracks in Gezi Park. Besides, insufficient and biased coverage of the events by the media was also protested by this generation. This generation, which protested the Turkish Media, TV Channels, and newspapers and made themselves heard over social media (Facebook-Twitter), showed that the pressure and censor on ideas were not useful in this era. The government defined Gezi Park and Taksim upheavals as a rebellion against their power rather than protecting the physical dimension of the place and the environment and expressed that the actions of the law enforcers were legitimate. The protesting groups, however, explained that they refused the antidemocratic attempts (zoning of Gezi park for constructing) and enforcements (The Law of Hydroelectric Power Plant) of the government with a sense of responsible society. These two approaches indicate that the spatial understanding and power struggle between the two sides have occurred in different ways. Therefore, the only truth of this chaotic situation is the separation of the power and the crisis of representation. Hence, Taksim Square, rather than a physical place, is evaluated on power realization such as the “castle of the government” or “the flag of the power” planned to be planted on that castle. Thus, almost all the governments (except the developed Western Countries) wished the society to obey their laws and political arrangements without questioning. The most important issue here is that whether those laws and political arrangements are fair or not. Whereas in such countries, where the law system is built successfully, squares are attributed with culture, art, recreation, music, and tourism activities; in societies where unsuccessful law systems are in force, squares are on the agenda with rebellions, protests, and chaotic actions. Hence, squares in social geography are addresses that have many important and spatial dimensions and witness lots of historical events in terms government-public and power relation. During Gezi Park protest, the question of “Are the coups of 12th September, 27th th May, 12 March re-occurring?” inevitably came to the mind of the government. The severe intervention of the police forces to the protestors tensed all of Turkey, primarily Istanbul, 233 and caused worry. This situation turned into a reaction chain called as Gezi phenomenon as a reflection of the public’s anger (Chomsky, 2013) stemming from being ignored against the injustices oriented to them. The government’s not having sufficient administrative sense “as a competent power” towards Y generation (digital generation, millennium generation), who are the active and leading power of the society, led the chaos spread and increase. The government expressed that they would build a new structure-investment and employment area with the projects for Gezi Park (Istanbul); however, getting into action without considering the city silhouette, historic fabric, urban green areas, and beyond these, without consulting the residents in the neighborhood caused unexpected reactions against the government. EGYPT: TAHRIR SQUARE AND ITS LASTING GUESTS Egypt is known as one of the most ancient civilizations of the world. It became a part of Ottoman Empire after the decisive Ottoman victory in the Battle of Ridaniya of Yavuz Sultan Selim in 1517. After the invasion of The English in 1882, it became independent in 1922 and King Fuat took the throne. Because of the civil strife in the country, the army took the power with the “Movement of Free Officers” in 1953 and they declared the republic. The regimes which took the power later continued the kingdom under the regime of republic, but the wishes of the people weren’t able to reach the power. Thus, the street demonstrations, protests and activities which have been going on since January 2011 and encourage people to rebel against the power are a civil disorder movement of the unrepresented people against the power. After these protests, a general election was held and the party based on Ihvan-ı Muslim (Freedom and Justice Party) acceded to the power. However, this power took the control after the ultimatum of the supporters of the former power and the army protecting it and this brought up the chaos of coup. According to the army and the supporters of the coup who led the overthrow of the power by the military coup in 2013, the coup was done based on some justifications like the police violence, state of emergency, the plans to minimize the minimum wage job workers, lack of shelters, shortage of food, corruptions, restriction of freedom of speech and bad life conditions (Zayan, 2013). 21st century has been a period when the people or the classes who have been oppressed, downtrodden and marginalized all around the world have become conscious and demanded their democratic rights against the antidemocratic implementations thanks to the proliferation of the information network. One of the regions where such kinds of social demand and protests occurred is Middle East. These protests also happened in the countries in North Africa and were called as civil disorder movements. The common point of these civil commotions starting in Tunisia then spreading to almost all regions, especially Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Yemen and Syria is that people wish a democratic society and fair sharing. After a year of chaos and conflict in Egypt where these wishes were declared loudly, the movement of Ihvan-ı Muslim (Muslim Brothers) acceded to the power after the election in May 2012. Although it was getting ready to set a new course of Egypt, it stayed as the power for only a year. Secularist and especially Salafi groups opposing the Muslim Brothers overthrew the president Muhammed Moursi by a military coup with the help of the army and external supports (especially Saudi Arabia, UAE and USA). This antidemocratic implementation was also a show of force. As Poggi (2011:4-5) stated, the political powers which were based on having the opportunity to use the physical violence as a means of 234 implementation were strictly the force using powers. In the countries where the policy of using force exists, the power holder’s imposing their power to the weak has always caused chaotic situations and protests, as in Middle East and Egypt (Baradat, 2012: 181) Egypt is one of the rare countries where there are a deep history and rooted traditions. Besides Islamic traditions, the population of Copts (Christian) which is 10% of the country population is located in the triangle of Europe-Africa and Middle East and this contributes to the cultural mosaic of the country. Muslim Brothers, Salafis, Seculars, Liberals and Copts (Christian Population) can be listed as the important political groups of the country. According to the statistics of 2010, unemployment is 9,4% (women 20%), GDP is $ 2,922, literacy rate is 72% in the population of 83 million. However, Egypt is ranked as 123rd according to the human development index. Hüsnü Mubarek had to leave the power to the army which he had had since 1981 after the Arab revolution. After the transition period, Freedom and Justice Party of Muslim Brothers acceded to the power in the first democratic elections in May 2012 and Muhammed Moursi was the first president of the republic who was elected by an election. According to the West, Moursi would build the country on Islamic values and redesign the society with constitutional regulations, not with a system that the west would adopt and that was clear from many examples. Another important point is that the fund that the army has in Egypt and structuring directed to the protection of the power are supported and continued by the west. This social picture in Egypt summarizes best the relation between power-army and the west (the power organizing the region). The power creating this hierarchical relation shows its control over others’ minds, life conditions and beliefs (Peet, 2011:13) because the dominant classes’ thoughts have always kept their existence in every age. Dominant social class with financial power is also dominant moral power (Marx and Engels, 2011a; 2011b). Prompting the thoughts which design, legalize and support the social rules by the government which is the representation force of the power and its bureaucratic instruments aims the consistency of social hierarchy. The army’s having the direct control of the legal regulations and about 25-40% of the economic production for social conditions to provide safety and consistency in Egypt shows the regulative effect of dominant power on economical and social structure. Anti Muslim Brothers, who encouraged the movement against the army with the protests in Tahrir Square in Egypt and overthrew Moursi and acceded to the power, had some reasons to rise up against the government. They explained that: Mursi, who had all the power (Shabi, 2013), couldn’t meet the expectations, couldn’t make the necessary services and reforms and led the country to poverty in terms of economy (Sly and Al-Houran, 2013). However, Mursi couldn’t stay in the power for even a year. During the power of Mursi, with the suspension of the financial support by USA and with the spread of various protests and activities against the government with the help of Seculars, Liberals and the army besides Saudi Arabia, UAE and Salafis supported by Koweit, the government was demanded to leave the power and Moursi was overthrown by a military coup in 3rd July, 2013. The primary question was the following: Why did the people rise up against a government which couldn’t even complete a year? How is it possible to measure such kinds of developments in such a short time although there are various opinions about the power’s being unsuccessful and antidemocratic? Of course as an answer, the political movement, which gathered the groups opposing the Muslim Brothers, the army, Salafis supported by 235 Saudi Arabia and UAE to win the game of power and decide on the power in Egypt over the gulf countries, has got stronger with the support of the USA. Thus, the attitude of Obama (The President of USA), 1,5 billion$ military assistance to the country to settle in Egypt easily and to be active in the region and selling F-16 jets (Shabi, 2013) support this argument. The control of de facto on 87% of the land of the country (Acun, 2013) shows the activity of the army. BRAZIL: OPPOSITION TO URBAN POLICIES IN SQUARES It is a country which has the biggest economy and population of Latin America and where more than 180 local languages are spoken. The official and common language is Portuguese. The country with the population of 200 million covers the half of South America continent (47%) with its square measure. Brazil, a member of BRICS (five countries with developed economy), has 86% literacy rate and is ranked as last in the continent (Briney, 2013). With the world’s 7th most developed economy, Brazil has 12.917$ GDP and 6,1% unemployment rate. It is ranked in 75 among world countries according to the human development index. As in almost all countries in Latin America, the dominant ideology in Brazil is left wing. For example, there is only one right wing party among 10 political parties which have the most member numbers and consequently the representation power. The European origin political, social and economic relations have a big impact on this political structure. Brazil moved from empire to republic in 1889 and was named as Brazil United States Republic. With the starting of chaos among the states, federal republic was interrupted and military junta took the power. A civil government took the power between 1930 and 1964. However, the military junta took the power again between 1964 and 1985 based on the various chaotic tensions and social unrest throughout the country. The democratic parliamentary system was rebuilt in 1985 and was made official. It is significant that Brazil, with the feature of its structure, has similarities to Turkey in terms of government and power relations (the coups of 27th May, 1960, 12nd March, 1971, 12nd September, 1980). The countries which had the monopoly of the economic power and the capital were aware that they could restrain the activities of low and middle class in the country. Thus, it was a clear sign that the country was controlled by military junta. The number of workers in the city rose after the foreign capital investments and IMF implementations in Brazil in 1960s. In this period, the unions and working class organizations were downgraded by military coups and pressures. Since 1970s, union fights started to rise again and the strikes increased the uprise of the workers in metal and automotive sectors to transnational companies’ exploitation. Although these events caused unions to be outlawed, Labor Party declared its foundation by making use of the strikes and took the support of not only workers in the unions but also Landless Workers (MST) who started an independent organization and took part in the organization of land invasions (Erdoğan, 2013). The biggest development that helped Social Democracy Party and Labor Party which represented a left wing and center left political structure to accede to the power in the last 20 years was the investments of former powers directed to especially middle and lower groups. According to a survey related to the protesters in the protests; 53% of the protesters 236 were under 26 and 73% of them were in a protest for the first time. 77% were university students and 22% were students in secondary education. Most of the teenagers in the protests (84%) in Brazil (as in Turkey) stated that they weren’t a member of any political party and that didn’t have any political preference. As the reason of the protests, 56% of the people in the survey claimed that it was ticket price rise, 40% stated it was corruptions and 31% told it was police violence (DHA, 2013). A member of BRICS, Brazil is a country where 45% of the settlements didn’t have developed water and sewer system (infrastructure), where murder and death trials have been going on in 11% of them and where illnesses and tedious situations create long lists (Marques, 2013). The protests which happened almost simultaneously in Brazil and Turkey in 2013 were initially against the ticket price rise when the cost of living increased. However, the protest became more than just protesting the increased ticket prices. Firstly, the police violence on the protesters and the reaction to the military forces prompted large numbers of people. Moreover, as the protests got stronger, different groups in Brazil (political or nonpolitical) felt that they had the chance to express their demands. In these protests, demands like better health service, more quality education system and ending corruptions were put forward (Marcou, 2013). Although Brazil had the world’s 7th biggest economy, the lack of investments in education, health and transportation (Watts, 2013; Duffy, 2013), corruptions, favoritism, high taxes the poor pay (Carneiro, 2013), the claims about the fact that necessary credits for the expenses of The World Cup were taken from the big companies which had close relations via National Development Bank by getting into debt (The Economist, 2013) caused people to hit the streets. That means the politicians stole and exploited the work of the people. The ironic shout of thousands of protesters filling streets and squares of Brazil which says “Cut bus fares and send the bill to FIFA” summarizes the situation. CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSIONS The actualization of social justice and freedom demands is hidden in the balance mechanism between the center and the periphery or the government and the demanding social group. It is known as one of the most effective ways that the periphery walks against the center, in other words, people against governments (as in many civil disorder examples in history) to change the management mentality of governments which they conduct despite people and their depressive policies which lack freedom. The reason of this is that it is not possible for governments which have all the power in their hands despite people and use this power not for the people but for themselves to stand against the people’s demands of justice and freedom. There are a lot of examples of oppressive governments which have been beaten up by people. That is why protests are a part of global rage throughout the world which shakes the systems (Zizek, 2013). These protests which are against the governments which make policies despite the people and attempt implementations also prepare the basis to create a new social structure and show that it is possible to build a new management agreement and system. The Muslim Brothers’ taking the power and getting stronger in Egypt and the spread and cooperation of Turkey and Iran in the region were thought as progresses which weren’t in accordance with the West and especially the USA. Because of that, the West and the USA established their authority in Egypt over gulf countries and secular, liberal and salafi 237 groups by putting the army in front and the people were led to Tahrir Square. According to Lagendijk (2013), it was because the USA did not want to lose its power of pressure in this country that the government of the USA avoided the word “coup”, they made millions of military assistance to Egypt and forgave the debts. They watched the coup quietly as they thought that the Muslim Brothers weren’t a good partner in the chaos of Middle East. As Dinucci stated (2013), the military hierarchy stages in Egypt were in real terms the power holders who peeked the benefits of the western countries and the USA. This definition shows the real reason of the protests in the squares. By the strengthening of the middle class in Turkey, and their ability to make themselves heard, spreading of the informatics network, developing of the cognitive level of the society, they demand a life in the standards of a Western country and security of their rights from the government. The Y generation (digital generation, millennium generation) which is the leading power in these developments, does not want to live want to what the government exposes or suggests to them, just the opposite, they want to live their preferences via global network. Consequently, controlling and managing this generation as a competent power by force does not correspond to the truths of the century. The events are interpreted as the lack of infrastructure and high cost of living in Brazil, and as capitalist reorganization of the city by the public. In these two protests, the actions gained a symbolic dimension, thus the protests continued in the squares. The demand for free public transportation has long been on the agenda (since 2005) but has never triggered such a big revolutionary movement (Marcou, 2013). The protests in Turkey appear as an outcome of the reaction of the opponents to the government against the need of the capital to increase its profit in a politically tense environment. When we divide this detection into three, the need of the capital to increase its profit is based on an obligation, the politically tense environment is based on the conjuncture, the reaction against 11-year Justice and Development Party regime has a relationally that cannot be explained only with “a unique tree issue” (Shulze, 2013). In this context, the loyalty to the state cannot easily be achieved or maintaining the loyalty that has been achieved is not easy (Fellman, A. Getis ve J. Getis, 2007:433). It is a general political situation that the governments that oppose the biased and incorrect actions of the state, one day become the state itself without realizing the mistake that the state did. The two main reasons of the upheavals in Brazil are the reactions health and education systems, whereas in Turkey, for those who are the strongest opponents of the government, these two areas are the topics on which government is effective. Hence, the similarity here should not be exaggerated. The basic starting point of the protests in Brazil and Turkey was the unsatisfactory responses of the government towards the existence requests, demands and needs (though these are different from each other in Brazil and Turkey) of the citizens (Marcou, 2013). Each country has a political system, economic structure and cultural life form based on its historic experiences. These vital experiences can vary according to societies’ geographic locations and spatial characteristics and trigger lots of factors related to each other. However, the main factor socioeconomic structure, cultural life and political systems define the ultimate main forms of the societies. In this context, it is observed that countries such as Turkey, Egypt and Brazil have different cultural structures and the enforcements and affirmations (in the sense of the government and its opponents) towards these diffe238 rences are represented with various cultural acts. As Habermas (2012:120) stated, equality struggles in societies did not consist of unique acts; different stimulations were observed. On the one hand, they depend on how and why the struggle is done -whether with the identity awareness of the minority coming from the same race or with the appearance of new minorities as a result of migrations-, on the other hand, they depend on how sensitive the states that see themselves as a migration country due to their history and political cultures or that need to be appropriate for the integration of the foreign countries- are about this topic. Hence, many protests based on various reasons are carried out in many parts of the world. For Turkey, Taksim upheavals are defined as the address of a reaction against the government or, with government’s saying, as a game to knock the government selected by the public down. However, gathering of two opponent groups (Muslim Brothers and western-aided ones) in Adawiyah and Tahrir Squares and their effort to make themselves heard, was a resistance to “grab the power”. The reactions in Brazil are, however, a stance against injustice and representation rather than the regime or political system. In conclusion, while economy and social justice policies are the focus of street and square movements in Brazil, in the protests in Turkey the demand for the freedom, democracy, and respect for fundamental rights are in the forefront. In Egypt, Tahrir and Adawiyah squares are defined as the addresses of the existential political arenas based on power struggle. Shortly, squares are spaces that represent (chaos, complexity, meeting place, peace, festival, recreation, artistic activities and other existential actions etc) different cognitive and affective manners. Because, these acts which are represented by itself indicate that community’s sociopolitical quality and development level between the world communities. So, city squares describe and represent with different space perceptions in terms of communities’ development level and quality. REFERENCES ACUN, Can (2013). Mısır Ordusunun İktisadi Krallığı. Retrieved on 11.07 2013. http://www.radikal. com. tr/dunya/misir_ ordusunun_iktisadi_kralligi-1140386 BARADAT, Leon. P. (2012). Siyasal İdeolojiler- Kökenleri ve Etkileri (Çev.: A. Aydın). Ankara, Siyasal Kitabevi. BONEFELD, Werner (2007). Devlet ve sermaye: Politiğin Eleştirisi Üzerine. (Edit: W. Bonefeld- J. Holloway) İçinde, Küreselleşme Çağında Para ve Sınıf Mücadelesi. Otonom Yayıncılık. Politik Ekonomi Dizisi No: 2, İstanbul BRINEY, Amanda (2013). An Overview and Geography of Brazil. Retrieved on 12. 07 2013: http://geography.about.com/ od/brazilmaps/a/brazilfacts.htm CARNEIRO, Julia (2013). Brazil protests spread in Sao Paulo, Brasilia and Rio. Retrieved on 11.07 2013: http://www. bbc.co.uk/news/ world-latin-america-22946736 CHOMSKY, Noam (2013). Occupy/İşgal Et. Gezi Direnişi Broşürleri:1, Çev.: O. Akınhay. Agora Kitaplığı 414, İstanbul ÇANDAR, Cengiz (2013). ‘Çapulcu’ diyor ki...: Retrieved on 12.07 2013. http://www.radikal.com.tr/ yazarlar/cengiz_candar/ capulcu_diyor_ki-1136596 DHA (DOĞAN HABER AJANSI), (2013). ‘Ülkemdeki Protesto Gösterileriyle Gurur Duyuyorum’: Retrieved on11.07.2013: http://www.haber7.com/amerika/haber/1040310-ulkemdeki-protesto- gosterileriyle-gururduyuyorum DINUCCI, Manlio (2013). Cairo: Who is filling the power vacuum? Retrieved on 17.05.2014 http://www. voltairenet.org/article179412.html 239 DUFFY, Gary (2013). Brazil Protests Spread in Sao Paulo, Brasilia and Rio. Retrieved on 17. 05. 2014 bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-22946736, ERDOĞAN, Murat (2013). Brezilya’da Solun “Zaferi”. Retrieved on 14.07.2013. http://www.antimai. org/ mkl/muraterd.htm FELLMAN, Jerome D.; GETIS, Arthur and GETIS, Judith (2007). Human Geography : Landscapes of Human Activities (Ninth Edition), McGraw-Hill International Edition.New York, NY10020 HABERMAS, Jürgen. (2012).”Öteki” Olmak, “Öteki”yle Yaşamak. (Çev.: İ. Aka). Yapı Kredi Yayınları (6. Baskı), No: 1600, İstanbul HOPKINS, Jeff (2013). Social Geography. Retrieved on 05.09 2013. http://geography.uwo.ca/ undergrad/ courses/2410B. pdf HOROVİTZ, Bruce. (2012) “After Gen X, Millenials, What sould next generation be”? Retrieved on 24. 11. 2012. http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/money/advertising/story/2012-05-03/naming-the-nextgeneration/54737518/1 HOWE, Neil; STRAUSS, William (2000). Millennials Rising: The Next Great Generation. Vintage, ISBN: 978-0-375707-19-3 HUNTLEY, Rebecca (2006). The World According to Y: Inside the New Adult Generation. Allen Unwin. ISBN 1-74114-845-6. JAMES, Justine; BİBB, Sally; WALKER, Simon (2008). Generation Y: Comparison between Asia and the rest of the World: Retrieved on 06.07 2013. http://talentsmoothie.com/sbd/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/AsiaGenY-Report.pdf LAGENDIJK, Joost (2013). İyi ve kötü darbeler. Retrieved on 14.07 2013. http://www.zaman.com.tr/ joostlagendijk/iyi-ve-kotu-darbeler_2110231. MARCOU, Jean (2013). Brezilya ve Türkiye’deki protesto hareketleri karşılaştırılabilir mi? Retrieved on 11.07 2013. http://t24.com.tr/haber/brezilya-ve-turkiyedeki-protesto-hareketleri-karsilastirilabilir-mi/ 233721 MARQUES, Toni (2013). What do the Brazilian protesters want? Retrieved on 11.07.2013. http://www. guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/jun/22/brazilian-protesters MARX, Karl, ENGELS, Friedrich (2011). Alman İdeolojisi. (Çev.: E. Aktan), Alter Yayıncılık, Ankara MARX, Karl; ENGELS, Friedrich (2011). Komünist Manifesto ve Komünizmin İlkeleri (9. Baskı). (Çev.: M. Erdost), Sol Yayınları. Ankara ÖZGEN, Nurettin (2010). Bilim Olarak Coğrafya ve Evrimsel Paradigmaları. Ege Coğrafya Dergisi. 19 (2), 1- 26 ÖZGEN, Nurettin (2011). Coğrafya Öğretmen Adaylarının Coğrafya Algıları: Türkiye Örneği. E- Journal of New World Sciences Academy. 6 (4), 2569-2587 ÖZGEN, Nurettin (2014a). Reflections of Syrian Chaos to Turkey: A Geopolitical Analysis. In Chaos, Complexity and Leadership 2012 (Edititors: S. Banerjee; Ş. Ş. Erçetin). Springer Proceedings in Complexity 2014, pp.507- 518. ÖZGEN, Nurettin (2014b).Forced Migration based Upon the Experiences of Female Sufferers: Diyarbakır City Case Study. Procedia- Social and Behavioral Sciences. Volume 120 (19 March 2014), pp. 433- 442. PEET, Richard (2011). İktidarın Coğrafyası. Küresel Ekonomi Nasıl Yaratıldı. (Çev.: O. Etiman, B. Göktaş), Özgür Üniversite Kitaplığı, No: 90, İstanbul POGGI, Gianfranco (2011). Devlet. Doğası, Gelişimi ve Geleceği (3. Baskı). (Çev.: Aysun Babacan) İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları. No: 164, Sosyoloji: 5, İstanbul SCHULZE, M. Deniz (2013). Haziran Direnişi’nin niteliği üzerine. Retrieved on 11.07 2013. http:// haber. sol.org.tr/serbest-kursu/haziran-direnisinin-niteligi-uzerine-m-deniz-schulze-haberi-76675 SHABI, Rachel (2013). In Egypt, Barack Obama’s approach is like that of a spread beter. Retrieved on:11.07.2013. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/jul/11/obama-egypt-duplicity- democracy SHAPIRA, Ian (2008). What Comes Next After Generation X? Retrieved on 06.07.23013. http://www. washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/07/05/AR2008070501599.html SLY, Liz; AL-HOURAN, Sharaf (2013). Egyptians Optimistic as Ramadan begins. Retrieved on 12. 07.2013:http://www.Washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/egyptians-optimistic-as-ramadanbegins/2013/07/11/ 7f5bd4b6-ea75-11e2-818e-aa29e855f3ab_story.html THE ECONOMIST, (2013). Brazil’s protests The cries are answered. http://www.economist.com/ news/americas/21580169-government-offers-packa- 240 ge-reforms-appease-protesters-it-enough-cries-are adresinden 12.07.2013 tarihinde indirildi. WATTS, Jonathan (2013). Brazil’s left and right struggle for ownership of protests. http://www. guardian. co.uk/world/2013/jun/26/brazil-protests. adresinden 12.07.2013’ indirildi. world-latin-america-22946736 adresinden 12.07.2013 tarihinde indirildi. ZAYAN, Jailan (2013). Egypt braces for nationwide protests. Retrieved on 14.07.2013: http://www.google. com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hP30nA0bbEaHZKjlpUKhdHxoN8Cg?docId=CNG.95111380dfbe35f8a08 d6124c5e915e8.71 ZİZEK, Slavoj (2013). Dünyadaki İsyanların Anlamı. Gezi Direnişi Broşürleri- 2, (Çev.: O. Akınhay). Agora Kitaplığı 415, İstanbul 241 SEISMIC MONITORING AND EARLY WARNING SYSTEMS FOR SMALL-SIZED CITIES. PERNIK CASE STUDY, BULGARIA Boyko Ranguelov INTRODUCTION The seismic early warning systems (SEWS) are the product of the last and most modern achievements of the recent practical Earth’s science. Heavy earthquakes occurred in Japan (2011), Sumatra (2004), Chile (2010), the Solomon Islands, etc. These earthquakes demonstrated the needs of such systems. All known SEWS are based on the fundamental physical property of the seismic waves propagation: the P-waves (with lower amplitudes and smaller destructive potential) travel approximately 1.71 times faster then the S-waves (with several times larger amplitudes and much more destructive potential due to the medium particles movement perpendicular to the wave ray propagation). Currently, only Japan has a fully operative and effective SEWS introduced in operation in 2007. Its efficiency was demonstrated in the M9 earthquake on 11th March, 2011. The systems have an important peculiarity – they are acting in most cases in the high time deficit. In case of SEWS, the time deficit is expressed in the time interval of 1–2 minutes. This means that during that time the warning issue must be done. Over the last years SEWS have been on focus in Bulgaria. The SEWS have been developed for two typical cases – Vrancea and Pernik seismic sources. The range of the Vs and Vp according the theory is 2-1/2 The equation Vp/Vs = 2-1/2 (1) is the fundamental relationship underlying the functioning of kinematic SEWS. This relationship always exists in the solid ideal body and is an immanent property of any ideal elastic medium. Frequently in the earth crust this relationship shows smaller value due the not ideal elasticity of the Earth’s strata. The travel time function F (d, tp,s) presents the relationship between the travel times of the different wave phases (S,P,Sg,Pg,Sb,Pb, etc.) and the distance to the seismic source. The function in the coordinate system (d,t) is usually a straight line, depending of the velocity of the seismic waves in the respective layer. The travel time function is the main relationship, which is used to calculate the kinematic models of the time-deficit EWS. The main principle of the SEWS requires longer time propagation from the seismic source to the threatened territory, which means longer distance. This time (tp-ts) is called “warning time” and presents the difference between the P and S waves arrivals to the threatened object. EARLY WARNING SYSTEMS AND INFORMATION TRANSFER The data and information transfer may use some recent high effective facilities and technologies: space satellites, radio links, cell networks, telephone lines, etc. The data used 242 by the early warning systems usually are signals generated by the sensors in the 0.001–100 Hz frequency diapason. The high dynamic range is around 120 dB. These signals could be transferred by analog or digital channel. Usually the analog signal (former EWS) is low-amplitude and needs some measures and devices to ensure its reliable transfer, like magnifiers, filters and compensators, etc. There are cable networks in use to transfer the data into the information centers for data processing. The disadvantages of such networks are the high price of the transfer and the greater losses of the useful part of the signals. There are also transfer networks using the telephone cables. They need a modular frequency (500 to 2500Hz) to modulate the signal. These networks have also some disadvantages – high noise ratio, vulnerability to different construction works, high-price cables, etc. All analogue channels have one great advantage − they allow the real-time analog signals transfer. The digital networks (even the most sophisticated ones) work in the near real time mode. Digital technology is rapidly introduced in all recent systems. The advantages of this technology are much more – digital signals are reliable in terms of noise protection, data transfer and processing are much easier using the recent computer technologies, data storage is much more effective. The low prices and the wide use of the digital technologies make them leaders in the recent early warning systems. In many cases the analog channels are eliminated by the high-density information channels compressed even in a single cable doublet. The telephone companies introduce the digital technology and increase the security and reliability levels of their transferred signals. The recent cellular networks are also suitable for the signal and information transfer. Such type transfer networks are related to the radio links. The price is lower, but the special regime of use needs greater administration and formalities, like retranslations, heavy problems connected with the sharp topography, etc. A variant of the radio links is the satellite connection. After the big number of geostationary satellites have been launched to orbit, they build up a network which is largely used about telemetry of geophysical and meteorological data. The satellites on Low Earth Orbit (700–1400 km) are called LEO, on the medium (10,000–15,000 km) – MEO and on the Geostationary (36,000 km) – GEO. All these satellite systems form the global communication ring, which is under operation for different purposes. To use it as an element of the early warning systems is the main challenge of the recent times. The differences between the recent and the time-deficit early warning systems are the two sophisticated and slower blocks: the processed information transfer and the end users’ and decision maker’s solutions. They can be eliminated by the simplest, but most powerful software and hardware able to decrease the false alarms by using triggering mechanism and intelligent sensors, which may provide more reliable information and make decisions about the early warning dissemination automatically. The philosophy about the recent and the near-future systems shows that it could be possible to eliminate the slower and less effective blocks related to the transfer of the processed information and the end users’ and decision maker’s sdecision whether the early warning to be issued. This task could be performed by a more sophisticated software, supperfast computing abilities and “smart” location of the sensors. Near-real-time early warning systems are in use up to now about (Ranguelov, 2011): Meteorological events (for hurricanes, tornadoes, other meteorological events), Tsunamis (PTEWS), Volcanoes (for example, Hawaii, Vesuvius, Reunion, Azores networks, etc.) and show relatively reliable exploitation. The use of “smart” sensors, which are able to “make and perform ” the decision, 243 the sophisticated software, which is able to prove the reliability of the warning issue and the fastest recent digital technologies are the main elements which can ensure the highest reliability of the effective early warning systems. The main problem in this competition is to save time. The fastest communications can win against the velocity of the natural hazards. This can be achieved by up-to-date technologies and an improved software. The effectiveness of the early warnings in a time-deficit domain is the most important parameter taken into consideration. The main parameters defining the effectiveness are the velocity of the hazardous process, the velocity of the data and information transfer, the organization of the early warning issue and the transfer of the reliable information to the public. Two options are currently under consideration. The established EWS operating nowadays, and newly established and near future EWS. (Ranguelov et al., 2012). The use of the recent technologies in all aspects of the information collection, processing transfer and dissemination appears essential. The possibility to save time thanks to the latest technologies for information collection, data transfer and warning issues is considered the main issue. The combination between EWS projects and smart EWS devices – smart sensors and “smart” communications is the essential way to increase the effectiveness of the recent time deficit EWS. The role of the remote sensing and satellite communications is very important although they are able to provide smart recent technologies for the fast and safe information transfer. The use of cell phones, smart phones and i-phones is in fact the latest efficient opportunity to disseminate the early warnings (both, time deficit EWS and TWS) not only to decision makers but also to the public. METHODOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE SEISMIC EARLY WARNING SYSTEMS (SEWS) IN BULGARIA In the last years several projects related to time-deficit SEWS have been implemented (DACEA, SIMORA – still active, etc.). The Bulgarian kinematic model for SEWS is developed in Ranguelov, 2013. For the development of such kinematic model several seismic sources are outlined (these are coinciding with the approximate locations of the real earthquake sources in Bulgarian territory) – Table 1. , Table 1 Then the kinematic model used the travel times of S and P waves and their differences – Figure. 4. Isochrone diagrams are made dependent on the distances in order to model 244 the coverage of each wave phase – Figure.1. The implementation of the methodology related to the main Bulgarian seismic sources shows the time intervals (the “warning times”) between 5 and 20 seconds according to the selected seismic source – Figure. 2. Figure 1. An example of the different S, P travel times differences and their phases in terms of distance Figure 2. Modeled isochrones versus distance-coverage of the knots. In the model they represent the seismic sensors The Vrancea case The Vrancea case shows the application of the methodology to several smaller cities in the territory of Bulgaria. The methodology described for the whole country, including all local seismic sources, is applied for the Vrancea source as well as. The Vrancea seismic source (located in Romania) is rather specific and has several peculiarities: very clear fixed 245 Figure 3. The ts-tp isochrones of each seismic source at the levels of 5.3 (dark red), 7.6 (light orange), 8.6 (red), 14,5 (orange) 15 (light green) and 20,2 (green) seconds, covered almost the entire territory of Bulgaria position in space (location and depth), well-defined P and S phases of the direct body seismic waves and due to these specifics it could be easily accepted as a point source – Table 2. Table 2 246 Figure 4. Distances from the Vrancea seismic sources to the respective cities in Bulgaria Figure 5. The travel times ts-tp (Vrancea source) show the time for reaction (the “warning time”) after the early warning is issued Due to the model and the results obtained, the Vrancea seismic source model shows the pretty reliable and high effective SEWS. The minimum tp of the seismic waves reaching Bulgarian territory is about 50 seconds (Figure 4) and the Ts-Tp – about 40 seconds (Figure 5). This time is rather effective about the EW issue for such a limited territory. The 247 time response is easy to be transferred into measures – for example – shut down the reactors of the NPP, close gas and oil pipes, stop electricity, shut down the dangerous production activities, etc. Of course the evacuation time for the population is rather short, but in case of a good preparation and effective awareness campaign about the correct behavior in case of a strong seismic event, the individual reactions can save many lives thanks to the widely disseminated messages via the modern lines of communication – SMS, alarm signals broadcasted by TV or radio channels, Internet fast lines, etc. Pernik Case Study Pernik City – 30 kilometers SW of Sofia (the capital of Bulgaria) has been shocked by an earthquake (M5.8) on 22nd May, 2012 (3AM local time). The seismic event generated massive damages in the city of Pernik and surrounding villages. More then 8,000 homes, structures and public buildings were affected. Fortunately, no human victims were reported. The seismic event evoked panic and rumors spread among the population. There are several peculiarities focusing the public attention to this case: -The activated source was not considered as so powerful as demonstrated - The generated ground strong motions registered relatively far (more then 30 km away) from The source have been with a wide spectrum (not very usual phenomena in such cases) -There wasn’t any seismic instrumentation in the area of the city. All these specifics revealed the needs of a new-technology based approach to seismic monitoring and possible creation of a modern seismic warning system. Intensive scientific research is performed to explain the strange behavior of this seismic event – its mechanism, its wide spectrum, its damaging potential, its geophysical characteristics. The results of this research and the technical execution of the establishment of the monitoring and early warning system for the city of Pernik are mostly presented in this chapter. A special targeted project SIMORA, funded by the National Scientific Fund, was created to study thoroughly the possibility to establish a signaling system for the local seismic source which generated the relatively strong event on 22nd May, 2014. Project SIMORA – System of Monitoring and Seismic Early Warning about Pernik City General objective: To create a strong motion monitoring system in the area affected by a moderate earthquake – M5.8 – 22nd May, 2012 and to provide local authorities with reliable quantitative information about the level of strong ground motions. Specific objectives: To investigate the local seismogenic source and relationships with the local geology, tectonics and geophysical fields To focus on the establishment of key-core elements of a quasi EWS targeted to the industrial facilities and the nearby dam. To provide models about strong ground motions and their influence to the population, facilities and underground mining galleries. To help the population with the education about correct behavior before, during and after a strong earthquake To provide expertise to other local seismic active regions To achieve these objectives wide complex geophysical investigations have been per248 formed: Gravity and magnetic fields investigations in the area of the Pernik earthquake – Figure 6 and Figure 7 Seismological investigations of the past seismicity, recent seismotectonics and ground effects Aftershock activity – study of space and time developments of the aftershock sequences to define more precisely the seismotectonic model of the seismic source. Figures…. Local site conditions prospecting of the candidate sites for future instrumentation deployment – Figure… Kinematic models development to establish the efficiency of the signaling system. The results of all these investigations have been presented in many papers, reports and presentations before the scientific society for discussions and clarifications. Figurе 6. Gravity field (Bouger anomaly) in the investigated region Figure 7. Map of the magnetic field (delta Z )in the investigated region 249 Aftershocks activity – indicator about the space-time development of the seismic process Figure 8. Space distribution of the aftershock activity from 22nd to 31st May, 2012 Figure 9 Geographic position of the main shock, aftershocks and topography DEM The black ellipses define the approximate size of the main shock source (the western, larger one – with dimensions 18 х 10 х 15 km) and the size of the so-called far-field aftershocks ( the east smaller one with approximate dimensions 12 х 5 х 12 km. Figure 10. Time-dependence of the number of seismic events to 31st May 250 Figure 11. Depth–time distribution of the aftershock activity up to 31st May Figure 12. Space development of the stress distribution due to the aftershock activity – magnitude dependence Figure 13. Magnitude–intensity relationship between the felt aftershocks 251 As a result of the complex geophysical investigations a geodynamic model of the seismic source has been created (Ranguelov et al, 2013) – Figure 14. Figure 14. A seismotectonic model of the Pernik 22nd May 2012 earthquake: 1 – extension; 2 – downward movements of the subsided block; 3 – listric asymmetric faulting; 4 – direction of the subsidence; 5 – areas of destruction during the main shock (and aftershocks) – considered as source of high frequencies; 6 – lowest part of the subsided block – considered as source of the low frequencies A Kinematic model of the MEWS around Pernik City 252 Figure.15 Distances around Pernik city to the villages expected to be shocked during the next seismic event (a model). The diamonds present the positions of the middle point and the end points of the seismogenic fault. Figure 16. tp travel times to the main villages around Pernik City 253 Figure 17. ts travel times to the main villages around Pernik. Many candidate sites for the seismic stations monitoring network have been explored. According to the kinematics model – Figure 19. (Ranguelov and Iliev, 2013), the intended quasi SEWS could expect low efficiency due to the short epicenter distances and only seconds (3 to 7) of the ts-tp travel times for the EW issue (Figure 18). Figure 18. ts-tp travel times to the main villages around Pernik 254 Figure 19. Investigated candidate sites for installation of the equipment of the monitoring and early warning seismic system around Pernik City Acknowledgments: This work is supported by the SIMORA (DFNI T01/0003) contract. REFERENCES Ranguelov B., Georgiev A., Spassov E., 2006, Natural hazards and early warning systems. Ann. M&G University, vol.49, part I, Geology and Geophysics, p. 209-212. Ranguelov B., 2010. Atlas of the tsunami risk susceptible areas along the Northern Bulgarian Black Sea coast – Balchik site. 25 p. Ranguelov B., 2011. Natural Hazards – nonlinearities and assessment., Acad. Publ. House (BAS), ISBN 978-954-332-419-7, 327 pp. Ranguelov B., Radichev R., Dimovsky S., Oaie G., Dimitriu R., Diaconescu M., Palazov A., Dimitrov O., Shanov S., Dobrev N., 2011. MARINEGEOHAZARDS Project – key core elements of the early warning system in the Black Sea., Ann. of M&G University, Vol. 54, Part I, Geology and Geophysics, p. 177-182. Ranguelov B., G. Mardirossian, N. Marinova, E. Spassov, 2012. Early warning systems – EWS (earthquakes and tsunamis) and their effectiveness., S e v e n t h S c i e n t i f i c C o n f e r e n c e , S E S 2 0 1 1 , 29th November – 1st December 2011, Sofia, Bulgaria, p. 307-312. Rаnguelov B., Paskaleva I, Radichev R, Dimovsky S, Tzankov Ch, Kisiov A, Yankova M, Iliev T, Margarita V., 2013. Complex geophysical investigation for development of seismic monitoring and quasi EWS around Pernik city., Proc. 7th Balkan Geophysical Congress., Tirana, 7-10th October, 2013 (on CD). Ranguelov B., Iliev T., 2013. A kinematical model of the Seismic Early Warning System (SEWS)., Proc. 7th Balkan Geophysical Congress., Tirana, 7-10th October, 2013 (on CD). 255 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION IN ADANA IN TERMS OF URBAN GEOGRAPHY Tülay ÖCAL INTRODUCTION Cities have maintained their dynamic characteristic since the day they have been founded and have constantly undergone change since the past together with population increase. Functions and settlement populations should be dealt with together in the differentiation of cities (Tümertekin, 1973: 42-43). Such cities have a high population density and have high populations (Göney, 1994: 5). Here, there is a close relation between the existence and diversity of urban functions and the population in settlements (Aliağaoğlu, Uğur, 2010: 4). The intense population increase in cities is due to industrialization movements. Urbanization has accelerated together with the industrial revolution and has become a phenomenon addressing the entire world today. While it was acquiring a different form and pace only in developed countries, today it is mostly continuing in developing countries. As a matter of fact, when the urbanization rates of countries are examined, it is observed that these rates are not only limited to the regions of Western Europe and North America and developed countries like Australia and Japan, but also high in developing countries (Çetin, 2012). As a developing country, urbanization started to appear after 1950 and proceeded with a rapid pace. The gradual increase of the number of cities together with the share of the urban population in the total population is the primary indicators of this transformation. The slowly progressing increase between 1927 and 1950 accelerated after 1950. In 1927 only 24% of the population lived in 66 cities with a population of more than 10 thousand. This rate only exceeded 25% in 1950. Urbanization was limited to the natural population growth and the number of people living in cities between censuses was around 300-400 thousand (Çetin, 2012). According to studies, while the urbanization rate of our country during this period was around 18%, the rate of industrialization was only around 7%. The evident difference (11%) led to the accumulation of populations in cities (Çelik, 2007). It accelerated especially with migration from villages to cities at the beginning of the 1950s and it still exists today. During this migration process oriented at especially industrialized cities, local administrations have been unable to address the demand for land and make infrastructure investments basically due to the lack of budget. This has especially led to the construction of slums in large cities (Yomralıoğlu and Çete, 2005). This urbanization was largely limited to the Marmara and Aegean Regions. The eastern and central Anatolian regions were under the country average. The Black Sea Region has the lowest rate of urbanization (Çetin, 2012). The distribution of urbanization in Turkey entered a partial change process in the period between1960-1965. New cities formed around Istanbul and Izmir and with the effect of military and administrative functions; there was a shift to the Central and Eastern Anatolian Regions (Çetin, 2012). In parallel to the increases in the characteristic and volume of economic actions in the 1960-1970 period, it was a boom period in terms of urban development (Çalışkan and Akbulut, 20109). Zone and urban plans prepared for these conditions have lost their validity and there were difficulties in presenting housing due to the lack of land. 256 Due to the groups without economic means for living in the existing residential areas in the city constructing low quality housing on unzoned and illegal lands, the establishment of slums started to accelerate (Çalışkan and Akbulut, 2010). Due to the urban population in Turkey exceeding 50% in the 1980-1985 period, this period is a milestone in the urbanization process. Some studies in this field have suggested that some administrative changes after 1980 have been influential in this area. Especially the inclusion of settlements near city centers into the population of the city is effective in the increase of the urban population ( Çetin. 2012). Today the urban population is around 75% and urbanization is an ongoing process with varying dimensions. Urban zones have formed in the Marmara region, around Izmir, between Mersin- Adana – Iskenderun, and on the Black Sea shore. Istanbul is a mega city, Ankara is a national metropolis, and Izmir, Bursa, and Adana are regional metropolises ( Çetin, 2012). These metropolitan cities are spreading over fertile lands and causing problems. The inappropriate use of agricultural lands is among the top problems in Turkey. Zoning of agricultural lands as urban land means the non-agricultural use of the land. In order to prevent the deterioration of environmental resources, land utilization and environmental plans should be prepared on a regional and basin basis and utilization not conforming to the plans should not be permitted (Çelik, 2007). When the topic is examined in terms of urban planning, you have to agree with these two expressions: the best urban plans are the ones that can keep the land value at the lowest probable levels and the conflict between plan decisions and land prices render the implementation of the plan impossible most of the time (Eke, 2000). Both expressions point out the importance of land value in urban planning (Çelik, 2007). Investments in land as a production factor in order to contribute to production and investments in real estate in order to generate personal or company gains for purposes other than production are two different things. Investments for speculative purposes do not have contributions to the economy of the country and they have a delaying and preventing effect (Keleş, 2002). Investments in land in cities have become a means of earnings for individuals as the populations of cities increased. Together with overpopulation, plains have become means of livelihood and opened to development in time. The settlement of industry together with other structures has created land misuse problems. As Yalçınlar (1967) put it, hundreds of cities have occupied the plains never to leave. This leads to great losses in the economy of the country and a strategic planning error. Surveys should be performed in order to utilize land in the most efficient manner in urban planning (Özdemir and Kardoğan, 1996). Developed countries place great importance on land surveys and geographers for such works in the management of the land of the country, however, there is no such approach in Turkey (Özçağlar, 2005). Local administrations and especially municipalities are authorized and responsible for the local services of the residents of the city (Pektaş, 2008). Even though there are interruptions in the planning and the provision of services in Turkish cities, the cities have continued to grow. Bursa is one of these cities. When the amount of increase of industry and settlement obtained through maps derived from the master plan of the entire city and its surroundings is examined, it can easily be understood that there was a rapid urbanization period from 1960 to 1976 and this trend continued in 1995 (Aksoy and Özsoy, 2007). Urbanization is rapidly continuing today and agricultural lands are being destroyed. When the land utilization map of the province of Yalova obtained through controlled classification is observed, the most evident change is the substantial expansion of settlements 257 (Özdemir and Bahadır, 2010 ). It would be appropriate to support the expansion of the city of Denizli towards settlements such as Başkarcı, Hallaçlar, and Şirinköy, which are close to the city and suitable in terms of land utilization ( Pilevne, 1999: 8). Unfertile lands that are not suitable for agriculture will be utilized economically this way. While performing urban planning, it is necessary that an approach synthesizing the natural geographic feature of settlements and socioeconomic characteristics is adopted (Özçağlar, 2004). Failure to utilize such a synthesis, has led to problems concerning settlement in Denizli just like in other settlements (Kara, 2010). Planning and infrastructure problems due to unplanned urbanization, and the increase in the establishment of slums are the most important problems of the mega cities of today (Keçeli, Karakuyu, Kocaman, Kara, 2008). As the population increases rapidly in these mega cities, people coming from rural areas have constructed their own homes and increased the slums in the cities. As is known, slums are a form of settlement established on the outskirts of cities and dependant on the center of the cities in social and economic terms. These homes are generally constructed illegally. As the homes are built on government lands or personal lands without notice, they do not have any guarantee. Another feature of the slums are the fact that they are structures below standards, because, they have been constructed in the shortest period with the cheapest items (Yalçın and Çetin, 2004). Slums started appearing for the first time with the industrialization movement after the Second World War. Slums demonstrate the extent of the incorrect course of urbanization in Turkey. Another indicator of the incorrect urbanization with slums is the accumulation of 70% of all slums in the four large provinces (Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, and Adana). Slums were perceived to be a temporary case in the 1950s (Yalçın and Çetin, 2004). Failure of municipalities to develop adequate zoning plans and their perception of slums as a temporary incident have been effective in the increase of slums. Due to a lack of resources, lack of equipment and instruments, organizational deficiencies, inadequate personnel, corruption, and political reasons in municipalities, building inspections were performed inadequately or not performed at all and these led to the increase of illegal structures and slums ( Akdemir, 1998: 45). Slum areas have been supported by politicians prior to elections by granting licenses to illegal structures, connecting electricity and water, issuing title deeds or building permit amnesties. This has supported illegal constriction in some way (İnceoğlu, 1999: 106; Kara, 2010). Elimination of illegal constructions is only possible through the implementation of plans in legislation regulating building activities in our country. Association of technical and social data is of importance especially in the preparation of infrastructures of planning efforts in urban areas (Üstündağ and Şengün, 2011: 1). Urban transformation approaches are encountered in projects conducted on urban and public areas. There are many examples of urban transformation in the world. The Les Halles district in France, the Dockland Industrial Zone in Britain (Aykal, Murt, Korkmaz, Acar, 2007), the “Hiroshima-Danbara Urban Reconstruction Project” for the construction of the completely destroyed city of Hiroshima in 1945, and the “Bellenden Renewal Scheme” applied in 1990 for the purpose of renewing the existing building stock in the Bellenden region of Britain are some urban transformation projects (Mommaas, 2004: Uzun and Çete, 2005: Karadağ and Miroğlu, 2012). The “Rio Urban Slum Reinforcement Project” initiated in 1994 in the Brazilian city of Rio is a good example of rehabilitation efforts of slum districts in cities (Karadağ and Miroğlu, 2012). There are examples of such transformation in especially large cities in our country. Kızılay258 Yüksel Street in Ankara, Istanbul Taksim, Bakırköy, and Kadıköy are prominent examples. Changing urban dynamics and the transformation in the utilization of urban public spaces are important factors in urban design (Aykal, Murt, Korkmaz, Acar, 2007). After 2000 in Turkey, the government and municipalities started preparing urban transformation projects which have been accepted as urban design. With the expression of “Metropolitan municipalities provincial and district municipalities within their borders, and municipalities with a population exceeding 50,000 can apply urban transformation or development projects in order to reconstruct and restore old city quarters in line with the development of the city, create residential, industrial, and commercial areas, technology parks and social facilities, take measures against earthquake risks or to conserve the historic and cultural fabric of the city” in article 73 on urban transformation and development areas in the Municipal Law No. 5393 of 2005, the power to implement urban transformation was vested in local administrations (URL 1). Reaching an agreement is essential in the vacation, demolition, and expropriation of buildings in urban transformation and development zones under the scope of this law. In the event that an agreement cannot be reached, property owned by real or legal entities can be expropriated by the relevant municipalities. The disposal and exercising of rights and privileges pertaining to report acquired by municipalities during and as a result of implementation in urban transformation and development areas shall be performed within the framework of the Turkish Civil Code and other relevant legislation (URL 2: Karadağ and Miroğlu, 2012). This covers especially the reorganization of slum zones and the construction of new buildings within the scope of urban transformation. In face of the rapid increase of the urban population, high-rise buildings are constructed in slum zones and this ensures that higher populations reside in closer distances, prevents the loss of land, and improves the appearance of the city. According to Tomas (2003) urban transformation is an extensive vision and act attempting to provide a permanent solution for the physical, social, and environmental conditions of a region undergoing change and for urban problems. According to Turok (2004: 63) they are planning efforts advocating the participation of the government and private sectors and the public and attempting to improve impoverished areas-convert city centers to a character suiting the life of today and aiming to improve the economy through commerce and industry in addition to improve the living opportunities of the public (Demirkıran, 2008: 5; Bulut and Ceylan. 20013:2409). Urban transformation does not only cover physical elements in a section of or the entire city, but also deals with the improvement of social elements. On the other hand, urban renewal is defined as receiving engineering services for buildings in a certain area inside a city within the framework of a plan and ensuring they have a certain quality standard. Interventions to such urban sites appear in the form of the addition of profitable spaces into urban areas, rather than adding new spaces to cities (Kurtuluş, 2005: 62-63). Most of the time, this is explained with the concept of urban transformation (Ayık, Avcı, 2013: 398-399). After the year 2000, this has become both an issue on the agenda and a problem for all cities in Turkey. The Izmir Bayraklı Urban Transformation Project, the Istanbul Fikirtepe Urban Transformation Project, and the Niğde Efendibey Urban Transformation Project are a few examples in our country. It is possible to come across such urban transformation projects in all our cities. Adana is a city that is a metropolis candidate and the Seyhan district Fatih, 200 Evler, Ziyapaşa, and Göl Quarters and Yüreğir district Sinanpaşa and Köprülü Quarters Urban Transformation Projects are a few of these. New ones are expected to be added to these in future years, because Adana is a city that has experienced excessive slum expansion. 259 1. PURPOSE-METHOD Adana is Turkey’s fifth largest city and one of the cities with the most slums. The most important factors concerning this are the migration from surrounding provinces and the city being located on one of Turkey’s largest alluvial plains and the large demand for agricultural workers. The population coming to the city from surrounding provinces as seasonal workers ends up settling around Adana and causes an increase in the population. The construction of slums accompanies this. Promises made during elections in our country and the building license amnesties are the most important reasons of such slum construction. This becomes a problem troubling the government and municipalities and has led to the urban transformation projects of today. The purpose in this study is the examination of urban transformation projects in Adana and determining whether or not the housing to be constructed can address the needs of people living in slums. Furthermore, the study aims to determine whether or not spaces and buildings will be constructed relevant to the income of people that will not live in the homes and why these spaces and quarters have been selected, while there are many slums in all the districts and quarters of the city. Scientific resources concerned with urban transformation and similar resources have been examined in the study and zoning plans developed for Adana have been obtained. The direction of development and expansion of the city over the years was examined on the city zoning map and examinations have been performed especially in slum districts of the city. Plans prepared by the municipality for urban transformation sites have been examined and they have been compared one-by-one on-site. Together with the migration received by the city to date, population increase data was obtained from necessary resources and the Turkish statistics Institute (TÜİK) and the development and increase of the population over the years have been examined. After the literature review was performed and necessary resources were obtained, photos were taken and interviews were made with people during the field visit-observations performed on urban transformation sites in the city and their opinions on urban transformation were asked. After population development and urban transformation data was received, they were interpreted. 2. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION 2. 1. Location and Natural Features of Adana Adana is located in the south of Turkey between the Middle Toros and Amanos Mountain Ranges, on the banks of the Seyhan River at the center of Çukurova, which is the Eastern Mediterranean Basin’s largest base level plain, at altitude grades of 15-130m. Mersin is located to the west, Osmaniye and Kahramanmaraş are located to the east, the Mediterranean Sea is located to the south, Hatay is located to southeast, and the mountainous and high massifs such as the Bolkar and Aladağlar are located to the north. At the same time, the city is located at the southern exit of the Gülek Pass, which connects Central Anatolia with the Middle East, Mediterranean, and Southeastern Anatolia with highway and railroad connections (Figure 1). The city of Adana is located within the administrative borders of the central districts of Çukurova, Sarıçam, Seyhan, Yüreğir, and Karaisalı (Figure 2). The city center is located at a site not far from the hills at the locality of Seyhan called Köprü Başı. The site was selected probably because it is the last point suitable for a bridge crossing before the plain descends and the river expands and widens and it is suitable to build a fortress. There are intense agricultural activities in the plain and this has led to the development of 260 crucial industry and commerce in the city. The city has a frequent and busy transportation network. Figure 1. Adana City Location map. Figure 2. Central Districts of Adana. 2. 2. Population Development of Adana Over the years Settlement in Adana dates back to the subneolithic (Göney, 1976: 65-66) and then it remained under the rule of the Hittites, Assyrians, Persians, Seleucides, and the Roman Empire for a long time. It was then conquered by the Umayyads and it experienced TurkishIslamic settlement in the Abbasid Era (Hallaçoğlu, 2000: 11-12). In the yearbook of Adana pertaining to 1872 it is reported that there are 30,024 inhabitants. In the same yearbook it 261 was determined that 70,665 people lived there in 1891. In statistics conducted by the French in 1918 the population of the Adana district was indicated to be 102,492 (Hallaçoğlu, 1998: 351; Sönmez, 2012). In the Republic Era census of 1927 the total population of the city of Adana was 72,652. The population of the city increased slightly in 1935 to 76,473. The conscription of the majority of males between the years of 1935-1945 had a negative impact on the population increase. The population of Adana was 88,100 in 1940 and 100,780 in 1945. The population increase rate proceeded very slowly in Adana and reached 117,642 in 1950 and then reached 168,628 in 1955. The construction of the Seyhan irrigation and hydroelectric dam was influential in this. The rural population, whose lands were covered with water in the construction, migrated to the city and was effective in the population increase. After this, the population increased rapidly and the population reached 231,548 in 1960 and 289,919 in 1965 (Sönmez, 2012). In the following years it reached 347,454 in 1970 and 475.348 in 1975. The increase was over 100,000 in the period between 1970 and 1975. In 1980 it increased to 574,515 and 777,544 in 1985. The city population reached 916,150 in 1990 and 1,130,710 in 2000. There was a great increase in the population in Adana after 1980 due to developments in the textiles industry and this is the period with the most slum constructions. The building license amnesties of municipalities in this period have caused a boom in slum construction. The population of Adana was 1,591,518 in 2010 and this was an increase in parallel to that across Turkey. However, it was among the cities with the most slum development. It can be observed that the population increased to 1,617,284 in 2012 and 1,636,229 in 2013 (Table 1). Table 1. Population increase in the city of Adana over the years. 2. 3. Zoning Plan Efforts in Adana Since the Proclamation of the Republic At the time Adana was conquered by the Turks in 1360, the population and development was located around the Adana Castle adjacent to the Taşköprü and the neighborhoods of Tepebağ, Kayalıbağ, Ulucami, and Karasoku around the castle. The actual development and expansion of Adana occurred in the Ottoman Era. After Adana was taken under Ottoman rule in 1516, it spread out of the center to the west of the Seyhan River and expanded to the north, south, and west. New neighborhoods were established. Adana continued growing throughout the XVII century. By 1700 the number of neighborhoods had increased to 37 (AŞS. 2; AŞS. 101: 28). In the first half of the XVIII century, the number of neighborhoods continued to increase due to the expansion of the city. With no neighborhoods lost in the past century and the addition of 13 new neighborhoods in this last half a century, the number of neighborhoods in Adana increased to 47 (AŞS. 28: 55) (Yörük, 2012) (Figure 3). While these developments were occurring, especially in the 1800s cotton cultivation was encouraged by the French. Adana started receiving migration due to cotton production and the city started to expand and develop. Furthermore, the construction of the AdanaMersin railroad in 1886 and the establishment of the first spinning factory in 1887 were 262 influential in the development of the city (Sandal, Tıraş, 2012). After the proclamation of the Republic, the city of Adana started to expand and develop together with Turkey. This has led to the need for a zoning plan for the city. Figure 3. Expansion Process of Adana in the XV-XVIII Centuries (Yörük, 2012). The first zoning plan was developed by Hermann Jansen for Adana in 1940 and it covered an area of 560 ha with scales of 1/ 2 000 and 1/5 000 for the city center. Following the first plan of the city, the zoning plan prepared in 1948 covered an area of 183 ha and architectural elements with national value were used in the two-storey buildings with gardens. The zoning plans of the General Command of Mapping covering an area 17000 ha developed in 1961 using the orthophotograph system and current maps was a more realistic zoning plan (Say, Yücel, Ökten, 2012) ( Figure 4). Figure 4. Jansen’s final Adana plan of 1940 (Source: TU Berlin Architekturmuseum, Inv. Nr. 23367, 23368 and 23369; Ökesli, 2010) 263 Environmental plans of Adana with a scale of 1/20 000 and covering an area of 34,000 ha for a population of 1,500,000 were prepared in the years of 1965-66. The next zoning plan of the city covered an area of 7.048 ha and was approved and put into force by the Ministry of Public Works and Housing in 1969. There is another plan prepared for the Çukurova Region. This plan was published in 1970 as the ‘Çukurova Regional Development, Urbanization, and Settlement Plan’ (Adana Metropolitan Municipality, 2008). A local zoning plan with a scale of 1/1 000 was prepared in 1980 for the western districts of the city with the passage of the motorway to the north. This plan was prepared according to the Master Development Plan with a scale of 1/5 000. These plans covered an area of 21000 ha. In 1987, the Yeni Adana (New Adana) Plan was prepared for an area of 3,000 ha anticipating a population of 1 million (Say, Yücel, Ökten, 2012). Housing demands reached a climax during the years of high migration. This was a plan for moving the city northwards. Building heights and building densities were at a maximum level in this plan. While the unplanned nature in the zoning history of the city continued, a tender was made for the revised master development plan with a scale of 1 /5 000 in 1992 (this plan covering an area of 13,500 ha was approved in the form of 3 stages). Phases I and II of the master development plan were approved by the Metropolitan Municipality in 1995 and phase III was approved in 1996. In the Adana Yüreğir University and Surroundings Additional Revision Master Development Plan approved in 1992, green spaces were withdrawn from inside the city and the fairground, university and urban green spaces were proposed to the north. The Revision and Tender Master Development Plan of 1994-1995 was developed for an area of 20,000 ha and a population of 4,000,000. There was high-rise and dense construction in this plan. The plan of 1998 was prepared for an area of 4000 ha beyond the university campus to the northeast. An area of 2500 ha was allocated for two-storey villas around the lake for the high income group. The plan approved in July of 2001 was in the form of low level buildings on an area of 620 ha (Adana Metropolitan Municipality, 2008). The additional revised master development plan was prepared in the form of 7 phases in 2008. This is the final plan prepared by the Adana Metropolitan Municipality and covers a total area of 32,500 ha. When the changes in the plan decisions are taken into consideration and as specified in the final statement of the “Symposium on the Urban Problems of Adana” organized by TMMOB (Union of Chambers of Turkish Engineers and Architects) on 8-10 May 2008, Adana is gradually drifting away from being a safe, sound, and livable city due to illegal constructions and building license amnesties. The development periods of the Adana urban zoning plans are as pre 1950, between 1950 and 1970, between 1970 and 1980, between 1980 and 2000, and post-2000. The city started expanding in a northwest direction after the 1980s. Topographic maps of the city with a scale of 1/25.000 were prepared in the plans. Current urban fabric of the city has been prepared utilizing the current maps of the Metropolitan Municipality and satellite images of 2008. As it can be observed in the figure, a large area next to the current urban fabric has been opened to development (Say, Yücel, Ökten, 2012) (Figure 5). Adana is known to be a place, where fertile lands have been given up for short term gains, since the proclamation of the Republic. The misuse of agricultural lands for unplanned urbanization and industrialization has increased in previous years. 2. 4. Urban Transformation Plans in Adana Adana is Turkey’s fifth largest city and one of the cities with the most slums. Slum development in Adana had a slow pace in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s and reached a peak 264 after 1980 and became unpreventable. The building license amnesties of municipalities became effective here and a chain of slums appeared in Adana. In order to prevent the excessive loss of lands in the city, some housing projects were implemented. However, this could not prevent the expansion of slums. These are the 100.yıl Evleri, Belediye Evleri, and 2000 Evler housing projects. However, these have ended up becoming insufficient in time. The apartments constructed around Baraj Yolu, Mahfesığmaz, Kurttepe, Turgut Özal Boulevard, and Kenan Evren Boulevard by private contractors was unable to prevent the spreading of slums. This is because; Adana is one of the cities with the highest housing prices in Turkey. Adana and Mersin are at the top of the list in the increase in housing and they are followed by Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir. Figure 5. Urban Fabric of Adana pertaining to 1995 and 2008 (Say, Yücel, Ökten, 2012). This has been effective in the increase of slums. Slums expanded in the city during the 1990s and 2000s in this manner. Just like in all of Turkey, after 2000, urban transformation was perceived to be the solution for slum expansion in Adana. Urban transformation accelerated after 2006. The assembly of the Adana Metropolitan Municipality discussed urban transformation in the first months of 2006 and determined various areas for application to this end. Adana is a city that is a metropolis candidate and the Seyhan district Fatih, 200 Evler, Ziyapaşa, and Göl Quarters and Yüreğir district Sinanpaşa and Köprülü Quarters Urban Transformation Projects are a few such examples (Figure 6). 265 Figure 6. Urban Transformation Sites on the Adana City Map (http://www.adanabld.gov.tr/proje-13.html). An order of priority was determined among these projects afterwards and the sites that urban transformation would be performed first were determined. For the purpose of receiving the financial and technical support of the Housing Development Administration (TOKİ), separate protocols were signed between TOKI and the Metropolitan Municipality for the 3 selected sites. The following are the Urban Renewal (Slum Transformation) Projects selected for implementation in Adana: Seyhan District Fatih Quarter: The 9.6 ha area was selected and the number of detached sections in this area was determined to be 310. Furthermore, an area of 3 ha was determined for mass housing (Çopuroğlu, 2006). This area consisted of one-storey slums on shared title deeds on the outskirts of the city when it was constructed and now has three to four-storey buildings and is in the center of the city. The Urban Transformation tender concerning the Fatih Quarter has been performed and the company that has been awarded the tender is continuing surveys, mapping, field work, project drawings, and other procedures (Photo 1,2). Seyhan District Göl Quarter: The Göl Quarter Urban Transformation Site has an area of 20 ha (202.000 m2) and is located at the Çukurova District, Karalar locality (Göl). There are a total of 390 detached sections belonging to 417 title holders in the area (34 businesses 356 homes) and 286 (24 businesses 262 homes) of these detached sections appear to be occupied by squatters. The urban transformation tender concerning the site has been finalized and the company awarded the tender is continuing surveys, mapping, field works, project development, and other procedures. This second area selected for Urban Transformation consists of illegal structures built in the 1980s on land belonging to the treasury and violating the border of the lake shore (Çopuroğlu, 2006). As this area is new compared to other unzoned areas in Adana, it does not have most of the developments acquired in time in terms of homes and environment. Furthermore, it is located far away from the city center and due to its scenery and micro climate features, it has become a popular spot for luxurious housing and leisure facilities in recent years (Photo 3,4). 266 Photo 1. Satellite Image of the Fatih Quarter Urban Transformation (http://www. adana-bld.gov.tr/proje-13.html). Photo 2. Fatih Quarter Urban Transformation Site Boundary (http://www.adanabld.gov.tr/proje-13.html). Photo 3. Satellite Image of the Göl Quarter Urban Transformation (http://www. adana-bld.gov.tr/proje-13.html). 267 Photo 4. Göl Quarter Urban Transformation Site (http://www.adana-bld.gov.tr/proje13.html). The Sinanpaşa Quarter Urban Transformation Site is located on an area of 13 ha (130.330 m2) at the Yüreğir District, Karşıyaka (a proportion of Sinanpaşa Quarter and Yavuzlar Quarter) Quarter. The said site was separated into 2 phases with a protocol signed and negotiations with 906 title holders of approximately 558 detached sections have been finalized. Furthermore, with the resolution of the assembly of the Metropolitan Municipality dated 15.03.2012 and numbered 48, the borders of the new urban transformation site were determined. This area covers the area to east of the current site and some proportions of the Akıncılar Quarter. Together with these determined areas, the boundaries of the Sinanpaşa Quarter Urban Transformation Site reached an area of 56 ha (559.500 m2) (http://www. adana-bld.gov.tr/proje-13.html.). The Yüreğir Municipality has divided this urban transformation site into 8 areas on a quarter basis. These are as follows: Kışla District II (Çamlıca) ( 12 ha), Cumhuriyet (A disaster risk area) (22ha) Akıncılar (5,7 ha) Başak (22,5 ha) Kışla (6ha) Yavuzlar (5,5 ha) Serinevler (6,5 ha) Karacaoğlan (5,5 ha) and Kışla District III (60 ha). The selected area was also mainly constructed in the 1960s and it was located on the other side of the Seyhan River causing difficulties in transportation. It was constructed on uznoned shared lots of land. It is the first urban transformation project initiated in Adana in 2014 (Photo 5,6). Photo 5. Satellite Image of the Sinanpaşa Quarter Urban Transformation (http:// www.adana-bld.gov.tr/proje-13.html). 268 Photo 6. Sinanpaşa Quarter Urban Transformation Site (http://www.adana-bld.gov. tr/proje-13.html). The Köprülü Quarter Urban Transformation Site is located in the Yüreğir District, Köprülü Quarter on an area of 29 ha (29.000 m2). The area within the limits of the Köprülü Quarter whose, boundaries and coordinates have been specified in the annexed map and list has been declared an area under risk upon the letter of the Ministry of Environment and Urbanization dated 26/7/2013 and numbered 4537 and with the resolution of the Council of Ministers dated 5/8/2013 according to Article 2 of Law no: 6306 on the Restructuring of Areas Under the Risk of Natural Disasters. (Photo 7). Photo 7. Satellite Image of the Köprülü Quarter Urban Transformation (http://www. adana-bld.gov.tr/proje-13.html). The İkibinevler Quarter urban Transformation Site is located in the Seyhan District on an area of 30.6 ha (30,600 m2) (Photo 8). 269 Photo 8. Satellite Image of the İkibinevler Urban Transformation (http://www. adana-bld.gov.tr/proje-13.html). The Ziyapaşa Urban Transformation Site in the Seyhan District of Adana is a neighborhood that developed after 1970 and is now located at an important point in the center of the city. The urban transformation site covers an area of 20.8 ha. The project is in the development phase and has not been tendered yet (Photo 9). Photo 9. Satellite Image of the Ziyapaşa Quarter Urban Transformation (http://www. adana-bld.gov.tr/proje-13.html). Urban transformation projects in Adana appear to be continuing without being limited to these, because Adana is one of the cities with the most slums in Turkey. The resolution of the Council of Ministers on “The Declaration of the Area within the Boundaries of the Adana province, Seyhan district, Barbaros and Bey Quarters as an Urban Transformation and Development Project Site’ was promulgated in the Official Gazette and with the letter dated 28 February 2013 it was resolved by the Council of Ministers on 11 March 2013 270 (http://www.byegm.gov.tr/turkce/haber/kentsel-dnm-alanlari-belrlend/36015). The Adana Seyhan District Belediye Evleri Urban Transformation Project has not become official and its infrastructure is being prepared. In meetings conducted in the city, it was determined that one-on-one negotiations were in progress with title holders for the urban transformation in Belediye Evleri. 3. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Adana is on the path to becoming an important metropolis in Turkey; however it is one of the cities with the most slums. It is the result of it becoming one of Turkey’s textiles centers after 1980. Other reasons for the expansion of slums are shared title deeds and the building license amnesties of municipalities prior to elections. Today, slums are located in important parts of the city, however, unplanned urbanization can be observed in these areas. These places are neighborhoods with two to three-storey homes with inadequate infrastructure and the most social problems in the city. It is a metropolis candidate and also it is Turkey’s slum causing visual pollution on fertile alluvial lands. The lack of land and high prices of flats has caused an increase in the construction of slums. The solution of the problem of slums is a priority for a developing country after the year 2000. The Adana Metropolitan Municipality and district municipalities have initiated urban transformation efforts after 2000 to solve this problem. These efforts have been projected and initiated in a short period of time and have caused many problems. Even though the Adana Metropolitan Municipality and district municipalities have stated that there are no problems in the projects and they have been developed in line with the demands of the public, interviews we have conducted with people on the urban transformation site have revealed something different. This is because, more than half of Adana is covered with slums. The sites selected for urban transformation are areas in the centre of Adana and consists of places with scenery on the banks of the Seyhan River or irrigation canals. These are the Seyhan district Fatih, 200 Evler, Ziyapaşa, and Göl Quarters and Yüreğir district Sinanpaşa and Köprülü Quarters Urban Transformation Projects. It is necessary that there is earthquake resistant housing and technical infrastructure on these urban transformation sites and their transportation plans are rehabilitated. The urban transformation sites should not be covered with housing blocks lacking aesthetic elements and should be planned and projected by taking natural characteristics such as topography and the social structure into consideration. Urban transformation within the framework of law should not be carried out on fertile vacant lands and slum districts with highly unplanned buildings should be preferred. As the people living in the slums in urban transformation sites do not have a good economic status, new housing should be in a price range suiting these persons. However, while the housing problem of such citizens should be solved this way, they should be provided social areas through increased green space, infrastructure, educational, and social facilities. Planning for these should be guaranteed by law. Slum neighborhoods have social control and solidarity that has formed in a long period of time. These should not be destroyed with urban transformation and permanent mistakes that can damage the city’s social structure should be avoided. Instead of high-rise uniform blocks, there should be horizontal structures with a social environment enabling the conservation of the neighborhood culture. Urban transformation should be initiated through 271 the analysis of house owners and performed in a manner maintaining social relations, urban lifestyles, customs, tradition, and culture. In order to prevent urban transformation, which appears to be the solution for Adana, from becoming a serious problem, problem analyses and socioeconomic research should be performed by taking the needs and expectations of the public into consideration. In order to convert urban transformation into an opportunity for Adana, it is necessary to plan both banks of the Seyhan River as a whole. Instead of numerous urban transformation plans, a master urban transformation plan conforming to the master development plan of the city should be prepared. Priorities of project areas should be determined. Instead of building high-rise blocks for profit purposes in the projects, views of those living in slums should be taken into consideration. The Sinanpaşa Quarter Urban Transformation Plan has started to be implemented and the construction has initiated. Its outcomes shall start to appear in the months to come. REFERENCES Adana Büyükşehir Belediyesi (2008). 2008 Yılı İlave Revizyon Nazım İmar Planı Çalışma Raporu, Akdemir, M (1998). Gecekondu Islah Projeleri Uygulamaları ve hazine taşınmaz Malları ile İlişkileri, Maliye Bakanlığı Milli Emlak Genel Müdürlüğü Yayını, Ankara,45. Aksoy, E., Özsoy, G (2007). Kentleşme ve Arazi Etkileşimleri Bursa İli Örneği, http://www.tuncsiper.com/ flldragonfire/sunum/TUMMOB_SUNU, 1-11) Aliağaoğlu, A., Uğur, A (2010), Şehir Coğrafyası, Nobel Yayıncılığı, İstanbul, 4. Ayık, U. Avcı, S (2013). Bir Kentsel Dönüşüm Projesine Coğrafi Bakış: Fikirtepe Örneği, KBAM 4. Kentsel ve Bölgesel Araştırma Ağı Sempozyumu 28-30 2013 Bildiri Kitabı, Mersin, 397-411. Aykal, F. D., Murt, Ö., Korkmaz, M., Acar, B (2007). Kentsel Dönüşüm Yaklaşımında Kullanıcı memnuniyet Analizi, Dicle Üniversitesi Eğitim Fakültesi Dergisi, 8, Diyarbakır, 95-111. Çalışkan, V., Akbulut, C.(2010). “Bursa Kentine Yönelik Göçlerin Gecekondulaşma Sürecine Etkileri: Uludağ Yamaçlarındaki Gecekondular”, Uluslararası Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi, c. 3, s.12, sayfa:115-125. Çelik, K (2007) “Tarım Topraklarının Kentsel Arsa Olarak İmara Açılmasının Getirmiş Olduğu Sorunlar”, TMMOB Harita ve Kadastro Mühendisler Odası 11.Türkiye Harita Bilimsel ve Teknik Kurultayı 2-8 Nisan, Ankara, 1-8. Çetin, B ( 2012) “Hatay’da Kentleşmenin Seyri (1940-2009) ve Mekânsal Dağılışı, Doğu Coğrafya Dergisi s:17, cilt: 28, Erzurum, s.231-257. Çopuroğlu, M.A (2006). Kentsel Dönüşüm Projeleri: Adana’daki Uygulamalar, Planlama/2, http:// www.spo.org.tr/resimler/ekler/a169b49b583a2b5 ek.pdf, 147-153. Bulut, İ. Ceylan, S (20013), Kentsel Dönüşüm Yaklaşımlarına Bir Örnek, Atatürk Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, 17(1), Erzurum, 239-256. Demirkıran, S (2008). Türkiye’de Kentsel Dönüşüm Uygulamalarında Yerel Yönetimlerin Rolü: Bursa Büyükşehri Örneği, (Yüksek Lisan Tezi). Edirne; Trakya Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü. Eke, F (2000), Ticaret ve Turizm Öğretimi Okulları İçin Şehircilik ve Planlama, MEB, Ankara. Göney, S 1976) Şehir Coğrafyası I, İstanbul Üniversitesi Yayın No:2274, Coğrafya Enstitü Yayın No: 91. İstanbul, 5. Hallaçoğlu, Y (2000). “Adana Tarihçesi Efsanelerden Tarihe, Tarihten Bugüne Adana; Köprübaşı( E. Artun ve M.S. Koz): Yapı Kredi Yayınları İstanbul, 10-17. İnceoğlu, N (1999). Tarihsel Süreç İçinde Denizli Kentindeki Yapısal Değişiklikler-Kentleşmede Sürdürülebilirlik Politikaları, TMMOB Makine Mühendisleri Odası, Denizli’de Sanayileşme ve Kentleşme Sempozyumu Bildiriler Kitabı, Denizli, 103-106. Kara, H (2010). Denizli Şehrinde Gecekondulaşmanın Önlenmesi ve Toplu Konutlar, Doğu Coğrafya Der- 272 gisi, 23(15), Erzurum. 103-118. Karadağ, A. Miroğlu, G (2012). Bayraklı kentsel Dönüşüm Projesi Üzerine Coğrafi değerlendirmeler, Türk Coğrafya Dergisi, 27, İstanbul, 21-32. Keçeli, A. Karakuyu, M. Kocaman, S. Kara, F (2008). Büyükçekmece ve Küçükçekmece Gölleri Arasındaki Sahanın Arazi Kullanım Değişimlerinin Şehir Planlaması Açısından Değerlendirilmesi, Marmara Coğrafya Dergisi, 17, İstanbul, 138-153. Keleş, R (2002) Kentleşme Politikası, 7. Baskı, İmge Kitapevi, Ankara. Kurtuluş, H (2005) “Kente Bir Sosyo-Mekânsal Ölçek Olarak Bakmak Ve Kentsel Dönüşüm”, Evrensel Kültür, 164, 60-64. Ökesli, F. D S (2010). Herman Jansen’in Adana Planları, Güney Mimarlık Dergisi. 2, 46-52. Özçağlar, A ( 2005). Türkiye’de Mülki İdare Bölümlerinin İdari Coğrafya Analizi, Coğrafi Bilimler Dergisi, 3(1), 1-25. Özçağlar, A (2004). Coğrafi Bilimlerin Kentsel Ekonomi, Kentsel Yönetim, Bölgesel İktisat ve Bölge planlama Yönünden Analizi, Kentsel Ekonomik Araştırmalar Sempozyumu Bildiriler Kitabı, 2, Ankara, 94-101. Özdemir, M. A., Bahadır, M (2010 ).Yalova İli’nde Arazi Kullanımının Zamansal Değişimi (19922007),İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Coğrafya Bölümü Coğrafya Dergisi, 17, İstanbul, 1-15). Özdemir, A., Kardoğan, S (1996). Türkiye’de İl Merkezlerinin Coğrafi Mekânla İlişkileri, Fırat Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 8(2), Elazığ, 271-291. Pektaş, E. K (2008). Yerel Yönetimlerde Coğrafi Bilgi sistemi Uygulamaları ( Afyonkarahisar Örneği), TMMOB Harita ve Kadastro Mühendisleri Odası Ankara Şubesi, I. CBS Günleri Sempozyumu, 19-21 Kasım 2008, 46-57. Pilevne, T. B (1999). Sanayileşme ve Kentleşme Sürecindeki Denizli’de Çevre Sorunları, TMMOB Makine Mühendisleri Odası, Denizlide Sanayileşme ve Kentleşme Sempozyumu Bildiriler Kitabı, Denizli, 1-16. Sandal, E. K. Tıraş, M (2012). Adana’da Ulaşım Problemlerinin Şehir Coğrafyası Açısından Değerlendirilmesi, Doğu Coğrafya Dergisi, 17( 28), Erzurum, 125-140. Say, N.P. Yücel, M. Ökten, S. Ö (2012). Adana Kentinin Mekânsal Gelişimi ve Tarım Toprakları Üzerine Etkisi, I. Ulusal Akdeniz Orman ve Çevre Sempozyumu, 26-28 Ekim 2011, Kahramanmaraş, 1-7. Sönmez, M. E (2012). Adana şehrinin Alansal Gelişimi ve Yakın Çevresinin Arazi Kullanımında Meydana Gelen Değişimler, Türk Coğrafya Dergisi, 57, İstanbul, 55-69. Thomas, S (2003). A Glossary of Regerenation and Local Economic Development, Manchestor: Local Economic strategy center. Turok, I (2003). “Urban Regeneration and What Can Be Done and What Should Be Avoidant”, Uluslararası kentsel Dönüşüm Sempozyum Bildirisi, İstanbul: İstanbul Büyük Şehir Belediyesi. Tümertekin, E (1973), “Türkiye’de Şehirleşme ve Şehirsel Fonksiyonlar”, İstanbul Üniversitesi yayın No: 1840, Coğrafya Enstitüsü Yayını Edebiyat Fakültesi matbaası, İstanbul. Üstündağ, Ö. Şengün, M. T (2011). Türk İmar Mevzuatındaki Plan Türleri ve Fiziki Planlama-Coğrafya İlişkisi Üzerine Genel Bir Değerlendirme, Fırat Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 21(3), Elazığ, 1-25. Yalçın, V., Çetin, H (2004). Şehirsel Dönüşüme Bir Örnek Yukarı Dikmen Vadisi, Coğrafi Bilgi Sistemleri, Türkiye’de III: Coğrafi Bilgi Sistemleri Bileşim Günleri 6-9 Ekim 2004, Ankara, 1-4. Yomralıoğlu, T. Çete, M (2005), “Türkiye İçin Sürdürülebilir Bir Arazi Politikası İhtiyacı”, TUMMOB Harita Ve Kadastro Mühendisleri Odası 10. Türkiye Harita Bilimsel Ve Teknik Kurultayı 28 Mart - 1 Nisan, Ankara, 1- 8. Yörük, S (2012). Adana Şehrinin Tarihi Gelişimi (XVI-XVIII. Yüzyıllar), Ç.Ü. Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, 21(3), Adana, 287-308. URL 1: www.mevzuat.gov.tr; 5393 Sayılı Belediye Kanunu, Resmi Gazete tarihi 13/07/2005, Resmi Gazete Sayısı 25874 (Şubat 2010) URL 2: http://www2.tbmm.gov.tt/d22/1/1-1225.pdf (Haziran 2010) http://www.byegm.gov.tr/turkce/haber/kentsel-dnm-alanlari-belrlend/36015) http://www.adana-bld.gov.tr/proje-13.html. 273 CITY AND URBANIZATION: URBAN CULTURE OF IZMIR IN THE PROCESS OF MIGRATION Nevzat GÜMÜŞ Nalan ALTAY INTRODUCTION All the notions and works of art that belong to a society form the culture of this society. Culture is a product of aggregate experiences that a society gained throughout generations. Culture of a society generates the memory of this society. Culture can change in time, and it also differs among societies. It is a reason for social cooperation and harmony, as well as the source of social conflicts. Moreover, it is an area which makes those visible (Erol, 1994: 344). It is a sophisticated collection that is originated from information, belief, art, morality, law, custom, and all other abilities and habits. In one sense it individualizes the individual, makes the action, attitude and behaviour of people “expectable” and “comprehensible” for the other members of the society. On the other hand, it contributes to the social integration by generating the emotion of collectivism to the individualized person (Erdoğan, 1991: 9). In 1950s when urbanization movement gained momentum, it was thought that individuals who moved from rural areas to cities would urbanize. However, when the speed of urbanization exceeded the expectations, the social institutions had become incapable of helping migrating people urbanize. Considering the sociological structure of the families who have migrated to cities, the combination of the characteristics of rural families and urban families leads to a uniqueness (Yasa 1970: 10). Urban families were compared with families living in the slums, and in those comparisons, topics like family population, number of children, style of clothing, the number of floors and rooms in houses, hygiene and eating habits were taken into consideration in the studies, where the urbanization level of the families that migrated in this period was analysed. Therefore, the integrity level of immigrants to the city has been provided by this way. On the other hand, “urban culture” is considered as going to the cinema and theatre, habit of reading newspaper, dressing modern clothes and going to the concerts and those who perform these activities are considered as the urbanite. Since 1980s the social structure of the cities has been significantly changed by the immigrants who had already migrated to those areas until this period. The families whose origin was rural knew about city life via their “fellow countrymen” who had migrated to the cities before them. These families also had providence about city and city life through media. Thus the cities of Turkey adapted a new socio-cultural structure. Urbanization Urbanization is a cultural accumulation that is gained within the urban life experience. It is possible to mention two dimensions of the urbanization; urbanization in terms of economy emerges in terms of the individual’s ability to make ends meet by an occupation related to the urban life or by working completely within the urban area. Urbanization in terms of social framework includes acceptance of attitudes and behaviours, cultural and social norms and values of the urban culture by the rural people (Kartal, 1983: s94). Urbanization is both working in a job related to the city and developing social behaviors related 274 to the city. Basically, being an urbanite means the process of changing, considering the values, relations and behaviors of individual through social change along with the process of urbanization (Kartal, 1982: 268; Keleş, 1980: 50). Urbanization creates changes in human attitudes and behaviors. People who migrated to the cities absorb the city culture, and they live the city life. All of these factors constitute the process of being an urbanite (Bayhan 1997: 178). In short, the meaning of being an urbanite is the process of being an element of the city through developing new relations which are proper for new conditions (Erkan, 2002: 20). Urbanization as a cultural change and social adaptation is a change which involves the utilization of opportunities of the city by migrations (Güçlü, 2002: 14). It is related to being open to social liveliness and tending to be more active in life (Tatlıdil, 1982: 58). Because urbanites need a lot of people to fulfil their vital needs, and they cooperate with lots of organized groups. Therefore, the relations that are established in the cities are personal, temporal and segmental (Wirth, 2002: 90-91). Urban Culture In the process of urbanization the people that move from rural areas to urban areas because of the expectations concerning a better social life and a better economic income cannot exactly find what they searched for within the unavailable socioeconomic infrastructure. However, it can be seen that compared to the place where they have come from there is a progress concerning their living conditions. Also, the individuals migrating to the city cannot separate themselves from the village at once. On one hand, they try to adapt to the city, and on the other hand they keep their relations with the village. Today the most distinct characteristic of modern society is the working of skilled individuals who have become experts in a certain area in the industry and in the service sector through division of labor. In other words, rural population work in agriculture unlike urban population. Urban population work in industry, trade, technical service units, administration and other jobs except for agriculture. In the urban life social differentiation and social stratification are more intense and sophisticated. The western cities that are heterogeneous gather people from different cultures and different groups. This establishes a ground for new ways of thinking and new values (Ayata & Ayata, 1996: 111). In the urban family, education and specialization take place outdoors. Educational institutions guide individuals through equipping them with information relevant to different job types. Besides, the individual’s relations and interactions with other people outside his/ her family lead to different behaviors within the family. It is because the individual spends his time outside more than the time in home. The relations providing continuity in the society, and the cultural transmission has transformed to the mass communication tools. Among the most obvious characteristics of the contemporary urban society is, compared to the rural society, it is open to universal interactions and changes. It is much more open minded, and it is far less dependent on the traditions. Urbanites adapt to changes and new ideas more quickly (Tatlıdil, 1992: 58). Informal education is effective in rural areas. The subsystems of politics which include political parties, syndicates, and associations cannot be organized (Kızılçelik, 1999: 126). In the urban lifestyle, the characteristics of a community is exhibited, and there is stratification, increasing division of labor, secondary relationships, a heterogenous population structre, 275 and the feeling of individuality rather than collectivism (Bayhan, 1996: 91). In rural environment the relations are face to face as well as being mostly dependent on kindredship, the technology is simple and the economic structure is differentiated (Gökçe, 1993: 9). With the process of urbanization, the structure of community is replaced by the structure of fellowship. In the social structure of “community”, people tend to have conflicts concerning democracy, region, creed, cult, feodality, tribe, ethnical group, and ideology. The reason is, the party and the ideology are perceived as a creed or a tribe, and this situation does not make it possible to solve the social problems by making rational agreements and to function the democratic mechanism. In the social structure of “fellowship”, the values such as region, creed, cult, ethnical group, and ideology, are conserved in a different way and style, and these are dependent on each other with the support of social and cultural activities. The individuals work in bureaus, syndicates, occupational organizations, local administrations, social welfare centers, arts and sports organizations, and political parties (Akyol, 1997: 199-200). Democratic and non-governmental organizations that function based on the concepts of plurality, transparency, and participation are the places where the individuals expresses themselves. The civil society, developing based on urbanization and civilization, is the backbone of urban culture. In our country, rapid urbanization causes an over-urbanization in some of the city centers. Today’s cities, which are heterogeneous in structure, are the settlements where different cultures coexist. Alongside the problems in these centers such as dwelling, employment, infrastructure, imbalance between industries, there is also the emergence social layers and groups in different levels of urbanization. Each group living in the cities exhibit a different lifestyle, behavior and relationship (Özen, 1996: 12). Therefore, each urban group/ individual have a different way of perceiving the city. Urbanization is the emergence of an urban culture that benefits from the different opportunities in the urban area dominated by the pluralism, difference and diversity (Güçlü, 2002: 15). This process includes the individual’s way of perceiving and protecting the city, his/her being sensitive to the city’s problems, and his/her sense of belonging to the city where he/she lives. The urbanite is the person that is shaped, educated, and employed by the organizations and that uses his/her leisure time efficiently. Sensitive to the problems of the city, the urbanite adopts and embraces the urban lifestyle, participates in the decision making mechanisms about the city, and has the sense of belonging to the city. For urbanite, urbanization means benefiting from labor, health, education, settlement, transportation, communication and culture of the city. Therefore, when mentioning urbanization, it is required to define it as the individual’s participation to the urban functions (Eke, 1982: 229) rather than the migrating individual’s adoption to the urban life by accepting that the cities stay the same and by taking into account whether the individual exhibits urban behavior or not. In this process the only thing the individual can do is becoming integrated into the city. Besides, it should be noted that the process of urbanization can differentiate for every city (Bal, 2006: 70). Being an urbanite is taking place within and benefiting from the organized social fabric of the city including education, health, politics, economic, judiciary and artistic organizations. Urban culture forms a complicated structure emerging from the lifestyles of different individuals. However, the cities, being accepted as the places where the social change emerges in its fastest pace, can as well be accepted as the settlement units where the political participation, pluralism, tolerance, coexistence of different cultures, freedom of religious 276 and artistic expression is observed, and where the science and objectivity can be developed. Non-governmental organizations such as associations and syndicates, as well as the artistic and cultural activities are developed in the cities. Another indicator of the urban culture is the participation to the administration through these type of foundations. Urbanite distinguishes and acknowledges himself/herself as the urbanite. The main indicator of urbanization is the individual’s sense of belongingness to the city (Peker, Önen & Balkız, 1997: 93). Urbanites are sensitive to the problems of the city where they belong, and they even participate in the process of searching for solutions. A democratic society is formed by the participation of its citizens and the cities of such a society is formed in the same way (Bumin, 1990: 149). URBANIZATION OF MIGRATING POPULATION AND THE URBAN CULTURE IN İZMİR The Relation Between Gender and Urban Culture In order to determine whether the urban culture of the population of İzmir migrants differ within the framework of gender, Arithmetic Mean and Standard Deviations were calculated, and t test was made in order to determine whether the difference between the arithmetic means is important or not. It was observed that the level of urban culture was less in women (x=41.78) then men (x=42.07). In the results of the t test, made in order to determine whether the differences between arithmetic means is important or not, the difference can be observed for men, concerning the level of urban culture (Table:1). Table 1: The Relation between Urban Culture and Gender Relation Between Migration Year and Urban Culture In order to determine whether there is a difference in the process of adopting the urban culture (in terms of migration years) by the participants chosen from İzmir’s some of the most migrated areas, a series of computations were made, and the arithmetic means and standart deviations of these computations were calculated. Single factor Variance Analysis was made in order to determine whether the difference between arithmetic means was important or not. According to this, the participant group which adopts the urban culture most and establishes relations with fellow townsmen least, consists of the people who migrated to İzmir 37 years ago and before (x=45.93). Among all the groups, the one that migrated to İzmir earliest was the group that adopted the urban culture most. There is a proportional relation between the year of migration and urban culture. For example, the group that migrated to İzmir latest (between 1-6 years) is the group of which level of urban culture is the least (X=40.64). According to the results of the analysis, there is a significant difference between the year of migration, urban culture, and relations with fellow countrymen. As a result of the standart deviations, it can be observed that the people migrating 1-6 years ago (ss=8.89), and people migrating 37 ago and more (ss=10.51) exhibit homogeneous characteristics (Table:2). 277 Table 2: Arithmetic means and standart deviations in terms of migration years in urban culture Table 3: Variance analysis results in terms of migration years in urban culture In order to determine whether the difference between arithmetic means calculated in terms of migration years is important, Variance Analysis was made and it can be observed that the urban culture is significantly different in terms of migration year. According to the table below it can be seen that the difference between the arithmetic means of the participants migrating 37 years ago and before; 36-27 years before; 26-17 years before; 16-7 years before; and 1-6 years before is significant (Table 4). Table 4: Scheffè Test Results in terms of migration year in urban culture The Relation Between Being of Rural-Urban origin and Urban Culture A series of computations were made in order to determine whether there was a difference concerning the participants’ adoption of urban culture in terms of rural-urban origin, and arithmetic means and standart deviations of these computations were calculated in terms of rural-urban origins, and variance analysis was made in order to reveal the importance of the difference between arithmetic means. As seen in the table, the arithmetic means of 278 the measurements related to the rural-urban origins is as follows; county originated people x=42.63; city originated people x=42.37. According to this it can be observed that the urban culture level of the county-town and urban originated people is higher while the people with rural origins have a lower level of urban culture. According to the standart deviation results, it can be observed that village(SS=9.49) and county (SS=10.35) originated people are homogenous groups (Table 5). Table 5: Arithmetic mean and standart deviation in terms of the origin in urban culture According to the results of the variance analysis made in order to determine whether the difference between the arithmetic means (which were calculated as a result of a series of calculations concerning the origins of participants in terms of village-city) is important, it was revealed that there was no significant difference between origin and urban culture. (Table 6). Table 6: Variance Analysis Results In Terms of Origins in Urban Culture Relation Between Geographical Region Origin and Urban Culture The table above shows the measurements made in order to determine whether there is a difference concerning the level of participants’ adoption to the urban culture in terms of geographical regions. As seen on the table, the participants whose birthplace is AegeanAntalya and Southern Marmara Sections (X=46.52) have the highest level of urban culture considering the arithmetic mean of measures related to the geographical regions. This group that contains the cities of Balıkesir, Manisa, Aydın, Muğla, Denizli, Antalya, Isparta, Burdur, Bursa, Çanakkale, Bilecik have the highest level of urban awareness. Another group that has a high level of urban culture is the group of which participants’ birthplace is Uşak, Kütahya, and Afyon cities, in this group X = 48.85. The lowest level of urban culture contains the group of which participants’ birthplace is Hakkari and Şırnak cities (X=34.19). Also, participants born in the cities of Kahramanmaraş, Adıyaman, Şanlıurfa have a low level of urban culture (X=37.80). According to the results of standart deviation the group of which participants were born in Konya Section and Middle Kızılırmak section (SS=8.05) and the group of which participants 279 were born in the Middle Fırat Section and Adana Section (SS=9.53) are homogenous (Table 7). Table 7: Arithmetic Mean and Standart Deviation In Terms of birthplace in Urban Culture Table 8: Variance Analysis in terms of Region in Urban Culture In order to compare the effects of geographical origin on the urban culture, the difference between arithmetic means is analysed. Variance Analysis is made in order to understand whether the difference between arithmetic means in terms of geographical origin is important or not, and shown on the table above. As a result of the analysis, it can be seen that there is a significant difference among participants concerning urban culture in terms of geographical origin. In order to point out the source of difference emerging as a result of the variance analysis Schffé test was conducted and the results were shown in Table 8. It can be seen that the difference between the arithmetic means of the following sections in terms of urban culture is important: • Participants whose geographical origin is located in Erzurum Kars Section and participants whose geographical origin is located in Upper Fırat, HakkariDicle Section; Middle Fırat-Adana Section; Konya-Middle Kızılırmak section; Inner Western Anatolian Section and Aegean-Antalya-Southern Marmara Section; • Participants whose birthplace is located in Upper Murat-Van Section and the participants of whom birthplace is located in Hakkari-Dicle Section; Middle Fırat-Adana Section; Konya-Middle Kızılırmak Section; Inner Western Anatolian Section and Aegean-Antalya-Southern Marmara Section; 280 • Participants whose geographical origin is located in Western Karadeniz(Black Sea)-Upper Sakarya-Ergene-Yıldız-Çatalca-Kocaeli and participants whose geographical origin is located in Fırat; Hakkari-Dicle Section; Middle Fırat-Adana Section; • Participants whose birthplace is located in Middle Karadeniz (Black Sea) counties and participants of whom birthplace is located in Hakkari-Dicle Section; Middle Fırat-Adana Section; Participants of whom birthplace is located in Eastern Karadeniz countries and Hakkari-Dicle Section; Middle Fırat-Adana Section; Participants of whom geographical origin is located in Upper Fırat Section and Hakkari-Dicle Section; Middle Fırat-Adana Section; Konya-Middle Kızılırmak Section; Inner Western Anatolian Section and Aegean-Antalya-Southern Marmara Section. • Participants of whom geographical origin is located in Hakkari-Dicle Section and Middle Fırat-Adana Section; Konya-Middle Kızılırmak Section; Inner Western Anatolian Section and Aegean-Antalya-Southern Marmara Section. Relation Between Education and Urban Culture A series of computations were made in order to determine whether the participants’ level of adopting urban culture in terms of educational level differed or not, and arithmetic means and standart deviations of these computations were calculated, and variance analysis was made in order to reveal the importance of difference between the arithmetic means, and the following findings were obtained: As seen on the table, it can be observed that the participating group obtaining the university and above education (X=48.07) has the highest rate in terms of urban culture. The measurement was made by calculating the arithmetic means of the computations related to the educational levels of participants in terms of urban culture. Therefore, the participants taking place in this group is the group with the highest urban culture level. As the education level increases, so does the level of urban culture. The group containing illiterate members has the lowest value ( X=36.05). This group is the one with the lowest urban culture. According to the Standart Deviation results, the university graduates (SS=8.03) and literate participatory groups (SS=9.63) consist of the homogenous groups within the other groups in terms of education (Table: 9 ) Table 9: Arithmetic Mean and Standart Deviation in terms of the Education Level in Urban Culture 281 Table 10: Variance Analysis in terms of Education Level in Urban Culture The difference between arithmetic means was observed in order to compare the effects of education level on urban culture and countrymanship relations. Variance analysis was made and shown on the table below in order to reveal the importance of difference between the arithmetic means. According to the results of the analysis, it can be seen that there is a significant difference between countrymanship relations-urban culture in terms of education. According to the Schffé test result made in order to point out the source of difference emerging as a result of Variance Analysis (Table 10), in terms of education level, there is a significant difference among: The illiterate -- primary school, secondary school, high school and equivalent, academy and university graduate groups; Literate – primary school, secondary school, high school and equivalent, and university graduates Primary School graduates – high school and equivalent, and university graduates Secondary School graduates – high school equivalent graduates and university graduates Academy graduates—university graduates (Table 11) Table 11: Scheffè Test Results in terms of Education in Urban Culture Relation Between Urban Culture and the Age of Migrating Population A series of computations were made in order to determine whether there was a difference concerning the participants’ level of adopting the urban culture in terms of age groups, and arithmetic means and standart deviations of these computations were calculated. When one analyses these calculations, he/she can see that the arithmetic means of the computations show that the ages between 18-24 has the highest level of urban culture (x=43.85). 282 Therefore, it can be clearly said that the participants in this group have the highest level of urban culture. Within this framework, the lowest level of urban culture can be revealed as being between the ages 55-64 (x=41.11). This situation validates the result that the people who have migrated to cities in young ages are more participatory in terms of adoption to the urban culture. According to the Standart Deviation results the groups having homogenous characteristics are the 55-64 age group (ss=11) and the 18-24 (ss=9.10) age group (Table 12). Table 13: Variance Analysis Results in terms of Age Groups in Urban Culture Relation between Occupation and Urban Culture A series of computations were made in order to determine whether there was a difference concerning the participants’ level of adopting the urban culture in terms of occupational groups, and arithmetic means and standart deviations of these computations were calculated. When one analyses these calculations, he/she can see that the arithmetic means of the computations show that the public servants have the highest level of urban culture in terms of occupational groups (x=46.33). The lowest level of urban culture is represented by the group of the unemployed (39.11). According to the Standart Deviation results the groups exhibiting homogenous characteristics are the unemployed-temporarily employed people (ss=10.57) and the housewives (ss=9.20) (Table 14). Table 14: Arithmetic Mean and Standart Deviation in terms of Occupational Groups in Urban Culture 283 Table 15: Variance Analysis Results in terms of Occupational Groups in Urban Culture It can be seen that there is a significant difference between occupational groups and urban culture. The following results can be revealed by looking at the table that provides the source of this difference: Among the occupational groups, there is a significant difference between; • Unemployed-temporarily employed people – workers, public servants, tradesmen, self-employed people, retired people • Housewives – public servant, tradesmen, self-employed people, retired people • Marginals – public servants, retired people • Public servants – tradesmen (Table 16) Table 16: Scheffè Test Results in terms of Occupational Groups in Urban Culture The Relation Between Status and Urban Culture A series of computations were made in order to determine whether there was a difference concerning the participants’ level of adopting the urban culture in terms of occupational status, and arithmetic means and standart deviations of these computations were calculated. By looking at the arithmetic means and standart deviations, these results can be revealed: The arithmetic means of the computations concerning the statuses of participants 284 show that the people with the highest level of urban culture are those working in family-owned businesses (x=42.68). The participants in this group have a high level of urbanization. From this perspective, the group with the lowest level of urban culture is the unemployed people (x=41.16). According to the Standart Deviation Results, one can say that the unemployed (SS=9.27) and the employer (ss=10.93) are the groups exhibiting homogenous characteristics (Table 17). Table 17: Arithmetic Mean and Standart Deviation in terms of Status in Urban Culture There is no significant difference between the urban culture level and occupational status (Table 18). Table 18: Variance Analysis Results in terms of Status in Urban Culture Relation Between House Ownership and Urban Culture When the fellow countryman relations are analysed in terms of house ownership, it can be seen that the group which does not pay rent for a house owned by one of relatives, is high in urban culture level (x=43.01). The chart also includes tenants who have the lowest level of urban culture (x=41.17). (Table 19). Table 19: Arithmetical Mean and Standart Deviation in terms of House Ownership in Urban Culture It can be seen that the level of urban culture does not significantly change considering the type of house ownership (Table 20). 285 Table 20: Variance Analysis in terms of House Ownership in Urban Culture A series of computations were made in order to determine whether the urban culture differed in terms of the frequency of hometown arrival, and arithmetic means and standart deviations of these computations were calculated. When one observes these, he/she can see that the arithmetic mean of the computations show that the group that goes hometown once in 5-10 years has the highest level in terms of urban culture (Table 21). Table 21: Arithmetic Mean and Standart Deviation in terms of the frequency of hometown arrival in urban culture It can be seen that there is no significant relation between the level of urban culture and the frequency of hometown arrival (Table 22). Table 22: Variance Analysis in terms of the Frequency of Hometown Arrival in Urban Culture Relation between Income and Urban Culture By looking at the arithmetic means and standart deviation analyses related to the income levels of the participants, the highest level of urban culture can be seen in the group with an income between 1001-1500 YTL (44.92). Income affects urban culture positively. The group with the lowest income which is 500 YTL, has the lowest level of urbanisation (X=39.67). The decrease of urbanization affects the urban integrity and urban adaptation negatively (Table 23). 286 Table 23: Arithmetic Mean and Standart Deviation in terms of Monthly Incomes in Urban Culture The most homogeneous groups are the ones that have less than 500 TL income and the group that has 1501-2000 TL income (Table 24). Table 24: Variance Analysis of the Amount of Income in Urban Culture It is seen that the difference between urban culture and total income is significant. It can be seen that the relationship between the group that has less than 500 YTL income and the groups that have 501-1000YTL; 1001-1500YTL; 1501-2000YTL, 20001 YTL and the group that have more than those; the participant group that has 501-1000YTL and the group that has income among 1001-1500 and 1501-2000YTL is important (Table 25). Table 25: The results of Scheffè Test in terms of monthly income (TL) in urban culture The Relationship Between Frequency of Meeting With Fellow Townsmen and Urban Culture The group that never meets with its fellow countrymen is the group that has the participants with the highest arithmetic means (X=44.76). The frequency to meet with countrymen has a parallel progress with the urban culture; as the frequency of meeting decreases, the urban culture increases. The group that has the lowest means in terms of the level of ur287 ban culture is the group that meets with fellow countrymen once a week or more (x=40.59) (Table 26). Table 26: Arithmetic Mean and Standart Deviation in terms of the frequency of meeting with the fellow countrymen in urban culture It can be seen that the level of urban culture depends significantly on the frequency of meeting with countrymen (Table 27). Table 27: Variance analysis of meeting with townsmen in the urban culture There is a significant difference between the group that never meets the townsmen and the group that meets with them once a week and more; the group that meets with the countrymen once a week and more and the group that meets with the countrymen several times a week, the ones who meet several times a year and the ones who meet in religious holidays (Table: 28). Table 28: The Scheffè Test results of the frequency of meeting with townsmen 288 REFERENCES AKYOL, Taha (1997), Medine’den Lozan’a Çok Hukuklu Sistemin Tarihteki Deneyleri, İstanbul. AYATA, Sencer & AYATA, Ayşe G. (1996), T.C. Başbakanlı Toplu Konut İdaresi Başkanlığı, Konut, Komşuluk ve Kent Kültürü, Konut Araştırmaları Dizisi: 10, Ankara. BAL, Hüseyin (2006), Kent Sosyolojisi, Isparta: Fakülte Kitabevi Yayınları, BAYHAN, Vehbi (1997), Türkiye’de İç Göçler ve Anomik Kentleşme, Toplum ve Göç, Sosyoloji Derneği Yayını no:9, Ankara: DİE Basımevi. BİLGİN, Nuri & GÖREGENLİ, Melek (1996), Kentsel Katılım ve Çoğulculuk, Editör: Ferzan Bayramoğlu, Kentte Birlikte Yaşamak Üstüne,Wald Yayınları, İstanbul. BUMİN, Kürşat (1990), Demokrasi Arayışında Kent, İstanbul: Ayrıntı Yayınları EKE, Feral (1982), Ankara’da Alt Gelir Gruplarının Kente Uyumu, Türkiye I. Şehircilik Kongresi ODTÜ, Ankara. ERDOĞAN, Nihat (1991), Sosyolojik Açıdan Kent İşsizliği ve Anomi, Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınları No: 62, İzmir. ERMAN, Tahire (1997), Şehirli Olmak ya da Köylü Kalmak: Kentteki Kır Göçmeninin Kendini Tanımlama Olayı, II. Ulusal Sosyoloji Kongresi, Toplum ve Göç, S. 303-307. EROL, Metin (1994), Kentsel Bütünleşme Üzerinde Köy-Kent Farklılaşması ve Aile Kurumunun Etkileri”, Cum. Üniv. Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 17: 51-75. ERKAN, Rüstem (2002), Kentleşme Sosyal Değişme, Ankara: Bilim adamı Yayınları GÖKÇE, Birsen (1993), Gecekondularda Aileler Arası Geleneksel Dayanışmanın Çağdaş Organizasyonlara Dönüşümü, T.C. Başbakanlık Aile Araştırma Kurumu, Ankara. GÜÇLÜ (Özen), Sevinç (2002), Kentlileşme ve Göç Sürecinde Antalya’da Kent Kültürü ve Kentlilik Bilinci, Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları/2865, Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı. KARTAL, Kemal (1983), Ekonomik ve Sosyal Yönleriyle Türkiye’de Kentleşme, Ankara:Yurt Yayınları. KARTAL, Kemal (1982), Kırdan Kente Göçenlerin Kır İle Kent Arasında Yarattıkları Kaynak Akımları Ve Gecekondu, Türkiye I. Şehircilik Kongresi, ODTÜ, Ankara. KELEŞ, Ruşen (1980), SBF Kent bilim Terimleri Sözlüğü, Ankara: TDK Yayını, KIZILÇELİK, Sezgin (1999), Türkiye’de Kırsal Ve Kentsel Kesimi Sosyolojik Düşünmek, Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 22-23: 121-138. ÖZEN, Sevinç (1996), Kentlileşme Sürecinde Ailede Kuşaklararası İlişkiler, Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınları. İzmir. PEKER, Mümtaz, ÖZEN, Engin, BALKIZ, Bekir (1997), Göç, Kentleşme Sorunları ve Yerel Siyaset, Yeni Eğilimler, Yeni Yaklaşımlar, İzmir: Saray Kitabevi. TATLIDİL, Ercan (1992), Kent Sosyolojisi, Kuram ve Kavramlar, Ege Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, 3: 25-45 WİRTH, Louis (2002), “Bir Yaşam Biçimi Olarak Kentlileşme” 20. Yüzyıl Kenti, Çev. Bülent Duru ve Ayten Alkan, Ankara: İmge Yayınevi. YASA, İbrahim (1970), Ankara’da Gecekondu Aileleri, Ankara: SSYB Yayınları. 289 THE SOUND OF STREET IS CRACKED Seher KEÇE TÜRKER INTRODUCTION Music can not only be performed with tools. Children’s healty, childish voice is like music. In our time the natural musical sounds of the street, the district and the city have disappeared; whereas a set of sounds, most of forked, derived. Once upon a time, the children created the natural voices of the street first. Afterwards the sound of our customs, traditions would come. The sounds of Azan, friday time, death, childbirth, poet, candle days, hadji’s farewell-welcome, bride to take, the soldiers escorting, the feast not only for the poor, Hidrellez, the milkman, yogurt seller, junkman, boza seller, flugger and shoddy rugger were heard. And the sounds of drum, barking, roaster, bird, nightman’s whistle, postman, pipe and herd from far away would come. The voices have humanistic side; they belong to us, that’s why they were attractive, not speechifying and all of them are inhiding chid voices. Children were the symbols of the streets, sometimes the city was asked of them. While taking a nap in the armchair in your house on the street, child voices are also measuring the period of life in which you are. According to some, these voices are the voices irritating in the youth age, pleasing in the middle age, untolerable in the old age. Sounds of the street remind our childhood at the same time. To remember our friends, games, happinesses make us feel how the life passes rapidly. Between birds sound; voice of child saying “Mom”, damage chain sound of another child’s bicycle, may be bell sound, ball sound, “Sobe, dalya, ebee” sound of the games and “simitçiii” voice of pretzel seller, “Sweet halvah” voice of Halvah seller who are watching around with a smile from the corner of the street, and the smile of a foundling with a head in the two hands who pushed to the streets are the natural sounds of the street. The voice of the foundling is in hiding that “I am with you, too. Maybe I am dirty, my apparels ar erip but this is not my fault. Do you even like me?” Sometimes, the voice of an elderly neighbour who is trying to stab the escaped ball to the garden, broken glass neighbour’s “Your father pays in the evening” saying are also added these sounds. In the middle of the game “Ayşe, your mom is calling” news can come. “Mom please five minutes more” words can get mix to mother’s “Ali, your father will come, come home now”. “Good evening”, “Homeowner to home, villager to village, homeless to the rat hole” are the sounds that are giving notice of children has time out to the games while the sun is going to light the other side of the world. One day, somebody saying “Kilimci”(rag collecter) is walking around the streets. He has nothing but a big sack. Old clothes cut like longish and sew endwise then they will be given to rag collecter as a ball shape. Rag collecter take them and go away. After a period of time, he brings them bag as a rug. Household find a part of themselves on the colorful striped rugs and all the memories come alive in every eye contact. I bought one of this kind of rug from the local market but no voice like “I belong to you” come out of it. In the bright and long game nights of the summer days, there were resonant child voices among the streets. I think my and my friends voices that belong to the pasta re stil resounding around the firmanent. In the Candle day and night there was a fun of saying words “Yağ parası (Oil Money), mum parası (Candle Money)/Akşam oldu kandil parası(In 290 the evening candle Money)”, door to door in the form of chorus. Child voices in the street were accompanied by the sounds of doors and Windows. Now on district was started tos mile and the sound of the guard’s whistle was heard. “Grandma, Grandpa Azan” voice of a child, who hear the call to prayer time, was echoed. If your house close to the mosque, footsteps of the people who were coming to pry was heard. During “Sela”, opening Windows and wondering “Who’s dead?” was an important voice of the streets. This worry contains solidarity and to be a partner of suffering. Getting the bride besidse the sounds of drums and clarions, the bride’s bye with parents and İmam’s prying voice are unforgettable. To visit a neighbour, lying on his deathbed, also has a sound and silence. Afterwards, the neighbours prying sounds of those who heeded to the request of one in the front of the house that brought from the house forever were important. “Be halal, be halal, be halal”. A mother makes the birth alone but everyone feels her condition in the street, may be in the district. Postpartum visits had a taste of pink coudle. When birth mevlut was done the children in the neighborhood takes the candies with Turkish delight in the cone, are fused with each other. The taste of dental wheat hidden in the walls of some streets, the cutting sound of fob chain(baby’s first step ceremony) are stil being felt. The sendoff the people who called for holy land visit from our district, with pryers and gifts has a special sound, but welcome has more enthusiastic tone. This sound is different from the horn of the buses with flags. Once upon a time, we met crying kids in the bazaar. Nowadays it is impossible. Maybe they need nothing or they get everything without any trouble or don’t live childish, demands and expectations have changed. Don’t ask, will the sound of the street vendors be missed?; I miss. I am missing the voice of street vendor who was selling colorful plastics with his wheelbarrow. In the wheelbarrow I miss the six centimeter mica baby which has moving legs and arms. And I miss the tears for getting it. Years later, while waiting next to the junk bike, I want to pause the time and to take back the copper, changed with nylons, from the junkman, in other words antique dealer of our time. I miss the voice of the seller of cotton halvah which wraped around the stick as a riot of colors and the voice of paste candy seller. I am looking fort he sellers of frogrant tomato and cucumber. And also I miss the smell of cutted tomato and peeled cucumber. I hear the voice of “Hallaç”(who fluffs the wool and cotton). I miss waking up rested between the wool bed and comforter. I miss seasonably the Hallaç’s voice we were looking forward to. I know how they fluff the wool and cotton by beating and miss the sound and smell of them. The porters would pass on the street and they would carry wood and coal to woodshed. I miss the smell of wood and coal. Sometimes from an open window a sound of radio singing Turkish music or one of his violin playing spread around the street. And an emotion like to shout out as “Increase the volume a little bit more” come from within. I missed those sounds and emotions. The street, the neighborhood, the city had the sound of greeting words “Selamunaleyküm, hello, Aleykümselam”. Now we don’t have street already and you don’t see people in the market will greet. Where are they? The streets are empty and helpless. There are also wars disgrace of the century. The voice of the children, who was born 291 in the streets full of war cries, are not heard because their musical voices are disappeared. Desperate people let them lost in the blind wells. Among the ruins, they watch the children who are playing head cutting and captured witk Tekbir. They close the ears to the children’s voices who hide between the hospital walls. Their mothers, fathers and health were stolen. Their homes, schools and hope were also stolen. They broket he games and make children forget the streets. Here no death mourning and silence. Death is desperate and coming towards the children with cries. We remember our street’s children smiling and having fun; Tanpınar said “Except on the Scene” in his novel, “Fortunately there is a street. Street is the only assistant of the children. In everywhere and in each generation the street adjusts the child to the life. Adults seem different and natural on the streets. Everyone is in itself on the street. There is a hot life such as bread. Now we don’t have the streets in the past and don’t have the same understanding. Children have no streets of recognizing themselves. Children have no brother. Once upon a time a mother of seven child looked after her babies very happily in the small houses. Now it is forbidden to born in big and multi room homes, it is forbidden to play in the street and forbidden to scream for games. Life does not accept spaces; Harmful sounds take place instead of children’s voices. I don’t want to mention about drugs, mafia, harmful food and toy vendors, punters and drunks who pollutes the streets by their images and sounds. It was seen violin, piano, akordeon, guitar players on the streets, at the metro stations, on the beaches and in the parks. There is a handkerchief or hat in front. It is apleasent sound for a moment but nothing reminds when you just turn the corner. I saw an elementary school student in the walk fluting school songs with a handkerchief in front. Imitate, moreover the handkerchief is full of coin. Whereas his playing screams should be heard instead. The thin voice of the child handkerchief vendor sadden the people. What we call “Beautiful”, actually it is worthless without child voice. It was said “Music is the food of the soul.” Children voices are the food of the cities and game screams prepare them fort he future. RESULT We want the children to laugh on the street cheered the music sounds. Why do you always play with toys made by others?Why they’re prisoners of internet games? They don’t know why the street games? Why, the snow melts and the line they won’t play hopscotch? Stone castles and they don’t match? Dressing up mothers sewing dresses , hand-stitched cloth dolls, small frying pan, pots, marbles, nuts, soda lids, colorful pebbles, stones, jumping rope, hopscotch game, making time to escape to the neighboring gates of bells and mischief, teacher, doctor, with khalid tembe turn, tornete ride, why we took? Our children, apartment, on their way to being a mama’s boy or a computer game. On the streets of the fast car, brake, horn sounds, walks with the principle thrown up. Does not accept spaces in the streets.Streets children find themselves on the streets, ring out with the voices of the children, they must have to laugh the streets. Why the streets don’t lough? Why are the kids alone drifting?We must question. The bottom line; We want to hear the screams of children playing in the street twitter installed. We want to see the smiley faces of the school kids that running the smell of his mother’s hot cake,invite neighbour friend for dinner and taking the pie,plate in the hand for neighbour. I miss the music voice streets ; from the balcony, looking out the window, asking 292 for the sake of your neighbors, the voice of calling for coffee. Children of the streets were bent at the neck. People forget that you love; as the poet said, “the past that imaginary world value...” Across the street, the neighborhood, the city’s natural singing voice back, I say; What do you think? I AM THE VOICE OF THE STREET Why playing ball banned? Why no running? When Cycling on side ? Guess ice cream, Paper candy eating, Time? It’s like I’m myself, Why adults don’t know How’s being a kid? REFERENCES ATAMAN, Sadi Yaver, Anadolu Halk Sazları, Yerli Musikiciler ve Halk Musiki (Müzik) Karakterleri, İstanbul 1938, Burhaneddin Matbaası, AYVERDİ, İlhan, Misalli Büyük Türkçe Sözlük, İstanbul, 2005 BATUTA, İbni, İbni Batuta Seyahatnamesinden Seçmeler, Hazırlayan, İsmet Parmaksızoğlu, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, İstanbul 1971 ÇELEBİ, Evliya, Hazırlayan Kahraman, Seyit Ali, Günümüz Türkçesiyle Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, YKY, 2010 ERHAT, Azra Mitoloji Sözlüğü, Remzi Kitabevi, İstanbul,1996 GAZİMİHAL, Mahmut Ragıp, Türk Ötkü Çalgıları, Kültür Bakanlığı Milli Folklor Araştırma Dairesi Yayınları 12, Ankara1975,Ankara Üniversitesi Basımevi. HACİP, Has Yusuf, Kutadgu Bilig, Çeviri Reşit Rahmeti Arat, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara, 2003 HASOL, Doğan, Ansiklopedik Mimarlık Sözlük, Yapı Endüstri Yayınları 5. Baskı, İstanbul, 1993 Hazırlayan, SAMİ, Şemseddin, Kamus-1 Türki (Osmanlıca), Şifa Yayınları 2012 MAHMUT, Kaşgarlı, Divân-ı Lügat-it-Türk, Çeviri, Atalay, Besim, tdk, 5. Baskı, Ankara, 2006 TÜRKER, Keçe Seher, Büyülü Gözlüğümü Çıkarınca, Seyahatname, Cinius Yayınları, 2010, İstanbul TÜRKER, Keçe Seher, Geçmişin Aralığından Geleceğe süzülen Işık, Kocaeli Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kültür Yayınları, Kocaeli, 2007, 293 A RESEARCH IN TERMS OF POPULATION GEOGRAPHY: BÜYÜKÇEKMECE Kaan KAPAN LOCATION AND GENERAL FEATURES Büyükçekmece, one of the district out of 23 districts affiliated to Istanbul is located in western part of Istanbul, close to Marmara Sea. The district whose vast area is 181,89 square kilometers is surrounded by Silivri on western, Beylikdüzü on southern, Çatalca and Arnavutköy on northern, and Esenyurt on easternI. The district takes up 3,33% percent of İstanbul’s total area. The district has 23 neighborhoods. Some of these neighborhoods (Dizdariye, Fatih, Marmaristan, Ulus, Hürriyet) are the main parts of the district, some parts (Pınartepe, Atatürk, Batıköy, Güzlce, Bahçelievler, Yenimahalle, Kumburgar, Kamiloba) developed after 1990 as a result of tourism activities and some part (Celaliye, Muratbey, Ahmediye, Karaağaç, Alkent 2000, Çakmaklı, Cumhuriyet, 19 Mayıs, Türkoba and Muratçeşme) have developed under the influence of the rapid population growth. As a source Erginoz (2011) is used. Map I: Location Of Büyükçekmece First settlement area took place through the coastal promenade between Büyükçekmece Lake and Devebağırtan Hill, on the east coast of the lake. From past to present, the road passing through the city divides the city into two parts. Yet, settlement has started on the north part of the road primarily. (Akgün, 1996:3 ) It is observed that the district has social, cultural, economic alterations and developments during the process since the beginning of settlement. There is no doubt that natural environment of area or land’s relationship with nature has a significant role. Relationship with environment extends from climatic conditions and water facilities to natural wealth of the area, as well as site or situation of city. At least, natural richness such as sea, lake, and river and forest which provides opportunities to 294 the cities in establishment stage need to be added to natural sources (Timor, 1993:63-64). The settlement in Büyükçekmece expands continually thanks to the reasons like presence of fertile soil for agriculture and major roads passing through the city. As a result of these developments, while Büyükçekmece had been a sub-district connected to Çatalca since 1987, it became a district at that date. Examining the climate of Büyükçekmece and its surrounding, effectiveness of Mediterranean Climate switching between Black Sea climate and Mediterranean Climate is observed as seen in general parts of Istanbul. Because of being exposed to north winds winters are relatively harsh, cold and rainy. Yet, in summer, amount of precipitation lessens dramatically and the temperature rises. In the district whose annual average temperature is 13, 7 ˚C, the hottest month is July and the coldest month is January. Because of being slight elevation difference in Büyükçekmece, temperature rate represent equal distribution. Annual average rainfall is 637,2 mm. The rainiest month is December, while the least rainy one is July. Distribution of vegetation covers and the features of existing vegetation in Büyükçekmece and its surrounding are determined by some factors like soil types, topography conditions and human. Owing to being exposed to Mediterranean climate, the vegetation of the district is scrub. In the district, oaks are prevailed among more often than members of Mediterranean vegetation. Except for the oak, varieties like hornbeam and scatchpine are also seen. In our days, the district has poor vegetation. Because of disruptions of lakes, vegetation in district and quick urban developments, natural vegetation habitat has narrowed. POPULATION BEFORE REPUBLIC As a result of investigations carried out at the edge of delta formed by rivers located in eastern part of Büyükçekmece, there is an area settled which has been located since 7th B. C. is found out. That first settlers were Atyyra, one of the important colonies of Hellene has been determinedII. After Attyra, Attilla, Great Hun Emperor, firstly passed through Çatalca and conquer Büyükçekmece with his army, and later tributing to Byzantine and returned after Attyrus in 447 B. C. After then, Avars (616), Bulgarians (813) and Patzinaks (1090) coming through Balkan started to live in Büyükçekmece (Table II). The Turks firstly settled at Thrace in 1357, yet, they continued to stay in Büyükçekmece district under the Byzantine rule. When we continued to investigate development of the district, conquering the castles of Çimbi and Galipoli , settlement of Turks at Thrace region was ensured . At the end of the 14th century at the time of Yildirim Beyazit’s enveloping İstanbul twice, Silivri had been conquered, Büyükçekmece got into action and maybe last preparations had been finished there. The defeat in Ankara War (1402) caused those castles taken by Byzantine, however, during İstanbul siege in 1422 by II. Murat, city and castles were seized again. Despite the district has been taken over many times, with Vize Yoruks’s being settled to the surroundings of Çatalca, Silivri and Büyükçekmece, Turkish population has increased continuously (M. T. Gökbilin, 1957). With the conquest of Istanbul, districts gained the features of “menzil settlementIII. Since districts was on the transition areas, public houses, baths, caravansaray and administration building were constructed. With this feature, factors that make district a city and the population increased in number. After conquest, Büyükçekmece began to expand and grow from the area east of the channel connecting sea and lake to each other to the route of highway (Mimar Sinan, Atatürk, İstanbul Streets in our days) in that period (Akgün, 1996:50). 295 In addition, between the 15th- 18th centuries, architectural constructions attracting populations were built. Architectural structures such as caravanserais, mosques, fontains and bridges built by Mimar Sinan are first and foremost. On the other hand, Fatih Sultan Mehmet Mosque, the Imaret mosque, Sokulu Mehmet Pasha Mosque, Sokullu Public Bath, Shopping Areas and the administrative center were built in this term. All of these constructions have contributed to improvement of urban identity of district considerably much. Table I: Büyükçekmece And Dominating States And Civilizations Around It In Ottoman Empire, the first census in a real sense was conducted by II. Mahmut, in 1831. In this census, the main purpose was to detect the men at the draft age and taxable population. According to results of 1831 census only considering male population, population of Çekmece-i Kebir was composed of only 464 persons in cadastral record books (At the 18th centuries, these district was known as Çekmece-i Kebir in cadastral record books). Estimated population was also 2320 (Karpat 2010, Şahin, 2012). In 19th century, with the starting of collapse of Ottoman Empire, urban development progress has slowed down as well. However, on account of establishing military base in this district, there has been no decrease in population. As it is seen, from past to present, many states and civilizations reigned Büyükçekmece. Yet, due to lack of desired quality of available data related to population of pre-republican period, we can say that it is very difficult to give exact information. POPULATION AFTER THE REPUBLIC The subject of people’s dispersing in earth in what manner constitutes one of the most fundamental and important aspects of human geography. Differences between populations from one place to another reflect lifestyle of settler plentiful things. At the same time, information about distribution of population reflects diversity about how people used the earth (Tümertekin and Özgüç, 2011). Human existence and the activities frames creates observable dispersion. Humans should be investigated in these dispersions and relationships (Tümertekin and Özgüç, 2013). When we investigated population of Büyükçekmece at the Republic period in terms of human dispersions and relations; the fact that it was a small 296 rural accommodation in the first years of Republic and there wasn’t an official census make difficult to comment about population. However, in those years although exact numbers are unknown, exchange had started and migrates brought with a ship named Gülcemal, the biggest ship of that day in 1924, and distributed around villages was got off at the Kalikratilya (Mimar Sinan Neighborhood depending on Büyükçekmece in today). After that date, the population has grown rapidly. Table II: Process Of Population Growth In Büyükçekmece (1935-2013) Today’s the most certain population data belonging Büyükçekmece could be reached undoubtedly via census. We experienced that the population of Büyükçekmece is 1366 according to the first census. Population has been grown since the first census continuously (Except for 1945-1950) (Chart 1). Chart I: Process of Population Growth in Büyükçekmece 297 When population of Büyükçekmece was investigated according to census years, there was a slight increase between the years of 1935-1940. There was slight rate of increase Between the years of 1965-1970, population of district has increased approximately at the rate of % 72 because of the rural-urban and tourism-based migration movement. So, tourism (resort places) became a different branch of economic activity. After 1970s, using of automobiles and as a result of intense migration from rural areas to İstanbul, border of the city expands Bostancı-Maltepe-Kartal-Pendik and Gebze on the eastern side and through E-5 highway, Avcılar-Büyükçekmece on western side (Tümertekin, Özgüç, 2013). Therefore, the population increased % 32 percent in 1975. Later on, resort-based feature preponderated after 1980s. Accordingly, the district was overpopulated in summer, diverse functions awakened and with this aspect, the district was seen like a city (Akgün H, 1996:105). However, after 1980s, the population returning to Büyükçekmece caused a serious dense population. Business and employment demand carried by this dense population and at the same time low-price areas makes this district center of attraction for industrial enterprise (Keçeli and Karakuyu, 2007). Later on, the district continued to grow; in the year of 1980 its population increased %56 percent and in 1985, with a %32,9 percent rising rate according to previous census, the district consisted of 11.310 people and passed the critical threshold value to become a city (Table II). In 1990, population of the district increased % 980 as remaining within urban dissemination of İstanbul metropolitan. Thereafter, with % 407 population growth, the second biggest population growth in its history happened in 2000-2010. Thus, Büyükçekmece has gained the qualifications which are essential to become a city both from demographical aspect and branches of economic activity aspect. Büyükçekmece has been a demanded district all the time because of the reasons like geographical location in terms of settlement, locating at the region between the transition point, having appropriate land price. Parallel to this, its population has increased continuously from past to present and according to the result of The Address Based Population Registration System, population of district became 211.000. RECENT STRUCTURE OF POPULATION Age group of population in a settlement has a great importance in planning efforts to determine the vocational dependence and gender aspects (Educational Health and Service Planning). Half of the population is composed of males in Büyükçekmece, and the other part is females. When population in Büyükçekmece is examined according to age groups, it can be seen that population has a young and dynamic structure. It can be realized that the 15-64 age group of population in the province, in other words, adult compromise the %79.9 percent of the population. The children population which is 0-14 aged, has the %22.68 percent of the total. The elder population which is over 65 compromise the %6.39 percent of the population. In the light of these information, it can be understood that people in Büyükçekmece, who are between 15-65, have gained the bigger part of the population. This dense population can be said to have a huge force potential that can enrich the production. Besides, there is a balance, except for 75 age and older population when examined in the aspect of malefemale population, female density exceeds the males. By this respect, women may be said to live longer in older ages. 298 Chart II: Population Distribution by Age Groups in Büyükçekmece Source: Tüik, 2013 SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ASPECTS OF POPULATION Population of the district is varied thanks to the improvements of transport, tourism and industrial activities. When the settlers in Büyükçekmece are examined according to registered province, it can be observed that there are migrants from almost every province of Turkey according to migration records. Besides this, as it is seen in related graphics, people born in Tokat, Trabzon, Erzurum, Ordu, Sinop and Sivas whose number is over 5000 take attention. The people from Şırnak, Burdur and Hakkari are the smallest part. With the help of these data, it is easy to tell that the province has been affected from the migration from Blacksea Region to İstanbul, excessively. But indeed, both the outcomer migrants and the geological location of the city made the population gain a cosmopolitan nature (Table IV). When the male-female population is examined, it can be seen that population is always increasing and male population is much more than female one (Diagram II). The district faces with this situation because of being immigrant-receiver district. However, the situation has changed recently and population of male and females is 105.500 which means equal. When educational background of population is examined, it can be understood that literate rate of Büyükçekmece is quite high. In 2013, this number is about %98 percent of people over six. This rate is about %98 percent for males, whereas it is about %96 percent level for females. When it is examined according to the schools they graduated, it can be found that %22 percent of them graduated from high schools, %22 percent of them graduated from primary school, %16 percent of them are literate but not graduated from any school, %11 percent of them graduated from faculty and university, and %1 have master’s degree or doctorate, composes the population. There has been an increase in number of university graduates thanks to the newly opened universities like Beykent and Fatih in province. Examining the educational level according to gender, it is concluded that women have a lower rate of legitimacy. For instance, women form %84 percent of the illiterate population (Table V). Education level is one of the most essential factors in the formation and shaping of a settlement. It can be said that Büyükçekmece has a well-educated population which can uplift itself in our day. 299 Table III: Population Distribution by Neighborhood Table VI: Distribution of Population According to Registered Province in Büyükçekmece 300 POPULATION DISTRIBUTION AND DENSITY İstanbul, to which Büyükçekmece is affiliated, is the most populated province with 2666 people for per square kilometers in Turkey. In Büyükçekmece, average population density is 1337 people for per square kilometers but population hasn’t been distributed equally in district. Most of the population preferred to settle around historical area on the edge of E-5 highway and areas near the seaside. When it is examined in the aspect of neighborhoods, although Atatürk, Fatih and Hürriyet neighborhoods are densely populated Ahmediye, Karaağaç and Yenimahalle neighborhoods are lower populated is realized. Especially the factor influencing on neigborhood density is migrations after 1990 (There is an incerease in population around % 980 between 1990-2000 and %407 between 2000-2010). It is known that holiday spending activities has started to go resort or summer house rather than going to accommodation facilities in our country. Especially on the coast, such settlement and housing, developing as house ownership, show up firstly on coasts near metropolis provinces like İzmir and İstanbul (Doldur, 2014). Since 1990, owing to transportation becoming easier to Büyükçekmece, the number of house for resorting has raised in the neighborhoods near Coast of Marmarian Sea. So, these areas have turned into overpopulated neighborhoods. Especially, density of secondary housing in some neighbourhoods like Fatih, Atatürk, Pınartepe, Hürriyet, Batıköy, Ulus, Türkoba and Muratçeşme is really high. Population density in the neighborhoods outside of the center which are adjacent to Çatalca, Silivri and Arnavutköy, density of population is low. Table V: The population in Büyükçekmece according to Educational Level and Gender 301 Map II: Population Density of Neighborhood in Büyükçekmece RESULT History of settlement has started with Helens on delta edges with the purpose of agriculture, in the shape of rural settlement. In following years, in addition to agriculture, development of floating trade and fishing outputs, attraction of the settlement increased. In 2 B.C., the district was under the influence of Roman Emperor and “Via Egnatia”, one of the most important roads of period, was built. With this road, settlement stuck in the center of the area and sometimes it became to accommodation point, summer house area and sometimes became defensive protection area. With the settlement of Turks at the district, settlement function was changed; the district took a military function role like a fiefdoms on the end. In Büyükçekmece, there was a vanguard in all the time against the possible attacks of Balkan in Ottoman Empire period. It kept up that role until the Ottoman Empire was collapsed. Since the proclamation of the republic, the district has renewed itself continuously in the aspect of economic activities. In the aspect of urban, major factor to gain its urban identity is E-5 highway. Along with the highway construction, communication with Istanbul has increased and this factor has led to improvement of district. Especially it has been affected from migration movement in 1990s just because after these years the district has stuck in the central distribution axle and its population has risen. After 1990’s the effective factors to development and promotion are increase in automobile uses and the resort areas to escape 302 from stressful life of İstanbul and take a holiday after 1990’s. Especially, annual vacation is an important term in modern society, which causes millions of people’s migrating to seaside every year. This action, which is named as a new migration by Wolfe, causes a huge migration movement and creation of a new industry and appearance of lots of new settlement and improvement of the settlement existing before (Wolfe 1966, Özgüç 1977, Timor 2004). In these years, besides agriculture and industry in Büyükçekmece, tourism activities has the biggest influence of improving the district and its population has grown up continuously since the day. In our days, Büyükçekmece is a worthy district with various factors like historical places priory (Mimar Sinan Bridge, Caravanserais and Mosquitos etc.), laybys, fests, tradeshows (Tüyap), Shopping centers (Atirus etc.) and picnic places etc. While it’s economic structure was based on agriculture and fishing, it has gained the power and renewal with the improvements of tourism, industry, educational areas especially in the last twenty five years. In this renewal, it has been getting popular rapidly among preferred locations for mainly one-day visitors and activities. REFERENCES AKGÜN Hasan, 1996, “Kentsel Gelişme Sürecinde Büyükçekmece”, İ.Ü. Deniz Bilimleri ve İşletmeciliği Enstitüsü, Basılmamış Doktora Tezi, İstanbul. “Büyükçekmece Belediyesi Yayınları”, 2014 “Büyükçekmece Kaymakamlığı Yayınları”, 2014 DOLDUR, Hüsniye, 2014, “Burhaniye Bir Zeytincilik ve Sayfiye Yerleşmesi”, İstanbul, Çantay Kitapevi. ERGİNOZ, Murat, 2011, Dıagnostic territorial del’arrondissement de Büyükçekmece, ISTANBUL GÖKBİLİN M.T, 1957, “Rumeli’de Yörükleri Tatarlar ve Evlad-ı Fatihan”, İstanbul Üniversitesi, Edebiyat Fakültesi Yay. No: 748, İstanbul. http://www.bcekmece.bel.tr/tr-tr/Sayfalar/default.aspx http://www. lozanmübadeleri.com.tr http://www.istanbul kültür turizm.gov.tr/TR,71471/büyükçekmece.html http://www.meteor.gov.tr/ http://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/ KARAKUYU VD., 2012, “Kentleşmenin Büyükçekmece Gölü Havzasındaki Arazi Kullanım Değişimleri Üzerindeki Etkisinin Zamansal Analizi”, Marmara Coğrafya Dergisi, Sayı 26, S 42-54, İstanbul KARPAT, Kemal, 2010,Osmanlı nüfusu(1830-1914), çev: Bahar Tırnakçı, Timaş yayınları, İstanbul, s.225. KEÇELİ, A. VD., 2007, “Büyükçekmece ve Küçükçekmece Gölleri Arasındaki Sahanın Arazi Kullanım Değişimlerinin Şehir Planlaması Açısından Değerlendirilmesi”, Marmara Üniversitesi, Marmara Coğrafya Dergisi, Sayı: 17, Sayfa 140-155, Kültür Bakanlığı ve Tarih Vakfı (1994): “Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi”, Cilt.2, İstanbul, s.355. ÖZGÜÇ, Nazmiye, 2013, “Turizm Coğrafyası”, Çantay Kitapevi, İstanbul. ÖZGÜÇ, Nazmiye, 1977, “Sayfiye Yerleşmeleri: Gelişme ve Başlıca Özellikleri”, İstanbul Üniversitesi Coğrafya Enstitüsü Dergisi, Sayı 22, s.142-162, İstanbul. ŞAHİN, Yasin, 2012: 19.Yy Büyükçekmece’sinin Temettuat Defterlerine Göre Sosyo-Ekonomik Durumu. TİMOR, Ayşe Nur, 1993, “Orta Büyüklükteki Şehirler ve Lüleburgaz Örneği”, İ.Ü. Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Basılmamış Doktora Tezi, İstanbul. TİMOR, Ayşe Nur, 2004, “Ayvalık Bir Sayfiye Yerleşmesinin Gelişme Süreci”, Çantay Kitapevi. TÜMERTEKİN Erol, ÖZGÜÇ Nazmiye, 2013, “Beşeri Coğrafya: İnsan-Kültür-Mekân”, İstanbul, Çantay Kitapevi. 303 s,1-14. Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu, 2013 ve 2014 Verileri. WOLFE, R.I , 1966: “Recreational Travael: The New Migration” Canadian Geographer, Vol.X, No 1, It is the total number o Büyükçekmece Lake (24,17 km2 ) and Büyükçekmece Land Field (157,72 km2) Büyükçekmece was founded on the eastern side of Büyükçekmece Lake, where the lake drained to Marmora Sea. The settlement was named firstly as “Atira” or “Atirus” on Byzantine resources and started to be called as Büyükçekmece, which is the name of lake. III It is the settlement which are constructed to provide communication center with administration unit , where acccomandation units are located. The highway which help it become a range is the road between İstanbul and Belgrade. I II 304 Littoralization and rural-urban divide in the Italian region of the Marches Gian Luigi CORINTO 1. INTRODUCTION It is a matter of evidence that Italy is a single nation state and a national community, and indeed with long cultural traditions, divided into 20 administrative units, namely Regions. Nevertheless, any further examination of its internal social characteristics can reveal that beyond the abstract definition of nationhood, there are many ‘Italies’, with large internal differences generating pressures for social differences and political fragmentation (Galasso, 1989; Posner, 1977). An important driver that blows the internal differences is contrasts in economic performance (Brandolini & Saraceno, 2007; Dunford & Greco, 2005). Today the major territorial divide is still visible that separates the South from the rest of the Italian territory, in its turn divided in at least three areas: the North-West, the North-East and the Centre, unequally developed and featuring different industrial models (Felice, 2007, Signorini, 2000; Tagliacarne, 1963). The region of the Marches is geographically located in the Center of Italy, and has been economically placed in the so called ‘Third Italy’ (Bagnasco, 1977) composed by the NEC (North-East-Center) regions. In the overall framework of Italy the Marches are– near perfectly–in the middle, being spatially in the center but even showing average socioeconomic patterns. As shown in fig. n. 1, even an internal divide separates the North and the South of the region, e.g. the Provinces of Ancona and Pesaro-Urbino (grey = 100 - 125) from those of Macerata, Fermo and Ascoli Piceno, being these last less rich in average GDP (pale grey = 75 - 100). Moreover, the Marches show an evident spatial concentration of activities and residents along the Adriatic Sea coast. The administrative Capital City, Ancona, is a big city-port which has stronger linkages to the sea––and a long lasting vocation for looking at the East coast of the Adriatic and Ionian sea––rather than to the interior geographical areas. Furthermore, it has a traditional weak political control on the backward territory (Sori, 2004). Factually, the five Provinces currently demonstrate a strong willingness in economic and territorial self-governance (Fondazione Censis, 2002) and, on a spatial perspective, the ‘real’ capital is to be considered the urban area diffused along the whole coastline, for its economic strong power and concentration of inhabitants and activities (Alba, 1999). With no doubt, even in the Marches there are strong links between the physical environment and human activities, not only in the sense of advantages/disadvantages to the economic development, but also in influencing the human behavior itself. Indeed, it has been considered obvious that the morphological features of a territory are always a determinant of the spatial distribution of human settlements, activities and industries (Landes 2002; Polèse 2009). The history of the economic development of the region has been bounded by this general rule, being many aspects of the territorial spreading of industries and settlements conditioned by the ‘geography’ of the region. Nevertheless, as goods and services are not perfectly mobile and transport and communication cost always in effort and time (Hoover & Giarratani, 1984) the actual explanation of littoralization and urban-rural divide in the 305 Marches could be a little bit more complex, as the name littoralization stresses the negative features of crowding people and industries near only the coastline, with the subsequent danger of a desertification for the inner areas of the region. Fig. 1: Italy and the Marches (white borders). Gross domestic product (GDP) per inhabitant, in purchasing power standard (PPS), by NUTS 3 regions, 2010 (% of the EU27 average, EU-27= 100). Source: Processing from European Commission (2013), Statistical Atlas - Eurostat Regional Yearbook 2013. The chapter describes the current situation of spatial diffusion of the economic activities, analyzing the overall regional rural-urban divide between the coast and the inner areas of the territory. It mainly considers relations between agriculture and other industries, e.g. the capabilities of agriculture in integrating the local economy and producing flexible relations within the territory, being still fundamental in shaping the landscape, even not in producing high rates of employment and revenues. As the chapter aims at giving a rationale of the actual urban-rural divide in the region, the research questions for this study were: 1. Which are the spatial features of the urban-rural divide in the marches? 2. Does agriculture interact with other industries in littoral and inner areas in some different ways depending on zoning, so that one can survey diverse local socio-economic patterns in rural and urban areas? 306 Subsequent paragraphs are dedicated to general backgrounds, literature on the Marches’ Industrial Districts, materials and method, results, and discussion. Final considerations are made in order to give some brief suggestions for the eventual better governance of land use in a more sustainable and unified perspective. 2. BACKGROUNDS 2.1. Overall features of the Marches In the regional territory there is a lack of a main urban center, locating a ‘recognized’ political center of power and capable of coordinating centralized policies and the governance of land use (Sori, 2004). The capital city of Ancona has only the near 6,7 percent of the regional population, and each of the Provinces has at least two urban poles of attraction. This duality sees the confrontation between important cities located in the same province, e.g. Pesaro and Urbino, Macerata and Civitanova Marche, Ascoli-Piceno and Fermo (Calafati & Mazzoni, 2006) and the establishment of a spatial mixed contiguity between industry and farming and urban and rural situations (Anselmi, 1990; Conti, 1996). Geography. Geographically the Marches region is bordered to the West by the Apennine Mountains, which slopes down to the sea. Thus, in the region, proceeding from West to East, the following areas can be distinguished: - the Apennines or western mountains; the pre-Apennine or central hills; the coastal or eastern flats or coasts. The agricultural landscape has been shaped by the sharecropping farming and is still a distinctive element of cultural identification. The territory consists of mountains for the 31% and hill for near the 70%, while there are no real plains. All in all, the territorial landscape is sweet with low and rounded hills. The coast extends for about 180 kilometers, from the promontory of Gabicce Mare to the mouth of the river Tronto, and has large, smooth beaches, shallow and sandy, with the exception of the Monte Conero, which is the highest point of the maritime side. The regional rivers, mostly in torrential regime, descending from the mountains form deep valleys, perpendicularly to the coast, where they tend to widen forming flat spaces, figuring a well visible ‘comb-shaped’ figure. This pattern characterizes the region and has substantially determined the spatial localization of traffic and transport (motor and rail roads) infrastructures (see Fig. 2). Population and Surface: With 1.55 million people in 2012, the Marches accounts for the 2.6% of the Italian population, ranking in the 13th place among Italian regions in terms of population. Females are the 51.6% of the population, young people (up to 14 years) the 13.4%, while the elderly (more than 64 years) constitute the 22.9%. Foreigners in 2012 were 140 thousand, of whom 24% minors, near the 9% of residents (6th position in the ranking of the Italian regions). The life expectancy at birth for men is 80.4 years, and 85.5 for women and the demographic balance in 2012 was active for 4 thousand units, due mainly to immigration, seeing that 17 thousand people died and 13 thousand borne. The surface of the Marches is 9,400 km2, being the 3.1% of the Italian total area. The population density of 164 persons per km2 places the region at the 10th place in Italy. The Marches region is divided into 239 municipalities, of which the 20.1% with no more than 307 1,000 inhabitants, and 6.7% with more than 20 thousand residents. As said, the capital city of Ancona has few units more than 100 thousands inhabitants (Regione Marche, 2013). Fig. 2: The Marches. Littoralization of urban areas and roads. The ‘comb-shaped’ figure. Source: Processing from Regione Marche, (2009), Piano Paesistico Regionale, Struttura dell’insediamento, Ancona: Regione Marche. Economy: On an economic sketch, the entrepreneurial fabric is composed by 177 thousand registered companies in 2012 collecting the 2.9% of Italian firms and ranking in 11th place among the Italian regions. The 23% of these companies are from the commercial sector, and 14% from the building activity. Manufacturers are the 13.5 % and the 17.9% form the agricultural sector. The handicraft companies are 50 thousand and the proprietorships 103 thousand (Regione Marche, 2013). The local community of entrepreneurs shows a high vivacity, being 6.6% the birth rate of enterprises, slightly higher than the mortality rate (6.59 %). The small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are absolutely prevalent, and are predominantly owned and managed by single families. Indeed, the local units with 50 or 308 more employees are 797 in 2010, employing 100 thousand workers, being the total local units 142 thousand, with 508 thousand employees (Unioncamere, 2013). The region is strongly characterized by the presence of several industrial districts, specialized in fashion and shoes, furniture and mechanics, located in the more accessible zones, near the coast, in hilly zones close to the sea, but also in the inner zones. Important industries are located even in the inner zones, such the so called ‘white goods industry’ of appliances in Fabriano1. The average age of active enterprises is of 13.84 years in 2010, while companies formed since 2000 are the 48, 64 %. There are 3,954 tourist accommodations in the region, offering 193 thousands beds and placing the region in the 12th place in Italy in 2012 (Regione Marche, 2013). These structures allowed 11 million days of tourist presences (13th region in Italy), of which 1.8 million foreign tourists in 2011 (Unioncamere, 2013). The labor market accounts 646 thousands workers in 2012, the 2.8% of total employed Italians, ranking the 10th position in Italy. The 35.9% of these workers is employed in industry and the 2.5% in agriculture, the remaining in services. The waged workers are 485 thousands and 161 thousand are self-employed. The rate of unemployment in 2012 was the 9.1% of the labor force (12th place among Italian regions with higher unemployment). On the contrary the rate of employment (the ratio employees/population 15-64 years) is pair to 62.6%, the 9th place among the Italian regions. The Marches produced in 2010 euro 35.9 billion of value added, which represents the 2.6% national feature, in the 11th place in Italy. The added value per capita is € 23,350, actually equal to the national average Italian of euro 23.240. Of this result, industry produces the 22.5%, building the 5.3% and agriculture the 1.8%, being the rest originating form services (Unioncamere Marche, 2013). 2.2. Literature on the Marches’ Industrial Districts Many scholars have over years focused on the particular form of industrialization in the Marches, generally identified with ‘industrial districts’, intended as the spatial concentration of large numbers of small firms clustered together in a small region, all manufacturing the same type of product, with strong, but varying, links between them. After the already mentioned author Bagnasco (1977), who put the Marches in the so called NEC model, and the international specific interest of Piore & Sabel (1984), Fuà & Zacchia (1983) did interpret the local industrial model on a series of well identified local features: urban polycentrism, rural and handicraft traditions, role of the family in the economy and society, large diffusion of small industries. In addition, these authors stated the ‘external’ importance of the reduction of farming labor demand, innovation in transport, explosion of the consuming demand ant its differentiation (Fuà & Zacchia, 1983). Definitively, all the cited scholars stressed the importance of the socio cultural characters in the spatial diffusion of development and in the peculiar model of the Marches. In this line, a specific motor of local development has been identified, and differently named, as urbanized countryside, system areas and industrial districts, where small production units, civil residences, daily life of people, interfere in a complex system of social relationships and where contiguity is a determinant for innovation and development (Camagni, 1991). The ‘light industrialization’ of the territory, and the spatially diffused presence 1 Today, the industry in Fabriano is facing a deep economic crisis, with delocalization of industrial plants and heavy social problems due to high rate of dismissal and unemployment (Vergnano, 2014, April 23). 309 of systems of small enterprises, has been best described by the renewed concept of the Marshallian industrial district (Becattini, 1979, 1987; 1990). Becattini stated an industrial district as a territorial agglomeration of small enterprises, specialized in a product and/or in distinct production phases, gathered by interpersonal linkages, common social culture, shared by workers, entrepreneurs and politicians as well, all immersed in an industrial atmosphere. The circulation of knowledge in the local social network helps the continuous training of workers, diffusion of innovation, producing positive externalities to the firms which, actually, are ‘internal’ to the territory. The combination of knowledge spillovers, decreasing transaction costs, and skilled labor do create strong competitive advantages of being located in an industrial district (Becattini, 1989). Notwithstanding some exceptions, the Marches’ economy is still generally based on these features and the inheritance of sharecropping in agriculture is even today the root of the industrialized society (Musotti, 2000, Corinto & Musotti, 2012). 3. MATERIALS AND METHODS In order to answer the research questions posed in the introduction, the 239 Municipalities of the region (ISTAT, 2013b) have been considered as statistical units, grouping them in two categorical spatial areas: 1) Littoral Municipalities (n. 142 units); 2) Inner Municipalities (n. 97). Within the first category the very littoral Municipalities and first and second grade conterminous ones were included (see fig. 3). Fig. 3. The Marches. Littoral (pale grey) and Inner (grey) Municipalities. Source: Processing form Google Earth with QGIS (http://www.qgis.org/it/site/) 310 For each unity, selected socio-economic data (tab. 1, appendix), as possible determinants of urban/rural features identification and interaction, have been collected and elaborated in order to understand and interpret the territorial patterns of integration between agriculture and not agricultural industries. The ex-ante hypotheses are that in the more urbanized areas (e.g. the littoral ones) the major density of population and buildings would have stronger linkages with industrial employment and activities and weaker ones with farming, and that there is a real territorial divide in rate of employment, farming labor supply and demand, farming entrepreneurial density, farming labor intensity, rate of pluriactivity, average farm surface and number or farms. Furthermore, one can hypothesize agriculture has capabilities of interacting with the rest of economy to produce different forms of revenue integration and patterns of entrepreneurial behavior. First, the statistical Z-test for the two areas has been calculated in order to assess significant differences within the selected indicators, and then correlation matrixes have been used for the interpretation of relations amongst the same indicators (tables 3a-3b and 4a-4b in appendix). 4. RESULTS The littoral and the inner areas of the Marches, as above defined, after the quantitative analysis shown significant differences for all the selected indicators (tab. 2, appendix). Population and buildings are significantly more concentrated in the sea coast of the region, and even the concentration of non-agricultural industries is higher in the coast than in the inner areas, as well as the non-agricultural employment of workers. The rates of farming labor demand and supply are higher in the inner area as well as the density of farming entrepreneurs, the average farm surface and their spatial diffusion and the rate of pluriactivity. The latter indicates the opportunity and capacity to integrate the household revenue with non-farming labor, i.e. the capability of agriculture to interact in the local labor market and perform a territorial (extra-farm) allocation of workforce. On the contrary, even not surprisingly, the faming labor intensity is bigger in the littoral zone, due­ to the cultivation of less labor intensive crops in the inner area, such as cereals. Even if the cultivation of wheat is largely diffused all over the regional territory, it is actually more specific and ‘pervasive’ in the inner hilly­ areas––and some of the mountains––of the Marches. Thus lower labor intensity in these latter areas is likely due to this crop. The major labor intensity of agriculture showed within the littoral area is surely due to the presence of intensive crops, such as horticulture and nurseries, which both benefit of the contiguity to cities (close markets) and roads for eventual long distance transportations (access to far markets). The same interpretation, based on less cropping intensity, is possible for the greater average dimension of farms detected in the inner area in comparison to the littoral one. Moreover, the correlation matrices and the related tests of significance (tab. 3a-3b; 4a-4b, appendix), show an interesting result, mainly because the two areas actually showed very similar features. The correlation indexes are, in fact, not so much different in value and sign, less than for some few indicators. This indicate a quite similar type of territorial relations between agriculture and other industries, that is people in rural and in urbanized conditions never miss to integrate agricultural activity with other industries, the first sector still remaining important in both the situations, even finding different forms of integrations 311 within the specific locality. The two areas have shown different correlations only for few indicators, thus needing a more articulated interpretation. In the littoral area the rate of farming labor supply is correlated with the density of population and buildings, differently than in the inner area. And, in this last, the rate of farming work demand is correlated with the rate of pluriactivity, differently than in the littoral area. The explaining hypothesis could be that in the more crowded littoral area people offer their work to an intensive model of economy, including an intensive agriculture. In the inner area, the farming labor demand faces workers living in a general weaker economic framework, where they have to allocate labor in different industries in order to integrate the household’s revenue. And this confirms the hypothesis agriculture is capable to act as a territorial integrator in dissimilar situations. 5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS The quantitative analysis performed in the Marches, using Municipality as a spatial statistical unit, confirmed some results of preceding literature and empirical main evidences. The Marches are actually divided in a littoral area and an inner one, the first crowded by inhabitants, buildings and transport infrastructures, the second less accessible, populated and infrastructured. So the ‘rurality’ and the ‘urbanity’ of the two zones could have easily been defined and detected at a glance. Nevertheless, some distinctions, and a deeper interpretation, were a little more intriguing. In fact, even if the rough definition of rural/ urban relations is possible and the quantitative assessment of differences confirmed it, the second step of analysis gave clue of a more complex situation. Searching possible different correlation among the selected indicators in the two zones, the analysis gave a picture of a substantial homogeneity. The possible meaning is, then, that in the both littoral and inner areas, the model of organizing relations between agriculture and ‘the rest of economy’ (industries and residencies) appears substantially the same, as indicators showed near similar correlations. And, one can argue, the distinction between ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ in not so strict, and it would be actually better interpreted in term of ‘more or less rural’ and ‘more or less urban’, being the marchigian life style, and the way to make business, substantially the same in the territory and derived from a long lasting rural culture. Anyway, a deeper future spatial analysis will be necessary in order to better account a different duality of the region, considering, besides the division between the littoral and inner areas, also the division between the valleys, inserting the territory form the sea to the mountains––through which industry and ‘urbanity’ go inward––and the hilly and mountain zones. The entire society of the Marches is very economically and entrepreneurially feverish, oriented to spare money and invest and work in the family firms, still conserving a common root of origin, surely based on the past socioeconomic organization of sharecropping in agriculture, and mainly managing SMEs. Thus, it is not surprising to find households composing the annual work calendar with activities pertaining to different industries in all the regional territory, so that the ‘urban’ and the ‘rural’ are in reality mixed. These results are interesting because showed a territory within with an urban-rural divide does exist, but has very specific features and different from the usual stereotype of a trivial duality between urban/advantaged and rurality/lagging societies. Nevertheless, littoralization of infrastructures is an evident matter in terms of landscape 312 shaping. The coast has only near the 10% of the total line not yet invaded by buildings. This wouldn’t be a problem for industries or inhabitants­––used to live in such a condition–– but could be a problem for the future tourism sustainability and its competitiveness, if the traditional tourists’ behavior will change in search of more ‘natural’ destinations. Eventually giving some suggestions to eventually better govern the land use, it is important to stress the opportunity to stop land consumption in the coastal line and in the hilly zones, this latter actually endangered by further urbanization and industrial infrastructuration, where lots of industrial and commercial sheds have been built, being not yet used probably due not only to the national and global economic crisis, but for an excessive over-building scheme. An interesting topic for future research is the industrial localization in the narrow flats along the river valley in the inner rural areas. The further crowding of easily accessible areas will occupy fertile farming soils and endangered the territorial order with potential floods and landscape degradation. The land use policy and rural and agricultural policies, intended in a territorial perspective, have to maintain the goal of contrasting the further divide between urban and the inner areas of the region, the hills and mountains, where the danger of depopulation is actually current. These zones could play an important role in de-crowding ‘sea, sand and sun’ tourism, attracting tourists to the inner rural areas, and in maintaining the ‘food and wine’ local traditions and a rural and trustable general aptitude in social behavior. REFERENCES Anselmi, S., (1990), “Mezzadri e mezzadrie nell’Italia centrale”, in P. Bevilacqua (a c.), Storia dell’agricoltura italiana in età contemporanea, vol. II, Venezia: Marsilio, pp. 201-259. Alba, F., (1999), I territori delle infrastrutture. La struttura delle linee di comunicazione, “ASTAC, Regione Marche, Urbino: Arti grafiche Stibu. Bagnasco, A., (1977), Tre Italie. La problematica territoriale dello sviluppo italiano. Bologna: Il Mulino. Becattini, G., (1979), “Dal ‘settore’ industriale al ‘distretto’ industriale. Alcune considerazioni sull’unità d’indagine dell’economia industriale”, Rivista di economia e politica industriale, v. 1, pp. 7-21. Becattini G., (a c.), (1987), Mercato e forze locali: il Distretto industriale, Bologna. Il Mulino. Becattini, G., (1990), “The Marshallian industrial district as a socio-economic notion”, in Pyke, F., Becattini, G. & Sengenberger, W., (eds.), Industrial districts and inter-firm cooperation in Italy, Geneva: IILS, pp. 37-51. Becattini, G., Bellandi, M., Dei Ottati, G., and Sforzi, F., (2003), From industrial districts to local development: an itinerary of research, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing. Calafati, A.G., Mazzoni, F., (2006), “Sviluppo locale e sviluppo regionale: il caso delle Marche”, Rivista di Economia e Statistica del Territorio n. 1, pp. 7-39. Brandolini, A., Saraceno, C., (a c.), (2007), Povertà e benessere. Una geografia delle disuguaglianze in Italia, Bologna: Il Mulino. Camagni, R., ed. (1991), Innovation networks: spatial perspectives, London: Belhaven-Pinter. Conti, G., (1996), “Metropolizzazione delle aree rurali: ambiti, ambiente e aspetti valutativi”, Atti 26° Incontro Ce.S.E.T., Firenze: Fupress, pp. 95-116. Corinto, G.L., Musotti, F., (2012), “Il turismo countryside delle Marche: caratteristiche territoriali e comunicazione on-line”, Agricoltura Istituzioni Mercati, pp. 151-166. Dunford, M., Greco, L., (2005), After the Three Italies: Wealth, Inequality and Industrial Change, Oxford (UK): Wiley-Blackwell. 313 Fondazione Censis, (2002), Rappresentare il Policentrismo, Rapporto finale, Roma: Censis. Fuà’, G., Zacchia, C., (a c.), (1983), Industrializzazione senza fratture, Bologna: Il Mulino. European Commission, (2013), Statistical Atlas, Eurostat regional yearbook 2013, retrievable at http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistical-atlas/. FELICE, E., (2007), Divari regionali e intervento pubblico, Bologna: Il Mulino. Galasso, G., (1989), “Le forme del potere, classi e gerarchie sociali”, in: Ruggiero R. e Vivanti C., (a c.), Storia d’Italia. I caratteri originali, vol. I, pp. 527-602, Torino: Einaudi. Hoover, E. M., Giarratani, F., (1984), An introduction to regional economics, New York: Knopf. ISTAT, (2001), Censimento della popolazione 2001, Roma. ISTAT (2012), 6° Censimento dell’agricoltura, 2010, Roma. ISTAT (2013a), Censimento dell’industria e dei servizi 2011, Roma. ISTAT, (2013b), Elenco dei Comuni italiani, Roma, retrievable at http://www.istat.it/it/archivio/6789. Musotti, F., (2000), “Le radici mezzadrili dell’industrializzazione leggera”, in Becattini G., Bellandi M., Dei Ottati G. and Sforzi F., (Eds.), Il Caleidoscopio dello sviluppo locale, pp. 93-116, Torino: Rosemberg and Sellier. Landes, D.S., (2002), La ricchezza e la povertà delle nazioni. Perché alcune sono così ricche ed altre così povere”, 3° ed., Milano: Garzanti. Piore, M. J., Sabel, C. F. (1984), The Second Industrial Divide: Possibilities for Prosperity. New York: Basic Books. Polèse, M., (2009), The Wealth and Poverty of Regions: Why Cities Matter. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Posner, A. R., (1977), “Italy: dependence and political fragmentation”, International Organization, 31, pp 809-838. Regione Marche, (2009), Piano Paesistico Regionale, Struttura dell’insediamento, Ancona: Regione Marche. Regione Marche, (2012), Popolazione residente al 1° gennaio 2012 per singolo anno d’età e comune, Sistema Informativo Statistico, Ancona: Regione Marche. Regione Marche, (2013), Marche in cifre, Sistema informativo statistico, Ancona: Regione Marche. Signorini, L.F., (2000), Lo sviluppo locale. Un’indagine della Banca d’Italia sui distretti industriali, Roma: Meridiana Libri. Sori, E., (2004), Il territorio, la poplazione e l’economia, in Touring Club Italiano, Ancona e provincia, Guide d’Italia, Milano: Touring editore, pp 10-14. Tagliacarne, G., (1963), Lo sviluppo economico delle regioni italiane in tre quarti di secolo (1885-1961), Milano: Giuffré. Unioncamere Marche, (2013), Atlante della competitività delle regioni: le Marche, Roma: Uniocamere. Vergnano, F., (2014, April 23), Portacolori del made in Italy tra eccellenze e contraddizioni, il Sole 24 Ore. 314 Appendix. Stats Tables. Tab. 1. Possible indicators for assessment of Urban-rural Divide in the Marches [1] ISTAT, (2001), Censimento della popolazione e delle abitazioni 2001, Roma; [2] ISTAT (2012), 6° Censimento dell’agricoltura, 2010, Roma; [3] ISTAT (2013a), Censimento dell’industria e dei servizi 2011, Roma; [4]; Regione Marche, (2912), Superficie, densità, zona altimetrica, altitudine, definizione litoranea o montana dei comuni della Marche al 31.12.2010, Sistema Informativo Statistico Ancona: Regione Marche; [5] Regione Marche, (2012), Popolazione residente al 1° gennaio 2012 per singolo anno d’età e comune, Sistema Informativo Statistico, Ancona: Regione Marche. Tab. 2. Inner and Littoral areas. Z-test for Indicators Tab. 3a. Inner Municipalities. Correlation matrix 315 Tab. 3b. Inner Municipalities. Test t-student n-2 degree of freedom Tab. 4a. Littoral Municipalities. Correlation matrix Tab. 4b. Littoral Municipalities. Test t-student n-2 degree of freedom 316 USING ANACRONISM FOR THE IDENTIFICATION OF CHARACTERS IN ANECDOTES: ISTANBUL AND BEKRİ MUSTAFA Abdulkadir EMEKSİZ INTRODUCTION An anecdote, classified as an oral narrative, is a literary genre which has its own characteristic form and content (Yıldırım, 1999: 1). Some Turkish anecdote characters are considerably valued, i.e. Nasreddin Hodja, who is a Turkish anecdote character1 and has a global reputation, and Bekri Mustafa and İncili Çavuş, and Bektaşi with a fair popularity among Turkic countries and across the world. Moreover, these characters are known to represent a certain community in the society. Of these literary characters, Bekri Mustafa, who lived in Istanbul in the Ottoman period under the reign of Murad IV (1623 - 1640), is a Turkish anecdote character, noteworthy of his capability of representativeness, reputation and social influence. Bekri Mustafa is classified among “the individual figures able to represent a shared identity”2. Debated issues concerning Turkish anecdotes, its classification in particular, is out of the scope of this study; but it is intended to reveal anachronic markers in Bekri Mustafa narratives and to evaluate the effect of these markers on its classification and representative capacity. In Bekri Mustafa narratives, temporal data are not recorded with dates, but there is a considerable amount of data to estimate the period when the incidents take place. The incidents in these narratives are often times traced back to a single period, i.e. that of Murad IV. Be it whether the narrative in which Bekri Mustafa and Murad IV are cited at the same age or Bekri Mustafa calls Murad IV “son”, these two incidents are dated to the same period. As a matter of fact, any anecdote in which Bekri Mustafa is cited are dated to the period of Murad IV, which lasted from 1623 to 1640. In some narratives, Murad IV is explicitly featured in and/or the incident time is expressly given. Himmetzâde (Kırımlı Süleyman Sûdî Bey), the first to compile and edit the narratives on Bekri Mustafa, writes in the inner cover as follows; “This book contains the humorous tales of the famous, comic, good-natured, and witty Bekri Mustafa Agha, among the courtiers of the period of the Late Sultan Murad Khan IV”, which dates the pieces in the book to the period of Murad IV (1623 - 1640). The related period can also be identified in the Bekri Mustafa narratives on thanks to the statements “… Sultan Murad the Fourth, the then Ruler)” (no: 92), “As His Highness Sultan Murad IV sets out on a campaign to Baghdad” (no: 33), “One day, Sultan Murad IV calls Bekri Mustafa into his royal presence” (no: 35), “… Murat IV was out for a walk in the city” (no: 62), “ While Sultan Murad was walking around in disguise” (no: 117), “Bekri Mustafa was doing boating for a living at Uskudar Dock, one day… with Sultan Murad” (no: 126), “Bekri was called into the presence of Sultan Murad” ( no: 127). Murad the Fourth is also referred to as “padishah (sultan)” or “padishah of the period”: 317 (no: 28, 30, 39, 42, 83, 111). Following are some of the references to the period: “On those days” (no: 32), “Then” (no: 12, 81, 83), “At that time” (no: 29, 43), “In that period” (no: 16, 19, 20, 27, 31, 32, 42, 49). All these examples clearly show that the narration time and the incident time are different from each other. Bekri Mustafa is a hero of a period when the prohibitive measures on alcoholic drinks were the tightest. Whatever the excuse was, being out after the midnight was forbidden. The severity of the measures is unprecedented. More than one thousand men were killed in Istanbul in 8-10 years (Özyalçıner, 1997: 112). Coffee houses (then like bistros) which were shut down by Murad III (1574 - 1595) and Ahmet I (1603 – 1617) were closed down all over the empire by Murad IV (Çabuk, 2005: 60 - 61). Sultan Murad prohibited the alcoholic beverages by a decree. Wine and alcoholic beverage drinkers should be executed just like the ones drinking coffee and smoking tobacco and opium (Özyalçıner, 1997: 121). Despite the prohibition, the fact his survival depending on drinking and narration of the related incidents help Bekri Mustafa live as an anecdote character for centuries. The presence and the violation of prohibitions make Bekri Mustafa a hero, and thus he has lived on as a part of an oral and written culture for centuries in the narratives on the incidents that he faced. Humour characters who are divergent and, to put it more prudently, deviant from a rigid social behavioural form, share a commonality, be it famous Eş’eb of Medina in the early Islamic period; Nasreddin Hoca, Bektaşi and Bekri Mustafa of Turkish culture, or Lenny Bruce of America, which is their ability to go beyond and twist the limits imposed on them, whatever the causes of the limits are. Hence, they are able to easily manoeuvre at legal, spatial and temporal level.4 ANACHRONISM IN BEKRİ MUSTAFA NARRATIVES In any narrative about Bekri Mustafa, one cannot always find temporal elements to date the incidents. Despite the textual references to the difference between incident time and narration time and to the period of Murad IV, there might also be some temporal references to the post-Murad IV period, which results in “anachronism”. Based on this fact, it can be suggested that incident time contains stable temporal references, while narration time contains volatile markers. Although the word “daytime” is used for four times in the narratives on Bekri Mustafa, the actual time is mostly not the daytime. As a matter of fact, in three of these four narratives, the actual time is “night time” and the word “daytime” is used not to refer to the time as in the following examples: “… please see it in daylight” (no: 6), “it is like daytime” (no: 39) and “…I never go home in day time” (no: 103) (Emeksiz, 2010: 32). The examples to be discussed are indirect informative facts rather than temporal markers. In the following, the paper tries to reveal the temporal differences on the basis of such examples as historical and literary figures, security institutions, architectural elements, transportation vehicles. A. HISTORICAL AND LITERARY FIGURES I. HISTORICAL FIGURES The above-mentioned Murad IV constitutes the focus of the Bekri Mustafa narratives. The period of Murad IV (1623 - 1640) is when the narration time and incident time are almost synchronic. Apart from that, in an anecdote, Bekri Mustafa is called into the presence 318 of Mustafa III (1757 - 1774) (Ermiş, 1999: 14). In another anecdote, he is depicted as the courtier of Mustafa IV (1807 - 1808) (Ermiş, 1999: 53). As a result, In the Bekri Mustafa narratives, one can observe historical figures who lived in a period from the first half of the 17th century to the first quarter of the 19th century. II. LITERARY FIGURES: NEDÎM (1681 - 1730) In a narrative, Bekri Mustafa is told to overhear people talking in a public house. The song from the public house goes as follows: “This House! How gloomy it looks from outside, But hides the charm inside…” (Cimcoz, 2000: 206) “This House! How gloomy it looks from outside, But hides the comfort and the charm inside…” (Mazıoğlu, 1988: 164) The couplet above was penned by Nedîm, among the pioneers of localization movement, who lived in the 18th century and depicted the joyful life in his works with his own characteristic style (Macit, 2006: 511). This signifies that Bekri Mustafa overhears a fragment of the upcoming century in this narrative. B. SECURITY INSTITUTIONS I. SELİMİYE BARRACKS “THIS IS HOW HE UNDERSTANDS IT” As Bekri Mustafa, dead drunk, walks across the Edirnekapı Cemetery, stops by the grave of an old fellow, who used to drink with him. He lets a yell out. A couple of janissaries run in the cemetery. They detain Bekri and put him before the Kolbaşı [a kind of judge]. He glares at Mustafa for a while, and asks: What business do you have by a grave at the midst of the night? I was praying for the poor soul of my old friend. Shame on you. Is this how you pray? Shouting? Not indeed, but this is how the deceased understands it. The Kolbaşı understands that the man lying in the grave was a drunkard, too; therefore, he is delighted with the answer, and lets Mustafa go” (Erksan, 1947: 9). In another version of this story, the Edirnekapı Cemetery is replaced by the Karacaahmet Cemetery. Because Karacaahmet is on the Anatolian side of Istanbul, not on the European side like Edirnekapı, Bekri is taken to Selimiye Barracks upon his detention. The story goes as follows: “Bekri Mustafa was walking across the Karacaahmet cemetery. Drunk and wasted. Actually he was both walking and yelling. Patrolling soldiers heard his yell and ran in to seize him. They took him to the Selimiye Barracks right away” ( Derin, 1965: 7 ). The construction of the Selimiye Barracks was launched in 1215/1800. By the decree of Selim III (1789 - 1807), the barracks were built in the area where Kavak Sarayı (in Uskudar) was erected. 319 In the early years, the barracks were not given a name; that is, it was not called “Selimiye Barracks”. Later on, it came to be known as “Uskudar Barracks” in 1805 and “the Barracks of Muallem Bostani Soldiers” in 1807. However, it is not until 1830 that it was referred to as “the Selimiye Barracks”5. II. KARAKOL (POLICE) BUILDINGS The term “Karakol” (Police station) was used to refer to watch, guard and scout posts between the 16th and 19th century. This term is also used in Bekri Mustafa narratives (no: 8, 12, 37, 57, 79, 116). In the anecdote titled “Bekri Mustafa at Karakol”, the term is used to refer to a building, a security institution of the state: “… Bekri is taken to a karakol in the middle of the night, and put before the agha [a kind of judge].” (no: 57) Karakols (Police stations) were first built in 1831 at locations far from the barracks and named “karakolhane” (Police Building). It can be observed that the westernization process which started in the period of Mahmud II (1808 – 1839) is very influential in the texture of these buildings.6 III. ZAPTİYE (CONSTABULARY) “Bekri Mustafa and his two friends are caught red-handed in a clandestinely working public house. Policemen apprehend and take them to the leader of the Janissaries.” (no: 78) Actually, policemen take them not only from one place to another but also across time. This is because zaptiye organization was established as per the regulation dated 03 Rebiülevvel7 1286/18698 to take over the duties previously carried out by the janissary agha (leader), captain pasha, bostancı (royal guards). The term is used to signify the military organization offering public security services. Such services were delivered by the janissary agha (leader), captain pasha, bostancı (royal guards) in Istanbul, while by “Beylerbeyi”s (governor of a state), “sancakbey’s (governor of a sanjak) and ‘Mütesellim’s (deputy of a Beylerbeyi or Sancakbeyi) in the peripheral governments of the empire. But later, police organization was established as required by the regulation dated 03 Rebiülevvel 1286 (1869, the Gregorian calendar) after the Reformation (Pakalın, 1993: 644 ) to take over the jurisdiction of abovementioned authorities. IV. MUKHTAR9 “I SEE THEM IN MY DREAM” “The mukhtar of the neighborhood crosses Bekri Mustafa’s path: Bekri, your household complained about you. They say you keep coming home all wasted, and make your day outside together with beautiful women. Mustafa is petrified, but says: They lie. I never go home in daytime but at night when they are asleep. And I see beautiful ladies only in my dreams (no: 103)”. Despite the fact that Bekri Mustafa is the character of the period when “life at neighbourhood” was a prevailing local pattern, at that time “mukhtars” did not exist. 320 Before the foundation of “mukhtar’s office”, the intermediary people in villages and neighbourhoods between the folk and the state were called kethüda (a janissary soldier second in command) or ihtiyar (the elders). Mukhtar’s office of a neighbourhood as the smallest administrational unit of a city was first established in İstanbul, then in the rest of the empire in the period of Mahmut II (1808 - 1839) (Bayartan, 2005: 106; Ercoşkun, 2012: 132). C. ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS KONSOL (COMMODE) “… when the nature calls and cannot postpone it even for a minute, he sees the Saxonian pot (toilet) with a lid on the commode”. “At the third call, he spends a while on the ceramic vase with a lid on the commode” (no: 25). In the narrative titled “Whose Fault?”, incident time is unknown, but there is a “commode” being used at the narration time. A commode is a kind of wooden chest of drawers. Its top is generally capped with a marble plate, but there are also some samples completely made of wood. This piece of furniture which used to stand on four legs was named after “s” shape supports, i.e. “console”, used to buttress the projecting parts of a building, such as balcony, oriel and the like. These parts originally come from European architecture, and are evident in the Ottoman structures inspired from the western architecture10. Consoles as architectural elements came to be used to name pieces of furniture with parts resembling consoles which are used outside. Konsol (Commode) which can be defined as a chest of drawers standing against a wall and supported by legs were widely used in the 17th and 18th centuries. It is known that the term “konsol” was coined when Nicolar Pineau for the first time used console-like engraved pieces for interior design in 1700s. The term became popular in the 19th century, when the author Robert Southey, in his Letters from England, queried the meaning of the term “console-tables”.11 D. TRANSPORTATION VEHICLE A CARRIAGE FOR RENT “Bekri Mustafa is caught in a heavy rain on his way back home. He takes shelter under an eave, and waits for a carriage for rent. But he waits hours. Eventually he gives a sigh and says: - In this mortal world, anything, even the hasty time, passes by, but not a car to take me home” (Koz, 1982: 33) If just a carrier was the case - because people used them even centuries before Bekri Mustafa -, the carriers would not be a matter of discussion here. But the vehicle in question is a carrier for rent. The first vehicles used as rental cars were carts, but the rental car service was first offered in the period of Sultan Abdulaziz ( 1861 - 1876 ). In other words, in consideration of the first rental car, there are centuries between the time Bekri Mustafa lived and the time when the first rental carrier was introduced. CONCLUSION The study tried to reveal the anachronic references, i.e. before or after the incident time, in Bekri Mustafa narratives, which shows that Bekri Mustafa is not stuck to a limited 321 period of time, but transcends that particular time limit. In the narratives, the time gap between incident and narration time may amount to centuries. This is significant to prove that his reputation has lived on for centuries. It can be asserted that he is among the anecdote characters who transcend the time and space he lived in – not a representative of a group, but a member thereof. The researcher is of the opinion that it is important to take into account the explicit and implicit temporal references in oral and written narratives to classify and analyze anecdotes. In analytical studies, any element, particularly character, time and space, can and should be considered in terms of their mutual interrelations. In conclusion, it is necessary to focus on a thorough comparative analysis of temporal markers on the basis of characters in order to describe and ascertain the differences between national and local anecdote characters and on the reasons why they are considered national or local. FOOTNOTES (Endnotes) 1 “Anecdote character” is the main character entitled by the people of a community to represent them. Turkish people have a large corpus of anecdotes with numerous characters who are locally and globally famous. An anecdote character never represents an individual identity, but a commonality resulting from shared values of a community. For more, please see Dursun Yıldırım (1999), Türk Edebiyatında Bektaşi Fıkraları [Bektasi Anecdotes in Turkish Literature], Ankara: Akçağ, 18-24. 2 The outline of Dursun Yıldırım’s classification of Turkish anecdote characters is as follows: 1. Individuals representing a shared identity, 2. A character representing a certain community 3. A character representing a minority, 4. Regional and local characters, 5. Foreign characters, 6. Everyday man, and 7. Fashion characters. For the complete classification, please see Dursun Yıldırım, op. cit, 25-32. 3 Number-based references, Dr. Abdulkadir Emeksiz (2010), Bir İstanbul Kahramanı Bekri Mustafa (İnceleme – Metin) [An Istanbul Hero: Bekri Mustafa (Analysis – Text)], İstanbul 4 For more, please see Dr. Abdulkadir Emeksiz, op.cit., 48. For an example of the repercussions of the character Nasreddin Hodja in virtual cultural environment, please see Ferhat Aslan (2011), “Sanal Kültür Ortamında Güncellenen Nasreddin Hoca Fıkraları [Updated Nasreddin Hodja Jokes on Virtual Cultural Environment]”, Turkish Studies International Periodical For The Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic Volume 6/4 Fall, 39-60. 5 For more, please see Afife Batur (1994), “Selimiye Kışlası [The Selimiye Barracks]”, Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, İstanbul: Kültür Bakanlığı ve Tarih Vakfı, V. 6, 515-516. 6 For more, please see Aynur Çiftçi (2001), “Karakol Binaları [Karakol Buildings]”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, İstanbul: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, V. 24, 431434; Abdulkadir Özcan (2001), “Karakol”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, İstanbul:Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, C: 24, 430- 431. 322 7 The third month of the Mohammedan Calendar 8 For the establishment of Police Marshalry, the implementation of the Police Regulations in 1846 and organization structure of police, please see Ali Sönmez (2006), “Zaptiye Teşkilatının Düzenlenmesi [Arrangement of Constabulary] (1840-1869)”, Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, , sayı: 39, Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü, 199- 219. 9 The headman of a village or neighbourhood 10 Please see “Konsol [Commode]”, Eczacıbaşı Sanat Ansiklopedisi (1997), İstanbul:Yapı Endüstrisi Merkezi Yayınları, 1040. 11 For more, please see Celâl Esad Arseven (1966), Sanat Ansiklopedisi, 2. Baskı, İstanbul: Milli Eğitim Basımevi, C: 3, 1117- 1118. REFERENCES ARSEVEN, Celâl Esad (1966), “Konsol”, Sanat Ansiklopedisi, 2. Baskı, İstanbul: Milli Eğitim Basımevi, C: 3, s. 1117-1118. ASLAN, Ferhat (2011), “Sanal Kültür Ortamında Güncellenen Nasreddin Hoca Fıkraları”, Turkish Studies - International Periodical For The Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic, Volume 6/4, 39-60. BATUR, Afife (1994), “Selimiye Kışlası”, Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, İstanbul: Kültür Bakanlığı ve Tarih Vakfı, C: 6, 515-516. BAYARTAN, Mehmet ( 2005), “Osmanlı Şehrinde Bir İdari Birim: Mahalle” An Administrative Unit in the Ottoman Town: Quarter, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Coğrafya Bölümü Coğrafya Dergisi, Sayı: 13, 93-107. CİMCOZ, Sinâ (2000), Adamın Biri Bir Gün… Bektaşi Fıkraları Bekri Mustafa Fıkraları, İstanbul: Geçit Kitabevi. ÇABUK, Dr. Vahid (2005), Yasakların Sultanı IV. Murat, İstanbul: Emre Yayınları. ÇİFTÇİ, Aynur (2001), “Karakol Binaları”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, İstanbul: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, C: 24, 431- 434. Derin, Hasan Hüseyin ( neşr.) (1965), Bekri Mustafa Fıkraları, İstanbul: Orhan Mete ve Ortağı Kol. Ş. Matbaası. Eczacıbaşı Sanat Ansiklopedisi (1997), “Konsol”, İstanbul: YEM Yayın (Yapı Endüstri Merkezi Yayınları), C: 2, 1040. EMEKSİZ, Dr. Abdulkadir (2010), Bir İstanbul Kahramanı Bekri Mustafa (İnceleme- Metin), İstanbul: Mühür. ERCOŞKUN, Tülay (2012), “Osmanlı Devleti’nde Muhtarlık Kurumunun İşleyişine İlişkin Düzenleme ve Gözlemler”, Bilig, Sayı: 60, 131- 154. ERKSAN, A. Cemal (1947), Resimli Bekri Mustafa Fıkraları, İstanbul: Şaka Matbaası. ERMİŞ, Kemal (derl.) (1999), En Güzel İncili Çavuş ve Bekri Mustafa Fıkraları, İstanbul: Gün Yayıncılık. GÜLERSOY, Çelik (1981), Eski İstanbul Arabaları, İstanbul: Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu. KOZ, M. Sabri (derl.) (1982), En Güzel Bekri Mustafa ve İncili Çavuş Fıkraları, İstanbul: Deniz Kitaplar. MACİT, Muhsin (2006), “Nedîm”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, İstanbul: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, C: 32, 510-513. MAZIOĞLU, Prof. Dr. Hasibe (1988), Nedim, Ankara: Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı. ÖZCAN, Abdulkadir (2001), “Karakol”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, İstanbul: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, C: 24, 430- 431. ÖZYALÇINER, Adnan (1997), IV. Murat ve Mirgün Bahçeleri, İstanbul: AD Yayıncılık AŞ. PAKALIN, Mehmet Zeki (1993), Osmanlı Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü I- III, İstanbul: Milli Eğitim Basımevi. 323 SERATLI, Tahir Galip (haz.) (2004), Mizahımızın Üç Ustası Nasreddin Hoca İncili Çavuş Bekri Mustafa, İstanbul: Selis Kitaplar. SÖNMEZ, Ali (2006), “Zaptiye Teşkilatının Düzenlenmesi (1840-1869)”, Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü, Sayı: 39, 199- 219. The Dictionary of Art (1996) , “Commode table”, ( Edited by Jane Turner ), Macmillan Publishers Limited, Vol. : 7, 197-198. YILDIRIM, Dursun (1999), Türk Edebiyatında Bektaşi Fıkraları, Ankara: Akçağ. 324 THE URBANIZATION PERCEPTIONS OF THE EIGHT GRADE STUDENTS Bahadır KILCAN Turhan ÇETIN Bülent AKSOY INTRODUCTION Urbanization has taken place rapidly in the world. Turkey is one of the primary fastchanging countries. Urbanization can be defined as a population growth process that leads to organization, work-sharing, and specialization in the social structure, and creates urban differences in human behaviors and relations as the number of cities increases and urban life emerges through industrialization and economic development (Keleş, 2002). In developed countries, urbanization emerged as a result of technological innovations allowing continuous growth in production, trade, and services, and caused population to accumulate in cities (Emiroğlu, 1981; Avcı,1993; Keleş, 2002; Erkan, 2010). In underdeveloped or developing countries, however, urbanization has some different demographic, economic, and social characteristics. In such countries, urbanization develops more rapidly than industrialization, and firstly service sector develops. In these countries, cities are associated with the concept of urbanization only in terms of population. From a quantitative and qualitative perspective, the definitions of urbanization taking into account economic, ecological, and demographic structures call the cultural dimension of the social structure emerging as a result of urbanization as urbanization culture (Sezal, 1992). Urbanization culture is a process where the social change resulting from urbanization brings about changes in people’s behavior, relations, value judgments, and physical and spiritual life styles (Keleş, 1998: 80). Urbanization has gained momentum as of the mid-20th century in Turkey, as in many developing countries. Thus, more than 91% of Turkey’s population lives in areas with an urban character. That is considered positive on one hand, but on the other hand it has led to many physical, social, economic, and political problems in cities as it has not developed in parallel with industrialization and caused rural population to move to cities through uncontrolled internal migrations (Yücel, 1961; Kartal, 1978; Tümertekin, 1973; İspir, 1991; Keleş, 2002; Işık, 2005). In Turkey, areas with a population of less than 10,000 are referred to as rural settlements. The population held in such settlements is called rural population. Areas with a population of over 10,000 are referred to as urban settlements (Özçağlar, 1997; 2011; Yüceşahin et al., 2004; Doğanay, 2011). The population of these settlements is called urban population. However, the Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT) regards the population inhabiting all settlements that are provincial centers or district centers as urban population. The urban population and rural population ratios in Turkey in some selected years are provided below. 325 Table 1: The Urban Population and Rural Population Ratios of Turkey in Selected Years In 1927’s Turkey, while 24.2% of the population lived in urban areas, 75.8% lived in rural areas. According to the table 1, the ratio of urban population in Turkey rose to 31.9% in 1960, to 64.9% in 2000, and to 77.3% in 2012. This ratio reached 91.3% in 2013. The reason for such sharp increase in urban population between 2012 and 2013 is that the Act on Local Governments introduced in 2013 included the entire population within the boundaries of metropolises in urban population. According to these data, 91.3% of Turkey’s population lives in urban areas, and 8.7% lives in rural areas. As can be understood from the abovementioned data, Turkey has experienced a rapid urbanization process. Both births and migrations from rural areas to urban areas have affected this process. The fact that Turkey is becoming a more and more urbanized country reveals the importance of the concept of “urbanization”. Curricula implemented in schools play a big role in handing down this concept (as all other concepts) to next generations in the developing and changing world order. In this regard, urbanization is one of the concepts intended to be introduced to students within the Social Sciences Course 6th and 7th Grades Curriculum and Guide (MEB, 2005). The determination of the perceptions of students regarding the concepts to be taught in schools may make the teaching of such concepts more effective and successful (Çepni, 2013). In this context, the determination of the perceptions of students regarding the concept of urbanization during the planning of teaching of this concept may provide information in regard to how to teach the concept (i.e. strategy, technique etc. to be implemented). METHOD This study employed such qualitative research techniques as collecting data via metaphors and document analysis together in order to determine the perceptions of the eight grade students regarding the concept of urbanization included in the Social Sciences 6th 326 and 7th Grades Curriculum and Guide (MEB, 2005). In this regard, the present study was suitable for triangulation. According to Guion (2002), triangulation involves the collective use of different methods. One example of triangulation is the collective use of interview, observation, and document analysis for determining a change. RESEARCH DESIGN The present study was based on qualitative research design, and employed the survey model. The survey model is a research approach that aims at determining the characteristics of a group or describing a past or present state as it was/is. In this model, an attempt is made to describe the event, individual, or object that is subject to research in its own conditions and as it is. Here, no effort is exerted to change or affect the event, individual, or object in any way. There is one thing intended to be known, and it is there. What matters is observing and determining it properly (Büyüköztürk, et al., 2010: 16; Karasar, 2010). STUDY GROUP The study group consisted of 171 (82 females and 89 males) eight grade students from three middle schools selected randomly from the areas with an upper socio-economic level, a middle socio-economic level, and a lower socio-economic level located in the central districts of Ankara Province through convenience sampling, a purposeful sampling method, in the 2013 – 2014 academic year. Of these students, 63 (28 females and 35 males) were from upper socio-economic level, 57 (29 females and 28 males) were from middle socioeconomic level, and 51 were from lower socio-economic level (25 females and 26 males) based on the socio-economic level data provided by the Turkish Statistical Institute (2012). These students were included in the present study in order to collect data from them via metaphors. DATA COLLECTION TOOLS Attempting to describe the meanings attributed by the eighth grade students to the concept of “urbanization” in a detailed manner and as they were, the present study employed the below-mentioned data collection tools; 1. Form for collecting data via metaphors: The form for collecting data via metaphors, which had previously been used by many researchers (Saban, 2004; 2008a; 2008b; 2009; Öztürk, 2007; Güven & Güven, 2009; Aydın, 2010; Aksoy, 2013; Kılcan, 2013), was used for determining the metaphors concerning the meanings attributed by the students to the concept of urbanization included in the Social Sciences 6th and 7th Grades Curriculum and Guide. A metaphor is defined as a component of human reasoning applied for considering something in relation to another and understanding concepts better (Lakoff & Johnson, 2010), and regarded as a mental image used by an individual for explaining a highly abstract and complex phenomenon (Yob, 2003; Saban, 2004). 2. Document Analysis: The participants were asked to draw pictures/cartoons in regard to the concept of “urbanization”, about which they also created metaphors. The images drawn by the participants were used as another data collection tool. According to Yıldırım and Şimşek (2006), not only written materials but also visual materials are included in document analysis within the scope of qualitative research, and can be used in qualitative research. These kinds of materials can be used either as a data source on their own or as an 327 additional data source along with such data collection methods as observation, interview, and document analysis. DATA ANALYSIS Content analysis and document analysis were used for analyzing the collected data. Content analysis is a technique which allows working on human behaviors indirectly, and is used in the field of social sciences frequently (Büyüköztürk, et al., 2010). Content analysis is not only a tool or technique of description. To the contrary, it is a method searching certain dimensions of social reality through inference. Thus, it can be said that content analysis is a selective, classifying, and quantifying method (Gökçe, 2006). DATA COLLECTION AND EVALUTION A form containing the sentence, “Urbanization is like …….. This is because; ……” and a blank sheet of paper were given to every participant in order to determine their perceptions regarding the concept of “urbanization”. The participants were firstly asked to fill in the blanks in the sentence, “Urbanization is like ……… This is because; ……” Then they were requested to draw a cartoon/picture about the concept of urbanization on the blank sheet of paper provided. One course hour was granted to the participants for them to create a metaphor about the concept of urbanization and to draw a picture/carton about the metaphor they had created. Since drawing a picture/cartoon required skill, it was told to the participants that they were free to draw or not to draw a picture/cartoon. The analysis and interpretation stages of the metaphors created by the participants were arranged by considering some studies (Saban, 2009; Kılcan, 2013). The data were analyzed and interpreted at the following five stages; Coding and Eliminating Stage: At this stage, firstly the metaphors created by the participants were arranged in an alphabetical order via Office, thereby producing a list of metaphors. It was examined whether or not the metaphors had been expressed clearly in the papers of the participants. The metaphors expressed by the participants in the forms were enumerated and coded. The participants did not leave the forms about urbanization given to them blank. Although the forms contained metaphors about urbanization, they did not indicate the reasons for the selection of such metaphors. The forms in which the concept of urbanization was defined were marked. Due to the above-mentioned reasons, the forms involving statements like “Urbanization is like a snake. This is because; it looks like a long snake (108)” put forward by 84 participants, and the forms involving statements like “Urbanization is like recreating. This is because; ....... (119)” put forward by 31 participants were eliminated and left out of the study. In addition, the pictures/cartoons drawn by the participants in regard to the metaphors they had created were subjected to elimination in terms of clarity and reflecting the metaphor developed and the relevant reason. Sample Metaphor Compilation Stage: At this stage, each metaphor was broken into pieces through “metaphor analysis” (Saban, 2009) and “content analysis” (Yıldırım & Şimşek, 2005). The metaphors written by the participants were read again and reviewed, and (1) the thing resembling, (2) the thing it is considered to resemble, and (3) the relation between the thing resembling and the thing it is considered to resemble were analyzed in each metaphor. After the forms containing weak mental images were eliminated, a total of 328 50 valid metaphors were obtained from 56 participants. Category Development Stage: At this stage, each metaphor developed by the participants in regard to the concept of “urbanization” was categorized based on the reason for the creation of such metaphor. In this way, the metaphors developed by the participants in regard to the concept of urbanization were divided into 7 different categories by their reasons. Validity and Reliability Stage: Expert opinion was taken to determine whether the metaphors included in 7 conceptual categories reached in the study represented such categories in order to ensure the reliability of the study. The lists of metaphors formed by the researchers and the lists containing the above-mentioned conceptual categories were examined by the expert. Then the matches of the expert and the categories produced by the researchers were compared. The reliability of the study was calculated through Miles and Huberman’s (1994) formula (i.e. number of agreements / total number of agreements plus disagreements) by determining the number of agreements and the number of disagreements in comparisons. In qualitative research, the desired level of reliability is achieved when the concordance between the evaluations of expert and researcher is not less than 90% (Saban, 2009). In the present study, the consulted expert matched 3 metaphors (growing fruit tree and a girl’s pencil case – 7th category; and picture created with colors – 3rd category) with different categories, and thus a reliability (concordance) of 94% (Reliability = 50 / (50 + 3) = 0.94) was obtained. Data Transfer into Computer Environment Stage: After 50 metaphors created by the participants were divided into 7 categories, all data were transferred into computer environment. After these procedures were completed, the number (f) and percentage (%) of the participants representing 50 metaphors and 7 categories were calculated. To explain the metaphor categories produced along with these calculation tables, the statements indicating the reasons for the creation of relevant metaphors by the participants were placed in the section of findings exactly as they were. The codes belonging to the participants (e.g. 36, 117, etc.) were used in such placement. Then 14 pictures/cartoons drawn by the participants and subjected to elimination beforehand were also placed in the section of findings in order to support both the metaphors created by the participants and the reasons for such metaphors. FINDINGS This section presents the metaphors produced by the participants in regard to the concept of “urbanization” and the metaphor categories formed based on such metaphors. According to the table 2, the participants produced 50 metaphors in regard to the concept of “urbanization”. Almost each metaphor (52) is represented by only one participant. The remaining 4 metaphors are represented by 2 to 3 participants. The average number of participants per metaphor is approximately 1.1. The frequency distribution of the metaphors related to urbanization shows that the most frequently used metaphors are “tree” (f:3), “virus” (f:3), “modernization” (f:2), and “rubbish dump” (f:2). 329 Table 2: The Metaphors Produced by the Participants Regarding the Concept of “Urbanization” 330 Table 3: The Categories of Metaphors Held by the Participants Regarding Urbanization According to the table 3, the metaphors produced by the participants in regard to the concept of “urbanization” were divided into 7 conceptual categories by their common features. Each metaphor was categorized based on the reason for producing it that was stated by the participants. 331 Category 1: Having an Increasing and Continuous Detrimental Effect on Natural Environment According to the table 3, the category 1 consists of 18 metaphors and 21 participants (11.76%). The frequency distribution of the metaphors included in this category demonstrates that the most frequently used metaphors are “virus” (f:3) and “rubbish dump” (f:2). The reasons of the participants for producing the metaphors constituting the category of “having an increasing and continuous detrimental effect on natural environment” and the picture / cartoon drawn by them are provided below. “Urbanization is like a virus. This is because; the virus spreads through the entire body. It covers the entire body. Likewise, urbanization covers the entire world. It proliferates and reproduces in the course of time. It kills trees and whatever is useful just as a virus kills useful proteins in the body.” (109) Picture 1: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to Virus “Urbanization is like a rubbish dump. This is because; the world becomes like a rubbish dump as it urbanizes. Trees are cut. Living beings are killed. Living spaces are limited. That is what a rubbish dump does: limiting living spaces.” (117) 332 Picture 2: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to Rubbish Dump “Urbanization is like flu. This is because; when flu is caught by a person, it spreads among everyone. Urbanization spreads rapidly as flu does. It leads to problems.” (62) Picture 3: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to Flu “Urbanization is like committing a suicide. This is because; as people urbanize, 333 they cut flowers and trees that produce oxygen for them. As a result, they get out of breath. People get out of breath when they commit a suicide, too. Both of them mean killing oneself.” (169) Picture 4: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to Committing a Suicide Category 2: Continuously Improving and Beautifying According to the table 3, the category 2 consists of 13 metaphors and 16 participants (8.96%). The frequency distribution of the metaphors in this category indicates that the most frequently used ones are “tree” (f:3) and “modernization” (f:2). The reasons of the participants for producing the metaphors constituting the category of “continuously improving and beautifying” and the picture / cartoon drawn by them are provided below. “Urbanization is like a tree. This is because; both tree and urbanization grow. Both of them develop gradually. The three has new branches, and the urbanization has new buildings in the course of time...” (87) Picture 5: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to a Tree 334 “Urbanization is like modernization. This is because; worn out buildings are demolished and quitted, and new buildings are constructed instead of them in urbanization. By this means, valueless places become valuable. Modernization involves quitting the old, too.” (42) Picture 6: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to Modernization “Urbanization is like the number of geniuses in the world. This is because; as the number of geniuses in the world increases, innovations and urbanization increase rapidly. Increased information will have a positive contribution to urbanization. Innovation will be desired and supported all the time. Urbanization will spread thanks to the ideas of geniuses. All these results are positive.” (36) Picture 7: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to the Number of Genuises in the World 335 Category 3: Containing Differences in Itself According to the table 3, the category 3 consists of 6 metaphors and 6 participants (3.36%). The frequency distribution of the metaphors in this category shows that every metaphor is represented by one participant. The reasons of the participants for producing the metaphors constituting the category of “containing differences in itself” and the picture / cartoon drawn by them are provided below. “Urbanization is like human body. This is because; when a society develops and starts to urbanize, it links and interlocks like a body soon even if it incorporates different ideas...” (168) Picture 8: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to Human Body “Urbanization is like a fruit basket. This is because; if we regard all the fruits in a fruit basket as a community, various fruits represent various people. We can consider urbanization as the gathering of various people...” (59) Picture 9: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to a Fruit Basket 336 Category 4: Losing Its Naturalness in the Course of Time According to the table 3, the category 4 consists of 4 metaphors and 4 participants (2.24%). The frequency distribution of the metaphors in this category demonstrates that every metaphor is represented by one participant. The reasons of the participants for producing the metaphors constituting the category of “losing its naturalness in the course of time” and the picture / cartoon drawn by them are provided below. “Urbanization is like a rotten fruit. This is because; we cannot prevent urbanization. When a fruit starts to rot, nobody can prevent it from rodding. Urbanization spreads everywhere in the course of time as a rotten fruit does. Just as a fruit goes bad in taste and shape when it rots, urbanization disrupts the appearance and naturalness of nature...” (43) Picture 10: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to a Rotten Fruit “Urbanization is like a body. This is because; the body is a whole. When one of the organs goes bad, it affects another one. That continues increasingly in this way. A rusty organ rusts other organs in the course of time. The problem gets bigger gradually.” (61) Picture 11: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to a Body 337 Category 5: Attractive According to the table 3, the category 5 consists of 3 metaphors and 3 participants (1.68%). The frequency distribution of the metaphors in this category indicates that every metaphor is represented by one participant. The reasons of the participants for producing the metaphors constituting the category of “attractive” and the picture / cartoon drawn by them are provided below. “Urbanization is like a fruitful tree. This is because; the more fruitful a tree is, the more people concentrate on it. However, people stay away if there is no fruit. For example, let’s compare Istanbul and Bartın. Istanbul is like a fruitful tree, but Bartın is an unfruitful one...” (6) Picture 12: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to a Fruitful Tree Category 6: Demanding According to the table 3, the category 6 consists of 3 metaphors and 3 participants (1.68%). The frequency distribution of the metaphors in this category demonstrates that every metaphor is represented by one participant. The reasons of the participants for producing the metaphors constituting the category of “demanding” and the picture / cartoon drawn by them are provided below. “Urbanization is like a tetris game. This is because; if put a piece in wrong places in a tetris game, the following pieces cannot be placed properly. As a result, the first piece stays alone. However, if we succeed in placing properly, it starts to get better. Urbanization is like that. When there are wrong life styles in wrong regions, such wrongness deprives many people living there of their rights until a solution is found.” (63) 338 Picture 13: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to a Tetris Game Category 7: Negativity Resulting from Proliferation According to the table 3, the category 7 consists of 3 metaphors and 3 participants (1.68%). The frequency distribution of the metaphors in this category shows that every metaphor is represented by one participant. The reasons of the participants for producing the metaphors constituting the category of “negativity resulting from proliferation” and the picture / cartoon drawn by them are provided below. “Urbanization is like a girl’s pencil case. This is because; everything is messy in a girl’s pencil case. Everything gets messy in urbanization as the number of houses increases.” (46) Picture 14: The Image Drawn by the Participant Likening Urbanization to a Girl’s Pencil Case 339 CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION The results obtained based on the findings of the present study conducting a qualitative examination of the perceptions of the eight grade students regarding urbanization are presented below. People are affected by urbanization directly or indirectly. Due to such effect, urbanization may be considered beneficial or harmful. In short, the perceptions of people regarding urbanization vary by the way urbanization affects them. According to data obtained in the present study, the participants produced 50 different metaphors in regard to the concept of urbanization. The examination of such metaphor categories as “Having an Increasing and Continuous Detrimental Effect on Natural Environment”, “Losing Its Naturalness in the Course of Time”, and “Negativity Resulting from Proliferation” created based on the metaphors produced by the participants showed that it was generally perceived that urbanization got harmful and lost its naturalness as a result of proliferation and the effect of time. The examination of the metaphors produced by the participants in the category of “Having an Increasing and Continuous Detrimental Effect on Natural Environment” containing the biggest number of metaphors indicated that the metaphors with the highest frequency were “virus” and “rubbish dump”. Such metaphors as “virus”, “rubbish dump”, and “flu” produced by the participants in regard to the concept of urbanization and the images drawn by them concerning such metaphors (109, 117, 62) may imply that these students perceived that urbanization spread rapidly, but such spread did not bring benefit. On the other hand, the participants’ perception that urbanization spread rapidly, and such spread would continue by bringing damage is obvious in the metaphors constituting the categories of “Losing Its Naturalness in the Course of Time a” and “Negativity Resulting from Proliferation” (rotten fruit, body, and a girl’s pencil case) and in the images drawn in regard to these metaphors (43, 61, 46). The above-mentioned mental images of the participants reflecting their perceptions regarding the concept of urbanization support Tüfekçi (2003: 17) that argues that cities increasing as a result of migration from rural areas will experience such problems as unhealthy urbanization, basic infrastructure deficiencies, transportation, and environmental pollution, and these problems will be inextricable if they are not overcome. Additionally, the examination of such metaphor categories created based on the metaphors produced by the participants as “Continuously Improving and Beautifying”, “Containing Differences in Itself”, and “Attractive” demonstrated that it was perceived that urbanization improved and beautified settlements and made them centers of attraction, and the facilities in the urban life contributed to the creation of an environment where people having different cultures could live together. “Tree” and “modernization” are the metaphors having highest frequency among the metaphors included in the category of “Continuously Improving and Beautifying”, the second biggest category in terms of the number of metaphors included. Such metaphors as “tree”, “modernization”, and “the number of geniuses in the world” produced by the participants in regard to the concept of urbanization and the images drawn by them concerning such metaphors (87, 42, 36) may imply that they perceived that urbanization would enable societies to reach the modern welfare level, and more contribution would be made to such welfare every passing day. 340  Another perception of the students about the concept of urbanization is that it is demanding. Such metaphors as “brain surgery”, “cosmetic surgery”, and “tetris game” (included in the category of “demanding”) produced by the participants in regard to the concept of urbanization and the image drawn by one participant (63) may imply that they perceived that urbanization required precision and a big effort. As it can be understood from the statement of the participant who likened urbanization to a tetris game and drew an image about it, it was perceived that urbanization required attention, and it would bring order if such attention was given, but would have bad results if such attention was not paid. As a matter of fact, the report of the Commission on Awareness of Urbanization, Culture, and Education of the Republic of Turkey Ministry of Public Works and Settlement (2009: 114) states that well-arranged urban spaces (i.e. the urban spaces to which special importance is attached) contribute to peace and happiness in the emotional perceptions of people. That is consistent with the results of the present study. Moreover, Karakuş (2013) reported two different views: (1) the participants thought that increase in the number of buildings led to various problems including but not limited to air pollution; (2) urbanization gave rise to a more livable environment by offering new opportunities. That may stand as a proof that urbanization may be welcomed by people if it develops in a well-arranged and ordered manner, and does not threat the lives of living beings. Finally, the participants of the present study had both positive and negative perceptions in regard to the concept of urbanization. In this regard, the present study shows parallelism with Tezcan & Kara (2014) concentrating on the perceptions of participants regarding the concept of city. Tezcan & Kara (2014) reported that although the participants mentioned both positive and negative perceptions concerning the concept of city, they put more emphasis on the negative ones. The present study also found out that the participants had more negative perceptions regarding the concept of urbanization in comparison to the positive ones. The present study put forwards clues regarding how students perceive the concept of “urbanization”. Metaphors and pictures/cartoons may be used as a strong research tool for determining and explaining the perceptions of individuals regarding urbanization. Similar studies may be carried out with regard to the teaching of phenomena similar to urbanization which almost everybody is exposed to at the present time. REFERENCES AKSOY, Bülent (2013), “Depremi Yaşamış Olan 9. Sınıf Öğrencilerinin “Deprem” Kavramına Yönelik Algılarının Nitel Açıdan İncelenmesi”, Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken, 5(1): 247-265. AVCI, Sedat (1993), “Türkiye’de Şehir ve Şehirli Nüfusun Dağılışı”, Türk Coğrafya Dergisi, 28: 249-269. AYDIN, Fatih (2010), “Ortaöğretim Öğrencilerinin Coğrafya Kavramına İlişkin Sahip Oldukları Metaforlar”, Kuram ve Uygulamada Eğitim Bilimler Dergisi, 10(3): 1313-1322. BÜYÜKÖZTÜRK, Şener, KILIÇ-ÇAKMAK, Ebru, AKGÜN, Özcan Erkan, KARADENİZ, Şirin & DEMİREL, Funda (2010), Bilimsel Araştırma Yöntemleri (7. Baskı), Ankara: PegemA Yayınları. ÇEPNİ, Osman (2013), Sosyal Bilgiler Öğretim Programında Yer Alan Coğrafya Kavramlarına İlişkin Öğrenci Algılarının İncelenmesi, Yayınlanmamış Doktora Tezi, Gazi Üniversitesi, Ankara. DOĞANAY, Hayati (2011), Türkiye Beşerî ve Ekonomik Coğrafyası, Ankara: PegemA Yayınları. EMİROĞLU, Mecdi (1981), “Türkiye’de Son Sayımlar ve Kentleşme Olayının Boyutları”, Coğrafya Araştırmaları Dergisi, 10: 43-82. ERKAN, Rüstem (2010), Kentleşme ve Sosyal Değişme, Ankara: Bilimadamı Yayınları. GÖKÇE, Orhan (2006), İçerik Analizi Kuramsal ve Pratik Bilgiler, Ankara: Siyasal. 341 GUION, Lisa A. (2002), Triangulation: Establishing The Validity Of Qualitative Studies, http://edis.ifas.ufl. edu/fy394, adresinden 03 Haziran 2012 tarihinde edinilmiştir. GÜVEN, Bülent & GÜVEN, Sibel (2009), “İlköğretim Öğrencilerinin Sosyal Bilgiler Dersinde Metafor Oluşturma Becerilerine İlişkin Nicel Bir İnceleme”, Kastamonu Eğitim Dergisi, 17(2), 503-512. IŞIK, Şevket (2005), “Türkiye’de Kentleşme ve Kentleşme Modelleri”, Ege Coğrafya Dergisi, 14: 57-71. İSPİR, Eyüp (1991), Şehirleşme ve Meseleleri (2. Baskı), Ankara: Gazi Kitabevi. KARAKUŞ, Ufuk (2013), “Şehir Coğrafyası Öğretiminde Fotoğraf Kullanımı”, Journal of World of Turks, 5(1): 233-246. KARASAR, Niyazi (2010), Bilimsel Araştırma Yöntemi (21. Baskı), Ankara: Nobel Yayıncılık. KARTAL, Kemal (1978), Kentleşme ve İnsan, Ankara: TODAİ Yayınları. KELEŞ, Ruşen (1998), Kentbilim Terimleri Sözlüğü (İkinci baskı), Ankara: İmge Kitabevi. KELEŞ, Ruşen (2002), Kentleşme Politikası, Ankara: İmge Kitabevi. KILCAN, Bahadır (2013), Sosyal Bilgiler Öğretim Programında Yer Alan Değerlere İlişkin Öğrenci Algılarının İncelenmesi, Yayınlanmamış Doktora Tezi, Gazi Üniversitesi, Ankara. LAKOFF, George & JOHNSON, Mark (2010) Metaforlar, Hayat, Anlam ve Dil. (Çev. Gökhan Yavuz DEMİR) (Göz. Geç. 2. Baskı), İstanbul: Paradigma. MİLLİ EĞİTİM BAKANLIĞI [MEB], (2005), İlköğretim Sosyal Bilgiler Dersi Öğretim Programı ve Klavuzu (6-7. Sınıflar), Ankara: Devlet Kitapları Müdürlüğü. MILES, Matthew. B. & HUBERMAN, A. Michael. (1994), Qualitative Data Analysis (2nd ed.), Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. ÖZÇAĞLAR, Ali (1997), Türkiye’de Belediye Örgütlü Yerleşmeler, Ankara: Ekol Yayınevi. ÖZÇAĞLAR, Ali (2011), İdari Coğrafya, Ankara: Ümit Ofset. ÖZTÜRK, Çağrı (2007), “Sosyal Bilgiler, Sınıf ve Fen Bilgisi Öğretmen Adaylarının ‘Coğrafya’ Kavramına Yönelik Metafor Durumları”, Ahi Evran Üniversitesi Kırşehir Eğitim Fakültesi Dergisi (KEFAD), 8(2),55-69. SABAN, Ahmet (2004), “Giriş Düzeyindeki Sınıf Öğretmeni Adaylarının “Öğretmen” Kavramına İlişkin İleri Sürdükleri Metaforlar”, Türk Eğitim Bilimleri Dergisi, 2(2), 131-155. SABAN, Ahmet (2008a), “İlköğretim I. Kademe Öğretmen ve Öğrencilerinin Bilgi Kavramına İlişkin Sahip Oldukları Zihinsel İmgeler”, İlköğretim Online, 7(2), 421-455. SABAN, Ahmet (2008b), “Okula İlişkin Metaforlar”, Kuram ve Uygulamada Eğitim Yönetimi, Sayı: 55, 459-496. SABAN, Ahmet (2009), “Öğretmen Adaylarının Öğrenci Kavramına İlişkin Sahip Oldukları Zihinsel İmgeler. Türk Eğitim Bilimleri Dergisi”, 7(2), 281-326. SEZAL, İhsan (1992), Şehirleşme, İstanbul: Ağaç Yayınları. TEZCAN, Şaban & KARA, Mehmet (2014), The Perception Level Of The High School Students About The Concept Of “City”: A Case Of Çanakkale, Eğitimde Kuram ve Uygulama, 10(2), 579-593. TÜFEKÇİ, Suat (2003), Kırsal Kesimlerden Büyükşehirlere Göç ve Göçün Aile Yapısında Meydana Getirdiği Değişiklikler (İstanbul Örneği), Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Isparta. TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ BAYINDIRLIK VE İSKÂN BAKANLIĞI, (2009), Kentlilik Bilinci, Kültür ve Eğitim Komisyonu Raporu, http://www.kentges.gov.tr/_dosyalar/sura_raporlari/kitap9.pdf adresinden 08 Mayıs 2014 tarihinde edinilmiştir. TÜRKİYE İSTATİSTİK KURUMU [TÜİK], (2012), Ankara İli Merkez İlçelerine Ait Gelişmişlik Düzeyi Verileri, Veriler Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu’ndan elektronik posta yoluyla elde edilmiştir. TÜMERTEKİN, Erol (1973), Türkiye’de Şehirleşme ve Şehirsel Fonksiyonlar, İstanbul: İst. Üniv. Coğrafya Enstitüsü Yayınları. YILDIRIM, Ali ve ŞİMŞEK, Hasan (2006), Sosyal Bilimlerde Nitel Araştırma Yöntemleri (6. Baskı), Ankara: Seçkin. YOB, Iris M. (2003), Thinking Constructively With Metaphors. Studies in Philosophy and Education, 22, 127-138. YÜCEL, Talip (1961), “Türkiye’de Şehirleşme Hareketleri”, Türk Coğrafya Dergisi, 21: 31-44. YÜCEŞAHİN, Murat, BAYAR, Rüya ve ÖZGÜR, Ertuğrul Murat (2004), “Türkiye’de Şehirleşmenin Mekânsal Dağılışı ve Değişimi”, Coğrafi Bilimler Dergisi, 2(1): 23-39. 342 CHANGE OF LAND USE WITHIN THE CITY OF PRISHTINA Florim ISUFI Riza MURSELI LAND USE (1970) In the last years of the last century the city of Pristina was part of the autonomous province of Kosovo within the Yugoslav Federation, which was a state with its internal socialist organization. Socio economy and other economic development and environmental policies were in accordance with the state, where cities were more compact and urban development was in relation to the degree of industrialization in provincial and federal level. Urban land was governed by spatial plans and general urban plans, plans that used to predict and plan conditions and future land use for a certain space or habitat. If we analyze the General Urban Plan of Prishtina (1984-2000), we will observe some basic concepts and orientations developments relating to land use, which are closely intertwined with the development of concentric spatial concepts based on the degree of industrialization of the country, maintaining green corridors and spaces especially along watercourses. To be more specific we will give some clues as to how the use and urban spatial structures were within the city in 1970. In 1970 within the city under the first level of classification of land use, agricultural land dominates with 67.77 % ( 2094.23 ha ) , and the share of urban land is 24.05 % ( 745.15ha ) , while smaller participatory forest land is 7.71 % ( 238.29ha ) and aquatic spaces with 0.48 % ( 14.72ha ) . In the second level of the hierarchy of land use classification, agricultural land dominates with 67.77 % ( 2072.20ha ), residing 13.45 % ( 415.73ha ) , high forests dense and 4.72 % ( 145.78ha ) , transport 3.84 % ( 118.57ha ), institutions 16.3 % ( 97.58ha ), free space and recreation 17.1 % ( 36.02ha ) and other participatory under 1 % . Housing is the most dominant class within the urban land, which consists mainly of individual residential housing versus 15.11 % to 2.21 % residential lots. Land used for housing is very compact and concentrated, mainly the northern and eastern parts are dominated by individual housing, where the old city core is, while residential housing (with multiple apartments) we find it in its invasive way in the south with a small turnout. By cartographic data it is understood that most subjected part to changes in the land conversion occurs in the southeast, south and southwest of the city of Pristina, mainly oriented by industrial and commercial core of the city, followed by various institutions. The agricultural land is surrounding urban land everywhere and lies mainly in the suburbs, while forests are mainly concentrated in the southern and northeastern suburbs of the city. Area under water consist mainly of rivers, where the river largest river is Prishtevka of which has several sub main branch as Velusha and Matiçani. Rivers are with their natural and surface bed where they constitute only 0.48 % (14.72ha) of land use within the city. 343 344 Table 1 Classes and Sub Classes of Land Use within the City in 1970 345 Figure 1 Land Use in Prishtina (1970) LAND USE (2000) In 2000 we had a different socio - economic situation in Kosovo and Pristina as its capital. Socio - economic belonged to an ex socialist country and newly emerged from the war, which was overwhelming in all aspects. First, ten years of the Yugoslav state repression associated with an economy sanctioned by major regional and global economies, and the second from a fierce battle with many implications for the future, and the third a place under the administration United Nations. Crushed economically, organizationally and legally vulnerable, urban development and land use was in complete anarchy, so this is a profile of Kosovo in 2000. Regarding land use in 2000 within the city by first level the classification of land use and urban land dominates 47.81 % ( 1477.55ha ), while the share of agricultural land is 45.70 % ( 1412.29ha ) , the lower participation is for forest land with 24.6 % ( 192.93ha ) and water space 0.25 % ( 7.62ha ) . 346 In the second level of the hierarchy of land use classification, agricultural land dominates with 44.85 % ( 1386.06ha ), residing 26.10 % ( 806.74ha ), transport 6.93 % ( 214.22ha ), institutions 6.33% ( 195.69ha ), high forests 3.30 % ( 102.02 ha ) , low forests and bushes 2.46 % ( 7.01 % ) , 2.36 % ( 72.91ha ), free space and recreation 1.98 % ( 61.07ha ) , industries 1.55 % ( 47.94ha ), and the other under 1 % share . Housing is the most dominant class within the urban land, which consists mainly of individual housing with 22.24 % (687.30ha) compared with 3.63 % multi family dwelling (112.19ha). Land used for housing has broken compact stage in development. Along the main roads we have development of residential areas, especially in the north, east and south. It is observed the beginning of an urban ‘conurbanation’ between Pristina and its neighborhoods in the north and east (Vranjevc), which is enabled by developments along the main road arteries. By comparing the land use map of 1970 and 2000, it is understood that most subjected area to the changes in land conversion occurs in northern, eastern and southern part, while few in the western part, mainly oriented along the main arteries that connect the city with other urban centers and suburban settlements of Pristina, which is followed by the use of business content. Example of coverage of Prishtevka River is another bad example of how a natural category of land can be used badly and converted, where the river segments of Velusha and Prishtevka are covered by buildings during the period of 30 years. From 1970 to 2000, i.e. for 30 years we had an urban land invasion, with particular emphasis on the contents of residential, business and roads. 30 years of change in the first class of the land use is like this: urban land is increased with 734.40ha and other contents are reduced as follows: 681.94ha agriculture land, forestland for 45.36ha and 7.10ha for aquatic space. 347 348 Table 2 Classes and Sub Classes of Land Use within the City in 2000 Figure 2 Land Use in Prishtina (2000) 349 LAND USE (2013) Despite urban anarchy which spread over in the first years after the war, local authorities through various legal mechanisms including sectorial strategies, mainly through general plans and regulatory plans, different rules, strategies in the field of environment and agriculture, were trying to give an orientation to future developments and put them under control, although the degree of management and control still remains fragile. While once the basis of industrial development determined urban development, now due to socio- economic orientation and defects in the process of privatization of state economic assets, the economic base of the country and the city is fragile and mostly based on tertiary and quartiary services related to trade and other quartiary services. The most noticed things in bad land use in the past 13 years are: destruction of rivers and their green belt by cementing and covering completely and turning into sewage collectors and not to transform into free spaces and recreational areas. Then it has increased the rate of building density by increasing the scale of utilization and plantar plot for construction. In this way very unfavorable conditions have been created in terms of urban environmental aspects associated with sun and cold draft prevention. Another negative phenomenon in the dimension of land use is not adhering to the distance from the corridors of movement (transport and mobility) and other detailed elements dealing with urban architecture of the city. While how they have been developed certain classes of land use quantitatively from 2000 to 2013 will elaborate below. In 2013 within the city under the first level of classification of land use, urban land dominates 64.71 % (1999.90ha), while the share of agricultural land is 29.42 % (909.30ha). Forest land is 5.67 % (175.30ha) and aquatic spaces with 0.19 % (5.89ha). In the second level of the hierarchy of classification dominates residential land use with 35.62 % (1100.65ha), fields and meadows 28.63 % (884.89ha), transport 9.27 % (286.48ha), institutions 7.68 % (237.31ha), business 3.90 % (120.54ha), other urban land 3.94 % (121.63ha), low forest and bush 2.72 % (83.97ha), high and dense forests 2.47 % (76.25ha), free and recreational spaces 1.93 % (59.54ha), industries 1.36 % (42.01ha) and other participatory under 1 % . Housing is the most dominant class within the urban land, which consists mainly of individual residential 28.68 % (886.38ha) compared with 6.72 % multifamily dwellings (207.52ha). Land used for housing is not compact. It is a condition of the extension of buildings everywhere, with emphasis that on the periphery is more anarchic constructions with irregular distribution and without a plan. Along the main roads we have development of residential areas in all directions. Within our research area we can see the most crucial stages of urban ‘konurbacion’ towards closing the trailer and the formation of the city as entirely. Suburban neighborhoods like Vranjevc, Sofalia , and Warriors Hill are already part of the united urban structure of the city . Along main north artery of the city from 2000 to 2013 it is formed a mixed -use corridor which consists of low buildings ( mainly up to three levels ) to residential and business use, mostly vertical , where 1 to 2 spots are used for business purposes . Concentration of land use for business is more pronounced along the main national roads entering the city from three main arteries, southern, western and northern. Trend of rivers coverage continues even now. Now we have two segments of watercourses that are covered in great length of Prishtevka River and the first it left branch Matiçani. Rivers and their surrounding areas, such as areas with wood vegetation are disappeared due to construction in significant segments of watercourses. Also it is noted that is 350 not applied buffer zones of rivers, but rivers are buried, actions that have turned Pristina in a city without river. From 2000 to 2013, i.e. for 13 years we had an urban land invasion, with special emphasis on residential contents, business and roads. Changes in the last 13 years in the first level of land use are as follow: Urban land has increased with 522.35ha, while other contents are reduced as follows: agricultural land 502.99 ha, forest 17.63ha, water areas 1.73ha. 351 Table 3 Classes and Sub Classes of Land Use within the City in 2013 352 Figure 3 Land Use in Prishtina (2013) REFERENCES A Standard Classification System for the Mapping of Land Use and Land Cover, State of North Carolina Governor’s Office of State Planning Center for Geographic Information and Analysis. January 1994, USA BRIASSOULIS H. (2000). “Analysis of Land Use Change: Theoretical and Modeling Approaches”, Theselanc Greece MÖLDERS N. (2012). “Land-Useand Land-Cover Changes: Impact on Climate and Air Quality”, New York USA; JAMES R. ANDERSON; ERNEST E. HARDY; JOHN T. ROACH; RICHARD E. WITMER. (1976). “A Land Use and Land Cover Classification System for Use with Remote Sensor Data”, Washington DC USA XINHAO W.; HOFE R. (2007). “Research Methods in Urban and Regional Planning”, Berlin Germany PAUL A. LONGLEY; MICHAEL F. GOODCHILD; DAVID J. MAGUIRE; DAVID W. RHIND. (2005). “Geographic Information Systems and Science”, England Topographic map of Prishtina in scale 25,000 (1970) KCA. (2000), Orthophoto of Prishtina, Satelite Images from Google Earth 2013 Startegic Urban Plan of Prishtina, 2004 353 THE POPULATION DISTRIBUTION IN ÜSKÜDAR Adem YULU INTRODUCTION Üsküdar, one of the oldest settlements of İstanbul, is situated in the west of the Asian side. Ümraniye is located to its east; Ataşehir to its south-east; Beykoz to its north; the counties of Kadıköy to its south and the Sea of Marmara to its west and north-west. According to historical resources, the reason why Üsküdar, which has witnessed settlement since 675 BC and has been settled since old times is its climatic conditions, the advantage created by the Bosporus as well as appropriate relief. Different suggestions about where the name “Üsküdar” comes from have been made. It is stated that its name comes from khrysopolisten meaning “Golden City”, or from scutariondan being the place where the guardians of empire using leather shields settled. These shields were called “scutari” in the period of Roman domination. Furthermore, it is associated with the word “esküdar” in Persian that means “menzilhane, stagecoach, dispatch rider, the bag in which a dispatch rider put letters” (Bostan,2012:364). The name “Scutari” was replaced with the word “Üsküdar” during the Ottoman era. Üsküdar, which at first was a sanjak in the Ottoman era, became a county of Istanbul with “Law on Territorial Organization” in 1926 (Gökçen:1981:9). Üsküdar has become an integral part of Istanbul with its traditional neighbourhood life, religious institutions and historical structures over the course of time. THE POPULATION FEATURES IN THE PAST Üsküdar was built by the Bithynians in 675 BC (Konyalı, 1976:6). It is thought that the first settlement in the region was on the coasts of Bülbüldere and Çavuşdere which run from both sides of Üsküdar. The area especially continued to develop as a significant location from the conquest of İstanbul (Eyice, 2004:17). Üsküdar is a region that Roman armies coming to Asia as well as Byzantine and Ottoman armies campaigning determined to be a place of accommodation (Ortaylı, 2012:96). In 1384 the area was added to the Ottoman Empire. It rapidly developed with the conquest of Istanbul in 1453 (Şahin & Şahin 2005: 319). It became one of the most important regions of Istanbul, growing particularly due to the immigration directed to the region by the Armenians and Gypsies in the 18th Century in addition to immigrants that Üsküdar let in from different parts of the empire at various times. Üsküdar’s population was 95.667 at the end of the 19th Century (Shaw,1979:410). The population in the region continued to increase in the course of time and at the beginning of the 20th Century, it increased to 118.447 (Karpat, 2003: 208). The best census data belonging to Üsküdar was attained in the republic period in 1923. Whereas Üsküdar’s population was 40.893 in the census of 1935, it became 59.632 in 1940 and it increased to 64.280 in 1945. Üsküdar’s population also continued to increase in the following censuses; the population that was 69.477 in 1950 became 88.087 in 1955, 111.821 in 1960, 135.056 in 1965 354 and it increased to 171.267 in 1970. The region attracted one part of the immigration that was from Anatolia to Istanbul with the increase of various industrial institutions, commercial and business areas both in Üsküdar and its immediate surroundings. With the immigrations, its population that was 171.267 in 1970 increased to 490.185, a 186 per cent increase in 1985 (Graph 1). Graph 1: The Population in the Course of Development in Üsküdar (TÜİK, 2013) Ümraniye was separated from Üsküdar, which it was attached to, in 1987 and became a separate county. As a result, Üsküdar’s population declined to 395.623 in 1990. Moreover, the population in the region went on increasing and the population size that was 501.804 in 2000 went up to 534.636 in 2013. THE PRESENT DAY POPULATION STRUCTURE Besides the amount of the population in a region, the characteristics like age, structure, family type, birth, death, migration, gender structure and the active population are significant in terms of giving information about the population of the region. According to the results of “Population Registration System Based on Address”, the population of Üsküdar was 534.636 in 2013. While females occupy 50.7 per cent (271.271), 49.3 per cent (263.365) is made up of males (TÜİK, 2013). When the population in Üsküdar is examined according to age groups, it draws attention to the fact that the population is quite young. Thus, children aged between 0 and 14, occupy 18.7 per cent. The rate of adult population between the ages 15 to 64 is 73.2 per cent. The population stated as “old population” occupies 8.1 per cent of the total population. These people are 65 years old or older. On the other hand; Üsküdar’s literacy rate is quite high, at 98 per cent. THE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION The center of Üsküdar is the area between the Sultantepe and Salacak districts (Map 1). Üsküdar gradually developed around this historical core area. 355 Map 1: The First Settlement in Üsküdar, (It has been prepared by adapting the map of Selçuk Mülayim in his report on “Üsküdar in 19th century”, 2005) From the 18th Century on, sultans and some statesmen built the dwellings in the areas of natural recreation such as garden and woodland in coastal areas and inland. It caused new neighbourhoods to spring up. The structures such as Selimiye Barracks whose construction was started in the early 19th Century, the Kavak Palace and the Selimiye Mosque caused the formation of new settlements (Mülayim, 2005:139-140). In the late 19th Century, the settlement boundaries in Üsküdar went beyond the region called the “historical core”. In this period, the settlement boundaries extended to Kuzguncuk in the north; Selimiye in the south; Çamlıca and Karacaahmet regions in the northeast and east (Ertuğrul, 2011:44). Inhabited areas progressed from the coast to the inland thanks to the population intake until 1926 when Üsküdar became one of İstanbul counties. The population intensified more with the immigration into Üsküdar’s central part between 1965 and 1975 (Tümertekin,1979:21). After this time, the areas lying towards Kadıköy from Üsküdar mostly turned into residential areas to accommodate the population growth. With the opening of the Bosphorus Bridge, the emergence of new transport routes and the increase in the region of the industrial institutions, the new residential units also consisted, or the settlements that earlier were little villages grew and united with other ones near them. Waves of immigration directed to the urban areas from the rural areas also had a great effect on the rapid increase of the new residential units. Along with these developments, the settlements in coastal areas and inland united. Moreover, as a consequence of the intensive immigration, slum housing occurred in many parts of Üsküdar, mainly on Çamlıca Hill. While the coastal areas were rapidly inhabited, many villages that were located in the 356 east of Üsküdar and that earlier connected with Üsküdar grew (Ümraniye, Dudulu, Sarıgazi, Çekmeköy, Alemdar). These villages whose population increased and that attained urban facilities also grew to the same extent. The process of this growth resulted in a number of new administrative regulations along with it. As a consequence, Umraniye in 1987 and Ataşehir in 2008 were turned into distinct counties by being separated from Üsküdar. Furthermore, some neighborhoods in Üsküdar were united in 2008 and the Fetih, Örnek, Esatpaşa neighborhoods were also connected to Ataşehir. In this way, the number of neighborhoods that earlier had been 54, then decreased. The population distribution in Üsküdar, one of the oldest residential districts of Istanbul is unequal. It is possible to attribute this inequality to natural factors such as climatic conditions in addition to the fact that the region consisted of different topographic units (hills, steep slopes, valleys) and human factors such as historical factors, as well as some areas being situated in protected areas, social and economic organization are also a cause. Üsküdar now consists of 33 neighborhoods. A significant portion of these neighborhoods came out with the immigration directed to Üsküdar and its immediate surroundings especially after 1970. Thanks to this immigration, Üsküdar has grown both vertically and horizontally. With this growth, the areas that had agricultural and different functions until recent times have become important neighborhoods such as Yavuztürk, Ünalan, Bulgurlu, Cumhuriyet, Acıbadem. The population has not been equally distributed in these neighborhoods. Some have as much population as a town whereas some have as much as a county. For instance, while the population of Yavuztürk, a neighborhood that has recently grown, is 34.787, that of Kandilli, which has historical importance is only 1.565 (Table 1). Table 1: The Population Distribution in Üsküdar by Neighborhood. 357 The environmental factors such as grove, shrubbery and steep slopes along the coastal part lying to Kuzguncuk from Kandilli has the effect of restricting the settlements. So, the population size is quite little. Moreover, these areas are “natural and historic conservation areas” and separate from the sections of Üsküdar that get intense immigration. As a result of these, the population size in these areas is small. Population size is quite high in the neighborhoods beginning from Küçüksu, located in the north of Üsküdar and continuing southwards with Bahçelievler, Yavuztürk, Mehmet Akif Ersoy, KısıkMap 2: The Population Density in Üsküdar according to Neighborho- lı, Ferah, Bulgurlu, Cumhuriyet, Ünalan od (TUIK,2013) and Acıbadem. There are no topographic units such as steep slopes, narrow valleys and hills to block the physical development of these neighborhoods which grew within the wave of intense immigration after 1970. Also, the presence of intensive industry and various commercial fields around Üsküdar – Ümraniye and the settlements of residents living in the neighborhoods who moved away from urban renewal in some counties in the Asian side to these neighborhoods had an effect. The population density stated as “arithmetic density” is the criterion showing the population size per unit area (Tümertekin & Özgüç, 2009:321). Population density is a criterion for density quite often used in order to evaluate the degree of aggregation for population in certain areas and in comparing one location with another. In 2013, the population density in Üsküdar was 15.102 people per km². It was unequ358 ally distributed based on neighborhoods (Map 2). The population density is higher in old neighborhoods of Üsküdar. It is 54.882 people in Valide-i Atik, 48.775 in Ahmediye, 32.847 in Zeynep Kamil, 35.136 in İcadiye, 32.537 in Selamiali, 31.440 in Aziz Mahmut Hüdai, 24.850 in Salacak and 23.068 in Sultantepe. There are many reasons why the population density in these neighborhoods stated as its historical core is high. These districts that have a long historical past have hosted settlement since the past. Therefore they have become the center of the economic and social organization within the region. Moreover, the acreages of these neighborhoods are relatively smaller than the newer ones. It is another significant factor that influences the population density. Immigrations have had a great effect on the density and distribution of the population in Üsküdar. The population size is quite high per area in Cumhuriyet, Bulgurlu, Ünalan and Yavuztürk neighborhoods that are situated east and south-east of Üsküdar and that have grown in the wave of immigration in recent years. The population density per km2 is 38.592 people in Cumhuriyet, 34.241 in Bulgurlu, 22.766 in Ünalan and 20.462 in Yavuztürk. After all, there is the opposite situation in some neighborhoods of Üsküdar. Both natural population growth is low and they are not subject to much immigration in proportion to other neighborhoods of Üsküdar, this is most noticeable in the neighborhoods that lie along the coast: Kuleli, Çengelköy, Beylerbeyi and Kuzguncuk from Kandilli. So, the population density here is low. For instance, density per km2 is 8.492 people in Çengelköy, 4.978 in Kuleli, 4.841 in Beylerbeyi, 3.023 in Kuzguncuk and 1.304 in Kandilli. The region is located far from the commercial region and it is a “natural and historical protected area” in addition to the fact that natural environmental factors such as grove, shrubbery and steep slopes restrict the settlement. All of these have a great effect on the low population density. Other neighborhoods in Üsküdar that have low population density are Küçük Çamlıca, Altunizade and Selimiye. Population density per km2 is 7.981 people in Altunizade, 5.048 in Selimiye and 3.793 in Çamlıca. The reason why the density is low in these neighborhoods is the low population and the greatness of acreage. Furthermore, there are other factors affecting the low population density. Küçük Çamlıca is located in a “natural and urban protected area”. There are a lot of military areas and green belts in Selimiye. Education, health and large-scale commercial enterprises are prevalent in Altunizade. CONCLUSİON Üsküdar’s historical core is the area between Sultantepe and Salacak and its establishment extends back to 675 BC. Through long historical periods, Üsküdar remained under the sovereignties of different states and became part of the Ottoman Empire’s territories in 1384. Especially after the conquest of Istanbul in 1453, it grew extensively. Üsküdar has grown around the center that it was founded on and this growth occurred along the coast that lies in a north-south direction. At the beginning of the 19th Century, the direction of growth in Üsküdar was towards Kadıköy with the construction of Selimiye Barracks and a number of different institutions. At the end of the 19th Century, the boundaries of the settlement in Üsküdar went beyond the area which was characterized as the historic core. Thanks to the opening of the Bosphorus Bridge, the construction of the freeway, the intensity of industrial activities in the region and the immigration coming along these, Üsküdar’s population has rapidly increased. Along with these developments, the areas between coastal areas and inland areas, which were re359 cently described as uninhabited, were populated. Population distribution has been dependent on population growth and immigration in Üsküdar. As a natural consequence of these developments, a number of administrative arrangements have been made. At the head of these arrangements are the separations of Ümraniye and Ataşehir from Üsküdar, the conversion into a separate new county, the unity of some neighborhoods in Üsküdar and the connection of some neighborhoods to Ateşehir. Üsküdar, one of Istanbul’s important counties, is composed of 33 districts. The population size and density of these neighborhoods whose boundaries are determined according to administrative and geographical criteria show great differences from one another. The densely populated areas in Üsküdar are the neighborhoods that include the region between Sultantepe and Salacak characterized as the historical core and the immediate surroundings of this region. Yavuztürk, Bulgurlu, Cumhuriyet and Ünalan districts that are located in the east of Üsküdar has rapidly grown due to great immigration in recent years and become residential units that have high population density. Kandilli, situated at the point of the northern coast of Üsküdar, is one of the districts that has low population density. The neighborhoods from the Kandilli to Kuleli, Beylerbeyi, Kuzguncuk, Altunizade and Küçük Çamlıca are also the ones that have low population density. The districts starting with Küçüksu, situated in the north of Üsküdar, continuing towards the south Bahçelievler, Yavuztürk, Kısıklı, Ferah, Bulgurlu, Cumhuriyet, Ünalan and Acıbadem have high population density. Furthermore, the population density is quite low along the coastal areas from Kandilli to Kuzguncak. REFERENCES BOSTAN, M, Hanefi, 2012, “Üsküdar”, Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, sf.364, İstanbul. ERTUĞRUL, Alidost, 2011, “XlX. Yüzyıl İstanbul Kentsel Dönüşümü’nde Üsküdar ve Koruma Sorunları”, İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, sf.44, İstanbul. EYİCE, Semavi, 2004,“Fetihten Önceki Üsküdar”, Üsküdar Sempozyumu I Bildiriler Cilt 1, Üsküdar Belediye Başkanlığı Üsküdar Araştırmaları Merkezi Yayın No: 10, sf.17. İstanbul. GÖKÇEN, R, 1981, “Üsküdar, Özyürek Yayınları, sf.9, İstanbul. http://tuikapp.tuik.gov.tr/adnksdagitapp/adnks.zul Erişim Tarihi, 13.03.2014. KARPAT, K, H, 2003, “Osmanlı Nüfusu (1830-1914) Demografik ve Sosyal Özellikleri”, Türkiye Ekonomik ve Toplumsal Tarih Vakfı Yayını, sf.208, İstanbul. KONYALI, İbrahim Hakkı, 1976, “Abideleri ve Kitabeleriyle Üsküdar Tarihi”, Cilt 1, Ahmet Sait Matbaası, sf.6, İstanbul. MÜLAYİM, Selçuk, 2005, “19 Yüzyılda Üsküdar”, Üsküdar Sempozyumu II Bildiriler Cilt 1, Üsküdar Belediye Başkanlığı Üsküdar Araştırmaları Merkezi Yayın No: 10. Sf.139-140, İstanbul. ORTAYLI, İlber, 2012,“Şehir ve Kültür: İstanbul”, Profil Yayıncılık,sf,96. İstanbul. SHAW, Standford, 1979, “The Population of Istanbul in The Nıneteenth Century, İ.Ü. Edebiyat Fakültesi, Tarih Dergisi Sayı 32, sf.410, İstanbul. ŞAHİN, Naci & Şahin, Meral, 2005,“Osmanlı Arşiv Belgelerine ve Seyyahlara Göre Üsküdar’da SosyoEkonomik Yapı Özellikleri”, Üsküdar Sempozyumu II Bildiriler Cilt 1, Üsküdar Belediye Başkanlığı Üsküdar Araştırmaları Merkezi Yayın No: 10. Sf.319, İstanbul. TÜMERTEKİN, Erol & ÖZGÜÇ, Nazmiye, 2009,“Beşeri Coğrafya, İstanbul, İnsan-Kültür-Mekan”, Çantay Kitabevi, sf.321, İstanbul. TÜMERTEKİN, Erol, 1979, “İstanbul’da Nüfus Dağılışı”, İstanbul Üniversitesi Yayını, sf.21, İstanbul 360 SOCIO-ECONOMIC SITUATION OF ARMUTLU IN THE MIDST OF THE 19TH CENTURY (1844) Mehmet BAYARTAN Research on Ottoman Empire has gained importance as a result of the increasing use of the documents and data about the Ottoman period. The Ottoman geography, each period of which has its own research characteristics, includes significant cases which offer important information and widen the horizon for studies in different research fields. One of the most prominent changes that took place in the Reformation (Tanzimat) Period is the regulations in the taxation system. The intended regulations in this system are based on a basic principle that tax is levied on each individual according to his/her income. Therefore, between 1840 and 1845 real estates, lands, animals and properties were put into inventories, which was called “income (property) counting”, and the roll in which these counts were recorded was called “income rolls”. Income rolls in the Ottoman Archives of the General Directorate of State Archives are the basic sources of this study Map 1: The Map of the Armutlu Penunsula in the 19th Century (Source: www. yafem.org.tr) An income roll is a registry system based on the householders in villages and neighbourhoods. These sources include names, nicknames, professions, properties, animals, taxes, and crops of the householder. Therefore, these rolls offer important information about the economic and social life then. The administrative organization of that particular period was considered in their classification and arrangement1. The rolls were alphabetically divided into states in consideration of the contained information. Then, each state was divided into sub-districts2. Ankara, August, 1995, p.395. OSMANLI ARŞİVİ REHBERİ, 2010, T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, Başbakanlık Basımevi, p. 248, İstanbul. 2 361 The Central Sanjak of Armutlu Hüdavendigar Province which was a village in the middle of 19th century is a part of Gemlik Kaza. It is located in the southeastern part of Marmara region, in the southwestern part of the peninsula which was named after this unique settlement in the west of Gemlik and Yalova. Armutlu is located in the southwestern part of the southern stretch of the Samanlı Mountains. It is plain in the southwest and rough and uneven towards the north and east. Besides, the plane created by Armutlu Stream passing through Armutlu is the most important and fertile land piece that makes Armutlu flourish. Moreover, its favourable climate plays an important part in the emergence and development of agriculture in Armutlu. Map 2: Armutlu and its Vicinity (Source: Geçmişten Bugüne Tirilye (Zeytinbağı)3 Armutlu’s geographical properties suggest that it is located in both an advantageous and disadvantageous region. Although established at an important location, its development has remained quite limited due to its geographical properties. It can be observed in the chronology of Armutlu’s administrative organization. Evliya Çelebi, who visited Armutlu in the 17th century, mentions Armutlu as a district in his Seyahatname. However, both in income rolls and Ottoman provincial annuals (yearroll), and during the war of independence, Armutlu was called “a village”. In addition, according to Prof. Dr. Süha Güney, although it is not the biggest settlement of this region, interestingly the peninsula was named after Armutlu, but not the names of the other settlements around. 4. So, it is clear to see that geographic features play a decisive role in its establishment. TUVİ, Reyhan, Geçmişten Bugüne Tirilye (Zeytinbağı), Net Ajans, p. 18-19. (Publication year and place not available) 4 GÖNEY, Süha, 2009, Atatürk ve Armutlu Kaplıcaları, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayını, p.3, İstanbul. 3 362 Image 1: Armutlu’s bird’s-eye view (Source: Google Earth). This study aims at revealing the socio-economic conditions of people who lived inArmutlu in the midst of the 19th century and describing the geographical facts behind these conditions. The study is based on “first-hand” sources from the Ottoman archive. These sources are called ''the income roll of Armutlu Village in Gemlik Kaza of The Central Sanjak of Hüdavendigar Province5. (Image 2) Image 2: The Part in 1844 Armutlu Income Roll that shows Armutlu’s Administrative Status. The transcription reads follows: “This is a roll that shows the amount and the value of the real estates and incomes of people who live in Armutlu Village, a district of Gemlik Kaza of Hüdavendigar Province and whose names appear below”. This roll6 registered in the income rolls catalogue of the Ministry of Finance in the B.O.A., TD.: (1260/1844), Roll Number: 7947, Hüdavendigar Eyaleti, Gemlik Sancağı, Gemlik Kazası, “Armutlu Karyesi”. 6 In the Ottoman Archive of Prime Ministry, there are five income rolls related to this period, and the book containing information about four of them is number 7947. Therefore, data in this book has been used in this study. 5 363 Ottoman Archive of Turkish Prime Ministry with the registry number 7947 is comprised of 54 pages and measures 12.4 x 50.2 cm. The first page of the roll was left blank as a cover page. The 34 pages between the pages 2 and 36 contain information about 136 (138)7 muslim households, while 15 pages between 37 and 51 about 64 non-muslim ones, and on the last 3 pages between 52 and 54 about the ones who live outside Armutlu, but have filed a tax return. To sum up, the roll contains data on 210 households in total. According to this roll, it is possible to observe the socio-economic condition of Armutlu in the middle of 19th century. The Armutlu income roll also offers some information about professions, income sources, and taxes of the locals, and population though not precise. As a result of this study, many Armutlu inhabitants will gain insight into the conditions of their ancestors in 1844. ITHE POPULATION OF ARMUTLU AND ITS SOCIAL AND PROFESSIONAL STRUCTURE In 1844, Armutlu in which 210 households were registered was populated by 1050 people8, which may not be the exact number. It is obvious from the roll that the inhabitants are categorized according to their religious beliefs. In other words, the people in a household are identified as muslim or nonmuslim. In the roll, there are 210 households in total, 145 muslim and 64 non-muslim. The analysis of the distribution of the household numbers according to their religious beliefs shows that 69 % of them are muslims and 30.5 % are non-muslims. On the other hand, the analysis of the estimated number of population suggests that muslim population must be 730 while the non-muslim population must be 320. The muslim population was mainly located in a specific neighbourhood called Bayır Mahallesi today. The west side of Armutlu Stream is called Karşıyaka, which was mainly populated by non-muslims in the Ottoman period. Table 1: The Number of Households and Estimated Population of Armutlu in 1844 Because the number 37 on page 11 and the number 106 on page 28 are written for two different households, two more households have been added to the total number. Therefore, the number 138 will be predicated on in the following statistics. 7 8 Population census methods require that each household be multiplied by 5 (210x5=1050). 364 Figure 1: The Distribution of Armutlu’s Population according to Religious Beliefs (1844). PROFESSIONS OF THE HOUSEHOLDERS Previously, it has been mentioned that the roll also includes data on the professions of the householders. Analysis of these data in the roll shows that of 210 householders there were householders whose profession was/was not provided, and the ones dealing with agricultural activities were counted as farmers. Moreover, some households contained members who were too old and sick to work, without income and property, and working women. Table 2: Professions of Householders In 1844, 152 of 210 householders in Armutlu were agricultural labourers, which accounted for 81%. Therefore, agriculture stood out as the prominent profession. Table 2 shows that 35 households deal with other professions, which is 19% of the total amount. Data on the other professions are provided in Table 3. Figure 4: Distribution of Householders’ Professions (1844). Besides, there are records on female, sick or old household members of 23 households where no data on profession is provided. Among these, there are 5 heads (2%) with a profession. They make a living by shoveling and hoeing for the farmers in Armutlu. The number of people sheepherding is 7, which accounts for 4% of the total number. Among the 365 information about the professions of householder, the most striking data are on maritime activities, which are ranked as the second most common profession (12 householder, accounting for 6%). Furthermore, there are 4 carpenters (2%), 3 administrators (2%), 2 religious officials and servants (1%). The records also contained data on one lumberjack, one soldier, one blacksmith, one miller and one primary school teacher. Armutlu, in the midst of the 19th century, used to be qualified as a small town with various different professions and a population of 1050 people. These all remind us of the importance of Armutlu once again. Professions marked as “others” are provided in Table 3. Table 3: Professions in the Roll and related Percentages Figure 5: Distribution of Non-agricultural Professions in Armutlu (1844). II- AGRICULTURAL ACTIVITIES a- Agricultural Activities: The income roll includes information about qualities and quantities of lands householders cultivate. The roll also contains data on the amount of the cultivated lands where 366 farmers conduct agricultural activities and the type of plants they grow. The income roll of Armutlu reveals that the majority of houses used to deal with agriculture. Even the householders with professions dealt with agricultural activities. Vineyardorchard farming, crop farming, and olive and chestnut production were recorded as the agricultural activities. In the entries about vineyard-orchard farming, it can be observed that vineyards used to cover 305.50 decares, and 467.75 decares is mulberry orchards. Mulberry orchards were essential especially for sericulture. In Armutlu and the villages around, sericulture was a very common economic activity and silk cocoons obtained were brought to Bursa and sold to silk merchants at Koza Han (the Cacoon Inn). On the other side, field agriculture was less common than vineyard and orchard agriculture. While cultivated area used to cover 154 decares, empty field amounted to 2 decares. Table 4: Vineyard-Orchard Fields and Concerning Income Amounts in Armutlu (1844). Figure 6: Distribution of Vineyards-Orchards in Armutlu (1844). Olive cultivation is the most encountered agrarian activity in the roll. It was recorded as “Zeytun Eşcarı”, namely Olive Tree. In that period, there were 5.674 olive trees in Armutlu. Besides, there were 1.335 chestnut trees as the second most grown tree. Table 5: Kind and Amount of Trees and Size of Income (1844). 367 Figure 6: Distribution of Trees (1884). Analysis of the people’s income sources yields that plant production was the primary source of income in 1844 a- Livestock Farming: Livestock farming as an indispensible source of income for the countryside is a significant agricultural activity. Agricultural enterprises raise animals for various purposes. Among these are to benefit from their power, to pull carts or ploughs, to carry burdens, to provide manure, to produce cheese, fat, milk, meat, leather, and fleece. All these activities are known as livestock farming9. In Armutlu, sheep and goat husbandry took first place among livestock activities in 1844. While there were 1257 sheep and goats, the number of cattle was 165. That is, sheep and goat farming became significant thanks to its 93 percent share in livestock activities. Table 7: Animal Farming in Armutlu (1844). Figure 8: Distribution of Raised Animals in Armutlu (1844). 9 GÜRAN, Tevfik, 1998, 19. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Tarımı, Eren Yayınları, p.100, İstanbul. 368 Table 8: Sheep and Goat Farming and Size of Income in Armutlu (1844). Figure 9: Sheep and Goat Farming in Armutlu (1844). Table 9: Cattle Farming and Size of Income in Armutlu (1844). 369 Figure 10: Distribution of Cattle Farming in Armutlu (1844). Figure 11: Distribution of Income from Cattle Farming in Armutlu (1844). According to the income roll of Armutlu, diary black cattle cow, with 17 in number, was the most commonly raised/fed cattle animal. On the other hand, there were 16 dry black cattle and dry black cattle cow. Moreover, there were 15 black cattle oxen and 1 dairy black cattle cow. Examination of distribution of sheep and goat farming reveals that there were 416 dairy goats, the most common animal. Sheep and goats were raised in hilly areas around, pastures in the destroyed forest, and olive yards. The percentage was 52% for sheep and goats. Dry goat were the second most commonly raised animal amounting to 359 and accounting for 44%, dairy sheep (3%) in the third place (25 in number), and dry goat (1%) in the fourth (10 in number). 370 Besides, the number of animals used as beasts of burden and mount was 30. There were 25 bargir (packhorse, mule) and 5 mares. Moreover, total number of animals in Armutlu was 905. Packhorse and mule were essential for transporting woods cut down in oak forests common around Armutlu. Because chopped oaks in these forests were transported to Istanbul, in particular to the Yenikapı Port, wood coal produced in this area was sent in this way, as well. Table 10: Number of Animals Used as Beasts of Burden and Mount Table 11: Distribution of Income by Product (1884). Figure 12: Distribution of Income (1844). According to Table 11, 212.615 of the total 233.457 piasters were spared for plant production. The share of plant production in overall distribution was 91%. Income from animal farming was in the second rank. Animal farming remained less common than plant production (15.397 piastres, accounting for 7%). Income from the other sources of income ranked in the third place and had the smallest share (2% for 5445 piastres). Apart from 371 these, shipping or records on ships were other areas yielding money. The roll also provides information about shares of ships recorded as large galliots and small galliots. Shipping was important in many aspects. Firstly, Armutlu’s connection to Bursa via Gemlik and Mudanya was provided by sailing boats and rowing boats. Moreover, olive, olive oil, wood, and wood coal were transported to İstanbul generally by wooden scows (called Bartın style). Also, people of Armutlu used to fish with nets, creels, and lines off Bozburun, İmralı, Eşker, Adalar coasts especially in the transition period of fish migrating to İstanbul. During those days, Armutlu was a port of call in lane followed by sailing boats coming through Dardanelles to the Marmara Sea and coasters reaching İstanbul. Wooden boats were repaired with timbers obtained from forests around and boats used to shelter in Armutlu Bay from north winds and wait for a better weather condition to continue navigating to İstanbul via Adalar. Table 12: Incomes from Ships and Related Shares (1844). Furthermore, the roll also offers data on real estate properties generating income through leasing. Among these were two cafes, a grocery store, a mill, a smithy, a bakery, and a forge. As mentioned above, all these assets point out that Armutlu was a town with various services in that period. DISCUSSION Income rolls including detailed information on habitants in Ottoman Empire between 1844 and 1845 are described as significant data sources informing about social, economic, historical, and geographical aspects of Ottoman studies and should be studied by researchers. It can be said that agriculture was the dominant activity in Armutlu. However, Armutlu in the mid-19th century should be studied in terms of both population and other activities and assets. Describing Armutlu in the consideration of its location and its environs, its other functions in the mid-19th century should be holistically taken into account. In addition, Armutlu, a town of Yalova in the present official border, is a city gradually developing along with its neighbourhoods and various functions. But still Armutlu is not in the place it should be. REFERENCES B.O.A., TD.: (1260/1844), Defter No: 7947, Hüdavendigar Eyaleti, Gemlik Sancağı, Gemlik Kazası, “Armutlu Karyesi”. BAYARTAN, Mehmet, 2003, “XIX. Yüzyılda Kütahya’nın Tarihi Coğrafyası”, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, İstanbul. FAROQHI, Suraiya, 2000, Osmanlı’da Kentler ve Kentliler, (Çev: Neyyir Kalaycıoğlu), Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 3rd edition, İstanbul. 372 GÖNEY, Süha, 1985, Türkiye Ziraatinin Coğrafi Esasları, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi yayını, İstanbul. GÖNEY, Süha, 1995, Şehir Coğrafyası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayını, İstanbul. GÖNEY, Süha, 2009, Atatürk ve Armutlu Kaplıcaları, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayını, İstanbul. GÜMÜŞÇÜ, Osman, 2001, XIV. Yüzyıl Larende (Karaman) Kazasında Yerleşme ve Nüfus, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayını, Ankara. GÜMÜŞÇÜ, Osman, 2010, Tarihi Coğrafya, Yeditepe Yayınevi, İstanbul. GÜRAN, Tevfik, 1998, 19. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Tarımı, Eren Yayınları, p.100, İstanbul. KÜTÜKOĞLU, Mübahat S., 1995, “Osmanlı Sosyal ve İktisadi Kaynaklarından Temettü Defterleri”, Belleten LIXI/225, Ankara. OSMANLI ARŞİVİ REHBERİ, 2010, T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı, Başbakanlık Basımevi, İstanbul. ÖZDEMİR, Rifat, 1998, XIX. Yüzyılın İlk Yarısında Ankara : Fiziki, Demografik, İdari ve Sosyo-Ekonomik Yapısı (1785-1840), Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, Ankara. ÖZĞER, Yunus, 2004, “Temettat Defterleri Işığında Bayburt Kazası’nın Sosyo-Ekonomik Durumu”, Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü Dergisi, Vol. 11, Issue:24, p.193–208, Erzurum. ÖZTÜRK, Said, 2000, “Temettüat Tahrirleri”, Akademik Araştırmalar Dergisi, issue: 4-5, İstanbul, p.537591, İstanbul. ÖZTÜRK, Said, 2003, “Türkiye’de Temettuat Çalışmaları”, Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi, Türk İktisat Tarihi, Bilim ve Sanat Vakfı, Türkiye Araştırmaları Merkezi, Vol. 1, Issue: 1, p.287-304, İstanbul. PAKALIN, Mehmet Zeki, 1971, Osmanlı Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü, M.E.B. Yayınları, II. Cilt, İstanbul. TANOĞLU, Ali, 1966, Nüfus ve Yerleşme, İstanbul Üniversitesi Coğrafya Enstitüsü Yayını, İstanbul. TERZİ, Arzu, 1992, “Aydın Güzelhisarı’nın Sosyal ve İktisadi Durumu 1844”, İ.Ü. Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü (Unpublished) MA thesis, İstanbul. TUVİ, Reyhan, Geçmişten Bugüne Tirilye (Zeytinbağı), Net Ajans, p. 18-19. (Publication year and place not available). Footnotes 1 Dairy means milk producing, fertile, and financially valuable. 2 Dry/Common means “infertile and financially invaluable”. 3 Ağnam is plural form of ganem which means sheep. 4 Galliot is a sailing transport boat with a big coat of arms and is 4,5-6 meters in width, 11-25 meters in length, and 30-250 metric tons in weight. (http://www.ginolumodelmaket.com/cektirme.html). 373 CITIES, URBANIZATION, METROPOLISES AND RELATED PROBLEMS: THE CASE OF TURKEY Mesut DOĞAN In the years when republic was proclaimed, there were two cities whose populations exceeded 100.000, namely Istanbul (680.857) and Izmir (153.845). In Turkey, urbanization started in the midst of 20th century. Urbanization process was almost dormant till 1950s, but gained speed in the following years. Globally, the first urbanization movements started in industrial societies and became a considerable phenomenon by the passing of the time. Soon after the World War II, as in the whole world Turkey underwent an economic renovation thanks to some incentives and moves. This paved the way for investments, which caused people to migrate especially from urban areas to cities. This movement is still going on because economic investments and migration underpin the urbanization movement. Due to the recent developments, cities adopting a well-planned expanding policy try to manage a successful urbanization process. Urbanization “refers to increase in the quantity of cities and in population living therein. Conceptualizing it as a demographic phenomenon would be a misperception. The concept of urbanization originates from changes in the economy and structure of a society. Therefore, it is a necessity to include economic and social changes as the primary cause of population flow in the definition of urbanization. Economic, social and political factors should also be taken into account” (Keleş, 2006: 25). In other words, “to simply put it, urbanization can be defined as the increase in number of settlements in parallel with industrialization and economic growth, and as a demographic accumulation caused by population growth in these settlements” (Yüceşahin et al., 2004: 24). Cities grow with resources and investments they have, and create a multifunctional area where settlers deal with various activities. Urbanization has brought about the desire to lead a better life. “In every Turkish city whose settlement history dates back to ancient times, the settlement arrangement organized according to the prevailing conditions in Middle and Modern Ages has been preserved, and laid the ground for the continuation of concrete construction permeating every niche of this unplanned urbanization. This urbanization movement, which is in contradiction not only with the geographical factors but with present conditions and practices as well, brought along scores of matters which had not been taken into consideration before” (Göney-Bayartan, 2010: 552). Results proved to be inspirational for other cities that desired to keep up with the urbanization process. While immigrated cities substantially develop thanks to industry and urbanization, they suffer from unplanned urbanization due to squatting in the countryside. Such side effects cause overpopulation and pollution. On the one hand, the increase in the transportation activities produces more exhaust emission; on the other, overpopulation results in noise pollution. Gases, smog and dust given off by the heating systems boost the population. Migration is one of the primary causes of housing problems, which people attempt to sort out by destroying the flora of a particular area and building houses there. A recent development which is referred to as “mass housing” is likely to partly solve the problem. 374 Another factor effective in settlement is universities. Besides being scientific and intellectual institutions, they also cause drastic changes where they are located. “The effects of universities on the population are closely related to the size of the university and the city. Therefore, it is obvious that a university not influential in a particular area would have a limited effect on the population (Işık, 2008: 167). Number of the universities started to increase at the beginning of 1990s, and have gone on doing so from the onset of 2000s. As of 2014, the number of universities amounts to 166; 93 state (including Gebze and Izmit Institute of Technology) and 73 private. All these universities contribute to the progress of urbanization. Table 1: Urban and Rural Population in Turkey by Census Years (1927-2013) Table 1 indicates that rural population was 17 million in 2009-2012 despite the decline and plummeted to 6.633.541 in 2013. The reason for this drastic fall is the rise in the number of the metropolises from 16 to 30, and the abolishment of 559 municipalities. Legal personalities of the villages and sub-municipalities within the administrative borders of the metropolises were terminated and they were merged into a single municipality. Industrial investments were first launched in İstanbul, Ankara and İzmir; then in Adana, Bursa, Kocaeli, Sakarya, Erzurum, Diyarbakır, Eskişehir, Samsun, Gaziantep, Konya, Kayseri, Antalya, Mersin, Denizli, Hatay, Aydın, Trabzon, Malatya, Balıkesir, Manisa, Kahramanmaraş, Urfa, Muğla, Van, Tekirdağ, Mardin and Ordu. 6 of these metropolises are located in the Marmara Region; 5 in the Aegean, 4 in the 375 Central Anatolia, 3 in the Black Sea, 3 in the East Anatolia and 4 in the South East Anatolia Regions. As is seen, geographical distribution of the immigrated cities does not exhibit a regular pattern. This results in an ever-increasing migration owing to interregional differences, which causes the problems to grow bigger. Metropolises in particular keep urbanization relying on their assorted and powerful functions (industry, agriculture, tourism, universities and the like). Evaluation of urbanization in terms of population falls short in achieving a thorough investigation because there are some other criteria other than the population. Urbanization in Turkey can be discussed in 4 main periods: namely, 1923-1950, 19511982, 1983-2000 and 2001 and later. The first period, i.e. 1923-1950, was inundated with difficulties and limited opportunities. It is well-known that urbanization in 1951-1982 occurred as a result of the investments typical of industrial movements. Moreover, development plans were implemented in this period, when political incidents used to break out every 10 years. Once civil administration assumed the responsibility of governing the country in 1983, urbanization took up a whole another level and first metropolises of Turkey, namely İstanbul, Ankara, and İzmir) were proclaimed in 1983. In 1983-2000, the 3rd period, urbanization gained speed. Migration between crowded cities occurred, which was quite new then and made cities grow larger. Thus, Adana, Bursa, Kocaeli, Sakarya, Erzurum, Diyarbakır, Eskişehir, Samsun, Gaziantep, Konya, Kayseri, Antalya and Mersin were proclaimed metropolises. Intercity migration ceaselessly increased in 2001 and after (the 4th period), as well. During this period, Denizli, Hatay, Aydın, Trabzon, Malatya, Balıkesir, Manisa, Kahramanmaraş, Urfa, Muğla, Van, Tekirdağ, Mardin, and Ordu grew into metropolises (2013). Table 2: Number of the Cities in Turkey: 1927-2013 URBANIZATION-RELATED PROBLEMS Urbanization is in a multilateral interaction. Urbanization in Turkey is greatly affected by the decisions and practices of decision-makers in the micro- and macro-economic, social, political and cultural domains. In this system, urban people expect city governments to offer some services, which sometimes cause clash between these two parties. A particular criterion does not apply to the industrialization-induced urbanization. There are cities growing uncontrolled besides the ones vanishing by the passing of the time. 376 İstanbul is the most vivid example of the former case. Ankara, İzmir, Bursa and Adana are also among the unevenly growing cities. On the other side, Karabük and İskenderun, which were based on industrial developments and named “Industrial Cities” are the best examples for the latter. Any other form of urbanization can be qualified as “a well-organized urbanization”. A regular and well-organized settlement can be achieved in consideration of planning, infrastructure, employment and environmental conditions. If all the urban factors, such as space, population, industry and so on, are taken into account, then it is possible to achieve a well-planned city. It is unlikely to form a well-planned city where employment is scarce. In such places, a sudden squatting boom takes place in various parts of the city. An orderly developing city is not characterized by squatting that has occurred in the first 3 metropolises and later on in the others as a consequence of industrialization. Once “squatting resulting from the need for housing to live in a city” (Tekeli, 2008: 54) used to originate from immigration; over time, it has become the primary cause of migration. People moving to cities in search of jobs firstly seek shelter in slums and then go out to find a job, which marks the start of squatting and thus emergence of an unpleasant and unaesthetic cluster of buildings. “Since the choice of the place of residence and the decision to move dramatically affect the family union and life cycle processes, they play a decisive role in housing and construction policies” (Özgür-Yasak, 2009: 43). Lack of order and balance in cities gives way to inevitable conflict of interests, and also a disproportionate rise in rents and real estate prices. Image 1: Slums and Squatting Historical, social and cultural changes in the course of urbanization causes the relations between the family members and within the society to weaken. “Grandparents entrusted with the important task to pass down their culture across generations have come to lose their roles in a life of tall buildings, which eliminates the social actors to pass down the cultural properties. Now, children have come to spend their free time with computers and similar devices, which have distanced children from society” (Tuna, 2010: 365). Because they spend more time at home, they suffer from obesity. 377 “Urbanization is an integral part of modern life. However, it causes changes in social life. It also causes family ties to loosen or break up. In the past, a couple of generations used to live together in a single house, but now houses have been replaced by flats where nuclear families lead isolated lives far from soil and stuck in a box-like space. In such a life style, neighbours have become alienated and have got separated from each other” (Doğan, 2013: 263). A strong cultural background underlies the cities whose history can be traced back to very old times. Looking at demographical factors forming the nucleus of today’s Turkish metropolises, it can be asserted that houses, shops, workshops, factories, social and cultural facilities, and religious structures used to be located close to each other to the extent that topography of the area allows for. In such a formation, people used to know each other, gently salute each other and did not suffer from security problems. “Along with urbanization, socio-cultural structure of the societies has undergone a drastic change. The change in the social environment and the safe lifestyle has brought about a desire to lead an independent life. Moreover, people’s preference to live alone rather than together made them avoid interpersonal relations. Collaboration and solidarity are about to become obsolete values and people are distancing themselves from customs and traditions” (Doğan, 2012: 241), which causes degeneration in the society. People’s connection with the nature has enfeebled as urbanization goes on. Belonging to city was replaced by indifference and ignorance, and in the end cities have vested a whole new guise. Urbanization brought about transportation problems. People have come to cover longer distances between new settlements, work areas, hospitals, schools and the like. In the centres of the cities, both roads and sideways have begun to fall short in satisfying the transportation need. Image 2: A Well-planned Modern Living Space In Turkey, urbanization is quite effective in environmental pollution. Garbage of any kind has adverse effects on water and soil ecosystem. Assorted activities emerged from population growth have become the main cause of garbage problem. Chemical agents used unconsciously cycling back to water resources and soil due to polluted precipitations. Especially in the cities, increase in the number of buildings, exhaust gases, contamination of water and air with fuel oil result in pollution at an alarming level. 378 CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS Conscious decision-makers and citizens protecting their history, culture and social dynamics are sine qua non for a sustainable environment and a well-planned urbanization. Migrations and similar movements for various reasons cause problems in metropolises. It is necessary to support investments in and development of the starting point of migration to be able to stop the rapid population flow to metropolises. In consideration of topographic features, design of the city should be well-planned. Besides, regional planning is an important issue, too. Plans damaging the cultural texture of a city should be avoided. Any kind of plan and services implemented in the course of urbanization should be purged of political concerns. Plus, planning should not be manipulated by groups of interest. Especially, the effects of new construction on the city should be considered in a detailed manner. Migration from rural areas to cities, especially to metropolises is the outcome of fragmented agricultural fields, scarce yield harvested from these fields, and an excess of labour force. So as to strengthen rural life, it is a must to merge the fields into large bodies of lands. Further, villagers and farmers should be provided with credit loans with low interest but longer periods of payment. It is significant to put geographical environment at people’s disposal in the best beneficial manner possible for an orderly and a sustainable planning. Therefore, functional plans intended to offer a better life for humans should be implemented on the basis of the tenet “humans first”. It is certainly a step that should be taken by the government to educate and train the immigrants. Thus, people should be oriented to training projects that could possibly help participants find jobs. It is easy to achieve the goals in a well-planned and sustainable urbanization process. It is crucial to observe some rules in implementing certain practices on the ones that are supposed to adapt to the urban life in the urban population and on the ones that lead a traditional life in the city. In the urbanization process, both local and central governments should be in the foreground. In Turkey, where urbanization is in progress at full speed, the metropolises are overly crowded. This overpopulation is causing irreversible problems. New business centres have appeared over time, and these centres have caused social and cultural changes in the nucleus of a city. For this change not to occur, the nucleus should be protected no matter what the cost is. Such metropolises as İstanbul, Adana, Kayseri, Gaziantep, Şanlıurfa, Eskişehir, Bursa, Erzurum, Kütahya, Diyarbakır and Konya are exerting great effort to protect their nuclei. Protection and development of metropolises in consideration of natural and human conditions should be evaluated in a well-planned fashion by taking into account the local and general features of a country. REFERENCES ANDERSEN, H., 2005, “Konut Alanlarında Bozulma ve Konut Alanlarını Yenileme Stratejilerinde Avrupa ve Amerika Deneyimi”, Uluslararası Kentsel Dönüşüm Uygulamaları Sempozyumu 27–30 Kasım 2004, Küçükçekmece Belediyesi Yayını, İstanbul. DOĞAN, M., 2013, “Türkiye’de şehirleşme: Büyükşehirler ve Şehirleşme Sürecinde Değişen Sosyo Ekonomik Yapı”, Prof. Dr. Süha Göney’e Armağan Kitabı, S: 239-280, 379 Yazın basın Yayın Matbaacılık. İstanbul. DOĞAN, M., 2013, “Socio-Environmental Problems on Turkish Coasts”, Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Water Energy and the Environment Kuşadası, 21-24 September 2013, Paper 270, Kuşadası. ERSOY, E., 2004, “Avrupa Birliği Örnek Ülkeleri ve Türkiye’de Konut Politikalarının ve Konut Piyasalarının Karşılaştırmalı Analizi”, İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi Yüksek Lisans Tezi,Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, İstanbul. GÖNEY, S.,1995, Şehir Coğrafyası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Basımevi, İstanbul. GÖNEY, S.,-BAYARTAN, M., 2010, “İstanbul ve Çevresinde Devreden ve Yok Olan Coğrafya”, Kültürler Başkenti İstanbul, Türk Kültürüne Hizmet Vakfı Yayını, S: 548-559, İstanbul. GÖNEY, S., 2011, “Türk - Osmanlı Şehirlerinin Batıyı Etkileyen Bazı Özellikleri” İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, S: 22, S: 281-293, İstanbul. GÜNER, İ., 1988, Türkiye’de Konut ve Konut Sorunu, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, İstanbul. IŞIK, Ş., 2008, “Türkiye’de Üniversitelerin Kentleşme Üzerine Etkileri”, Ege Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Cilt:10, S:3, S:157-179, İzmir. KELEŞ,, R., 2006, Kentleşme Politikası, İmge Kitabevi, Ankara. ÖZGÜR, M.,-Yasak. Ü., 2009, “Şehiriçi İkametgah Hareketliliğine Kuramsal Bir Bakış”, Ankara Üniversitesi Coğrafi Bilimler Dergisi, S: 7(1), S: 39-50, Ankara. POLAT, E., Kentsel Coğrafya, Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Mühendislik ve Mimarlık Fakültesi Yayın No: 62, Isparta. TUNA, K.,2010,“İstanbul’un Sosyolojik Dönüşümü”, Şehir ve Kültür: İstanbul, Ebru Matbaacılık, İstanbul. TEKELİ, İ.,2008, Göç ve Ötesi, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, İstanbul. YÜCEŞAHİN, M.,-BAYAR, R.,-ÖZGÜR, M.,2004, “Türkiye’de Şehirleşmenin Mekansal Dağılışı ve Değişimi”, Coğrafi Bilimler Dergisi, S.2, S.23-39, Ankara. 380 SOCIAL DEPRIVATION AND URBANITY AS THE ELEPHANT IN THE ROOM Mirek DYMITROW René BRAUER 1. URBAN POVERTY IN EUROPE TODAY Poverty and marginalization in urban areas are hardships that are not necessarily limited to developing countries. Around 80 million Europeans today live in conditions that fall within the definition of poverty (Inequality Watch, 2012). However, there are urban areas where this type of poverty is more prevalent. In the UK they are known as sink estates (cf. Reay, 2007), in Poland as socjałki (Dymitrow et al., 2014) and in France as banlieues (Préteceille, 2009) – just to mention a few. These estates usually consist of concrete slab high-rise buildings and are often characterized by high levels of racial segregation, unemployment and crime, as well as low levels of education, integration and health. The development of this form of estates has often been attributed to intensified economic globalization, increased demands on labor flexibility, the rampage of neoliberal capitalism, restructuring of the European welfare model, racial tendencies and political short-sightedness (cf. Cassiers & Kesteloot, 2012; Ratcliffe & Krawczyk, 2011; Schierup & Ålund, 2011; Devicienti & Poggi, 2011). In the Swedish equivalent (known as miljonprogramområden), the current situation is not encouraging despite the multitude of urban development programs launched to address the issues at hand. Not only does the situation not improve, it deteriorates (Boverket, 2013). Since the linkage between social deprivation and anti-social behavior is well-known to sociologists (cf. Bourdieu, 1997), the problems experienced in miljonprogramområden are often the catalyst for violent riots (cf. Schierup & Ålund, 2011; Stattin, 1990), the latest of which occurred in the Stockholm suburb of Husby in May 2013. Moreover, in step with the reemergence of racist, nationalistic and anti-Muslim political parties across Europe (cf. Sprague-Jones, 2011), the vivid imagery of these riots in combination with constant failures of local development programs cultivates the rhetoric of radical nationalist right wing claims. According to their essentialist logic, the blame is affixed to the ethnic attributes of the inhabitants rather than to the systematic flaws in the design of these projects. We would like to argue, however, that one of these systematic flaws could be the biggest and most obvious of them all – the proverbial ‘elephant in the room’. In this paper, we explore the fallibility of ‘the urban’ – or simply ‘the urban bias’ – in actions labeled as urban development projects set to target the issues of social deprivation. Claiming that urban development programs would have an urban bias might appear tautological and needs some clarification. What does an ‘urban’ label really mean? Let us begin by acknowledging that ‘urban’ is by far not a homogenous concept and the sheer fact that nations define ‘urban’ differently hints at the underlying problem with simple measures of urban complexity (Dahly & Adair, 2007: 1408). Given that conceptualizations, frameworks and perceptions always guide our thoughts, judgments and actions (cf. Dennett, 1993; Latour, 2013), the particular ways in which we relate to urbanity become explicitly relevant. The major point is that when not all urban prerequisites are met, the developmental level an urban development project is aiming at might be set too high and hence depart 381 excessively from the real problems at hand. Using the example of the Swedish suburbs of Hjällbo and Hammarkullen in Gothenburg, we argue that in areas where urban poverty is the greatest, simply not all signifiers of the presumed concept of urbanity are met, and hence rigid adherence to urbanity as a guiding force might in fact contribute to counterproductive plans of actions. In short, an urban development project may lack the presumed urban foundation and is therefore doomed to fail. The disposition of this paper is as follows. The next chapter outlines the study areas and gives a short introduction to their history and current socio-economic situation. It is followed by a theoretical elaboration on the concept of urbanity and its relation to urban development. The empirical examples that follow are used to strengthen the argument on the visual and functional discontinuities and discrepancies encountered in the area when posited along a rural-urban axis. We also look into the rhetoric of one of the biggest EU-sponsored urban development projects in Sweden, which we try to balance by incorporating the perspectives of the people supposedly being the recipients of this program. The paper ends with a general discussion on the concept of urbanity and its usefulness within development projects aiming particularly to address issues of poverty. 2. Social deprivation Swedish style Hjällbo and Hammarkullen are two suburbs in Gothenburg located as isolated land islands approximately 10 km north-east of the city proper. Since the built area consists of anything between 10-storey clustered buildings and Swedish-style red wooden family houses, its density varies greatly. The main mode of transportation in and out of the areas consists of three tram lines. The Hjällbo station is typical for the Gothenburg area while the station in Hammarkullen is buried some 25m underground, reminiscent of a subway station. Car traffic within the central parts of these areas is discouraged by the many crossing barriers, creating large car-free spaces. Today, Hjällbo and Hammarkullen are typical poverty-ridden miljonprogramområden in both physical and demographic terms. As of 2013, there were 7479 people living in Hjällbo and 8034 in Hammarkullen, of which approximately 58% were born outside of Sweden. All in all, the share of individuals with non-Swedish backgrounds amounts to around 90% in both areas. As of 2010, 15% of the area’s population was formally unemployed while the average for the whole of Gothenburg was 4% at the time. The percentage of people in 2009 living on social welfare was 35 % (Hammarkullen) and 21% (Hjällbo) respectively, compared to the average of 7% for the whole of Gothenburg at the time. As such, the total average yearly income is 45–50% below the average of Gothenburg and thereby barely above official poverty limits for Sweden (Göteborg Statistik, 2014). This brand of poverty, where deprivation has an ethnic dimension, is typical of Sweden (cf. Harsman, 2006). Given these circumstances, the future for young people looks bleak as well, as of 2010 between 48% (Hjällbo) and 58% (Hammarkullen) of the students failed to pass the ninth grade with satisfactory marks in one or more subjects, disqualifying as much as one third of all students from continuing their studies and contributing to high levels of youth unemployment (Göteborg Statistik, 2014). In regard to crimes statistics assembled by the regional police Hjällbo placed first and Hammarkullen third within the region (Håkansson, 2007). The combination of the abovementioned factors along with bad nutritional habits and low levels of exercise creates a situation where life expectancy is 9 years lower when compared to other parts of Gothenburg (Flanke, 2014). All in all, the socio-economic problems com382 bined with its physical isolation render an area that is economically, culturally and socially segregated from the rest of Gothenburg, while the high crime rates do little to improve the image it has struggled with for years (cf. Zintchenko, 1993). 3. What you see is not always what you get Urban development, urban planning or town planning are administrative, technical and political processes that shape the urban fabric to ensure that the development of the urban settlement follows a desired outcome (Taylor, 2007). In this respect, the concept of urbanity represents an idea connected to certain theoretical frameworks used to make sense of and to structure our reality (Knox & Pinch, 2006: 223-224). As famously pointed out by Immanuel Kant, our understanding of the world is not independent unalterable qualia. Instead, our perceptions (cf. Dennett, 1993) and consequently our actions (cf. Latour, 2013) are closely tied to how we understand any given concept, in this case – urbanity. So what is urbanity? The term ‘urban’ is widely associated with the commonly used terms ‘town’ and ‘city’. These are two types of human settlements endowed with certain characteristics that are intuitively distinguished by most people. According to Pacione (2009: 19-20), there are four principle methods employed to identify urban places: population size, economic base, functional definitions and administrative criteria. Population size stems from the notion that urban places are generally larger than rural places; urban economic base presupposes a predominant engagement in non-agricultural work; functional definitions of urbanity reflect the real extent of urban influence; and, finally, administrative criteria are national, particular definitions of urbanity, that are largely incomparable between different countries. Most of these themes, though often under different terms, recur in most literature dedicated to the concept of urbanity (Öhman, 1992; Knox & Pinch, 2006; Szymańska, 2013). However, the characteristics associated with urbanity are often condensed to ‘urban images’, i.e. schemata that integrate many separate elements, including both concrete and abstract stimulus information (Segal 1971; Rapoport 1977: 114). Due to their visual mode, these schemata often coincide with the morphological aspect (cf. Chądzyńska & Litwińska, 2005), which stands in for a subconsciously coded cultural archetype of urbanity (cf. Rapoport, 1977). In this respect, one major problem with administrative designations of urban areas is their frequent lack of correspondence with the actual content of the area in question. This drawback, as we will outline in this paper, often reduces urbanity to one or two attributes (usually the most conspicuous ones), and these attributes tend to be overemphasized when devising development programs aimed at ‘urban areas’. As a result, such an approach may have dire consequences in areas whose ‘urbanity’ is irregular, not clear-cut, or simply not enough nuanced. The primary assumption behind urban development in general is that the target area is either urban or is being developed into something urban. In these terms, urbanity is also often described as what it is not, i.e. rural (cf. Woods, 2011). This creates a dichotomous, essentialist distinction between urban and rural which are used to serve as allegedly meaningful categories. However, the rural and urban are obfuscator and awkward in practice, and have been challenged as useful concepts by international scholarship (cf. Champion & Hugo, 2004). This has to do with the fact that intra-rural differences can be enormous and rural-urban similarities sharp (Hoggart, 1990: 245). In response to the now largely contested rural-urban dichotomy, the somewhat less stringent concept of rural-urban continuum has been launched. It should be understood as ‘a group of settlements occupying the entire 383 rurality-urbanity scale, where formally rural and urban units are interspersed’ (Sokołowski 2008: 63). Sokołowski (1999: 43) identified some 40 attributes associated with urbanity, whereof the most often used 10 are shown in Table 1. He distinguished between what he called urbanization sensu stricto and urbanization sensu largo, varying in the amount of urban-specific components and occurrences of some qualitative differences. Generally speaking, the prerequisites of urbanization sensu stricto must be fulfilled for a settlement to be regarded as fully urban, while urbanization sensu largo must not necessarily lead to formal urbanity, even if such settlements may strike visually as urban. Table 1. Ten dimensions of urbanization as identified by Sokołowski (1999). What we choose to call an urban bias occurs when certain (visual) attributes associated with both urbanization sensu largo and sensu stricto (such as morphological, social and economic) may skew the impression of an area being urban sensu stricto altogether. Taking into account only a few attributes of a more subtle and complex state inevitably leads to a number of urban-biased assumptions when devising an “urban” development project, at the same time overshadowing some finer nuances of the area in question. As such, strict adherence to a biased urban ideal (based on a stereotype) creates discrepancy between the actual problem and the proposed solution. While the solutions depart from an ideal based on a higher level of urbanization and civilizatory progress, the practical problem lies on a much more fundamental level. As such, stereotypical treatment of an environment as urban is bound to miss those finer subtleties, which may be damaging to the desired outcome of the project. Obviously, urban poverty is a complex problem and no single cause responsible for the failure of urban development projects can be identified. Short-sightedness of elected officials and their policy goals (cf. Ratcliffe & Krawczyk, 2011), negative impacts of neoliberal capitalist undertones in policy (cf. Schierup & Ålund, 2011) as well as inherent inertia present in heavily segregated areas (Devicienti & Poggi, 2011) are only a few examples of failure-related factors. Although all, some or none of these factors may have been present in our case as well, the urban bias outlined in this paper is a much more fundamental fumble, because most often it is taken for granted. Our goal is hence to problematize this elephant in the room by highlighting the dirty trail it has left behind. 384 4. Examples of urban bias from Hjällbo and Hammarkullen In order to illustrate what might be considered an urban bias, we have looked into three examples from Hjällbo and Hammarkullen. The presented examples are extracts from both authors’ long involvement in projects related to the two areas (Dymitrow & Holmberg, 2007; Dymitrow & Andjelić, 2008; Brauer 2010; Dymitrow et al. 2010; Dymitrow et al., 2011) and the hypothesis regarding the negative effect of urban bias originates from the conclusions of these projects. We began with the most obvious – the visual frame. In Sweden, the visual imagery of miljonprogramområden has become synonymous with the failure of society (cf. Ristilammi, 1999). Hence, the first thing that struck us were certain impressionable inconsistencies between the actual context of deprivation and the direction the interventions induced by various development programs had taken. What caught our interest the most was the questionable rationale behind certain interventions, which led us into conducting a program analysis complemented by a number of expert interviews and seminars. One striking observation was that the design of the program appeared less concerned with the problems and perceptions of the people living in the area and more with how the people outside would view it. This indication inspired us to highlight the neglected view of the residents by conducting a questionnaire study. The results presented below are summarizations from those efforts. 4.1. Visual inconsistencies When collective imaginations of an area are constructed, they are often associated with visuality, i.e. ‘how we are able or made to see and the unseeing therein’ (Johansson, 2009: 259). The visual imagery of an area can thus be used as a guide to the underlying frameworks and assumptions, representing an exploratory approach open for spontaneous observations. The latter can in turn be used to contrast different theoretical frameworks underlying their construction (cf. Urry, 1990; Dymitrow, 2014). We have used the visual impressions in this sense. Departing from the practice of looking in an urban context, visuality is met primarily with urban morphology, i.e. a set of features that coincide with the largest part of our visual field. Given the morphology of Hammarkullen (see Figure 1) the area appears nothing but urban. At a closer look, however, some apparent inconstancies quickly arise. First and foremost, the establishment of a university (Center for Urban studies (CUS)) in Hammarkullen is one such inconsistency. Given that several schools in the area are being closed (including the secondary school in Hammarkullen; Bozinovska & Grahn-Hinnfors, 2012) and considering the already high rate of local students failing to qualify for higher education, the situation strikes as an odd particularity. Moreover, the local ‘educational gap’ poses the question of whom exactly this university is supposed to attract in terms of eligibility for admittance. Another striking visual imagery is brought on by the garbage discarded in front of the buildings, on parking lots and along the streets – an experience a local child care center found out the hard way. According to a lecturer at Hammarkullen’s university, garbage thrown out of the windows by the tenants jeopardized the children’s safety, whereupon a metal roof above the playground had to be erected. Direct waste disposal in urban areas is foremost associated with (some) developing countries, like the sanitary problem of “flying toilets” (plastic bags with human feces flung into the public street) but has been also observed in some areas of the EU. One notorious example is Luník IX, a Roma-inhabited borough 385 in the Slovak city of Košice, infamous for its several meter thick layers of garbage exuding toxicity into the groundwater (Biach, 2013). The problem of systematic waste defenestration has also been observed in Sweden, in the socially deprived Malmö suburb of Rosengård. The inconsistency lies in the fact that even though the buildings have an urban appearance, social deprivation may lead to lowered ‘urban’ attitudes of its occupants towards urbanspecific waste management procedures. Such behaviors are normally indicative of deficient urban infrastructure which could be inferred to as ‘the ruralization of the city’ (Szymańska 2013; Cloke, 2006). However, even though the infrastructure is there, behaviors based on lowered urban consciousness (i.e., heightened awareness for the common good) may inadvertently lead to cutbacks, such as in Košice, where the municipal government eventually not only ceased to bulldoze the garbage but also cut off gas, water and electricity. Fig. 1. Hammarkullen – predominant morphology. Source; authors’ own work. Another striking inconsistency regards the disparity between some highly urban features that are being exceptionally well taken care of, like the Hammarkullen Station. Built in the effigy of Stockholm’s subway system, it is one of the kinds in Gothenburg. Adorned with modern art gallery strewn amidst the tram tracks and along its 158 m spot-lit escalator, the reconstructed and modernized station emanates an impressive air of urbanity. Once out in the open, the scenery changes significantly: a disheveled open space (“market square”) with very few facilities, such as bank, pharmacy, post office, coffee shop and most importantly, a well-equipped food store1. There are some minor shops but their assortment is reduced foremost to candy, junk food and tobacco. Lack of a proper shop to fulfill the basic needs of the 8000 locals (the equivalent of a middle-small Swedish town) is particularly conspicuous. The large building by the square that used to house the food store has stood empty since 2001. With promises of lower rent and other favorable conditions, the city has tried to pull major food chains to establish themselves in the area, unfortunately to no avail. One 1 Although all these services used to be available in Hammarkullen, today they gradually disappear. 386 mentioned factor was the high level of crime in the area (Dymitrow et al., 2010). The inconsistencies provide an odd diorama of dysfunctionality. The new “art gallery” also serves as an agreeable canvas for local drug dealers riding up and down the escalator during daytime. According to an officer at the local youth center, the sight of drug dealers has become so common that the locals no longer bother reporting it to the police. A similar discrepancy has been noted with the newly revamped benches on the square which came to serve local youth gangs when threatening bypassing pedestrians (Andersson, 2013a). Universities, art galleries and modern architecture are often indicative of civilizatory progress attributed to the process of urbanization in terms of social, technological and cultural development. At the same time, shortcomings at a more fundamental level, such as lack of basic facilities, suspensions in primary education or bouts of anti-social behavior, could be said to represent the antonym of such development. In our study area, there is an apparent discontinuity between the problems at hand and the proposed solutions. When the solutions seem to aim at a level of development higher than what is characteristic of the area in question, an urban bias is effectively created. To understand this rationale, we will now briefly turn our attention to the programmatic frame that propels such reasoning. 4.2. Enter the largest EU-sponsored urban development project in Sweden Development projects always depart from assumptions about reality, which in turn guide specific courses of action (Brauer & Dymitrow, 2014). Identifying these assumptions can be useful in explaining why some seemingly obvious differences manage to persevere (cf. Forsberg & Lindgren, 2013), not least when aligned with the contested rural-urban axis. In that vein, the program analysis summary that follows is based on studies of and various interactions (correspondence, seminars, and field trips) with the latest urban development project conducted in the discussed area, counterbalanced by auxiliary information, mostly relevant media commentaries and interviews with various stakeholders affected by the project. Utveckling Nordost (UtNo; “Development North-East”) was the latest urban development project in the area, lasting between 2011 and 2013. With a budget of 123 million SEK, it was also the largest urban development project in Sweden (financed at 40% by the European Union). UtNo, however, was only one of many earlier similar projects. Notwithstanding the issue of constant failure to ease social deprivation, the Swedish National Board of Housing, Building and Planning found that all these projects had one thing in common: there was a great uncertainty as to ’what the exact purpose of this type of urban development was’ (Boverket 2013:7). UtNo is no different in this respect, as not all of its intended goals were accomplished. UtNo aimed to create 220 new job opportunities, among others thorough the establishment of new companies within the sectors of high technology, green technology, information services, etc. Not only was the official target not met (only 92 new jobs were created) but the companies UtNo had hoped to establish never materialized. Instead, the companies founded by novice local entrepreneurs were small-scale low-tech businesses, such as taxi driver, house cleaning or building maintenance (Klasén 2013; seminar with UtNo project manager). Moreover, in its effort to attract new companies to the area, UtNo heavily emphasized the area’s culture and cultural diversity as positive forces of attraction. Besides being a multi-ethnic crucible, the area is also known for its annual Hammarkullen Carnival and the exceptionally high number of cultural clubs (more than 40 in Hammarkullen alone). 387 In that vein, one of UtNo’s main advertisements depicts tango-dancing couples alongside a suggestion to start a new business venture. Such ideations of development are laudable but go hand in hand with the overall character of actions deployed in the area in terms of specialization. The previously mentioned reconstruction of the underground station and the beautification of the public square at Hammarkullen were also financed through UtNo, as were: the creation of a cultural city park, the renovation of the central theatre stage and the construction of a large cultural center (Angered Arena) with adjacent swimming pool (Utveckling Nordost, 2014). However, when asked during a seminar about this somewhat peculiar choice of action, UtNo stated that ‘everybody is aware of the problems in this area; therefore, we try to improve the urban image to change this trend’. In other words, a focus on cultural activities is thought to cause a trickle-down effect, where aiding to establish new companies could in turn create new job opportunities. However, it was unclear how exactly culture and cultural diversity could be an aid for newly established businesses in practice. Moreover, besides some general criticisms addressed to UtNo, the question of to whom all these cultural investments were actually directed was raised. If the focus is on improving the ‘urban image’ of the area, than clearly people outside of the area are the target, and if so, how can this help the people living inside of it? According to a local NGO manager, such reasoning creates a demarcation that is further reinforced by the fact that most people working in the area live in other (less problematic) areas of Gothenburg (cf. also Andersson, 2013b). In the absence of anticipated change, the scenario brings forth feelings of betrayal in terms of democratic participation and political representation. It also creates and cements a sense of otherness (insider/outsider), with, for instance, the local youth referring to government officials as ‘colonizers’: while the one type of officials (teachers, administrators and social works) occupies the area by day, the other (police and security personnel) occupies it by night (cf. Sernhede, 2007) . Putting emphasis on cultural activities and high-tech companies sounds indeed like reasonable investment strategies, well in line with contemporary politics propelled by the intellectual spur of time. However, such development only works well where the assumed level of urbanity is satisfactory (like, for instance, where most of the officials live). According to Maslow’s (1943) now classical hierarchy of needs there is a natural line of progression built into the human psyche of self-realization. You do not buy a car when you do not have money for food, because if you do you will most likely run into severe fiscal problems accompanied by emotional stress and other health-related issues. Therefore, if one only invests in culture, which is a higher level of human accomplishment (than e.g., proper accommodation, a job, social belonging), then the culture is likely to be used for something else, or perhaps even abused. Conscious deflection of attention from the real problems at hand in hope of evading further stigmatization is indeed compassionate but ineffective. In fact, it may only exacerbate the situation by letting an ornate halo dazzle an ugly core of decrepitude. Indeed, at an assessment seminar, UtNo admitted having learned from the type of companies established during its reign that they aimed too high in their ambitions. Accordingly, it appears UtNo has now changed its course of action completely with the introduction of a new rural approach called Stadslandet (‘The Urban Countryside’). This latest project of UtNo aims to introduce agriculture and animal husbandry into the area as a new way of creating job opportunities. The discussed plans include the establishment of a camel farm, a pig farm and vegetable gardens in the area, a development that allegedly received 388 backing from the local community (Stadslandet, 2014). From this line of reasoning, UtNo’s conclusion would be that ‘if these people are not urban, than they must be rural; maybe a rural approach will be successful’. What it does, however, is to exchange an urban stereotype (high-tech, avant-garde culture) for a highly rural one (farming). 4.3. People’s own perceptions Assuming that the recurring projects deployed in Hjällbo and Hammarkullen are aimed to ease social deprivation, then the focus is clearly on the people. Consequently, a program opting for either an urban or a rural focus inadvertently makes assumptions about what kind of people it is targeting. Given the specific context of the area, it is hence important to both capture and reaffirm the experiences of forced displacement and marginalization: how people structure their relationships with the state, with their cohabitants and with the environment they are part of, whatever the label. In order to understand “how individuals not only frame their own perceptions of exclusion and ‘right to the city’ but also enact this in their daily lives” (Ramakrishnan, 2013: 754), we have conducted a questionnaire study. 80 questionnaire sheets were placed at a local community center, Caritas Hjällbo. Despite being a Catholic organization, Caritas welcomes people of all creeds, hence there are some 300–400 people attending the center every week (it should be noted that according to Caritas, no one from UtNo has ever consulted them regarding the project). 69 filled out questionnaires were returned. So what are the backgrounds, needs, problems and aspirations of these people, and do they match the assumptions postulated by UtNo’s different approaches? The picture presented to us showed neither distinctively rural nor urban characteristics but a wide range of in-between forms. Representing four different continents, similarly diverse can be expected the respondents’ relationship to what it means to be ‘urban’ or ‘rural’2. Given the general problems with integration of immigrants into Swedish society (cf. Sernhede, 2007), it is highly doubtful that the individuals (54%) claiming to come from a ‘major city’ have a Swedish ideal in mind (Table 2 shows the five most common countries of origin). In terms of previous employment (Table 2), only one person had worked in a sector traditionally identified as ‘rural’ (cf. Cloke, 2006); at the same time, none have had a culture-related work position. Instead, the majority had worked in sectors that are neither distinctively rural nor urban, covering a great diversity of jobs. Table 2. Survey: Most commonly stated areas of previous employment and countries of origin. 2 According to Danida (2000), ‘[i]nternational comparisons are difficult, as they may look at settlements which, despite being classed in the same category, may be very different in both population size and infrastructure’. 389 Improving the situation of a certain group of people should take into account their needs and problems; needs in the sense what represents the most urgent dearth in their lives and problems in the sense what adverse situation needs to be changed. A common urgent need seems to be lacking Swedish language skills as only 42% of the individuals stated they were able to speak and read it. What is more striking is that this pertained a cohort were the majority (40 individuals) had lived in Sweden for over 15 years. Other expressed problems were social exclusion, depression, alcohol abuse and domestic violence, with 35% of the individuals having stated to feel bad or very bad mentally and 42% physically (Table 3). Most of these problems can easily be linked to the high level of unemployment among the respondents (54 %), whereof half hardly ever leaves the area (whereof 75% once a month, 15% only once a year and 9% even less than this). It raises the question: what are these people doing all day? Most respondents stated they were members of some form of cultural club (70%) However, only a few of them were concerned with cultural heritage (10%), while most viewed the clubs as a social venue (50%), a spare-time activity (19%) or a platform to increase his or her social status (10%). As such, culture only serves as a canvas for a social microcosm where people can interact in their own language. It hence shows another view of ‘culture’ than that emphasized by Swedish programs like UtNo: it is a pragmatic turn towards a social means rather than some blurred economic asset. Next, in regard to long-term consequences, democratic projects should also correspond to the aspirations of the people concerned. As Table 3 shows, the majority of respondents was content with their current housing situation and was positive towards the future3. When asked what they valued in their lives, the three most common answers were: their family (65%), their children (54%) and their friends (25%), i.e. values shared by the society at large. Table 3. Survey: Respondents’ general well-being and future outlooks. The general picture of our survey was that the people of Hjällbo and Hammarkullen – despite their diverse backgrounds – are not so unlike Swedish people. They would like to be part of the society (to be able to speak the language), to be in control of their lives (not to be dependent on social welfare) and to fulfill themselves vocationally (be able to provide for themselves and their families). The survey also shows an inclination towards “perceived normality” in that 71% neither consider their overall economic situation as poor nor rich, despite clearly hitting the threshold of poverty on general Swedish levels. 5. Dancing tango and herding camels in the face of “normality” The intention of this paper has been to elaborate on what we call ‘an urban bias’ in 3 Noteworthy is that the majority of people have been involved in some sort of violent conflict (most likely being the reason for their