(PDF) Hungaro-Polonica. Young Scholars on Medieval Polish-Hungarian Relations. Ed. Dániel Bagi – Gábor Barabás – Zsolt Máté. Történészcéh Egyesület, Pécs, 2016 | Gábor Barabás, Zsolt Máté, and Daniel Bagi - Academia.edu
Hungaro-Polonica Young Scholars on Medieval Polish-Hungarian Relations Dániel Bagi – Gábor Barabás – Zsolt Máté (ed.) Történészcéh Egyesület Pécs, 2016 Publishing of this book was supported by Re- public of Poland’s Embassy in Budapest. Edited by: щániel Bagi – ьáborХчarabás* – Zsolt żátéВ * The editing of the book was supported by the Hungarian Scientific Research Found (OTKA NN 109690). ВХTheediting of the book was supported byХsupportedХbyХtheХσNźі-16-2-I. New National Excellence Program of the Ministry of Human Capacities. Cover: ZsófiaХżagyar Printing: VirágmandulaХźftг ©ХцuthorsбХ2016 ©ХъditorsбХ2016 ISBN: 978-963-12-7382-3 2 Contents Abbreviations 6 Dániel Bagi 9 Preface Studies Adrien Quéret-Podesta 17 Poland and Hungary in the Chronicle of Adéв mar de Chabannes Marta Graczyńska 33 The Cathedrals – The Problem of Place and Space: Origins and Reasons of their Existence in Central Europe (Hungary, Bohemia and Po- land) Bernadett Benei 49 Contributions to the Study of the 11–12th Cen- tury Texts of the Hungarian Chronicle Angelika Herucová 69 Palatines in the Hungarian Kingdom, Bohe- mian Kingdom and Polish Principalities in the 10th to 13th Century Gábor Barabás 89 Coloman of Galicia and his Polish Relations. The Duke of Slavonia as Protector of Widowed Duchesses 3 Stefan Albrecht 119 Three New Manuscripts of the so Called Chronicon hungarico-polonicum Wojciech Kozłowski 143 International Relations before the Sovereign Territorial State. Modern-StateХчiasХandХtheХÁrв pádian-Piast Relations, 1240-1320 Annamária Érsek 167 The Crypto-portrait in Central Europe in the 14th Century Andrzej Marzec 189 New King and New Elites. The Reign of Louis the Great in Poland 1370–1382 Anna Obara-Pawłowska 225 Polish and Hungarian Economic Relations in the Middle Ages (from the Second Half of the 13th Century to the End of the 14th Century) János Incze 265 360 Years in Pledge. TheХ іledgingХ ofХ theХ SpišХ Region Tomáš Homoľa 291 Polish-Hungarian Rivalry for the Bohemian Crown in the 1460s 4 315 István Kovács шlementХofХTúronyгХPossibilities of a Canon of Southern Baranya in the late Middle Ages Paul Srodecki 327 WładysławХ ююI and the Polish-Hungarian Bul- wark topoi against the Background of the Otto- man Threat in the 15th Century Inna Kubay 357 Repercussion of Hussite Reformation Ideas in the South-Western Rus at the End of the XVth – First Half of the XVIIth Century Authors 379 5 Abbreviations Abbreviations Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon = Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon, ed. Pascale Bourgain, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis vol. 129 (Turnhout, 1999) CDAC = Codex Diplomaticus Arpadianus Continuatus – ÁrpádkoriХ újХ okmánytár. ed. Gustav Wenzel (Budapest, 1860– 1874) CDB = Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris regni Bohemiae, ed. Gus- tav Friedrich et al. (Praha, 1904–2013) CDH = Codex diplomaticus Hungariae, ecclesiasticus ac civilis. ed. ьeorgiusХыejér (Budae, 1829–1866) CDP = Codex diplomaticus Poloniae quo continentur privilegia regum Poloniae, magnorum ducum Litvaniae, bullae pontificum, nec non jura a privatis data, illustrandis domesticis rebus gestis inservitura adhuc nusquam typis exarata, ab antiquissimis inde temporibus usque ad annum 1506, ed. Leon Ryszczewski et al. (Varsaviae, 1847–887) CDPH = Codex Diplomaticus Patrius Hungaricus. Hazai okmánytárбХedгХюmreХNagy et al. (ьyрr – Budapest, 1865–1891) CESDQ = Codex Epistolaris Saeculi Decimi Quinti, 3 vols., ed. цugustХSokołowskiХ– яózefХSzujskiХ– Anatol Lewicki, Monumenta Medii Aevi Historica. Res Gesta Poloniae Illustrantia vols. 2, 12 and 14 (Cracoviae, 1876–1894) DF = MagyarХNemzetiХŻevéltárХOrszágosХŻevéltáraг żohácsХъlрttiХ ьyűjteményг щiplomatikaiХ ыényképgyűjteményХ [HungarianХ National Archive. Photo-Collecton of Diplomatics] DL = Magyar NemzetiХŻevéltárХOrszágosХŻevéltáraгХżohácsХъlрttiХ ьyűjteményгХщiplomatikaiХŻevéltárХ[Hungarian National Archive. Collection of Diplomatics] 6 Abbreviations щługoszХтХщługoszбХяan, Historiae Polonicae libri XII, 5 vols., ed. Aleksander Przezdziecki, яoannisХ щługoszХ SeniorisХ шanoniciХ Cracoviensis Opera Omnia vol. 10–14 (Cracoviae, 1873–1878) DRMH = Decreta regni mediaevalis Hungariae. The Laws of the żedievalХźingdomХofХHungaryХюджгХжеееБжиежбХedгХяánosХżгХчakХ– Leslie S. Domonkos – James Ross Sweeney (Idyllwild, 1999) źщźźХ тХ źodeksХ dyplomatycznyХ katedryХ krakowskiejХ цwгХ WacławaХ [TheХ щiplomaticХ Codex of Wawel Cathedral of Saint Wenceslaus] vol. 1. ed. ыranciszekХіiekosińskiХĐźrakówбХжнмйЮХ źщżХтХźodeksХdyplomatycznyХżałopolskiХ[щiplomaticХшodexХofХ Lesser Poland], vol. 2, ed. Franciszek PiekosińskiХetХ alгХĐźrakówбХ 1876) KDMK = Kodeks dyplomatyczny miasta Krakowa [Diplomatic Codex of the City of Cracow]бХedгХыranciszekХіiekosińskiХĐźrakówбХ 1879–1882) KDW = Kodeks dyplomatyczny Wielkopolski, ed. Ignacy Zakrzewski et al. ĐіoznańбХжнмм–1999) żщъХ тХ żagyarХ diplomacziaiХ emlékekпХ żátyásХ királyХ korábólХ [Hungarian Diplomatic Records: From the Era of King Matthias] vol. юбХedгХюvánХNagyХ– цlbertХчгХNyáriХĐчudapestбХжнмкЮ MGH = Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Hannoverae 1872–) żźŻХтХżátyásХkirályХleveleiбХkülügyiХosztályХvolгХюХ[ŻettersХofХźingХ Matthias, Category Diplomacy volгХ ю]Х edгХ VilmosХ ыraknóiХ Đчudaв pest, 1893) MPH = Monumenta Poloniae Historica, ed. August Bielowski ĐŻwówбХжнлй–1893) MPHSN= Monumenta Poloniae Historica. Series NovaбХĐźraków – Warszawa, 1946–) MVH = Monumenta Vaticana historia regnum Hungariae illus- trantiaбХedгХVilmosХыraknóiХetХalгХĐчudapestбХжннй–) 7 Abbreviations RA = Regesta regum stirpis Arpadianae critico-diplomatica. – Az árpád-háziХ királyokХ okleveleinekХ kritikaiХ jegyzékeбХ ed. Imre SzentpéteryХ– юvánХчorsaг (Budapest, 1923–1987) RGIX тХŻesХregistresХdeХьrégoireХюX. Recueil des bulles de ce pape publiéesХetХanalyséesХd’aprèsХlesХmanuscritsХoriginauxХduХVaticanХ par Lucien Auvray, t. I–IV. (Paris, 1890–1955) RPR = Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, ed. August Potthast. (Ber- lin, 1874) SRH = Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum tempore ducum regumque stirpis Arpadianae gestarum" I–II. ed. Emericus SzentpéteryХĐчudapestiniбХжоим-жоинЮХReprintпХedгХźornélХSzovákХ– ŻászlóХVeszprémyХĐчudapestбХжоооЮ SRS = Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum. Oder Sammlung Schlesischer Geschichtschreiber, ed. Gustav Adolf Stenzel et al. (Breslau, 1835– 1902) Thietmari Chronicon = Thietmari, Merseburgensis episcopi, Chronicon, ed. żarianХZygmuntХяedlickiХĐіoznańбХжоки) Thuróczy, шhronicaХ тХ яánosХ Thuróczy, Chronica Hungarorum. I. TextusбХ edгХ ъrzsébetХ ьalántaiХ – ьyulaХ źristó, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Medii Recentisque Aevorum. Series Nova vol. 7 (Bu- dapest, 1985) VMH = Vetera monumenta historica. Hungariam sacram illustrantia. I–II, ed. Augustinus Theiner (Romae, 1859–1860) ZщżХтХZbiórХdokumentówХmałopolskichХ[шollectionХofХtheХщocuв ments from Lesser Poland], ed. StanisławХ źuraцХ – Irena Sułkowska-źuraцХĐWrocławбХжолз–) ZSO = Zsigmondkori oklevéltárХжинм-1425, I-XII [Cartulary of the Sigismund period 1387–1424, I-Xю]ХedгХюvánХчorsaХ– NorbertХшгХTóthХ – ъlemérХżályuszХetХalгХĐчudapestбХжокж–2013) 8 Dániel Bagi University of Pécs Preface The present volume contains the edited version of papers de- liveredХinХіécsХatХtheХturnХofХSeptemberХandХOctoberХзежкбХonХ theХ occasionХ ofХ theХ “жst żeetingХ ofХ YoungХ żedievalists”Х working on the Medieval History of Hungary and Poland. The workshop was organized by the Institute of History of theХUniversityХofХіécsб jointly with the Department of Medi- evalХ HistoryХ atХ żarieХ шurieХ SkłodowskaХ UniversityХ ofХ Żuв blin, and sponsored by the Embassy of the Republic of Po- landХ inХ чudapestХ asХ wellХ asХ theХ “Historians’Х ьuild”Х ĐTörв ténészcéhЮ atХtheХUniversityХofХіécs. This association, whose membership consists of the present and former students of history, is one of the most powerful student associations at theХUniversityХofХіécsбХbasedХatХtheХюnstituteХofХHistoryг The idea to organize a workshop for the upcoming gen- eration of researchers dealing with Hungarian and Polish re- lations in the Middle Ages, was motivated by many reasons. I started my academic career, influenced by my teachers, with a work on Polish-Hungarian historical relations, and in 1999 I defended my doctoral thesis written on the Polish pol- icy of Louis I of Anjou. While preparing the dissertation and after its defence I started thinking about further possibilities of research on Polish-Hungarian relations in the Middle Ages. It was clear to me, that Polish-Hungarian relations have a huge literature, describing and analysing common 9 щánielХчagiпХіreface historical events affecting the destiny of both countries. However, I had to recognize and admit that this kind of re- search activity could never grow up to establish itself as a historiographical school, as it happened for example to the Bohemian-Polish or German-Polish historical research on medieval subjects. No doubt, the concept of parallelism of Polish and Hungarian History was created not by historians but the nobilities of these countries in the 16th and 17th centu- ries. Poland and the aurea libertas of the Polish nobility granted by royal privileges served as an example to follow for the Hungarian noblemen of that age, since the Hungarian nobility felt to be threatened both by the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy; the first power occupied part of the Kingdom of Hungary, while the latter withheld to pro- vide that rights and privileges to the nobility which were supposed to be necessary for noblemen, who identified themselves with the nation itself. Therefore, the Polish, and later the Polish-Lithuanian nobility became the ideal for their Hungarian contemporaries which con-tributed to the crea- tion of terms describing a similar, or indeed, a same histori- cal development in case of Hungary and Poland. Terms like conformitas, bona vicinitas, and first of all, the idea of the an- termurale christianitatis influenced the thinking of many gen- erations, and coloured not only the imagination of Hungar- ian-Polish relations of the forthcoming centuries, but also had a retrospective effect on the research of the medieval pe- riod of Polish and Hungarian History. Consequently, terms created later on, came to be used for earlier events, which originally had nothing to do with these definitions. These terms were to determine the priority research fields too, and 10 щánielХчagiпХіreface thereby limited the choice of possible approaches to the topic itself, the golden thread of which was related to my doctoral thesis, namely the dynastic relations. One of the possible ways to break out of this state of af- fairs seems to be to place the issue of Hungarian-Polish his- torical relations in a wider context and analyse them com- paratively from a regional perspective, i.e. the East-Central- European horizon. I must admit, this idea is not a brand new one, and in post-war Europe it had two major schools. The first one, created mostly by historians who were forced to emigrate after or before World War II and represented by many Hungarian, Polish, Czech and Slovak Historians, im- agined East-Central-Europe on the pattern of their own his- torical traditions such as the idea of antemurale, (strongly rep- resented for example by Oskar Halecki), or the Great Mora- vian Empire, and the latter tradition was inherited by the modern Czech and Slovak Historiography. The second pat- tern was conceived and developed primary by Marxists in the fifties of the 20th century, who, by trying to avoid any na- tionalХ narrativesбХ createdХ aХ specialХ termбХ “ъast-Central-Eu- rope”бХcharacterizedХbyХso-called struc-tures, such as state- building, structure and development of nobility etc. Despite the Stalinist origins of this conception and the struggles of its earliest representatives to make a sharp discontinuity in na- tional histories, there can be no doubt that the latter ap- proach is more useful. To analyse a historical region from many comparable points of view may result in a new knowledge about distinct subjects of research, as it has been presented in the studies written in the last decades by Ger- man, Polish, Czech, Slovak and Hungarian colleagues. 11 щánielХчagiпХіreface So, I was very glad that beyond Hungarian and Polish younger medievalists there were also colleagues present at the workshop from other countries too, from Slovakia, Ger- many or even France, working on topics placing the history of Hungary and Poland in a wider, not just regional but even European context, and showing new ways of approach to the same topic, emphasizing thereby the the-matic program of the workshop. The papers, printed in this book, are of different in con- tent and nature, but the scale is pretty wide: it ranges from political history to iconography and ecclesiastical history, in- cluding Medieval Latin philology, research on narrative sources, history of art, and even economic history. Obvi- ously, the texts are of different scholarly level. Some of them are products of prospective or even defended doctoral the- ses, others represent graduate or even undergraduate aca- demic level, and others again have been written by research- ers, academic colleagues with a longer professional experi- ence. Despite all differences regarding length, the-matic va- riety, diverse methodological approaches, all papers pre- sented in the recent volume are supposed to be either a be- ginning or a new step of individual research interests. Finally, I would like to express my acknowledgment to the co-editorsХofХtheХbookбХщrгХьáborХчarabásбХResearchХцsв sistant at the Department of Medieval and Early Modern HistoryбХandХZsoltХżátéбХіhщХstudentХatХtheХщepartmentХofХ Contemporary History, who, despite their different research interests, helped enthusiastically to find financial resources to organize the meeting and cover edition costs. Without their consilium and auxilium neither the workshop nor this 12 щánielХчagiпХіreface volume could have been organized and edited. Last but not least, I have to express my gratitude to the Faculty of Hu- manitiesХofХtheХUniversityХofХіécsХforХhostingХtheХwork-shop in the academic facilities. 13 Studies Adrien Quéret-Podesta University of Olomuc іolandХandХHungaryХinХtheХшhronicleХofХцdéв mar de Chabannes Introduction TheХ descriptionХ ofХ SaintХ цdalbertХ andХ чrunoХ ofХ їuerfurt’sХ missions and of the events linked to them in the third book of the Chronicle written in the eleventh century by цdémarХ de Chabannes is one of the most problematic sources con- cerning the oldest history of Poland and Hungary. For a long time, this fragment was often considered as a twelfth century interpolation and scholars gave little credit to this account; moreover, the presence of numerous mistakes and confu- sionsХinХцdémar's work also contributed to enhance this lack of trust. However, we can see in the most recent history of the scholar discussion on this text that its authenticity is now widely recognized thanks to codilogical and paleographical discoveries. We can also notice a significant rise of the inter- est for this text: several scholars focussed on the episode of theХdonationХofХшharlemagne’sХgoldenХthroneХtoХчolesławХюХ of Poland by the emperor Otto юююХandХonХtheХ“storyХofХtheХ lance”1 but other specialists also studied the description of 1See for instance źnutХьörichбХOttoХюююгХöffnetХdasХźarlsgrabХinХцachenгХ ÜberlegungenХ zuХ HeiligenverehrungХ undХ TraditionsbildungбХ ьerdХ Althoff, Ernst SchubertбХ HerrschaftsrepräsentationХ imХ ottonischenХ SachsenбХ VorträgeХ undХ ыorschungenХ йлХ ĐSigmaringenХ жоонЮХ инж–430; 17 Hungaro-Polonica Saint цdalbert’sХmissionгХHoweverбХцdémarХofХшhabannes’Х presentation of Central Europe received less attention from the historians, even though they often underlined the nu- merous mistakes made by the chronicler. In spite of this situation, an analysis of the information concerning Poland and Hungary in the 31st chapter of the thirdХ bookХ ofХ цdémarХ deХ шhabannes’Х шhronicleХ canХ bringХ some interesting results, especially if we take into consider- ation the origin of this author. He lived indeed very far from the described areas, much further than Thietmar of Merse- burg for instance; we shall then examine the influence of this situation on his text, and his examination must be completed by a reflexion on the nature of the sources he could have at his disposal. In order to answer to those questions, the first partХofХourХstudyХwillХanalyseХцdémar’sХhistoricalХandХgeoв graphical description of Poland and Hungary at the turn of the first and the second millennium A. D, whereas the sec- ond part will try to determine the nature of the sources used by the chronicler, a task which we will lead us to examine carefullyХtheХlinkХbetweenХцdémar’sХchronicleХandХtheХnowХ lost Liber de passione sancti Adalberti. ŻüdgerХźörntgenбХTheХъmperorХandХhisХыriendsпХtheХOttonianХRealmХinХtheХ Year 1000, in Europe around the Year 1000, ed. ігХUrbańczykХĐWarszawaбХ 2002) 465–йннрХ цndrzejХ іleszczyńskiбХ іolandХ asХ anХ allyХ ofХ theХ HolyХ ottonianХ empireбХ inХ ъuropeХ aroundХ theХ YearХ жееебХ edгХ ігХ UrbańczykХ (Warszawa, 2002) 409–426. 18 Hungaro-Polonica I. Informations about Poland and Hungary in Adé- mar’s Chronicle. The fragment concerning Central Europe in the 31st chapter ofХtheХthirdХbookХofХцdémarХdeХшhabannes’ХChronicle begins with the presentation of the two mains protagonists: Saint Adalbert et Bruno de Querfurt, who the author seems to con- fuse with Bruno of Augsburg (and to a lesser extent with чrunoХofХSaintХьallЮгХцdémar continues his parallel narration since he describes the modest way of life of Adalbert, his con- versation with the emperor Otto III and its decision to go the polliana provincia; he relates also Bruno’sХ decisionХ toХ goХ toХ mission to the province of White Hungary, which according to our chronicler is called this way in order not to be con- fused with Black Hungary, whose inhabitants are “of the same dark colour as the Ethiopians”. After that, our author focussed once more on Adalbert. He mentions that the formerХчishopХofХіragueХĐforХцdémar: archbishop) converted four provinces to faith: “Polliana”, “Sclavania”, “Waredonia”, and “Cracovia”, and he also de- scribes his martyrdom by the Pincenati. Our chronicler also underlines the fact that his body was finally acquired by “the king of Sclavania Botesclavus”, which must of course be iden- tified with Boleslas the Brave, first king of Poland. Adémar then returns to Bruno and ascribes to him the conversion of Russia, the baptism of the king of Hungary Gouz/Stephen, an associationХofХnameХwhichХprovesХthatХцdémar confused SaintХStephenХofХHungaryХwithХhisХfatherХьézaгХHeХalsoХaddsХ that in this occasion the Emperor Otto gave Stephen the spear of Saint Maurice and a Nail of the Holy Cross. After 19 Hungaro-Polonica thisбХ theХ chroniclerХ describesХ чruno’sХ missionХ toХ theХ Pin- cenati, his martyrdom and the fate of his remains. цdémar relates then the miraculous way in which Char- lemagne’sХ tombХ wasХ foundХ byХ OttoХ theХ ThirdХ andХ reportsХ that Otto sentХшharlemagne’sХьoldenХThroneХtoХtheХkingХBo- tesclavus, in order to get a relic from Saint Adalbert; our chronicler finally mentions that king Botesclavus accepted this gift and sent him one arm of the former bishop of Pra- gue.2 This short description of theХtextХprovesХthatХцdémar’sХ knowledge of the territories located East of the Ottonians Lands is quite weak. He does mention neither rivers nor mountains from this area and presents all the political enti- ties, be it duchy, kingdom or even lands inhabited by pagan tribes, using the word “provintia”, which suggests a lack of knowledge about the real nature of those territories. Moreo- verбХhisХsentenceХaboutХчruno’sХconversionХofХRussiaХisХnotХ clear and some researchers stated that our chronicler saw Russia as a part of Hungary. His knowledge of the pagan tribes is not better since he obviously confuses the Prussians and the Petchenegs. We must finally underline that he men- tionsХ onlyХ oneХ townбХ іragueбХ ĐinХ цdémar’sХ workпХ Pragra) which he located “in provintia Bevehem” (Bohemia); we must also note that Prague appears twice in that fragment, the first time as a civitas, the second time as an urbs, which might sug- gestХthatХцdémarХdidХnotХreallyХknowХhowХtoХdescribeХtheХ capitalХcityХofХtheХіфemyslidХstate. 2 Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon III, 31. 20 Hungaro-Polonica цdémar’s presentation of Hungary and Hungarian his- tory contains some serious mistakes: he confuses Bruno of Querfurt with two other ecclesiastics bearing the same name, and gives to Stephen the name of his father (According to ThietmarХofХżerseburgбХStephen’sХpagan name was Wajk). However, his mention of the provintiae of White Hungary and Black Hungary showsХthatХцdémarХknewХaboutХtheХexв istence of the Black Hungarians, also mentioned in some of чruno’sХofХїuerfurt’sХwritings3 but his attribution of a darker colour to the Black Hungarians is not confirmed by those sources. The existence of White Hungary is suggested main- ly by later sources, which the chronicler could not have knownбХandХalsoХindirectlyХbyХtheХnameХofХtheХcityХofХSzékéв sfehérvárбХ whoseХ Latin name, Alba Regia, may have been known to our chronicler. цdémar’sХdescriptionХofХtheХlandsХchristianisedХbyХцdalв bert is also fairly surprising. Indeed, the simultaneous appa- rition of the terms “Polliana” –a deformation of “Polonia”, which meansХ“іoland” since the beginning of the eleventh century–, and ”Cracovia”, is quite problematic. Although we can not formally exclude the possibility that he used the word “Polliana” in a narrower meaning, namely “Greater Po- land”, it seems more likely that our chronicler did not really knew that Cracow area belonged to Polonia. The apparition of the word “Sclavonia”, whose meaning changes frequently in the medieval sources, is also difficult to conciliate with the 3See Epistola Brunonis ad Heinricum Regem and Vita Quinque Fratrum Eremitarum [seu] Vita et Passio Benedicti et Johannis et sociorumque suorumХ auctoreХ чrunoneХ їuerfurtensiХ edгХ яadwigaХ źarwasińskaбХ inпХ MPHSN IV, part 3 (Warszawa, 1973) 21 Hungaro-Polonica other terms, but the mention that its king was Botesclavus suggest it refers to some area ruled by Boleslas the Brave. However, the most enigmatic name mentioned by цdémar in his list of the lands christianised by Adalbert is clearly the third one, that is to say “Waredonia”: some researchers, like the editors of the Chronicle in the MGH, suggested that it could be distorted form of the word Wenedonia (land of the Veneds/Vends=Western Slavs), whereas others try to link it to the Varangians, but it is also possible that this word has another meaning: it could indeed be linked with the river Warta,4 which is mentioned inХThietmar’sХшhronicleХasХtheХ limit of the territories for which Mieszko I had to pay a trib- ute to the emperor.5 The list of lands christianised by Adalbert according to цdémar of Chabannes remains thus a puzzle quite difficult to solve, but we must add that geographical precision was clearlyХnotХourХchronicler’sХpriorityХwhenХheХwroteХthisХlistгХ As already underlined by several researchers, like for in- stance the author of the introduction to the last edition of цdémar’sХ шhronicleХ іascaleХ чourgain, the whole fragment concerning Saint Adalbert and Bruno of Querfurt has a ra- ther strong hagiographical character.6 In this context, the en- vironment of the missionaries was by far less important that their actions or the circumstances of their deaths. Therefore, this enigmatic list must also be analysed from this point of 4 HypothesisХ proposedХ byХ щrХ RafałХ SimińskiХ duringХ an informal discussionХinХхrodaХхląskaХtheХзйthХofХOctoberХзеенХafterХmyХpaperХforХtheХ conferenceХЧTerraХcognitaЧХorganisedХbyХtheХuniversityХofХWrocławгХ 5 Thietmari Chronicon II, 19. 6 Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon, introduction LVIII. 22 Hungaro-Polonica view; with this new angle, the most important element ap- pears to be not the lands in themselves but their number,7 and we must keep in mind fact that our chronicler himself clearly indicates this number (“[…] quattuor istas provincias”). The number four has indeed a very strong symbolical mean- ing associated with the idea of universality, and examples of geographical description construction in four parts in order to suggest universality are well known around the year 1000: we can quote for instance the famous miniature of the Evan- geliar of Reichenau, which displays an allegoric presentation of (from left to right) Sclavinia, Germania, Gallia and Roma,8 or the famous text of Gerbert of Aurillac containing the excla- mation: “nostrum, nostrum est imperium Romanum!” and a list mentioning Italia, Gallia, Germania andХ“the powerful king- dom of the Scythes”.9 In this context the presence of four el- ements in the list has to prove the importance of the Chris- tianisation work of Adalbert and to present him as kind of “Apostle of the Slavs”; however, the question of the real mean- ing of the geographical terms was clearly far less important for our chronicler. 7 A similar case of using numbers while giving informations of geographic natureХ canХ beХ seenХ inХ цdémar’sХ descriptionХ ofХ юrelandпХ цdemariХ Cabannensis Chronicon III, 55. 8 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliotek, manuscript number 4453, folio 23 v. This comparaison also appears in цdémarХdeХшhabannesбХшhronique, ed. and transl. Y. Chauvin – G. Pon. (Turnhout, 2003) 237, note 305. 9 Lettres de Gerbert, ed. Julien Havet (Paris, 1889) 237. 23 Hungaro-Polonica II. Adémar’s sources and the problem of the Liber de passione sancti Adalberti. Although Hungary and Poland are mainly the background of the story of Adalbert and Bruno and the precise descrip- tion of those areasХwasХnotХaХpriorityХforХцdémar, this fact in itself does not explain all the confusions and inexact ele- ments of this fragment. This situation is clearly linked with the sources used by our chronicler, and a significant number ofХ specialistsХ affirmХ thatХ цdémarХ wasХ informedХ orallyХ byХ some foreign travellers: іascaleХчourgainХsuggestsХthatХцdéв mar’sХinformatorХcouldХhaveХbeenХsomeХьermanХclerkбХwhoХ would have also informed him about the foundation of the bishopric of Bamberg in 1007,10 whereas Darius Baronas states that it could have two Greek monks from the Sinai.11 However, we cannot exclude the possibility that цdémar’s owned at least a part of this information to one participant ofХtheХpilgrimageХofХtheХшountХofХцngoulêmeбХwhoХtravelledХ to Holy Land via Bavaria and Hungary and whose greeting in Hungary by the king Stephen is mentioned in one of the lastХchaptersХofХцdémar’sХwork.12 The 31st chapterХofХtheХthirdХbookХцdemar’sХшhronicle is also frequently mentioned as one of the works influenced by theХsoХcalledХ“Liber de passione sancti Adalberti”Хquoted by the chronicler Gallus Anonymus in his description of the encoun- ter of Gniezno between Otto the Third and Boleslas the 10 Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon, introduction LVII–LVIII and LXIX. 11 Darius Baronas, The year 1009: St Bruno of Querfurt between Poland and Rus, Journal of Mediaeval history 34 (2008) 13. 12 Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon III, 65. 24 Hungaro-Polonica Brave.13 We can indeed find some similarities between the textХofХцdémarХand the work of the Gallus Anonymus,14 spe- cially concerning the exchange of gifts between the emperor and the Central European rulers: Ademari Cabannensis Gallus Anonymus, Chronicon, III, 31 Chronica sive gesta ducum et principium Polonorum, I, 6 …regnum ei liberrime habere …Х et pro vexillo triumphali permisit, clavum dans ei licentiam ferre lanceam ei de cruce domini cum lancea sacram sancti ubique, sicut imperatori mos Mauritii dono dedit, pro est, et quibus illi reliquias ex clavis Domini et Bolizlauus sancti Adalberti lanceam brachium sancti Mauricii ei concessit in Redonavit. propria lancea. […] Solium eius aureum imperator Oto direxit regi Botisclavo pro reliquiis 13 […]Х sicut in libro de passione martiris potest propensius inveniri. – Galli Anonymi Chronicae et Gesta ducum sive principum Polonorum, ed. K. żaleczyńskiбХinХżіHSNХз ĐźrakówбХжокзЮ I, 6. 14 SeeХ forХ instanceХ щánielХ чagiбХ źrólowieХ węgierscyХ wХ źroniceХ ьallaХ Anonima [Hungarian Kings in The Chronicle of the Gallus Anonymus] ĐźrakówбХ зеенЮХ мм–нйХ ĐinХ HungarianХ щánielХ чagiбХ ьallusХ цnonymusХ ésХ żagyarországХ[TheХьallusХцnonymusХandХHungary]ХĐчudapestбХзеекЮЮХ 25 Hungaro-Polonica sancti Adalberti martiris. Rex autem Botisclavus, accepto dono, misit imperatori brachium de corpore eiusdem sancti… The comparison of those two texts shows two main analo- gies, but also two important differences. The first analogy is of course the fact that spear by the Emperor is presented by both authors as the spear of Saint Maurice and that the spear came with a nail from the Holy cross; the second one is the mention by both texts that Boleslas the Brave gave an arm of Adalbert to the emperor. The first main difference is the identity of the person who receivesХtheХspearХgivenХbyХtheХъmperorпХforХцdémarбХitХwasХ Saint Stephen of Hungary, whereas the Gallus Anonymus states that it was Boleslas the Brave. The second difference, which is linked to the first, concerns the nature of the gift given by the Emperor to Boleslas the Brave: according to цdémarбХtheХіiastХrulerХreceivedХthe golden throne of Char- lemagne but the Gallus Anonymus mentions that the gift given to Boleslas was the spear of Saint Maurice. The presence in both chronicles of the same description of the spear and of the mention that Boleslas gave the arm of Saint Adalbert to the Emperor helps us to determinate the origin of those information: since they both appear only in our two chronicles, they probably come from the only source which seems to have been used by both authors, namely the so-called Liber de passione sancti Adalberti, which is now lost 26 Hungaro-Polonica butХwhoseХexistenceХandХuseХbyХцdémarХdeХшhabannesХandХ the Gallus Anonymus are accepted by a majority of research- ers. The work of the anonymous chronicler being more reli- ableХthatХцdémar’sХchronicleХinХthatХmatterбХweХcanХthenХconв clude that this in all likelihood, the lost Liber de Passione con- tained a description of the encounter between Boleslas and Otto the Third during which the Polish ruler gave the arm of Adalbert to the emperor who gave him a spear, which was probably described in this lost source as the spear of Saint Maurice with the nail of the Holy Cross. However, this attempt of reconstitution does not really explainХwhyХцdémar wrote that the Emperor gave the spear to Saint Stephen and the Golden throne of Charlemagne to Boleslas. In his monography on the chronicle of the Gallus Anonymus, щánielХчagiХwroteХthatХitХisХunlikelyХtheХLiber de passione described the gift of both a Polish and a Hungarian spear but he adds that theoretically this possibility cannot be ruled out and he underlines that since we do not know the text of the Liber de passione, we can only make suppositions15. With those methodological warnings in mind, I would like to present here a possible scenario for the explanation of the differencesХbetweenХtheХfragmentХwrittenХbyХцdémar and its counterpart into Gallus’s Chronicle. As already mentioned above, in the chapter 65 of his last bookбХцdémarХdescribesХtheХpilgrimageХofХtheХшountХofХцnв goulêmeХinХжезлбХandХmentionsХthatХheХwasХgreetedХinХHunв gary by the king Stephen.16 It is then possibleХthatХцdémarХ 15щánielХчagiбХźrólowieХwęgierscyбХнигХ 16“Stephanus rex Ungriae cum omni honore eum suscepit et muneribus ditavit.”Х – Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon III, 65. 27 Hungaro-Polonica was informed by one member of the retinue of the Count, who stopped at Limoges (moreover, we shall also keep in mindХ thatХ цdemarХ hasХ beenХ monkХ atХ SaintХ шybardХ d’цnв goulêmeХandХhadХcloseХtiesХwithХtownЮ,17 that the Hungarian king had a spear as an insigne of power, a fact that is clearly provenХ byХ SaintХ Stephen’sХ portrayalХ onХ theХ casula of SzékesfehérvárбХ whichХ howeverХ wasХ embroideredХ onlyХ inХ 1031,18 and by the denary bearing the inscription LANCEA REGIS.19 OnХtheХotherХhandбХцdémar probably knew the ac- count of the Liber de passione concerning the encounter be- tween Otto the third and Boleslas the Brave, although it is likely his source of knowledge came from oral transmission, perhaps from the same person that would have informed him about the foundation of the bishopric of Bamberg, alt- hough it is not certain. We can then propose the hypothesis that our chronicler saw an apparent contra-diction in those two accounts and try to correct it by attributing the spear given to Saint Stephen of Hungary; However this would have let Boleslas without present and this could explain why 17 “Divertit per Lemovicam revertens […]” – Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon III, 65. 18 ÉvaХźovácsбХ„Die Kasel von StuhlweiӥenburgХĐSzékesfehérvarЮХundХdieХ Bamberger Paramente”, Europas Mitte um 1000, ed. A. Wieczorek – H. Hinz, Tome 2, (Stuttgart, 2000) 640–651. 19 On this topic see ŻászlóХźovács ”Die Heilige Lanze Ungarns”, Europas Mitte um 1000, ed. A. Wieczorek – H. Hinz, Tome 2 (Stuttgart, 2000) 902– 903; Marek Dulinicz, ”ŻanceaХ sacraгХ WędrówkaХ ideiХ iХ przedmiotów” [ŻanceaХsacraгХTheХwanderingХofХideasХandХobjects]бХinХWędrówkiХrzeczy i ideiХwХцredniowieczuХ[TheХwanderingsХofХthingsХandХideasХinХtheХżiddleХ цges]бХ edгХ SгХ żoѐdziochХ ĐWrocławбХ зеей) 71–72, 74; StanisławХ Suchodolski, ”WłoczniaХцwiętegoХStefana” [The Spear of Saint Stephen], Kwartalnik historyczny CXII (2005) 91–107. 28 Hungaro-Polonica цdémar ascribed him the throne of Charlemagne, an ele- mentХwhichХappearsХonlyХinХцdémar’sХchronicleХbutХwhichХ is obviously based on the opening of Charlemagne by Otto the third, a fact documented by Thietmar’sХшhronicle,20 and thatХцdémar could have heard of from one his sources. III. Conclusion As the present communication aimed to show, the analysis of the information concerning Poland and Hungary given in the 31st chapterХ ofХ theХ thirdХ bookХ ofХ цdémar’sХ Chronicle in order to determine their sources is a very difficult task, not only because of the numerous mistakes contained in this fragmentбХbutХalsoХofХitsХnatureХandХofХitsХauthor’sХgoalsгХTheХ rather marked hagiographical dimension of this chapter has been indeed stressedХbyХsomeХspecialistsХofХцdémar’sХworksХ and the remarks made above lead us to confirm this view. The tone of this fragment is of course to be put in relationship with the use of a hagiographical source such as the so-called Liber de Passione Sancti Adalberti by our chronicler, although he had probably only an indirect access to this text. It is also likelyХthatХцdémar had more than one source of information about the lands in which Saint Adalbert and Bruno of Quer- furt led their missions around the yearХ жееерХ thisХ “doubleХ channel” would explains some particularities of the text, like for instance the differences betweenХцdémar‘sХversionХofХtheХ “storyХ ofХ theХ spear” and the version of this event in the 20 Thietmari Chronicon IV, 29. 29 Hungaro-Polonica chronicle of the Gallus Anonymus, but this seducing hypoth- esis does not explain all the singularities of this fragment. Bibliography Sources Editions and traductions of Adémar’s Chronicle Ademari Cabannensis Chronicon, ed. Pascale Bourgain. Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis vol. 129 (Turnhout, 1999). цdémar de Chabannes, Chronique, ed. Yves Chauvin – Georges Pon, (Turnhout, 2003). Other written sources: ъpistolaХчrunonisХadХHeinricumХRegemбХedгХяadwigaХźarwasińskaбХżonв umenta Poloniae Historica Nova Serie, Volume IV, part 3, (Warsaw, 1973). Galli Anonymi Chronicae et Gesta ducum sive principum Polonorum, ed. źarolХżaleczyńskiбХMonumenta Poloniae Historica Nova Serie,, Volume II, (Cracow, 1952). Lettres de Gerbert, ed. Julien Havet, (Paris, 1889). Thietmari, Merseburgensis episcopi, Chronicon, ed. Marian Zygmunt Jed- lickiбХĐіoznańбХжокиЮ. Vita Quinque Fratrum Eremitarum [seu] Vita et Passio Benedicti et Johan- nis et sociorumque suorum auctore Brunone Querfurtensi, ed. Jadwiga źarwasińskaбХżonumentaХіoloniaeХHistoricaХNovaХSerieбХVolumeХюVбХpartХ 3, (Warsaw, 1973). 30 Hungaro-Polonica Other sources: Denary with the inscription LANCEA REGISпХŻajosХHúszarбХMünzkatalog Ungarn von 1000 bis heute, (Munich 1979) 31, number 2. Miniature of the Evangeliar of Reichenau with the allegorical representation of Sclavinia, Germania, Gallia and Roma: Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliotek, manuscript number 4453, folio 23 v. Secondary literature щánielХчagiбХźrólowieХwęgierscyХwХźroniceХьallaХцnonima [Hungarian Kings in The Chronicle of the Gallus Anonymus], (źraków, 2008). 31 Marta Graczyńska Jagellonian University, Cracow The Cathedrals – The Problem of Place and Space: Origins and Reasons of their Existence in Cen- tral Europe (Hungary, Bohemia and Poland) One of the most important and fundamental places related to the Christian liturgy are cathedrals. Since the beginning of Christianity, due to their function, cathedrals have played an essential role for religious communities. Each cathedral was reserve of a bishop – the only person who was entitled to administer the sacraments of baptism, marriage, and confir- mationгХчishops’ХdutiesХalsoХincludedХtheХadministrationХofХ the priesthood sacrament and taking a care of the lower clergy. Apart from the ecclesiastical responsibilities, a bishop also had legislative duties – his authority extended over all of the faithful within his diocese.1 And thus it is explained why that the Greek term ἐӳίӶκӲӳӲӵХĐbishopЮХmeansХalsoпХaХ 1 югeгХяerzyХStrzelczykбХ“NiektóreХproblemyХchrystianizacjiХъuropyХwczes - noцredniowiecznej”Х[Christianization of Europe. Selected Issues], in Nihil superХ fluumХ esseгХ іraceХ zХ dziejówХ цredniowieczaХ ofiarowaneХ profгХ ягХ źrzyђaniakowej, ed. J. Strzelczyk – ягХ щoboszХ ĐіoznańбХ зеееЮХ лж–84; щariuszХцndrzejХSikorskiбХ„żodelХmisjiХzaХczasówХцwгХчrunona”Х[Type of Missionary Work in St. Brouno Days], in хwiętyХчrunonгХPatron lokalny czyХ symbolХjednoцciХ ъuropyХ iХ powszechnoцciХ źoцciołaбХ edгХ A. Kopiczko (Olsztyn, 2009) 51–73. 33 Hungaro-Polonica guardian, protector, supervisor. To become a bishop one had to be at least thirty years old.2 And as mentioned above, the place associated with a bishop was a cathedral (Greek: κӤθέδӴӤЮг3 In a literal translation, a bishop wasХ‘sittingХonХtheХ cathedral’Х– a term deriving from the fact that originally the worldХ‘cathedral’ХreferredХonlyХtoХaХchairХorХaХthroneХraisedХ above floor level. Gradually, with time, the term was trans- ferred to the building in which the chair/throne was located. We can suppose that during the development and growth of Christianity, in the areas that used to belong to the Roman Empire, bishops and the places of their governance were one of the most important elements of the social order. The 7th century Church organisation, in the 10th century expanded further East - to the newly Christianised areas of Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland. The three states had been undergoing some rapid social, cultural, and political changes already since the mid-9th century, due to both external and internal impulses, pressures, and forces. One of dynamic fac- tors was the introduction of Christianity – an element that left a very distinctive mark on these countries. Dukes of the ruling dynasties in these states. i.e. Arpads, Premyslids, and Piasts, adopted Christianity and opened their countries to transformation. The religious change required the creation 2 The exception was St Adalbert for political reasons, run by i.e. Gerard ŻabudaбХ хwietyХ WojciechгХ Biskup - żęczennikгХ іatronХ іolskiбХ шzechХ iХ WęgierХ[StХцdalbertгХTheХчishopХ- Martyr. Patron of Poland, Bohemia and Hungary] ĐWrocławбХзеееЮгХ 3 żonicaХшhielliniХNariбХ“шathedra”бХinХъncyclopediaХofХtheХżiddleХцgesбХ ed. A. Vauchez – B. Dobson – M. Lapidge (Cambridge, 2000) 257–258. And particularly with quoted written sources Jan Frederik Niermeyer, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus. Abbreviariones at index fontum (Leiden – New York – źölnбХжоомЮХжкнг 34 Hungaro-Polonica of suitable and right conditions for conducting evangelisa- tionХofХtheХsubjectedХtoХtheХdukes’ХpeoplesбХwhichХincludedХ creating forХeachХareaХtheХarchbishop’sХmetropolisХandХdioв ceses. The creation of sovereign Church organizations in the Pi- astsХandХцrpads’ХstatesХafterХtheХyearХжеееХsignificantlyХinfluв enced the prestige of the rulers – and thus it also changed the meaning of the rule itself. The changes occurred also in places chosen as the seats of bishops; as these became centres for the most important elements of power at that time – sec- ular, belonging to a duke or a king; and religious, tied with the office of a bishop.4 The described process was reflected in the architectural forms of palatia, episcopia, and churches. Remains of bishops andХdukes’ХpalacesХĐpalatia and episcopia) either are not pre- served or have not been discovered yet;5 and thus, the struc- tures available for study (archaeology-wise and by histori- ans of art) are the churches. Importantly, often-times the churches consisted not only of single buildings, but formed so called cathedral groups/complexes – a baptistery and 4 Gerard Labuda, “ZakresХuprawnieńХwładczychХnadХźoцciołemХpolskimХ nadanymХ przezХ OttonaХ юююХ księciuХ чolesławowiХ шhrobremuХ wХ rгХ жеее”бХ [The Scope of Governmental Authority over the Polish Church Organization given by Otto III to Duke Boleslaw the Brave in the Year 1000], Rocznik Historyczny 64 (1998) 7–12. 5 OrХwasХjustХdisoveredХasХinХіoznańХ‘щąbrówka’ХіallatiumбХrunХbyХHannaХ źočka-źrenzбХ “іalatiaХ wczesnopiastowskie”бХ inХ хredniowiecze w rozjaцnieniuбХ[іalatiaХinХtheХъarlyХіiastХъraХinХшlarifyХtheХżiddleХцges]ХedгХ źгХSkupieńskiХĐWarszawaбХзежеЮХжжо–жизрХHannaХźočka-źrenzбХіoznańХinХ theХжеthХшenturyХĐіoznańбХзежжЮг 35 Hungaro-Polonica smaller churches concentrated around a Canonical cathe- dral.6 The founders of the churches were in general secular rul- ers – they were also responsible for the maintenance of these religious buildings.7 For them the cathedrals were not only the seats for bishopric responsibilities and authority, but also and in fact mainly they were for the rules the places for os- tentation and for legitimating and of their secular power.8 In the main, the churches were erected within relatively narrow span of time after setting the metropolis. But as indi- cated by archaeological research, the establishment of a bish- opric was not synonymous in time with the commencement of its church construction (i.e. of a cathedral). Such infor- mation comes from the dating of archaeological remains (sci- entific absolute dating, stratigraphy, and ceramic pottery da- ting) when compared with written sources (for instance: in- formation about a date of the consecration of a church or of its main altar).9 It is worth pointing out here an important factor strongly influencing the available for the study information. Analyses of cathedrals centres history show that, due to for instance a 6 яacquesХThiébautбХ“шathedral”бХinХъncyclopediaХofХtheХżiddleХцgesбХed. A. Vauchez – B. Dobson – M. Lapidge (Cambridge, 2000) 258–259. 7 Sible de Blaauw, Cathedral in The Oxford Dictionary of the Middle Ages Vol. I, ed. R. E. Bjork (Oxford, 2010) 353. 8 How cathedrals were important for ostentation the secular power have beenХshowХbyХexampleХofХHradХandХVyšehradХinХіragueбХrunХbyХцndrzejХ іleszczyńskiбХ іrzestrzeńХ iХ politykaгХ StudiumХ rezydencjiХ władcyХ wczeцniejszegoХ цredniowieczaгХ іrzykładХ czeskiegoХ WyszehraduбХ [Space and Politics. Early Medieval Rulers Residence. Example of the Czech Vysegrad. Case Study] (Lublin, 2000). 9 I.e. Fontes rerum Bohemicarum vol. II, ed. Josef Emler (Praha, 1874) 110– 111, 138. 36 Hungaro-Polonica fire and wars, the religious buildings were often subjected to considerable destructions. But their very important function – aХvisibleХsignХofХaХruler’sХsovereignty – influenced decisions of their sometimes repetitive reconstruction and rebuilding. And thus appeared stratigraphical architectural complexes, with phases of the same building erected above and on re- mains of the previous ones. This is also one of the reasons why archaeological excavation in cathedrals are truly diffi- cult to conduct and frequently the research is not possible. The negative excavation conditions naturally contribute to sometimes uncertain and inconclusive recognition and inter- pretation of the examined remains. The independent province of Church organisation in the Arpads state was created in the year 1001. Before this mo- ment, between 997 and 1001, the bishopric in Veszprem was created. It is assumed it have been a part of the archbishopric of Salzburg.10 On the basis of establishing archbishopric in Esztergom (1001) a network of subordinate bishoprics with the seats in VeszprémбХьyрrбХъgerХwasХformedгХцfterХжееоХnextХbishopв rics seats were created, in Kalocsa (as a titular archbishopric till the beginning of the 1160'sЮбХ ьyрrбХ іécsбХ ъgerХ wasХ formed.11 10 ŻászlóХ źosztaбХ ЧХ StateХ іowerХ andХ ъcclesiasticalХ SystemХ inХ ъleventhХ Century Hungary (An Outline to the Dynamics of the Development of Hungarian Christian Church)", in "In my spirit and thought I remained a European of Hungarian origin". Medieval Historical Studies in Memory of Zoltan J. Kosztolnyik, ed. I. Petrovics – SгХ ŻгХ TóthХ – E. A. Congdon, (Szeged 2000) 67–78. 11 ŻászlóХKoszta, ъsztergomХésХźalocsaХkapcsolataХaХжж–жзгХszázadbanгХĐцzХ egységesХ magyarХ egyháztartományХ megosztásaЮХ [TheХ Relation of Esztergom and Kalocsa. The Division of the Uniform Hungarian 37 Hungaro-Polonica The network structure became denser since the 1040s, withХtheХfoundingХofХbishopricsХinХцlbaХюuliaбХчiharбХшsanádбХ VácбХNitraбХandХbetweenХженм–1091 in Zagreb, the last bish- opric seat was created. The forms of cathedrals erected in theses centres are known mainly from the results of archaeological excavation that started at the beginning of the 19th century and some of these still carry on till nowadays.12 The archaeological work resulted in uncovering remains of cathedrals in Esztergom, źalocsaбХVeszprémбХіécsбХъgerбХцlbaХюuliaбХandХVácХĐdatedХtoХ 11th century). Remains of other cathedrals – as they are known to exist from written and from iconographic sources – haveХnotХyetХbeenХuncoveredХĐiгeгХшsanádЮгХъvenХthough, the archaeological excavations revealed only fragments of the architectural complexes, we are still able to establish in approximation the original form of the early-Arpads cathe- drals.13 They were three-aisles basilicas, but excluding the case of Kalocsa where the numbers of aisles are still under discussion.14 The forms of their eastern parts can be divided into two types. The first had all three naves ended with apses ĐasХinХъsztergomбХъgerбХandХprobablyХalsoХinХVác15). In this Ecclesiastical Province], in Lux Pannonie. ъsztergomХ azХ ezerХ évesХ kulturálisХmetropolisбХedгХюгХHorváthХĐъsztergomХзеежЮХкм–63. 12 чélaХ ZsoltХ SzakácsбХ “TheХ ResearchХ onХ RomansequeХ цrchitectureХ inХ HungaryпХцХшriticalХOverviewХofХtheХŻastХTwentyХYears”бХцrteХżedievaleХ 4 (2005) 31–44. 13 чélaХZsoltХSzakácsбХ“шathedralsХinХtheХъarly XIIIth шenturyХinХHungary”бХ in Secolul al XIII-leaгХіeХżeleagurileХŻocuiteХdeХшătreХRomâniбХedгХцгХцгХ Rusu (Cluj-Napoca, 2006) 179–205. 14 Current, unpublished fieldwork results by Gergely чuzásг 15 ьergelyХ чuzásбХ “іestХ megyeХ középkoriХ művészetiХ emlékei”Х [The Medieval Art Remains of Pest County], in іestХmegyeХmonográfiájaХюдз, ed. A. Zsoldos (Budapest, 2001) 223–254. 38 Hungaro-Polonica caseХtheХapses’ХwallsХwere transferring each other smoothly without any faults and distinctions in their course. Each apse’sХdiameterХwasХequalХtoХitsХadjacentХnave’sХwidthгХюnХtheХ central nave there was also a choir – elevated a few steps above the level of the church; this part was probably also separated from the flanking aisles. In the second type (build- ingsХinХVeszprémбХźalocsaбХіécsХ– 1st Phase, and Alba Iulia) only the main nave ended with an apse with the diameter equalХ toХ theХ nave’sХ widthгХ TheХ sideХ navesХ probablyХ endedХ with straight walls. Because of the considerable destruction of the described buildings, at this stage of the archaeological research it is not possible to establish the internal spatial out- lines of their choirs. The bodies of the naves all of the basili- cas were simple, without a transept or towers. The western parts of the early-цprads’Х cathedralsХ alsoХ representedХ twoХ main formal types.16 TheyХhadХeitherХstraightбХclosedХfaçadesХ ĐasХinХVeszprémбХіécsбХцlbaХюuliaбХъgerЮХorХexpandedХwestв works (as in Kalocsa, EsztergomбХandХVácЮгХTheХspatialХoutв lineХofХtheХwestworksХhadХvariousХformsгХюnХVácХinХtheХwestв ern part, on the axis of the main nave there was a closed hall crypt, visible as an apse in the external walls. Due to consid- erable destruction of the church, we cannot tell if the apse was flanked by a pair of towers. Another architectural design was applied in Kalocsa. But for this foundation there are cur- rently two interpretations of the uncovered remains. Re- searchers conclude that in this place the western part con- sisted either of a pair of towers, or with two pairs of towers. Due to the above mentioned destruction of the remains, it is 16югХeгХчélaХZsoltХSzakácsбХ“WesternХшomplexХofХHungarianХшhurchesХofХ theХъarlyХъleventhХшentury”бХHortusХцrteХżedievaleХиХĐжоомЮХжйо–163. 39 Hungaro-Polonica not yet possible to reconstruct the internal outline of the ca- thedral at Kalocsa.17 The Bohemian (Czech) diocese had already been formed by the end of the 10th century. But throughout the whole of the 11th century it was not an independent province of the Church. The seat of the bishop was located in Prague. The erectedХbuildingХthatХwasХtoХbeХtheХbishop’sХchurchбХalsoХhadХ the three-aisled basilica form. Both parts (western and east- ern) of the cathedral had an expanded formal spatial outline. The aisles ended with apses. The central nave ended with a choir with an eastwards extending presbytery that ended with an apse – additionally, this part of the building was el- evated above the floor level of church by a hall crypt (located underneath the nave). The western part of the church con- sisted of a transept and a western choir, which ended with anХapseХandХwasХelevatedХaboveХtheХnaves’Хlevel. Also, in this part of the church had towers, located on the eastern side of the transept.18 The independent province of the Church organisation in the lands ruled by the Piast Dynasty was an outcome of the Gniezno Meeting in the year 1000. Due to the set up agree- ment established there, the seat of the archdiocese became ьnieznoХwithХsubjectedХdiocesesХinХźrakówбХźołobrzegбХandХ 17 Imre Henszlmann, Die Grabungen des Erzbischofs von Kalocsa Dr. Ludwig Haynald (Leipzig, 1873). 18 яanХ ыrolíkХ – яanaХ żaфikova-źubkováХ – ъliškaХ RůžičkováХ – цntonínХ ZemanбХ “NejstaršíХ sakrálníХ architekturaХ іražskéhoХ hraduгХ VýpověЬХ archeologickýchХpramenů”Х[The Oldest Religious Architecture of Prague Castle. Termination of Archaeological Sources], Castrum Pragense 3 (2000) 203–207, 289–353. 40 Hungaro-Polonica WrocławбХwhileХtheХbishopricХofХіoznańХwasХtemporarilyХexв emptedХfromХьniezno’sХjurisdictionг19 Then, by the end of the 11th centuryбХaХbishopricХinХіłockХwasХcreatedгХ The results of archaeological research at most of the above listed places, the cathedrals were erected soon after theХbishopsХwereХappointedгХTheХsettingХinХźołobrzegХisХstillХ unknown, while interpretation of architectural remains un- coveredХinХWrocławХraisesХnumerousХquestionsХandХcontroв versies.20 Unfortunately, the centres with uncovered remains of cathedrals have them preserved in conditions, which do not allow for a clear reconstruction of their plans. The cathe- dralsХinХьnieznoХandХinХźrakówХareХknownХonlyХfromХveryХ fragmentary remains. In Gniezno the uncovered part of the cathedral contains only an outline of a three-aisled eastern choir – it allows us to establish only the width of the build- ingгХюnХźrakówХtheХsurvivingХremainsХareХsoХpoorХthatХtheyХ allow only for formulation of very hypothetical ideas about theХcathedral’sХformг The building was supposed be a three- 19 югeгХ ьerardХ ŻabudaбХ “цspektyХ polityczneХ iХ koцcielneХ tzwгХ „zjazduХ gnieѐnieńskiego””Х [іoliticalХ andХ ъcclesiasticalХ цspectsХ of the so called “шongressХofХьniezno”], in Ziemie polskie w X wieku i ich znaczenie w kształtowaniuХ sięХ nowejХ mapyХ ъuropuбХ edгХ HгХ SamsonowiczХ ĐźrakówбХ 2000) жмрХ RomanХ żichałowskiбХ ZjazdХ ьnieѐnieńskiгХ ReligijneХ przesłankiХ powstaniaХ цrcybiskupstwaХ ьnieѐnieńskiego [Congress of Gniezno. Religious Premises for the Creation of the Archdiocese of Gniezno] ĐWrocławбХ зеекЮрХ Johannes Fried, Otto III. und Boleslaw Chrobry. Das Widmungsbild des Aachener Evangeliars, der "Akt von Gnesen" und das früheХpolnischeХundХungarischeХźönigtum (Stuttgart, 2001) 86–124. 20 іawełХRzeѐnikХ– цdamХёurekбХ“WrocławХokołoХrokuХжеее”Х[WrocławХ around the Year 1000], in іolskaХ naХ pełomieХ юХ iХ ююХ tysiącleciaбХ edгХ SzгХ SkibińskiХ ĐіoznańбХ зеежЮХ иик–352, 346; Dariusz Andrzej Sikorski, WczesnopiastowskaХ architekturaХ sakralnaХ ĐjakoХ ѐródłoХ historyczneХ doХ dziejówХźoцciołaХwХіolsceЮХ[Early Piast Sacral Architecture (as a Source for History of the Church in PolandЮ]ХĐіoznańбХзежзЮХжен–112. 41 Hungaro-Polonica aisled, transept basilica with the eastern choir ending with three apses. There is a different situation in regards to the uncovered remainsХofХtheХcathedralХatХіoznańгХцfterХtheХlastХverificationХ research the form of the cathedral was outlined very accu- rately.21 It was a three-aisled basilica with an expanded for- mal and spatial structure of both the western and eastern parts. In the eastern part there was a low transept with an elevated choir in the central part. The choir was above a crypt and ended with an apse. The western structure also had a low transept. The uncovered remains allow for recon- struction of the spatial outline in two ways. Either the west- work had a centrally placed tower with a gallery (empore), or it the westwork was without any tower at all. In the central part of the body of the nave there was the main altar of an expanded architectural form. The early-Piasts cathedrals were negatively impacted by the events of the late 1030s. The weakening of the central power and a wave of social unrest destabilised the Church organisation. On the top of that, Bretislaus I, the Premyslid Duke of Bohemia took advantage of the unstable situation byХ invadingХ andХ lootingХ partsХ ofХ theХ іiasts’Х stateгХ TheХ deв stroyed, during the events, seats of bishops in Gniezno, Poz- nańбХandХinХWrocławХwereХrestoredХonlyХinХtheХsecondХhalfХ of the 11th century. Even though the bishopric buildings in źrakówХwereХnotХdamagedХduringХtheХeventsбХtheyХwereХstillХ 21Aneta Bukowska, Najstarsza katedra w Poznaniu. Problem formy i jej genezyХwХkontekцcieХarchitekturyХokołoХrokuХжеееХ[TheХOldestХшathedralХ in іoznańгХ The Problem of the Form and its Origin in the Context of Architecture around the Year 1000]ХĐźrakówбХзежиЮг 42 Hungaro-Polonica also rebuilt at that time. The newly constructed complexes were three-aisled basilicas - and that was the only resem- blance to the former buildings, because each of the cathe- drals used different formal and spatial settings. The cathe- dral in Gniezno had the plan of transleptless basilica, its east- ern part ended with apses. The central part of the choir con- sisted of an eastwards extending presbytery, which was probably risen a few steps above the church floor level. In the central part of the nave a structure of the confession of St Adalbert (St Wojciech) was constructed. This structure was slightly rebuilt at the end of the 11th century – its western part of expanded into a two-towered formation. The main form ofХtheХcathedralХinХіoznańХdidХnotХundergoХsuchХconsideraв ble changes. Most likely, the western part was rebuilt and expanded. Certainly this phase of the building had a tower structure with a gallery (empore) – and thus the basilica be- came a double-choired structure. цsХ mentionedХ aboveбХ theХ cathedralХ inХ źrakówХ underв went changes as well. A section of the old eastern part was used in the new building. The central part changed, as a choir built on a crypt was placed there. The western part was completely remodelled. In this phase, it consisted of a choir that was elevated on a hall-crypt and was flanked by porches and towers. Thus, also this cathedral took the form of a dou- ble-choired basilica. Also, from the west an atrium adhered to the complex. In the second half of the 11th century the cathedral in іłock was constructed. Current information about the build- ing does not allow for a complete reconstruction, but its out- look can be outlined. It was probably a three-aisled, transept 43 Hungaro-Polonica basilica. The transept arms and the nave ended with apses with slightly narrower diameters than the width of the naves and side aisles. In such a way both in the external and inter- nal wall setoffs appeared. The western part of the building is not known at all.22 As we can see from the above presented formal analysis of the 11th century cathedrals, they presented one architec- tural type, but with variants. All architectural foundations were three-aisled basilicas. Most of those built in the early- Arpads period are of simple plan. Only in Kolacsa cathedral thereХhadХanХexpandedХtowerХstructureгХюnХVácХtheХwesternХ part was also expanded, but the emphasis was put on the interior of the building rather than the external outlook. The single early-Premyslids cathedral in Prague had in its form almost all the architectural elements known at that time – a double-choir and an expanded westwork; both elements in- fluenced the more open character of the internal space. In the case of the early-Piasts cathedrals there was a variety of forms, from a transeptless basilica to the application of quad- ratische Grundplan. In the spatial and formal structures of the described ca- thedrals two important elements appear – galleries (empore) and memoria. Both were designed to elevate and underline the importance of individuals related to the cathedrals (i.e. a ruler, who during the liturgy sat in the gallery; and memo- 22цnetaХ чukowskaбХ“źatedraХwХ іłockuХ – romańskaХ czyХrenesansowaф”Х [шathedralХ inХ іłockХ – Romanesque or Renaissance?], in ёebyХ wiedzieРгХ StudiaХ dedykowaneХ HelenieХ żałkiewiczównie, ed. W. Walanus – M. Walczak – ягХWolańskaХĐźrakówбХзеенЮХжк–24. 44 Hungaro-Polonica ries of the ones who were buried in the churches). Applica- tion of a gallery (empore) can be theoretically deducted as ap- plied in the cathedrals in Kalocsa and Prague, but their ex- istence can be expected more certainly in the cathedrals of іoznańХandХźrakówгХMemoria were built, accordingly to the currentХstateХofХresearchбХinХtheХcathedralsХofХіragueбХVácХĐфЮбХ ьnieznoбХandХіoznańгХчothХstructuresХareХhighlightedХinХtheХ architectural space of these cathedrals. We ought to pay attention to the distinction of some of the mentioned elements of cathedrals. One can ask about their purpose and who was influencing the construction pro- cess. Can such elements as elevation of choirs above the church’sХnaveХfloorбХincorporationХofХaХgalleryХĐempore) into the space of a westwork, or distinguishing a burial with an architectural structure in the cathedrals tell us something? The examples I wanted to focus on particularly are the com- plexesХinХіragueбХьnieznoХandХinХіécsгХюnХallХthreeХcasesбХbeв fore the basilica type churches were erected, with the func- tion of cathedral, the same tasks had been entrusted to al- ready existing buildings. In Prague and in Gniezno the ear- lier buildings were rotundas built in the 10th century, while inХіécsuХthereХwasХprobablyХan early Christian church – so called the Cella Septichora.23 Since the bestowal of status of metropolisХtoХіragueХĐомиЮбХьnieznoХĐжеееЮХandХіécsХĐжееоЮбХ until almost mid-11th century no new church buildings were erected. Furthermore, both Prague and Gniezno, since they begunХturningХintoХbishops’ХcentresбХtheyХwereХalreadyХtheХ ьergelyХ чuzásбХ “цХ pécsiХ székesegyházakХ aХ románХ korban”Х [TheХ 23 Cathedral of іécsХinХtheХRomanesqueХъra]бХцrcheologiaХ– Altum Castrum Online (2013) 1–43. 45 Hungaro-Polonica depositaries of relics. In the Church of St Vitus in Prague re- mains of St Wenceslaus were placed – the Premyslid Duke of Bohemia. While in Gniezno, in the Rotunda of Virgin Mary, the relics of the Five Martyr Brothers and then the rel- ics of St Adalbert were deposited. After the fire in 1018, the cathedral was rebuilt in a basilica form, but its central point was the memoria erected in the earlier phase. The memoria did not change its place also in further phases of the 11th century cathedral, i.e. in phases of rebuilding that took place in the 40s, 60s, and 90s of that century.24 The cathedral in Prague got its form as a developed ba- silica only by the end of the 11th century. Earlier on, i.e. 950– 1060, the church was a rotunda, which was expanded archi- tecturally. Initially, the rotunda had one apse, but then three more apses were added in the mid-11th century. Two of the four apses contained burials of saints, and the western apse probably contained a gallery (empore). Only the second half of the 11th century brought considerable changes to the ca- thedral outlook. However, it has to be pointed that the for- mer church, i.e. the rotunda, was encompassed and incorpo- rated into the walls of the newly constructed foundation.25 Other existing buildings on the Hrad (the Castle Hill) did not allow for the old rotunda to be in the central part of the new cathedral and thus it dominated the plan of the eastern part. 24 TomaszХ яaniakбХ “ZХ badańХ nadХ przestrzeniąХ liturgicznąХ romańskiejХ katedryХwХьnieѐnie”Х[ResearchХofХtheХŻiturgicalХSpaceХofХtheХRomaesqueХ Cathedral of Gniezno], in Architektura romańskaХ wХ іolsceгХ NoweХ interpretacjeХiХspojђeniaбХedгХTгХяaniakХĐьnieznoбХзееоЮХжзо–174. 25 ыrolíkХ– żaфikova-źubkováХ– RůžičkováХ– ZemanбХ“NejstaršíХsakrálníХ architektura”бХжйк–208. 46 Hungaro-Polonica TheХ situationХ inХ іécsбХ whereХ noХ relicts were held, was slightlyХdifferentгХTheХbasilicaХtypeХcathedralХerectedХinХіécsХ in 1040s, contained the burial of its founder Peter Orseolo. The cathedral was built at a distance from the older Cella Sep- tichoria and was not linked to its form. A similar archi-tec- tural solution was applied in the cathedral foun-dation in іoznań, where in the already existing basilica, near the Altar of the Holy Cross, burials of the rulers were placed. And as shown by the recent research in Kalocsa, also in this case the burial of its founder, bishop Astrik, was located in the central nave, just before the altar.26 Also in all of the churches (except forХіécsХ– as no remains are preserved to examine) erected just after mid 11th century, the westworks containing a gal- lery (empore) were applied. Information inferred from avail- able plans of cathedrals, i.e. a bipolarity or emphasis on the western part and the medio ecclesae, seems to underline the permanent presence of the sanctified power. The power that wasХobtainedХeitherХbyХaХmartyr’sХdeathХĐStХWenceslusХandХ St Adalbert – in Prague and in Gniezno), or by episcopal or- dination (St Adalbert in Gniezno and in Prague, Astrik in Ka- locsa), or finally by the royal anointment. Of course not all founders of cathedrals at the time had a crown, but certainly each one was striving for one. Their ambitions were illus- trated in the architecture of the cathedrals – the seats of bish- ops authority, which could and did provide an adequate set- ting for the rulers who were aspiring to be accepted into the circle of the Christian kings. 26ьergelyХчuzásбХ“цХkalocsaiХérseksírХazonosítása”Х[юdentificationХofХtheХ Archbishop’sХ ьraveХ ofХ źalocsa]бХ Archeologia – Altum Castrum Online (2014) 1–7. 47 Hungaro-Polonica Bibliography: Secondary literature ыrolíkбХяanХ– żaфikova-źubkováбХяanaХ– RůžičkováбХъliškaХ– Zeman, An- tonínбХ“NejstaršíХsakrálníХarchitekturaХіražskéhoХhraduгХVýpověЬХarcheв ologickýchХpramenů”Х[TheХOldestХReligiousХцrchitectureХofХіragueХшasв tle. Termination of Archaeological Sources], Castrum Pragense 3 (Praha, 2000). 48 Bernadett Benei Hungarian Academy of Sciences Contributions to the Study of the 11–12th Century Texts of the Hungarian Chronicle I. Historiographical introduction In the beginning of this paper about the results of my grammaticalХ studiesХ onХ theХ HungarianХ шhronicle’sХ жж–12th century texts, I would like to shortly discribe the relevant theories of the Hungarian historiography. Many mediavelists have already treated the texts, mostly lexical and stilistical studies have been done. Most of the historians agreed with the so-called ancient-gesta1 which was either written during the age of Saint Ladislas (1077–1095) or Coloman (1095–1116), and was continued in the 12th century during the reign of Stephen II (1116–1131) andХ theХÁlmos- lineХkingsбХmaybeХunderХtheХreignХofХьézaХююХĐжжйж–1161). There are medievalists who claim the possibility of another chronicle redaction in the end of the 12th or at the 1 In connection with the formation of the ancient gesta there are different theoriesгХяánosХHorváthХюfj. thought that it might have been written during the reign of Andrew I. (1046–1060). цccordingХ toХ яózsefХ ьerics it might have been created in the era of Solomon (1063–1077). чálintХ HómanХ hypothesized that the ancient gesta is from the late Ladislas-era (ca. 1090). ьyörgyХьyörffyХandХьyulaХźristóХthoughtХthatХitХmightХhaveХbeenХwritten during the reign of Coloman (1095–1116). Madzsar Imre placed the formationХofХthisХhistoricalХworkХtoХlaterХagesбХtoХtheХreignХofХьézaХtheХююХ (1141–1162). 49 Hungaro-Polonica beginning of the 13th century. Gyula Pauler studied lexically the 11–12th century texts in the end of the 19th century and declared that the author of the chronicle told different episodes with similar phrases.2 From these he thought that duringХtheХreignХofХчélaХюююХĐжжмз–1196) or in the beginning of the 13th century the chronicle might have been redacted. Other evidence for the redaction can be found in the character of Saint Ladislas in the chronicle, who has the attributes of the saints: has visions and does miracles. In the Middle Ages it was highly unlikely that somebody is discribed as a saint in his life, so this part of the chronicle should have been written circa 1192, when Ladislas was canonizedгХюfХit’sХtrueбХasХьáborХThorockayХalsoХthinksбХthenХ maybe the chronicle has given the source of the Ladislas- legends.3 KornélХSzovákХstudiedХchapterХжиоХofХtheХchronicleХ which revealed the usage of the word tetrarche in the following expression: duces et tetrarche Theutonicorum cunctique barones et optimates. SinceХ thisХ isХ aboutХ Żadislas’sХ electionбХ accordingХ toХ SzovákбХ theХ word might refer to the form of government of the Latin Empire of Constantinople in the 13th century.4 ŻajosХ ягХ шsókaХ derivedХ theХ firstХ 2 ьyulaХіaulerбХцХmagyarХnemzetХtörténeteХazХÁrpád-háziХkirályokХalattХ [The History of the Hungarian Nation During the Reigns of the Arpadian- Kings] I–II. (Budapest,1899) II. 610–611. 3 ьáborХThoroczkayбХЧŻászlóХkirályХszenttéХavatásaЧХ[TheХшanonizationХofХ King Ladislas] (Authorial copy) 4 źornélХ SzovákбХ ЧSzentХ ŻászlóХ alakjaХ aХ koraiХ elbeszélрХ forrásokbanХ ĐцХ Żászló-legendaХ ésХ aХ źépesХ źrónikaХ жиогХ fejezeteХ forrásproblémáiЮЧХ [TheХ Character of Saint Ladislas in the Early Narrative Sources – The Sourceproblems of the Ladislas-legend and the 139th Chapter of the шhroniconХіictum]бХSzázadokХжийХĐзеееЮХжжм–145. 50 Hungaro-Polonica Hungarian historical summary from a monk of Pannonhalma.5 іaradoxicallyбХ weХ don’tХ knowХ muchХ aboutХ цnonymusбХ even though his work, the Gesta Hungarorum from the 12– 13th century, is fully preserved and available for studies. ьyulaХ źristóХ comparedХ lexicallyХ andХ stilisticallyХ theХ ьestaХ Hungarorum with the Hungarian Chronicle and found similarities in 10 subjects, as follows: the idea of knighthood; xenophobia; clan-names; understanding of the Civil Law, paying attention to juridical questions; diploma-formulas; awareness of the Troian story; schooling, knowledge of the university-system; usage of external works; characteriza- tions; rarely used phrases and narrative modus. Based on theseХresultsбХźristóХinХжоойХbuiltХupХaХtheoryХwhichХsaysХthatХ a contemporary of Anonymus, perhaps a monk, who might have studied at one of the western-european universities, maybe in France, took the ancient gesta and its continuations, and redacted the texts according to his own conception. This means that the chronicle, as we know it today, is the work of one author from the end of the 12th or the beginning of the 13th century.6 5 ŻajosХ ягХ шsókaбХ цХ latinХ nyelvűХ történetiХ irodalomХ kialakulásaХ żagyarországonХaХXю–XюVгХszázadbanХ[TheХыormationХofХŻatinХŻanguageХ Historical Literature in Hungary in the 11–14th Century] (Budapest, 1967) 528, 559, 554, 549–551, 544, 560. 6 ьyulaХźristóбХцХtörténetiХirodalomХżagyarországonХaХkezdetektрlХжзйж- ig [The Historical Literature in Hungary from the Beginnings to 1241] ĐчudapestбХ жоойЮгХ яuditХ шsákóХ recentlyХ treatedХ withХ thisХ question in her paper: "Volt-eХ krónikásaХ ююгХ цndrásnakфХ żegjegyzésekХ gestaszer- kesztményünkХ жигХ századХ elejiХ átdolgozásánakХ problematikájáhozЧХ [щidХ Andrew II have a Chronicler? Remarks on the Problem of the Reworking 51 Hungaro-Polonica Nobody has examined the texts gramatically until now, althoughХ theХ methodХ isn’tХ unknownХ toХ theХ mediavelistsХinХ Hungary. During my Phd studies I attemp to fulfil these examinations and affirm or contradict the theories built up byХьyulaХźristóХandХothersбХandХtoХdoХsoбХюХwillХexamine the different linguistic usages in the chronicle. I have began my researches with studying the participial constructions: accusative and nominative cum infinitivo and ablative absolutus. II. The usage of the accusative and nominative cum infinitivo in the Middle Ages and in Hungary I would like to start with the description of the usage of the accusative and the nominative cum infinitivo in the classical Latin. A typical trait of Medieval Latin is that clauses with conjunction can be used instead of the accusative or nominative cum infinitivo fromХ theХ цgeХ ofХ ъmperors’Х ŻatinгХ For example instead of video patrem venire, there stood video, quod pater meus venisset. This fact, that in the late antiquity the accusative and nominative cum infinitivo lost their substantiality, is connected to the effect of the Biblical Greek language.7 TheХ ьreekХ conjunctionХ ӲӷίХ hadХ theХ sameХ causalХ meaning as the Latin quod or quia.8 The usage of the clause introduced with a conjunction gradually conquered space primarily among early Christian authors. However this usageХ hasn’tХ squeezedХ outХ totallyХ theХ accusative and of the Old Hungarian Gesta in the Early 13th Century]бХSzázadokХжйоХĐзежкЮХ 301–332. 7 Stotz, Handbuch 394. 8 Ibid., 403. 52 Hungaro-Polonica nominative cum infinitivoгХ ThereХ weren’tХ strictХ grammaticalХ rules in connection with these constructions in the Middle Ages, the usage depended on the author and on the kind of text he wanted to create. For example, in his sermons, Saint Augustine used clauses introduced with conjunctions more frequently than the accusative cum infinitivo or the nominative cum infinitivo, because it stood much closer to the spoken language. However, Tertullian and Ciprian have preferred the accusative cum infinitivo and the nominative cum infinitivo in their works, but made exception, when they citated the Bible.9 Researches have shown that from the 9th to the 12th centuries in the medieval Latin texts used three to seven times more accusative cum infinitivo or nominative cum infinitivo than clauses introduced with conjunction.10 According to Peter Stotz after the 12th century this rate has shifted in favour of the clauses introduced with conjunction. This can be explained with the more practical linguistic usage of the scholasticism (dicendum quod, notandum quod). These rates of the accusative or nominative cum infinitivo and clauses may be an important and useful pointer to clarify the issue of the formation of the text, and also show how an author’sХ attitudeХ was towards the ancient language standards. 11 Analyzing the language of the Major Legend of Saint StephenбХTamásХźörmendiХdemonstratedбХthatХtheХauthorХofХ the legend used the clause introduced with conjunction only twice, in the other 31 cases he used the accusative cum 9 Ibid., 393–394. 10 Ibid., 394. 11 Ibid., 395. 53 Hungaro-Polonica infinitivo. This proves that the author of the Major Legend kept himself to the rules of the classic grammatical standards, and disliked the medieval clause-drafting. There aren’tХanyХnominative cum infinitivo in the Major Legend.12 In connectionХ withХ theХ шhronicle’sХ жйth century continuation during the Angevin-era, which was analyzed by Szilvia Somogyi, it is easy to observe that its text followed the classic grammatical standards.13 Because of the easier handling of the text I have divided it into 5 parts according to the kings: 1. The reigns of Saint Stephen, Peter Orseolo and Samuel Aba (c. 64–85) 2. TheХreignsХofХцndrewХюХandХчélaХюХĐcгХнл–96) 3. TheХreignsХofХSolomonбХьézaХюХandХSaintХŻadislasХĐcгХ 97–141) 4. The reigns of Coloman and Stephen II (c.142–159) 5. TheХreignsХofХtheХÁlmos-lineХkingsпХчélaХююХandХьézaХ II (c. 160–166.) Systematizing the accusative cum infinitivo constructions and the clauses introduced with conjunctions, I can say that the 11–12th centuries’ХeventsХnarrativeХpartsХofХtheХHungarianХ Chronicle follow the classic grammatic standards and fit to other medieval Latin texts from Hungary. However I have 12 TamásХ źörmendiбХ ЧSzentХ юstvánХ királyХ NagyobbХ legendájánakХ nyelvezeteЧХ [TheХ ŻanguageХ ofХ SaintХ Stephen’sХ żajorХ Żegend]бХ ыonsХ же (2003) 95, 117, 87. 13 SzilviaХ SomogyiбХ ЧцХ XюVгХ századiХ krónikakompozícióХ цnjou-kori folytatásánakХ nyelvezeteпХ aХ budaiХ minoritaХ krónikaХ latinХ nyelveЧХ [TheХ Language of Angevin Continuation of the 14th century Chronicle Composition: the Latin Language of the Minor Chronicle from Buda], Fons 18 (2011) 229–230. 54 Hungaro-Polonica to notice that there are lot of clauses introduced with conjunctionsХ inХ it’sХ textгХ юnХ ййХ casesХ theХ clausesХ areХ introduced with quod, in 35 cases with ut, in two cases with quia, and in 4 cases without a conjunction were the clauses drafted. We can get however somewhat more nuanced picture if we individually group the chapters of the chronicle according to their usage of the grammatical constructions. Then we have 4 kinds of groups. The first one consists of those chronicle chapters which follow the classic grammatical standards, use correctly the accusative cum infinitivoгХ TheХ secondХ group’sХ chaptersХ useХ insteadХ ofХ accusative cum infinitivo just clauses introduced with conjunction. The third group consists of those chapters which mixed the mentioned usages, and in the fourth group thereХ areХ thoseХ chaptersХ whichХ don’tХ haveХ accusative cum infinitivos or clauses introduced with conjunctions. 24 chapters of the chronicle use the accusative cum infinitivo in accordance with the grammatical rules. 18 chapters just use clasuses introduced with conjunction, in 27 chapters can be found both constructions, and in 27 chapters (ca. the quarter of the hole textЮХthereХaren’tХanyХaccusative cum infinitivos or clauses. Three of the mentioned divided parts have all types, approximately in equal proportions. There are two exceptions, the first part, which is about the reigns of Saint Stephen, Peter Orseolo and Samuel Aba, which contains only one clause introduced with conjunction. The other exception isХtheХlastХpartбХwhichХisХaboutХtheХreignsХofХtheХÁlmos-line kingsгХюtХhasn’tХgotХaХchapterбХwhichХusesХjustХaccusative cum infinitivo. 55 Hungaro-Polonica It is evident that there are consecutive chapters that form coherent units. Any at least three successive chapters which share the usage or non-usage of the accusative cum infinitivo can be considered as such. Although overall can be found more accusative cum infinitivos than clauses introduced with conjunctionsХ inХ theХ textsбХ thereХ aren’tХ anyХ и-chapter units which use only these constructions. There are though 4 units which use accusative cum infinitivo, but each consist of only two chapters. There are two sections in the analyzed part of the chronicle which are purely medieval and which respond to all the above criteria. Both of them feature in the part aboutХtheХreignsХofХSolomonбХьézaХюХandХSaintХŻadislasгХĐcгХ 97–99: Solomon and the dukes make peace thank to the mediation of bishop щesideriusХĐщezsрЮрХcгХжзз–126.: battle of żogyoródбХvisionХofХSaintХŻadislasбХtheХcoronationХofХьézaХ юЮгХThisХprovesбХaccordingХtoХіeterХStotz’sХstatementбХthatХtheХ number of the clauses introduced with conjunctions has increased in medieval Latin texts in the end of the 12th century. So, Gyula Pauler might be right, and these chapters were written in the end of the 12th century, after Saint Ladislas was canonized. Coming to the chapters 97–99, we have to state that in chapter 98 appears bishop Desiderius, who mediated between Solomon and the dukes. According to Lajos J. шsókaбХthisХbishop’sХroleХisХstrikinglyХsimilarХtoХщesideriusХ шhanadianХbishop’sХmediatorХactivityХfromХtheХжиth century, whose name can be found in the diploma of Pannonhalma, which dates back to 1213. The author of the chronicle might used this 13th century bishop as a model for the role of the 56 Hungaro-Polonica bishop of the chronicle.14 So these chapters might have been created in the beginning of the 13th century based on the usage of the clasuses introduced with conjunction. Although chapterХжиоХanalyzedХbyХźornélХSzovákХisХstandingХaloneбХit’sХ medieval constuctions allow us to presume that this chapter is also an interlining from the mentioned period. юt’sХaХcharacteristicХofХtheХchronicleХthatХinХthe whole text the accusative cum infinitivos with participium imperfectum activi can be found in the position of the verbum regens: Aba audiens Petrum ab Hungaris derelictum et ab Herrico … susceptum (326, 7–8);15 cesar… videns… periculis se esse perplexum (349, 11);16 videntes agmina ducis fugere (384, 19– 20.);17 dicens regem Hungariae esse hominem suum (440, 2–3.);18 credentes ipsum esse filium regis Colomani (448, 5–6.).19 Based on these constructions we may assume one author. The whole text contains only 12 nominative cum infinitivos or equivalent clauses. In 10 cases were used nominative cum infinitivo in accordance with the classic grammatical standards and in two cases clauses were used. Both of them has the quod as a conjunction. In the first third of the text can be found half of the nominative cum infinitivos. The two clauses with the quod areХinХtheХpartХaboutХSolomonбХьézaХюХ and Saint Ladislas: notatur, quod fides in mulieribus non sit (369, 6.);20 videtur michi, quod tu fidelis sis duci (387, 4–5.).21 14 шsókaбХцХlatinХnyelvűбХкзнбХкййбХккйбХкйо–551, 559, 560. 15 SRH I. 326. 16 Ibid., 349. 17 SRH I. 384. 18 Ibid., 440. 19 Ibid., 448. 20 Ibid., 369. 21 Ibid., 387. 57 Hungaro-Polonica There are also two regular constructions in this part, both of them in chapter 121. There is one nominative cum infinitivo in each last two parts of the chronicle. It can be stated that except two cases the author of the chronicle has followed the classic Latin grammatical rules. Based on these structures, not so much can be declared in connection with the authorshipбХ sinceХ thisХ numberХ ofХ theХ constructionsХ isn’tХ significant. However, if we consider the distribution of the constructions, visibly the first thirdХ ofХ theХ chronicle’sХ textХ abounds with nominave cum infinitivo, compared to the last two thirds. This fact does not serve as enough evidence to declare that the chronicle is a work of more authors, rather consider an imprint of an early drafting, which is incorporated into the text we know today. III. The usage of the ablative absolutus in the Middle Ages and in Hungary The ablative absolutus (participium absolutum) – similarly to the accusative cum infinitivo –stood for abbreviating clauses. The construction was used very frequently in medieval Latin. The ablative absolutus like in ancient times, was used when the noun in ablative case corresponded with the main- clause’sХ subjectiveг22 Frequently occured that the noun corresponded with the main-clause’sХobject: congregato omni populo… interrogavit eos.23 żanyХ timesХ theХ objectХ wasn’tХ named in the main-clause, so it had to be deduced from the 22 Stotz, Handbuch, 261–262. 23 Ibid., 262. 58 Hungaro-Polonica ablative absolutus: destructis omnibus his locis hicque (eos/ea) mutavit in melius.24 The phrase in ablative absolutus, frequently with a noun or a pronoun in dative case, connected to the mainХ caluse’sХ predicationпХ abiit Reinardus, fratre relicto nil absens (sc.ei) misit.25 In late antiquity and in medieval Latin the subject of the ablative absolutus was often omitted, if it was possible to complete it depending on the meaning of the whole sentence: respondentibus ’etiam’ ostendi sibi expostulat.26 Sometimes the participal element of the ablative absolutus is a neutral participium perfectumбХ inХ thisХ caseХ it’sХ aХ verbХ intransitive (valedicto recessit), or a subjunctive accusative cum infinitivo or clause introduced with conjunction (is cum diaconum vidisset, cognito, quod Romanus esset).27 It can be seen from the example, that in the participal position frequently stands the trained form of verbs, which expresses information and perception: cognito, audito, viso. The author of the Major Legend of Saint Stephen used the ablative absolutus 43 times in his text, except one case these constructions fitted with the classic grammatical standards. The exception is irregular in form: instead of the -e ending of the participal element of the ablative absolutus, he has used – i: tempore sue predestinationis iam instanti. The ablative absolutus constructions were used for abbreviating time clauses, causal clauses and modical clauses. The author has never abbreviated conditional or concessive subordinations, his constuctions were conventionally formed.28 The author 24 Ibid., 262. 25 Ibid., 262. 26 Ibid., 262. 27 Ibid., 262–263. 28 źörmendiбХżajorХlegendХofбХнн–90. 59 Hungaro-Polonica of the chronicle continution from the Angevin-era has used the ablative absolutus according to the classical grammatical standards.29 юnХtheХжеиХchaptersХofХtheХцrpadianХchronicle’sХanalyzedХ part there are 181 ablative absolutus, which were proportionally distributed in the text. These constructions abbreviated time clauses: postmodum vero congregato exercitu (313, 9.);30 mane igitur facto (339, 2.);31 Hungari ergo capta civitate (373, 29.);32 modical clauses: hiis itaque taliter ordinatis cesar (333, 16.);33 abiectis clipeis fugerunt (351, 3.),34 cervice fracta mortuus est (432, 20–21.);35 and causal clauses: Deo sic volente captus est (348, 7–8.);36 Bohemis ad conflictum venire non audentibus (365, 14–15.)37 In few cases also conditional clauses were abbreviated with the construction: non posse regnare […] nisi fratre suo Bela extincto (353, 15.);38 si ita est, talibus militibus repugnantibus non recuperabis regnum (399, 15.).39 The ablative absolutus was never used for abbreviating concessive subordinationгХThereХaren’tХanyХablative absolutus mancus in the text, which is illustrative of the Latin language from this era. The most common topics in connection with the usage of these constructions can be observed, are: life and death: 29 Somogyi, Angevin Continuation, 229. 30 SRH I. 313. 31 Ibid., 339. 32 Ibid., 373. 33 Ibid., 333. 34 Ibid., 351. 35 Ibid., 432. 36 Ibid., 348. 37 Ibid., 365. 38 Ibid., 353. 39 Ibid., 399. 60 Hungaro-Polonica vivente Sancto Stephano rege (317, 12.),40 eo mortuo (319, 26– 27.),41 eodem mox ibidem interfecto (368, 9–10.),42 diplomatic negotiations: consilioque habito (337, 5–6.),43 roborate federe pacis (378, 9.),44 wars: commisso igitur proelio inter utrumque (332, 1.),45 gathering information: his auditis contristatus est rex (359, 33.),46 illi hoc viso (340, 36.),47 and in the descriptions of religious actions: cantatis igitur matutinis (382, 12–13.),48 celebrataque missa, omnibus rite peractis (402, 25–26.).49 The entire text of the chronicle is filled with audio and colligo formed ablative absolutus constructions: hoc audito, collecto exercitu. These are conventional phrases which can be foundХinХanyХhistoricalХworksбХbecauseХofХthisХfactбХtheyХdon’tХ prove that the today-known text could be a work of one author. юt’sХ veryХ interestingбХ thatХ thereХ areХ stilisticallyХ well- formed ablative absolutus constructions in the text. The two elements of the structure as parts of a framework round the other adjuncts. There are more examples from the text of the chronicle for this, each of the mentioned five parts has stilistically well-formed constructions. 40 Ibid., 317. 41 Ibid., 319. 42 Ibid., 368. 43 Ibid., 337. 44 Ibid., 378. 45 Ibid., 332. 46 Ibid., 359. 47 Ibid., 340. 48 Ibid., 382. 49 Ibid., 402. 61 Hungaro-Polonica 1. Saint Stephen, Peter Orseolo, Samuel Aba: Aba vero congregato Hungarorum exercitu50 (325,6– 7.)51 Petro itaque per fugam de manibus Hungarorum elapso (325, 10–11.)52 Petro rege cum presidio suorum in Hungaria relicto (333,17.)53 2. цndrewХюбХчélaХюпХ regalibus itaque nuptiis iuxta fluvium Morua celebratis (351,16–17.)54 federibus pacis firmiter roboratis (351,17–18.)55 completo regni sui anno tertio (360, 16–17.)56 3. SolomonбХьézaХюбХSaintХŻadislasпХ Bohemis ad conflictum venire non audentibus (365, 14–15.)57 plurimis eorum ibidem in ore gladii prostratis (371, 7– 8.)58 residuis autem eorum in captivitate subactis (371, 8– 9.)59 50 Words bolded by the author. 51 Ibid., 325. 52 Ibid., 325. 53 Ibid., 333. 54 Ibid., 351. 55 Ibid., 351. 56 Ibid., 360. 57 Ibid., 365. 58 Ibid., 371. 59 Ibid., 371. 62 Hungaro-Polonica manibus itaque regis et ducum in fidei pignus extensis (374,11–12.)60 multis ex eis interfectis (396, 22–23.)61 nunc hiis, nunc illis fugientibus et diu sine vulnere certantibus (398,28.)62 4. Coloman, Stephen II: accersito Polonorum et Hungarorum consilio et auxilio reversus est (426, 33.)63 5. Álmos-lineХkingsпХчélaХююбХьézaХююп ascito Rutenorum Polonorumque auxilio (448, 7–8.)64 In many cases can be shown the cumulation of the ablative absolutus in the studied texts of the Chronicle. 1. Saint Stephen, Peter Orseolo, Samuel Aba: omnibus pompis mundane glorie calcatis et temporali regni dyademate deposito (318, 20–21.)65 missis muneribus, data quoque fideбХquod…ХĐизнбХогЮ66 accepta a duce licentia, Béla fratre suo ibidem relicto (336, 3–4.)67 60 Ibid., 374. 61 Ibid., 396. 62 Ibid., 398. 63 Ibid., 426. 64 Ibid., 448. 65 Ibid., 318. 66 Ibid., 328. 67 Ibid., 336. 63 Hungaro-Polonica 2. цndrewХюбХчélaХюп relictis tentoriis et clipeis et universis supellectibus suis abiectis (350, 27–28.)68 regalibus itaque nuptiis iuxta fluvium Morua celebratis et federibus pacis firmiter roboratis (351,16–18.)69 omnibus Teutonicis ibidem interfectis et ducibus eorum comprehensis (357, 5–6.)70 3. SolomonбХьézaХюбХSaintХŻadislasпХ rex igitur et gloriosi duces fere omnibus paganis interfectis et omnibus Christianis a captivitate liberatis (369, 9–10.)71 plurimis eorum ibidem in ore gladii prostratis, residuis autem eorum in captivitate subactis (371, 7–9.)72 post hec collectis exercitibus, nunciis frequenter missis tandem rex et dux venerunt Strigonium(378, 4.)73 militibus suis interfectis et ipsis graviter vulneratis (391, 17–18.)74 celebrataque missa, omnibus rite peractis precipit rex (402, 25–26.)75 4. Coloman, Stephen II: - 5. Almos-lineХ kingsпХ чélaХ ююбХ ьézaХ ююп quo regnante regina Elena habito consilio (446, 24.)76 68 Ibid., 350. 69 Ibid., 350. 70 Ibid., 357. 71 Ibid., 369. 72 Ibid., 371. 73 Ibid., 378. 74 Ibid., 391 75 Ibid., 402. 76 Ibid., 446. 64 Hungaro-Polonica Perhaps the stylistically more valuable framed ablative ab- solutus-structures and construction- accumulation could prove the theory of one author, but this statement is weak. So it can be declared that the analyzing of the ablative absolu- tus structures has given no results in connection with the au- thorship or with the possibly redactions. The presented re- sult can be understood as just a partial issue, further gram- matically and stylistically analyzises are required for a cer- tain statement in connection with the authorship and the re- daction of the Hungarian Chronicle. IV. Conclusions After the analyzing the usage of some participal constructions: the accusative cum infinitivo, the nominative cum infinitivo and the ablative absolutus we have got different results. The author of the 11–12th century chronicle, similarly to the authors of the Major Legend of Saint Stephen and the Chronicle continuation from the Angevin-era, favored the usage of the accusative cum infinitivo against the clauses introduced with conjunction, considering the number of appearance of these structures in the text. However, while studying the dominant grammatical solutions, a more complicated result can be observed: the whole text of the chronicle is filled by medieval grammatical structures. There aren’tХsharplyХseparateХpartsбХactingХpurelyХaccordingХtoХtheХ classic grammatical rules, which can help us judge which parts of the chronicle has written earlier. Still, there are definite parts of the text of which can be said, that they had been written in the end of the 12th or the beginning of the 13th 65 Hungaro-Polonica century according to the usage of accusative cum infinitivo. If it’sХtrueбХitХcouldХproveХtheХredactionХfromХtheХsameХperiodХ asХ itХ hasХ beenХ declaredХ byХ ьyulaХ іaulerбХ ŻajosХ ягХ шsókaбХ ьyulaХźristóХandХźornélХSzovákгХTheХparticipium imperfectum activi form as a verbum regens can be the characteristic for the author. The nominative cum infinitivo was used much less frequently, and due to the lower number far-reaching conclusions can not be drawn from them. The ablative absolutus constructions of the chronicle are in accordance with the classic grammatical standards. Although the whole text of the chronicle is filled with hoc audito and collecto exercitu typesХstructuresбХtheyХaren’tХableХtoХclearХtheХquestion of the authorship. Perhaps the above presented stilistically more valuable framed ablative absolutus-structures and construction-accumulations could prove the theory of one author, but these statements are weak. So it can be declared that the analyzing of the ablative absolutus structures has given no results in connection with the authorship or with the possibly redactions. These presented results are just partial issues, further gramatically and stilistically analyzises are required for a certain statement in connection with the authorship and the redaction of the Hungarian Chronicle. 66 Hungaro-Polonica Bibliography Secondary literature шsókaбХ ŻajosХ ягб цХ latinХ nyelvűХ történetiХ irodalomХ kialakulásaХ żagyarországonХ aХ Xю–XюVгХ századbanХ [TheХ ыormationХ ofХ theХ ŻatinХ Language Historical Literature in Hungary in the 11–14th Century] (Budapest, 1967). źörmendiбХTamásбХЧSzentХюstvánХkirályХNagyobbХlegendájánakХnyelvezete" [TheХŻanguageХofХSaintХStephen’sХżajorХŻegend]бХыonsХже (2003), 65–118. źristóбХьyulaбХцХtörténetiХirodalomХżagyarországonХaХkezdetektрlХжзйж- ig [The Historical Literature in Hungary from the Beginning to 1241] (Budapest, 1994). Pauler, Gyula, A magyarХ nemzetХ történeteХ azХ Árpád-háziХ királyokХ alattХ [The History of the Hungarian Nation During the Reigns of the Arpadian- Kings] I–II. (Budapest, 1899). SomogyiбХ SzilviaбХ ЧцХ XюVгХ századiХ krónikakompozícióХ цnjou-kori folytatásánakХ nyelvezeteпХ aХ budaiХ minoritaХ krónikaХ latinХ nyelveЧХ [TheХ Language of Angevin Continuation of the 14th century Chronicle Composition: the Latin Language of the Minor Chronicle from Buda], Fons 18 (2011) 209–268. 67 Stotz, Peter, Handbuch zur lateinischen Sprache des Mittelalters. I–V.; Vol. юVгХыormenlehreгХSyntaxХundХStilistikХĐżünchenбХжоонЮг SzovákбХ źornélбХ ЧSzentХ ŻászlóХ alakjaХ aХ koraiХ elbeszélрХ forrásokbanХ ĐцХ Żászló-legendaХ ésХ aХ źépesХ źrónikaХ жиогХ fejezeteХ forrásproblémáiЮЧХ [TheХ Character of Saint Ladislas in the Early Narrative Sources (The Sourceproblems of the Ladislas-Legend and the 139th Chapter of the шhroniconХіictum]бХSzázadokХжийХĐзеееЮХжжм–145. Angelika Herucová Slovak Academy of Sciences Palatines in the Hungarian Kingdom, Bohe- mian Kingdom and Polish Principalities in the 10th to 13th Century* Comparative method of research1 is one of the popular and useful methods used in historiography, especially in the time periods where the knowledge as well as means to obtain it are limited.2 When it comes to Central Europe before the year 1300 the insufficiency of sources is common in several areas. * ThisХresearchХwasХsupportedХbyХVъьцХgrantХNoгХздежеоджйпХ„źomuni - káciaХaХspôsobyХšíreniaХinformáciíХvХstredoveku”Х[шommunicationХandХtheХ Modes of Spreading Information in the Middle Ages]. 1 чyХ theХ „comparativeХ methodХ ofХ research“Х ю mean the comparison of realities in different societies with similar character or in the same time period in order to conceptualise and point out similarities and differences, and also (in historiography of Central Europe notably in the research of the 10th to 12th century) the custom to apply, with caution, the knowledge from one region (or time period which is sometimes referred to as the “retrospectiveХ method”ЮХ toХ anotherХ whereХ isХ anХ informationХ gapгХ SeeХ Charles C. Ragin, The Comparative Method (Berkeley – Los Angeles – London, 1987) 34–52; in Slovak literature the basic historical methods were summarisedХinХяúliusХчartlбХσvodХdoХštúdiaХdejepisuХ[TheХюntroductionХtoХ the Study of History] (Bratislava, 1997). 2 Julia M. H. Smith, Introduction: Regarding Medievalists: Contexts and Approaches, in Companion to Historiography, ed. M. Bentley (London – New York, 1997) 98–108. The concept is widely addressed in social sciences, see e. g. Ragin, The Comparative Method; Dan Slater – Daniel ZiblattбХ“TheХъnduringХюndispensabilityХofХtheХшontrolledХшomparison”бХ Comparative Political Studies 46 (2013) 1301–1327; W. Laurence Neuman, Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches (New York et al. /7th ed./, 2009). 69 Hungaro-Polonica The comparability of Kingdom of Hungary, Duke- dom/Kingdom of Bohemia, and Polish Principalities is al- ready well established.3 When it comes to the research of the office4 of palatineХinХtheХцrpadianбХіфemyslidХandХіiastХdoв minions respectively, to utilize it is a logical step. However, several questions need to be asked and answered before- hand. The terminology is key when it comes to the contem- porary discourse as well as the historical realities. Who was a palatine, how would one define him? What is to be com- pared – the competences of the dignitaries with the homon- ymous title or rather the offices with similar function with- out the emphasis on the designation? Does the character of the main sources in the particular dominions differ, and if so, how does it influence the results? Where is it interesting to compare? Newfangled research of several scientist is aimed 3 See the popularХessayХbyХяenрХSzűcsбХThreeХHistoricalХRegionsХofХъuropeбХ in Civil Society and the State, ed. J. Keane (London, 1988) 291–331; also ыrantišekХщvorníkбХTheХżakingХofХшentralХandХъasternХъuropeХĐŻondonбХ жойоЮрХsimilarlyХeгХgгХщušanХTфeštíkбХźosmovaХkronikaг StudieХkХpočátkůmХ českéhoХ dějepisectvíХ aХ politickéhoХ myšleníгХ [TheХ шhronicleХ ofХ źosmasгХ Studies to the Beginnings of Czech Historiography and Political Thinking] ĐіrahaбХжолнЮрХюdгбХіočátkyХіфemyslovcůХ[TheХчeginningsХofХіфemyslids]Х (Praha, 1981) and otherрХяosefХŽemličkaбХСechyХvХdoběХknížecíХжеий–1198 [Bohemia at the Time of Duchy] (Praha, 1997); Nora Berend – іrzemysławХ UrbańczykХ– іrzemysławХWiszewskiбХшentralХъuropeХinХtheХHighХżiddleХ Ages: Bohemia, Hungary and Poland, c.900–c.1300 (Cambridge, 2013); щanaХ щvoфáčková-żaláХ – Jan Zelenka, Curia ducis, curia regis. іanovníckyХ dvůrХ zaХ vládyХ іфemyslovcůХ [шuriaХ щucisбХ шuriaХ RegisгХ TheХ RoyalХшourtХunderХtheХRuleХofХіфemyslids]ХĐіrahaбХзежжЮрХяánХSteinhübelбХ NitrianskeХkniežactvoХ[TheХNitraХщuchy]бХĐчudmericeХ– Bratislava, 2004). 4 ыorХtheХpurposesХofХtheХpaperбХtheХwordХ“office”ХisХusedХratherХlooselyгХ Several or all of the courtly offices fully formed and became more institutions-like in the late medieval period. In the 10th to 13th century they were in a process of formation, strongly depended on the particular person holding it, the ruler as well as other circumstances 70 Hungaro-Polonica at the courts of kings and dukes5 before 1300 in Central Eu- rope.6 This paper is written mainly from the standpoint of the Hungarian Kingdom, with the focus on the Bohemian and Polish realities as a source for comparison. In the research of royal courts in medieval Europe the handbooks or other treatises on administrative order of the courts are pivotal sources.7 Some estimate that these actually existed only after the 1260s,8 but there are several documents pre-dating it, congruent in part with the form and/or con- tent, namely e. g. De ordine palatii (882) about the court of Charlemagne9 or Constitutio domus regis (around 1136) in England.10 De ordine palatii was written by Hinkmar, bishop ofХ RheimsХ aХ lifetimeХ afterХ шharlemagne’sХ deathбХ butХ heХ 5 The historical-semanticХdefinitionХofХaХ„court“ХandХhowХitХisХtoХbeХviewedХ (as a space, as a group of people, as an idea etc.) continues to be discussed inХhistoriographyбХseeХщvoфáčková-żaláХ– Zelenka, Curia ducis, 12–23, 24– 35. In this paper the term is mainly used in a sense of the highest dignitaries/offices in the dominion connected to the ruler. 6 ъгХ gгХ щvoфáčková-żaláХ – Zelenka, Curia ducisрХ TiborХ SzрcsбХ цХ nádoriХ intézményХ koraiХ történeteХ жеее–1342 [An Early History of the Palatinal Institution 1000–1342], Subsidia ad historiam medii aevi Hungariae inquirendam 5 (Budapest, 2014); Agnieszka Teterycz-іuzioбХ “Wczesno- piastowska organizacjaХ administracyjnaХ wХ XХ iХ XюХ wieku”Х [ъarlyХ іiastХ Administrative Organisation in the 10th and 11th century]бХSłupskieХStudiaХ Historyczne 9 (2001) 245–257. 7 юnХSlovakХĐdvorskéХporiadkyЮбХшzechХĐdvorníХфádyЮХandХіolishХĐporządekХ dworuЮХ verbatimХ translationХ “ordersХ ofХ theХ court”рХ щvoфáčková-żaláХ – Zelenka, Curia ducis, 17. 8 WernerХіaraviciniбХ“ъuropäischeХHofordnungХalsХьattungХundХїuelleб“Х inХ HöfeХ undХ HofordnungenХ жзее–1600, ed. H. Kruse – W. Paravicini, Residenzenforschung 10 (Singmaringen, 1999) 14; see Dvoфáčková-żaláХ– Zelenka, Curia ducis, 17. 9 Hincmar von Reims, De Ordine Palatii, in Thomas Gross – Rudolf Schieffer ed., MGH, Fontes iuris 3 (Hannover, 1980). 10 щvoфáčková-żaláХ– Zelenka, Curia ducis, 17. 71 Hungaro-Polonica claimed he based the account on the (unpreserved) work of Adalhar, the abbot of Corbie and an advisor to Charle- magne.11 This document is especially interesting in the Cen- tral European milieu when the theories are applied, that the common structure and similar development of the courts throughoutХъuropeХĐimplementationХofХtheХ“westernХmodel”Х in Central Europe)12 were shaped after the Frankish Em- pire.13 Hinkmar’sХ reportХ onХ theХ palatineХ ĐfreelyХ translatedЮХ goes as follows: Because the king and the queen were over- loaded with duties, they had to delegate. The matters of church were appointed to apocrisarius or capellanus, the secu- lar matters to comes palatii. Among other duties, he was in 11 Hincmar, De Ordine Palatii, 54–55. 12 SzűcsбХThree Historical Regions, 315–317. 13 ZoltánХягХźosztolnyikбХHungaryХunderХtheХъarlyХÁrpadsбХноеsХtoХжелибХ East European Monographs DCV (New York, 2002) 237, 252. Generally said, in Czech and Slovak historiography it is considered that the transmit was made primarily though the remnants after the system implemented in Great Moravia (Czech views are summarized by David Kalhous, Anatomy of a Duchy: The Political and Ecclesiastical Structures of Early іфemyslidХчohemiaбХĐŻeidenХ– Boston, 2012) 11–46; Slovak point of view representsХSteinhübelбХNitrianskeХkniežactvoбХзже–214; or Martin Homza, “VznikХ UhorskéhoХ kráзovstva”Х [TheХ шonstitutionХ ofХ theХ HungarianХ Kingdom], Impulz, 9 (2013) 31–58). The Hungarian historiography leans more towards the idea that the inspiration came through the Bavarian courtХĐeгХgгХSzрcsбХцХnádoriХintézményбХзк–26, 300 based inter alia on the theoriesХ ofХ ьyörgyХ ьyörffyбХ sinceХ theХ wifeХ ofХ StephenХ юХ wasХ aХ чavarianХ princessХдseeХяánosХżгХчakбХStephanбХзгХSгХĐюstvánЮХюгХdгХHlгбХkgгХvгХUngarnбХ in LexMa 8, (Lexikon des Mittelalters, CD-ROM-Ausgabe, J. B. Metzler 2000) 112–114 /). Polish site is to be found in the works of Alexander ьieysztorбХ eгgгХ “UrządХ wojewodzińskiХ weХ wczesnychХ państwachХ słowiańskichХ юX–XюХ wieku”Х [TheХ OfficeХ ofХ VoivodХ inХ ъarlyХ Slavic Countries in 9–11th Century], Archeologia Polski 16 (1971) 319, 324 who is, too, an advocate of the Great Moravian origin of the offices; also Andrzej Pleszczynski, The Birth of a Stereotype : Polish Rulers and their Country in German Writings c. 1000 A.D., (Leiden – Boston, 2011) 90–98. 72 Hungaro-Polonica charge of legal affairs, especially judicial proceedings; in matters not covered by law, he decided with the king. When one wanted to get to the king, he was the one to approach. The economic aspects of running the court were covered by the queen and the chamberlains (camerarii).14 The idea of translatio gets complicated by crossovers be- tween the competences and nomenclature in the process of development of the Central European courts, as well as the 14 “Nam quamvis praefati ministri unusquisque de suo ministerio non sub alio vel per alium, nisi per se ipsum solum regem, vel quantum ad reginam vel gloriosam prolem regis respiciebant, caput ponerent, non tamen omnes aequaliter de ceteris rebus vel ceterorum neccessitatibus regem adibant, sed mensura sua quisque contentus erat et, ubi vel ubi ratio poscebat, solatium al- terius requirebat. E quibus praecipue II, id est apocrisarius, qui vocatur apud nos capellanus vel palatii custos, de omnibus negotiis eccleciasticis vel ministris ecclesiae et comes palatii de omnibus saecularibus causis vel iudicis, suscipiendi curam instanter habebant, ut nec ecclesiastici nec saeculares prius domnum regem absque eorum consultu inquietare necesse haberent, quousque illi praev- iderent, si necessitas esset, ut causa ante regem merito venire deberet; si vero secreta esset causa, quam prius congrueret regi quam cuiquam alteri dicere, eundem dicendi locum eidem ipsi praepararent, introducto prius rege, ut hoc iuxta modum personae vel honorabiliter vel patienter vel etiam miseri-corditer susciperet. [...] Comitis autem palatii inter cetera paene innum-erabilia in hoc maxime sollicitudo erat, ut omnes contentiones legales, quae alibi ortae propter aequitatis iudicium palatium aggrediebantur, iuste ac rationabiliter deter- minaret seu perverse perverse iudicata ad aequitatis tram-item reduceret, ut et coram Deo propter iustitiam at coram hominibus propter legum observationem cunctis placeret. Si quid vero tale esset, quod leges mundanae hoc in suis diffi- nitionibus statutum non haberent aut secundum gentilium consuetudinem crudelius sanctitum esset, quam christianitatisrectitudo vel sancta auctoriras merito non consentiret, hoc ad regis moderat-ionem perduceretur, ut ipse cum his, qui utramque legem nossent et Dei magis quam humanarum legum statuta metuerent, ita decerneret, ita statueret, ut ubi utrumque servari posse, utrum- que servaretur, sin autem, lex saeculi merito comprimeretur et iustitia Dei con- servaretur. De honestate vero palatii seu specialiter ornamento regali nec non et de donis annuis militum, absque cibo et potu vel equis, ad reginam praecipue et sub ipsa ad camerarium pertinebat,[...]“Х– Hincmar, De Ordine Palatii, 68– 72. 73 Hungaro-Polonica fact, that they took on a life of their own after their initial establishment in the Carolingian fashion in the particular setting. In the earlier period – 10th to 12th century – there is complete lack of sources that would be more than just cir- cumstantial. Chronicles and sporadic mentions that allow concluding some aspects of the character of the courtly of- fices are interesting, but hardly substitute for any offi- cial/royal documents or enactments as seen in the West or in the later periods. This led some to ascertain, that for this timeframeХ“whenХdecidingХspecificХcompetencesХ[ofХtheХdigв nitaries of court] we are to a large extent dependent on the designators/titles of the offices, from which at least the gen- eral information about their field of activity is to be con- cludedг”15 This is well fitted for those offices, which titles are quite literal like magister agazonum (the master of stablemen) or magister pincernarum (master of cupbearers/butlers), but becomes increasingly problematic when the differences and shifts in the character and competences of the namesake dig- nitaries in Central European countries are considered. In the case of Hungarian palatines, they emerge from the sources in the 13th century gradually separating from the court and establishing their judicial powers, documented by a novelty – palatine issued charters.16 It is generally agreed uponбХevenХforХtheХearlierХperiodбХthatХtheХpalatineХwasХ“poв litically the highest non-dynastic secular dignity after the king inХmedievalХHungary“б17 “mostХprominentХamongХtheХ 15 щvoфáčková-żaláХ– Zelenka, Curia ducis, 48. 16 SzрcsбХц nádoriХintézményбХкж–кирХTiborХSzрcsХĐedгЮбХRegesta palatinor- um et vices gerentium tempore regum stirpis Arpadianae critico- diplomatica (Budapest, 2012) 324. 17 SzрcsбХц nádoriХintézményбХиеегХ 74 Hungaro-Polonica counts”б18 “oneХofХcountry’sХheadХofficials”ХĐtheХsecondХbeingХ the archbishop of Esztergom)19 andХking’sХ“principalХrepreв sentative”г20 Some state that he was originally the adminis- trator and the head of the royal court and step by step he becameХ theХ king’sХ deputyбХ mainlyХ inХ theХ legalХ andХ judicialХ matters, as well as the commander of the military.21 There are few mentions of the palatine in the early legal sources. The article III of the third book of the Laws of king Ladislas I, from the last third of the 11th century, is titled De palatino comiteгХюtХstatesХthatХheХwasХtheХcustodianХofХtheХ„regis et curie sigilli“ХandХthatХheХwasХnotХsupposedХtoХtakeХitХawayХ with him. His judicial authority is also apparent here, since thereХ isХ aХ mentionХ ofХ thoseХ “whomХ heХ isХ permittedХ toХ judge”г22 At the beginning of the 12th century the palatine is 18 іálХъngel, The Realm of St Stephen, A History of Medieval Hungary, 895–1526, (London – New York, 2001) 40. 19 ZoltánХягХźosztolnyikбХ“щynasticХintriguesХandХщomesticХrealitiesХduringХ theХ ReignsХ ofХ цndrewХ юХ andХ чelaХ ю”бХ HungarianХ StudiesХ ReviewХ XXVюююХ (2001) 93–108, 97. 20 Martyn Rady, Nobility, Land and Service in Medieval Hungary, Studies in Russia and East Europe (Hondmill – New York, 2000) 41. 21 SeeХŻeonХSokolovskýбХіrehзadХdejínХverejnejХsprávyХnaХúzemíХSlovenskaХ юХпХOdХpočiatkovХdoХrokuХжкзлХ[TheХOverviewХofХtheХHistoryХofХtheХStateХ Administration on the Territory of Slovakia I : From the Beginning until the Year 1526], (Bratislava, 1995) 23; also DRMH I/1, xlv–xlix; Ferdinand UličnýбХщejinyХSlovenskaХvХжжгХažХжигХstoročíХ[TheХHistoryХofХSlovakiaХinХ the 11th – 13th century], (Bratislava, 2013) 417–418; Kosztolnyik, Hungary...890s to 1063, 251–253. 22 “III. De palatino comite. Placuit etiam, ut si aliquando palatinus comes domum ierit, regis et curie sigillum, que in vice eius remanserit, illi dimittat, ut sicut regis una est curia, et ita unum sigillum persistat. Domi vero comes idem quamdiu manserit super neminem sigillum mittat, nisi super eos dumta- xat, qui vocantur udornic et qui spontanea voluntate iverint ad eum, illi ei liceat iudicare. Quod si aliter fecerit, LV pensas solvat. Similiter et ducis comes, qui super suos, quam alios iudicaverit, eadem sententia corrigatur.”Х– DRMH I/1, 18. See alsoХSzрcsбХц nádoriХintézményбХий–35. 75 Hungaro-Polonica mentioned in the article XXXVI of the first Laws of the king Coloman, which concerns the duty of noblemen to equip the king with horses under several circumstances. They were supposed to claim their travel expenses that were to be reim- bursed from the palatine.23 The next legal document that concerned palatines was the Golden Bull of 1222, well into the 13th century.24 However, in the Kingdom of Hungary, it is possible to compile a list of the noblemen who held the office25 from as early as 1055, due to the custom to include their names as well as the title they held in the subscription of the royal charters. Palatine was ex usu the first secular dignitary after the representatives of Church,26 which corresponds with seeing him as the primus inter pares of the Barons. This allows an- swering one of the questions opened in the introduction. In Hungarian Kingdom it is not unreasonable to give the basic definition of palatine based on this; to define the palatine as a nobleman marked in a royal charter as one. That said, the proposalХ isn’tХ toХ completelyХ excludeХ thoseХ noblemenбХ whoХ 23 “XXXVI. Quando rex vel dux in comitatum aliquem intraverit, tunc megalis equus exercitualis prestetur, qui si quo casu mortuus fuerit, XV pense domino equi donentur. Si vero aliquomodo, sed non usque ad mortem lesus fuerit, pre- dicti pretii pars dimidia pro equo reddatur. Si magna fama marchiam intraverit, comes nuntios II equis exercitualibus IIII ad regem dirigat, qui cum proprio cibo illus pervenientes, pretium viatici sui a palatino comite exigant, et tantumdem ad reditum suum. Si vero equi illorum mortui vel lesi fuerint, tot pense, quot supra diximus, pro equis reddantur, sed si sani redeant, pro una via exercituali deputetur.“Х– Ibid., 27. 24 Ibid., 32–35, 95–жежрХSeeХalsoХżartynХRadyбХ“HungaryХandХtheХьoldenХ BullХofХжззз”бХчanaticaХзйХĐзежйЮХнм–108; and Rady, Nobility, 54–58. 25 цttilaХ ZsoldosбХ żagyarországХ világiХ archontológiájaХ жеее–1301 [The Laical Archontology of Hungary 1000–1301], (Budapest, 2011) 13–238. 26 See the charters available on DL/DF online: archives.hungaricana.hu/en/charters/ (3/2016); or edited in e. g. CDAC 76 Hungaro-Polonica are labelled as palatines in other sources, but have no pre- served charter to concur (like Samuel Aba /1038–1041/ or Mizse /1290/),27 just that seeing him as the absence of such confirmation should be considered.28 On the other hand, the same cannot be applied in the Bo- hemian Dukedom/Kingdom. Setting aside the debate whether or not there actually ever was an office of palatine,29 the customary subscriptions in Bohemian charters are differ- ent. It is not unusual that the list of noblemen testifying to the issuance of a charter consists only of names with no ti- tles.30 Therefore, it would be ill-fitted to base the definition of palatine, or most other dignitaries of the court in Bohemia, on the subscriptions of charters. The main sources used in the research significantly differ in character. In Czech histo- riography, the questions regarding palatines are answered via in-depth linguistic analysis of the terminology used in narrative sources (for the most part in the Chronicle of Kosmas).31 When considering the Hungarian palatines, chronicles and other narrative sources offer some interesting 27 ZsoldosбХżagyarországХvilágiХarchontológiájaбХжкбХзибХзнжбХиинг 28 This correspondence with the methodology proposed by Janken żyrdalбХ“SourceХіluralismХandХіackageХofХżethodsпХżedievalХTending of ŻivestockХ asХ anХ ъxample”бХ inХ żethodsХ andХ theХ żedievalistпХ шurrentХ Approaches in Medieval Studies, ed. M. Lamberg – J. Keskiaho – E. RäsänenХ– O. Timofeeva, (Newcastle, 2008) 134–158. 29 щvoфáčková-żaláХ– Zelenka, Curia ducis, 48–56. 30 See CDB e. g. I, 80 (1080) 87 (no offices listed); 246 (1169) 217–218 (with offices); 270 (1174) 239 (some offices listed). 31 щvoфáčková-żaláХ– Zelenka, Curia ducis, 48–56. 77 Hungaro-Polonica insides,32 but hardly can be the bases of the research, espe- cially for the 11th and 12th centuryгХцfterХallбХthereХisn’tХreallyХ a preserved equivalent in Hungarian Kingdom on par with Kosmas in the Kingdom of Bohemia and Gallus Anonymous in Poland at that time. Even though it is possible that there either never was a palatine on the Bohemian court or that the title ceased to ex- ist rather quickly,33 the Bohemian and Hungarian situations areХstillХopenedХtoХcomparisonгХTheХ“firstХafterХking”ХinХtheХ secular hierarchy of the royal court in the Bohemian circum- stances was the camerarius / summus camerarius / camerarius Boemie (chamberlain).34 The term more often used for the equivalent office in Hungarian Kingdom was the magister tavernicorum (master of treasury/treasurer) which conclu- sively existed from the second third of the 12th century on- ward.35 Interestingly enough, several palatines were the masters of treasury before they took the office – Mika was magister tavernicorum 1198, palatine 1199–1201,36 Dionysus, son of Ampod guarded the treasury 1216–1224 and became palatine 1227–1228, and again in 1231–1234,37 Dionysus To- maj was the treasurer 1224–1231 and palatine 1235–1240,38 32 SeeХmyХpreviousХpaperпХцrpádovskíХpalatíniХvoХvybranýchХnaratívnychХ prameňochХ[цrpadianХіalatinesХinХSelectedХNarrativeХSources]бХHistorickéХ štúdieХйоХĐзежкЮХззм–240. 33 щvoфáčková-żaláХ– Zelenka, Curia ducis, 48–56. 34 Ibid, 75. 35 ZsoldosбХżagyarországХvilágiХarchontológiájaбХлжг 36 Ibid, 332. 37 Ibid, 295. 38 Ibid. 78 Hungaro-Polonica the master of treasury between 1231 and 1235 was Nicho- laus, who is in 1233 referred to as the son of palatine Nicho- laus, probably the palatine in the years 1219–1222 and 1226.39 In the Polish historiography two palatines – Sethei (Sieciech)40 and his later successor41 Scarbimirus (Skarbimir) – gained fame through the narration of Gallus Anonymous, where they play an important role. They are named circa twentyХtimesХinХtheХchronicleбХbutХSieciechХhasХtheХtitleХ“palв atine”ХattachedХonlyХonceХandХSkarbimirХtwiceбХplusХonceХheХ is mentioned as princeps militie.42 It seems that in the Polish environment the term comes palatinus merged and is used synonymously with voivode (wojewoda).43 The Polish trans- 39 Ibid, 18–19, 62. It is considered that the magister tavernicorum traditionally acted as the supreme judge of all people belonging to the chamber, including its count with his staff and the burghers of the royal towns. Engel, The Realm, 154. 40 For the extensive list of Polish literature on the subject of Sieciech see яanuszХźurtykaбХ“Sieciech”бХinХ іolskiХSłownikХчiograficznyбХvolгХ XXXVI, 1995–1996, [online] www.ipsb.nina.gov.pl/index.php/a/sieciech# (3/2016). 41 At the beginning of the 22nd chapter of his second book Gallus men - tioned that after the revolt and removal of Sieciech, the Duke did not appointХ newХ palatineгХ“Dux ergo Wladislavus pristinae seditionis reminis- cens, quum Zetheum de Polonia profugavit, quamvis aetate debilis et infirmi- tate fuerit, nullum tamen in curia sua palatinum vel palatini vicarium praefecit, omnia namque per se ipsum vel suo consilio sagaciter ordinabat, vel cuilibet co- miti, cuius provinciam visitabat, curiae responsionem et sollicitudinem com- mendabat.”Х– Gallus Anonymus, Galli Chronicon, in MPH I, 443. 42 Ibid., 435, 448, 430, 476. 43 GieysztorбХ UrządХ wojewodzińskiбХ ижм–изкрХ юdгбХ WojewodaбХ SłownikХ staroђitnooeciХ słowiańskichХ VюбХ ĐWrocławбХ жонеЮХ йнл–487; Pleszczynski, The Birth of a Stereotype, 90–98; Teterycz-іuzioбХ “WczesnopiastowskaХ organizacja”, 255–зклрХźurtykaбХ“Sieciech”Х– the palatine is referred to as “palatynХĐwojewodaЮХpolskiбХnajwyђszyХdostojnikХWładysławaХHermana”рХ similarlyбХ theХ entranceХaboutХ SkarbimirХ ĐяanuszХ чieniakбХ “Skarbimir”бХinХ 79 Hungaro-Polonica lation of the Latin denomination of an administrative terri- tory of e. g. Palatinatus Cracoviensis isХ “WojewództwoХ kraв kowskie”44 (Voivodeship of Cracow), which is comparable with the situation in the German lands, where the term Pa- latinatus is synonymous with the administrative Pfalz and comes palatii/palatinus with (Hof)Pfalzgraf.45 The terminologi- cal shift in the meaning throughout the Central Europe was already analysed in several works.46 In the Hungarian context, there is an administrative ter- ritory in the Kingdom that was a voivodeship, and that is Transylvania. The name of the office of the dignitary over- іolskiХ SłownikХ чiograficznyбХ volгХ XXXVIII, 1997–1998, [online] www.ipsb.nina.gov.pl/index.php/a/skarbimir# /3/2016/), palatine in sourcesбХ refersХ toХ himХ asХ “wojewoda”гХ SeeХ ZbigniewХ ьóralskiбХ UrzędyХ iХ godnoцciХ wХ dawnejХ іolsceбХ ĐWarszawaбХ жониЮХ знжрХ щvoфáčková-żaláХ – Zelenka, Curia ducis, 52. 44 StefanХ źrzysztofХ źuczyńskiбХ іolskieХ herbyХ ziemskieгХ GenezaбХ treцciбХ funkcje [Coat of Arms of the Polish Lands. Genesis, Content, Functions], (Warszawa, 1993) 214. 45 Irmfried Eberl, Pfalzgraf, III. Ottonen-, Salier- und Stauferzeit; Pfalz, Palast, in LexMA 6, 1993–1996; 2013. The specific territory of Palatinate (formed in 12th century from the lands of the counts palatine of Lotharingia /Lorraine/; divided into the Rhenish/Lower and the Upper Palatinate) were the lands of the count palatine, ergo controlled by the leading secular prince of the Holy Roman Empire. In early medieval period, German palatines served as stewards of royal territories in the absence of emperors. Since 1214, when Frederick II granted the lands to Louis I, duke of Bavaria, the Wittelsbach dynasty controlled them. “іalatinate”бХ inХ ъncyclopaedia Britannica, [online] www.britan- nica.com/place/Palatinate (5/2016). 46 ьieysztorбХ “UrządХ wojewodziński”бХ ижм–325; Teterycz-іuzioбХ “Wczes- nopiastowskaХorganizacja”, 245–зкмрХSeeХalsoХяózefХыгХSporsбХ“ZeХstudiówХ nadХurzędamiХwХіolsceХwХXюХiХXююХwгХWojewoda, komornik, pod-komorzy”Х [From Studies on Offices in Poland in 11–12th Centuries. Voivod, Bailiff, Chamberlain], Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 44 (1992) 26–53. 80 Hungaro-Polonica seeing it varies in the Latin sources, from the princeps Ultra- silvanus,47 through dux Transsyluanus,48 to the Woiawoda.49 The originally Slavic word voi(e)vod(e) can be translated to Latin literally as dux exercituum, with the military co-notation connecting it back to the other term used by Gallus as a title for Skarbimir – princeps militie. When it comes to the military competences of Hungarian palatines, it is a problem to distinguish what was connected with the office and what was regular part of being a noble- man in the inner circle of the king.50 Several palatines led mil- itary expeditions, either with king or in his name. That does not necessary mean that it was part of their duties as pala- tines; several led military expeditions before or/and after they were palatines (e. g. Dionysus de genere TürjeЮг51 Specif- ically exercitus palatini is mentioned in Carmen Miserabile of Rogerius de Apulia, canon and later archdean in Oradea, So- pron and archbishop of Split, a narrative account of the Mon- gol invasion in 1241.52 The troops led by the palatine Diony- 47 ZsoldosбХżagyarországХvilágiХarchontológiájaбХилг 48 CDAC II, 222 (1260) 322; this is a case where the title is part of the titulature of the (junior) king. 49 DL 392 49. To my knowledge, he had never been referred to as the Palatine of Transylvania, nor was the territory ever called Palatinatus. 50 See Rady, Nobility, 144–157. 51 See DL 583 82; RA no. 608. 52 Rogerius of Apulia, Carmen MiserabileбХinХTatárskyХvpádХ[TheХżongolХ Invasion], ed. M. Marek – R. Marsina (Budmerice, 2008) 57–125; original inХяánosХThurócziбХ Chronica Hungarorum. 1488, Theobald Feger – Erhard RatdoltгХ цugsburgбХ іergamenгХ Országos SzéchényiХ źönyvtárбХ invгХ noгХ 1143, fol. 157v–172v; 76–ммрХfolгХжлжrпХ“Anno igitur domini evoluto Hungaria ad regem in malivolentia existente circa nativitatem Domini fama fuit, qoud confinia Hungarie Ruscie continua Tartari devastabant. Et, quia rex de hoc per suos nuncios certus erat, ad custodiendum portam Ruscie, que Montana 81 Hungaro-Polonica sus Tomaj (unnamed by Rogerius) guarded the eastern bor- der of the Kingdom for several months before he send one of his soldiers to tell the king that without help they will fall.53 A description of troops led by palatine on other occasion is also present in the Chronicon Pictum.54 The title princeps militie occurs in connection to a possible Hungarian palatine – the already mentioned Samuel Aba is thus titled in the Hungar- ian-Polish Chronicle.55 Samuel became the king in 1041, as the third king of Hungaria, after the death of St Stephen I and dicitur, per quam in Hungariam patebat aditus, misit maiorem suum comitem cum exercitu palatinum et fecit per totam Hungariam proclamari, quod tam nobiles, quam [...] (alii) se ad exercitum prepararent, ut essent, quando rex mitteret, preparari”г 53 “Circa vero medium quadragesime venit ad regem cursitando unus de militibus palatini ex parte ipsus referens, quod iam ad portam Ruscie pervenerant et indagines destruebant, et non credebant, quod palatinus posset eis resistere, nisi rex mittere ei auxilium festinum. [...] Et, dum in anxietate huiusmodi permaneret, quarto die postea venit idem solus, qui nocte dieque cursitaverat, palatinus dicens, quod duodecimo die intrante Marcio in porta congressum habuerat cum eisdem et suis pene omnibus sagittis et gladiis crudeliter trucidatis cum paucis evaserat [...]”Х – Ibid., 78–79; original fol. 161v. 54 The Chronicle records series of unfortunate events connected to meeting between the Hungarian king Stephen II and Bohemian duke Vladislaus I, thatХcontainsХpartХaboutХ“Ianus vero filius Vrosa, palatinus comes“ХcampingХ withХhisХtroopsХseparatelyХfromХtheХkingгХ“Ianus vero filius Vrosa, palatinus comes longe descenderant de rege. Qui cum audissent, silenter ac suaviter suos armaverunt et impetum super Bohemos, qui castra devastabant, fecit. ‘Contrivitque Dominus’ eos ‘in ore gladii’ Hungarorum et dire morti sauciavit. Misitque Ianus post regem nuncium et mamanifestavit illi victoriam [...]”Х – SRH I, 436–437; Chronicon PictumбХ[TheХюlluminatedХшhronicle]ХOrszágosХ SzéchényiХźönyvtárбХшodгХŻatгХйейбХfolгХккrг 55 “Cum quo sine mora presulem Strigonie Astriquum et principem milite Albam nomine ad avunculum suum Meschonem ducem Polonie et Ungarie conveniret.”Х – Martin Homza (ed.), Uhorsko-poзskáХkronikaХпХNedocenenýХprameňХkХ dejinámХ strednejХ ъurópyХ [TheХ Hungarian-Polish Chronicle : An UnderratedХSourceХofХtheХшentralХъurope’sХHistory]бХĐчratislavaбХзееоЮХжкег 82 Hungaro-Polonica after (at first) successful revolt against Peter Orseolo.56 He was married to the sister of St Stephen and is considered to be the first palatine in Hungarian Kingdom.57 Some proclaim that it is to be taken for granted that the office of palatine was established by St Stephen I and that Samuel held it during his reign.58 Some postulate that he was made palatine after theХweddingХwithХtheХprincessбХwhichХfittedХintoХtheХking’sХ administrative reforms, and elevated Samuel with his terri- tory (Eger) from provinciality to the higher ranks.59 Some ex- press their views more cagily, saying only that he was in a “positionХofХresponsibility”ХonХStХStephen’sХcourtб60 or follow strictlyХtheХsourcesХwhichХdateХSamuel’sХsupposedХpalatinateХ in the years 1038–1041, into the time after death of St Stephen and after the coronation of Peter Orseolo.61 The absence of a royal charter in which Samuel Aba would be labelled as palatine (or just mentioned, for that matterЮбХ doesn’tХ haveХ muchХ informationХ valueбХ sinceХ it would be extraordinary for the first half of the 11th century, if it existed. When it comes to other sources, in the Gesta Hun- garorum anonymi notarii Belae regis heХisХ‘only’ХmentionedХasХ 56 Kosztolnyik, Hungary...890s to 1063, 332–337; Engel, The Realm, 29. 57 ZsoldosбХżagyarországХvilágiХarchontológiájaбХжкбХзнж 58 SzрcsбХц nádoriХintézményбХзл–29, 300. 59 SteinhübelбХNitrianskeХkniežactvoбХжоибХзизбХижнбХйзмбХйки–454. 60 Kosztolnyik, Hungary...890s to 1063, 333. 61 ZsoldosбХżagyarországХvilágiХarchontológiájaбХжкбХзнжрХRichardХżarsinaХ et al., Dejiny Slovenska I (do roku 1526) [The History of Slovakia I (up to theХ yearХ жкзлЮ]бХ ĐчratislavaбХ жонлЮХ жмерХ ьyulaХ źristóбХ “Nádorok”Х [іalatines]бХandХŻászlóХSzegfűбХ“SámuelХцba”бХinХźoraiХżagyarХTörténetiХ Lexikon (9–жйгХ századЮбХ edгХ ьyгХ źristóХ – P. Engel – F. Makk (Budapest, 1994) 474, and 592–593. 83 Hungaro-Polonica a king.62 In most of the versions of Chronici Hungarici compo- sitio saeculi XIV. heХisХonlyХasХ„quidam comes“г63 Samuel is titled comes pal(l)atii in the hagiographic docu- ment De Sancto Gerhardo episcopo Morosenensi et martyre regni Ungarie from the second half of the 13th century64 and later in the Chronicon Budense, one of the versions of Chronici Hungarici published in the 15th century.65 He is titled princeps 62 VincentХ żúcskaХ ĐedгЮбХ źronikaХ anonymnéhoХ notáraХ kráзaХ чelaХ пХ Gesta Hungarorum [The Chronicle of Anonymous Notary of King Bela: Gesta Hungarorum], (Budmerice, 20ееЮХмнБмог 63 “Anno igitur regni Petri tertio principes Hungarorum et milites consilio episcoporum convenerunt adversus Petrum regem et sollicite querebant, si aliquem de regali progenie in regno tunc invenire possent, qui ad gubernandum regnum esset ydoneus et eos a tyrannide Petri liberaret. Cimque neminem talem in regno invenire potuissent, elegerunt de semet ipsis quemdam comitem nomine Abam, sororium sancti regis Stephani et eum super se regem constituerunt.”Х– SRH I, 324–325; Chronicon Pictum, fol. 24rгХTheХ“quidam comes”Х isХ ratherХ dismissiveХ towardsХ SamuelбХ andХ canХ beХ viewedХ asХ anХ attempt to discredit him – the domestic noblemen who usurped the throne from the king with a foreign origin might have been a touchy topic in the period. Chronici Hungarici was composed under the rule of the Anjou kings (See SRH I, 219–237) and even though the parts concerning the first ÁrpadХkingsХwereХtakenХfromХolderХsourcesбХsomeХalterationsХmightХhadХ been made, especially when taken in account the problems Charles Robert hadХwithХsoХcalledХ‘oligarch-palatines’бХaboutХwhichХseeХSzрcsбХцХnádoriХ intézményбХ жем–114; so the title palatine might have been omitted on purpose. 64 “Post quem Petrus in regem coronatus est, cui cum omnes regni principes fidelitatem sub iureiurando spopondissent, Alba comes pallacii, deiecto Petro, regalem coronam et aulam regiam sibi usurpavit”Х– SRH II, 500; Kosztolnyik, Hungary...890s to 1063, 281. 65 Incunable issued in June 1473. SRH I, 220. The SRH I edition actually does not contain the mention from Chronicon Budense, which is possible to find only in the separate edition by Podradczky (Chronicon Budense, ed. I. іodradczkyбХ ĐчudaбХ жнинЮХмнпХ“Et Samuel Aba, S. Stephani sororis maritus, Palatii Comes, ei sufficitur. Anno 1041.”ХцlsoХseeХChronica Hungarorum, Buda жймибХ щigitálisХ kincstárХ - Digital treasury, (Budapest, 2006). The quoted text is paragraph heading, in the text of the paragraph itself Samusel is still “quemdam comitem nomine Abam.” 84 Hungaro-Polonica milite66 in the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle, which was also most likely composed in the 13th century, so around two hun- dred years after his death. None of this means thatХheХwasn’tХ a palatine, but neither that he was. The most substantiated conclusion is that in the 13th century, it made sense to the au- thor of De Sancto Gerhardo to connect the title of palatine to Samuel Aba, either because he had access to some nowadays unknown source or because the level of power Samuel Aba achieved – overthrowing the ruling king and becoming the ruler himself – was coherent with the position the palatines at that time enjoyed in the Kingdom. The use of princeps mil- itie in Hungarian-Polish Chronicle can fall into the same cat- egory, but on a more hypothetical level. The author mixed several historical figures and events together, so Alba in the Chronicle is not strictly speaking just Samuel Aba. It cannot be ruled out, that the author knew the work of Gallus Anon- ymous – he actually mentions Sieciech with the title of pala- tine67 – andХtheХ“princeps militie”ХmightХhaveХbeenХaХreferenceХ to it, or at least he could have adopted the title in the іolishдlocalХenvironmentбХandХnotХnecessarilyХ“have a West- ernХorigin” as some say that the terminological use of the title supportsХtheХbelieveХinХtheХWesternХoriginХofХtheХшhronicle’sХ author.68 The comparability of the Central European models of courts is undeniable, but in no way simple. As stated about the court of Bohemia, neither court was just an application 66 Homza, Uhorsko-poзskáХkronikaХpгХжнбХжкег 67 Ibid., 176. 68 Ibid., 151. 85 Hungaro-Polonica of a foreign system, nor was any of them autochthonous.69 It is not possible to compare the three dominions with a strict approach, either looking only on the namesake offices or searching for equivalent dignitaries with rigorously same competences. As for the office of palatine, barely existent in Bohemia, and on its peak with Sieciech and Scarbimir in the 12th century in Poland, in the Kingdom of Hungary it became “specificХandХuniqueХinstitution”70 during the 13th century.71 Bibliography Primary sources Gallus Anonymus, Galli Chronicon, in MPH, I, edгХцгХчielowskiбХĐŻwówбХ 1864) 390–459. Hincmar von Reims, De Ordine Palatii, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Fontes iuris 3, ed. Th. Gross – R. Schieffer (Hannover, 1980). Rogerius of Apulia, Carmen MiserabileбХ inХ TatárskyХ vpádХ [TheХ żongolХ Invasion], ed. M. 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Homza (Bratislava, 2009). 69 щvoфáčková-żaláХ– Zelenka, Curia ducis, 73. 70 SzрcsбХц nádoriХintézményбХиеег 71 ZsoldosбХżagyarországХvilágiХarchontológiájaбХжк–25. 86 Hungaro-Polonica Secondary literature щvoфáčková-żaláбХ щanaХ – Zelenka, Jan, Curia ducis, curia regis. іanovníckyХ dvůrХ zaХ vládyХ іфemyslovcůХ [шuriaХ щucisбХ шuriaХ RegisгХ TheХ Royal CourtХunderХtheХRuleХofХіфemyslids] (Praha, 2011) ъngelбХіálбХTheХRealmХofХStХStephenбХц History of Medieval Hungary, 895– 1526 (London – New York, 2001). ьieysztorбХцlexanderбХ“UrządХwojewodzińskiХweХwczesnychХpaństwachХ słowiańskichХюX–XюХwieku”Х[TheХOffice Voivod in Early Slavic Countries in 9–11th Century], Archeologia Polski 16 (1971) 317–325. źosztolnyikбХZoltánХягХHungaryХunderХtheХъarlyХÁrpadsбХноеsХtoХжелибХъastХ European Monographs DCV (New York, 2002). Lexikon des Mittelalters, CD-ROM-Ausgabe, J. B. Metzler 2000. Pleszczynski, Andrzej, The Birth of a Stereotype: Polish Rulers and their Country in German Writings c. 1000 A.D. (Leiden – Boston, 2011). Rady, Martyn, Nobility, Land and Service in Medieval Hungary, Studies in Russia and East Europe (Hondmill – New York, 2000). Ragin, Charles C, The Comparative Method (Berkeley – Los Angeles – London, 1987). SteinhübelбХ яánбХ NitrianskeХ kniežactvoХ [TheХ NitraХ щuchy] (Budmerice – Bratislava, 2004). SzрcsбХ TiborбХ цХ nádoriХ intézményХ koraiХ történeteХ жеее–1342 [An Early History of the Palatinal Institution 1000–1342], Subsidia ad historiam medii aevi Hungariae inquirendam 5 (Budapest, 2014). SzűcsбХяenрбХ“Three Historical Regions of Europe”, in Civil Society and the State, ed. J. Keane (London, 1988) 291–331. Teterycz-іuzioбХ цgnieszkaбХ “WczesnopiastowskaХ organizacjaХ administracyjnaХwХXХiХXюХwieku”Х[ъarlyХіiastХцdministrativeХOrganisationХ in the 10th and 11th шentury]бХSłupskieХ StudiaХ HistoryczneХ оХ ĐзеежЮХзйк– 257. ZsoldosбХ цttilaбХ żagyarországХ világiХ archontológiájaХ жеее–1301 [The Secular Archontology of Hungary 1000–1301] (Budapest, 2011). 87 Gábor Barabás University of Pécs Coloman of Galicia and his Polish Relations. The Duke of Slavonia as Protector of Widowed Duchesses* Rivalry in Galicia At the beginning of the 13th century the main contact area of Polish-Hungarian relations was Galicia, where the interests ofХtheХÁrpádsХandХіiastsХmet that of the local elite.1 The ori- gins of the Polish connections of Prince Coloman (1208– 1241)2 can also be found there. The Polish-Hungarian com- petition in this area was strengthened especially after the * Research for this paper was supported by the Hungarian Scientific Research Found (OTKA NN 109690). I am grateful to Professor Endre Sashalmi for the correction of the text. 1 Cf. żárta FontбХÁrpád-háziХkirályokХésХRurikidaХfejedelmekХ[цrpadianХ Kings and The Rurikid Princes] (Szeged, 2005) 179–зжйрХ NatašaХ іrocházkováбХ "Some Notes on the Titles of Coloman of Galicia", in Slovakia and Croatia Vol I. Slovakia and Croatia Historical Parallels and шonnectionsХĐuntilХжмнеЮбХedгХVгХźucharskáХ– SгХźuzmováХ– A. Mesiarkin (Bratislava – Zagreb, 2013) 104. 2 ьézaХźanyóбХЧźálmánХherczegХжзен–жзйж”Х[шolomanбХHungrianХіrince 1208–1241], Katholikus Szemle 9 (1895) 250–267, 414–ййкрХ TiborХ цlmásiбХ ЧźálmánгХżagyarХherceg”Х[шolomanбХHungarianХіrince]бХinХKorai magyar történetiХ lexikonХ Đо–жйгХ századЮбХ edХ ьyгХ źristóХ – P. Engel – F. Makk (Budapest, 1994) 316. 89 Hungaro-Polonica death of Roman Mstislavič3 in 1205,4 although the Hungarian endeavour concerning Galicia was already noticeable at the timeХofХźingХчélaХюююг5 Roman was killed in the battle of Zawi- chost, while he was fighting certain Polish dukes (Leszek the White and Konrad of Masovia).6 His widow, Maria, had no choice but to try to protect the interests of their sons, Daniel and Vasilko. In this situation she turned to the Duke of Cra- cow, Leszek the White, while seeking the support of Andrew II as well.7 The Hungarian king arranged a personal meeting with Maria and came to an agreement with Leszek in 1206.8 The next conflict broke out in 1213, when Andrew II planned a campaign to support Maria and Daniel. On his way to Galicia he learned about the assassination of his wife, Gertrud of Merania.9 The king turned back to Hungary, while his army, led by Vladislav źormiličič, continued 3 щariuszХ щąbrowskiбХ RodowódХ RomanowiczówХ ksiąђątХ halicko- wołyńskichХ [TheХ ьenealogyХ ofХ theХ RomanowiczesХ ofХ theХ щuchyХ ьalica- Żodomeria]ХĐіoznańХ– WrocławбХзеезЮХзи–44. 4 źarolХHollýб "Princess Salomea and Hungarian–Polish Relations in the Period 1214–жзйжЧбХHistorickýХСasopisХккбХSupplement (2007) 10. 5 ыontбХÁrpád-háziХkirályokбХжмо–187. 6 HollýбХ “іrincessХ Salomea”бХ жерХ щariuszХ щąbrowskiбХ “іiastenХ undХ RjurikidenХvomХжжгХbisХzurХżitteХdesХжигХяahrhunderts“бХinХDie piastische Herrschaft in kontinentalen Beziehungsgeflechten vom 10. bis zum frühenХжи. Jahrhundert, ed. D. Adamczyk – N. Kersken (Wiesbaden, 2015) 180. 7 HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжег 8 żárta Font, “II.цndrás oroszХ politikájaХ ésХ hadjáratai“ [The Russian іolicyХandХtheХшampaignsХofХźingХцndrewХюю]бХSzázadokХжзкХĐжоожЮХ119, 122–жзирХHollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжжг 9 ыorХ thisХ seeХ recentlyХ TamásХźörmendiбХ цХ “ьertrúdХ királynéХ elleniХ meв rényletХ körülményei”Х [TheХ шircumstancesХ ofХ theХ цsassinationХ ofХ їueenХ ьertrude]бХinХъgyХtörténelmiХgyilkosságХmargójáraгХжзжи–зежигХżerániaiХ ьertrúdХemlékezeteбХedгХягХżajorossyХĐSzentendreбХзежйЮХок–124. 90 Hungaro-Polonica marching to Galicia. After his first successes Vladislav func- tioned as the Hungarian governor of Galicia. The widow of Roman seemed to be unsatisfied with the turn of events, so she contacted Leszek the White again. Daniel raised an army with the support of the Cracowian duke and defeated VladislavХinХtheХbattleХbyХtheХriverХчóbrkaг10 Despite this vic- tory, Leszek and Daniel could not accomplish the much de- sired territorial control.11 The reaction of Andrew II to these events was a campaign against Cracow. According to certain suppositions, the Hun- garian king planned to place his second son, Coloman as king on the throne of Galicia as early as 1213.12 Later on he wrote about this issue to Pope Innocent III and he described the plan as the idea of certain boyars of Galicia, the so-called Hungarian party.13 In this situation Leszek found himself in a dilemma: he could either fight the Hungarian king or co- operate with him. The Duke of Cracow chose the second op- tion as the events of 1214 show us.14 In the fall of this year one of the most important actions of the selected era took place, namely the meeting of SpišХ (ScepusiaбХ Szepesség) of Andrew II and Leszek the White. The meeting of the rulers was also a turning point in the life of Prince Coloman, the second son of the Hungarian king. In the so-called agreement (or treaty) of Spiš Andrew and 10 ыontбХ“ююгХцndrásХorosz“бХжзй–жзкрХHollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжжг 11 ыontбХ“ююгХцndrásХorosz“бХжзкрХHollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжжг 12 Cf. ibid. 11–12. 13 RA no. 294. See: ыontбХ “ююгХ цndrásХ orosz“бХ ж25–126; HollýбХ “Princess Salomea”бХжж–12. 14 ыontбХ“ююгХцndrásХorosz“бХжзк–126; HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бжзг 91 Hungaro-Polonica Leszek came to the decision that their alliance should be con- firmed by the marriage of Coloman and Salomea, the daugh- ter of Leszek.15 Concerning the effects of the agreement one can find two contradictory opinions. On the one hand, and this is the conventional view, the agreement is considered fa- vourable especially for the Hungarian king, since according to the agreement Coloman should have ruled over Galicia as king, while Leszek only got іrzemyцlХandХŻubaczówХin re- turn.16 On the other hand it has to be emphasised that the daughter of the Cracowian duke was engaged to a member ofХ theХ ÁrpádsбХ andХ this kind of event had happened only once since 1138, so Leszek could benefit from the prestige of this marriage.17 According to some scholars he could even secure the coronation of Salomea in the agreement – at least, later events can point to this conclusion.18 As a result of the agreement of Spiš Coloman was placed in Galicia at the end of 1214, and was waiting for the corona- tion, perhaps already in the company of his bride.19 It is in- teresting, however that there is no mention of Salomea in the 15 ыontбХ“ююгХцndrásХorosz“бХжзкрХNatašaХіrocházkováбХ“źoloman HaličskýХ naХ SpišiХ predХ rokomХ жзйж“Х [шolomanХ ofХ ьaliciaХ inХ Spiš before 1241], in TerraХScepusiensisгХStanХbadańХnadХdziejamiХSpiszuб edгХRгХьładkiewiczХ– M. Homza (Żevoča – WrocławбХзееиЮХзййрХHollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжзг 16 ыontбХ“ююгХцndrásХorosz“бХжзкг 17 HollýбХ “іrincessХ Salomea”бХ жзбХ жйбХ жкгХ шfгХ WojciechХ źozłowskiбХ “The Dynastic Horizons of the Árpáds and Piasts, ca. 1150–1250“бХ Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU 15 (2009) 85, 89–94. 18 HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжзрХЭura Hardi stated that the assurance of Marias and Daniels rule in Vladimir was also part of the agreement of Spiš. ЭuraХHardiбХNaslednici Kijeva [The Successors of Kiev]. (Novi Sad, 2002) 134. 19 HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бжкгХżártaХыontХdeniedХthisХoptionг ыontбХ“ююгХ цndrásХorosz“бХжзмг 92 Hungaro-Polonica letter of Andrew II, which he sent to Pope Innocent III.20 In another royal charter from the following year we learn about theХ papalХ grantХ ofХ шoloman’sХ coronationг21 Yet, it is also questionable if Salomea was crowned too, at the inaugura- tion of her husband. Gerard Labuda, for example, denied this possibility, based on the assumed age of the duchess. Furthermore, he assumes the participation of the Cracowian bishopбХ VincentyХ źadłubekХ atХ theХ coronationгХ TheХ SlovakХ historianХ źarolХ HollýбХ onХ theХ contraryбХ interpretsХ thisХ hyв pothesisХasХanХindicatorХofХSalomea’sХattendance of the cere- mony.22 It is also possible to suppose multiple acts: namely that the unction and the first coronation was performed right after the meeting of SpišХinХHungaryбХъsztergom, while the second one with the crown sent by the pope only later.23 żártaХыontХearlierХcountedХwithХoneХcoronationХandХdatedХ this event to the pontificate of Innocent III, so before July 1216 and she thought it was performed in Galicia.24 At the outset of the 20th centuryХUbulХźállayХclaimedХthatХtheХcoroв nation had happened in Hungary at the turn of 1215 and 20 RA no. 294. It can be assumed that it was composed before the meeting of Spiš. For that see HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжкг 21 RA no. 302. 22 HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжл–17; Gerard Labuda, Zaginiona kronika z pierwszejХ połowyХ XюююХ wiekuХ wХ RocznikachХ źrólestwa Polskiego Jana щługoszaпХpróbaХrekonstrukcjiХ[цХŻostХшhronicleХfromХtheХыirstХHalfХofХtheХ 13th шenturyХ inХ theХ цnnalesХ ofХ theХ іolishХ źingdomХ byХ яanХ щługosz]Х ĐіoznańбХжониЮХ54–55. 23 HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжмгХ 24 ыontбХ“ююгХцndrásХorosz“бХжзл–127. For the changes in her opinion see her upcomingХ workХ onХ шolomanХ ĐżártaХ ыontбХ “źálmánХ ésХ SalomeaгХ цХ koronázásХ problémái“Х [шolomanХ andХ SalomeaбХ іroblemsХ ofХ theХ шoronation]бХinХюnХmemoriamХźosztaХŻászlóбХedгХTгХыedelesХ– Zs. Hunyadi (Szeged, 2016) in print. 93 Hungaro-Polonica 1216.25 юnХ theХ жозеsХ іolishХ historianХ чronisławХ WłodarskiбХ and recently the Slovak Nataša іrocházkovaХalsoХoptedХforХ the Hungarian location, while earlier Gerard Labuda had ar- gued for a coronation in Galicia.26 юnХ Salomea’s case it is even more difficult to come to a conclusion about her participation, since there are even less sources known. The date of her leave of Cracow itself is ques- tionable, so we do not know exactly when Salomea was brought to Galicia to Coloman. According to the traditional view it did not happen right after the meeting of Spiš or even after the coronation of the Hungarian prince,27 since the daughter of the Cracowian duke was in a very young age. Otherwise it is also assumed that Leszek did not intend to observe the terms of the agreement, so it is not surprising that there is no evidence of the coronation of Salomea.28 Ka- rolХHollýХonХtheХotherХhandХemphasisedХtheХweakХpointsХofХ this argumentation. The doubts based on the age of the duch- ess, for instance, can be refused by many analogues. Con- cerning the intentions of Leszek the White, he employs the 25 Ubul źállayбХ“żikorХkoronáztákХmegХźálmántХHalicsХfelkentХkirályátХaХ pápátólХküldöttХkoronávalф“Х[WhenХandХWhereХwasХшolomanбХtheХцneledХ źingХofХьaliciaХшrownedХwithХtheХшrownХsentХbyХtheХіopeф]бХSzázadokХимХ (1903) 672–673. 26 NatašaХ іrocházkováбХ “іostavenieХ haličskéhoХ kráзaХ aХ slavónskehoХ kniežaťaХ źolomanaХ zХ roduХ цrpádovcovХ vХ uhorskejХ vnútornejХ aХ zahraničnejХ politikeХ vХ prvejХ poloviciХ жигХ storočia“Х [źingХ ofХ ьaliciaХ andХ Duke of Slavonia. шolomanХofХtheХÁrpádianХщynastyгХюnХtheХыirstХHalfХofХ the 13th Century], Medea зХĐчratislavaбХжоонЮХлмрХіrocházkováбХ“Koloman Haličský“бХзйй–245; Labuda, Zaginiona kronika z, кйгХSummarisingХHollýбХ “іrincessХSalomea”бХжмг 27 żártaХыontХdatesХitХtoХжзжогХыontбХ“ююгХцndrásХorosz“бХжзнг 28 SummarisingпХHollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжм–18. 94 Hungaro-Polonica evaluation of the agreement of Spiš and states that its out- come was favourable for the Polish duke, so he was rather interested in preserving the deal.29 And as the most im- portant argument he came up with the letter of Andrew II sent to Pope Innocent III in 1215, in which we can find a pas- sage about the accomplished marriage.30 ыurthermoreбХHollýХ refers to the later legend of Salomea reporting on her trip to Galicia at the age of three, right after the agreement men- tioned several times.31 In connection with this idea he takes it probable that the young couple was crowned together.32 We cannot decide this question though definitely, yet, the queen status33 of SalomeaХisХthanksХtoХhisХhusbands’ХtitleХnotХ doubtful, as her addressing in the letter of Pope Gregory IX in 1234 proves it.34 TheХ“rule”ХofХtheХnewХkingХinХьaliciaХdidХnotХlastХlongбХ and probably ended in 1221 or 1222 at the latest. It is ques- tionable if Coloman and Salomea spent the whole time there, or they were expelled in 1219 from Galicia, and got back there later as a result of a Hungarian campaign.35 The end of the Ruthenian episode of the life of the royal couple caused the attack of Mstislav Udalyj, the duke of Novgorod. Peace was restored through the engagement of Andrew, the third son of Andrew II, and the daughter of Mstislav.36 Coloman 29 HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжнг 30 RA no. 302. 31 HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжн–19. 32 Ibid. 19–20. 33 Although it did not require the act of coronation. 34 RGIX noгХзжзлгХSeeХHollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжо–зегХżártaХыontХdidn’tХ deny the possibility of the coronationгХыontбХ“ююгХцndrásХorosz“бХжзнг 35 шfгХыontбХ“ююгХцndrásХorosz“бХжзн–жзорХHollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХзз–23. 36 ыontбХ“ююгХцndrásХorosz“б жзорХыontбХÁrpád-háziХkirályokбХзжи–214. 95 Hungaro-Polonica and Salomea had to move to Hungary in this situation: first they settled in Spiš,37 but in 1226 Coloman followed his elder brotherбХчélaбХasХtheХщukeХofХшroatiaХandХщalmatiaг38 Coloman and the monastery of Spiš Coloman got in touch with Polish matters, however, already before becoming the Duke of Slavonia,39 in Spiš. As we men- tioned already, after his return from Galicia he spent many years there, in the north-eastern part of Hungary, in a loca- tion near his former Kingdom, as well as Poland.40 We do not know about an active political role of Coloman (or Salomea) of this time, but there is one case in which the prince and his Polish connection could have played an important role. So, it is very likely that Coloman was the founder of the Cister- cian monastery of Spiš (Savnik – Spišský ŠtiavnikЮ, or at least 37 See Attila Zsoldos, “SzepesХmegyeХkialakulása“ [The Formation of Sze- pesХшounty]бХTörténelmiХSzemleХйиХĐзеежЮХзкрХHollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХ 25–26. 38 ыontбХ Árpád-háziХ királyokб зжмрХ ьyulaХ źristóбХ A feudálisХ szét- tagolódás żagyarországonХ [TheХ ыeudalХ Fragmentation in Hungary] (Budapest, 1979) 48. 39 TheХquestionХofХшoloman’sХrole in the genesis of the so called Polish- Hungarian Chronicle is not the subject of this paper. For this see recently цdrienХ їuéret-Podesta, “VomХ UngarnХ derХ ÁrpádenХ zumХ іolenХ derХ Piasten. Zur Entstehung und zum Schicksal der sogenannten Ungarisch- polnischen Chronik“ inХżittelalterlicheХъlitenХundХźulturtransferХöstlichХ derХ ъlbeгХ юnterdisziplinäreХ чeiträgeХ zuХ цrchäologieХ undХ ьeschichteХ imХ mittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa, ed. A. Klammt – SгХ RossignolХ Đьöt- tingen, 2009) 70–мжбХмибХмкрХяuditХшsákóбХ“цХżagyar–lengyelХźrónikaХésХaХ hazaiХ elbeszélрХ hagyomány“Х [TheХ Hungarian-Polish Chronicle and the Domestic Narrative Tradition], Századok 148 (2014) 305–315. 40 See Zsoldos, “SzepesХ megyeХ kialakulása“, 25; HollýбХ “Princess Sa- lomea”бХзк–26. 96 Hungaro-Polonica his father managed to do it with his cooperation.41 It has to be mentioned as well that according to other views the mon- astery was founded by Dionysius, son of Ampud, the Hun- garian master of the treasury (magister tavernicorum rega- lium). It also has to be considered that he was the count of Spiš in 1216 and he later became a close trusted man of Co- loman.42 The significance of this foundation can be found in the circumstances of its own formation. On the basis of the statute of the general chapter of шîteaux43 we know that the abbotsХofХtheХіolishХmonasteriesХSulejówХandХźoprzywnica were sent to examine the petition of Dionysius concerning a new monastery. They must have found there suitable condi- tions, because the right was granted to Dionysius to bring monksХ thereХ fromХ anotherХ іolishХ monasteryбХ Wąchockг44 41 For the detailed introduction of this topic see чeátaХVidaбХ“цХciszterciХ rendХ kezdeteinekХ vitatottХ kérdéseiХ aХ Szepességben“Х [TheХ щisputedХ Questions about the Beginnings of the Cistercian Order in Spiš], in Fons, skepsisбХlexгХÜnnepiХtanulmányokХaХмеХesztendрsХżakkХыerencХtiszteletéreбХ ed. T. цlmási – ÉгХRévészХ– Gy. Szabados (Szeged, 2010) 462. Cf. Beatrix RomhányiбХ “The Role of the Cistercians in Medieval Hungary: Political Activity or Internal Colonization?“б Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU 1 (1994) 194; Beatrix Romhányi, KolostorokХesХtársaskáptalanokХaХközépkoriХ żagyarországonХ [żonasteriesХ andХ шollegialХ шhaptersХ inХ theХ żedievalХ Hungary] (шщХRomбХзеенЮХ’Savnik’ 42 źristófХźeglevichбХ“цХszepesiХapátságХtörténeteХazХÁrpád- ésХцnjou-kor- ban (1223–жинмЮХ“Х[HistoryХofХtheХцbbeyХofХSpiš inХtheХÁrpád- and Angevin Era], Fons 14 (2007) 5–11. 43 For the catalogues about the foundations of the Cistercian monasteries cfгХ щánielХ чácsatyaiбХ “цzХ egresiХ ciszterciХ monostorХ koraiХ történeténekХ kérdései“Х[TheХїuestionsХofХъarlyХHistoryХofХTheХшistercian Monastery of Egres], SzázadokХжйоХĐзежкЮХ264–267. 44 RomhányiбХ“TheХRoleХof”бХжоерХіrocházkováбХ“źolomanХHaličský“бХзйкрХ źeglevichбХ“цХszepesiХapátság”бХкрХżárta Font (ed.), Dinasztia, Hatalom, ъgyházгХRégiókХformálásaХъurópaХközepénХĐоее–1453) [Dynasty, Power, Church. Formation of Regions in the Middle of Europe (900–1453)] (іécsбХ 2009) 413. 97 Hungaro-Polonica Among the medieval Cistercian monasteries in Hungary this one was quite a unique case considering the circumstances mentioned, because the other foundations happened from French or Austrian bases (the new monasteries were filiates of Clairvaux, Pontigny or Heiligenkreutz).45 Only three other abbeys belonged to the Morimond-group besides the mon- astery of SpišпХ шikádorбХчorsmonostorХ andХ Zagrebг46 How- ever, the role of the Polish monasteries can be explained by the fact of geographical closeness,47 or internal colonization48 as well, but the presence of Coloman in Spiš by the time of the foundation (1223)49 allows us to take his Polish contacts into consideration as one of the reasons for the participation of the mentioned monasteries.50 It is interesting too that there is no other known evidence of a Polish participation in the ecclesiastical matters of Coloman, which perhaps can be ex- plained by the distance between Slavonia and the Polish lands. 45 Żászló Koszta, “щieХ ьründungХ vonХ ZisterzienserklösternХ inХ UngarnХ 1142–жзме“бХUngarn–Jahrbuch 23 (1997) 66–68; Font, Dinasztia, Hatalom, ъgyházбХйео–413. 46 Font, DinasztiaбХ HatalomбХ ъgyházбХйжзрХ Koszta, “щieХ ьründungХ von”бХ 76. 47 ыontбХщinasztiaбХHatalomбХъgyházбХйжиг 48 RomhányiбХ“TheХRoleХof”, 190. 49 źeglevichбХ“цХszepesiХapátság”б 5. 50 Martin Homza stated that the initiative of the foundation had come from Salomea herself, although he later modified this presumption. Martin Homza, “VzťahyХ SpišaХ aХ żalopoзskaХ odХ rokuХ жжинХ doХ rokuХ жзйж“ [Relations between Spiš and Lesser Poland from 1138 to 1241], in ZborníkХ príspevkovХkХslovenskýmХdejinámбХedгХягХчobákХĐчratislavaбХжоо8) 106, 111. SeeпХіrocházkováбХ“źolomanХHaličský“бХзйкрХVidaбХ“цХciszterciХrend”бХйлзг 98 Hungaro-Polonica Papal Protections and Coloman The next relevant topic of the Polish-Hungarian relations concerning the life of Coloman and Salomea was the papal protection of two Polish duchesses and their sons. On 23rd December 1233 two charters were issued in the papal chan- cellery, both addressed to the Duke of Slavonia.51 These let- ters were meant to secure the protections of the Apostolic See givenХ toХ ьrzymisławaХ ofХ Sandomierz52 and to Viola of Opole.53 Due to their requests Pope Gregory IX took the wid- owedХduchessesХunderХhisХandХSaintХіeter’sХdefenceбХasХweХ 51 SeeХіrocházkováбХ”іostavenieХhaličskéhoХkráзa”бХмжрХ ыontбХÁrpád-háziХ királyokбХ 217; żárta Font, “цХ világiХ igazgatásХ intézményrendszerénekХ kialakulásaХ azХ Árpád-korban (1000–жиежЮХ “Х [TheХ ыormationХ ofХ theХ юnstitutionsХofХtheХŻaicalХцdministrationХinХtheХÁrpád-era (1000–1301)], in M. Font – T. Fedeles – G. KissбХ żagyarországХ kormányzatiХ rendszereХ (1000–1526) (іécsбХзеемЮХизрХżartinХHomzaбХ“źrólХHaliczaХźolomanХjakoХ dux Scepusiae“Х [шolomanбХ źingХ ofХ ьaliciaХ asХ dux Scepusiae], in Historia scepusii. Vol. I. ed. M. Homza – S. A. Sroka (Bratislava – źrakówбХзееоЮХ 148рХ HollýбХ “іrincessХ Salomea”бХ зкрХ ьáborХ чarabásбХ Das Papsttum und UngarnХ inХ derХ erstenХ HälfteХ desХ жигХ яahrhundertsХ Đca. 1198– ca. 1241). іäpstlicheХ ъinflussnahmeХ – Zusammenwirken – юnteressengegensätzeг Publikationen der ungarischen Geschichtsforschung in Wien. Bd. VI. (Wien, 2014) 226–230. 52 See чenedyktХZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeХundХseineХZeitпХіolitikХundХ GesellschaftХ imХ mittelalterlichenХ SchlesienХ ĐżünchenбХ зеез) 255, 285; Johannes Fried, щerХ päpstlicheХ SchutzХ fürХ ŻaienfürstenгХ щieХ politischeХ ьeschichteХdesХpäpstlichenХSchutzprivilegsХfürХŻaienХĐжж–13. Jahrhundert) (Heidelberg, 1980) 290. For the earlier history of Sandomierz see Andrzej чukoбХ“Sandomierz sedes regni principalis and State Formation Processes in Little Poland“б inХыrühgeschichtlicheХZentralorteХinХżitteleuropaбХedгХягХ żachácekХ– ŠгХUngermanХĐчonnбХзежжЮХ643–651. 53 SeeХZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtige, 280–281, 289; Anna Grabowska, “The Church in the Politics of the Duke of Opole Mieszko II. Obese (1238–1246) in the Light of Diplomatic Sources“, in Cogito, Scribo, Spero. Auxiliary Historical Sciences in Central Europe at the Outset of the 21st Century, ed. 99 Hungaro-Polonica learn this from the charters sent directly to the duchesses.54 Prince Coloman was ordered as a lay conservator55 to protect them, their children as well as their belongings and rights.56 The papal protection of laymen was not an extraordinary phenomenon in the first half of the 13th century, as this prac- tice was growing under the pontificate of Innocent III.57 The significance of these cases, however, is the role of the Hun- garian prince. Though he was not the only appointed protec- tor, as the archbishop ofХьnieznoХandХtheХbishopХofХWrocławХ were involved in both cases as ecclesiastical guardians con- cerning Viola, together with the bishop of Olomuc,58 while inХtheХcaseХofХьrzymisławaХwithХtheХbishopХofХшracowг59 Co- loman was neither the only temporal power entrusted by the popeгХ TheХ interestsХ ofХ ьrzymisławaХ hadХ toХ beХ guardedХ byХ Henry the Bearded, Duke of Silesia,60 who previously had acted many times in favour of the duchess and maintained an especially good relationship with the papacy.61 M. Bolom-Kotari – ягХZouharХĐHradecХźrálovéбХзежзЮХ193, 198–199; Fried, щerХpäpstlicheХSchutzбХзоег 54 RPR. no. 9337. RGIX no. 1645; RPR no. 9351, RGIX no. 1647. 55 ыriedбХщerХpäpstlicheХSchutzбХиео–310. 56 ыorХ theХ papalХ protectionХ seeХ ыriedбХ щerХ päpstlicheХ SchutzбХ andХ ьáborХ чarabásбХ “ViolaХ opoleiХ hercegnрХ ésХ źálmánХ szlavónХ hercegгХ ъgyХ historiográfiaiХ vitaХ margójára“Х [щuchessХ ViolaХ ofХ OpoleХ andХ шolomanбХ Duke of Slavonia. Contribution to a Historiographical Dispute], VilágtörténetХимХĐзежкЮХл–мрХюdгбХ“Prinz Koloman und Herzogin Viola von OppelnгХчeitragХzuХeinemХhistoriographischenХщisput“бХUngarn–Jahrbuch 32 (2016) 2–3. 57 ыriedбХщerХpäpstlicheХSchutzбХзлй–265. 58 RPR no. 9348, RGIX no. 1646. 59 RPR no. 9350, RGIX no. 1648. 60 RGIX. no. 1650. 61 See ZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeб 285. 100 Hungaro-Polonica The reason of the papal mandate given to the Hungarian duke and the tasks imposed on him, although similar, were notХtheХsameХinХtheХtwoХcasesгХTheХgroundХforХшoloman’sХasв signment can be traced down through the analysis of the sit- uationsХ ofХ ьrzymisławaХ andХ ViolaХ andХ theirХ connection to the Duke of Slavonia or broadly to the Hungarian royal fam- ily. The case of the duchess of Sandomierz seems to be clearer than the other one, so we will examine it first. She was the widow of Leszek the White, the mother of Salomea, and the mother-in-law of Coloman. The Cracowian duke was murdered at the meeting of the Polish dukes in Gąsawa on 27th November 1227. After this event WładysławХ III Laskonogi (Spindleshanks), ruler of Greater Poland and Konrad of Masovia, the brother of Leszek fought for the throne of Cracow. The widow of Leszek renounced the rightsХofХherХsonХinХfavourХofХWładysławХinХжззнбХsoХsheХreв ceived the territory of Sandomierz in return. After the death of Laskonogi Henry the Bearded became the greatest sup- porter of mother and child against Konrad of Masovia.62 The щukeХofХSilesiaбХasХalreadyХmentionedбХhelpedХьrzymisława contacting the Apostolic See: his contribution was inevitable, 62 ыorХtheХconflictХseeХZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeбХзйо–284; іrzemysławХ WiszewskiбХHenrykХююХіoboђnyгХчiografiaХіolitycznaХ[HenryХююХtheХіiousгХ A Political Biography] (Legnica, 2011) 26–27, 229–231. Cf. Wojciech źozłowskiб “The Marriage of чolesław of the Piasts and Kinga of the Árpáds in 1239 in the Shadow of the Mongol Menace“б in Capitulum VI “юn my Spirit and Thought I Remained a European of Hungarian Originг” Medieval Historical Studies in Memory of Zoltan J. Kosztolnyik, ed. I. Petrovics – SгХŻгХTóthХ– E. Congdon (Szeged, 2010) 84–85. 101 Hungaro-Polonica since the widow and her son by this time were captured by Konrad.63 Concerning the papal mandate of Coloman we can state with relative certainty that the reason for it can be found in his kinshipХ withХ ьrzymisławaгХ TheХ іolishХ historianбХ чeneв dykt Zientara was of this opinion as well,64 while Karol HollýХ the role of Salomea emphasizes.65 Unfortunately we do not possessХanyХconcreteХdataХconcerningХшoloman’sХactivityХinХ the interest of his mother-in-law. It is furthermore question- able, if the Hungarian prince could do or wanted to do any- thing at all in this situation. On the one hand the distance between Poland and Slavonia (the latter being the south- western part of Hungary) has to be emphasised, although we have to take into consideration that the prince possessed the territory of Spiš until his death,66 an area directly neighbour- ing Lesser Poland. On the other hand it has to be underlined that by the time of the issuing of the papal charter the duch- ess already had been freed from her captivity, while later, thanks to the mediation of the Polish prelates, an agreement was made between Henry and Konrad in which the rights of ьrzymisławaХ andХ herХ sonбХ чolesław67 were likewise se- cured.68 63 Zientara, Heinrich der чärtigeбХжми–176, 284–286. Cf. Wiszewski, Henryk ююХіoboђnyбХзнбХжел–110, 235. 64 ZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeбХзнкг 65 HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХзн–29. 66 шfгХHollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХзлрХHomza, “źrólХHaliczaХźoloman”, 148. 67 For the assumable role of Salomea in the later marriage of her brother, чolesławХtheХShyХwithХtheХlatterХіolishХsaintбХźingaбХdaughterХofХźingХчélaХ юVХseeХHollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХиж–32; źozłowskiб “The Marriage of”б 80–99. Cf. WiszewskiбХHenrykХююХіoboђnyХжкн–160, 235–236. 68 ZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeбХзнл–287. 102 Hungaro-Polonica The second case is not as simple as the previous one, since the connection of Viola to Coloman cannot be proven easily. She was the widow of Duke Casimir of Opole, who died in 1230, or perhaps already in 1229. After the death of her husband Viola became the guardian of their sons, żieszkoХandХWładysławбХandХasХaХregentХtheХleaderХofХtheХ Duchy of Opole-Racibórzг69 This situation, however, did not last long: in 1231 the already mentioned Silesian duke, Henry the Bearded, as the closest male relative of the young children, claimed the guardian status above them, and so the 69 SeeХWiszewskiбХHenrykХююХіoboђnyХзнбХжзйбХзикрХZientaraбХHeinrichХderХ чärtigeбХзне–знжрХWładysław Dziewulski, “чułgarkaХksięђnąХopolskąф“Х[цХ Bulgarian Duchess of Opole?], хląskiХ źwartalnikХ HistorycznyХ Sobótka, WrocławskieХTowarzystwoХżiłoцnikówХHistoriiХĐWrocławбХжолоЮХжмж–172; Wincenty Swoboda, “źsięђnaХkaliskaХчułgarkąфХіrzyczynekХdoХrozbioruХ krytycznegoХ цnnaliumХ щługosza“Х [цХ чulgarianХ щuchessХ ofХ źaliszфХ шontributionХtoХtheХшriticalХцnalysisХofХtheХцnnalesХofХщługosz], Studia i żateriałyХdoХщziejówХWielkopolskiХiХіomorzaХиХĐжонеЮХлж–62; Kazimierz яasińskiбХ RodowódХ іiastówХ цląskichгХ іiastowieХ wrocławscyбХ legnicko- brzescyбХ цwidniccyбХ ziębiccyбХ głogowscyбХ ђagańscyбХ oleцniccyбХ opolscyбХ cieszyńscyХiХoцwięcimscyХ[TheХьenealogyХofХtheХіiastsХofХSilesia]ХĐźrakówбХ 2007) 501–зекрХяerzyХHorwatбХźsięstwoХopolskieХiХjegoХpodziałyХdoХжкизХrгХ пХ ksiąђętaбХ miastaбХ źoцciółбХ urzędyбХ własnoцРХ prywatnaХ [TheХ щuchyХ ofХ Opole and its divisions till 1532. Dukes, of the City, Church, Offices, PrivateХ іroperty]Х ĐRzeszówбХ зеезЮХ ии–ийрХ яerzyХ HorwatбХ źsiąђętaХ górnoцląscyХ zХ dynastiiХ іiastówпХ UwagiХ iХ uzupeХ naХ genealogiczneХ [TheХ Dukes of Upper Silesia from the Piast Dynasty. Notes and Extensions on theХьenealogy]гХĐRudaХхląskaбХзеекЮХзирХцntoniХчarciakбХźsiąђętaХiХksięђneХ ьórnegoХ хląskaХ пХ pracaХ zbiorowaХ дХ podХ redгХ Antoniego Barciaka [The Princes and Princesses of Upper Silesia. A Collective Work Edited by Anton Barciak] (Katowice, 1995) 70, 89; Anna іobóg-Lenartowicz, “ViolaбХ чułgarkaбХ księђnaХ opolskąгХ іrzyczynekХ doХ migracjiХ małђeńskichХ wХ цredniowieczu“Х [цХ чulgarianХ щuchessХ ofХ OpoleгХ цХ шontributionХ toХ theХ Matrimonial Migration in the Middle Ages.], in Kobiety i procesy migracyjne, ed. A. Chlebowska – K. Sierakowska (Warszawa, 2010) 13–16; Grabowska, “The шhurchХin”, 192–193. 103 Hungaro-Polonica rule over Opole.70 His purpose was probably to secure the resources of the duchy for himself in the struggle for rule over Cracow.71 Therefore, his pushing Viola into the back- ground can be understood only indirectly as part of the con- flict of the Piast stirpes.72 In this situation Duchess Viola turned to the Apostolic See in 1233, trying to secure her and her sons rights against the demands of the neighbouring Silesian duke. The already mentioned papal charters73 show us that Pope Gregory IX granted the request of Viola. He also decided on the mandate of ecclesiastical and temporal protectors, but it remained partially ineffective similarly to the proclamation of the pa- pal protection. As we mentioned, Henry the Bearded had es- pecially good relations with the papacy,74 so he could man- age to solve the problem with a compromise. Due to this set- tlement Henry remained the guardian of the underage princes, but he acknowledged their right for Opole, while he, in fact, did not give up the real power over the duchy. In re- turn, Viola and her sons could take possession Kalisz and 70 WiszewskiбХHenrykХююХіoboђnyХзнбХжзйбХжкк–156, 235. For the practice of the custody by the mothers or by closest male relatives cf. Pavol HudáčekбХ “TheХŻegalХіositionХofХWidowsХinХżedievalХHungaryХupХtoХжзззХandХtheХ Question of Dower”бХHistorickýХСasopisХлзгХSupplement (2014) 11. 71 ZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeбХзне–знжрХщziewulskiбХ“чułgarkaХksięђnąХ opolskąф“бХжмз–173; Swoboda, “źsięђnaХkaliskaХчułgarkąф”бХммг 72 Casimir himself was not directly involved in the struggles, although he was occasionally part of several alliances. шfгХчarciakбХźsiąђętaХiХksięђne, мерХZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeбХзем–239. 73 RPR no. 9349; RPR no. 9337, RGIX no. 1645; RPR no. 9348, RGIX no. 1646. 74 ZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeбХжми–176, 289. 104 Hungaro-Polonica Ruda in Greater Poland, which were occupied recently by Henry the Bearded.75 чeforeХweХgetХbackХtoХtheХquestionХofХшoloman’sХinvolveв ment, we have to state concerning this case that we do not know any sign of a practical activity of the Slavonian duke in the interest of Viola. The only clue for his apostolic man- date is the several times- mentioned papal charter.76 Due to the lack of further information on Coloman’sХ possibleХ arв rangements we are not able to find the cause of this papal mandate, so we have to focus on the other party, i.e. Viola. There is no evidence of any Hungarian-Polish interaction form the 1220s or from the time after the death of Casimir which could explain the participation of Coloman. Neverthe- lessбХtheХsituationХofХьrzymisławaХpresentsХitselfХasХaХpotenв tial parallel case, so we have to examine too, if Viola had any direct connection to Coloman at all. About the descent of Viola, in contrast to later chapters of her life,77 sadly, there is only one single data known, the noticeХ ofХ яanХ щługoszХ inХ hisХ workХ цnnalesХ RegniХ іoloniaeХ form the 15th century. The annalist wrote the following pas- sageХforХtheХyearХofХжзкжХconcerningХtheХdeathХofХViolaпХ”Viola genere et natione Bulgara, Ducissa de Opol, moritur“.78 On the 75 See DziewulskiбХ“чułgarkaХksięђnąХopolskąф“бХжми–175; Zientara, Hein- richХderХчärtigeбХзнорХьrabowska, “TheХшhurchХin”бХ192–193; Wiszewski, HenrykХююХіoboђnyХжкк–156, 235. 76 RPR no. 9349. 77 See Swoboda, “źsięђnaХkaliskaХчułgarkąф”бХлжг 78 щługoszХюгХ327. 105 Hungaro-Polonica basis of this information Viola in Polish historiography is tra- ditionally considered a Bulgarian duchess.79 This theory is, however, not the only one present, since according to other views Viola could have a Hungarian, Ruthenian,80 and Dal- matian or Croatian81 origin as well. In this paper we cannot present all arguments about the various views concerning Violas descent,82 but we have to try to answer the remaining question: What was the reason for the papal mandate of Co- loman? First of all, we have to stick to the disputed descent of the duchess. As already mentioned, on the basis of the other case we have to assume that there could be some connection be- tween the protected Polish widow and the Slavonian duke. It seems to be very tempting to agree automatically with the Hungarian version, which could easily explain the duty of theХHungarianХking’sХsonгХюnХtheХcaseХofХшolomanХoneХhasХtoХ 79 See DziewulskiбХ “чułgarkaХ księђnąХ opolskąф“рХ чarciakбХ źsiąђętaХ iХ księђneбХ ййбХ ло–мебХ нобХ жжйбХ жзерХ ZientaraбХ HeinrichХ derХ чärtigeбХ знерХ яasińskiбХ RodowódХ іiastówХ цląskichбХ кеж–кезбХ келрХ żikołajХ ьładyszбХ ZapomnianiХ krzyђowcyпХ іolskaХ wobecХ ruchuХ krucjatowegoХ wХ Xюю–XIII wieku [The Forgotten Crusaders: Poland and the Crusader Movement in the 12th and 13th Centuries] (Warszawa, 2004) 166–жлмрХ іobóg- ŻenartowiczбХ “ViolaбХ чułgarkaбХ księђna”рХ ьrabowska, “TheХ шhurchХ in”, 192. 80 See Swoboda, “źsięђnaХkaliskaХчułgarkąф”рХHorwatбХźsięstwoХopolskieбХ 28–иерХюdгбХźsiąђętaХgórnoцląscyбХзй–27. 81 щariuszХ щąbrowskiбХ “SlovakХ andХ SouthernХ SlavicХ ThreadsХ inХ theХ ьenealogyХofХtheХіiastХandХRurikidХщynastiesХinХtheХThirteenthХшentury“Х in Slovakia and Croatia Vol I. Slovakia and Croatia Historical Parallels and шonnectionsХĐuntilХжмнебХedгХVгХźucharskáХ – SгХźuzmováХ– A. Mesiarkin (Bratislava – Zagreb, 2013) 113–116. 82 SeeпХщąbrowskiбХ“SlovakХandХSouthern”бХжжз–жжлрХчarabásбХ“ViolaХopoleiХ hercegnр”бХже–жнрХюdгбХ“іrinzХźolomanХund”бХм–15. 106 Hungaro-Polonica take into consideration that the Dalmatian, or even the Ru- thenian origin of Viola could also be a reasonable supposi- tion.83 The question itself is more difficult than a simple choice between theories, since there are many details in the various hypotheses which deserve further considerations. For instance, a Hungarian royal charter of 124684 was used for the identification of Viola, in which we can learn about the participation of an unknown Polish duke at the crusade of Andrew II in 1217–1218. The letter itself is proba- bly not authentic,85 and it is known only from a later tran- script.86 Yet, it is interesting, how a single passage was used as a source for the Bulgarian origin,87 as well as for the Hun- garian,88 or a Dalmatian one.89 It has been assumed that Cas- imir of Opole was the Polish duke, who accompanied the Hungarian King on his crusade90 and on his way back home he found a Bulgarian wife from the family of the tsars.91 Even though this assumption wastaken into consideration as right, it still would not be enough evidence for any of the versions concerning the descent, in our opinion. It has to be at least mentioned that this imaginable involvement of the 83 See: щąbrowskiбХ“SlovakХandХSouthern”бХжжи–116 84 RA no. 843. 85 яánosХźarácsonyiб HamisбХhibáskeltűХésХkeltezetlenХoklevelekХjegyzékeХ 1400-ig [Catalogue of Forged, Wrong- and Undated Diplomas until 1400] (Budapest, 1902) 18. 86 In a charter of King Ladislaus IV (1272–1290) which was issued on the 7th September 1274. DL 401 19. 87 щziewulskiбХ“чułgarkaХksięђnąХopolskąф“г 88 HorwatбХźsiąђętaХgórnoцląscyбХзк–26. 89 щąbrowskiбХ“SlovakХandХSouthern”бХжжк–116. 90 ьładyszбХZapomnianiХkrzyђowcy, 156–169. 91 щziewulskiбХ“чułgarkaХksięђnąХopolskąф“бХжлл–169. 107 Hungaro-Polonica Opolian duke could itself be a reason behind the latter mis- sion of Coloman, the son of Andrew II. Regarding the origin of Viola the Ruthenian version has to be taken into consideration as well, since the role of Co- loman could be explained this way through a relationship between the duchess and the duke, dated from the time when he was the ruler of Galicia.92 It is also interesting in this point of view that between 1214 und 1217 Casmir of Opole had an especially good relationship with Leszek the White: this situation could be a possibility for a Ruthenian marriage for the duke of Opole.93 The Ruthenian origin of Grzy- misławaХ canХ alsoХ beХ takenХ intoХ considerationХ asХ aХ clueХ reв garding Violas assumable Eastern-Slavic heritage too,94 es- pecially concerning the papal mandate of Coloman. This as- sumption, however, cannot be supported by any concrete source, so it remains only a hypothesis. шoncerningХшoloman’sХіolishХrelationsХthereХisХanother connection we have to take into consideration, since beside his mother-in-law there is another relative of his, who played an important role in the examined matters of the early thir- ties, Henry I the Bearded. His wife Hedvig (Jadwiga) of Sile- sia was the sister of Gertrud of Merania, mother of Coloman, 92 ыontбХÁrpád-háziХkirályokбХ204–зжйбХзжмрХZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeбХ 285. 93 SeeХZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeбХзем–зенбХзклрХщziewulskiбХ“чułgarkaХ księђnąХopolskąф“бХжли–165. 94 Cf. HollýбХ“іrincessХSalomea”бХжирХщąbrowskiбХ“іiastenХundХRjurikiden”бХ 178. 108 Hungaro-Polonica therefore the Silesian duke was a kin to him.95 We have al- readyХmentionedХHenry’sХroleХinХbothХcasesбХsoХtheХpresumpв tionХthatХшoloman’sХpapalХmandatingХcouldХbeХinХconnectionХ with this kinship, is possibly not really far from the reality. It has to be emphasized, however that Henry was the fellow temporal protector of his nephew only in the case of ьrzymisławaгХшoncerningХtheХpapalХprotectionХofХViolaбХtheХ Silesian ruler was, on the contrary, even the opponent, against whom the help of the Apostolic See was sought for the widowed duchess. We think it is possible, but not prov- able that the parallel involvement of the related dukes in the firstХcaseХcouldХledХtoХtheХideaХofХшoloman’sХdualХauthorizaв tion at the papal Curia. If we get back to the question of the nature of the rela- tionship between Coloman and Viola, we have to analyze the papal charter sent to the duke. In this text there is no evi- dence of any kinship between the protected person and the authorized protector.96 It does not mean, however that this state of affairs rules out the possibility altogether, since nei- ther does the other papal diploma contain a clue to the rela- tionship between Coloman and his mother-in-law. RegardingХшoloman’sХtasksХweХhave to examine the pa- pal mandates as well. The one about the protection of Viola, unlike the other, cannot be found in the papal register97 – a 95 SeeХZientaraбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeбХжлибХжмкрХіrocházkováбХ”іostavenieХ haličskéhoХ kráзa”бХ мерХ WiszewskiбХ HenrykХ ююХ іoboђnyбХ ло–77. Cf. źozłowskiбХ“TheХщynasticХHorizons“бХозгХыorХtheХpossibleХeffectsХofХsuchХ kinships onХtheХrelationsХofХtheХrelativesХinvolvedХseeХщąbrowskiбХ“іiastenХ undХRjurikiden”бХжног 96 VMH I. no. 204, RPR no. 9352, RGIX no. 1649. 97 Cf. RGIX 109 Hungaro-Polonica condition that can complicate the question even further. It has to be emphasised, however that not every papal charter can be found in the registers,98 since there was never a goal to reach a fullness: the documents were selected on the basis of various criteria, such as juridical relevance,99 or the peti- tion of the recipients of the charters.100 In the case of a papal protection the situation is further complicated by the fact that the protected persons had their share in its proclama- tion, as well as in the delivery of the charters to the protec- tors.101 In the case of Viola it could have an effect on the tra- dition of the text. Every single charter can be be found in the register of Pope Gregory IX102 except this one, which is known to us only thanks to an edition from the modern era.103 The reason for this situation is (and probably will re- main) unclear, but there is no reason to doubt the authentic- ity of the charter, and so the authorisation of Duke Coloman. Searching for the possible causes of the papal mandate of the duke the hypothesis has to be mentioned as well that Co- loman could have been chosen for the task in the papal Curia either by mistake or due to his relations to Duchess ьrzymisławaбХsinceХtheХdutiesХofХtheХprotectionХwereХgivenХ to Coloman within a very short time span, and this situation could cause the dual authorization. In the daily work of the 98 See Othmar Hageneder, “щieХRegisterХюnnozenz‘Хюююг“б in Papst Innozenz III, Weichensteller der Geschichte Europas, ed. T. Frenz (Stuttgart, 2000) 92. 99 See Hageneder, “Die Register Innozenz III.“бХоиг 100 Hageneder, “щieХRegisterХюnnozenz‘Хюююг“бХон–99. 101 ыriedбХщerХpäpstlicheХSchutzбХиемг 102 RGIX no. 1645–1649. 103 RPR no. 9349; CDH III/2. 373. 110 Hungaro-Polonica papal chancellery, especially by the delegated jurisdiction in the audientia litterarum contradictarum, undeniably there can be found many defaults,104 but in the case of a papal protec- tion it is hard to imagine a total coincidence concerning the selection of a secular protector. The order to protect Viola, her sons and all their rights was given to Coloman,105 so we do not think it is possible that the task of the duke was the result of a misunderstanding. The authorisation of the Slavo- nian duke probably cannot be explained by his assumed ex- perience in matters of papal protections either, because be- side these two cases we do know not many similar episodes from the life of the King of Galicia, although there are some: in October 1233, i.e. in the same year, Ninoslav, the Ban of Bosnia was taken under the protection of the Apostolic 104 SeeХьáborХчarabásбХ“цХpápaiХkiküldöttХbíráskodásХżagyarországonХaХ kezdetektрlХ aХ жигХ századХ közepéig“Х [щelegatedХ іapalХ яurisdictionХ inХ Hungary from the Origins to the Middle of the 13 th шentury]бХTörténelmiХ Szemle 55 (2013) 196–197; Othmar Hageneder, Die geistliche Gerichtsbarkeit in Ober- undХ NiederösterreichгХ VonХ denХ цnfängenХ bisХ zum Beginn des 15. Jahrhunderts (Linz, 1967) 59–60; James Brundage, The Medieval Canon Law (London, 1995) 139; Peter Herde, “ZurХpäpstlichenХ Delegationsgerichtsbarkeit im Mittelalter und in der frühenХ Neuzeit“б Zeitschrift der Savigny-StiftungХ fürХ RechtsgeschichteгХ źanonischeХ Abteilung 119 (2002) 23; Ludwig Falkenstein, “Appellationen an den Papst und Delegationsgerichtsbarkeit am Beispiel Alexanders III. und Heinrichs von Frankreich“б Zeitschrift der Kirchengeschichte 97 (1986) 55– 56. 105 “Quum igitur dilectam in Christo filiam, V. viduam, ducissam in Opal, ac filios eius, in devotione ecclesie persistentes, cum omnibus bonis, que in presentiarum iuste ac rationabiliter possident, sub Apostolice Sedis protectione receperimus speciali, serenitatem tuam rogandam duximus attente, ac hortandam, quatenus ipsos, ducissam et filium eius, terram et alia bona sua, habeas pro divina et nostra reverentia propensius commendata, et tam a duce ac aliis supra dictis, quam aliis etiam, qui eos contra protectionis nostre tenorem molestare presumserint, tradita tibi potestate defendas”Х– CDH III/2. 372–373; RPR no. 9349. 111 Hungaro-Polonica See,106 Coloman, as the Duke of Slavonia, Croatia and Dal- matia was also informed about the papal decision.107 The fight against the heretics in the Balkans was the reason be- hind the papal protection of the Hungarian prince,108 when Gregory IX gave him a similar assurance about the safety of his family and belongings on 17th October 1234, while he was supposed to lead a campaign against the heretics of Bos- nia.109 In short, it has to be stated about the examined question thatХaccordingХtoХourХknowledgeХonХtheХgenealogyХofХtheХÁrв páds110 there is no evidence of any person with the name Vi- ola. Nevertheless, it cannot be excluded that the Duchess of Opole was a Hungarian or even a member of the royal fam- ily. Concerning this question one argument, namely the pa- 106 RPR no. 9304, RGIX no. 1521. Furthermore, it has to be mentioned that before the named mandates about the Polish duchesses, it was only this time that he was contacted from the papal side. See RPR no. 9305, 9349, 9352. 107 RPR no. 9305, RGIX no. 1522. 108 шfгХчarabásбХщasХіapsttumХundбХзйи–254. 109 “Hinc est, quod te affectionis paterne brachiis amplexantes, peronam tuam cum omnibus bonis tuis, que impresentiarum rationabiliter possides, sub Beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus, et presentis scripti patrocinio conforma- mus, districtius inhibentes, ut dum pro reverentia Redemptoris contra hereticos perstiteris debellandos, nullus super bonis eisdem te presumat indebite molestare”Х – шщцшХ югХ иззбХ RіRХ noгХ омикбХ RьюXХ noгХ зжзигХ шfгХ ыriedбХ щerХ päpstlicheХ Schutz, 288. 110 SeeХżórХWertnerбХцzХÁrpádokХcsaládiХtörténeteХ[TheХьenealogyХofХtheХ Árpáds]Х ĐNagybecskerek, 1892) 421–424. About the problem of the versionsХofХtheХnameХViolaХseeХчarabásбХ“ViolaХopoleiХhercegnр”бХжмбХзз– 23; Id., “іrinzХźolomanХund”бХжй–15, 20–21. 112 Hungaro-Polonica pal authorisation of Duke Coloman has been almost com- pletely disregarded until now.111 In the light of the involve- ment of the Arpadian prince, the Hungarian origin of Viola seems to be more plausible than previously assumed, alt- hough the Ruthenian and even the Dalmatian possibilities cannot be disapproved either. Conclusion At the end of this short summary about the Polish relations of Duke Coloman we can underline the fact that his Polish wife, Salomea and so his kinship with Leszek the White had an enormous effect on the intensity of the connections men- tioned. The matters of the reign and life of the young couple inХ ьaliciaХ andХ theХ papalХ protectionХ ofХ ьrzymisławaбХ theХ mother of Salomea, can confirm this statement splendidly. Coloman had however a second Polish link as well, his aunt, Hedvig (Jadwiga) of Silesia, who was the sister of the mur- dered Hungarian queen, Gertrud of Merania. This way the Silesian duke, Henry I the Bearded, the husband of Hedvig was a kin to Coloman as well. This connection, however, was less reflected in the life of the Duke of Slavonia. The direct crossing of their oeuvres can be observed only regarding the twoХ papalХ protectionsгХ юnХ theХ caseХ ofХ ьrzymisławaХ HenryХ was the fellow laymen protector of Coloman, while concern- ing Viola he was his opponent, who the duchess of Opole had to be protected from. There is no evidence of any direct interactions between the Hungarian prince and the Polish 111 WithХtheХexceptionХofХщariuszХщąbrowskiгХSeeХщąbrowskiбХ“SlovakХandХ Southern”бХжжи–116. 113 Hungaro-Polonica participants. 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Koszta, Żászlóб “щieХьründungХvonХZisterzienserklöstern in Ungarn 1142– жзме“бХUngarn–Jahrbuch 23 (1997) 65–80. źozłowskiбХWojciechбХ“The Dynastic Horizons of the Árpáds and Piasts, ca. 1150–1250“бХAnnual of Medieval Studies at CEU 15 (2009) 85–102. źozłowskiбХWojciechб “The Marriage of чolesław of the Piasts and Kinga of the Árpáds in 1239 in the Shadow of the Mongol Menace“б in Capitulum VI. “юn my Spirit and Thought I Remained a European of Hungarian Originг” Medieval Historical Studies in Memory of Zoltan J. Kosztolnyik, ed. I. Petrovics – SгХŻгХTóthХ– E. Congdon (Szeged, 2010) 79–100. ŻabudaбХ ьerardбХ ZaginionaХ kronikaХ zХ pierwszejХ połowyХ XюююХ wiekuХ wХ RocznikachХ źrólestwaХ іolskiegoХ яanaХ щługoszaпХ próbaХ rekonstrukcji [A Lost Chronicle from the First Half of the 13th Century in the Annales of the іolishХźingdomХbyХяanХщługosz] ĐіoznańбХжониЮ. іobóg-Lenartowicz, цnnaбХ“ViolaбХчułgarkaбХksięђnaХopolskąгХіrzyczynekХ doХ migracjiХ małђeńskichХ wХ цredniowieczu“Х [цХ чulgarian Duchess of Opole. A Contribution to the Matrimonial Migration in the Middle Ages.], in Kobiety i procesy migracyjne, ed. A. Chlebowska – K. Sierakowska (Warszawa, 2010) 11–17. іrocházkováбХ NatašaбХ “іostavenieХ haličskéhoХ kráзaХ aХ slavónskehoХ kniežaťaХ źolomanaХ zХ roduХ цrpádovcovХ vХ uhorskejХ vnútornejХ aХ zahraničnejХ politikeХ vХ prvejХ poloviciХ жигХ storočia“Х [źingХ ofХ ьaliciaХ andХ 116 Hungaro-Polonica щukeХofХSlavoniaгХшolomanХofХtheХÁrpádianХщynastyгХюnХtheХыirstХHalfХofХ the 13th Century], Medea 2 (Bratislava, 1998) 64–75. ProcházkováбХ NatašaбХ “źolomanХ HaličskýХ naХ SpišiХ predХ rokomХ жзйж“Х [Coloman of Galicia in Spiš beforeХжзйж]бХinХTerraХScepusiensisгХStanХbadańХ nad dziejami Spiszu., edгХRгХьładkiewiczХ– M. Homza (Żevoča – WrocławбХ 2003) 243–249. іrocházkováбХNatašaбХ"Some Notes on the Titles of Coloman of Galicia", in Slovakia and Croatia Vol I. Slovakia and Croatia Historical Parallels and шonnectionsХĐuntilХжмнеЮбХedгХVгХźucharskáХ– SгХźuzmováХ– A. Mesiarkin (Bratislava – Zagreb, 2013) 104–109. RomhányiбХчeatrixбХ“The Role of the Cistercians in Medieval Hungary: Po- litical Activity or Internal Colonization?“ Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU 1 (1994) 180–204. Swoboda, WincentyбХ“źsięђnaХkaliskaХчułgarkąфХіrzyczynekХdoХrozbioruХ krytycznegoХ цnnaliumХ щługosza“Х [цХ чulgarianХ щuchessХ ofХ źaliszфХ шontributionХtoХtheХшriticalХцnalysisХofХtheХцnnalesХofХщługosz]бХStudiaХiХ żateriałyХdoХщziejówХWielkopolskiХiХіomorzaХ3 (1980) 61–78. VidaбХчeátaбХ“цХciszterciХrendХkezdeteinekХvitatottХkérdéseiХaХSzepességв ben“Х[TheХщisputedХїuestionsХaboutХtheХчeginningsХofХtheХшistecianХOrderХ in Spiš]бХinХыonsбХskepsisбХlexгХÜnnepiХtanulmányokХaХмеХesztendрsХżakkХ ыerencХtiszteletéreбХedгХTгХцlmási – ÉгХRévészХ– Gy. Szabados (Szeged, 2010) 461–467. WiszewskiбХіrzemysławбХHenrykХююХіoboђnyгХчiografiaХіolitycznaХ[HenryХ II the Pious. A Political Biography] (Legnica, 2011). ZientaraбХчenedyktбХHeinrichХderХчärtigeХundХseineХZeitпХіolitikХundХьeв sellschaft imХmittelalterlichenХSchlesienХĐżünchenбХзеез). Zsoldos Attila, “SzepesХ megyeХ kialakulása“ [The Formation of Szepes шounty]бХTörténelmiХSzemleХйиХĐзеежЮХжо–31. 117 Stefan Albrecht Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz Three New Manuscripts of the so Called Chronicon hungarico-polonicum The so called Chronicon Hungarico-polonicum, which has re- cently met the increased attention of historians1, is a text 1 Ryszard Grzesik, “шhroniconХhungaricoХpolonicum”б in Encyclopedia of Medieval Chronicle, ed. G. Dunphy (Leiden – Boston, 2010) Vol. 1, 348f; Adrien їuéret-іodestaбХ“TheХinfluenceХofХtheХso-called Hungarian-Polish chronicleХonХtheХSilesianХmedievalХchronicles”бХSlezskýХsborníkХжен (2010) 273–змнрХцdrienХїuéret-іodestaбХ“VomХUngarnХderХÁrpádenХzumХіolenХ der Piasten. Zur Entstehung und zum Schicksal der sogenannten Ungarisch-polnischenХ шhronik“бХ inХ żittelalterlicheХ ъlitenХ undХ źulturtransferХöstlichХderХъlbeпХюnterdisziplinäreХчeiträgeХzuХцrchäologieХ und Geschichte im mittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa, ed. A. Klammt (ьöttingenбХ зеео) 69–80; ёywotХ цwгХ StefanaХ królaХ WęgierХ czyliХ źronikaХ węgiersko-polska [The Life of St Stefan, King of Hungary, or the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle], ed. R. Grzesik (Warszawa 2003); Ryszard ьrzesikбХ źronikaХ węgiersko-polskaгХ ZХ dziejówХ polsko-węgierskichХ kontaktówХ kulturalnychХ wХ цredniowieczuХ [TheХ Hungarian-Polish Chronicle. About the History of Polish-Hungarian Cultural Contacts in the Middle цges]Х ĐіoznańбХ жоооЮрХ żartin Homza, Mulieres suadentes. іresviedčajúceХženy [Mulieres suadentes. Persuading Wifes] (Bratislava, зеезЮрХ żartinХ HomzaбХ “TheХ SystemХ ofХ іroperХ іersonalХ NamesХ inХ theХ Hungarian-іolishХшhronicle”бХinХъastХшentralХъuropeХatХtheХturn of the 1st and 2nd millennia, edгХVгХżúcskaбХцctaХhistoricaХposoniensiaХзХĐчratislavaХ 2002) 49–лорХяuditХшsákóбХ“цХmagyar–lengyelХkrónikaХésХaХhazaiХelbeszélрХ hagyomány”Х [TheХ Hungarian-Polish Chronicle and the Domestic NarrativeХ Tradition]бХ SzázadokХ жйнХ (2014) 287–334; Ryszard Grzesik, “ŻegitimierungsfunktionХ derХ ungarisch-polnischenХ шhronik”бХ inХ TheХ Medieval Chronicle. Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on the Medieval Chronicle, Driebergen/Utrecht, 13–16 July 1996, ed. E. Kooper (Amsterdam, 1999) 144–154. Here I would like to express my deepest thanks to probably the best expert of the Chronicon, Prof. Dr. 119 Hungaro-Polonica probably written between 1220 and 1235, at the court of Ko- loman, son the Hungarian king, who had been crowned King of Halic in 1215/16. His widow, Salomea, took the text with her when she went to Poland. The chronicle tells the story of the Hungarians and their king, Aquila (i. e. Attila), from the time of leaving Eastern Hungary as far as to the rule of King Ladislaus. There exist two versions of the chronicle, the first and longer one being of a rather historical nature, whereas the second and shorter one shows hagiographic fea- tures; it is also listed under Vita s. Stephani epitomata (BHL 7922). The Chronicon is structured into three parts. The first part, found only in the longer edition, describes the migra- tion of the Hungarians through Europe, to Croatia and Scla- vonia, where Attila is said to have founded a state called Hungary (in a very reduced way this is also told at the be- ginning of the Vita s. Stephani epitomata). This part is partly based on the lost Gesta Ungarorum and partly on Croatian and Hungarian sources. The second part, which is told in both versions, although in different length, tells the story of theХ conversionХ ofХ źingдщukeХ YessesХ ĐьézasЮХ byХ цdelheidбХ his (apocryphal) Polish wife, and the story of the life of their sonХStephanгХThisХpartХisХbasedХonХHartvik´sХVita s. Stephani (BHL 7921). The two versions of the third and last part are very different from each other. Only the longer edition tells theХ fabulousХ storyХ ofХ Stephan´sХ sonsХ whoХ areХ saidХ toХ haveХ fled to Poland, and then there follows the story of the Polish Ryszard Grzesik as well as to Prof. Ernst-Dieter Hehl for their valuable hintsгХThisХpaperХisХanХamendedХandХtranslatedХversionХofХmyХ“Zwei neue Handschriften des sog. Chronicon hungarico-polonicum”гХ StudiaХ яródłoznawczeХкиХĐзежкЮХжжж–121. 120 Hungaro-Polonica intervention in Hungary and the thus following happy time of the rule of St Ladislaus. The shorter edition instead pre- sents a continuation of the Vita s. Stephani, once again based on Hartvik, including some miracles. Whereas the chronicle was not received in medieval Hungary, a number of in par- ticular Lesser-Polish and Silesian sources draw on it, such as the Vita maior sancti Stanislai by Vincent of Kielcza. The Sile- sian and Lesser-Polish annals of the late 13th and the 14th-15th centuriesХknowХtheХstoryХofХцdelheid´sХweddingХandбХlikeХalв ready in Vincent, a story of Hungarian-Polish rivalry for the crown donated by the Pope. However, we may suppose that in most cases the Polish annalists did not refer to any original manuscript of the chronicle but probably used a revised ver- sion.2 The editio princeps of the compositio maior was edited in 1823 by Hipolit Kownacki, there were further editions by Stephanus Ladislaus Endlicher, Stanislaw Pilat, Florian żarianusХandХяozsefХщeér3, the editio princeps of the compositio minor was edited in 1897 by Wojciech Ketrzynski4. The cur- 2 їuéret-іodestaбХ“VomХUngarnХderХÁrpáden“бХммгХ 3 źronikaХWęgierskaХnaХpoczątkuХwiekuХXююрХźronikaХczeskaХnaХpoczątkuХ wieku XI, [The Hungarian Chronicle at the Beginning of the 12th Century] ed. H. Kownacki (Warszawa 1823); Chronica hungarorum, ed. S. L. Endlicher, Rerum hungaricarum Monumenta Arpadiana (Sangalli 1849) 60–нзрХ źronikaХ węgiersko-polska [Hungarian-Polish Chronicle], ed. S. Pilat, MPH 1, 495–515. – Vita Sanctorum Stephani regis et Emerici ducis, ed. M. Florianus, Historiae Hungaricae Fontes Domestici, Pars Prima: Scriptores I (Lipsiae 1881) 70–79; Chronicon Hungarico-Polonorum, ed. J. щeérбХSRHХзбХзоо–320. 4 Wojciech KętrzyńskiбХ “OХ kroniceХ węgiersko-polskiej”Х ĐVitaХ sanctiХ Ste - phani, regis Ungariae, Ungarico-Polona) [About the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle (Vita sancti Stephani, regis Ungariae, Ungarico-Polona)], 121 Hungaro-Polonica rently valid edition is the three-columnedХeditionХbyХчélaХźaв rácsonyiХwhichХtakesХallХknownХmanuscriptsХintoХconsideraв tion, the middle column giving the text shared by both ver- sions, the left one the special text of the compositio maior and the right one that of the compositio minor. His abbreviations will be used in the following.5 Another edition, presenting the chronicle in the form of a mixed text, has recently been presented as a Slovakian translation by M. Homza.6 Previously known manuscripts Up to now, the following manuscripts of the Chronicon Hun- garico-Polonicum have been known: Z = Warsaw, BN, BOZ 28. The best edition of the longer version is that of the Codex Zamoyski, a parchment from the end of the 14th century, measuring 25.4cm x 18cm on 97 folio pages, written in a marked gothic minuscule, which seems to indicate a connection to an Italian school. The chronicle starts on fol. 90r and ends on fol. 96v. Also, the manuscript includes a description of the life of Alexander the Great, the chronicle of Gallus Anonymus, the so called Spominki kra- kowskie (Notes from Cracow) on the years 1439 and 1437– 1447, a 14th century revised version of the Vita et miracula RozprawyХ wydziałuХ historyczno-filozoficznegoХ цkademiiХ UmiejętnoцciХ w Krakowie 34 (1897) 365–373. 5 Chronica hungaro-Polonica, pars I (Textus cum varietate lectionum), ed. чгХ źarácsonyiг цctaХ HistoricaХ UniversitatisХ SzegedensisХ deХ цttilaХ яózsefХ nominatae, 26 (Szeged, 1969) 6 Martin Homza, Uhorsko–poзskáХ kronikaгХ NedocenenýХ prameňХ kХ dejinámХ strednejХ ъurópy [The Hungarian-Polish Chronicle. An Un- appreciated Source of Central Europe History] (Bratislava, 2009). 122 Hungaro-Polonica sancti Stanislai by Vincent of Kielcza (inc. tradunt), the Rocz- nikХTraskiХĐTraska´sХцnnals) and a number of other texts. C (S in Grzesik) = Cracow, Muzeum Narodowe, Zbiory Czartoryskich, Codex Cracovienis Czartoryskianus 1310. A Polish-made copy of the chronicle from the second half of the 15th century is found in the Codex Cracovienis Czartoryski- anus 1310 which, on 949 pages, includes several works cop- ied most of all from Z; the Hungarian-Polish chronicle is on fol. 349r–359r.7 K = Lost today is the Codex Varsovianus Krasinskianus [of the Krasinski Library in Warsaw] 83, a paper manuscript from the 16th century which is missing since World War II. According to the only known description, the chronicle could be read on fol. 7r–v. W = Wroclaw, Ossolineum, Codex Vratislaviensis Osso- lianus I.818 Another paper manuscript from the 15th century is the Codex Vratislaviensis Ossolinianus I.818, containing most of all theological texts. On fol. 177v there are the first lines of the chronicle like the older edition (Z). O = Wroclaw, Ossolineum, Codex Vratislaviensis Ossoli- anus II. 1944. This is a paper manuscript of 433 folio pages bearing the headline Passionale. The manuscript dates from the 15th cen- tury and, as the editor believed, is probabiliter ex Polonia ori- undus. This manuscript is a variant of the Legenda aurea, orig- 7For a detailed description see: Wojciech щrelicharzбХцnnalistykaХmało- polska XIII–XVХ wiekuгХ źierunkiХ rozwojuХ wielkichХ rocznikówХ kom- pilowanych [Annalistic in Lesser Poland, 13 th – 15th Century. Develop- ment of the Greater Polish Yearbook-шompilations]ХĐźrakówбХзееиЮХйй–56. 123 Hungaro-Polonica inating from a Polish environment, and consists of 211 leg- ends. On fol. 371r–375r it gives the only known text of the Vita s. Stephani regis Ungarie (BHL 7922), that is the shorter edition of the Hungarian-Polish chronicle, which is why it serves as the basis for the comparison to the here presented manuscripts. Furthermore, as an appendix it includes a number of other saints, some of them from Lesser Poland (Stanislaus), some of them from Silesia (Hedwig), some of them from Bohemia (Adalbert, Ludmilla, Wenzel, Prokop) some of them from Hungary (Elizabeth, Emmerich).8 New manuscripts Apart from the above mentioned, already known manu- scripts, the shorter version of the Chronicon or the Vita s. Stephani (BHL 7922) is also found in three other codices which have been overlooked so far. These are a manuscript from Prague (P in the following) and a manuscript from Magdeburg (M in the following). The Prague manuscript9, which is today kept at the Na- tionalХ ŻibraryХ inХ іragueХ ĐNárodníХ knihovnaХ СeskéХ repubв liky) under the signature XIV.A.7, probably originates from 8 ьrzesikбХ “шhroniconХ hungaricoХ polonicum”бХ ийнfрХ ьrzesikбХ źronikaХ węgiersko-polska. 9 http://www.manuscriptorium.com/apps/main/mns_direct.php?docI dтrecжзнимлжкие_ййХ [цccessпХ ззгеигзежл]бХ seeХ яosefХ TruhláфбХ шatalogusХ codicum manu scriptorum latinorum, qui in c. r. bibliotheca publica atque UniversitatisХ іragensisХ asservanturбХ tгХ зХ ĐіragaeХ жоелЮХ čгХ зйжобХ змл–277; Emma UrbánkováбХRukopisyХaХvzácnéХtiskyХpražskéХUniversitníХknihovnyХ [Manuscripts and Rare Prints of the Prague University Library] (Praha, жокмЮХ čгХ ккбХ жорХ яosefХ źrásaбХ RukopisyХ VáclavaХ юVХ [żanuscriptsХ ofХ Wenceslaus IV] (Praha, 1971) 252. 124 Hungaro-Polonica Bohemia itself, from the last third of the 14th century, proba- bly at about 1380, however not earlier than 1366 and not later than 1400. It is a carefully made, two-columned parchment manuscript of I+376 folio pages of the size of 38cm x 27cm and a text area of 25cm x 17.5cm with about 40 lines per page. This manuscript is a compilation of Vitae based on the Legenda aurea, most of which are entered according to the course of the liturgical year. At the end of the manuscript only the names of the most famous saints are given, whereas at the beginning also the names of less well known saints are entered. Probably the manuscript was copied from a compi- lation of a number of sources. The compilatory nature be- comes particularly obvious from the fact that some texts exist two times. When compiling the text, one did not care about a standardized volume, instead some texts are rather short martyrological notes, others are very voluminous, the long- est ones concern Saints Gallus and Livinus. In particular, the manuscript includes a number of Bohemian saints. For ex- ample, we find the Legend of Ludmilla Fuit in provincia Boemorum, the Translatio Ludmile, the Vita and Translatio of St Wenceslaus, the Vita of St Prokop and the Vita of the Five Holy Martyr Brothers (De quinque fratribus) according to the version by Cosmas of Prague. The fact that the Legenda quemadmodum or Tempore Mich- aelis imperatoris is missing, suggests that the original compi- lation dates from earlier than the mid-14th century.10 10 SeeХ“TemporeХżichaelisХimperatoris”, and “ŻegendaХїuemadmodum”, in Magnae Moraviae Fontes historici II. Textus biographici, hagiographici, liturgici (Brno, 1967) 255–257; 289–291. On the spread of these parts among the Legenda aurea manuscripts see e. g. Barbara Fleith, Studien zur ÜberlieferungsgeschichteХ derХ lateinischenХ ŻegendaХ aurea, Subsidia 125 Hungaro-Polonica Apart from the Vita sancti Stephani regis Ungarie, also the Vita Henrici regis Ungarie (BHL 2529b) indicates that the orig- inal compilation was somehow related to Hungary; there is evidence for relations to Silesia by a Sermo venerabilis Clem- entis pape de canonizacione Hedwigis and the Minor legenda de sancta Hedwigi (BHL 3767d) (253r–257r)11. The other manuscript (Ms. Magdeb. 138) comprises the summer part of the huge Magdeburg Legendary.12 It is a two-columned paper manuscript from the stocks of the Domgymnasium with IX, 443 pages of the size of 31.5cm x 21.5cm, the text area being of the size of ca. 25cm x 15cm. It was written by several hands, among them also those in- volved in Ms. Magdeb. 26 (giving the winter part of the Leg- endary) which bears the date of 1459 and is also written on the same type of paper, which is why also Ms. Magdeb. 138 may be supposed to date from the same period of time. Both hagiographica 72 (Bruxelles, 1991); цnežka VidmanováбХ“ŻegendaХaureaХ a Сechy“Х[ŻegendaХaureaХandХчohemia]бХinХяacobusХdeХVoragineбХŻegendaХ aurea (Praha, 1984) 11–64. 11 SeeХ яosephХ źlapperбХ “‘HedwigisХ electa’гХ Eine Hedwigsvita aus dem Anfang des 14. яahrhunderts“бХцrchivХfürХschlesischeХźirchengeschichte 19 (1961) 53–61. The Vita as it is presented in Ms. P cuts off in mid-text (in the edition by Klapper 55 [L. 19], to be followed by the Vita Henrici regis Ungarie. It certainly dates from later than 1300. Klapper believes it to originate from the first years of the 14th century. 12 This manuscript has been decisively commented on by Ursula Winter, whose observations shall be given here. Ursula Winter, Kurt Heydeck, Die Manuscripta Magdeburgica der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Part 2: Ms. Magdeb. 76–168, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Kataloge der Handschriftenabteilung, Erste Reihe: Handschriften, Vol. 4, Die Manuscripta Magdeburgica Part 2 (Wiesbaden 2004) esp. 127–137; Ursula Winter, Das Legendarium Magde- burgense in der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – іreußischerХ źulturbesitzХ (Mss. Magdeb. 26 u. 138.), in Scrinium Berolinense. Tilo Brandis zum 65. Geburtstag Vol. 1., ed. P. J. Becker (Berlin, 2000) 320–327. 126 Hungaro-Polonica manuscripts originate either from Magdeburg itself or from its closer environment, which is suggested by the existence of local legends and anecdotes. Probably the Legendary was meant for the use of the Magdeburg Cathedral Chapter. Ex- cept the Vita of St Stephen, the manuscript also includes the Materia Langobardorum et cronica imperatorum, a version of the ŻatinХversionХofХtheХSächsischeХWeltchronikХwhereХweХalsoХ find a report about a great tournament which is said to have happened in Magdeburg in 1278, furthermore there is a letter by a certain Simon from Constantinople, telling about the fall of the city in 1453. The Legendary is a compilation of several martyrologies and legendaries, it is based on the Legenda au- rea, furthermore on the Speculum historiale by Vincent of Beauvais, on the Liber pontificalis andХ“probablyХalsoХ[on]ХaХ ŻegendariumХ Halberstatense”бХ furthermoreХ onХ someХ unв known sources. Several texts might indicate a connection to Bohemia or Prague, a fact of which U. Winter did not take muchХnoticeгХыirstХthereХisХaХ“biographyХbasedХonХчrunoХofХ їuerfurt´sХ VitaХ sгХ цdalberti”бХ togetherХwithХ aХ reportХ aboutХ hisХ translationХ andХ OttoХ ююю´sХ visitХ toХ ьnesenбХ whoseХ existв ence, however, may also be connected to the cult of Adalbert in Magdeburg. Also there may be a Polish background. The Legendary shows a clearer relation to Bohemia, as it includes a legend of St Wenceslaus extended by a miracle: In 1391 the Saint is said to have extinguished a fire in Halle, for the promise of being venerated there. Further indications of a Bohemian connection are the Ludmilla legend Fuit in provin- cia Boemorum, the Translatio s. Ludmillae with a different end (BHL 5028) and an abridged version of the Vita of the Five 127 Hungaro-Polonica Martyrs (BHL 1148) ending with quattuor autem aliorum in Praga cum maximo honore seruantur et recoluntur. Furthermore the Legendary includes a Vita of St Hedwig. The Vita of St Stephen is found on pages 144vb – 147vb. It is written by a superficial hand – several times lines had to be deleted, due to the scribe´sХeyesХlosingХtrackбХandХhadХtoХ be written again at the correct place. The fact that the selec- tion of entries is the same as that of the above mentioned Pra- gue manuscript might indicate a certain degree of a common tradition. The last manuscript is dated to 1435 and comes from the цbbeyХofХSieciechówХĐSЮгХщueХtoХwaterХdamageбХitХisХdifficultХ to read or cannot be read at all (National Library, Warsaw 3316 – fol. 196v – 199r)13. The relation of the manuscripts to each other Basically, the manuscripts show the same stock of texts. However, they are characterized by a number of variations which make it impossible to assume that manuscripts O or M are copies of the older one P. In particular, M and P both show a number of differences from O which, however, are in most cases not very signifi- cant, such as: 13ыleithбХ StudienХ zurХ Überlieferungsgeschichte, No. 961. I express my thanksХtoХщrгХŻászlóХVeszprémyХforХtellingХmeХaboutХthisХmanuscriptг 128 Hungaro-Polonica O15,12 totum vero totum P M vero O16,16 descendit discessit P (in rasura) M O19,23 craa traa P M O23,21 iube te de iubeo te de sollitudine P M sollicitudine O28,14 nuncijs necessarijs O28,26 mesko mezko P M O28,26 duci polonorum duci P M polonorum O29,7f mittere iam mittere P M iam O34,11 meszkoni mezkoni P M O35,11 eum turbatum eum P M turbatum O43,34f per per avunculum P M nepotem O46,15f om. ingemiscere et clamare audiret P (Z); ingemiscere clamare audiuit M O48,12 terram totam terram P M totam O53,8 u. 35 Heinricus P; Hindericus M Hemericus14 O59,8 deo domino P M (= BHL 7921) O70,3 prestanda (=BHL 7921) preparanda 14This version of the name is typical for Hungarian sources, whereas Heinrichus or Hindericus indicate a (North) German author/scribe. 129 Hungaro-Polonica O72,38f per parentes (=BHL 7921) gentes O73,1 viri viri suffragio conferentes (P = BHL suffragio 7921) confringentes M on the other hand is different from O and P, due to many and grave differences O15,6 plaga dei plaga et flagellum die O16,38–17,15 P Dehinc per- Demum pertransiuit alpes transiuit alpes tyranice et et in terminos cruwatie et uenit in terminos dacie et sclavonie ubi conflictum slauonie (sclauonie P) et con- magnum 8o diebus flictum magnum octo diebus habuerunt O20,18 congregatis igitur congregatis cunctis cunctisque principibus principibus O20,24–30 Post mortem Post mortem patris uxor autem patris sui uxor co- coloman genuit filium loman genuit filium qui uoca- nomine Bela tus est bela O21,1 Inde autem mouens se post venit in terram uenit in terram sclauoniam Sclauoniam, quam quam attauus suus ungariam attauus suus ungariam appellauit vocavit O21,11 de regione polonie de regno polonie O21,22 hec cepit uirum suum Hec cepit yesse ad ad christum conuertere et christum convertere et 130 Hungaro-Polonica fidem katholicam tenere et a fidem katholicam instru- cultura ydolorum recedere ere et a cultura ydolorum secernere O22,19 Idem tempus celitus om. M. depositum OзибззХ іХ ĐubiХ іЮХ tibiХ …Х om. M dominus O24,7–15 Verumptamen Verumptamen virum uirum spirituali legacione tibi spirituale legacione tibi transmittendum honorifica- transmittendum honor- biliter suscipito uenerabiliter ifice suscipere et apertis habeto, exhortacionibus eius cordibus eiusque exhorta- cordis fidelem assensum tionibus assensum prebeto O25,19 qui eam alloqui taliter alloquens eam dicens cepit O26,1 P tamen15 om. M O26,3 P uel et M O31,3 P sine certatione sine dilatione M (sine cunctatione in BHL 7921) O33,12f. romanae sedis ponti- papa M fex O36,29–31 siue poloni in Siue poloni in vngaros vngaros, siue ungari in siue contrarium M polonos 15 HereХźarácsonyiХreadХcum, Kownacki and Endlicher emended tum. In the otherwise identical passage of Z Pilat indeed read tum. But the abbreviation may be supposed to mean tamen, like in P. 131 Hungaro-Polonica There are particularly voluminous differences of M com- pared to P and O on fol. 146r: O3823–4336 und P M146rb Post hec autem sancte dei Post hec infra missarum genitricis semperque uir- solempnia rex stephanus ginis marie incipitur offi- oleo sacro inungitur cum salue sancta parens iuxta missam uero rex (P rex uero) oleo sacro inungi- tur et consecratur. Post missam uero osculum pacis omnibus prebet alii uero manum sacram anu- lum sacrum salutant et ben- ediccionem ab eo recipiunt. Quo finito presules cum clero comites cum populo Kyrieleyson cum congruis laudibus proclamant, deum omnipotetem et sanctos et dyademate regalis dig- apostolos Petrum et Pau- nitatis feliciter est corona- lum benedicunt, quod sanc- tus. Post acceptam regalis tus deo dilectus Stephanus excellencie dignitatem tam exunccione sacri crismatis episcopales et ecclesias perunctus quantum alias regaliter am- plians disposuit Dyademate regalis dignita- tis feiliciter est coronatus. 132 Hungaro-Polonica Post acceptum regalis excel- cum crucibus et uasis lencie lignum (signum?) (P aliisque suppellectibus ad digm dignum / dignitatem?) ministerium dei pertinenti- tam epicsopales ecclesias bus secundum quod unicu- amplians regaliter dispo- ique opus erat sufficienter suit decorauit quam crucibus et uasis aliis post haec officium de sancta supellecitilibus ad ministe- trinitate incipitur scilicet rium dei pertinentibus benedicta etc. pro rege et secundum quod unicuique principe mezkone et pro opus erat sufficienter deco- cuncto populo pro for- rauit. manda pace, qua missa finita ad tentoria sua Post officium sancte trini- redeunt ubi in gaudio et tatis incipitur Benedicta sit leticia epulis et potibus ac sancta trinitas officia uero musicis variis instrumentis sancta pro rege et principe mezkone et pro cuncto pop- ulo per presulem astritum avunculus et nepos letos 8 offeruntur pace accepta et duxerunt dies omnisque missa finita ad tentoria sua polonorum exercitus a ma- redeunt ubique in gaudio et iore usque ad minorem leticia epulis et potibus in muneribus replentur duci cordis et organis et tympa- uero multa bona per avun- nis et choris cytharis et phy- culum offeruntur. alis auunculus et nepos letos octo duxerunt dies om- nisque polonorum exercitus 133 Hungaro-Polonica a maiore usque ad minorem muneribus replentur duci uero multa bona per nepotem (P: avunculum) of- feruntur. Other differences separating M from O and P are found in these passages O (und P) M 44,17–23 in ipsa regalis in ipsa regalis sedis ciuitate sedis ciuitate, que alba witzeborch, que alba dicitur, nuncupatur, sub laude et sub laude et titulo marie vir- titulo genitricis dei fa- ginis famosam ecclesiam opere mosam et grandem ec- mirifico construere fecit clesiam opere mirifico construere cepit 47,12–22 Quadam igitur Quadam igitur nocte per rev- nocte per reuelacionem elacionem quandam precepit qua<n>dam infra diem ut omnes in rure manentes ad et noctem ad albam munitas ciuitates quam transsiluana<m> pre- citissime possent festinarent cepit festinare et omnes in rure manentes ad mu- nitas ciuitates, quam citissime posset congre- gare 48,12f terram totam totam terram Transsiluanam. devastauit 134 Hungaro-Polonica 48,14 om. albe civitate devastata 52,3 quid uidisset si quem vidisset 52,5–7 om. cui tum omnia visa retulit 52,9f constat, quod illum erat impletum, quod actis impletum est apostolorum 52,13 in regnum etc. caelorum 52,17–19 tribus annis in per triennium infirmitate (in om. P = BHL 7921) continua infirmitate continua 53,3 abortam (P obortam exortam = so korrigierten auch alle Herausgeber vor Karacsonyi) 53,3 genitor pater 55,2 vix umquam vix ut numquam кмбжзfХnonХ…гХplantaretХ om. 58,11 inunctionem unctionem 58,12 quibus ultimum quibus expletis omnes benedicans benedicans 58,18 iesu christe om. 59,5 cantu planctu 59,10 monumento sepulcro 59,22f per angelorum per angelorum choros laudans choros et laudantes 59,29 sanctus om. 60,5 om. et voces 70,3f germanum fratrem 135 Hungaro-Polonica 71,10 miseretur et stabat misereretur instabat (=corr. Ketrzynski) 71,26 annuente fauente 72,13 obsessis obsessi (=BHL 7921) 72,18–знХ UndeХ …Х om. collaudarent 72,38 accepit accepit quod et factum est 73,1 viri suffragio con- viri suffragio rogantes fringentes (conferentes (P)) Furthermore, M is connected to Z by readings which at the same time make P different from O: O and P Z and M O17,1 dacie chrvacie (cruwatie M) O17,10 om. conflictum magnum 8o die- bus habuerunt M fecerunt conflictum magnum octo die- bus O31,6 P cito scito MZ O38,9 P plurimorum privilegiorum MZ O46,10 P pro grege pro regno MZ O58,11 P inunctionem unctionem MZ How the manuscripts are related to each other cannot be con- cludingly clarified. Mss. P and O are closer related to each other – they show almost identical texts with only little dif- ferences. However, the latter fact rules out that O might be a 136 Hungaro-Polonica copy of P. Indeed, we may postulate a common original. The relatedness of the two mss. is further underlined by the fact that in each case at least the Vita of St Emmerich is found in almost the same wording.16 It is remarkable in this context that P does not include the Vita of St Stanislaus. Either it was already missing in the original from which P was copied or it was added only later or, however, it was left out later, due to lack of interest in these Polish affairs. How M and P are related to each other is much more dif- ficult to say. Basically, due to its many omissions, comple- tions and changes M is much different from P and of course also from O; more than only a few of them might be due to the superficiality of the scribe who is certainly North Ger- manбХothersХagainХareХdueХtoХhisХĐorХtheХscribe´sХofХtheХorigiв nal) ability to make reasonable (completing) comments. Fur- 16BHL 2529b: O (=D in AASS Nov. II Pars I 487B, = L in SRH Vol. 2, 449– йлебХhereХййоЮпХ”Gloriosus rex primus Stephanus ducatum Ungarie tenuit annis octo, regnavit autem triginta tribus annis, mensibus septem, diebus XIIII; migravit autem ad Dominum anno incarnacionis Domini m° ccc° IIII° (sic), decimo octavo kal. septembris, feria quinta; cuius venerabile corpus Albe reconditum est; per huius mellifluam prudenciam novissimis, ut dicam, temporibus tocius Panonie regnum lumine veritatis agnovit”г іХтХ”ьloriosusХrexХprimusХStephanusХducatumХUngarieХtenuitХannisХoctoХ regnauit autem xxxiiius annis mensibus vii diebus xiiii, migrauit autem ad dominum Anno domini incarnationis mo xxxiiiio xviii kal. septembris feria va cuius venerabile corpus albe recordatum est, per huius mellifluam prudenciam nouissimis ut dicam temporibus tocius pannonie regnum lumen veritatisХagnouit”г OnХ theХ problemХ ofХ theХ іolishХ ъmmerichХ legendХ seeХ alsoХ SaroltaХ TóthбХ “żagyarХ ésХ lengyelХ юmre-legendák”Х [HungarianХ andХ іolishХ ъmmerichХ Legends], Acta Universitatis Szegediensis. Acta Historica XI (Szeged, 1962) 5 and 57–70. 137 Hungaro-Polonica thermore, M and P in comparison to O show a few connect- ing differences, some of which also document a closer rela- tionship to BHL 7921. Just the same, there are some signifi- cantly connecting differences to M and Z, namely the com- mon use of the name cruwatia in contrast to dacia in the other two mss. Finally, a few words to the manuscript "S": Ms. S is almost identical with the well-known ms. O. Nevertheless, the dif- ferences indicate that it is based on a better original, although here is no reason to assume that O was copied from it. Thus, reading traa in contrast to craa O19,23 confirms the readings of P and M. There are similar results if, for example, in all manuscripts including S transmisit is contrasted to transiuit in O47,3. S also confirms the reading parentes in P and M in contrast to the obviously mistaken per gentes in O71,38f. Whereas these differences suggest that the scribe of S copied its original more carefully than the scribe of O, the following differences allow for the conclusion that S may hardly have been the immediate original of O: Thus S shows – correctly – signum whereas O40,6 writes lignum, which was already corrected appropriately by Ketrzynski (due to the considerable differences in O, P and M it seems as if this pas- sage was difficult to read already in the common original), instead of senseless descendit in O16,16 (that may be ex- plained by wrong solution of an abbreviation), S disim- proved disperavit (PM: discessit), similarly S wrote predicanda instead of the more correct preparanda O70,3. Finally it must be remarked that S, other than O, used consequently the Ger- manic name Henricus, for which O used Hungarian Emericus. 138 Hungaro-Polonica Whereas previously all manuscripts came from Poland, the two new ones P and M draw our attention to an environ- ment connected to Bohemia and make clear that this version of the vita or chronicle met interest also beyond the Polish border and that it was probably much more widely spread than previously assumed. Also, the time of its making can be further delimited, as ms. P provides a clear terminus ante which, after all, is the same as that of the previously known ms. Z or even earlier. The background of the inclusion of the Hungarian saint into a Bohemian manuscript of the Legenda aurea cannot be concludingly clarified. However, even given the reception of the Hungarian-Polish chronicle at the monasteries of Ka- menz and Heinrichau17 and due to the integration of the Hedwig material one may assume a Silesian connection, more exactly a connection to the Cistercians who supported the spread of the cult of St Hedwig.18 17 Grzesik, “źronikaХ węgiersko-polska”бХ жеи–108; їuéret-іodestaбХ “TheХ influence”бХзми–278. 18 źateфina шharvátová, Dějiny cisterckého įádu v Čechách 1142–1420. Kláštery na hranicích a za hranicemi Čech [History of the Cistercian Order in Bohemia 1142–1420. The Monasteries at the Border and Beyond the Borders of Bohemia] (Praha, 2009) 134–136; яosephХ ьottschalkбХ “StгХ HedwigХ undХ derХ Zisterzienserorden“бХ цrchivХ fürХ schlesischeХ źirchengeschichteХ зк (1967) 38–51. On the Hedwig cult in Bohemia see the Joseph Gottschalk, “StгХ HedwigбХ HerzoginХ vonХ Schlesien”, Forschungen und Quellen zur Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte Ostdeutschlands 2 (źölnХжолй) 302–304, an early document in this context is a lectionary from 1316, coming from the Benedictine Monastery of Opatovice [Opatowitz] which, by sending monksХ toХ aХ prioryХ atХ WahlstattХ andХ thenХ atХ ьrüssauбХ wasХ veryХ closelyХ connected to Hedwig and what happened in Silesia. In October, 1357, Bohuslav, Prior of Leitmeritz, a brother of Prague Archbishop Arnestus, шanonХ ofХ StгХ ÄgidiusХ inХ чreslauХ and Chaplain of Emperor Charles IV., donated an altar in honour of Sts. Hedwig and Anna, probably in 139 Hungaro-Polonica This again would suggest that the Hungarian-Polish chronicle was epitomised already under the rule of Wences- laus II. (1278–1305) who made rich donations particularly to Kamenz which was also otherwise treated preferentially.19 Bibliography: Sources Chronica hungaro-Polonica, pars I (Textus cum varietate lectionum), ed. чгХ źarácsonyiгХ цctaХ HistoricaХ UniversitatisХ SzegedensisХ de цttilaХ яózsefХ nominatae 26 (Szeged, 1969). Chronica hungarorum, ed. S. L. Endlicher, Rerum hungaricarum Monu - menta Arpadiana (Sangalli, 1849) 60–82. Chronicon Hungarico-Polonorum, edгХ ягХ щeérбХ ScriptoresХ RerumХ Hun- garicarum vol. 2 (Budapestini, 1938) 299–320. consideration of Anna of Schweidnitz, the wife of Charles IV. See also Halina żanikowskaбХ “ŻegendaХ цwгХ яadwigiХ – obiegХ iХ transformacja”Х [Legend of St Hedwig-circulation and Transformation], in Kultura elitarna aХ kulturaХ masowaХ wХ іolsceХ póѐnegoХ цredniowieczaбХ edгХ B. Geremek (WrocławбХжомн) 155–171. 19 30th of April 1294: donation by theХшityХofХżittelwaldeХдХżiędzylesieрХ 26th ofХżarchХжзонпХdonationХofХStalsdorfХnearХыreudenthalХдХчruntálХasХaХ replacement Trebenowice, which had illegally given away when still being underage, that is before 1288. Regesta dipolmatica nec non epistolaria Bohemiae et Moraviae, pars 2: annorum 1253–1310, red. Josef ъmlerХ ĐіragaeбХ жннзЮХ мекХ №Х жлйирХ млоХ №Х жмннгХ – шharvátová, Dějiny cisterckého įádu 134–136. – Heinrich Grüger, „Die zisterziensische Architektur in Schlesien in den Jahren 1200–1330. Bemerkungen zu Marian Kutzner, Cysterska architektura na İląsku w latach 1200–1330“, Archiv für schlesische Kirchengeschichte 29 (1971) 26. 140 Hungaro-Polonica źlapperбХяosephбХ“‘HedwigisХelecta’гХъineХHedwigsvitaХausХdemХцnfangХ des 14. яahrhunderts“бХцrchivХfürХschlesischeХźirchengeschichteХжоХĐжолжЮХ 53–61. źronikaХWęgierskaХnaХpoczątkuХwiekuХXююрХźronikaХczeskaХnaХpoczątkuХ wieku XI, ed. H. Kownacki (Warszawa, 1823). źronikaХwęgiersko-polskaбХedгХStanisławХіilatбХżіHХжбХйок–515. Regesta dipolmatica nec non epistolaria Bohemiae et Moraviae, pars 2: an- norum 1253–1310, red. J. Emler (Pragae, 1882). Vita Sanctorum Stephani regis et Emerici ducis, ed. M. Florianus, Historiae Hungaricae Fontes Domestici, Pars Prima: Scriptores I (Lipsiae, 1881) 70– 79. ёywotХ цwгХ StefanaХ królaХ WęgierХ czyliХ źronikaХ węgiersko-polska, ed. R. Grzesik (Warszawa 2003). Secondary literature шharvátováбХźateфinaбХщějinyХcisterckéhoХфáduХvХСecháchХжжйз–1420. źláв šteryХnaХhranicíchХaХzaХhranicemiХСechХ[HistoryХofХtheХшistercianХOrderХinХ Bohemia 1142–1420. The Monasteries at the Border and Beyond the Bor- ders of Bohemia] (Praha, 2009). ыleithбХ чarbaraбХ StudienХ zurХ ÜberlieferungsgeschichteХ derХ lateinischenХ Legenda aurea, Subsidia hagiographica 72 (Bruxelles, 1991). ьrzesikбХ RyszardбХ źronikaХ węgiersko-polskaгХ ZХ dziejówХ polsko- węgierskichХ kontaktówХkulturalnychХ wХ цredniowieczuХ [TheХ Hungarian- Polish chronicle. About the Historiy of Polish-Hungarian Cultural Con- tactsХinХtheХżiddleХцges]ХĐіoznańбХжоооЮ. ьrzesikбХRyszardХ“шhroniconХhungaricoХpolonicum”бХinХъncyclopediaХofХ Medieval Chronicle, ed. G. Dunphy (Leiden – Boston, 2010) Vol. 1, 348f. їuéret-іodestaбХ цdrienбХ “VomХ UngarnХ derХ цrpádenХ zumХ іolenХ derХ Piasten. Zur Entstehung und zum Schicksal der sogenannten Ungarisch- polnischenХшhronik“бХinХżittelalterlicheХъlitenХundХźulturtransferХöstlichХ der Elbe: InterdisziplinäreХ чeiträgeХ zuХ цrchäologieХ undХ ьeschichteХ imХ mittelalterlichenХOstmitteleuropaбХedгХцгХźlammtХĐьöttingenбХзееоЮХло–80. 141 Wojciech Kozłowski The Maria Grzegorzewska University, Warsaw International Relations before the Sovereign Territorial State Modern-State Bias and the Árpádian-Piast Relations, 1240-1320 International Relations before Sovereignty It is already a truism to state that historian approaches the past (that is the subject of his inquiry), while remaining deeply rooted in and entwined with social and cultural com- plexities of his own time. On one hand, this dependence on contemporary contexts and backgrounds seems detrimental to the great pursuit of objectivity and scientific rigor, which many historians consider as their professional motto. Chang- ing societies and the transformations of their cultures (in- cluding scientific and intellectual fashions), on the other hand, provide consecutive generations of scholars with ever new incentives to revisit and reconsider the findings and in- terpretations of their predecessors. Further, new circum- stances and experiences stimulate new questions, original approaches, and create novel perspectives allowing illumi- nating and inspirational vantage points. Professional histo- rian, being alert to intricacies of his own time and remaining sensitive to never ending yet always context-specific chal- lenges that affect human societies, looks back into the past in 143 Hungaro-Polonica hope to distill his modern anxieties through the lenses of the extant source material and – as a result – to say something meaningful about humans and their societies in the past. De- taching oneself from the world one lives in appears not only virtuallyХimpossibleХĐasХtheХdevelopmentХofХhistorian’sХcraftХ evidences) but sometimes even counter-productive, because itХmayХartificiallyХtruncateХhistorian’sХsocialХsensitivitiesХandХ kill motivations to test new intellectual avenues. The majority of experienced and prominent historians of political history that I know have been born into the world of sovereign territorial nation-states. For centuries these po- litical units had been gradually emerging and achieved their apex throughout the twentieth century, claiming – following żaxХWeber’sХfamousХformulaХ– the legitimate use of coercive power (violence) on a given, clearly demarcated and popu- lated, territory. In the Polish context, to which I am strongly attached by birth and education, sovereignty (meaning: the freedom of Poland) remained the central issue for intellectuals (and be- yond, up and down across all social strata) for nearly two centuries: in the nineteenth century due to the partitions and in the twentieth century due to the short-lived interwar in- dependent Poland (1918-1939) contrasted with the extensive period of German devastating occupation and with subse- quent communist oppression. In the contemporary context sovereignty occupies im- portant place in the Polish political discourse. This card is used on various occasions and mostly in relation with mat- ters of European integration and processes of globalization. There are powerful milieus in the Polish politics and media 144 Hungaro-Polonica hammeringХintoХpeople’sХmindsХthatХsovereigntyХisХindispenв sable and essential for the survival of a nation. The specific historical experience and its dominant interpretation strongly bound the idea of state sovereignty with the much desired notions of freedom and independence. A good ex- ample of this mind-gripping approach is Dzieje Polski. Skąd nasz ródř (The History of Poland. Where Do We Come From?),1 produced by Andrzej Nowak, a distinguished his- torian from Kraków. He presents an original and authorita- tive account of the Polish history until the year 1202. Draw- ing on the most recent findings of Polish scholarship, Nowak paints a teleological picture of the gradual crystallization of the separate Polish political community, with the concepts of freedom and of survival from numerous external aggres- sionsХasХtheХpicture’s core features.2 Without a doubt, today sovereignty matters and the con- cept itself has been firmly attached to the coming of the mod- ern state.3 There is a strong (yet very recently abating)4 con- 1 Andrzej Nowak, щziejeХіolskiгХSkądХnaszХródХĐщoХжзезЮХ[TheХHistoryХofХ Poland. Where Do We Come From? (To 1202)] ĐźrakówбХзежйЮг 2 цndrzejХ NowakбХ“HistoriaХ іolskiХ - HistoriaХ wolnoцci”Х [TheХ HistoryХ ofХ Poland - A History of Freedom], Gazeta Polska 26 (2014) 31. 3 цlessandroХіasserinХd’ъntrèvesбХThe Notion of the State: An Introduction to Political Theory, (London, 1967) 95. 4 See for instance: Benno Teschke, The Myth of 1648: Class, Geopolitics, and the Making of Modern International Relations (London; New York, 2003); or Jeremy Larkins, From Hierarchy to Anarchy: Territory and Politics before Westphalia (New York, 2010). TheХlatterХcommentsпХ“Ideas of territorial-sovereignty are not universal and fixed but historical and fluid. They are the products of particular, arbitrary, and ever-changing discursive conjun- ctions of politics and space. Histories of territorial-sovereignty must therefore avoid two temptations: either to write a progressive history in which sovereign- territoriality achieves its telos in modernity, or to assume that absolute 145 Hungaro-Polonica ventional conviction in the IR (International Relations) schol- arship that the intertwined doctrines of sovereignty and ter- ritoriality matured sometime in the middle of the seven- teenth century and gave birth to the modern states-system which endured fairly untouched to our times.5 Robert Jack- son aptly encapsulates the vitality of sovereignty in the mod- ern times: “Sovereignty is an idea of authority embodied in those bordered territorial organizations we refer to as 'states' or 'nations' and ex- pressed in their various relations and activities, both domestic and foreign. In the early twenty-first century there are almost two hun- dred of those organizations around the world, each one responsible for the territory under its jurisdiction and the people who live there. Sovereignty is at the center of the political arrangements and legal practices of the modern world. The idea originated in the contro- versies and wars, religious and political, of sixteenth and seven- teenth-century Europe. It has existed without interruption and spread around the world since that time, and it continues to evolve. […]Х State sovereignty is a fundamental idea of authority of the modern era, arguably the most fundamental. It stands in marked contrast to ideas of authority of other eras, particularly the preced- ing medieval period of European history, which revolved around the theocratic and transnational idea of Latin Christendom. Sover- eignty also stands in marked contrast to ideas of authority in other discontinuities or ruptures exist between different modes of territorialization. Both of these tendencies are present in the Westphalia narrative that represents medieval international politics as other to the modern international system of sovereign territorial states”Х– Ibid. 53. 5 Cf.: TeresaХ Łoц-Nowak, StosunkiХ międzynarodoweпХ TeorieбХ systemyбХ uczestnicy [International Relations: Theories, Systems, Participants] ĐWrocławбХзеелЮХий; for some more general information on this matter, see: Jacek Czaputowicz, SuwerennoцР [Sovereignty] (Warszawa, 2013) 73–77. 146 Hungaro-Polonica parts of the world before Western imperial states intervened and established themselves as a global, and no longer merely a Euro- pean or Western, system of authority. That worldwide episode was only completed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries”г6 Taking all this into account, it seems unsurprising that in approachingХ “international”Х medievalХ historyХ historians seem lured into a trap of viewing pre-modern political enti- ties as perhaps underdeveloped but clearly predestined-to- sovereign-reasoning states, which tend to act on the interna- tional stage and to construct their interests in a roughly iden- tical manner as modern states appear to do: secure survival, form and break alliances, strive to dominate others or at least to balance power (if attaining hegemony is out of reach). Taking this perspective is genuinely seducing because it compellingly and logicallyХ resonatesХ withХ historian’sХ ownХ experiences and understandings of world politics; further, this approach draws on a scholarly tradition established long ago. To be sure, historians recognize that medieval political entities operated in a different social and cultural context, and thus means of conducting international politics varied from modern political arsenals, having in its center the so- calledХ“dynasticХpolitics”ХĐwithХdynasticХmarriagesХasХitsХfunв damental tool) and relying political authority on personal bonds. Nevertheless, acknowledging circumstantial and contextual discrepancies does not necessarily affect the seemingly ahistorical logic of international politics, which remains constant across centuries. Consequently, in many 6 Robert H. Jackson, Sovereignty: Evolution of an Idea (Cambridge – Malden, 2007) ix. 147 Hungaro-Polonica scholarly accountsХitХisХimplicitlyХassumedХthatХmedievalХ“inв ternational”ХactorsХcarriedХoutХforeignХpoliticsХaccordingХtoХ the same principles that modern states follow.7 Strikingly enough, conventional IR scholarship has been reluctant to grapple with medieval politics, deeming it struc- turally different to contemporary systems. In a popular IR textbookХRobertХHгХяacksonХandХьeorgХSørensenХcontendedп “Can we speak of ‘international relations’ in Western Europe during the medieval era? Only with difficulty because, as already indicated, medieval Christendom was more like an empire than a state system. States existed, but they were not independent or sov- ereign in the modern meaning of these words. There were no clearly defined territories with borders. The medieval world was not a ge- ographical patchwork of sharply differentiated colors which repre- sented different independent countries. Instead, it was a compli- cated and confusing intermingling of lines and colors of varying shades and hues. Power and authority was organized on both a re- ligious and a political basis: in Latin Christendom, the Pope and the Emperor were the heads of two parallel and connected hierar- chies, one religious and the other political. Kings and other rulers were subjects of those higher authorities and their laws. They were not fully independent. And much of the time, local rulers were not 7 See for instance: VìtalìjХ NagìrnijбХ Polityka zagranicznaХ księstwХ ziemХ halickiejХ iХ wołyńskiejХ wХ latachХ жжонХ ĐжжооЮ –1264 [Foreign Policy of the Duchies in the Lands of Halich and Volhynia]бХ VìtalìjХ NagìrnijбХ Polityka zagraniczna księstw ziem halickiej i wołyńskiej w latach 1198 (1199)–1264, Prace Komisji WschodnioeuropejskiejХ дХ іolskaХ цkademiaХ UmiejętnoцciбХ жзХ ĐźrakówбХзежжЮХог 148 Hungaro-Polonica fully independent either. The fact is that territorial political inde- pendence as we know it today was not present in medieval Eu- rope”г8 It is tempting for a historian to dismiss this opinion with a wave of his hand, pointing to its superficiality and crude- ness, not to mention flaws in historical data, since medieval Europe was never equally and entirely subordinated to im- perial and papal powers. Along these lines, Peter Halden commented: “Certain social sciences such as International Relations (IR) tend to simplify the Middle Ages to a binary opposition between emperor and pope. Conversely, within the historical disciplines the view that there was no “international politics” in this era has long prevailed. Both are results of identification of the state with the We- berian definition and of inter-state politics with institutions such as sovereignty and the “balance of power”. With this background, two options have been left to synthetic approaches, focusing on feu- dal relations between minor lords or concluding that Europe was governed by unitary structure made up of the emperor and the pope until the system differentiated into fully autonomous units at the peace of Westphalia”г9 Here is the dilemma. Historians generally recognize the “otherness”Х ofХ medievalХ “international”Х politicsбХ andХ thusХ they have been willing to approach it from various angles: facts and events (traditional political history), institutions 8 Robert H. Jackson – ьeorgХ SørensenбХ Introduction to International Relations: Theories and Approaches (Oxford – New York, 2010) 11. 9 іeterХ HaldenбХ “ыromХ ъmpireХ toХ шommonwealthĐs): Orders in Europe 1300-жнее”бХ inХ Universal Empire. A Comparative Approach to Imperial Culture and Representation in Eurasian History, ed. P. Fibiger Bang – D. źołodziejczykХĐшambridgeХ– New York, 2012) 283. 149 Hungaro-Polonica (the so-called constitutional history), and political culture and manifestations of power (the New Political History).10 This plethora of approaches and perspectives, however, hardly ever stimulates historians to question the validity of the presumed universal logic (sovereignty, territoriality, bal- ance of power) of international politics. To put it differently, historians know and accept that medieval political world was quite different from our own, and they provide pictur- esque descriptions of this world; what they are less inclined to acknowledge is that those differences (technical, concep- tual, ideological, and cultural) affected in some way the very structure of international system, rendering it inexplicable by means of sheer transfer of concepts and meaning that rule the international politics of today. The well-studiedХ“otherв ness”Х ofХ medievalХ politicsХ appearsХ inconsequentialХ forХ theХ ways this politics is perceived and explained in historical works. IR scholars, on the other hand, are much less special- ized in navigating through the intricacies of the medieval world and rather disinterested in exploring source material (as far as I can tell, they chiefly limit themselves to reading historical works about the Middle Ages), but their systematic and profound inquiry about various manifestations of inter- national systems compelled (some of) them to doubt any 10SeeпХ іiotrХ ьóreckiбХ “TheХ ъarlyХ іiastsХ юmaginedпХ NewХ WorkХ inХ theХ іoliticalХ HistoryХ ofХ ъarlyХ żedievalХ іoland”бХ The Mediaeval Journal 1 (2011) 81–102. Also: SusanХReynoldsбХ“TheХHistoriographyХofХtheХżedievalХ State”бХinХCompanion to Historiography, ed. M. Bentley (London – New York, 1997) 109–29; ReesХщaviesбХ“TheХżedievalХStateпХTheХTyrannyХofХaХ шonceptф”бХ Journal of Historical Sociology 16 (2003) 280–300; Susan ReynoldsбХ“ThereХ WereХ StatesХ inХ żedievalХ ъuropeпХ цХ Response to Rees щavies”бХJournal of Historical Sociology 16 (2003) 550–555; John Watts, The Making of Polities: Europe, 1300-1500 (Cambridge – New York, 2009). 150 Hungaro-Polonica continuity between pre-modern forms of international sys- tems and their modern successors. That is to say, drawing on the body of scholarship on medieval times, they noticed and recognizedХ theХ medievalХ “otherness”бХ whichХ onХ theХ wholeХ led them to conclude that the pre-modern systems cannot be interpreted through the lenses of contemporary IR theories, since modernity follows a different rationale than the pre- ceding age. Hence, IR scholars have refused to problematize and theorize medieval politics,11 disbelieving their models (developed throughout the twentieth century)12 to provide meaningful explanations. Historians, however, perhaps less experienced in socio-theoretical explorations (and not al- ways fascinated by them) remained stubbornly immune to draw conclusions, at which IR people arrived long ago. 11 WithХaХfewХexceptionsпХWojciechХźozłowskiбХ“TheorizingХŻateХżedieval іoliticsгХReportХfromХtheХыield”бХStudiaХzХdziejówХцredniowiecza 19 (2015) 107–135. 12 The IR scholarship developed throughout the twentieth century and it has made this twentieth-century international system its central issue. All IR theoretical traditions, even if they reach to theorists and philosophers of the past centuries for inspiration and solid grounding, they were in first place devised to elucidate the behavior of the twentieth-century states. Although the discipline did not confine itself to the contemporary matters, the focus on the recent developments remained principal. This was partiallyХ dueХ toХ theХ юR’sХ aspirationsХ ĐnotХ sharedХ byХ historiansЮХ toХ offerХ meaningful predictions about the future transformations on the international stage. 151 Hungaro-Polonica Modern-State Bias and the “Regional Family Network” of the Árpáds From the early decades of the thirteenth century the relations betweenХ іiastХ dukesХ andХ ÁrpádianХ monarchsХ inХ HungaryХ gradually intensified and eventually laid foundations for closeХdynasticХtiesХthatХpinnacledХinХŻouisХtheХьreat’sХascenв sion to the Polish throne in 1370. Certainly, nothing was pre- determined in the way the events unfolded and in the early 1200s it had been simply impossible to foresee that trans- Carpathian political and dynastic relations would so con- cludeгХ цnywayбХ яanХ щąbrowskiХ rightlyХ observedХ thatХ throughout the thirteenth century the dukes of Kraków and Sandomierz developed their politics towards establishing greaterХtiesХwithХtheХÁrpádsг13 According to the investigation I carried out some time ago, in the period 1150-1250 (which coincided with the dis- integration of the duchy/kingdom of Poland into smaller en- tities governed by members of the Piast dynasty) things were dynamically transforming, bringing a gradual change in the statusХ andХ perspectivesХ ofХ theХ ÁrpádsХ andХ іiastsгХ StartingХ from the middle of the twelfth century and the divisions en- dorsedХ byХ чolesławХ źrzywoustyбХ theХ dynasticХ horizonХ ofХ both houses (i.e., how broad and diversified were their sets of marital partners), initially similar in scope, began to vary 13 яanХ щąbrowskiбХ “ZХ czasówХ ŁokietkaгХ StudiaХ nadХ stosunkamiХ polsko- węgierskimiХwХXюVХwгХшzęцРХюбďХ[ыromХtheХTimesХofХŁokietekгХ Studies on the Polish-Hungarian Relations in the 14th Century. Part I], RцUгХWydziałХ Hist.-Filoz. 34 (1916) 278. 152 Hungaro-Polonica considerably. This gap continued to expand along the pass- ing generations. Whereas theХÁrpádsХbecameХaХdynastyХwithХ wide European relations, the Piasts submerged into more and more short-distance dealings with a shrinking interna- tional perspective. In addition, due to the intensifying dis- memberment of Poland, the Piasts lost their dynastic attrac- tivenessХtoХroyalХcourtsбХincludingХtheХÁrpádsгХThereforeбХinХ the middle of the thirteenth century there was already a strikingХcleavageХbetweenХtheХіiasts’ХandХtheХÁrpáds’Хdynasв tic perspectives. чutХ alsoХ theХ latter’sХ interestХ inХ RuthenianХ lands in the early thirteenth century opened up new oppor- tunities in shaping inter-dynastic connections. Statistically speakingбХtheХÁrpád-Piast marriages of the first half of the thirteenth century: Coloman and Salomea (1214), Ku- nigundaХ andХ чolesławХ theХ шhasteХ (1239), and Jolanta and чolesławХtheХіiousХĐжзклЮХwereХextraordinaryХforХtheХіiastsбХ who over last century scarcely had succeeded in marrying into any nuclear royal family. TheХmarriageХofХźunigundaХandХчolesławХtheХшhasteХhasХ been interpreted in many ways but often superficially. Schol- ars have tended to concentrate on the interests of one party and neglect the other. Recent examinations showed that the marriage could have been the result of negotiations between щukeХ HenryХ theХ іiousХ ofХ SilesiaХ ĐчolesławХ the шhaste’sХ guardianЮХandХźingХчélaХюVХofХHungaryбХinvolvingХSalomeaХ and the nobility of Lesser Poland.14 14шfгпХWojciechХźozłowskiбХ“TheХżarriageХofХчolesławХofХtheХіiastsХandХ źingХ ofХ theХ ÁrpádsХ inХ жзиоХ inХ theХ ShadowХ ofХ theХ żongolХ żenace”бХ inХ шapitulumХ VюгХ “юnХ żyХ SpiritХ andХ ThoughtХ юХ RemainedХ aХ ъuropeanХ ofХ HungarianХOriginг”ХżedievalХHistoricalХStudiesХinХżemoryХofХZoltanХягХ 153 Hungaro-Polonica Henry the Pious aspired to receive a royal crown and to become king of Poland. This would have equipped him with a claim to authority over the other Piasts. To achieve this goal, he was seeking for prominent and potent alliances. He alreadyХ hadХ closeХ familyХ connectionsХ withХ theХ іфemyslidsХ andбХindirectlyбХwithХtheХÁrpádsбХbutХasХtheХdominantХіolishХ dukeХ heХ lookedХ forХ furtherХ connectionsгХ TheХ ÁrpádsХ wereХ “popular”ХwithХъuropeanХdynastiesХbecauseХofХStХъlisabethбХ who had been canonized in 1235 and soon became an influ- entialХ modelХ ofХ aХ nobleХ woman’sХ saintгХ ъvenХ theХ imperialХ house was emphasizing its proximity to her. These reasons of prestige were undoubtedly presentХinХHenryХtheХіious’sХ mind. чélaХюV’sХforeignХagendaХwasХguidedХbyХcircumstancesХatХ home. His authority was challenged by Hungarian nobles and he sought means to solidify his royal power.15 In addi- tion, the borders of the kingdom of Hungary were targeted by the approaching Mongols, and he was seeking partner- ship with a ruler, whose borders were equally menaced. At the same time, ties with KrakówХcouldХsecureХforХчélaХюVХasв sistanceХ inХ recoveringХ theХ ÁrpádianХ influenceХ inХ RutheniaбХ following strategic avenues developed by King Andrew II, his father. Thus, during the negotiations a military alliance was at stake which was to be confirmed by a marriage. чolesławХtheХшhaste’sХspecialХpoliticalХpotentialХinХжзиоХmadeХ himХanХattractiveХpickХforХчélaХюVпХжЮХhe was under Henry the Kosztolnyik, ed. I. Petrovics – SгХŻгХTóthХ– E. Congdon (Szeged, 2010) 79– 100. 15 This period is well covered by: яenрХSzűcsбХцzХutolsóХÁrpádok [The Last Árpáds]ХĐчudapestбХжооиЮг 154 Hungaro-Polonica іious’sХsupervisionХĐwhoseХallianceХчélaХюVХwasХhopingХforЮбХ but 2) he was not his offspring whose degree of kinship with źunigundaбХчélaХюV’sХdaughterбХwasХ– according to the canon law – simply too close; 3) he was also a young duke of San- domierz and the lawful heir of Kraków. Although in 1239 he still had little chance of becoming an actual duke of Kraków, Sandomierz was also in Lesser Poland, a region which the ÁrpádsХtraditionallyХcountedХpoliticallyХsignificantг In 1241 the Mongol invasion swept Lesser Poland and Moravia, and considerably devastated the kingdom of Hun- gary. Henry the Pious fell in battle and, due to the subse- quentХpoliticalХturmoilбХinХжзйиХчolesławХtheХшhasteХemergedХ as the duke of KrakówгХыorХчélaХюVХandХtheХelites of the king- dom of Hungary, however, the Mongol brief-yet-cata- strophic occupation was transformative and, seemingly, it strongly affected their future political interests, encouraging closer ties with the rulers of Lesser Poland and beyond. The leading roleХinХ theХ“post-żongol”Х regionalХpoliticsХ wasбХthereforeбХplayedХbyХчélaХюVбХwhoseХkingdomХsufferedХ apparently the most from the invaders. There are no doubts concerning the terrifying reality of destruction. There is, however, some dispute about its degree. In the older schol- arship it was claimed that almost 50% the country was de- populated by the killings and later by disease and starvation, which occurred because large parts of land remained un- tilled due to the marauding Mongols. More recent studies suggest a lower proportion of 20% for the percentage of the 155 Hungaro-Polonica population that was killed.16 To reinforce their arguments these scholars point to later events that show that after the Mongols retreated to the steppes, the kingdom resumed its military activities fairly quickly.17 It is beyond any question, however, that the Mongol onslaught left the kingdom of Hungary changed in many respects. Apparently, the fear of the soon-to-comeХnextХinvasionХinstilledХinХpeople’sХhearts18 – outside all the other damages and losses they had already suffered – significantly influenced and shaped the polices adoptedХbyХчélaХюVбХwhoХhasХsometimesХbeen called the sec- ondХ“state-founder”г19 One of his responses to this pending threat was to author- ize nobles who could afford constructing stone-castles. A big building campaign was primarily designed to strengthen the defense potential of the kingdom, because – as the Mongol attack revealed – there were significantly higher chances of survival if the invaders encountered a walled location. This constructionХboomХwasХveryХefficientХandХbyХчélaХюV’sХdeathХ (1270), it produced a hundred new castles owned by the royal family, wealthy nobles, and bishops.20 The rapid rise of 16 Recently about the supposed population destruction cf. Attila Zsoldos, NagyХuralkodókХésХkiskirályokХaХжигХszázadban [Great Rulers and Petty Kings in the 13th Century] (Budapest, 2009) 54. 17 ŻászlóХ SzendeбХ “żagyarországХ külpolitikájaХ жзйз-жзйлХ között”Х [Hungarian Foreign Policy 1242-1246], ъlsрХSzázad 2 (2000) 299-349, 307– 311; іálХъngelбХRealm of St Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895– 1526 (London, 2001) 101–102. 18 Zsoldos, NagyХuralkodókб 54. 19 шfгХ юvánХ чertényiХ – ьáborХ ьyapayбХ żagyarországХ rövidХ története [A Short History of Hungary] (Budapest, 1992) 90–91. 20 Engel, Realm of St Stephen, 104. 156 Hungaro-Polonica fortified places in the kingdom certainly expanded its de- fense potential, yet – by diversification of their ownership – it deprived the king of an important advantage in times of confrontation with uncooperative nobility (the number of stone-castles reached three-hundred by the end of the thir- teenth century,21 and at least two-thirds of them did not be- long to the king).22 Giving away property and lands to the elite to financially enable it to erect own castles reinforced the kingdom in absolute terms but, at the same time, it cre- atedХaХfavorableХfoundationХtoХreduceХtheХkingdom’sХpoliti- cal integrity, for it undermined the will for cooperation on the part of the elite. Plainly speaking, more powerful nobles could demand more for their compliance. The reconstruction of the country had to encompass sev- eral aspects. Alongside a new immigration policy that was aimed to repopulate deserted areas, there was a shift in the political strategy. The experience of the Mongol warfare – so different from the European fighting style – forcedХчélaХюVХtoХ reconsider the organization of the royal army. A clear change inХtheХkingdom’sХinternalХarrangementsбХhoweverбХwasХonlyХ oneХsideХofХtheХcoinгХчélaХюVХpainfullyХrealizedХthatХhisХkingв dom would not be safe as long as it faced the Mongols on its own. He believed (or appeared to believe) that the best an- swer to the eastern menace would be the unity of the Euro- 21Zsoldos, NagyХuralkodókб 55. 22ьyulaХźristóбХ“щieХżachtХderХTerritorialherrenХinХUngarnХamХцnfangХ des 14. яahrhunderds”бХ Etudes Historiques Hongroises 1985 vol. 1 (Bu- dapest, 1985) 605. 157 Hungaro-Polonica pean kingdoms, confirmed and corroborated with papal au- thority. Therefore, he turned to the Holy See23, to the German emperor,24 and to the king of France, asking for reinforce- ments and support against the common danger. However, his pleas proved in vain.25 щisappointedбХ чélaХ юVХ concenв trated on Eastern Europe as the region where his idea of a system of security could prevail. The aftermath of the Mongol invasion was, therefore, a powerful stimulant for a political cooperation between the ÁrpádsХandХtheХіiastХdukesХofХŻesserХіolandХinХtheХfollowingХ decades. A system of security had been initiated in 1239 by theХallianceХbetweenХчélaХюVХandХHenryХtheХіiousгХTheХtanв gible threat of the advancing Mongols and internal turmoil compelledХчélaХюVХtoХseekХmilitaryХandХpoliticalХsupportХinХ the north. The system, however, did not work, owing to the excellence of the Mongol warfare. 23 ыorХneedХandХdespairХreflectedХinХtheХlettersХofХчélaХюVХseeпХNora Berend, цtХtheХьateХofХшhristendomпХяewsбХżuslimsбХцndХ“pagans”ХinХżedievalХ Hungary, C. 1000-C. 1300 (Cambridge – New York, 2001) 164. 24 цnХenvoyХofХчélaХюVХarrivedХatХtheХimperialХcourtХinХжзйжХandХpromisedХ thatХ ifХ чélaХ юVХ hadХ receivedХ aidХ fromХ theХ emperorХ againstХ żongolsбХ heХ would have submitted himself and his country to him in fiefdom. See: Z. J. Kosztolnyik, Hungary in the Thirteenth Century, East European Monographs 439 (Boulder, 1996) 350–51. 25 Ibid., 180. чélaХюVХnicelyХexpressedХhisХfrustrationХwritingХtoХtheХpopeХcгХ жзкепХ“When the Tartars fought against us in our kingdom, we put our request over this matter before the three principal courts of Christendom, that is Yours, which is thought and believed to be the mistress and superior of all courts by Christians, the imperial one, to which we were ready to submit ourselves because of this, if at the time of the said pestilence it had given us efficient aid and help; and we had our request laid before the court of the Franks, but from all these we received neither consolation nor help, but only words.”Х– Berend, At the Gate, 166. 158 Hungaro-Polonica Therefore, the security structure had to be reorganized. The death of Henry the Pious paradoxically helped in this endeavorбХbecauseХhisХlordshipХdisintegratedХandХчolesławХ the Chaste emerged as a claimant to the throne in Kraków and finally won it in 1243.26 This did not happen, neverthe- less, without a Hungarian support. The followers of чolesław the Chaste with some Hungarian reinforcements expelled Conrad of Mazovia from Kraków in 1242.27 чélaХюVХ was devoted to protect his allies.28 цccordingХtoХWłodarski29 andХrecentlyХtoХёmudzkiб30 a decisive turn to Halich was a part of the previous expansionist politics of the king of Hun- gary. Firstly, the expansion was carried out with both mili- taryХ andХ dynasticХ meansгХ TheХ “marital”Х offensiveХ toХ theХ north was the opposite of the practices from before 1241 and it clearly aimed at building a buffer zone along the northern bordersХofХtheХkingdomХofХHungaryгХRostislavХofХСernigovбХ who had already asked forХ aХ daughterХ ofХ чélaХ юVХ inХ жзин– 1239, eventually married one of them, Anna, in 1243. Within ten years he became a key figure in the Balkans, controlling theХÁrpádian interests in the south as the duke of Bosnia and żačvaг31 NeverthelessбХinХthatХyearХчélaХюVХintendedХtoХpitchХ 26 żarekХ źazimierzХ чarańskiбХ щynastiaХ іiastówХ wХ іolsce [The Piast Dynasty in Poland] (Warszawa, 2006) 340, 373. See also: StanisławХSzczurбХ HistoriaХ іolskiпХ хredniowiecze [A History of Poland. The Middle Ages] ĐźrakówбХзеезЮХзлйг 27 SzendeбХ“żagyarországХkülpolitikája”бХижобХизкг 28 іawełгХ ёmudzkiбХ StudiumХ podzielonegoХ królestwaпХ ksiąђęХ ŻeszekХ Czarny [A Study of the Divided Kingdom: Duke Leszek the Black] (Warszawa, 2000) 33, 36. 29 чronisławХ WłodarskiбХ іolskaХ iХ RuцпХ жжой–1340 [Poland and Ruthenia 1194–1340] (Warszawa, 1966) 123. 30 ёmudzkiбХStudiumХpodzielonegoХkrólestwa, 34. 31 Engel, Realm of St Stephen, 106. 159 Hungaro-Polonica himХ inХ HalichХ againstХ щanielгХ żeanwhileбХ чolesławХ theХ шhasteХ wasХ alreadyХ rulingХ inХ ŻesserХ іolandгХ TheХ jointХ Árв pádian-Piast-Rurikid expedition against Daniel, a duke of Halich, in 1245 proved in vain.32 цfterwardsбХ чélaХ юVХ disв missed the idea of conquering Halich for his son-in-law.33 He launchedХ hisХ “marital”Х offensiveХ insteadбХ andХ succeededг34 Lev, a son of Daniel, a Ruthenian duke, married Constance, anotherХdaughterХofХчélaХюVХinХжзкжгХыinallyбХtheХіolishХdukeХ Boleslaw the Pious of Kalisz received Jolenta, a sister of Con- stance, as a spouse in 1256. чélaХюVХmadeХaХsignificantХeffortХtoХsustainХtheХbestХposв sible relations with his northern and northeastern neighbors, namely, the Piast and Rurikid dukes of Kraków and Halich.35 Hence, the general security system meticulously set up by чélaХюVХmayХbeХcharacterizedХasХfollowsпХчélaХюV’sХvitalХinterв estsХwereХinХtheХwestХĐcompetitionХwithХtheХіфemyslidsХover theХчabenbergs’ХdomainsЮХandХinХtheХeastХĐtheХżongolsЮгХTheХ threat coming from both directions was considered as long- 32 WłodarskiбХіolskaХiХRuц, 127–28. 33 SzendeбХ“żagyarországХkülpolitikája”бХииог 34 WłodarskiбХPolska i Ruц, 132. 35 źingХчélaХюVХonХзХцprilбХжзлйбХissuedХaХcharterХforХaХżagisterХNicholausХ with a donation as a reward for his fidelity. The text mentions many envoys from various countries who had gathered in the court. Moreover, the presence of all three of theХking’sХdaughtersХwithХtheirХhusbandsХwasХ alsoХ attestedгХ ThisХ mayХ indicateХ theХ king’sХ intentionХ toХ keepХ upХ goodХ relations with his sons-in-lawпХ “et medio tempore nuncios diversorum regnorum recepissemus [Béla IV – WK], grecorum scilicet, bulgarorum, boemorum et specialiter Vybar filium Beubarth, Abachy et Thamasy nuncios tartharorum, nec non et nuncios regis Francie, sollennes et honestos; eadem eciam hora domina Constancia ducissa Gallicie et Lodomerie, domina Kyngve ducissa Cracovie et Sandomerie, nec non et domina Jolen ducissa de Calis, karissime filie nostre, cum principibus earumdem ad visitandum nos convenissent.“Х– CDPH VIII. No. 76, 96-97. 160 Hungaro-Polonica lasting, but over the decades the western one repeatedly ap- pears in royal donation charters. This warlike policy surely contributed to the fact that the second half of the thirteenth century was full of conflicts that concentrated there. The kingdomХofХHungary’sХsouthernХborderХwasХsecuredХbyХRosв tislav’sХtriumphsХthatХeffectivelyХsuppressedХtheХkingdomХofХ Serbia and gained some control over the lordships in Bul- garia. The north (and the northeast, too, to be precise) be- came a rather peaceful region where the neighboring princi- palitiesХwereХfriendlyХtoХчélaХюV’sХcourtг The second half of the thirteenth century witnessed a growing political rivalryХbetweenХtheХіфemyslidsХandХtheХÁrв pádsгХTheХwarХoverХtheХчabenberg’sХlegacyбХwhichХeruptedХ in 1246, occupied them for thirty years and greatly reshaped politicsХinХшentralХъuropeгХыorХtheseХthreeХdecadesХчolesławХ the Chaste, and his appointed successor Leszek the Black, firmlyХsupportedХtheХÁrpádsб36 deserting them briefly only in the late 1270s.37 But even then, they did it for only a short time.38 I would argue that 60 years after the Mongol invasion and still before the ascension of Charles I of Anjou to the Hungarian throne the experience of cooperation was deeply entrenched in the political horizons of the kings of Hungary and of the dukes of Lesser Poland. The strategic decision of чélaХюVХinХжзиоХtoХreachХoutХtoХtheХneighboringХіiastХdukesХ 36 WłodarskiбХіolskaХiХRuц, 145. 37 ёmudzkiбХ StudiumХ podzielonegoХ królestwa, 260. WłodarskiбХ Polska i Ruц, 155–156. See also: чronisławХWłodarski, Polska i Czechy w drugiej połowieХXюююХiХpoczątkachХXюVХwieku (1250–1306) [Poland and Bohemia in the Second Half of the 13th and in the Beginning of the 14th Century (1250– жиелЮ]ХĐŻwówбХжоижЮХнег 38 ёmudzkiбХStudiumХpodzielonegoХkrólestwa, 389. 161 Hungaro-Polonica as to possibleХ politicalХ partnersбХ initiatedХ aХ discreteХ “newХ opening”ХinХtheХrelationsХbetweenХdynastiesгХTheХżongolХinв vasion, however, forced the Hungarian elites to enhance theirХsecurityХbyХcreatingХaХ“regionalХfamilyХnetwork”бХwhichХ was established by marrying outХчélaХюV’sХnumerousХdaughв ters. Ideally, the network built on marriages was supposed to last for some time. ThirtyХyearsХafterХчélaХюV’sХdeathбХinХtheХbeginningХofХtheХ fourteenth century, however, the dynastic circumstances be- came significantly differentгХ TheХ ÁrpádsХ andХ soonХ enoughХ theХіфemyslidsХwereХgoneХfromХtheХsceneгХTheХżongolХthreatХ somewhat abated. New families emerged in the region, striv- ing to grab the thrones of Hungary and Bohemia: the Ange- vins and Luxemburgs (respectively). Meanwhile, the compe- titionХ amongХ theХ іiastsХ ultimatelyХ elevatedХ WładysławХ ŁokietekХ toХ ruleХ overХ aХ moreХ extensiveХ lordshipбХ whichХ inХ 1320 assumed the prestigious status of a kingdom. In this contextбХ шharlesХ юХ ofХ цnjouХ andХ ъlizabethХ іiast’sХ marriageХ (1320) emerged to be consequential in its outcomes and laid foundations for close relations between the Angevin and Pi- ast monarchs, which resulted in the twelve-year-long period of the union of the kingdom of Hungary and of Poland ruled by King Louis the Great of Hungary (1370–1382).39 Various 39About the significance of the marriage and the origins of the succession project, see: StanisławХ SzczurбХ “WХ sprawieХ sukcesjiХ цndegaweńskiejХ wХ Polsce”Х [шoncerningХ theХ цngevinХ SuccessionХ inХ іoland]бХ Roczniki Historyczne 75 (2009) 1–53. 162 Hungaro-Polonica explanations have been offered for the origins of the mar- riage, interpreting it as a manifestation of a political alli- ance.40 Summarizing the most recent analysis,41 it was profitable forХŁokietekХtoХgiveХaХconsentХtoХtheХmarriageгХюtХprovidedХaХ prominent future for his daughter and, at the same time, it offered him a gate to the elite milieu of the early fourteenth- century ruling houses. Besides, the Angevin-Piast marriage functionedХasХaХformХofХrecognitionХofХŁokietek’sХnewlyХacв quired royal dignity (at a time aptly questioned by the Lux- emburgs of Bohemia) and established an additional and meaningfulХ reasonХ toХ seekХ шharlesХ ю’sХ auxilium et consilium (assistance and advice) when necessary. I argue, however, that first and foremost the Angevin-Piast marriage was a re- sultХ ofХ шharlesХ ю’sХ determinationХ toХ produceХ anХ heirХ toХ hisХ lordship. He hopelessly awaited one from his previous wives: from Mary Piast and from Beatrix of Luxemburg, and looked forward to conceiving one through Elizabeth.42 The alliance was, therefore, an outcome of unpredictable devel- opments of family-centered politics. Otherwise, in 1320 шharlesХюХandХŁokietekХdidХnotХhaveХmuchХinХcommonг 40 źazimierzХ яasińskiбХ “іolitykaХ małђeńskaХ WładysławaХ Łokietka”Х [WładysławХŁokietekďsХżarriageХіolitics]бХinХGenealogiaпХRolaХzwiązkówХ rodzinnychХiХrodowychХwХђyciuХpublicznymХwХіolsceХцredniowiecznejХnaХ tleХporównawczymб edгХцгХRadzimińskiХ– ягХWroniszewskiХĐToruńбХжоолЮХ 9–28. 41 WojciechХźozłowskiбХ“TheХOriginsХofХtheХжизеХцngevin-Piast Dynastic żarriage”бХStudiaХZХщziejów хredniowiecza 20 (2016) 39–55. 42 цboutХшharlesХю’sХthreeХĐorХfourЮХmarriagesХandХtheХscholarlyХdiscussionбХ see: ьyulaХ źristóбХ “źárolyХ RóbertХ családja”Х [TheХ ыamilyХ ofХ шharlesХ Robert], Aetas 20 (2005) 14–28. 163 Hungaro-Polonica Concluding Remarks While writing the historical part of this paper, I deliberately attempted to avoid the modern-state bias I discussed it the beginning. The narrative indicates that the thirteenth-cen- turyХ“international”ХworldХcanХbeХsuccessfullyХpresentedХasХ a place for interacting lords (kings, dukes, and nobles), and less as a system of states. True, in both variants the central question remains the same: cooperate or fight?, but it does notХ necessarilyХ meanбХ forХ instanceбХ thatХ чélaХ юV’sХ decisionsХ aboutХenteringХaХstrifeХoverХtheХчabenberg’sХinheritanceХcanХ be reported as, say, an imperial expansion of Hungary in the region. In other words, the logic of territorial gains (modern state) does not have to be identical to the logic of lordship- buildingХ andХ ofХ securingХ eliteХ standingХ forХ one’sХ offspringХ (lord). Also, a dynastic marriage (like the case of Charles I and Elisabeth) can be effectively interpreted at the level of a family matter (providing an heir) and may appear problem- atic, if considered as an element of a big power-balancing game, characteristic to behaviors of states in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This paper concludes with a suggestion. Perhaps, at- tempts to make sense of the thirteenth-centuryХ “internaв tional”Х politicsХ mayХ proveХ moreХ effectiveХ andХ meaningfulХ (than the conventional application of modern-state interna- tional logic), if – while developing some form of an explana- tory model – aХ fewХ ofХ theХ medievalХ politics’Х essentialХ eleв mentsХareХconsideredбпХжЮХtheХ“international”ХworldХisХpopuв lated with persons (individuals) rather than with abstract en- 164 Hungaro-Polonica tities (states); 2) this world lacks clear domestic-foreign dis- tinctions; 3) it is culturally dominated by hierarchical mind- set, emphasizing the importance of social standing; 4) it is multipolar and highly decentralized; 5) and to secure coop- eration it prefers personal bonds than forms of territorial al- legiance. Bibliography Secondary Literature: чarańskiбХ żarekХ źazimierzгХ щynastiaХ іiastówХ wХ іolsce [The Piast Dynasty in Poland] (Warszawa, 2006). Berend, Nora. цtХtheХьateХofХшhristendomпХяewsбХżuslimsбХцndХ“pagans”Х in Medieval Hungary, C. 1000-C. 1300 (Cambridge – New York, 2001). ъngelбХіálгХRealm of St Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895-1526 (London, 2001). SzendeбХŻászlóгХ“żagyarországХkülpolitikájaХжзйз-жзйлХközöttЧХ[Hungarв ian Foreign Policy 1242-1246], ъlsрХSzázad 2 (2000) 299–349. WłodarskiбХчronisławг іolskaХiХRuцпХжжой-1340 [Poland and Ruthenia 1194- 1340] (Warszawa, 1966). ёmudzkiбХіawełгХStudiumХpodzielonegoХkrólestwaпХksiąђęХŻeszekХшzarny [A Study of the Divided Kingdom: Duke Leszek the Black] (Warszawa, 2000). Zsoldos, Attila. NagyХuralkodókХésХkiskirályokХaХжигХszázadban [Great Rul- ers and Petty Kings in the 13th Century] (Budapest, 2009). 165 Annamária Érsek University of Paris-Sorbonne The Crypto-portrait in Central Europe in the 14th Century “As a genre, the identification por- trait, or disguised portrait, has been treated with a mix- ture of incompre- hension and amaze- ment even in the most recent work on the history of Renaissance por- traitureг”1 Although the subject of portraiture has generally been well studied, especially with the publications of recent years,2 some issues have yet to garner much interest. The issue of crypto-portraits takes part of these somewhat neglected and misunderstood subjects, as the words written by Friedrich Polleross and cited below, accurately portray the situation regarding the research of crypto-portraits, even today. 1 ыriedrichХчгХіollerossбХ“чetweenХTypologyХandХіsychologyб”ХArtibus et historiae 24 (1991) 75. 2 For an overview, see żartinХ чüchselбХ “ŻeХ portraitХ au żoyenХ Âgeб”Х іerspectiveгХцctualitéХenХhistoireХdeХl’art 2 (2012) 401–406. 167 Hungaro-Polonica When we evoke the first known individual portrait in medieval art history, we have an answer generally acknowl- edged in international scholarship. There is a consensus in the research that considers the image of John the Good as the first individual panel portrait.3 But if we would like to define the first crypto-portrait in the Middle Ages, we can establish a long list based on different hypotheses in scholarship. Can be mentioned the Shrine of Charlemagne in Aachen Cathe- dral (ca. 1200–1215) – crypto-portrait of Frederick Barba- rossa, the Bamberg Horseman (ca. 1230) – crypto-portrait of emperor Frederick II, Bitonto (Apulia), on the marble ambo created by Master Nicolaus (1229) – Frederick II as David, Rome, San Clemente, statue of Clement I – supposed to rep- resent the pope Boniface VIII or the Epiphany Scene in Notre-Dame of Paris with the crypto-portrait of Philippe III (+1285).4 What is more, this specific type of portraiture does not have a common name and definition: with a little bit of ex- aggeration, we could say that as many researcher as many termХinХuseгХThat’sХwhyбХfirstХofХallбХюХwillХstartХwithХanХenuв meration of the different terms in use referring to the crypto- portrait in the scientific literature which cover similar, but not exactly the same reality.5 This point is crucial for the un- derstanding of the entire phenomenon as the first apparition 3 Even the recent book of S. Perkinson sheds new light on this qualification. Stephen Perkinson, The Likeness of the King (Chicago, 2009). 4 ьerhartХ чurianХ ŻadnerбХ “щieХ цnfängeХ desХ źryptoporträtsб”Х inХ Von цngesichtХ zuХ цngesichtпХ іorträtstudienрХ żichaelХ Stettler zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. F. Deuchler, (Bern, 1983) 78–98. 5 This paper does not have the aim to present contemporary written sources and the beginnings of the use of the term or other relevant notions, 168 Hungaro-Polonica of the genre depends largely on the definition accepted. What is a crypto-portrait? If one reviews the literature on the subject, they would come across the following terms: crypto-portrait, identification portrait, historical portrait, disguised portrait, allegorical portrait, incognito portrait and mythological portrait. Given the confusion that surrounds its terminology, the first task is to try to find a working definition, which could be used in the course of the research. Friedrich Polleross, author of a dissertation defended in Austria at the end of the 1980s on the Identification portrait,6 presented the first utilisation of the terms related to the phe- nomenon. The notion ritratto istoriato was first used in the 17th Century, while its French and German equivalents are known from the middle of the 18th Century: portrait historié and historiches Bildnis. Identification portraits can be categorized in two main groups:7 The crypto-portrait is the older form and it means an image that was inserted to a historic or religious scene. We can describe a crypto-portrait as a representation of a saint, biblical, historical or mythological character, painted to look as that of the portrait for example. On this issues, we refer to the only academic monograph on the subject, that of F. Polleross: Friedrich B іollerossбХщasХsakraleХюdentifikationsporträtпХeinХhöfischerХчildtypusХvomХ 13. bis zum 20. Jh. (Worms, 1988). 6 іollerossбХ“щasХsakraleХюdentifikationsporträt”г 7 іollerossбХ“щasХsakraleХюdentifikationsporträt”рХ ьerhardХSchmidtбХ“чei- trägeХzumХьotischenХ„źryptoporträt”ХinХыrankreichХinХMalerei der Gotik, Fixpunkte und Ausblicke, ed. M. Roland (Graz, 2005) II, 329–340. 169 Hungaro-Polonica like a contemporary figure– often with the addition of attrib- utesХ properХ toХ theХ portrait’sХ subjectгХ ыorХ exampleбХ theХ porв traits in the scenes of Adoration of the Magi or the portraits in the guise of king David can be cited. The other group of images is that of the disguised portrait or verkleidete Bildniss. The images were conceived originally as portraits and gave anХallegoricalХmeaningХbyХattributesХorХ“masking”гХюtХisХimв portant to note that the condition of such a disguised portrait is the very existence of the autonomous portrait. In this case, the historical or biblical scene is only a supplementary framework, a kind of accessory. At the same time, it is con- fusing that some authors as Claire Richter Sherman,8 author of aХmonographХonХшharlesХVХofХыrance’sХportraitsбХusesХtheХ notion disguised portrait to describe representations that be- longХactuallyХtoХtheХfirstХgroupбХthat’sХtoХsayбХtoХcrypto-por- traits. Nevertheless, this is not the only possible classification. A thematic distinction was also suggested: if it is represented in a profane scene (mythological portrait) or in a sacred one (disguised portrait). Another option consists of classifying the images relating to the public.9 On private crypto-portraits or reflexive images, the commissioner wanted to see himself on the representation. These images are not addressed to a large public and are painted in manuscripts, in little devo- tional images or portative altars. The opposite group can be called public crypto-portraits or demonstrative images. Monumental art and coins can be mentioned here, given the 8 Claire Richter Sherman, The Portraits of Charles V of France (New York, 1969) 20. 9 SchmidtбХ“чeiträgeХzumХьotischen”бХизог 170 Hungaro-Polonica large audience who has access to these images. We can thus consider the main difficulties to identify crypto-portraits as follows. First, it consists of identifying the person represented in the portrait, often someone of histori- cal importance. To accomplish this, it is essential that one take into consideration the resemblance, but also the traits characteristic of the subject and their position. Subsequently, one must examine the historical context of the work, and then establish a link with a known portrait of a historical fig- ure, which usually includes the same codified elements. Fi- nallyбХ oneХ mustХ ascertainХ theХ natureХ ofХ portrait’sХ commisв sion, as well as the quality of the material used in the crypto- portrait.10 It is very important to underline the separation be- tween the crypto-portrait and the disguised portrait as it per- mits us to conceive a relevant problematic. The confusion that surrounds this term made difficult to conduct an in- depth study, as it prevents us to focalise on one of the main elements that, in my sense, could explain the emergence of crypto-portraits. From the magi to earthly kings In the 13th–14th шenturyбХgenealogiesбХrulers’ХseriesХandХotherбХ historicising series became particularly in fashion. The lost cycleХonХtheХюleХdeХlaХшitéбХtheХьenealogyХofХtheХŻuxemburgХ 10ьötzХіochatбХ“ZurХ ьeneseХdesХіorträts”бХinХ Sigismundus rex et impe- ratorгХźunstХundХźulturХzurХZeitХSigimundsХvonХŻuxemburgбХedгХюгХTakács (Mainz am Rhein, 2006) 137. 171 Hungaro-Polonica dynastyХorХtheХcyclesХlostХofХіragueХandХTangermündeХcasв tles can witness it.11 At the same time, mentions as second Charlemagne or second Alexander the Great were in use, to designate and praise the ruler. The issue was to be able to represent it visually and at this point; the crypto-portrait could propose an adequate solution. It is possible that the need for a representation in histori- cal sequences and biblical scenes played an important role in the emergence of the crypto-portrait and the portrait. We cannot obviously separate it of the other factors that had a determining role.12 In the first time, the objective may have been to identify with a deceased model. The contemporary ruler wanted to achieve the virtues possessed by the famous ancestors and predecessors. The representations in the guise of the three magi are particularly representative in this con- text as they were kings in the tradition. The visit of the three wise men to pay homage to the infant Jesus is related in the Gospel of Matthew and some apocryphal gospels.13 In its 11 żarieХ чláhováбХ “Herrschergenealogie als Modell der Dauer des бpolitischenХźörpers’ХdesХHerrschersХimХmittelalterlichenХчöhmen”ХinХDas Sein der Dauer, ed. A. Speer – D. Wirmer (Berlin, 2008) 380–397; Evemarie Clemens, Luxemburg-чöhmenбХWittelsbach-Bayern, Habsburg-ÖsterreichХ und ihre genealogischen Mythen im Vergleich (Trier, 2001); Christian de żérindolбХ “ŻesХ princesХ etХ l’usageХ deХ l’histoireХ àХ laХ finХ deХ l’époqueХ médiévaleб”ХinХŻesХprincesХetХlďhistoireХduХXюVeХauХXVюююeХsiècleХпХactesХduХ colloqueХ orgгХ parХ lďUniversitéХ deХ Versailles-Saint-Quentin et l'Institut historique allemand, Paris/Versailles, 13–16 mars 1996, ed. Ch. Grell – W. Paravicini – J. Voss (Bonn, 1998) 43–66. More in detail and for more references on this subject, see my forthcoming PhD thesis, in preparation at Paris-Sorbonne University. 12 Dominic Olariu, ŻaХgenèseХdeХlaХreprésentationХressemblanteХdeХl’hom- meХReconsidérationsХduХportraitХàХpartirХduХXюююeХsiècle (Bern, 2014). 13 Matt. 2.1–16., Protoevangelium of James (chap. 21.), Gospel of Pseudo- Matthew (chap. 16.), Gospel of Infancy (chap. 7.) 172 Hungaro-Polonica recognition of Jesus as the King of Kings, the feast of the Epiphany had special meaning for medieval rulers. Some au- thors qualify the participation of earthly rulers in the Adora- tionХsceneХasХaХ“doubleХъpiphany”п14 Christ acknowledged the realm of the rulers by accepting their offerings and the kings assured their loyalty with their gifts to Jesus. These earthly kings would often assume the ceremonial roles of the magi in the liturgy of the feast, and coronations often took place on that day. Richard Trexler wrote a study entitled The Journey of the Magi15, presenting the development of the three magi to three kings. As he insisted upon it, an important problem of the use of the three magi iconography in a representational context is its inability to present a unique authority.16 A so- lution of this problem is to represent the three magi as three members of the same dynasty. The Three kings offer the pos- sibility to represent the biblical or historical models, the fa- milial ancestors and the contemporary ruler in one and unique representation. For the empire specially, the Magi had a special relevance. Since the translation of their relics to Cologne cathedral under Frederick Barbarossa, the Magi were particularly significant as the patrons of the kings and 14 HugoХStehkämperбХЧźönigeХundХHeiligeХщreiХźönige”бХinХщie Heiligen щreiХźönigeХ– Darstellung und Verehrung. Katalog zur Ausstellung des Wallraf-Richartz-Museums in der Josef-Haubrich-Kunsthalle, ed. R. чuddeХ ĐźölnбХ жонзЮХ иорХ Iva Rosario, Art and propaganda (Woodbridge, 2000) 33. 15 Richard C. Trexler, The journey of the Magi meanings in history of a Christian story (Princeton (N.J.), 1997). 16 Trexler, "The journey of the Magi", 80. 173 Hungaro-Polonica it became customary for Kings of Romans to follow their cor- onation at Aachen with a visit to Cologne where they might pay reverence to the relics.17 On the Reliquary of the three kings in Cologne, Otton IV appears next to the three magi, which some scholars inter- pretedХasХbeingХ“theХforthХking”гХцnХinscriptionХOTTOХRъXХ identified him without doubt.18 The main difference between the representation of the three kings and that of Otton is the fact that the latter does not have a crown. Nevertheless, this representation is often interpreted as a step to the inclusion of earthly kings to the theme of the magi.19 Already Nicholas of Bari, of the court of Frederic II, made an allusion between contemporary rulers and the magi in 1235: His ancestor <Frederick I> was a great ruler because he was emperor of the Romans, his father <Henry VI> was also great, be- cause emperor of the Romans and king of Sicily, himself <Frederick II> he is the greatest because he is emperor of the Romans, king of Jerusalem and Sicily. Certainly, these three kings are like the three magi, who came gifts to adore the God and the Man, but this is the youngest of the three, on whom the child Jesus had put his blessed 17 StehkämperбХ ЧźönigeХ undХ HeiligeХ щreiХ źönige”бХ иорХ TrexlerбХ ЧTheХ яourneyХofХtheХżagi”бХмнрХHansХHofmannбХщieХheiligenХdreiХźönige (Bonn, 1975). 18 Hofmann, "щieХ heiligenХ dreiХ źönige”бХ ойр StehkämperбХ ЧźönigeХ undХ HeiligeХщreiХźönige”бХиог 19 TrexlerбХ ЧTheХjourneyХ ofХ theХżagi”г See also Gerald Schwedler, "Ritu- alinnovation: Zur Gestaltung politisch-liturgischer Zeremonien im SpätmittelalterХamХчeispielХderХіariserХщreikönigsmesseХimХяahrХжимнб”ХinХ щasХ UrsprünglicheХ undХ dasХ NeueгХ ZurХ щynamikХ rituellerХ іrozesseХ inХ GeschichteХundХьegenwartбХedгХчгХщückerХ – G. Schwedler (Berlin, 2008) 145–206. 174 Hungaro-Polonica hands and his sacred arms.20 The mention of Nicholas of Bari – kings were like magi – can be considered as the first mention of a parallel between them. We have not only a first visual sign of the intention to include earthly rulers in the iconogra- phy of the three kings but also some written evidence.21 From later periods, we also know some liturgical plays in which rulers played an important role. We can evoke for ex- ample the offerings of Charles V, king of France and the em- peror Charles IV in 1378 in the guise of the magi at the Epiph- any feast.2223 The text relates that Charles V prepared three 20 Cited by іollerossбХ “щasХ sakraleХ юdentifikationsporträt”, 178; F. O. чüttnerбХImago Pietatis: Motive der Christlichen Ikonographie als Modelle zurХVerähnlichungг (Berlin, 1983) 27. English translation is from: Doina- ъlenaХшraciunбХ“One authority and three kings: the king as a Magus from written sources to late-medieval art.”бХ httpпддwwwгacademiaгedu- /8249276/One_authority_and_three_kings_the_king_as_a_Magus_from _written_sources_to_late-medieval_art (20/02/2016) 21 ыorХmoreХdetailбХseeпХSchwedlerбХ“Ritualinnovation”г 22 “Lendemain, jour de la Tiphanie, l’Empereur volt veoir les reliques celluy jour, et estre à la messe, et en pria le Roy, et que avec luy disnastрХ[…]ХSi fu l’offrande du Roy telle: trois de ses chambellans tenoyent haultement trois couppes belles dorées; en l’une y avoit or, et en l’autre encens, et en l’autre mierre;et de renc aloyent; si offry le Roy l’or primiérement, puis l’encens, et puis le mierre; et, à chascune foiz, baisa la main de l’arcevesque de Rains, qui chantoit la messe. » « Lendemain, jour de la Tiphanie, l’Empereur volt veoir les reliques celluy jour, et estre à la messe, et en pria le Roy, et que avec luy disnastрХ[…]ХSi fu l’offrande du Roy telle: trois de ses chambellans tenoyent haultement trois couppes belles dorées; en l’une y avoit or, et en l’autre encens, et en l’autre mierre;et de renc aloyent; si offry le Roy l’or primiérement, puis l’encens, et puis le mierre; et, à chascune foiz, baisa la main de l’arcevesque de Rains, qui chantoit la messeг”Х– Christine de Pisan, żémoiresХouХlivreХdesХfaits et bonnes moeurs du sage roi Charles V (s. l., 1785) 80–81. 23 “Le merquedy ensuyvant, Vie jour de janvier et jour de la Thiphaine, l'Empereur fist prier au Roy qu'il li pleust celui jour monstrer les saintes reliques, et que, celui jour, avoit devocion de les veoir et soy faire apporter, et estre à la messe, et disner au Palais avecques le Roy […]Хvint à l'offrande, le Roy avoit fait appareillier trois pères de offrandes, d'or, d'encens et de mirre, pour offrir pour 175 Hungaro-Polonica pairs of offerings: gold, frankincense and myrrh to offer up, as in common. This mention allows us to think that this kind of offerings had been already in use in the court before 1378.24 The cited representations of the Adoration of the Magi, can be interpreted as the visual confirmation of this tendency. Crypto-portraits appeared thus as tools of actual- isation of a biblical image. Central Europe as a Centre of Production? As already mentioned, some authors situate the first appear- ance in the 13th century in the Saint-Empire, Italy or in France.25 Beside these first sporadic and very hypothetical occurrences, the real expansion of the genre seems to start in the 14th Century, eventually based upon an earlier model. lui et pour l'Empereur, ainsi qu'il est acoustumé. Et fist demander le Roy à l'Empereur s'il offreroit point, lequel s'en excusa en disant qu'il ne povoit aler, ne soy agenoiller, ne aucune chose tenir pour la goûte, et qu'il pleust au Roy offrir et faire selon son acoustumance. Si fu l'offrande du Roy tele qui s'ensuit : trois chevaliers, ses chambellans, tenoient hautement trois bêles coupes dorées et esmailliées ; en l'une estoit l'or, en l'autre l'encens et en la tierce le mirre. Et alerent tous trois par ordre, comme l'offrande doit estre bailliée devant le Roy, et le Roy après, qui s'agenoillierent, et il (le Roi) s'agenoilla devant l'arcevesque, et la première offrande, qui fu de l'or, lui bailla celui qui la tenoit et il l'offri et baisa la main. La seconde, qui est de l'encens, bailla le secont chevalier qui la tenoit au premier et il la bailla au Roy, et il l'offri en baisant la main de l'arcevesque. La tierce, qui est du mirre, bailla le me chevalier, qui la tenoit, au 11 e et le 11 e au premier, et le premier la bailla au Roy, et en baisant la main dudit arcevesque tierce foiz l'offriг”Х – Les grandes chroniques de France. Chronique des règnesХdeХяeanХююХetХdeХшharlesХVбХedг R Delachenal (Paris, 1910). 232–234. 24 ыorХdetailedХinterpretationбХseeХSchwedlerбХ“Ritualinnovation”бХжйм–154; яanaХыantysová-żatejkováбХ“TheХHolyХRomanХъmperorХinХtheХtoilsХofХtheХ ыrenchХprotocolб”ХImago temporis. Medium Aevum 6 (2012) 223–248. 25 See namely SchmidtбХ“чeiträgeХzumХьotischen”. 176 Hungaro-Polonica The birth of the portrait has been situated in the new intel- lectual climate of the 14th Century, characterised by a new vision of the world and the human and the birth of the crypto-portrait comes within the scope of this development. Scholars seem to accept the court of Charles IV as the centre of expansion of the crypto-portrait. Among his crypto-por- traits, a great part had been painted in a scene of the Adora- tion of the Magi.26 An Adoration of the Magi and a Dormition of the Virgin scenes were probably originally parts of a diptych. The pan- els known as the Morgan diptych may contain not only the crypto-portrait of Charles IV but also that of Innocent VI in the guise of the Saint Peter.27 The second king has Charles юV’sХ featuresХ andХ hisХ mantleХ isХ muchХ moreХ decoratedХ thanХ that of the other kings. His mantle is decorated with the im- perial eagle. The double crypto-portrait may refer to the frag- ile balance between the power of the Holy Roman Empire and the Church. шharlesХюV’sХfeaturesХseemХtoХhaveХbeenХimposedХonХoneХ of the three kings in the Adoration scene in the Holy Cross Chapel at Karlstejn castle.28 What is unusual in this image is 26 іollerossбХ“щasХsakraleХюdentifikationsporträt”бХжморХPaul H. D. Kaplan, The Rise of the Black Magus in Western Art (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1985)., 89; OlgaХ іujmanováбХ “іortraitsХ ofХ kingsХ depictedХ asХ żagiХ inХ чohemianХ paintingб”ХinХThe regal image of Richard II and the Wilton Diptych, ed. D. Gordon et al. (London, 1997) 247–267; Rosario, "Art and propaganda"; SchwedlerбХ“Ritualinnovationб”г 27 яaroslavХіešinaбХ“юmperiumХetХsacerdotium”бХUmění 26 (1978) 521–528. For the recent literature, Prague: the Crown of Bohemia, 1347–1437, ed. B. D. Boehm – J. Fajt, (New York – New Haven, 2005) cat. no. 25. 28 Rosario, "Art and propaganda”бХжорХżagisterХTheodericusгХшourtХіainter to Emperor Charles IV. The Pictoral Decoration of the Shrines at Karlstejn Castle. ed. J. Fajt (Prague, 1998) 178. 177 Hungaro-Polonica the fact that Charles IV is the third king and not the middle one, as on his other representations. The breviary of Jean of Streda, which is also known as Li- ber Viaticus, was painted in the fifties-sixties of the 14th Cen- tury. Initial of the 97v folio presents a scene of the Adoration of the Magi. First of all, as Marco Bogade has already pointed out, the crown of the second magi was painted with a partic- ular care. Not only this element but also his clothes may be viewed as efforts to distinguish a particular personality in the image. Given the close parallels existing between this im- age and the Adoration of the Morgan diptych, it is possible that Charles IV had his own features imposed on an image of the Magi. (Moreover, another image in the manuscript may contain a crypto-portrait, namely that representing Mel- chisedek.) Not only the middle king has been identified with a contemporary personality. The young king may be repre- sented in the guise of Wenceslas, the son of Charles, as Olga Pujmanova suggested.29 The young king holds a large nug- get of gold. This iconographical specificity can allude to the birth of Wenceslas and a generous gift made by his imperial father. Written sources conserved that the equivalent of the weight of the baby Wenceslas had sent to the Aachen cathe- dral treasury to commemorate this event. цnotherХexampleХofХtheХpossiblyХ“dynastic”ХцdorationХofХ theХżagiХpaintingsХisХknownХbyХtheХnameХ“чucherХцdoraв tion”ХinХtheХscholarshipг30 It is supposed that Charles IV had his own features imposed on an image of the Magi. Both he 29 іujmanováбХ“іortraitsХofХkingsЧбХзкйг 30 „іragueбХtheХшrownХofХчohemia”бХcatгХnoгХонг 178 Hungaro-Polonica and his two sons may even be intended here, with the kneel- ing Charles, Wenceslas as Dauphin in the middle, and the read-headed Sigismund.31 Not only the court of Charles IV but that of Rudolf IV of Habsburg used the practice of the crypto-portrait. On the Nativity Portal of St Theobald in Thann, the Journey of the Magi conserved a crypto-portrait of the archduke.32 Situated on the lower west-southern tympanum on the Nativity Por- tal, the scene of the Journey is represented together with that of the Adoration of the Magi. Sharing features of other known portraits of Rudolf, Assaf Pinkus argues that the fig- ure of the middle king has been portrayed with the arch- duke’sХfeaturesбХhypothesisХwhichХisХalsoХsupportedХbyХconв temporary political concerns.33 Often interpreted in the logic of a certain rivalry between himself and his brother-in-law Charles IV, the representation of Rodolf in Thann may be part of this ambition. For the contemporaries of Charles IV and Rudolf IV, the kings of Hungary and Poland, Louis I and Casimir III the sit- uation is more complicated, as no likeness of these rulers has been conserved. Nevertheless, different hypotheses have been published on the subject. In Padua, at the S. Felice Chapel, S. Antonio, Altichiero eventually represented Louis Ist of Hungary. Among other crypto-portraits on the scene of the Council of Ramiro, Margaret Plant recognised that of Louis Ist. Here, “…he is shown against a baldacchino emblazoned 31 іujmanováбХ“іortraitsХofХkingsЧбХзймг 32 цssafХіinkusбХ“Rudolf’sХjourneyб”Х Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 65 (2004) 273–288. 33 іinkusбХ“Rudolf’sХjourney”г 179 Hungaro-Polonica with the royal lilies of the house of Anjou. His helmet with ostrich head is held by an aide-de-camp in the Battle of Clavigo, and his horse stands nearby with its caparison emblazoned with fleurs-de- lysг”34 Besides these plausible arguments, the author sup- posesХthatХtheХfeaturesХofХtheХkingХwithХhisХ“distinctiveХbifurв cated beard”ХhaveХbeenХalsoХrepresentedгХOnХthisХbasisбХtheХ author identifies other crypto-portraits of the king in Vele- mérХ ĐHungaryЮбХ oneХ onХ theХ sceneХ ofХ theХ цdorationХ ofХ theХ Magi and another one in the guise of Saint Ladislas.35 Unfortunately, no Polish examples are known from the 14th Century representing the contemporary king as a Magi. But it is supposed that the practice of crypto-portrait was knownХinХhisХcourtХasХsomeХrepresentationsХshowХtheХking’sХ head with horns. The horns had been probably borrowed from the iconography of Moses in order to evoke a compari- son between the king and the Old Testament patriarch. Ma- rek Walczak mentions for example the coat of arms of the Dobrzyn region form the mid-14th-century in this context.36 We can add that the practice of the crypto-portrait in the Magi iconography has been in use in the 15thХшenturyХinХіoв landгХ OnХ theХ soвcalledХ іolyptychХ ofХ OurХ ŻadyХ ofХ SorrowsХ ĐшracowХшathedralбХtheХшhapelХofХtheХHolyХшrossХ–ХźaplicaХ Świętokrzyska, 1470–1480s) the crypto-portrait of Ladislas Jagiello was executed on a panel representing the Adoration 34 żargaretХіlantбХ“іortraitsХandХpoliticsХinХlateХtrecentoХіaduaб”ХThe Art bulletin 63 (1981) 412. 35 іlantбХ“іortraitsХandХpoliticsЧбХйжзг 36 żarekХ WalczakбХ “шasimirХ theХ ьreat’sХ цrtisticХ ыoundationsХ andХ theХ шourtХ цrtХ ofХ theХ Żuxembourgsб”Х inХ Kunst als Herrschaftsinstrument. чöhmenХundХdasХHeiligeХRömischeХReich, ed. J. Fajt (Berlin, 2009) 534–549. 180 Hungaro-Polonica of the Magi.37 It seems that the practice of the crypto-portrait was known in all of the studied courts in Central Europe. The concept may have been transferred from the imagery of Charles IV toХ hisХ contemporaries’Х representationгХ цtХ thisХ pointбХ ъrnрХ żarosi’sХ hypothesisХ canХ furnishХ anХ interestingХ clarification.38 It is possible that the likeness of Emperor Charles IV was used in the Hungarian court, namely in the Chronicon Pictum (also known as Illuminated Chronicle). If we observe two miniatures of the Chronicle, the first repre- senting the king Peter before emperor Henri III and the sec- ond showing the king Salomon before the emperor Henri IV, we can recognize some familiar features. It seems that for the figure of the emperor, the likeness of the contemporary em- peror, so that of Charles IV, has been used. These two effigies are unique in the Chronicle as they are painted in a three- quarter view. For the other images, a simple profile or frontal view can be observed, except for some battle-scenes. If żarosi’sХhypothesisХturnsХoutХtoХbeХcorrectбХweХcouldХproveХ the transfer of the concept from Bohemia to Hungary. Despite some grey areas on the first occurrences, the genre of crypto-portrait had surely been in use in the 15th шenturyгХ юnХ жйинбХ emperorХ Sigismund’sХ courtierбХ ъberhardХ WindeckeХdescribedХhowХtheХъmperorХwasХ‘well-spoken and sensible […] and was painted at many places because of his fair countenance; and you will also find him painted in place of one of 37 żateuszХьrzędaбХ“TheХчirthХofХіortraitureХinХіolandфХTheХыaceХofХźingХ Ladislas IюХ яagielloХ onХ hisХ TombХ inХ шracow”бХ inХ Art and Architecture around 1400: Global and Regional Perspectives, ed. M. Ciglenecki – P. Vidmar (Maribor, 2012) 121–131., 129. 38 Erno Marosi, źépХésХhasonmásХ[Image and Likeness], (Budapest, 1995). 181 Hungaro-Polonica the three Magi in the cloister of our lady Margaret and in place of David in the cloister of Our Lady’s Brethren . . .’39 This record bears a particular importance not only for the iconography of the emperor Sigismond but also for the history of the crypto-portrait. It proves that the practice of crypto-portrait was well known and used in the 15th Century, namely in the framework of the Magi iconography. 39 шitedХbyХчertalanХźéryбХźaiserХSigismundгХюkonographieбХĐżünchenХ – Wien, 1972) 157. ъnglishХ TranslationХ fromХ SuzieХ NashбХ “шlausХ SluterďsХ ďWellХofХżosesďХforХtheХшhartreuseХdeХшhampmolХReconsideredпХpartХюююг”бХ The Burlington Magazine, November 2008, 740. 182 Hungaro-Polonica Illustrations Figure 1 Morgan diptych, Pierpont-Morgan Library, New York, Adoration of the Magi 183 Hungaro-Polonica Figure 2 Karlstejn castle, Holy Cross Chapel, Adora- tion of the Magi Figure 3 Thann, St Theobald, Nativity Portal, Journey of the Magi 184 Hungaro-Polonica Figure 4 VelemérбХшhurchХofХtheХHolyХTrinityбцdoraв tion of the Magi Figure 5 Chronicon Pictum, Budapest, Orszagos SzechenyiХźönyvtarбХfгХйкr 185 Hungaro-Polonica Bibliography Secondary literature Hofmann, Hans, щieХ heiligenХ dreiХ źönigeпХ zurХ HeiligenverehrungХ imХ kirchlichen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Leben des Mittelalters (Bonn 1975). ŻadnerбХьerhartХчurianбХЧщieХцnfängeХdesХźryptoporträtsЧбХinХVon Ange- sichtХ zuХ цngesichtпХ іorträtstudienрХ żichael Stettler zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. F. Deuchler (Bern 1983) 78–98. Boehm, Barbara Drake - Fajt, Jiri (ed.), Prague: the Crown of Bohemia, 1347-1437 (New York - New Haven, 2005). іinkusбХцssafбХЧRudolf’sХяourneyпХцrtХіatronageХandХіolitics in the St. The- obald Minster in Thann", Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 65 (2004) 273–288. Plant, Margaret, "Portraits and Politics in lateХtrecentoХіaduaпХцltichiero’sХ Frescoes in the S. Felice chapel, S. Antonio", The Art bulletin 63 (1981) 407– 494. Friedrich B Polleross, Das sakraleХ юdentifikationsporträtпХ einХ höfischerХ Bildtypus vom 13. bis zum 20. Jh. (Worms, 1988). OlgaХіujmanováбХЧіortraitsХofХźings Depicted as Magi in Bohemian Paint- ing", in The Regal Image of Richard II and the Wilton Diptych, ed. D. Gor- don et al. (London, 1997) 247–267. Iva Rosario, Art and Propaganda: Charles IV of Bohemia, 1346–1378 (Woodbridge, 2000). ьerhardХ SchmidtбХ ЧчeiträgeХ zumХ ьotischenХ „źryptoporträt”Х inХ ыrankв reich", in Malerei der Gotik, Fixpunkte und Ausblicke II., ed. M. Roland (Graz, 2005) 329–340. ьeraldХ SchwedlerбХ “RitualinnovationпХ ZurХ ьestaltungХ politisch-litur- gischerХ ZeremonienХ imХ SpätmittelalterХ amХ чeispielХ derХ іariserХ щreiköв nigsmesseХ imХ яahrХ жимн”Х inХ щasХ UrsprünglicheХ undХ dasХ NeueгХ ZurХ щyв namikХrituellerХіrozesseХinХьeschichteХundХьegenwartбХedгХчгХщückerХ– G. Schwedler (Berlin, 2008) 145–206. HugoХ StehkämperбХ „źönigeХ undХ HeiligeХ щreiХ źönige”бХ inХ щieХ HeiligenХ 186 Hungaro-Polonica Drei źönigeХ– Darstellung und Verehrung. Katalog zur Ausstellung des Wallraf-Richartz-Museums in der Josef-Haubrich-Kunsthalle, ed. R. чuddeХĐźölnбХжонзЮ Richard C Trexler, The Journey of the Magi Meanings in History of a Christian Story, (Princeton, 1997) 187 Andrzej Marzec Jagellonian University, Cracow New King and New Elites. The Reign of Louis the Great in Poland 1370–1382 I In November 1370 Louis the Great, King of Hungary and Po- land, reigned over vast lands of Central Europe, controlling the countries from the Adriatic up to the border of the State of the Teutonic Order in the north. It was the peak of his power; however, he had no male descendant to take over the crowns of the Angevin dynasty. When in 1371 his wife Eliz- abeth of Bosnia became pregnant, it seemed that the line could be secured.1 The power of Angevin rule, especially in the Kingdom of Hungary, resulted from the consistent strengthening of the king's power over his subjects, includ- ing the noble families who had won considerable political influence at the time of the struggle for the Hungarian crown. Charles Robert, Louis's father, defeated the opposi- tion of the nobles and ensured strong economic foundation of the throne, which, in turn, put the Hungarian kings in the role of the strongest power players in that part of Europe. 1 StanisławХ цгХ SrokaбХ ьenealogiaХ цndegawenówХ węgierskichХ [TheХ Genealogy of Hungarian Angevins] ĐźrakówбХзежкЮХлн–71. In July 1370, a few months before the death of Casimir the Great, Elizabeth of Bosnia gave birth to the oldest daughter, Catherine. A year later, in 1371, Mary was born 189 Hungaro-Polonica Their partners in the game were the Luxemburg dynasty who ruled in the Czech Kingdom in the person of Charles IV as well as the Austrian Habsburgs and Polish Piasts.2 II Seizing the Polish throne was not just another of Louis's tri- umphs; it also meant the necessity of facing his new subjects 2 There are numerous publications on the subject of the Central European politics by monarchs of the 14th centuryбХseeХiгaгпХяanХщąbrowskiбХOstatnieХ lata Ludwika Wielkiego 1370–1382 [The Last Years of Louis the Great 1370–жинз]Х ĐźrakówбХ жожнбХ reprintпХ źrakówбХ зееобХ pageХ numbersХ according to the new edition) 12–жйнрХюdгбХ“ZХczasówХŁokietkaгХ Studium nad stosunkami polsko-węgierskimiХ wХ XюVХ wieku”Х [ыromХ theХ щaysХ ofХ WładysławХюХtheХъlbow-high. The Study of Polish-Hungarian Relations in the 14th шentury]бХ RozprawyХ цkademiiХ UmiejętnoцciбХ WydziałХ Filozoficzno-historyczny 59 (1916) 278–излрХцbdonХźłodzińskiбХŁokietekХaХ Habsburgowie, (ibid.) 255–зммрХяiфíХSpĕváčekбХźarelХюVгХŽivotХaХdíloХ[яohnХ of Luxemburg. Life and Achievements] (Praha, 1979); Id., Jan ŻucemburskýХaХjehoХdobaХжзол–1346 [John of Luxemburg and his Times 1296–жийл]Х ĐіrahaХ жоойЮрХ чlankaХ чerezovákováбХ “іolitickýХ zapasХ цnjouovcovХ oХ uhorskúХ korunu”Х [цngevinХ politicalХ strugglesХ forХ theХ HungarianХшrown]бХHistorickýХčasopisХиоХĐжоожЮХкме–586; Paul Knoll, Luis the Great and Kasimir of Poland, in Luis the Great, King of Hungary and Poland, ed. G. Goldschmidt – L. S. Domonkos (New York, 1986) 105–127; чronisławХNowackiбХшzeskieХroszczeniaХdoХkoronyХpolskiejХ[шzechХшlaimsХ toХtheХіolishХшrown]ХĐіoznańбХжонмЮрХщieterХVeltrupбХZwischenХъherechtХ und Familienpolitick. Studien zu den dynastischen Heiratsprojekten Karl IV. ĐWarendorfбХжоннЮрХыrantisekХźavkaбХVládaХźarlaХюVгХzaХjehoХcísaфstvíХ (1355–1378). ZemĕХСeskéХkorunyХaХrodováбХфíšskaХaХevropskáХpolitykaХ[TheХ Goverment of Charles IV. in his Empire (1355–1378). Dynastic, German and European policy] I–ююХ ĐіrahaбХ жооиЮрХ StanisławХ цгХ SrokaбХ “цndegaweńskaХreorganizacjaХWęgierХwХцwietleХnowszychХbadań”Х[TheХ Angevin Reorganisation of Hungary in Light of Recent Studies], Kwartalnik historyczny 103 (1996) 23–ийрХ StanisławХ SzczurбХ“W sprawie sukcesjiХ andegaweńskiejХ wХ іolsce”Х [OnХ theХ цngevinХ SuccessionХ inХ Poland], Roczniki Historyczne 75 (2009) 61–104. 190 Hungaro-Polonica who had their own specific expectations towards their new king. The relations of the Angevins and the Piasts began with the marriage of Elizabeth, the sister of the Polish king Casi- mir the Great, with Charles Robert in 1320. Since the 1350s the mutual relations between these two dynasties had be- come the subject of particular interest to the Polish political elites.3 The most decisive in this context was a poorly docu- mented all-Polish massХmeetingХthatХtookХplaceХinХSulejówХinХ 1350. Probably during that mass meeting the issue of the Hungarian succession was put forward for the first time for a public debate between the king, the secular and ecclesias- tical elites and the Masovian princes.4 In the most recent lit- 3 The origin of dynastic contracts between the Piasts and Angevins was srcutinised on a number of occasions – OswaldХчalzerбХźrólestwoХPolskie 1295–1370 [Kingdom of Poland 1295–жиме]Х tгХ иХ ĐŻwówбХ жозебХ reprintХ źrakówбХ зеекЮХ ни–жйзрХ яanХ щąbrowskiбХ ъlђbietaХ ŁokietkównaХ жиек–1380 [Elizabeth of Poland 1305–жине]ХĐźrakówбХжожйбХreprintХźrakówбХзеемЮХмл– ожрХюdгбХ“ZХczasówХŁokietka”бХpassimрХяerzyХWyrozumskiбХ“ьenezaХsukcesjiХ andegaweńskiejХwХіolsce”Х[ьenesisХofХtheХцngevinХSuccessionХinХіoland]бХ Studia historyczne 25 (1982) 185–197; Janusz Kurtyka, Odrodzone królestwoгХ żonarchiaХ WładysławaХ ŁokietkaХ iХ źazimierzaХ WielkiegoХ wХ цwietleХnowszychХbadańХ[The Reborn of the Kingdom. The Monarchy of WładysławХ theХ ъlbow-high and Casimir the Great in Light of Recent Studies]ХĐźrakówбХзеежЮХйз–ймрХSzczurбХ“WХsprawieХsukcesji”бХлж–64. 4 Older subject literature based on the 15 th century Hungarian and Polish recordsХ ĐTheХ чudaХ шhronicleХ andХ RocznikiХ щługoszaбХ шhronicaХ Hungarorum and Annales seu cronicae incliti Regni Poloniae), supported with some succinct comments by Ioannes de Czarnkow, argued that the succession to the throne, following the reign of Casimir the Great, had been discussed by the king and the dignitaries of the secular and religious orders already in the 1330s. It was closely related to the plans of territorial expansion to Ruthenia, which was against the Angevin will. The Angevins also made claims to the Ruthenian Crown. Hence, the reported mass gatheringХ inХ źrakówХ ĐcaгХ жиинджииоЮХ isХ ofХ crucialХ importanceХ inХ subjectХ 191 Hungaro-Polonica erature on the subject it has been argued that the mass meet- ingХinХSulejówХmarksХtheХactualХshiftХtowardsХtheХelitesХandХ the supporting knighthood of the decisive initiative in for- mulating the conditions on which Louis the Great could be crowned as Polish king.5 Until November 1370 the power was in the hands of Polish knighthood. A year after the event inХSulejówбХшasimirХtheХьreatХsetХoutХtoХfightХŻithuaniaгХOnХ his way to Ruthenia, in Lublin, the king fell ill and was in danger of death. At that point the Hungarian king and a potential succes- sor to the throne requested from the Polish knighthood an literature as well as the meeting between Casimir and Charles Robert. The details concerning succession to the Polish throne and Ruthenian expansion were defined during this meeting. However, the newest studies argue that the intensification and re-evaluation of the Polish-Hungarian contracts in terms of succession and claims to Ruthenian lands took place in 1350, when Casimir the Great succeeded in Ruthenia, which, in turn, enforced the response from the Hungarian king – SzczurбХ “WХ sprawieХ sukcesji”бХмж–91. 5 The mass meeting has been so far treated as a gathering of the royal elites and was associated with the escalating and complicating character of the war in the East. Under such circumstances, the king had to obtain acceptance for his decisions, which often led to the spending of the subjectsďХ moneyгХ ыorХ theХ studiesХ onХ theХ topicбХ seeХ SzczurбХ “WХ sprawieХ sukcesji”бХ ож–94. The author convincingly questioning the previous understandingХ ofХ theХ SulejówХ colloquiumбХ reachedХ theХ conclusionХ thatХ taking a stance on the Angevin document (1350) was the aim of the meeting. The document presented one-sided viewpoint of Louis the Great on the Ruthenian expansion of his predecessor Casimir the Great. The Hungarian king yielded Ruthenia to the Polish king and, at the same time, suggested its future in the event of the seizure of the Polish Crown; by doing so, he made the Polish side respond to the claims. Therefore, the SulejówХmeetingХturnedХoutХtoХbeХaХnationwideХdebateХoverХtheХsuccessionХ to the Polish throne and the regulations concerning it – SzczurбХ “WХ sprawieХsukcesji”бХол–102. 192 Hungaro-Polonica oath of loyalty and a warranty of succession. The elites gath- ered in Lublin did not consent to the request immediately but they set their own conditions. They demanded the exclu- sion from the Polish succession of Louis's brother Stephan (or at least a guarantee that he would not become a viceroy in Poland) and a warrant of payment for war expeditions abroad.6 They also enforced Louis the Great to pledge that he would not appoint two Germans mentioned by name (sic!) to the office of capitaneus (castellans). Four years later the Hungarian king and the Polish representatives reached another agreement which resulted in the famous Privilege of Buda. It was the first recognised written document – the monarch's pledge to abide by the expectations of the Polish knights.7 The powerful and almost key part the Polish polit- ical elites played in formulating the conditions on which Louis the Great could become Polish king is widely acknowl- edged in subject literature. 6 цsХinХtheХcaseХofХtheХgatheringХinХSulejówбХtheХstudiesХonХtheХsubject are scarce. The description of those events can be found in the Hungarian Chronicle (Chronicon Dubicense) whose fragments relating the war expeditionХ wereХ publishedХ byХ цnatolХ ŻewickiбХ źilkaХ przyczynkówХ doХ dziejówХźazimierzaХWielkiegoХюХzХkronikiХzapomnianej [A Contribution to the Study of Casimir the Great's History], Kwartalnik Historyczny 3, (1889) 205–213. The Chronicle has been analysed and interpreted on many occasions – щąbrowskiбХ OstatnieХ lataбХ жжнХ arguedХ thatХ theХ HungarianХ king's brother – Stephan was not excluded from succession but lost the right to the regal office of viceroy, just as the two Germans mentioned by name. Jerzy Wyrozumski, Kazimierz Wielki [Casimir the Great] ĐWrocławбХжонзЮХоогХclaimsХthatХtheХpointХwasХtoХexcludeХStephanХfromХtheХ succession to the Polish throne. Chronicon will be referred to in the latter part of the article. 7 KDKK 1, no. 201. The most important study devoted to the analysis of the document: Kurtyka, OdrodzoneХkrólestwo, 46–47. 193 Hungaro-Polonica III To consider all aspects of the Polish elites of the time would far exceed the scope of the present article. However, in the context of the Anegevin takeover some questions are worth discussing. The most important of them deals with the actual potential of the elites to influence the policy of the monarch. Two further questions arise here: the first one is about the extent to which the king is able to act freely and the other is a reflection on the possibility of pressurising the monarch by the knights and particularly the noblemen (szlachta), who constituted a large proportion of the political elites. During his nearly forty-year rule, Casimir the Great managed to re- inforce considerably the position of the monarch. With the help of advisers he introduced such new measures recog- nised at that time in Europe as: the consolidation and devel- opment of royal lands (demesne), strong and effective re- gional administration dependent on the office of the king's representative (capitaneus – starosta), and last but not least, ruthless fiscalisation of the kingdom joined with reclamation of royal land.8 He managed to achieve the above mentioned 8The modernisation of the monarch's rights, first and foremost of the royal demesne, which was of crucial importance to all rulers, intensified since the union of the Kingdom. The process had been started by Wenceslaus II andХcontinuedХbyХWładysławХtheХъlbow-high. However, it was the long and stable reign of Casimir that enabled the consolidation of the changes – RomanХ ьrodeckiбХ “щziałalnoцРХ gospodarczaХ źazimierzaХ Wielkiego”Х [Casimir the Great's Economic Activity], in Polska piastowska, ed. J. Wyrozumski, (Warszawa, 1969) 475–койрХяerzyХWyrozumskiбХіaństwowaХ gospodarkaХsolnaХdoХschyłkuХXюVХwiekuХ[StateХъconomicsХofХSaltХюndustryХ in Poland to the End of the 14th шentury]бХ ĐźrakówбХ жолмЮрХ яacekХ żatuszewskiбХіrzywilejeХiХpolitykaХpodatkowaХŻudwikaХWęgierskiegoХwХ 194 Hungaro-Polonica goals despite the difficult situation in the Kingdom of Poland in 1333, when the military expansion in Ruthenia was begin- ning and the knights of Greater Poland were on the verge of rebellion. Despite all adversities, the king managed to con- trol his subjects and, to a great extent, accomplish his objec- tives. Until the end of his reign Casimir the Great continued his reforms which can be proved by the implementation of Polsce [The Privileges and Taxation Policy of Louis the Great in Poland] ĐŁódѐбХ жониЮрХ SławomirХ ьawlasбХ OХ kształtХ zjednoczonegoХ królestwaгХ NiemieckieХ władztwoХ terytorialneХ aХ genezaХ społecznoustrojowejХ odrębnoцciХ іolskiХ [OnХ theХ ShapeХ ofХ theХ UnitedХ źingdomгХ German Territorial Rulership and the Genesis of Poland's Social and Institutional юdentity]Х ĐWarszawaбХ жоолЮрХ юdгбХ “іolskaХ źazimierzaХ Wielkiego a inne monarchieХ ъuropyХ хrodkowejХ – moђliwoцciХ iХ graniceХ modernizacjiХ władzy”Х [шasimirХ theХ ьreatďsХ іolandХ andХ OtherХ шentralХ ъuropeanХ Monarchies – the Possibilities and the Boundaries of Modernisation of іower]бХ inХ żodernizacjaХ strukturХ władzyХ wХ warunkachХ opóѐnieniaгХ ъuropaХ хrodkowaХ iХ WschodniaХ naХ przełomieХ цredniowieczaХ iХ czasówХ nowoђytnychбХedгХżгХщygoХ– S. Gawlas – H. Grala (Warszawa, 1999) 5–34; юdгбХ “żonarchiaХ źazimierzaХ WielkiegoХ aХ społeczeństwo”Х [шasimirХ theХ Great's Monarchy and Society], in GenealogiaгХWładzaХiХspołeczeństwoХwХ іolsceХ цredniowiecznejбХ edгХ цгХ RadzimińskiХ – ягХ WroniszewskiХ ĐToruńбХ 1999) 197–236; Id., “Polen – eineХStändegesellschaftХanХderХіeripherieХdesХ lateinischenХ ъuropa”бХ inХ ъuropaХ imХ spätenХ żittelalterгХ іolitik- Gesellschaft-Kultur, ed. R. C. Schwingen – Ch. Hesse – P. Moraw ĐżünchenбХзеелЮХзим–злжрХыranciszekХSikoraбХ“RopczyckiХzespółХosadniczyХ wХ цredniowieczuгХ ZХ badańХ nadХ kazimierzowskimХ modelemХ osadniczo- urbanizacyjnym”Х[żedievalХSettlementХшomplexХinХRopczyceгХTheХStudyХ of Kazimierz Urban-SetllementХżodel]бХTekiХźrakówskieХиХĐжоолЮХми–96; цndrzejХ żarzecбХ „źrólewskieХ sądownictwoХ prawaХ polskiegoХ zaХ panowaniaХ WładysławaХ ŁokietkaХ iХ źazimierzaХ Wielkiego”Х [RoyalХ яudiciaryХ ofХ theХ іolishХ ŻawХ underХ WładysławХ юХ theХ ъlbow-high and Casimir theХ ьreat]бХ inХ іravniХ kulturaХ stфedovĕkuХ [ŻegalХ шultureХ ofХ theХ Middle Ages], ed. żгХNodlбХігХWęcowskiбХшolloquiaХżedievaliaХіragensiaХ 17 (Praha 2016) 81–104. 195 Hungaro-Polonica new statues in Greater and Lesser Poland, the 1368 salt law and the monetary reform.9 IV Having at his disposal a detailed account of events that im- mediately succeeded the arrival of Louis the Great in Kra- ków in 1370, a historian does not lack the possibility to inter- pret the events.10 The new king had to face doubts concern- ing the testament of his deceased predecessor. Over a year 9 The following questions are discussed in numerous studies. The most noteworthyХincludeпХStanisławХZajączkowskiбХ“іolskaХaХWittelsbachowieХ wХpierwszejХpołowieХXюVХwieku”Х[іolandХandХtheХWittelsbachsХinХtheХыirstХ Half of the 14th Century], in Prace historyczne w 30-lecieХ działalnoцciХ profesorskiejХ StanisławaХ ZakrzewskiegoХ [HistoricalХ WorksХ onХ theХ ие th цnniversaryХofХStanisławХZarzeckiďsХіrofessorship]ХĐŻwówбХжоийЮХйи–111; StanisławХSzczurбХTraktatyХmiędzypaństwoweХіolskiХpiastowskiejХ[іiastХ іolandХ andХ юtsХ юnternationalХ Treaties]Х ĐźrakówбХ жооеЮрХ юdгбХ “ZjazdХ wyszehradzkiХ zХ rokuХ жиик”Х [TheХ шongressХ ofХ VisegrádХ inХ жиик]бХ StudiaХ Historyczne 35 (1992) 3–зерХюdгбХ“OkolicznoцciХzrzeczeniaХsięХхląskaХprzezХ źazimierzaХ WielkiegoХ wХ rokuХ жиио”Х [TheХ RelinquishmentХ ofХ шlaimsХ toХ Silesia by Casimir the Great in 1339], Studia Historyczne, 30 (1987) 518– киорХ юdгбХ “źrakowskiХ zjazdХ monarchówХ wХ жилйХ roku”Х [TheХ шongressХ ofХ źrakówХinХжилй]бХRocznikiХHistoryczneХлйХĐжоонЮХик–кмрХюdгбХ“іraskiХzjazdХ źazimierzaХWielkiegoХzХcesarzemХwХrokuХжикл”Х[TheХіragueХшongressХofХ шasimirХ theХ ьreatХ andХ theХ ъmperorХ inХ жикл]бХ inХ іolskaХ iХ jejХ sąsiedzi w póѐnymХцredniowieczuбХedгХźгХOђógХ – SгХSzczurХĐźrakówбХзеееЮХнж–117; Henryk Paszkiewicz, Polityka ruska Kazimierza Wielkiego [The RuthenianХіoliticsХofХшasimirХtheХьreat]ХĐWarszawaбХжозкбХreprintХźrakówбХ зеезЮрХяerzyХŁojkoбХ“źonfederacjaХżaciejaХчorkowica”Х[żaciejХчorkowicďsХ Confederation], Roczniki Historyczne 43 (1977) 29–кнрХStanisławХRomanбХ ьenezaХ statutówХ źazimierzaХ WielkiegoгХ StudiumХ ѐródłoznawczeХ [TheХ Genesis of Casimir the Great's Statutes. The Study of Primary Sources] ĐźrakówбХжолжЮрХягХźurtykaбХOdrodzoneХkrólestwoбХpassimг 10 Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, ed. J. Szlachtowski, żonumentaХіoloniaeХHistoricaбХзбХĐŻwówбХжнмзЮХлил–642. Having heard ofХшasimirďsХdemiseбХtheХfirstХoneХtoХarriveХinХźrakówХwasХVladislausХofХ 196 Hungaro-Polonica prior to his death, Casimir the Great adopted his grandson шasimirХofХSłupskг Until the present day the monarch's deci- sion is not clear, but one can assume, in all likelihood, that in the future it would lead to the coronation of the young prince. It sounds even more plausible when one remembers that at that time Louis was still childless (his first daughter was born in 1370).11 Before his death, the king of Poland decided to bequeath considerable tracts of Polish land to his grandson including: ŁęczycaбХSieradzХandХщobrzyńХlands as well as a number of important castles on the north-western border of the King- domХ ĐźruszwicaбХ WielatówбХ чydgoszczХ andХ WałczЮг12 The chronicler, though not impartial, left a fairly precise descrip- tion of the sequence of events, if only because he and the Kra- kówХchancellorХяanuszХSuchywilkХpresentedХtoХŻouisХtheХwillХ of the deceased for approval.13 The king, before taking the Opole, Count palatine of Hungary. He came to Poland in order to prepare the arrival of Louis and make sure that there were no obstacles on Louis's way to the throne. Casimir the Great had been buried before the arrival of his nephew. 11 źazimierzХяasińskiбХ“ZjazdХnaХżazowszu w kwietniu 1369 roku i jego geneza. ZeХ studiówХ nadХ itinerariumХ źazimierzaХ Wielkiego“Х [TheХ Masovian Convention in April 1369 and Its Genesis. The Study of Casimir the Great's Itinerary], Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici, Historia 9 (1973) 59–69 (reprintХ inпХ źazmierzХ яasińskiбХ іraceХ wybraneХ zХ naukХ pomocniczychХ historiiбХ ĐToruńбХ жоолЮХ змм–знлЮрХ юdгбХ “żałђeństwaХ iХ koligacjeХpolityczneХźazimierzaХWielkiego”Х[TheХżarriagesХandХіoliticalХ шonnectionsХ ofХ шasimirХ theХ ьreat]бХ StudiaХ яródłoznawczeХ volгХ из–33 (1990) 67–76 (reprint in: Id., Prace wybrane z nauk pomocniczych historii, ĐToruńбХжоолЮХижк–331). 12 StanisławХźętrzyńskiбХ“ZapisХźazimierzaХWielkiegoХdlaХźazimierzaХчo - gusławowica“Х [TheХ чequestХ ofХ шasimirХ theХ ьreatХ toХ źazimierzХ чogusławowic]бХіrzeglądХHistoryczny 14 (1912) 26–47, 164–194, 294–316. 13 Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 639. On Janusz Suchywilk and Jan of шzarnkówХseeпХяanuszХчieniakбХ“яanХĐяanekЮХzХшzarnkowaгХNiedokończonaХ 197 Hungaro-Polonica decision, sought advice from the knights who held a mass gatheringХledХbyХtheХarchbishopХofХьnieznoХяarosławХofХчoв goria and the bishopХofХźrakówХыlorianХofХżokrskoг14 He ex- pected them to resolve the issue of the problematic bequest. According to the chronicler, none of the gathered knights was able to decide on what was legal and illegal in Casimir's will. Jan of Czarnkow's description, though not very precise, allows us to notice some important issues. It is known that only the bequests to his natural sons and шasimirХofХSłupskХwereХaХmatterХofХseriousХdebateгХTheХfirstХ ones had been dealt with quickly and annulled without fur- ther discussion.15 The bequest to prince Casimir, however, was much disputed. The legality of the most important be- questХ ofХ theХ ŁęczycaбХ SieradzХ andХ щobrzyńХlandsХ forХ шasiв mirďsХgrandsonХtheХprinceХofХSłupskХhadХnotХbeenХresolvedгХ The case was tried on the day after the documents sent by kronikaХ polskaХ zХ XюVХ wieku”Х [яanХ ofХ шzarnkowгХ An Unfinished Polish Chronicle of the 14th century], StudiaХяródłoznawczeХймХĐзееоЮХжео–144; цndrzejХ żarzecбХ“SapientiorХ interХ proceresХ іoloniaeгХ Kariera polityczna яanuszaХSuchywilkaХhгХьrzymałaХĐжиил–жимйЮ”Х[SapientiorХinterХproceresХ Poloniae. The Political Career of Janusz SuchywilkХofХьrzymałaХшoatsХofХ Arms (1336–1340], inХіolskaХiХjejХsąsiedziХwХpóѐnymХцredniowieczuбХedгХźгХ OђógХ– SгХSzczurХĐźrakówбХзеееЮ 9–кирХюdгбХ“SzymonХzХRuszkowaгХZХbadańХ nadХ personelemХ kancelariiХ królewskiejХ wХ czternastowiecznejХ іolsce”Х [SzymonХ ofХ RuszkówгХ The Study of the Personnel from the Royal Chancellery in 14th century Poland], in Ecclesia, regnum, fontes. Studia z dziejówХцredniowieczaбХedгХSгХьawlasХĐWarszawaбХзежйЮХззн–239. 14 “Mandavit [the king – A.M.] eadem privilegia ad dominos archiepiscopus Gneznensem et Florianum Cracoviensem episcopum et ad nobiles regni, qui partim aderant reportari, eorum arbitrio et definition committens.“Х– Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 639. 15 “Et tandem convenientes [...] donationem duobus filiis naturalibus predictis factam annihilare volentes, privilegia per camerarios Mscijonem Sandomiriensem et Johannem Cracoviensem precidi mandaverunt, quae tamen sic praecisa fuerunt et sunt reservata.“Х– ibid., 640. 198 Hungaro-Polonica Louis were brought. According to Jan of Czarnkow, the Hungarian monarch urged the parties to resolve the case.16 WładysławХ OpolczykбХ whoХ hadХ beenХ sentХ byХ theХ kingбХ pressed hard for the opinion suggesting even the referral to the principle of propinquity and the necessity of securing he- reditary rights of all relations. The gathering answered by appointing the judge and sub-judge (subiudex) of Sandomi- erz to deliver the verdict. The appointees ruled that the rights of all relations must not be encroached. Louis de- manded the confirmation of the verdict in written form with the seals of the archbishop and other nobles. In effect the case stalled: the knights informed the king that the appointees' opinion concerned the rights of the landed gentry, while the rights of the princes were in this respect unknown to them.17 As a result, Louis the Hungarian settled the dispute by exer- cising his right of discretion. Therefore, he deprived prince шasimirХofХtheХŁęczycaбХSieradzХandХщobrzyńХlandsбХleftХhimХ 16 Jan of Czarnkow stated clearly that along with Janusz Suchywilk, they took Casimir the Great's testamentary bequests to archbishop, bishop of źrakówХ andХ othersХ forХ approvalгХ HoweverбХ laterХ inХ theХ textбХ afterХ theХ information about the annulment of the bequests to natural sons NiemierzaХ andХ яanбХ heХ statedпХ “In crastino autem mane archiepiscopo et episcopis ac nobilibus dignitate majoribus simul congregatis, dominus Ludovicus rex [...] misit Wladislaum ducem Opoliae [...] ad eosdem.“Х – Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 640. It means that having received the testamentary bequests, no decision was made until the next day and, hence, Louis sent Vladislaus so that he could hasten the parties. 17 Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 640–642. 199 Hungaro-Polonica the remaining properties and promised compensation in re- turnХ forХ theХ lossesгХ źaѐkoХ ofХ SłupskХ acceptedХ theХ heritableХ properties as a fief from the Hungarian monarch.18 V The value of the chronicler's record lies in the presentation of the real condition of the Polish elites. Jan of Czarnkow's account of events clearly states that during the gathering, in the archbishop's house, apart from the representatives of the episcopate, mostlyХ highХ officialsХ wereХ presentгХ юnХ яózefХ ёerbiłłoďsХtranslationбХoneХgetsХtheХimpressionХthatХtheХclerв gymen led the mass meeting of knights; whereas the Latin text, in a few passages, shows that the meeting took place between the head dignitaries of the Polish Kingdom both secular and religious.19 It can be assumed that the highest dignitaries of the Kingdom of Poland were among Louis's partners (unfortunately they are not mentioned by name in 18 ŻouisХ attemptedХ toХ passХ theХ щuchyХ ofХ ьniewkowoХ toХ źaѐkoХ butХ theХ latter refused, since he knew thatХ theХ legitimateХ heirбХ WładysławХ theХ White, was alive, Ibid., 642. 19 Kronika Jana z Czarnkowa [Jan of Czarnkow's Chronicle], trans. яózefХ ёerbiłłoбХeditingХandХfootnotesХżгХщгХźowalskiХĐźrakówбХжоолЮХзо–30. [The king A.M.] ordered the privileges to be taken to the archbishop of Gniezno andХbishopХыlorianХofХźraków, as well as to the noblemen, the most of whom were present… “mandavit [...] et ad nobiles regni, qui partim aderant reportari.“Х– яoannisХdeХшzarnkowбХшhroniconбХлиогХThoseХ“nobilesХregni”Х are probably not the kingdom's noblemen but dignitaries; in the latter part of the description Ioannis de Czarnkow leaves no doubt that the controversialХ issuesХ wereХ debatedХ byХ “nobilesХ dignitateХ maioris”гХ TheyХ met at the archbishop's place which could only house a considerable number of people. 200 Hungaro-Polonica the source texts).20 Their indecisiveness and inability to make decisions must have been a very telling sign for the Hungar- ian monarch. This gave the new king a feeling of considera- ble advantage and augured well for the royal control in the Polish Kingdom. Source literature and historical research of the last hun- dred years offers a clear depiction of the political scene in the 14th century Polish Kingdom and particularly before WładysławХяagiełłoХassumedХtheХthroneгХSinceХtheХжииеsХtwoХ basic political parties dominated the scene: the pro-Hungar- ian and the pro-Czech factions, which meant the support for either the Angevin or the Luxemburg dynasty. The two fac- tions were most active exactly at the time of Louis's reign when the marriages of his daughters were in the balance and, consequently, the election of the future king of Poland. The elites of Lesser and Greater Poland as well as their 20On his arrival in Poland, Louis ofХHungaryХwasХwelcomedХinХSączХbyХ proceres terre et natu maiores (Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 636). They accompaniedХhimХ toХ źrakówХandХdebatedХ atХ theХarchbishopďsХ houseгХ юnХ November 1370 those highborn noblemen must have been landed officials and starostas (capitaneus officials), the majority of whom were from Lesser іolandгХцmongХthemХthereХwereпХtheХcastellanХofХźrakówХяanХofХżelsztynбХ theХ voivodeХ ofХ źrakówХ щobiesławХ źurozwęckiбХ theХ voivodeХ ofХ Sandomierz Piotr Nieorza, the castellan of Sandomierz WilczekХofХчirkówбХ theХcastellanХofХWiцlicaХRafałХofХTarnówбХtheХstarostas (capitaneus officials): RuthenianХ OttoХ ofХ іilicaбХ іrzecławХ ofХ ьułtowyХ fromХ ьreaterХ іolandбХ źuyavianХżoцcicХofХхcibórzбХяanХźmitaХofХWiцniczХfromХSieradzбХvoivodesХ and castellans from PoznańХ andХ źaliszХ asХ wellХ asХ fromХ ŁęczycaХ andХ Sieradz lands. There were also other noblemen, who were not officials, as, forХexampleбХяanХofХTęczynбХtheХsonХofХźrakówХvoivodeХ – Andrzej, who died in 1368. 201 Hungaro-Polonica knightly followers were all divided according to their sym- pathies for the rival dynasties.21 Such attitude and interpre- tation of the 14th century Polish political reality is based on the belief that not only the main dignitaries of the Kingdom 21 żoreХimportantХstudiesХincludeпХщąbrowskiбХOstatnieХlata, 148–230; Id., “іolitykaХandegaweńskaХźazimierzaХWielkiego”Х[TheХцngevinХіolicyХofХ Casimir the Great], Kwartalnik Historyczny 36 (1922) 11–40; Oskar HaleckiбХ“źazimierzХWielkiбХĐжиии–жимеЮ”Х[шasimirХtheХьreatХĐжиии–1370), in Historia polityczna Polski жбХĐźrakówбХжозеЮХиже–йжерХюdгбХ“OХgenezieХiХ znaczeniuХ rządówХ andegaweńskichХ wХ іolsce”Х [OnХ theХ ьenesisХ andХ Siginificance of Angevin Reign in Poland], Kwartalnik Historyczny 35 (1921) 31–лнрХ WandaХ żoszczeńskaбХ “RolaХ rycerstwaХ wielkopolskiegoХ wХ dobieХ bezkrólewiaХ poХ ŻudwikuХ Wielkim”Х [TheХ RoleХ ofХ ьreaterХ іolandХ Knighthood during the Interregnum following the Death of Louis the ьreat]бХ іrzeglądХ historycznyХ зкХ ĐжозкЮХ ии–жкорХ źętrzyńskiбХ ZapisХ źazimierzaХ WielkiegoбХ passimрХ WłodzimierzХ щworzaczekбХ ŻeliwiciХ Tarnowscy. ZХ dziejówХ moђnowładztwaХ małopolskiegoгХ WiekХ XюV–XV [TheХ ŻeliwaХ ofХ TarnówгХ TheХ HistoryХ ofХ theХ ŻesserХ іolandХ Żords]Х (Warszawa, 1971) 65–73, 85–онрХTomaszХNowakowskiбХ“іolitykaХpółnocnaХ Polski w latach 1356–жилйбХnaХtleХjejХsytuacjiХwewnętrznej”Х[іolishХіolitics Regarding Northern Countries 1356–1364, Set Against Its Domestic Situation], Akademia Techniczno-Rolnicza w Bydgoszczy. Zeszyty naukoweбХ NaukiХ społeczneХ жеХ ĐжонеЮХ мк–жеирХ юdгбХ “юnimiciХ capitalesгХ ZХ dziejówХideologiiХpolitycznejХwХczternastowiecznej Wielkopolsce”Х[ыromХ the History of Political Ideology in 14th Century Greater Poland], Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici, Historia 17 (1981) 81–озрХ юdгбХ “UwagiХ oХ polityceХ wewnętrznejХ iХ zagranicznejХ źazimierzaХ WielkiegoбХ StudiaХ iХ materiałyХ doХ dziejówХ WielkopolskiХ iХ іomorza”Х [SomeХ RemarksХ onХ theХ Domestic and Foreign Policy of Casimir the Great. The Studies and Material on the History of Greater Poland and Pomerania], 16 (1985) 141– жкнрХ яanuszгХ źurtykaбХ “źarieraХ wojewodyХ źrakówskiegoХ цndrzejaХ zХ TęczynaХ naХ tle rywalizacji stronnictw za panowania Kazimierza Wielkiego”Х[TheХшareerХofХшracowХVoivodeХцndrzejХofХTęczynХagainstХtheХ Contending Factions at the Time of Casimir the Great's Reign], in Cracovia-Polonia-Europa, ed. źгХ чaczkowskiХ etХ alгХ ĐźrakówбХ жоокЮХ зкк– зожрХ RobertХ чubczykбХ źarieraХ rodzinyХ źurozwęckichХ wХ XюVХ wiekuгХ StudiumХzХdziejówХpowiązańХpolskiejХelityХpolitycznejХzХцndegawenamiХ [TheХшareerХofХtheХźurozwęckiХыamilyХinХtheХжйth century. The Study of the Relations of the Polish Political Elite with the Angevins] (Warszawa, 2002). 202 Hungaro-Polonica but also the middle knighthood had precise views on what foreign and dynastic policies the king should adopt. This pic- ture is undoubtedly too clear; it leaves no space for phenom- ena and events that would be too unconventional for the knights and political elites to accept.22 VI The change of medieval dynasty was a significant event which found reflection in the relations between the monarch and his subjects. When a native dynasty came to an end (in this case the Piasts) the new monarch had to face the chal- lenge of settling the relations with the people of the country. The examples of the Hungarian and Czech Kingdoms at the turn of 14th and 15th centuries prove that such process took a long time and might take a bloody course.23 Therefore one 22 I have argued such interpretation of the political scene of the Polish źingdomХinпХżarzecбХUrzędnicyХmałopolscyбХpassimгХOnХpagesХжжм–131 I discuss the question and subject literature dealing with the political parties present in Casimir the Great's kingdom. 23 In both kingdoms at the turn of the 13 th and 14th centuries, before the growth of the Angevin and Luxemurg dynasties, there were internecine blood feuds – щąbrowskiбХ OstatnieХ lataбХ жз–знрХ VáclavХ шhaloupeckýбХ “юnauguračni diplomyХ králeХ яanaХ zХ rokuХ жижеХ aХ жижж”Х [TheХ юnaguralХ цwardsХ ofХ źingХ яohnХ formХ ижеХ andХ жижж]бХ СeskýХ časopisХ historickýХ кеХ (1947–1949) 69–жезрХяiriХSpĕváčekбХяanХŻucemburskyХaХjehoХdobaХжзол–1346 [John of Luxemburg and his Era 1296–1346] (Praha, 1994) 89–133; Robert цntoninбХ “ыormováníХ moravskéХ zemskéХ obceХ aХ soubojХ oХ českýХ trůnХ wХ letech 1306–жиже”Х [ыormationХ ofХ theХ żoravianХ іrovincialХ żunicipalityХ and Fight for the Czech Throne in the Years 1306–1310], in Historik na żoravĕгХ іrofesoruХ яíфimuХ żaliфoviбХ pфedesoviХ żaticeХ moravskéХ aХ vedoucímuХHistorickéhoХústavuХыыХżUбХedгХHгХцmbrožováХ– TгХщvoфákХ– чгХшhocholáčХ– L. Jan – P. Pumpr (Brno, 2009) 221–235. 203 Hungaro-Polonica could have expected that tensions would appear at the mo- ment of Louis's ascension in 1370. The problems with the approval of Casimir the Great's testament demonstrate the lack of a distinct political pro- gramme among the elites, which could be confronted with the new monarch's expectations. The case is interesting since, as Jan of Czarnkow noted, the aim of the bequest to шasimirХ ofХ SłupskХ wasХ toХ paveХ himХ theХ wayХ toХ theХ іolishХ throne.24 However, it is difficult to find a trace suggesting that this situation was of interest to the disputing dignitar- ies.25 In this context it is worth bringing forward the corona- tion passage of Louis.26 He set out on a journey across the 24 “Nam quidem magnates et quasi primi in consilio regis mortui, partii Ungarorum multum faventes, aestimabant, ducem Kazimirum de terra Syradiensi, Lanciciensi et Dobrinensi ac castris praenominatis in juvamine Karoli, generi siu, Romanorum imperatoris, ac Boguslai patris sui, ducis Stetinesis ad regni Poloniae gubernacula [...] posse pervenire“Х – Ioannes de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, 641. 25 We cannot rule out the possibility that the whole content of the Chronicle is distorted by Jan of Czarnkow, since he did not like the Angevins and, what is more, he did not conceal his reluctance towards the union of Hungary and Poland. Perhaps even the mighty secular and religious dignitaries were looking for an excuse to annul Prince Stephan's bequest and were acting together with the new king? However, the chronicler's description suggests that it was the inaction and indecisiveness on the elite's part which led to the former vice chancellor's schadenfreude. Thus, the vice-chancellor could blame the dignitaries for theХnegligenceХofХprinceХofХSłupskďsХbusinessбХwhoseХbequestХseemsХtoХhaveХ been fully legitimate. Finally, Jan of Czarnkow concludes the deliberations onХ шasimirďsХ willХ withХ aХ convincingХ remarkпХ “Sicque in eodem nagotio sibimet, proch dolor, contrarii sunt inventi; nam primo pronunciarunt omnes donationes per dominum regem fuisse validas; et altera die, ut praemissum est, dixerunt, complacere cupientes, minime valvisse“Х – Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, 641. 26 Right before the coronation, the archbishop of Gniezno, together with the noblemen from Greater Poland, tried to influence the decision of Louis 204 Hungaro-Polonica new country, first of all to Greater Poland having promised to appear in the coronation apparel in the Gniezno Cathe- dral, to sit there on the throne in front of the dignitaries and the archbishop. This was understood as an act of recognition of the importance of the province which was tied to the Polish crown from the very beginning of the statehood. However, having arrived in Gniezno, the monarch refused to fulfil the promise, allegedly on the advice of some digni- tariesХfromХźrakówгХцccordingХtoХthemбХtheХactХmightХturnХ against him as ridiculous.27 The situation described above depicts another strong dis- cord among the elites. Regardless of all advice, Louis ignored the elites of Greater Poland, united in their expectations with theХ veryХ archbishopХ ofХ ьnieznoХ яarosławХ ofХ чogoriaгХ TheХ king's hasty departure from Poland, while leaving his mother Elizabeth in Kraków as well as the loss of Ruthenia without any noticeable resistance of the Polish elites, portray a monarch who did not seem to notice any threats to his rule in the Kingdom of Poland.28 soХ thatХ theХ ceremonyХ ofХ coronationХ wouldХ beХ movedХ fromХ źrakówХ toХ Gniezno, a far more proper place for such an event. The event serves as an important remainder of the competition between the provinces of Lesser and Greater Poland for power in the Kingdom of Poland. It also shows that many decades after the union of the country, the feelings were still strong. On the kingdom's unification and the discussions surrounding it, seeХцndrzejХżarzecбХ“żiędzyХіrzemysłemХююХaХWładysławemХŁokietkiemбХ czyliХ kilkaХ uwagХ oХ źrólestwieХ іolskimХ naХ przełomieХ XюююХ iХ XюVХ wieku”Х [чetweenХіrzemysłХююХandХWładysławХюХtheХъlbow-high. A Few Remarks on the Polish Kingdom at the Turn of the 13th and 14th Centuries], Roczniki Historyczne 78 (2012) 83–106. 27 Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, 648–649. 28 By separating Ruthenia from Poland, Louis showed that he probably no longer feared that the Polish subjects would offer any resistance. In the 205 Hungaro-Polonica VII Louis quite early faced the problems that would be decisive in keeping the Polish throne in the Angevin hands. The birth of subsequent daughters forced him to revise the Buda ar- rangements of 1355 according to which the succession to the Polish throne excluded female descendants.29 As a result in жимйХ theХ famousХ privilegeХ ofХ źošiceХ ĐźassaбХ źoszyceЮХ wasХ signed.30 This document, along with the Buda privilege, con- stitutes one of the most essential sources about the late me- dieval nobility.31 However, research devoted to those two documents, especially in the last three decades, has sug- gested a cautious interpretation.32 Firstly, the concessions spring of 1371, the king decided to enfeoff his entrusted palatine Duke VladislausХofХOpoleХwithХRutheniaХĐяerzyХSperkaбХOtoczenieХWładysławaХ Opolczyka w latach 1370–1401 [Vladislaus II of Opole's Milieu from 1370 to 1401] (Katowice, 2006) 32–34). Both Ruthenia and the Kingdom of Poland in line with the dynastic contracts now belonged to Louis. If the Polish Crown was subject to continued negotiations, the main topic of the Privilege of Buda (1355), then the question of Galicia appeared only once, in 1350, and it was initiated by the Hungarians as a response to Casimir theХьreatďsХsuccessХinХRutheniaгХцsХStanisławХSzczurХpointsХoutбХsinceХжикеХ Galicia had never reappeared in Polish-Hungarian dialogue (or at least not to our knowledge). The author suggests that the issue remained unresolved until 1370 and both parties refrained from the subject. Ruthenia was supposed to lose its importance to Louis after the year 1350 because the crucial problem then was the arrangement with the Polish society about the conditions of the succession – SzczurбХ “WХ sprawieХ sukcesji”бХнм–97. 29 Sroka, ьenealogiaХцndegawenów, 68–88. 30 KDW 3, no. 1709. 31 SpołeczeństwoХpolskieХodХXХdoХXXХwiekuХ[іolishХSocietyХfromХtheХже th to the 20th Century], ed. I. Ihnatowicz – цгХ żączakХ – B. Zientara (Warszawa, 1979) 165. 32 There are many studies devoted to the Privileges, and especially the Buda one; however, they are scatteredбХ seeХ iгaгпХ іawełХ SkwarczyńskiбХ Z 206 Hungaro-Polonica granted by Louis were not extraordinary and did not weaken drastically the position of the monarch providing, at the same time, the noble classes with more power. Jacek żatuszewskiХ andХ щánielХ чagiбХ inХ theirХ criticalХ studies, demonstrate that it was the Hungarian king who had the fi- nal word on the content of both documents.33 It is interesting to see how the knightly demands were shaped while being taken into consideration by the rulers in the process of mak- ing concessions. The first important event, unfortunately not well-docu- mented, was the war against Lithuania waged by Casimir badańХnadХprzywilejamiХziemskimiХbudzińskimХiХkoszyckim [The Studies onХtheХіrivilegesХofХчudaХandХźošice]ХĐŻublinбХжоилЮрХяózefХżatuszewskiбХ юmmunitetХ ekonomicznyХ wХ dobrachХ źoцciołaХ wХ іolsceХ doХ roku 1381 [EconomicХюmmunityХinХшhurchďsХіropertiesХtoХжинж]ХĐіoznańбХжоилЮХжмм– жнерХщąbrowskiбХOstatnie lata, 270–314; Id., ъlђbietaХŁokietkówna, 65–75, 130–143; Peter Mikliss, Deutscher und polnischer Adel im Vergleich: Adel und Adelsbezeichnungen in der deutschen und polnischen verfassungs- geschichtlichen Entwicklung sowie die rechtliche Problematik polnischer Adelsbezeichnungen nach deutschem Recht (Berlin, 1981) 78. 33 żatuszewskiбХ іrzywilejeХ iХ politykaбХ passimрХ щánielХ чagiбХ “WpływyХ iХ znaczenieХ szlachtyХ polskiejХ iХ węgierskiejХ podХ koniecХ XюVХ wiekuгХ іróbaХ porównaniaХprzywilejuХbudzińskiegoХzХжиккХrгХzХprzywilejemХkoszyckimХ zХжимйХrгХwХцwietleХpotwierdzeniaХzłotejХbulliХzХrokuХжикж”Х[TheХюnfluenceХ and the Significance of Polish and Hungarian Gentry at the End of the 14th Century. An Attempt at a Comparative Study of Buda Privilege (1355) and the Privilege of źošice (1374) in Light of the Confirmed Golden Bull of жикж]бХ inХ іolskaХ iХ WęgryХ wХ kulturzeХ iХ cywilizacjiХ europejskiejбХ edгХ ягХ WyrozumskiХĐźrakówбХжоомЮХик–46. Matuszewski demonstrated beyond all doubt that the tax of two grosze for the noble class, which was imposed in 1374 as a special privilege, was illegitimate. Bagi proves that both privileges: of Buda and of źošiceХ mostly resulted from the political situation in Poland of the time, where the initiative belonged to the monarchs. 207 Hungaro-Polonica the Great and Louis the Hungarian in 1351.34 The king's sud- den and grave illness led Louis to demand of the Polish knights the oath of allegiance and the assurance of succes- sion. It was the time when Louis had to concede on several points. According to the Chronicon Dubicense he excluded from succession his brother Stephan, resigned from employ- ing two Germans as his officers, and agreed to pay military wages for wars waged abroad.35 In 1355 in Buda he promised not to increase taxes above the customary level, what used toХbeХdoneХbyХWładysławХ theХъlbow-high and Casimir the Great in the past, and reimburse whatever losses connected with wars waged abroad.36 The Kassa document of 1374 in- troduced a regular tax for the landed gentry of two grosze from each field, at the same time resigning from all extraor- dinary taxation. Capitaneus offices (starostwa) were re- stricted to Poles only, while landed posts were guaranteed for the gentry of a given province. The castles mentioned in the Privilege by name were not to be given to foreign bur- graves, while all burgaves were responsible to Polish territo- rial courts of justice. The last concession promised to reim- burse losses incurred in foreign wars and released noblemen from the duty to provide food and accommodation for the king and his court during his travels within the kingdom.37 34 On the course of the war see Paszkiewicz, Polityka ruska, 125–130. 35 “sic tamen quod dux Stephanus, frater eiusdem regis Hungarie nihil haberet cum eis agere, nec theutonici, specialiter Wolphardus et Corradus.“Х– Chronicon Dubicense, ed. M. Florianus, in Historiae Hungariae fontes domestici, pars prima, 3 (Lipsiae, 1884) 160. 36 KDKK 1, no. 201. 37 KDW 3, no. 1709. 208 Hungaro-Polonica Taken together the three documents show that Louis did not find the expectations of the Polish gentry particularly burdensome. Especially in the context of the events that took place in 1351, it can be assumed that the necessity of formu- lating demands addressed to a potential monarch was very surprising. Since Casimir the Great fell ill unexpectedly, it was difficult to expect of the knights, who at the time were preparing for the war against Lithuania, that they had pre- pared a list of demands for Louis. The Chronicon Dubicense in its description of the demands suggests rather their spon- taneous and repetitive nature. The possibility of appointing one of Louis's trusted military commanders for the position of capitaneus (starosta) in Poland was also subject to objec- tions. These objections undoubtedly resulted from the ongo- ing war during which Louis's trusted men could have been ordered to take command of the knights.38 Reimbursement for war expeditions is another postulate reappearing at least since the late 13th centuryХwhenбХinХtheХіrivilegeХofХŻitomyцlХ 38The issue of appointing to the capitaneus office in Poland at that time created tensions. A year after the war expedition to Lithuania and Casimir's illness a new capitaneus of Greater Poland was nominated. His nameХ wasХ WierzbiętaХ ofХ іalowiceХ ofХ theХ NiesobiaХ coatХ ofХ armsХ andХ heХ cameХfromХSilesiaгХHisХpresenceХinХіoznańХandХźaliszХlands caused strong opposition among the knights, which resulted in the establishment of a confederacyХledХbyХżaciejХчorkowicбХtheХvoivodeХofХіoznańХandХaХformerХ capitaneus. The king, however, did not give in and overcame the resistance. In effect Borkowic was sentenced to death – ŁojkoбХKonfederacja Macieja Borkowica, passim. The knights' reluctance towards foreign officials appointed as capitaneus, addressed to Louis in July 1351, reflected the tensions that were present in Poland. They were related to the policy of Casimir the Great who was then finalising his work on the unified administrative system of the state. The strong office of capitaneus served as the foundation of the system – Kurtyka, OdrodzoneХkrólestwo, 122–147. 209 Hungaro-Polonica set by Wenceslaus II of Bohemia, it had already been called an old habit.39 The restriction of eligibility for certain offices to local knights was yet another repeated expectation. TheХ questionХ ofХ Stephan’sХ successionХ toХ theХ throneХ isбХ however, unclear. Yet it seems that the gist of the problem was in not nominating him as the king's viceroy in Poland. The most interesting fact about the homage of 1351 lies somewhere else. In his recent article devoted to the issues of dynastic Piast-цngevinХrelationsбХStanisławХSzczurХhypotheв sizes that in 1350 during the mass gathering in Sulejów“ the political elites took the floor and since then they had influ- enced the conditions on which Louis would seize the Polish throneХinХtheХfuture”г40 The demands put forward in the fol- lowing year prove that there had been no precise plan as to what concessions should be forced on the king. While the Hungarian Chronicle offers a succinct and imprecise de- scription of the events of 1351, the Privilege of Buda, issued four years later by the Hungarian king, contains a precise de- piction of the promises made to the representatives of the Polish society. However, this document focuses solely on two main questions, namely: the king's solemn obligation not to impose any uncustomary taxes and the reimburse- ment of wars waged abroad.41 This set of concessions is not an extraordinary one, especially when we take under consid- eration the fact that the privilege was addressed not only to the knights but also to the townspeople and the clergy. The 39 KDKK 1 no. 94. 40 SzczurбХ“WХsprawieХsukcesji”бХомг 41 KDKK 1, no. 201. In the document Louis also emphasises the exclusive rightХ ofХ successionХ toХ theХ źrakówХ throneХ ofХ hisХ orХ hisХ nephewďsХ maleХ descendants. 210 Hungaro-Polonica іrivilegeХofХźošiceХĐźassaЮХsignedХinХжимйХcontainsХaХsetХofХ concessions that were developed further. Apart from the substitution of any extraordinary taxes with a fixed one of two grosze and the promise to reimburse the war expedi- tions, new demands appeared that would ensure the Polish knights the right to all important landed and capitaneus of- fices as well as burgraviates. Therefore, it turned out that the price for the right of succession to the Polish throne by his daughters was not too high. Certainly financial expectations of the Polish knighthood belonged to the most important ones. Louis granted them all without really getting into ex- penses, as Matuszewski has proved; what is more, in a sense he stabilized the royal treasury.42 Until 1374 there was no opposition to the range of the royal power, or, to look at it from the other perspective, there were no demands concerning the expansion of the preroga- tive of the knighthood estate. The most important matters to solve after 1370 concerned property and taxes. In Kassa Priv- ilege taxation was settled and at the same time lawsuits for the restitution of lands sequestered by the late Casimir the Great were under way.43 42Matuszewski, Przywileje i polityka, passim. 43źarolХіotkańskiбХ“SprawaХrestytucji”Х[TheХшaseХofХtheХRestitution]ХĐжимйХ andХ жинжЮбХ RozprawyХ цkademiiХ UmiejętnoцciгХ WydzгХ ыilozoficzno- HistorycznyХиоХĐжоееЮрХюdгбХ“яeszczeХsprawaХrestytucji”Х[цgainХtheХшaseХofХ Restauration]бХ RozprawyХ цkademiiХ UmiejętnoцciХ 42 (1902) 42–74 (both textsХreprintedХinХźarolХіotkańskiбХŻechiciбХіolanieбХіolskaгХWybórХpismХ [The Lechites, the Polans, Poland. A Selection of Texts], ed. G. Labuda (Warszawa, 1965) 568–651). 211 Hungaro-Polonica VIII Can we formulate a thesis that the elites of the Polish King- dom had no conception as to how to rule the kingdom? To a certain extent we can. It seems that the elites had two main weaknesses. The first was the result of a relatively short pe- riod of the union of various Piast duchies, the other was con- nected with the internal structure of the nobility, which was based on extended knightly families. The competition be- tween the Lesser and Greater Poland elites did not help in constructing a coherent vision of the kingdom, quite the op- posite, it led to conflicts. The early 14th century integration of the lands undoubtedly had an effect on the political influ- ence exerted by dignitaries from particular parts of the king- dom. The key role of the knights from Kraków and Sandom- ierzХlandsХinХtheХsuccessХofХWładysławХtheХъlbow-high after 1305 decided about the permanent empowerment of the of- ficials from Lesser Poland in the monarch's surroundings.44 44 The newly revived Kingdom of Poland at the turn of the 14th century for a long period did not have any centrally administered offices. The official hierarchies were tied to particular lands, which were the constituent parts of the Kingdom. Those lands, in turn, are the former Piast duchies from the period of feudal fragmentation (rozbicie dzielnicowe) and hence the multitudeХofХvoivodesбХcastellansХandХotherХdignitariesгХUnderХWładysławХ the Elbow-high and Casimir the Great there were not many nationwide officials; the few were rather closely related to the king and their nationwide functions concerned mostly the monarch's affairs. At the beginning the positions bore a resemblance rather to courtly offices than to the central ones. They included, first and foremost, such official titles as the following: podkanclerzy (vicecancellarius regni Poloniae), podskarbi ĐsubthesaurariusбХ vicethesaurariusЮбХ theХ chancellorХ ofХ źrakówХ andХ theХ marshal of the court of the Crown – seeХ яanuszХ źurtykaбХ “іroblemХ identycznoцciХurzędówХziemskichХźrakówskichХiХnadwornychХwХwiekachХ XIV–XVю”Х[TheХіroblemХofХюdentityХчetweenХŻandedХandХцulicХOfficesХinХ 212 Hungaro-Polonica The castellany of Kraków and Sandomierz voivodship be- came the mostly desired estates. The domination of the mag- nates from Lesser Poland was a remainder of the late medi- eval Kingdom of Poland. The influence of the ancestral struc- ture of the knighthood estate on its political condition is much more complex.45 Families (irrespectively of debates on their subject) were based on a vertical pattern of the richest house on top and the poorer kin below. It is difficult to asses the influence of the hierarchical structure on the sense of to- getherness among the nobility and knights. źrakówХыromХжйth To 16th шentury]ХinХUrzędyХdworuХmonarszegoХdawnej RzeczypospolitejХiХpaństwХoцciennychбХedгХцгХьąsiorowskiХ– R. Skowron ĐźrakówбХжоолЮХжи–зерХżarzecбХUrzędnicyХmałopolscyбХpassimг 45 The issues of hereditary nature of the knights and Polish nobility have been of interest to historians for over a hundred years. The older, clashing viewsХonХtheХsubjectХwereХsummedХupХbyХяanuszХчieniakбХ“RodyХrycerskieХ jakoХ czynnikХ strukturyХ społecznejХ wХ іolsceХ Xююю–XV wiek (uwagi problemoweЮ”Х [źnighthoodХ ыamiliesХ asХ anХ ъlementХ ofХ іolishХ SocialХ Structure from the 13th to 15th Centuries (Problem Remarks)], in Polska w okresie rozdrobnienia feudalnego. іaństwo-społeczeństwo-kultura, ed. HгХ ŁowmiańskiХ ĐWrocławбХ жомиЮХ жлж–200 (reprint in: Janusz Bieniak, іolskieХ rycerstwoХ цredniowieczneгХ WybórХ pismбХ ĐźrakówбХ зеезЮХ км–82). For more recent subject literature offering some comments and research seeпХ яanХ WroniszewskiбХ SzlachtaХ ziemiХ sandomierskiejХ wХ цredniowieczuгХ ZagadnieniaХspołeczneХiХgospodarczeХ[TheХNobilityХofХSandomierzХinХtheХ Middle Ages. Social and Economical Issues] (Poznań–WrocławбХзеежЮХо– 17, 187–зеорХ юdгбХ “żetodaХ genealogiczno-rodowa w badaniach historii społecznejгХчilansХiХperspektywy”Х[TheХьenealogicalХżethodХinХtheХStudyХ of Social History. TheХ SummaryХ andХ іrospects]бХ inХ HistoriaХ społecznaХ póѐnegoХцredniowieczaгХNowe badania, ed. S. Gawlas (Warszawa, 2011) 107–жзерХ юdгбХ NobilesХ SandomiriensesгХ RodyХ щębnówбХ яaninówбХ ьrzymałówбХщoliwówХiХіowałówХ[NobilesХSandomiriensesгХшlansпХщębnoбХ яaninaбХ ьrzymałaбХ щoliwaХ andХ іowała]Х ĐźrakówбХ зежиЮХ к–11, 209–216; TomaszХ яurekбХ “ьenezaХ szlachtyХ polskiej”Х [TheХ ьenesisХ ofХ theХ іolishХ ьentry]бХinХŠlechtaбХmocХaХreprezentaceХveХstфedovĕkuбХedгХ M. Wihoda – M. Nodl, Colloquia Mediaevalia Pargensia 9 (Praha, 2007) 95–107. 213 Hungaro-Polonica On the one hand, due to the hierarchy the privileges re- ceived by the top rank families were quickly passed to other members; the marriages between the members of different houses brought people together.46 On the other hand, the fact that the families were deeply immersed in the chivalric com- munity did not help to develop a well and clearly defined ideology which would consolidate the nobility and thus transform it from the vertical hierarchy into a more horizon- tal model – based on the idea of equality.47 The feuds be- tween noble families which broke out in the seventies and eighties of the 14th century are proof of the social condition 46 The heraldry of the Polish knighthood operated in accordance with this pattern since the turn of the 13th century – яanuszХ чieniakбХ “HeraldykaХ polskaХ przedХ щługoszemгХ Uwagi problemowe”Х [іolishХ HeraldryХ beforeХ щługoszгХ іroblemХ Remarks]бХ inХ SztukaХ iХ ideologiaХ XюVХ wiekuбХ edгХ ігХ Skubiszewski (Warszawa, 1978) 165–зжерХ юdгбХ „іieczęcieХ dostojnikówХ małopolskichХzХжиелХroku”Х[TheХSealsХofХŻesserХіolandХNoblemenХinХжиел]бХ inХ OpusculaХ minoraХ inХ memoriamХ юosefoХ SporsХ ĐSłupskбХ жооиЮХ жйм–170 ĐreprintХ inпХ юdгбХ іolskieХ rycerstwoХ цredniowieczneХ [іolishХ żedievalХ Knighthood]. SuplementХĐźraków, 2005) 49–62). Another example which testifies to the rule was the acceptance by Casimir the Great the court immunityХ ofХ allХ theХ membersХ ofХ theХ ToporХ andХ StaryХ źońХ familiesгХ TheХ members of the houses referred to common (however fictitious) origin, both families stemming from the same genealogical root – Janusz Kurtyka, TęczyńscyгХ StudiumХ zХ dziejówХ polskiejХ elityХ moђnowładczejХ wХ цrednio- wieczuХ [TheХ HouseХ ofХ TęczyńskiгХ The Study of the Polish Elite in the żiddleХцges]ХĐźrakówбХжоомЮХжмнг 47 The relations between the blood relatives of particular families were of crucial importance here: ThoseХ “ancestralХ coalitions”Х basedХ onХ mutualХ marriages, to a certain extent, deprived the members of others families of inheritance rights on the female line and, thus, the possibility of enrichment [...] This process also led to the oligarchization of the local authorities, especially jurisdiction – Wroniszewski, Nobiles Sando- mirienses, 213. 214 Hungaro-Polonica in Poland.48 In my opinion those factors shaped considerably the political ideas of the knighthood estate and of its elites. It is the very period of the Hungarian monarch's rule which had a great impact on the political maturity of the noble elites. The Hungarian king's reign started with an almost nonchalant attitude towards his new subject. However, in the end, the nobles recognised their own power and the sig- nificance of the Kingdom of Poland. IX The power of Louis of Hungary started to wane considerably early in Poland. His mother, Elizabeth the Regent, could not cope with the growing problems, particularly in Greater Po- land where the opposition to the political domination of Kra- kówХ wasХ veryХ strongг49 The critical moment at which the 48 KDW 3 no. 1733 – the document ends a personal war between the houses ofХьrzymałaХandХяaninaгХTheХьreaterХіolandХшivilХWarбХwhichХtookХplaceХ in 1382, after the death of Louis I of Hungary, was also of similar character – ŁojkoбХWojnaХdomowaХwХWielkopolsceХw latach 1382–1385 [Civil War in Greater Poland 1382–жинк]бХinХьnieznoгХStudiaХiХmateriałyХhistoryczneХзбХ ed. Z. Boras (Warszawa–іoznańХжонмЮХло–97. 49 In 1371 a conflict arose as to who should be appointed for the office of capitaneus in Greater Poland. Elizabeth of Poland handed it over to Otto of іilicaХofХtheХTopórХcoatХofХarmsбХwhoХwasХoriginallyХfromХŻesserХіolandгХ SheХhadХdeposedХіrzecławХofХьułtówХofХtheХьrzymałaХcoatsХofХarmsХfromХ Greater Poland. The nomination met with the resistance of the knights fromХźaliszХandХіoznańХprovincesгХюtХwasХtheХbishopХofХіoznańХяanХщoliwaХ and his clan (sua parantela Dolywa) who decided to accept the nomination – Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 650–651. According to the chronicler, the bishop's decision had been consulted with the advisers form Lesser Poland. Otto did not manage to hold the office for a long time because he was unable to maintain the public order. One year later he was replaced byХSędziwójХofХSzubimХfromХьreaterХіolandг 215 Hungaro-Polonica king realised that he should redefine his relations with sub- jects was the turn of 1373 and 1374, when his third daughter – Jadwiga was born.50 Less than a year later, in September 1374, the Privilege of Kassa was granted, according to which Louis's daughters were to ascend the Kraków throne.51 In 1376, after the massacre of Hungarians in Kraków, the crisis of authority became serious.52 Leaving apart a detailed anal- ysis of the careers of particular dignitaries and a thorough study of the potential political factions among the royal of- ficers, we must, however, pay attention to some more gen- eral tendencies.53 The most important sources used in the following article are the privileges (treaties) binding the Hungarian king and the representatives of the Polish knights. The Privilege of Ko- szyce is the most thorough document when compared to the Buda treaty and the descriptions of the accords of 1351. The Kassa Privilege granted in September 1374 demonstrates the changes in the perception of the elites' role in the Kingdom 50 Sroka, ьenealogiaХцndegawenów, 81–86. 51 The short period of time which passed between the birth of Louis's daughter and the Privilege of źošice shows that Louis did not have any serious problems in establishing the rules of succession. On the discussion about the alleged two conventions in źošice, see Matuszewski, Przywileje i polityka, 197–209. 52 Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 675–677. 53 The political scene of the Kingdom of Poland was described among othersХ byпХ щąbrowskiбХ OstatnieХ lataбХ жлк–229; Halecki, O genezie i znaczeniuбХpassimрХNowakowskiбХ“іolitykaХpółnocna”бХpassimрХźurtykaбХ TęczyńscyгХ Studium, 181–197; Bubczyk, Kariera rodziny KurozwęckichбХ 86–жкзрХ цndrzejХ żarzecбХ“ьenezaХ stronnictwaХ „panówХkrakowskich”ХwХ póѐnoцredniowiecznejХіolsce”Х[TheХOriginХofХtheХіartyХofХ“шracowХŻords”Х inХ ŻateХ żedievalХ іoland]бХ inХ źazimierzХ WielkiХ iХ jegoХ państwoбХ edгХ ягХ Maciejewski – T. Nowakowski (Bydgoszcz, 2011) 127–138. 216 Hungaro-Polonica of Poland. As I have already mentioned above, the noble rep- resentatives of the knighthood estate (because they negoti- ated the principles of cooperation with the king) were pri- marily concerned with the financial aspects. I believe we should agree on this point. The Kassa Privilege contains some points which anticipate the changes imminent in the very heart of the elites. The first regulation concerned the el- igibility for landed offices (reserved for regnicole terrarum), capitaneus offices (only for the inhabitants of the Kingdom and Poles – nacione Polonum), what is more, the capitaneus offices could not be passed on to princes. Another important regulation pertained to the nominations for burgraviates in the Kingdom of Poland. The monarch declared that not a sin- gle castle would be given to a prince; furthermore, the twenty-four castles would never be ceded to anyone else but the capitaneus officials or the nobles (terrigenis).54 All the bur- graves were to be responsible only to the capitaneus officials and the Polish courts. Those regulations constitute the first clearly and precisely expressed concessions made by a king to his subjects and they relate to the system of the govern- ance of the kingdom. Even if these restrictions were dictated byХtheХknighthood’sХwillХtoХkeepХtheХmonopolyХforХtheХimв portant offices, they still point to a growing consciousness of the necessity to keep the territorial integrity of the Kingdom. The restriction concerning the exclusion of princes on the 54KDW 3 no. 1709. There were the most important castles among the twenty-fourХ mentionedХinХ theХ documentпХ źrakówбХ SandomierzбХ WiцlicaбХ чieczбХ NowyХ SączбХ WojniczбХ ZawichostбХ ŻublinбХ SieciechówбХ ŁukówбХ RadomбХ ŁęczycaбХ SieradzбХ іiotrkówбХ źruszwicaбХ чrzeцРХ źujawskiбХ WłocławekбХ іoznańбХ źaliszбХ іyzdryбХ żiedzyrzeczбХ ZbąszyńбХ NakłoбХ Konin. 217 Hungaro-Polonica office of capitaneus and as potential landlords was dictated by fears of losing control over the lands administered by such officials or burgraves. It probably resulted from the cur- rent events. When Louis became the king of Poland, he passed a number of castles and surrounding lands to Vladis- laus II of Opole; the lands bordered on the provinces of Kra- kówбХ SieradzХ andХ Wieluńг55 Four years earlier, in 1370, the dignitaries were unable to express their opinions on the be- stowalХ ofХ honoursХ toХ шasimirбХ theХ princeХ ofХ SłupskбХ andХ Vladislaus II of Opole; furthermore, they did not take a stance on the separation of Ruthenia from the Kingdom of Poland.56 However, Louis's actions combined with the expe- riencesХofХtheХadventurousХpolicyХofХprinceХWładysławХtheХ 55 юoannisХdeХшzarnkowбХшhronicaХіolonorumбХpгХлйкгХTheseХwereХWieluńбХ чolesławiecбХ чrzeѐnicaбХ źrzepiceбХ OlsztynХ andХ чoboliceХ – Sperka, OtoczenieХ WładysławaХ OpolczykaбХ лкрХ яacekХ ŻaberschekбХ “ZasięgХ iХ charakterystykaХrządówХWładysławaХOpolczykaХwХpółnocno-zachodniej częцciХ ziemiХ źrakówskiejХ жиме–жиож”Х [TheХ RangeХ andХ шharacterХ ofХ Vladislaus of Opole's Rule in the North-westernХ іartХ ofХ źrakówХ ŻandsХ 1370–1391], RocznikХ żuzeumХ OkręgowegoХ wХ шzęstochowieбХ HistoriaХ жХ (1985) 10–12. 56 The question of Ruthenia remains unclear, especially when it comes to the political stance of the elites. At the time of taking the Ruthenian office, Vladislaus was accompanied by the Polish dignitaries: Otto of Pilica, Jan źmitaбХ хwiętopełkХ ofХ юrządzбХ іaszkoХ ZłodziejХ ofХ іilchowiceбХ яanХ іakosławicХ fromХ RzeszówгХ SimilarlyбХ thereХ wasХ alsoХ aХ groupХ ofХ іolishХ nobles when Ruthenia was being passed to Louis in Lviv. Jerzy Sperka, WładysławХ ksiąђęХ opolskiбХ wieluńskiбХ kujawskiбХ dobrzyńskiбХ panХ RusiбХ palatynХWęgierХiХnamiestnikХіolskiХ[VladislausХююХofХOpoleбХtheХщukeХofХ OpoleбХ WieluńбХ щobrzyńХ andХ źujawyбХ theХ ьovernorХ ofХ theХ źingdomХ ofХ RutheniaбХ шountХ іalatineХ ofХ HungaryХ andХ іoland]Х ĐźrakówбХ зежзЮХ жейХ believesХ thatХ “NoneХ ofХ theХ іolishХ dignitariesХ wouldХ everХ thinkХ thatХ RutheniaХ wouldХ beХ separatedХ fromХ іoland”гХ ThisХ isХ justХ anХ unfoundedХ assumption. According to a more convincing interpretation, Poles expected to be bestowed by the new Duke of Ruthenia; and Jan Kmita received a huge estate – źatalogХ dokumentówХ pergaminowychХ zeХ 218 Hungaro-Polonica White, had to find their reflection in the political imagination of the elites.57 In spite of the decreasing Angevin power in the Kingdom of Poland, Louis had initiative until his death; sometimes he allowed himself to disrespect the regulations from the Koszyce treaty. In 1378, after depriving Vladislaus of Ruthenia, Louis enfeoffed him with Polish lands of Do- brzyńбХьniewkowoХandХaХcastleХinХчydgoszczгХTheХkingХtriedХ to appoint Vladislaus of Opole to the position of viceroy in 1377–1378.58 According to Ioannis de Czarnkow, only some of the in- habitants of Greater Poland accused the king of violating the rules of the Kassa Privilege.59 The elites' stance seems very ambiguous. Until 1382 the Polish-Hungarian king used tra- zbiorówХ TomaszaХ NiewodniczańskiegoХ wХ чitburguХ [TheХ шatalogueХ ofХ іarchmentХщocumentsХfromХtheХшollectionХofХTomaszХNiewodniczański]бХ ed. J. Tomaszewicz – żгХ ZdanekХ ĐźrakówбХ зеейЮХ noгХ жжгХ юt is worth remembering that Louis announced his personal seizure of power in Ruthenia in 1378. 57 іrinceХWładysławХtheХWhiteХwasХtheХlastХmaleХmemberХofХtheХźuyavianХ line of Piasts and the only heir to the Duchy of Gniewkowo. Under Louis's rule he returned to Poland from a foreign monastery and wanted to reclaim his goods and power and maybe even advance his claims for the Polish crown. In the end, Louis of Hungary paid him for the withdrawal of his claims to the Duchy of Gniewkowo – Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 654–ллибХлнорХяózefХхliwińskiбХWładysławХчiałyХĐжизмджиииХ – 1388). OstatniХ ksiąђęХ kujawskiгХ NajwiększyХ podróђnikХ spoцródХ іiastówХ [WłaysławХtheХWhiteгХ The Last Duke of Kujawy. The Greatest Traveller цmongХtheХіiasts]ХĐźrakówбХзежжЮг 58 Ioannis de CzarnkowбХ шhroniconбХ лнерХ SperkaбХ WładysławХ ksiąђęХ opolski, 127–жижрХ юdгбХ “RządyХ namiestniczeХ WładysławaХ OpolczykaХ wХ źrólestwieХ іolskimХ ĐжиммджимнЮ”Х [VladislausХ ююХ ofХ OpoleďsХ RuleХ inХ theХ Kingdom of Poland (1377/1378)], in Mieszczanie, wasale, zakonnicy. ьdańskieХ studiaХ zХdziejówХ цredniowieczaХ жебХ edгХ чгХ хliwińskiХ ĐżalborkбХ 2004) 245–265. 59 Ioannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 681. 219 Hungaro-Polonica ditional methods in his political dealings within the King- dom of Poland; knowing the elites' ambitions and animosi- ties, to a great extent, he manipulated them.60 Personal wars between the houses, the adventurous behaviour of Bartosz Wezenborg, the strongly anarchic knighthood of Greater Po- land and, most clearly, an inchoate vision of the kingdom – all these elements let him maintain the political initiative al- most until his demise.61 At the time of his death, Louis was convinced that the Polish subjects paid homage of loyalty to his daughter Maria, who was then engaged to Sigismund of Luxemburg, and that her succession to the throne was rela- tively safe. X Among the mightiest and wealthiest dignitaries of the Polish Kingdom, the majority of whom came from the families of Lesser Poland, the vision of the organisation of the Kingdom of Poland must have been maturing for a long period of time. The idea must have come from the observation of Louis's 60 The words of the chronicler, commenting on the political reality of ŻouisďsХtimesбХareХveryХmeaningfulпХ“Tempore enim istius regis iste pessimus et iuri canonico cnotrarius inolevit, quod clerus ambitiosus non solum super beneficiis ecclesiasticis vacaturis, ad praesentationem domini regis spectantibus, sed etiam super episcopatibus recipiebat minus dicrete litteras. Et hoc modo laici nobiles super dignitatibus temporalium similiter litteras impetrabant, propter quod jurgia et displicentiae tam un clero, quam inter nobiles saepius insurgebant.”Х– Ionanis de Czarnkow, Chronicon, 711. 61 The nomination of four vicars of the kingdom can be interpreted in this wayгХ юnХ жинжпХ щobiesławХ ofХ źurozwękбХ SędziwójХ ofХ SzubimХ andХ яanХ Radlica and Domarat of Pierzchno, who were supervised by Zawisza of źurozwękХ– щąbrowskiбХOstatnieХlataбХизм–328 220 Hungaro-Polonica dealings. As subject literature has noted, numerous mighty inhabitantsХofХŻesserХіolandХofХtheХTęczyńskiбХżelsztyńskiХ and Tarnowski houses, did not aspire to execute the king's political plans, leaving it to the more ardent noblemen.62 On the other hand, the king might have not strived for their in- volvement. However, it turned out, shortly after Louis's death, that they – the Lesser Poland nobles, were the strong- est party in the complex and violent strife for the Polish throne. The Greater Poland Civil War only exposed the weakness of the knighthood and nobility of that province in face of the key political challenges in the whole Kingdom.63 The leading Lesser Poland dignitaries knew how to play suc- cessfully their diplomatic part. First of all, they managed to put an end to their greatest danger, that is, to the claim for the Polish crown by Siemowit IV, Duke of Masovia.64 They also managed to convince Elizabeth of Bosnia to choose Jadwiga as Louis's successor.65 Secret negotiations with Jagi- ello in the matter of his marriage with Jadwiga, to join her on 62 Kurtyka, TęczyńscyгХStudium, 194. 63 żoszczeńskaбХ RolaХ politycznaХ rycerstwaбХ passimрХ ŁojkoбХ WojnaХ do- mowaбХpassimрХягХźurtykaбХTęczyńscyгХStudiumбХжоог 64 яanuszХчieniakбХ“ъpilogХzabiegówХSiemowitaХюVХoХkoronęХpolską”Х[цnХ Epilogue to Siemovit IV's Efforts to Seize the Polish Crown], Acta Univeristatis Nicolai Copernici. Nauki humanistyczno-społeczneХ кнбХ HistoriaХоХĐToruńбХжомиЮХмж–86. 65 It is worth mentioning that during the talks with Elizabeth of Bosnia, the demands were made to return Ruthenia and the lands controlled by Vladislaus of Opole. This only proves that Louis's dealings were not forgotten – яanХTęgowskiбХ“чezkrólewieХpoХцmierciХŻudwikaХWęgierskiegoХ aХgenezaХuniiХіolskiХzХŻitwą”Х[TheХюnterregnumХцfterХtheХщeathХofХŻouisХюХ of Hungary and the Genesis of Polish-Lithuanian Union], in Studia historyczne z XIII iХXюVХwiekuбХedгХягХхliwińskiХĐOlsztynбХжонкЮХом–102. 221 Hungaro-Polonica the Polish throne, are the proof of thorough and deep reflec- tion of the Lesser Poland dignitaries on the future of the Polish Kingdom.66 XI Louis the Great's rule lasted only twelve years. On the one hand, it was the time of the decline of the Angevin dynasty in Central Europe, on the other, it was the time when the Kindom of Poland rose to power. Furthermore, under Louis the Great a new political elite was shaped. Their novelty was not founded on spectacular personal changes on high offices or the elimination of some dignitaries from political life. The difference can be seen between the ways in which the elite faced the challenges after Casimir the Great's death (1370) or how they responded to Louis's essential political decisions and the ways of dealing with the politics of the country after the monarch's death. The new elite were thoroughly in- formed when taking the matters of the country in their hands. The Kraków lords matured to administer the whole kingdom and, being fully aware of their power, they also took the responsibility for its future. 66 The description of the events 1383–1384 can be found in: Kurtyka, TęczyńscyгХStudiumбХжоо–202. 222 Hungaro-Polonica Bibliography Primary sources: Chronicon Dubicense, ed. M. Florianus, in: Historiae Hungariae fontes domestici, pars prima 3 (Lipsiae, 1884). Joannis de Czarnkow, Chronicon Polonorum, ed. J. Szlachtowski, in: żonumentaХіoloniaeХHistoricaХзХĐŻwówбХжнмзЮг Secondary literature: чubczykбХRobertбХźarieraХrodzinyХźurozwęckichХwХXюVХwiekuгХStudium z dziejówХpowiązańХpolskiejХelityХpolitycznejХzХцndegawenamiХ[TheХшareerХ ofХtheХźurozwęckiХыamilyХinХtheХжйth Century. The Study of the Relations of the Polish Political Elite with the Angevins] (Warszawa, 2002). щąbrowskiбХ яanбХ OstatnieХ lataХ ŻudwikaХ WielkiegoХ жиме–1382 [The Last Years of Louis the Great 1370–жинз]Х ĐźrakówбХ жожнбХ reprintпХ źrakówбХ 2009). щąbrowskiб яanбХ “ZХ czasówХ ŁokietkaгХ StudiumХ nadХ stosunkamiХ polsko- węgierskimiХ wХ XюVХ wieku”Х [ыromХ theХ щaysХ ofХ WładysławХ юХ theХ ъlbow- high. The Study of Polish-Hungarian Relations in the 14th Century], RozprawyХцkademiiХUmiejętnoцciбХWydziałХыilozoficzno-historyczny 59 (1916) 278–326. HaleckiбХ OskarбХ “OХ genezieХ iХ znaczeniuХ rządówХ andegaweńskichХ wХ іolsce”Х[OnХtheХьenesisХand Siginificance of Angevin Reign in Poland], Kwartalnik Historyczny 35 (1921) 31–68. źętrzyńskiбХ StanisławбХ “ZapisХ źazimierzaХ WielkiegoХ dlaХ źazimierza чogusławowica”Х [TheХ чequestХ ofХ шasimirХ theХ ьreatХ toХ źazimierzХ чogusławowic]бХіrzeglądХHistorycznyХжйХĐжожзЮХзл–47, 164–194, 294–316. źurtykaбХяanuszбХOdrodzoneХkrólestwoгХżonarchiaХWładysławaХŁokietkaХ iХ źazimierzaХ WielkiegoХ wХ цwietleХ nowszychХ badańХ [TheХ Reborn of the Kingdom. TheХżonarchyХofХWładysławХtheХъlbow-high and Casimir the ьreatХinХŻightХofХRecentХStudies]ХĐźrakówбХзеежЮг 223 Hungaro-Polonica ŁojkoбХ яerzyбХ “źonfederacjaХ żaciejaХ чorkowica”Х [żaciejХ чorkowicďsХ Confederation], Roczniki Historyczne 43 (1977) 29–58. ŁojkoбХяerzyбХ“WojnaХdomowaХwХWielkopolsceХwХlatachХжинз–жинк”Х[шivilХ War in Greater Poland 1382–1385], in Gniezno. StudiaХ iХ materiałyХ historyczne 2, ed. Z. Boras (Warszawa–іoznańХжонмЮХло–97. żarzecбХ цndrzejбХ UrzędnicyХ małopolscyХ wХ otoczeniuХ WładysławaХ ŁokietkaХ i Kazimierza Wielkiego (1305–1370) [Lesser Poland Officials in theХ żilieuХ ofХ WładysławХ юХ theХ ъlbow-high and Casimir the Great] ĐźrakówбХзеелЮ Matuszewski, Jacek, Przywileje i polityka podatkowa Ludwika WęgierskiegoХwХіolsceХ[TheХіrivilegesХandХTaxationХіolicy of Louis the ьreatХinХіoland]ХĐŁódѐбХжониЮг NowakowskiбХTomaszбХ“іolitykaХpółnocnaХіolskiХwХlatachХжикл–1364, na tleХ jejХ sytuacjiХ wewnętrznej”Х [іolishХ іoliticsХ RegardingХ NorthernХ Countries 1356–1364 Set Against Its Domestic Situation], Akademia Techniczno-RolniczaХwХчydgoszczyгХZeszytyХnaukoweбХNaukiХspołeczneХ 10 (1980) 75–103. Paszkiewicz, Henryk, Polityka ruska Kazimierza Wielkiego [The RuthenianХіoliticsХofХшasimirХtheХьreat]ХĐWarszawaбХжозкбХreprintХźrakówбХ 2002). SperkaбХ яerzyбХ WładysławХ ksiąђęХ opolskiбХ wieluńskiбХ kujawskiбХ dobrzyńskiбХpanХRusiбХpalatynХWęgierХiХnamiestnikХіolskiХ[VladislausХююХofХ OpoleбХtheХщukeХofХOpoleбХWieluńбХщobrzyńХandХźujawyбХtheХьovernorХofХ the Kingdom of Ruthenia, Count Palatine of Hungary and Poland] ĐźrakówбХзежзЮ SperkaбХ яerzyбХ OtoczenieХ WładysławaХ OpolczykaХ wХ latachХ жиме–1401 [Vladislaus II of Opole's Milieu from 1370 to 1401] (Katowice, 2006). SrokaбХ StanisławХ цгбХ ьenealogiaХ цndegawenówХ węgierskichХ [TheХ Genealogy of Hungarian Angevins] ĐźrakówбХзежкЮг SzczurбХStanisławбХ“WХsprawieХsukcesjiХandegaweńskiejХwХіolsceХ[OnХtheХ Angevin Succession in Poland], Roczniki Historyczne 75 (2009) 61–104. 224 Anna Obara-Pawłowska UMCS - Lublin Polish and Hungarian Economic Relations in the Middle Ages (from the Second Half of the 13th Century to the End of the 14th Century) The history of relations between Poland and Hungary in the Middle Ages has prompted the interest of historians for a long time, the result of which were monographs and minor academic works, the authors of which have researched polit- ical, social or cultural dimension of these relations.1 Eco- nomic issues have never seen a separate and independent 1Polish scholarship on this subject is very extensive. Amongst researchers working on the relationships between Poland and Hungary in the Middle цgesХ couldХ beХ mentionedбХ iгeгпХ яanХ щąbrowskiХ Đ“źrakówХ aХ WęgryХ wХ wiekachХцrednich”Х[шracowХandХHungaryХinХtheХżiddleХцges]бХRocznikХ źrakowskiХ жиХ ĐжожжЮрХ юdгбХ “ZХ czasówХ ŁokietkaгХ Studia nad stosunkami polsko-węgierskimi w XIV wг”ХczęцРХжХ[ыromХtheХTimesХofХWładysławХtheХ Elbow-high. Studies on Relations between Poland and Hungary in the 14th шenturyбХ partХ ж]бХ RozprawyХ цkademiiХ UmiejętnoцciгХ WydziałХ Histor- yczno-ыilozoficznyХ коХ ĐжожлЮрХ юdгбХ “іolitykaХ andegaweńskaХ źazimi-erza Wielkiego” [The Angevin Politics of Casimir the Great], Kwartalnik His- torycznyХ илХ ĐжоззЮрХ юdгбХ “ъlђbietaХ ŁokietkównaХ жиек–жине”Х [Elizabeth of Poland 1305–1380]бХ RozprawyХ цkademiiХ UmiejętnoцciгХ WydziałХ Histor- yczno-Filozoficzny 57 (1914) (reprint: KrakówбХ зеемЮрХ юdгбХ Ostatnie lata Ludwika Wielkiego 1370–1382 [The Last Years of Louis the Great 1370– 1382], ĐźrakówбХжожнбХreprintпХźrakówбХзееоЮгХ Today one of the most re- nowned historians speaking on the subject of various relations linking medieval Poland andХ HungaryХ isХ StanisławХ цгХ SrokaХ ĐiгeгпХ ZХ dziejówХ stosunkówХpolsko-węgierskichХwХpóѐnymХцredniowieczuгХSzkiceХ[HistoryХ of Polish-HungarianХRelationsХinХtheХŻateХżiddleХцgesгХъssays]ХĐźrakówбХ жоокЮрХюdгбХ“źontaktyХWładysławaХŁokietkaХzХWęgramiХwХцwietleХnowych dokumentów”Х[шontactsХofХWładysławХtheХъlbow-high with Hungarians 225 Hungaro-Polonica dissertation in Polish historiography. In the meantime, simi- larities in the development of economy in the areas of Cen- tral Europe in the Middle Ages (the importance of mineral resources and developing industries associated with them or trading of these resources) as well as the mutual complemen- tarity in terms of the economy of countries in that region meantХthatХ“theХrepeatedlyХundertaken in the 13th, 14th and 15th century attempts to a partial unification of the territories discussed here had their economic foundations precisely in theХmentionedХinterdependencies”г2 Tracing economic corre- lations can therefore contribute to a fuller understanding of the political dimension of relations between Poland and Hungary. When analysing economic issues of the Middle Ages, it is particularly difficult to determine a precise and undisput- able timeframe. The accepted time span, the second half of inХtheХŻightХofХNewХщocuments]бХStudiaХHistoryczneХинХĐжоокЮрХюdгбХźsiąђęХ WładysławХ OpolczykХ naХ WęgrzechгХ StudiumХ zХ dziejówХ stosunkówХ polsko-węgierskichХ wХ XюVХ wiekuХ [щukeХ VladislausХ юю of Opole in Hungary. Studies on the History of Relations between Poland and Hungary in the 14th century]ХĐźrakówбХжоолЮрХюdгбХіolacyХnaХWęgrzechХzaХ panowania Zygmunta Luksemburskiego 1387–1437 [The Poles in Hungary during the Reign of Sigismund of Luxembourg 1387–1437] ĐźrakówбХ зеежЮрХ юdгбХ WokółХ kontaktówХ dawnychХ ziemХ węgierskichХ zХ іolskąХwХцredniowieczuгХSzkice [Around the Relations of Historical Areas ofХHungaryХwithХіolandХinХtheХżiddleХцgesгХъssays]ХĐźrakówбХзеежЮрХюdгбХ хredniowiecznyХ чardiówХ iХ jegoХ kontaktyХ zХ żałopolskąХ [żedievalХ чardejovХandХitsХRelationsХwithХŻesserХіoland]ХĐźrakówбХзежеЮрХTheХsourceХ editionпХ щokumentyХ polskieХ zХ archiwówХ dawnegoХ źrólestwaХ WęgierХ [Polish Documents from the Archives of the Former Kingdom of Hungary], vol. 1–5, ed. Id. ĐźrakówбХжоон–2012). 2 żarianХ żałowistбХ WschódХ aХ ZachódХ ъuropyХ wХ Xююю–XVI wieku. źonfrontacjaХstrukturХspołeczno-gospodarczych [East and West of Europe in the 13th–16th Century. Confronting Socio-Economic Structures], (War- szawa, 2006) 149. 226 Hungaro-Polonica the 13th century and the 14th century, was a period of ex- tremely intensive economic transformations taking place in this part of Europe. Processes of colonisation and urbanisa- tion, trade intensification, mining development or growth in the importance of money were a determinant for these trans- formations. Chronological timeframes of this article corre- spond also to the period of a successful political cooperation between the representatives of the Piasts with the Arpads and the Angevins, which – as can be assumed – conditioned the intensity and scope of mutual contacts between the two Central European monarchies in the area of economy. One of the most tangible manifestations found in the sources on economic relations in the Middle Ages was trade. Trade between Poland and Hungary became attested by written sources on a wider scale in the second half of the 13th centuryгХцnХincreaseХ ofХHungarianХ merchants’Х interestХ canХ be observed at that time on the routes going north- leading toХtheХчalticХSeaХviaХSpišХandХthe dukedoms of the Piasts, and the areas of modern-day Germany.3 The degree of intensifi- cationХofХgoods’ХexchangeХbetweenХtheХlandsХofХtheХHungarв ian and Polish monarchies can be attested by the network of communication routes emerging at that time, linking the ar- eas of northern Hungary with Lesser Poland where these roads were branching out, leading further to Silesia, to 3яanХщąbrowskiбХ“źrakówХaХWęgry”Х[шracowХandХHungary]бХжоерХHenrykХ RucińskiбХ Prowincja saska na Spisz do 1412 roku: (na tle przemian społecznychХiХustrojychХwХkomitacieХspiskimХiХnaХobszarachХprzyległychЮХ [TheХ SaxonХ іrovinceХ inХ SpišХuntilХ 1412: (Against the Backdrop of Social andХшonstitutionalХшhangesХinХtheХшountyХofХSpišХandХцdjacentХцreasЮ] ĐчiałystokХжониЮХзкк–256. 227 Hungaro-Polonica Greater Poland, the areas of central Poland and to Pomera- nia.4 The first information about the goods brought from the Polish territory to Hungary appeared in the document of kingХчélaХюVХdatedХtoХжзлкХforХtheХresidentsХofХtheХtownХofХ Liptov. These goods were: salt, lead and broadcloths.5 Rock salt exported to Hungary was being extracted from around the mid-13th century from the mines in Bochnia and Wieliczka. The importance of trading this resource with the Hungarian monarchy is attested by the activities of Casimir the Great in 1348–1368. The monarch not only allowed for the purchase of the Lesser Poland salt by Polish and Hungar- ian merchants at a reduced price, with the intention of ex- portingХ itХ toХ Spišб6 but was also undertaking active efforts 4 StanisławХ źutrzebaбХ “HandelХ źrakowaХ wХ wiekachХ цrednichХ naХ tleХ stosunkówХ handlowychХ іolski”Х [TradeХ ofХ шracowХ inХ theХ żiddleХ цgesХ Against the Background ofХіoland’sХTradingХRelations]ХĐźrakówбХжоезЮбХ reprintХinпХюdгбХыinanseХiХhandelХцredniowiecznegoХźrakowaХ[ыinanceХandХ TradeХinХżedievalХшracow]ХĐźrakówбХзееоЮХжмн–жннрХStefanХWeymannбХшłaХ i drogi handlowe w Polsce piastowskiej [Customs Duty and Trade Routes inХ іolandХ ofХ theХ іiasts]Х ĐіoznańбХ жоинЮрХ чoђenaХ WyrozumskaбХ щrogiХ wХ ziemiХkrakowskiejХdoХkońcaХXVюХwiekuХ[RoadsХinХшracowХŻandХuntilХtheХ End of the 16th century]Х ĐWrocławбХ жоммЮрХ ZoltánХ ьyalókayбХ “SzlakiХ handloweХnaХpograniczuХźrólestwaХіolskiegoХiХWęgierskiego w wiekach XIV–XVю”Х [TradeХ RoutesХ onХ theХ чorderХ ofХ theХ źingdomsХ ofХ іolandХandХ Hungary between the 14th and 16th century], Almanach Nowotarski 10 (2006) 114–123. 5 The act dated by the publisher (CDAC XI no. 350) to 1261. Adjustments for 1265 were madeХ byХ historianХ żatúšХ źučeraХ Đ“іolďsko-slovenskýХ obchodХsoХsolďouХdoХkoncaХжлХstoročia”Х[іolish-Slovak Trade of Salt until the End of the 16th century]бХSlovenskeХŠtudieХмХĐжолкЮХжежбХnoгХ77. 6 CDP 3, no. 119; Starodawne prawa polskiego pomniki [The Old Monu- ments of Polish Law], vol. 1, ed. A. Z. Helcel (Warszawa, 1856) 225. Salt mine owners of Lesser Poland sold to the merchants a hundredweight of salt allocated for the national market at a rate of 12 grosze, which was three times more expensive than the price of the same measure of the product 228 Hungaro-Polonica with Louis I in order to facilitate the import of this product to the areas of northern Hungary.7 King Casimir relied on the influx of Hungarian gold to the Kingdom of Poland since the local merchants paid for salt exactly with this bullion.8 The active trade policy of the last Piast resulted in the fact that within a century from the discovery of the rock salt deposits in Lesser Poland, the trade of this raw material has become one of the most important sectors of commerce conducted together with Hungary.9 The second, after rock salt, raw ma- terial exported from the Polish land to the territories of Hun- garian monarchy was lead.10 Deposits of lead were located allocatedХforХexportХtoХHungaryХĐяózefХźrzyђanowskiбХ“Statut Kazimierza WielkiegoХdlaХkrakowskichХђupХsolnych”Х[Statute of Casimir the Great for the Salt Mines of Cracow], Rocznik Krakowski 25 (1934) 108). 7 “цktaХ odnosząceХ sięХ doХ stosunkówХ handlowychХ іolskiХ zХ WęgramiХ głównieХzХarchiwumХkoszyckiegoХzХlatХжикй–жкек”Х[TheХцctsХRegardingХ Trade Relations between Poland and Hungary Mainly from the Archives ofХ źošiceХ fromХ жикй–1505], ed. S. Kutrzeba, Archiwum Komisji Historycznej, vol. 9 (1902) no. 1. 8 Jerzy Wyrozumski, іaństwowaХgospodarkaХsolnaХwХіolsceХdoХschyłkuХ XIV wieku [National Salt Economy in Poland towards the End of the 14 th Century] ĐźrakówбХжолнЮ 128. 9 яózefХ іiotrowiczбХ “Problematyka genezy i najstarszych dziejówХ górnictwaХ solnegoХ wХ іolsce” [Problem of the Origin and the Eldest History of Salt Mining in Poland]бХ StudiaХ iХ żateriałyХ doХ щziejówХ ёupХ Solnych w Polsce 2 (1968) 220. 10 щanutaХ żolendaбХ ъlђbietaХ чalcerzakбХ żetaleХ nieђelazneХ naХ ziemiachХ polskich od XIV do XVIII wieku (zastosowanie i wyroby) [Non-ferrous Metals in the Polish Territories from the 14th to the 18th century (Usage and Products)] ĐWrocławбХ жонмЮХ жкрХ eademбХ “щziejeХ OlkuszaХ doХ жмокХ roku” [History of Olkusz until 1795], in Dzieje Olkusza i regionu olkuskiego, t. I [History of Olkusz and the Region of Olkusz, vol. I], ed. F. Kiryk – R. źołodziejczykбХĐWarszawa-źrakówбХжомнЮХжйо–150; eadem, іolskiХołówХnaХ rynkachХ ъuropyХ хrodkowejХ wХ Xююю–XVII wieku [Polish Lead in the Markets of Central Europe in 13th–17th Century] (Warszawa, 2001) 52–54. It is assumed that the export of this resource beyond the Carpathian 229 Hungaro-Polonica in the area of Silesia and Lesser Poland (Olkusz- from the mid-13th century the major place for extracting the lead ore in this part of Europe11 – SławkówбХ шhrzanówХ andХ Trzebinia). Exporting this metal remained very important for proper functioning of silver and copper mining in Cen- tral and Eastern parts of Upper Hungary.12 The commodity transported from the Polish territories to Hungary were also broadcloths. In the case of this product the precise designa- tion of its place of provenance is giving rise to some difficul- ties. Although, together with the development of urban cen- tres and commodity-monetary economy, there was in the Polish territories a professionalization of weaving crafts and separating it from homemade manufacturing,13 it is never- theless necessary to pose a question whether the production was aimed at the export of broadcloth products outside the bordersХofХtheХіiasts’ХprincipalitiesХorХatХmeetingХtheХneedsХ of state markets. According to some Polish researchers, the local production was to satisfy local markets in the first Mountains was developed in the 14th centuryХ ĐźutrzebaбХ “HandelХ źrakowa”ХзиоЮг 11 żałowistбХWschódХiХZachódбХжйзг 12 Lead was necessary in the process of smelting gold and silver from the local ores, for cleaning them as well as for obtaining silver from copper ĐżolendaбХъlђbietaХчalcerzakбХйе–йжбХнирХżolendaбХіolskiХołówбХкзЮг 13 яerzyХWyrozumskiбХ“іrzemianyХwХorganizacjiХwytwórczoцciХtekstylnejХ doХ schyłkuХ XюююХ wieku”Х [шhangesХ inХ theХ OrganisationХ ofХ TextileХ żanu- facturing to the End of the 13th Century], in ZarysХhistoriiХwłókiennictwaХ naХziemiachХpolskichХdoХkońcaХXVюююХwieku [An Outline of the History of Textile Industry in the Polish Lands to the End of the 18th Century], ed. J. źamińskaХ– югХTurnauбХĐWrocławбХжоллЮХкйг 230 Hungaro-Polonica place,14 which does not exclude the possibility of exporting textiles produced there beyond the borders of the Polish duchies.15 However, the fact that large amounts of broad- cloths were brought from the Polish territories already in the 1260s, what has been confirmed also for a later period,16 to- gether with a confirmed intensification of the domestic pro- duction taking place only towards the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th century, seems to suggest that com- modities of foreign origin were being sent to Hungary. Broadcloths were to be imported by residents of Cracow fromХ ьdańskХ andХ onlyХ fromХ thereХ theyХ wereХ sentХ toХ theХ southern neighbor.17 Therefore, according to the Cracow rates from 1364, it can be stated that the fulling mill function- ing in the city was in the first place milling the imported 14 цntoniХ żączakбХ HenrykХ SamsonowiczбХ чenedyktХ ZientaraбХ ZХ dziejówХ rzemiosłaХ wХ іolsce [From the History of Crafts in Poland] (Warszawa, 1957) 152. 15 The production in the territory of Silesia as well as export for the markets of south-western, central and north-eastern Europe of a simple broadcloth (known under the name of pannus polonicalis), of inferior quality in comparison with a taverstock broadcloth, is accepted for the period in questionХ ĐщanutaХ іoppeбХ “Pannus polonicalis. ZХ dziejówХ sukiennictwaХ polskiegoХ wХ цredniowieczu” [Pannus polonicalis. From the History of Polish Broadcloth-making in the Middle Ages], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 36 (1988) 617–628). At the same time the author quite skeptically refers to the possibilityХ ofХ manufacturingХ “theХ іolishХ broadcloth”Х inХ otherХ provincesХ ofХ іolandХ beforeХ theХ жйth century (ibid., 628). 16 In settling the argument between the inhabitants of Cracow and the Poor шlaresХofХSączХoverХcollectingХbyХtheХlatterХtheХexcessiveХcustoms duties in 1310, broadcloth was mentioned, before lead, as the main product exported to Hungary (KDMK 1, no. 7). 17 яerzyХWyrozumskiбХ“źrakówХцredniowiecznyХjakoХoцrodekХprodukcjiХiХ handluХtekstylnego” [Medieval Cracow as the Centre of Production and Textile Trading], in Id., шracoviaХmediaevalisХĐźrakówбХзежеЮ 317–318. 231 Hungaro-Polonica broadcloths.18 Broadcloths imported in the second half of the 14th century by the merchants of Cracow were coming from the areas of central Italy (Florence), England, Flanders and the Duchy of Brabant. The list of commodities brought by inhabitants of Cra- cow from the Hungarian monarchy was drawn up on the oc- casionХ ofХ settlingХ byХ щukeХ WładysławХ theХ ъlbow-high the dispute between the merchants from Cracow and the Sisters ofХtheХіoorХшlaresХofХStaryХSączХinХщecemberХжижегХюnХtheХlightХ of the document, the goods were as follows: copper, wine, wax, money, horses, cattle and hogs.19 The first information confirming the import of copper from the mines of Upper Hungary comes from the 1270s.20 This trade was, above all, of a transit nature. Copper brought over to Poland was only in a small portion used up for the needs of the domestic market; the majority of it was trans- ported further north where it reached Flanders and the areas of modern-day Germany.21 Nonetheless, the import of cop- per entailed important repercussions also for the economic 18 Amongst textiles processed there broadcloths such as those were listed: of Bruges, Florence, Ypres, Mechelen, Herentals, generic broadcloth of Ypres, English, as well as locally manufactured broadcloth (KDMK 2, no. 262). 19 KDMK 1, no. 7. 20 щanutaХżolendaбХ“іoczątekХeksploatacjiХgalmanuХnaХziemiachХpolskichХ ĐdoХ połowyХ XVююХ wгЮ”Х [Beginnings in Calamine Extraction in the Polish Territories (until mid-17th Century)], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 21 (1973) 46. 21 źutrzebaбХ“HandelХźrakowa”бХзйирХщanutaХżolendaбХ“Eksploatacja rud miedziХiХhandelХmiedziąХwХіolsceХwХpóѐnymХцredniowieczuХiХpoczątkachХ nowoђytnoцciХĐdoХжмокХrгЮ”Х[Extraction of Copper Ore and Copper Trade in Poland in the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Times (until 1795)], іrzeglądХ Historyczny 80 (1989) 810–нжжгХ цccordingХ toХ historians’Х 232 Hungaro-Polonica development of the Polish state, contributing throughout the 14th century to the creation of a strong production centre of metalwork in Cracow,22 since it found application, among other things, in constructions (sheet metal roofing plates, wires, slabs, fittings), manufacture of bells, tableware and small utilitarian objects (candlesticks and candleholders) or in coinage production (coins made out of copper and its al- loys). A commodity important for a proper functioning of min- ing in Lesser Poland was iron, out of which mining tools and boiling flasks were produced. In the second half of the 14th century iron and its products for the needs of the Polish min- ing industry were imported, amongst other places, from the area of northern Hungary. This can be evidenced by the en- tryХinХtheХarticlesХestablishingХшracow’sХsaltХminesХofХшasimirХ the Great in 1368. The King specified precisely the rate (that is cetnarka of salt), for which the salt miners of Lesser Poland were to buy iron coming from Hungary.23 It is believed that its transportation was at that time handled by carters from Hungary.24 The metal was also a subject of transit trading. It was sent from Cracow further to Prussia, but possibly it could also reach Flanders.25 calculations there were from 8000 to 10000 hundredweights of copper exported from the mines of modern-day eastern Slovakia, which was transported through the Polish territory further north. (Molenda, “ъksploatacjaХrudХmiedzi”бХнжжЮг 22 żałowistбХWschódХaХZachódбХжйог 23 Starodawne Prawa 220. 24 źučeraбХ“іolďsko-slovenskýХobchod”Х112–113. 25 źutrzebaбХ“HandelХźrakowa”Хзйи–244. 233 Hungaro-Polonica Bringing from Hungary cattle or hogs could also result from the weakness of Polish livestock farming as well as a fast development of this sector of the rural economy in Hun- gary, the effect of which was, amongst other things, a growth in exporting oxen to western and southern Europe in the sec- ond half of the 14th century.26 Similarly, in the 15th and 16th century, Hungarian horses played a significant part in the exchange of goods at the border with Poland.27 However, these animals were probably driven to the Polish areas from the territories of modern-day Slovakia already in the second half of the 13th century. In the abovementioned document of чélaХюVХtoХhisХsubjectsХinХŻiptovбХtheХmonarchХallowedХthemХ for an unhampered sale of horses, everywhere except Ger- many and Bohemia.28 Even though it was not unequivocally indicated that the record referred to the export of horses to the Polish regions, its context – previous entries about cus- toms’Х dutiesХ forХ rawХ materialsХ andХ productsХ comingХ fromХ Poland, authorisation for moving the settlers from there to Żiptov’sХestatesХ– leads to a conjecture that also Polish terri- tories could have been included in the case of trading these animals. It also cannot be ruled out that bringing horses from the territory of Hungarian monarchy to the Polish areas re- mained at that time in connection with the development of mining centres in Lesser Poland or Upper Silesia. Horses were used in mining industry as a tractive and driving force 26 żarianХ щygoбХ “WschódХ iХ ZachódпХ gospodarkaХ ъuropyХ wХ XюV–XV wieku”Х[ъastХandХWestпХъconomy of Europe in the 14th–15th Century], in ZiemieХ polskieХ wobecХ ZachoduгХ StudiaХ nadХ rozwojemХ цredniowiecznejХ Europy, ed. S. Gawlas (Warszawa, 2006) 168–170, 179–180. 27 SrokaбХхredniowiecznyХчardiówХжеог 28 CDAC XI no. 350. 234 Hungaro-Polonica for drainage and water-supply tools. The significance of these animals for mining industry was important for heavily watered areas where the machines draining the water out had to work continuously, regardless of time of the day or night.29 In Poland such areas included lead-bearing and salt- bearing regions of western Lesser Poland as well as regions of Silesia rich in lead. Horses became obtained for the needs of salt mines of Lesser Poland from the local aristocratic es- tates and markets of nearby towns only from the mind-14th century onwards.30 However, it is a known fact that also in a later period, i.e. 15th–17th century, horses were brought from the neighboring countries, including Hungarian monar- chy,31 as well as from the remote south-eastern territories of 29 щanutaХ żolendaбХ “Zaopatrzenie polskichХ oцrodkówХgórnictwaХ krusz - cowego w XV–XVююХwг”Х[Provisions in Polish Ore Mining Centres in the 15th–17th Century], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 39 (1991) 447– 450. It was confirmed in 1482 that in 8 mines of Olkusz there were 600 horses working while in 1551 the usage of three drainers in one mine situatedХinХTarnowskieХьóryХrequiredХaХforceХofХилеХhorsesХĐibidгбХйкебХйкзЮг 30 яózefХіiotrowiczбХ“ZaopatrzenieХђupХkrakowskichХwХsurowceбХmateriałyХ orazХ artykułyХ spoђywczeХ jakoХ czynnikХ rozwojuХ handlu lokalnego i dalekosięђnegoХ ĐXююю–XVюХ wгЮ”Х [Provisioning Mining Companies of Cracow with Resources, Materials and Comestibles as a Factor of the Development of Local and Long-distance Trade (13th–16th c.)], Studia i żateriałyХdoХщziejówХёupХSolnychХwХіolsce 18 (1994) 110. The statute of Casimir the Great which organised salt mining in the region of Cracow provided a requisition of horses belonging to the merchants who, after having purchased salt intended for Hungary at preferential prices in the mines of шracowбХsoldХitХwithinХtheХbordersХofХtheХіiast’sХmonarchyгХюtХisХ not unlikely that these animals were delivered for the need of the mine. 31 Already in the 15th century the export of these animals from Hungary to Poland was conducted on a mass scale (Feliks Kiryk, “StosunkiХhandloweХ яasłaХ iХ miastХ okolicznychХ zХ miastamiХ słowackimiХ wХ XVХ wieku”Х [TradeХ RelationsХofХяasłoХandХNeighbouringХTownsХwithХSlovakХTownsХinХtheХжкth century], in StudiaХzХdziejówХяasłaХiХpowiatuХjasielskiegoХ[StudiesХonХtheХ 235 Hungaro-Polonica Poland where breeding them became developed.32 It is pos- sible that earlier, i.e. 13th to the mid-14th century, domestic horse breeding was not able to meet the local needs, includ- ing the developing mining industry of Lesser Poland; hence appeared the demand for obtaining then from the territory of a close-by foreign country. The import of Hungarian wine to the Polish areas was determined by the inability to fulfil all the demands of do- mestic market by modest local production, directed at satis- fyingХtheХneedsХofХvineyard’sХownerХandХnotХsellingб33 as well as the proximity of Hungary itself. The latter factor was sig- nificant in the case of problems occurring in the Middle Ages with transporting wines, which were easily going off at longer distances and the necessity of consuming them within a period of few months from their fermentation.34 Hungarian wine could appear in Cracow already in the 13th century35 while its presence in Lesser Poland was confirmed by writ- ten sources in the following century.36 This drink was reach- ing primarily customers in the capital of Lesser Poland, in the first place the royal court, the local magnates or wealthier HistoryХofХяasłoХandХtheХшountyХofХяasło], ed. ягХьarbacikХĐźrakówбХжолйЮХ 155). 32 żolendaбХ“Zaopatrzenie”бХйкз–453. 33 ZbigniewХżorawskiбХ“RozwójХiХupadekХwiniarstwaХwХіolsceХĐXюю–XVI wiekЮ”Х [щevelopmentХ andХ щeclineХ ofХ WinemakingХ inХ іolandХ Đжз th–16th Century)], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 26 (1978) 57–76. 34 ыrancisХ WгХ шarterбХ “шracowďsХ WineХ TradeХ ĐыourteenthХ toХ ъighteenthХ шenturiesЮ”бХTheХSlavonicХandХъastХъuropeanХReviewХлкХĐжонмЮХкйжбХкйлг 35 щąbrowskiбХ“źrakówХaХWęgry”бХзззг 36 KDMK 1, no. 7; RachunkiХdworuХkrólaХWładysławaХяagiełłyХiХkrólowejХ яadwigiХzХlatХжиннХdoХжйзеХ[TheХRoyalХшourtХцccountsХofХźingХWładysławХ яagiełłoХ andХ їueenХ яadwigaХ fromХ жиннХ toХ жйзе]бХ edгХ ыгХ іiekosińskiбХ ĐźrakówбХжнолЮХзжебХзжи–214. 236 Hungaro-Polonica шracow’sХtownsmenгХWineХwasбХthereforeбХnotХaХcommodityХ of a mass-import, which might be indicative of its small con- sumption in medieval Poland.37 Intermediation in trading wine was taken over by the merchants of Cracow, who trans- portedХitХfromХчardejovХandХźošiceХtoХtheХcapitalХofХtheХźingв dom of Poland and the surplus was sent further to the Baltic Sea region.38 Interactions between Poland and Hungary in the field of trade were not restricted only to the exchange of commodi- ties. Mutual political contacts between the royal courts of Buda and Cracow could provide patterns for conducting trade policy. In February 1327 at the meeting of Trnava Charles Robert and John of Bohemia reached an agreement on eliminating Vienna from trade between Hungary and Western Europe. According to Borys Paszkiewicz these ac- tivities became an inspiration to and were later replicated by Casimir the Great who, having waged trade war against WrocławбХsoughtХtoХshiftХtheХtradeХrouteХfromХHungaryХandХ Ruthenia to Prussia and leading through Polish territories, 37 źutrzebaбХ“HandelХźrakowa”бХзййрХюdгХ – яanХіtaцnikбХ“щziejeХ handlu i kupiectwaХ krakowskiego”Х [HistoryХ ofХ шracow’sХ TradeХ andХ шommerce]бХ RocznikХ źrakowskiХ жйХ ĐжожеЮХ крХ żariaХ щembińskaбХ źonsumpcjaХ ђywnoцciowaХwХіolsceХцredniowiecznejХ[ыoodХшonsumptionХinХżedievalХ іoland]Х ĐWrocławбХ жолиЮХ жикрХ щygoбХ WschódХ iХ ZachódбХ жлк. Scholars explaidokumentównХtheХsmallХinterestХinХwineбХlimitedХtoХtheХelitesбХbyХtheХ fact that at that time the main drink in the Polish territory was beer. The intensification of export, and what consequently follows- the dissemination of wine drinking habit, took place only at the beginning of the 16th century. 38 шarterбХ“шracowďsХWineХTrade”, 544. At the beginning of the 15 th century some of the merchants from Cracow had their own vineyards in the areas of the northern Hungary from where they imported that drink (ibid., 548– 549). 237 Hungaro-Polonica butХwithХtheХexclusionХofХWrocławг39 After signing the Peace Treaty of Kalisz with the Teutonic Knights in July 1343, the King of Poland made decisions which were aimed at stimu- lating the exchange of goods with Prussia, particularly with ToruńбХtheХmerchantsХofХwhichХplayedХaХsignificantХroleХnextХ to inhabitants of Cracow, especially in trading Hungarian copper.40 TheseХdecisionsХcanХbeХregardedХasХtheХmonarch’sХ efforts to expand a fuller control over transit trade passing through the territories subjected to him. юnХіoland’sХterritoriesХшracowХplayedХtheХmostХimportantХ role in the trade of goods with Hungary. The commercial sig- nificance of this largest civic centre in the Polish territory was conditioned by the privileges granted by the rulers as well as a convenient location right at the intersection of international trade routes. The problem of importance and participation of medieval Cracow in the trade with Hungary was presented in details in Polish historiography;41 at this point it is worth focusing on the most important stages in granting privileges to the local merchants. Of the utmost significance was grant- ing the staple right to Cracow in 1306 as well as vouchsafing exclusivity to the merchants in acquitting Hungarian cop- per.42 The increasing commerce importance of the capital of Lesser Poland is corroborated by the far-reaching plans of 39 чorysХіaszkiewiczбХ“żennictwoХiХpolitykaХmonetarnaХźazimierzaХWiel- kiego”Х[шoinageХandХżonetaryХіolicyХofХшasimirХtheХьreat]бХinХźazimierzХ Wielki. Historia i tradycjaбХedгХżгХяaglarzХĐNiepołomiceбХзежеЮХжмиг 40 ZDM 4, no. 939. and no. 937. 41 Kutrzeba – іtaцnikбХ“щziejeХhandlu”бХкрХщąbrowskiбХ“źrakówХaХWęgry”бХ 190–202; Id., Ostatnie lata, 230–зйирХ źutrzebaбХ “HandelХ źrakowa”бХ зил– 252. 42 KDMK 1, no. 4. 238 Hungaro-Polonica Casimir the Great who was to pursue, after conquering a part of Ruthenia with Lvov, the transformation of the capital city into the main centre of trade between the zone along the Baltic Sea and Hungary, as well as between Western Europe and the Black Sea area.43 Cracow gained significant trading privileges during the reign of Louis I who was well aware of howХessentialХwasХaХgoodwillХofХtheХcapital’sХresidentsХtoХaХ foreign ruler.44 Procedures regarding this matter started al- ready during the life of Casimir the Great.45 Further indica- tions of favouring the merchants of Cracow were directly linkedХwithХŻouis’ХeffortsХinХsafeguardingХaХthroneХofХіolandХ for one of his daughters.46 щuringХ Żouis’Х reignбХ theХ residentsХ ofХ шracowХ receivedХ also a direct access to trade with the areas of the Black Sea. They had been so far limited in their way to the East by an absolute staple right of Lvov. Beneficial decision of the King on that matter opened for the merchants from Cracow a 43 żałowistбХWschódХaХZachódХжнегХTheХproofХofХшasimirХtheХьreat’sХende- avor to promote Cracow as the biggest trade center in the Kingdom of Poland can be a document of the King from the end of 1358, in which, while confirming the existing privileges of Cracow, he additionally guar- anteed that the merchants from Hungary on their way to Prussia, Bohemia and Silesia could not leave out the capital of Lesser Poland (KDMK 1, no. 32). 44 щąbrowskiбХOstatnieХlataХзил–237. 45 KDMK 1, no. 23, 38. 46 Ibid., no. 41, 43. As a side note, it should be indicated that immediately afterХŻouis’ХsuccessionХtoХtheХthroneХofХіolandбХbothХhimХandХhisХmother- Elizabeth, who ruled on behalf of her son, issued a number of documents confirming or extending trading privileges of other Polish towns. These confirmations were activities typical for the moment of taking over the power by a new ruler. However, the privileges related to the internal trade andХ didХ notХ referХ toХ theХ exchangeХ ofХ goodsХ withХ HungaryХ ĐщąbrowskiбХ Ostatnie lata, 236). 239 Hungaro-Polonica routeХ“toХtheХTatars”г47 As a result of granted trading privi- leges, issuing of which was unquestionably motivated more by the political than economic factors, Cracow not only strengthen its economic position in comparison with other Polish towns, but simultaneously became the most im- portant centre in the Kingdom of Poland, confirming its sta- tus as a capital.48 In the period under discussion the capital of Lesser Poland maintained a privileged position also against Hungarian centres. As an example, from the Hun- garian perspective the role of an intermediary in the trade withХіolandХwasХtakenХoverХbyХźošiceг49 Similarly to the cap- ital of Lesser Poland, it also had a staple right for copper. In 1361 it was granted even an absolute staple right for all the goods imported therein, which was however limited already 7 years later in the interest of newcomers from Cracow.50 47 KDMK 1, no. 54, 58. 48 The intention of Casimir the Great was that Cracow was to play not only a role of the trade centre of its monarchy, but also to perform repress- entativeХandХresidentialХfunctionsХĐSławomirХьawlasбХ“іolskaХźazimierzaХ Wielkiego aХ inneХ monarchieХ ъuropyХ хrodkowej – moђliwoцciХ iХ graniceХ modernizacjiХwładzy” [Poland of Casimir the Great and Other Monarchies of Central Europe- Possibilities and Limitations of Power Modernisation], in żodernizacjaХ strukturХ władzyХ wХ warunkachХ opóѐnieniaгХ Europa хrodkowaХ iХ WschodniaХ naХ przełomieХ цredniowieczaХ iХ czasówХ nowo- ђytnych, ed. M. Dygo – S. Gawlas – H. Gral (Warszawa, 1999) 31). 49 щąbrowskiбХ“źrakówХaХWęgry”бХжойрХźutrzebaХ– іtaцnikбХ“щziejeХhand- lu”бХоз–93. 50 SignificanceХofХźošiceХinХtheХtransitХtradeХwithХtheХterritories of Poland became reinforced at the very beginning of the 15 th century owing to Sigismund of Luxembourg. This ruler sought to eliminate Venice from cotton trade, to let Hungary take control over the revenues from this product (pouring to this part of Europe from the Black Sea and the Middle East via the Balkans and Greece) and having it sent further north, i.e. via Polish territories. TheХviewХofХOгХHalagХafterпХюrenaХTurnauбХ“чawełnaХweХ włókiennictwieХ europejskimХ odХ цredniowieczaХ doХ końcaХ XVюююХ wг”Х 240 Hungaro-Polonica Only in 1394 both cities made an agreement concerning the rules of the staple right by which the business partners in both cities were bound.51 The agreement is sometimes inter- preted as a proof of theХweakeningХofХшracow’sХpositionsбХtheХ merchants of which had to agree to a partial limitation of the privileges they held.52 The most advantageous period in trading relations be- tween Cracow and Hungary ended together with the death of Louis I. The city was indeed still receiving trade privileges confirming its almost unlimited monopoly for trading with HungarianХ territoriesбХ butХ theyХ wereХ issuedХ byХ WładysławХ яagiełło53 and their implementation often enough encoun- tered resistance from Sigismund of Luxembourg, the ruler of Hungary. The monarch treated the trade policy in an instru- mental manner, depending on the political situation as well as on rather dynamically changing relations with the Lithu- anian ruler.54 The most symptomatic example of an ex- tremely unceremonious treatment of commercial exchange wasХ Sigismund’sХstatementХfromХжйжегХTheХźingбХwhoХwasХ advocating the Teutonic Knights and was ready to give them military support, had informed his towns that in case of war with Poland, Hungarian merchants were expected to return [Cotton in the European Textile Industry from the Middle Ages to the 18th Century], RocznikiХщziejówХSpołecznychХiХьospodarczychХйлХĐжонкЮХкг 51 Sroka, Dokumenty polskie, part 1 no. 26. 52 щąbrowskiбХ“іolskaХaХWęgry”бжомгХцlreadyХatХthatХtimeХtheХmerchantsХ fromХźošiceХreachedХwithХtheirХcopperХdirectlyХtoХtheХчalticХSeaХviaХSilesiaбХ bypassing the territories of Poland (ibid., 196). 53 KDMK 1, no. 63, 88, 90. 54 щąbrowskiбХOstatnieХlataбжо6. 241 Hungaro-Polonica from Poland and the Polish ones to leave Hungary, which was equivalent with breaking off the trade relations.55 Interactions between Poland and Hungary in terms of settlement are best attested for the frontier areas in the pe- riod of great economic transformations which followed as a result of colonization based on German law. In the processes of managing the new areas, newcomers from the neighbor- ing countries were often recalled. Thus, the settlers of ham- lets established in accordance with theХьermanХlawХinХSpišХ Magura (situated on the left bank of the Poprad) were usu- allyХьermansХfromХSpišбХbutХtheХentireХprocessХofХorganisingХ the village was conducted by the local Slavic population,56 to whom some Polish historians referred as Poles.57 More likely is the fact that Slavic settlers mentioned in the Hungarian documents, came from Upper Hungary, as well as from Po- land or Ruthenia.58 Nevertheless, in the case of the settlement of the northern outskirts of the Hungarian monarchy, we can refer to documents directly confirming the interest of rulers and land-owing lords in bringing colonists from the Polish areasгХюnХжзклХźingХчélaХюVХbestowedХonХcountХяordanХofХtheХ HouseХofХьörgeyХaХforestХonХbothХsidesХofХtheХriverХіopradХ 55 źutrzebaбХ“HandelХźrakowa”бХзймгХA similar appeal took place in 1430. 56 Anna Rutkowska-іłachcińskaбХ SądeczyznaХ wХ XюююХ iХ XюVХ wiekuгХ іrzemianyХ gospodarczeХ iХ społeczneХ [RegionХ ofХ SączХinХ theХжиth and 14th Century. Economic and Social Transformations] (WrocławХжолжЮХжкг 57 StanisławХ ZachorowskiбХ “WęgierskieХ iХ polskieХ osadnictwoХ SpiђuХ doХ połowyХXюVХwieku” [HungarianХandХіolishХSettlementХofХSpišХuntilХmid- 14th шentury]бХRozprawyХцkademiiХUmiejętnoцciгХWydziałХHistoryczno- Filozoficzny 52 (1909) 278. 58 VáclavХшhaloupeckýбХStaréХSlovenskoХ[HistoricalХSlovakia]ХĐчratislavaбХ 1932) 280–282. 242 Hungaro-Polonica as a reward for diplomatic service (participation in embas- sies sent to Poland and Ruthenia) as well as for bringing the settlers from neighbouring kingdoms and surrounding lands. From the context of the document one can assume that the territories of, amongst other places, Poland (Lesser Po- land) were considered.59 A few years later the same monarch gave permission to the subjects of Liptov for an unobstructed arrival of settlers from Poland or other territories.60 A very symptomatic example confirming the coming of settlers from the Polish areas was indicated by Slovak histo- rianХżilošХżarekгХHeХdrewХattentionХtoХtheХfactХthatХinХtheХ document from 1246, which was a confirmation of the di- ploma of King Andrew II from 1209 for the ancestors of the SpišХandХьermanХHouseХofХŻordsХofХчrezovicaб there were two brothers of German names Rykolf and Herman. On the other hand, in a document from 1257, in which a division betweenХtheХbrothersХfromХVeзkáХŻomnicaХwasХmadeбХasХwellХ as in subsequent documents, appeared a brother of Rykolf, referred to as Polan (Polonus). According to the historian, Herman was so frequently staying in the Polish territories, fromХwhereХheХwasХmostХlikelyХbringingХsettlersХtoХSpišбХthatХ his second name was Polonus.61 This and similar examples allowed researchers for putting forward a thesis that the 59 żiroslavХ ŠtevíkбХ “іrehзadХ vývinuХ osídleniaХ aХ verejnejХ správyХ stredo - vekéhoХ Spiša”Х [цnХ OverviewХ ofХ theХ щevelopmentХ ofХ SettlementХ andХ цdministrationХofХżedievalХSpiš]бХZeszytyХsądecko-spieskie 2 (2007) 13. 60 CDAC XI no. 350. 61 żilošХżarekбХ“SaxonesХnostriХdeХScepusпХźХniektorýmХotázkamХpríchoduХ saskýchХhostíХaХichХživotaХnaХSpiši SaxonesХnostriХdeХScepus”Х[OnХшertainХ Questions Regarding the Arrival of Saxon Guests and their Lives inХSpiš]бХ in Terra Scepusiensis 360, no. 48. 243 Hungaro-Polonica model of colonization developed at the Elbe, giving fast and effective economic results (settlement under the German law conducted by the mayor-founders), was transferred to the northern territories of the Hungarian monarchy (Orava, ŻiptovбХSpišбХSarisЮХdirectlyХfromХtheХareasХofХŻesserХіolandХ and Silesia, and the representatives of various nations were participating in colonising the new areas, including in addi- tion to the Slavs from the neighbouring regions (Slovaks) also the inhabitants of the Polish lands.62 Great controversies in the historiography were triggered by a problem of an impact of the Hungarians on the devel- opment of the Lesser Poland salt mining. The author of the first life of Saint Kinga attributed to the duchess a driving force of a miraculous discovery of the rock salt in Bochnia.63 The tale was later taken over and complemented with new details by the 15th centuryХ іolishХ chroniclerХ яanХ щługoszг64 With foundations in this story and with the brevity of other sources informing about the circumstances of the rock salt 62 RucińskiбХіrowincjaХsaskaбХзиж–зикбХйеирХцdrienneХźörmendyбХ“Osad - nictwo na Spiszu w XII–XIV wieku. іodłoђeХwielokulturowoцciХSpisza”Х [SettlementХofХSpišХinХtheХжзth–14th Century. Multicultural Background of Spiš]бХ inХ SpiszХ – wielokulturoweХ dziedzictwoХ [SpišХ – Multicultural Heritage]бХ edгХ цгХ źrohХ ĐSejnyбХ зеееЮХ жзерХ eademбХ “StrukturaХ społeczno- gospodarczaХцredniowiecznegoХSpiszuХĐіrzeglądХproblematykiХiХdorobkuХ historiografiiХ węgierskiej” [Socio-economic StructureХ ofХ żedievalХ SpišХ (An Overview of Issues and Achievements of Hungarian Historiography)], in Terra Scepusiensis 273. 63 “VitaХ etХ miraculaХ sanctaeХ źyngaeХ ducissaeХ шracoviensis”, ed. S. źętrzyńskiбХinХMPH vol. 4, 696. 64 яanХщługoszбХ“VitaХbeataeХźunegundis”, in Opera omnia, vol. 1, ed. A. іrzeѐdzieckiХĐźrakówбХжннмЮХзил–237. 244 Hungaro-Polonica discovery in Bochnia near Cracow,65 some historians were willing to accept that the Hungarian miners participated in this find.66 яózefХіiotrowiczбХaХresearcherХofХtheХhistoryХofХsaltХ in the Polish land, has expressed his strong objection against such eventuality. He started from the generally known as- sumption that Hungary was at that time rebuilding itself un- derХ theХ patronageХ ofХ źingХ чélaХ юVХ dueХ toХ theХ devastationsХ causedХbyХtheХTartars’ХinvasionХinХжзйжгХOneХofХtheХelementsХ of these activities was a mining extraction of the under- ground natural resources conducted on a large scale. This gave rise to the demand for various types of specialists in the field of mining, brought at that time particularly from Ger- man states, what ruled out any possibility of sending the miners to Poland.67 According to J. Piotrowicz, the discovery 65 “TheХшhapterХцnnalsХofХшracow” and “цnnalsХofХSędziwoj” give 1251 as the year when the rock salt was discovered there (Sal durum in Bochna est repertum, quod nunquam ante fuit; Sal durum in Bochna repertum est) ĐżonumentaХ іoloniaeХ HistoricaбХ volгХ зХ ĐŻwówбХ жнмзЮХ некбХ нммЮгХ OnХ theХ otherХhandбХinХtheХ“цnnalsХofХŻesserХіoland”ХĐcodicesХofХźuropatnickiХandХ źrólewiecЮХtwoХdifferentХdatesХwereХgivenбХthatХisХжзкзХandХжзожХ (MPH, vol. 3, 168, 169). 66 źarolХSzajnochaбХ“хwгХźinga”Х[Saint Kinga], in Szkice historyczne [His- torical Drafts] volгХжХĐŻwówбХжнкйЮХзорХHieronimХŁabęckiбХ“Najdawni-ejsze dziejeХ salinХ krakowskichХ aђХ doХ ђupnictwaХ яanaХ чonera” [The Earliest History of the Salt Mines of Cracow until Salt Mine Management of Jan Boner], Biblioteka Warszawska 2 (1856) 278–зморХ źazimierzХ żaцlan- kiewicz, ZХdziejówХgórnictwaХsolnegoХwХіolsceХ[ыromХtheХHistoryХofХSaltХ Mining in Poland] ĐWarszawaбХжолкЮХожрХżarianХźaniorбХ“іostaРХbłгХKingi wХцwietleХjejХђywotów” [Blessed Kinga in the Light of Her Lives], Studia i żateriałyХ doХ щziejówХ ёupХ SolnychХ wХ іolsceХ жнХ ĐжоойЮХ йерХ юdгбХ “Kult błogosławionejХźingiХnaХziemiХkrakowskiejХwХciąguХwieków” [The Cult of Blessed Kinga in the Region of Cracow Throughout the Ages], Studia i żateriałyХdoХщziejówХёupХSolnychХwХіolsceХзжХĐзеежЮХзйнг 67 іiotrowiczбХ“іroblematykaХgenezy”бХжож–жозрХюdгбХ“ьórnictwoХsolneХwХ żałopolsceХ wХ czasachХ księђnejХ źingiХ – jego legendarne i rzeczywiste 245 Hungaro-Polonica of rock salt in Bochnia took place around 1248 (according to the cited author, the year of 1251 given by The Chapter Annals of Cracow and Annals of Sędziwoj was the date of commencing the rock salt extraction on a large scale) due to the involve- ment of the French conversi from the Cistercian monastery inХWąchockбХwhileХtheХdevelopmentХofХsaltХminingХfollowedХ with the participation of specialists from Germany and Sile- sia.68 юtХseemsбХhoweverбХthatХtheХreferencesХaboutХtheХduchess’Х participation in the discovery of rock salt deposits or, more broadly, the Hungarian influences on the development of salt mining in Lesser Poland cannot be thoroughly refuted. It is worth to refer here to the information regarding the chronology of works on the abovementioned hagiographical piece. The life of Saint Kinga started to be written down after 1317, it was finished before 1329 (but most likely in 1320) and while describing the relations with Hungary the author of theХworkХĐtheХanonymousХыranciscanХfromХNowyХSączЮХreв ferred to an unknown Hungarian chronicle written in the second half of the 13th century and to the oral Polish tradi- tion.69 The work is a typical example of a hagiographical lit- erature where the themes of legends and those bearing the elements of wonders are superimposed on historical facts, początki” [Salt Mining in Lesser Poland in the Times of Duchess Kinga – юtsХŻegendaryХandХцctualХчeginnings]бХStudiaХiХżateriałyХdoХщziejówХёupХ Solnych w Polsce 18 (1994) 16–19. 68 юdгбХ“ьórnictwoХsolne”Хо–15, 19. 69 “VitaХetХmiracula”, 676–лнерХźaniorбХ“іostaР”бХимг 246 Hungaro-Polonica but nevertheless – as was demonstrated by research – the in- formation included in this life largely corresponds with the actual course of events.70 The latest date of crystallizing the tradition which merges Kinga (or overall the Hungarians) with the mining works on salt-bearing areas of Lesser Poland (not necessarily limited to Bochnia itself) were the 1320s, so therefore a period around 30–имХyearsХafterХźinga’sХdeathХĐsheХdiedХonХtheХзйth of July 1292). However, much more likely is a conjecture that this tradition had evolved much earlier, that is directly after the death of the duchess71 and its foundations could have been rooted in specific activities undertaken by the female monarch. Perhaps it referred to the support given by her in the search for salt in other regions of the Duchy of Cracow. 70 żariaХHгХWitkowskaбХ“Vita sanctae Kyngae Ducissae Cracoviensis jako ѐródłoХ historyczne”Х [Vita sanctae Kyngae Ducissae Cracoviensis as a Historical Source], Roczniki Humanistyczne 10 (1961) 163. 71 юtХseemsХthatХяózefХіiotowiczХunderestimatedХtheХimportanceХofХtheХtimeХ of creating this work. Although the scholar realized that this tradition ĐlegendЮХbecameХdevelopedХalreadyХafterХźinga’sХdeathбХmostХlikelyХinХtheХ monasteryХinХStaryХSączХĐ“ьórnictwaoХsolne”, 25), in his speculations he neverthelessХ preferredХ toХ referХ toХ aХ muchХ laterХ workХ byХ яanХ щługosz. It allowed him to conclude that in the 15th century nothing certain was known about the circumstances of commencing works on the rock salt extractionХ inХ ŻesserХ іolandХ Đ“іroblematykaХ genezy”Х [іroblemХ ofХ theХ Origin], 175–жмкрХ “ьórnictwoХ solne”бХ жл–17). It should be, however, emphasised that the chronologically second of the medieval lives was to a large extent an alteration of the first one, which can indicate its lesser importance while investigating the biography of the duchess of Lesser Poland (Barbara Kowalska, хwiętaХ źingaбХ rzeczywistoцРХ iХ legendaгХ StudiumХ ѐródłoznawczeХ [SaintХ źingaбХ RealityХ andХ ŻegendгХ Source Studies] ĐźrakówбХзеенЮХжеЮг 247 Hungaro-Polonica One of the saliferous areas in the Middle Ages was the Re- gionХofХSączб72 givenХtoХźingaХbyХherХhusbandбХчolesławХtheХ Chaste. The energetic duchess, known for giving great atten- tionХtoХincreasingХtheХeconomicХlevelХofХherХdomainХofХSączб73 could have committed herself to the search of rock salt de- posits there, referring to the help of experts who arrived from their Hungarian homeland. It can be also assumed that towards the end of the 13th century, after finishing the reor- ganization of the Hungarian mining, its specialists started arriving in Cracow in increasingly large numbers, which the tradition linked to some extent with the person and activities of Kinga.74 72 цntoniХяodłowskiбХ“ZХmetodykiХbadańХarcheologicznychХnadХprodukcjąХ soliХ naХ ziemiachХ polskichХ doХ połowyХ XюююХ wieku” [Methodology of Archaeological Research on the Production of Salt in Polish Territories until mid-13th Century], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 20 (1972) 614. 73 Rutkowska-іłachcińskaбХ SądeczyznaбХ passimрХ żarekХ чarańskiбХ щominiumХ sądeckieпХ odХ ksiąђęcegoХ okręguХ grodowegoХ doХ majątkuХ klasztoruХ klarysekХ sądeckichХ [щominionХ ofХ SączпХ fromХ aХ чoroughХ ofХ щuke’sХStrongholdХtoХtheХżonasterialХъstatesХofХtheХіoorХшlaresХofХSącz]Х (Warszawa, 1992) 96. 74 Presence of mining experts from Hungary, next to the representatives of other nations, was confirmed for the period of the 14th century (яózefХ іiotrowiczбХ“Okresy rozwojowe i przemiany gospodarki solnej w Polsce odХpołowyХXюююХdoХpoczątkówХXVюююХwieku”Х[іeriodsХofХщevelopmentХandХ Transformations of Salt Economy in Poland from the mid-13th to the Beginning of the 18th Century], StudiaХiХżateriałyХdoХщziejówХёupХSolnychХ w Polsce 9 (1980) 45). In the ordination on the salt mining management of Casimir the Great from 1368, alongside former salt mine managers, salt dealers and steigers (people responsible for technical supervision over the mine during salt extraction), also Bernhardus- a steiger from Hungary was mentioned (a person responsible for technical supervision over the mine during salt extraction (Starodawne prawa, vol. 1, 218). 248 Hungaro-Polonica It is also worth considering whether the experts from Hungary did not accidentally have their share in the devel- opment of the salt mining industry in the areas of Wieliczka, which is known only through being chronologically later than the one in Bochnia. The first information on extracting rock salt in Wieliczka comes from the location act of this townбХissuedХ inХ жзоеХbyХіrzemysłХ ююг75 This means that the extraction of this mineral must have started before that date. Exploratory works in the areas nearby Wieliczka were sup- posed to commence shortly after the discovery made in Bochnia.76 It is possible to once more refer here to the Annals of Lesser Poland ĐźrólewiecХstatute-book), the author of which placed under 1291, chronologically close the diploma of іrzemysłХ ююбХ anХ informationХ aboutХ discoveringХ rockХ saltХ inХ Bochnia.77 Possibly is was a mistake and one referred not to Bochnia, but to Wieliczka, in the mines of which the extrac- tion of salt underwent intensification in the early 1290s. Ex- ploratory works on rock salt in the area of Wieliczka salt mine could have ended successfully thanks to the participa- tion of miners who arrived from the Hungarian monarchy, which in an ordinary reception was linked to Kinga herself. This tradition, supported and cultivated by the convent of theХіoorХшlaresХfoundedХbyХtheХduchessХinХStaryХSączбХcouldХ have become suitably modified. In order to further enhance the contribution of the female monarch into the organization of the salt mining industry in the region of Cracow, the daughter of чélaХ юVХ becameХ attributedХ withХ participationбХ 75 KDM 2, 515. 76 іiotrowiczбХ“ьórnictwoХsolne”бХзи–24. 77 “RocznikХmałopolski”бХжлог 249 Hungaro-Polonica bearing signs of supernatural intervention, in the discovery which took place not in Wieliczka, but in Bochnia where rock salt had started to be extracted earlier. Due to the lack of undisputable sources, the suggestions presented above remain within the circle of unverifiable hy- potheses. The contribution of Kinga in the development of salt mining, accentuated in the 14th century hagiographic work, could have also had a completely different nature. Be- tweenХ жзмиХ andХ жзмнХ чolesławХ theХ шhasteХ conductedХ aХ reв form which granted the ruler a thorough control over the production process and trade of salt in the areas subjected to him (its most important postulate was to withdraw all the privileges, owned mainly by ecclesiastical institutions, which were diminishing the revenue of the ruler from the salt mines), which was equivalent with the introduction of salt regalia.78 According to J. Piotrowicz, the notion of irref- utable and indivisible rights of the monarch to all the salt- bearing areas was brought from Hungary, where for a long time all such regions together with mines were a part of the royal domain.79 Financial relations, which within the conditions of a me- dieval state were not an isolated phenomenon but were sub- jected to influences of external factors, were still remaining an area of potential interactions between states.80 It became 78 źrzyђanowskiбХ StatutбХ жеи–жекрХ WyrozumskiбХ іaństwowaХ gospodarkaХ solna, 123–124. 79 іiotrowiczбХ“ьórnictwoХsolne”бХзе–25. 80 Štefan KazimírбХ“WpływХpieniądzaХpolskiegoХnaХstosunkiХpienięђneХnaХ WęgrzechХwХlatachХжкеж–жлжо”Х[Influence of Polish Money on Monetary Relations with Hungary in 1501–1619], WiadomoцciХNumizmatyczneХиеХ (1968) 163. 250 Hungaro-Polonica evident particularly in the case of monetary reform of the 13th–14th century initiated in Western Europe, the substance of which was to take over the thick silver coin by the succes- sive European monarchies.81 Its occurrence in Lesser Poland and Greater Poland was conditioned there by strong Bohe- mian influences during the reign at the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th century of the іфemyslidsг82 After шracowХhadХbeenХcapturedХinХжиелХbyХщukeХWładysławХtheХ Elbow-high it was decided that the emission of coins from the times of the іфemyslids’Х reignХ wouldХ beХ continuedг83 During the reign of the Piast circulation of silver denarius coins was limited to two areas of Lesser Poland, i.e. Cracow Land and Sandomierz Land. After the royal coronation of the Duke, the emission of these coins in the areas of Lesser Poland underwent standardization in accordance with their type. Their circulation was probably common for the entire district of Lesser Poland, which should be regarded as the first stage of monetary unification in the Polish monarchy.84 81 In Polish scholarly works this problem was most thoroughly analyzed by Ryszard Kiersnowski, Wielka reforma monetarna XIII–XIV w. [Great Monetary Reform in 13th–14th Century] (Warszawa, 1969). 82 чorysХ іaszkiewiczбХ “ReformaХ monetarnaХ królaХ WacławaХ ююХ wХ іolsce”Х [żonetaryХ ReformХ ofХ źingХ WenceslausХ ююХ inХ іoland]бХ WiadomoцciХ Numizmatyczne 45 (2001) 23–33. 83 чorysХ іaszkiewiczбХ „żennictwoХ WładysławaХ Łokietka”Х [шoinageХ ofХ WładysławХtheХъlbow-high]бХWiadomoцciХNumizmatyczneХиеХĐжонлЮХнйг 84 чorysХ іaszkiewiczбХ “źrakówбХ SandomierzХ iХ mennictwoХ WładysławaХ Łokietka”Х [шracowбХ SandomierzХ andХ theХ шoinage ofХ WładysławХ theХ Elbow-high]бХ inХ żiastaбХ ludzieбХ instytucjeбХ znakiгХ źsięgaХ jubileuszowaХ ofiarowanaХprofesorХчoђenieХWyrozumskiejХzХokazjiХмкгХrocznicyХurodzinХ [Towns, People, Institutions, Signs. A Jubilee Volume Dedicated to іrofessorХчoђenaХWyrozumskaХon the Occasion of Her 75th Birthday], ed. ZгХіiechХĐźrakówбХзеенЮХмми–774. 251 Hungaro-Polonica In this regard, the model of proceeding could have been de- livered by the activities of Charles Robert, who in 1314 initi- ated monetary reform in the areas subjected to him. Its most important stage was the decision from 1323 on undertaking an emission of a new, lasting (non-negotiable in terms of ex- change) coin, which was to be in use in the entire territory remaining under the authority of the House of Anjou.85 The second half of the 13th and the 14th century was a pe- riod during which a significant area of the Old Continent (It- aly, France, England, Netherlands, Germany, Bohemia and Hungary) initiated and developed the gold coin production. The main producer of gold in Europe at that time was Hun- gary,86 which around 1325 became an inducement for Charles Robert to mint gold coin.87 It was the first success- fully completed emission of this kind in the areas beyond the Alps88 and the sources for its inspiration should be sought in Sicily, in the earlier activities of Frederick II. At roughly the same time as in Hungary, golden florins (often referred to 85 źiersnowskiбХWielkaХreformaХmonetarnaбХзжирХюdгбХ“щataХiХkształtХreformХ monetarnychХ źazimierzaХ Wielkiego”Х [щateХ andХ ScopeХ ofХ żonetaryХ ReformsХ ofХ шasimirХ theХ ьreat]бХ WiadomoцciХ Numizmatyczne 12 (1968) жлмрХіaszkiewiczбХ“żennictwoХiХpolitykaХmonetarna”бХжмйг 86 Peter Spufford, Money and its Use in Medieval Europe, (Cambridge, жооиЮХзлнрХщygoбХ“WschódХiХZachód”бХжнйгХRyszardХźiersnowskiХquotedХ with great caution calculations of historians who stated that Slovak mines on the turn of the 13th and 14th century provided 80% of the entire ъuropeanХgoldХextractionХĐ“WielkaХreformaХmonetarna”ХьreatХżonetaryХ Reform, 211). 87 Information about a golden Hungarian coin appeared for the first time in the last-will of the Bishop of Olomouc, Conrad, dated to 22 June 1326 (Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris Moraviae, volгХлбХedгХягХшhytilХĐчrünnбХ 1854) no. 314). 88 Spufford, Money, 268. 252 Hungaro-Polonica also as ducats) struck in the local mint appeared in the King- domХofХіolandХofХWładysławХtheХъlbow-high. Precisely de- termining the beginning of their emission gave cause to much controversy. Older historiography accepted that the royal coronation of the Piast in 1320 was an opportunity for their circulation and its foundation was of an ideological na- ture, associated with the need of manifesting the fact of ele- vating the ruler to the status of a king.89 Only the study by Ryszard Kiersnowski showed that the ephemeral issuance of the (Lesser)Poland florins started at the earliest in 1330 and was associated with the celebrated at that time jubilee in honour of Saint Stanislaus. At the time large amount of gold (monetary and non-monetary), from which Polish copies of florins began to be minted, was col- lected from the pilgrims who came from the Kingdom of Po- land, Bohemia, Hungary, Silesia and the neighbouring coun- tries.90 89 TeodorХWierzbowskiбХ“OХdukatachХWładysławaХŁokietkaХiХцleksandraХ яagiellończyka”Х [OnХ theХ щucatsХ ofХ WładysławХ theХ ъlbow-high and цlexanderХ яagiellon]бХ WiadomoцciХ Numizmatyczno-Archeologiczne 1 ĐжножЮХ зжирХ ыranciszekХ іiekosińskiбХ “SłowoХ wХ obronieХ autentycznoцciХ dukataХWładysławaХŁokietka”Х[WordХinХщefenseХofХtheХцuthenticityХofХtheХ щucatХofХWładysławХtheХъlbow-High], ibid., 221, 224; Marian Gumowski, żonetaХzłotaХwХіolsceХцredniowiecznejХ[ьoldenХшoinХinХżedievalХіoland]Х ĐźrakówбХжожзЮХннг 90 Ryszard KiersnowskiбХ„щukatyХWładysławaХŁokietka” [щucatsХofХWła- dysławХ theХ ъlbow-high]бХ WiadomoцciХ NumizmatyczneХ нХ ĐжолйЮХ зи–41. Description of the surrounding circumstances and celebrations of the jubilee in 1330, which became the foundations for the hypothesis of R. Kiersnowski, was given by the 15th centuryХіolishХchroniclerХяanХщługoszбХ Annales seu cronicae incliti Regni Poloniae, vol. 9, ed. S. Budkowa (Warszawa, 1978) 155. 253 Hungaro-Polonica To undertakeХ thisХ initiativeХ byХ WładysławХ theХ ъlbow- high meant to fit into the pan-European trend. It can be as- sumed that the direct inspirations arrived from the neigh- bouring countries, but it is more likely that the territory ruled by the House of Anjou was coming into play more than the Kingdom of Bohemia of John of Luxembourg, who he started issuing his own florins in 1325. The first matter to pay atten- tion to is the similarity between the golden coins from Hun- gary and Poland. According to the Hungarian sources, the coins which were minted in Buda in 1325 and then continu- ously from 1332 to 1333 were, in terms of their external fea- tures and metal standards, a faithful imitation of the florins fromХыlorenceХĐonХtheХobverseХofХшharlesХRobert’sХcoinsХwasХ placed a heraldic motif in a shape of a lily flower – fleur de lis, distinctive of their counterparts from Florence as well as the inscription KAROLV.REX while on the reverse – the fig- ure of Saint John the Baptist, a patron saint of the Italian city, with the inscription S.JOHANNES.B). Shortly, around 1331, as a result of protests launched by Florence against imitating her coins, Hungary introduced a different stamp (on the ob- verse the king was depicted on a throne, on the reverse the Angevin shield under a crown was placed).91 Different concept was presented by R. Kiersnowski ac- cording to whom the occurrence of coins imitating the florins in the regions of Hungarian monarchy took place only after 1332/1333, while earlier, from 1325, the minted coins were 91 Opinions of Hungarian historiography in favour: Kiersnowski, Wielka reforma monetarna, 214–215. No original examples of golden coins from before 1332/1333 were preserved. The appearance of those earlier ones can be learnt from the 18th century copy of an original which is now lost (ibid., 215). 254 Hungaro-Polonica “differentХinХtermsХofХappearanceХandХperhapsХstandardsХofХ metalХfromХtheХordinaryХflorins”г92 And it was their pattern which could have been the subject of imitation by the Piast rulerгХOnХtheХobverseХofХaХgoldenХіolishХcoinХofХWładysławХ the Elbow-high is depicted the figure of the king on a throne and a caption WLADISLAVS DI G REX,93 while on the re- verse the figure of Saint Stanislaus and an inscription S.STANISLAVS POLE. As can be seen, the florin of the Polish King was presenting partial similarity (obverse) to the atypical, in terms of appearance, issuance of the Anjou ruler. The time convergence in their issuing appears to exclude an ordinary coincidence and the Hungarian golden coin served asХaХmodelХforХanХanalogousХissuanceХbyХWładysławХtheХъlв bow-high.94 Production of florins in Poland was temporary in nature and it soon ceased. Therefore, it did not play a sig- nificant role in the Polish economy of that time.95 92 Kiersnowski, Wielka reforma monetarna, 216. As a proof he cites the expressions included in the abovementioned document from 1326, which refersХtoХaХ“goldenХHungarianХcoin”бХandХnotХ“aХflorin”бХaХnameХofХwhichХ was already at that time in common use (ibid.). 93 цccordingХ toХ ŻesławХ żorawieckiХ theХ writingХ shouldХ beХ readХ asХ VLADISLAVS DEI GRATIA REX, which had its analogies in one of the denariiХ ofХ WładysławХ theХ ъlbow-highХ Đ“щukatХ WładysławaХ ŁokietkaХ – interpretacjeХ legendy”Х [щucatХ ofХ WładysławХ theХ ъlbow-high – InterpretationsбХŻegends]бХWiadomoцciХNumizmatyczneХзкХĐжонжЮХин–42). 94 Kiersnowski, Wielka reforma monetarna, 217. 95 żotivesХforХtheХdecisionХofХWładysławХtheХъlbow-high about issuing his own golden coin are indicated in the necessity of meeting financial needs of the Polish monarchy in the face of the outbreak of further fighting with the Teutonic Order as well as in propagandistic factor. The latter was associated with placing on the reverse of the coin the figure and inscriptions referring to the 11th century Bishop of Cracow- Saint StanislausбХ toХ whomбХ particularlyХ towardsХ theХ endХ ofХ WładysławХ theХ Elbow-high’sХ reignбХ aХ roleХ ofХ aХ guardianХ ofХ theХ unitedХ іolishХ stateХ wasХ begunХtoХbeХassignedХĐцgnieszkaХRoђnowska-Sadraei – Pater Patriae. The 255 Hungaro-Polonica At the end of the discussion on economic relations be- tween Poland and Hungary it is necessary to mention the continuous contribution of Louis I to the organization of the іolishХtreasuryгХThisХconcernsХmainlyХtheХіrivilegeХofХźošiceХ from 1374 for the Polish nobility as well as, modelled on it, agreement between the King and the feudal lords of the clergy in 1381. In accordance with the provisions of the Priv- ilegeХofХźošiceХtheХmonarchбХinХexchangeХforХtheХіolishХlords’Х consent that one of his daughters would take the throne of Poland in the event of a subsequent absence of male off- spring, abolished the duty of maintaining his visits and made some commitments and promises to his subjects of no- ble lineage. One of the more important provisions of the privilegeХissuedХinХźošiceХwasХtoХdeliverХtheХknights’ХestatesХ from any existing obligations and burdens, introducing in this place a fixed tax at a rate of two grosze from the culti- vatedХ peasant’sХ fiefг96 The earlier Polish historiography treated the provisionsХ ofХ theХ іrivilegeХ ofХ źošiceХ mostlyХ inХ terms of concessions given to King Louis as a price for guar- anteeing to his dynasty the right to the throne of Poland.97 Thoroughly different interpretation of the document issued Cult of Saint Stanislaus and the Patronage of Polish Kings 1200–1455 (Cracow, 2008) 216–223). Manifesting such position was especially significant due to the escalating threat from the outside as well as John of Żuxembourg’sХconsistentХunderminingХofХіiast’sХrightХtoХtheХіolish crown, indication of which was i.e. referringХtoХWładysławХtheХъlbow-highХasХ“theХ kingХofХшracow”ХbyХtheХrulerХofХчohemiaХĐźщWХзбХnoгХжеомЮХasХwellХasХяohnХ ofХŻuxembourg’sХnotoriousХentitlingХofХhimselfХasХ“theХźingХofХіoland”г 96 KDW 3, no. 1709. 97 югeгХ яanХ щąbrowskiХ summarisedХ theХ dispositionsХ included in the monarchicalХ diplomaХ fromХ SeptemberХ жимйХ withХ theХ wordsпХ „ŻouisХ ransomed the succession of his daughters very dearly” (Ostatnie lata, 295). 256 Hungaro-Polonica inХźošiceХwasХprovidedХbyХяacek Matuszewski. He reached the conclusion that the diploma was a confirmation or regu- larisation of privileges so far held by the knights. Introduc- ing a permanent tax in the place of the already existing emer- gency tributes was seen as a reform of a taxation system. The change was advantageous from the perspective of the noble owners of estates (the extent of tax was not overly high), but its greatest beneficiary was the monarch himself. The reve- nues to the royal treasury became increased, but most of all the cyclical nature of the charged levies was making the monarch independent from the consent of his subjects when carrying out the levy. This resulted in specific consequences of political nature, particularly in the case when the repre- sentatives of a new dynasty sat on the Polish throne. Due to the implemented regulations they were becoming more in- dependent from their subjects.98 The core of the change in- cludedХinХtheХіrivilegeХofХźošiceХwasХinstitutingХaХnewХandХ permanent tax, just as it was once done in 1338 by King Żouis’ХfatherХinХHungaryг99 Considerations presented above refer to the most im- portant sectors of medieval economy. Discussion on them does not exhaust the problem of economic relations between Poland and Hungary in the Middle Ages. The thorough un- derstanding of the essence and meaning of this subject will 98 яacekХ SгХ żatuszewskiбХ “Przywileje i polityka podatkowa Ludwika WęgierskiegoХwХіolsce”Х[іrivilegesХand Taxation Policy of Louis the Great in Poland], Acta Univerisitatis Lodziensis (1983) passim. 99 щánielХчagiбХ“źazimierzХWielkiХiХjegoХczasy”Х[шasimirХtheХьreatХandХHisХ ъra]бХinХźazimierzХWielkiХiХjegoХpaństwoгХWХsiedemsetnąХrocznicęХurodzinХ ostatniego Piasta na tronie polskim, ed. J. Maciejewski – T. Nowakowski (Bydgoszcz, 2011) 29; Gawlas, “іolskaХźazimierzaХWielkiego”гХзи–24. 257 Hungaro-Polonica be possible after juxtaposing the works of Polish historians of the Middle Ages with the results of research of Hungarian or Slovak historians, as well as presenting them through a prism of economic development of Central European coun- tries and their closest neighbors. Nevertheless, already at this point it is possible to draft some general observations about the nature of these relations. First of all, the attention must be drawn to their multidimensional character. They came down not only to such specific phenomena in the area of economy as, to say the least, the exchange of commodities or participation of people from the neighbouring country in the settlement of new territories, but also to taking over from the neighbouring areas some inspirations or already pre- pared patterns. In the cases such as the legal aspect of organ- ising rock salt mining, monetary reform (introduction of a gold coin) or taxation reform, it is possible to indicate the one-sided, Hungarian, direction of impact. This resulted from significant economic advancement of the southern neighbor of Poland.100 In the second half of the 13th century, not an insignificant role was played in that matter by the con- sistent economic policy of чélaХюVХwhileХafterХtheХaccessionХ to the throne of the House of Anjou, the opportunities opened up for the Hungarians to reach out for the Sicilian heritage of the Hohenstaufen and the latest Italian canons.101 100щygoбХ“WschódХiХZachód”бХжмл–185. 101Gawlas, “іolskaХźazimierzaХWielkiego”бХззгХTheХfactХofХtheХцngevins’Х reign over the part of Croatian and Dalmatian coastline, the territory of which was of vital interest to Venice, made the mutual relations between the Kingdom of Hungary and the Republic of Saint Mark quite intense. The latest economic solutions or inspirations could have permeated to the territories of Central Europe also from this direction 258 Hungaro-Polonica The territory of Hungarian monarchy was in some ways con- stitutingХ aХ “conveyorХ belt”Х ofХ theХ westernХ ъuropeanХ ecoв nomic solutions in the Polish lands. Diffusion of new ideas facilitated the tradition of cooperation and alliance between the Piasts on the one hand, and the Arpads and Anjou on the other hand. Another feature of the Polish-Hungarian relations was complementing or compensating the shortcomings in raw material, in this way providing an undisturbed operating of the Hungarian mining sector. Such role was fulfilled partic- ularly by Polish lead, essential for the development of gold and silver mining in the region of Upper Hungary. It can be assumed that similar meaning had, although on a much smaller scale, the animals brought to Poland (horses, cattle, and hog). The mutual complementing of the two economies was indirectly stimulating the process of urbanizing the country (i.e. emergence of the mining town category102) or reorganizing rural hamlets along the trade routes, which were running between the states. The fact of the complementarity of Polish and Hungarian mining sector was conditioning the regional nature of the mutual economic ties (directly involved in them were the neighbouring regions of southern Poland and the northern areas of the Kingdom of Hungary) and led them to their spe- cialisation. Another significant matter was, as a rule, a transit nature of trade, particularly with regard to natural resources 102щanutaХ żolendaбХ “żiastaХ górniczeХ ъuropyХ цrodkowo-wschodniej w epoceХ feudalnej”Х [żiningХ TownsХ ofХ шentralХ andХ ъasternХ ъuropeХ inХ theХ ыeudalХ ъra]бХ inХ żiastaХ dobyХ feudalnejХ wХ ъuropieХ цrodkowo-wschodniej [Towns in the Feudal Times in Central and Eastern Europe], ed. A. Gieysztor – TгХRosłanowski (Warszawa, 1976) 189–216. 259 Hungaro-Polonica from Hungary. The areas of Poland did not constitute a final destination for Hungarian copper or lead. They were largely intended for the Western market and were placed there through the merchants of Cracow, who could guarantee to themselves suitable privileges with the help of monarchs. Bibliography Primary sources “цktaХ odnosząceХ sięХ doХ stosunkówХ handlowychХ іolskiХ zХ WęgramiХ głównieХzХ archiwum koszyckiego z lat 1354–жкек”Х[TheХцctsХRegardingХ Trade Relations between Poland and Hungary Mainly from the Archives ofХ źošiceХ fromХ жикй–150], ed. S. Kutrzeba, Archiwum Komisji Historycznej, vol. 9 (1902). щługoszХ яanбХ цnnalesХ seuХ cronicaeХ incliti Regni Poloniae, vol. 9, ed. S. Budkowa (Warszawa, 1978). щokumentyХ polskieХ zХ archiwówХ dawnegoХ źrólestwaХ WęgierХ [іolishХ Documents from the Archives of the Former Kingdom of Hungary], vol. 1–5, ed. S. цгХSrokaХĐźrakówбХжоон–2012). RachunkiХdworuХkrólaХWładysławaХяagiełłyХiХkrólowejХяadwigiХzХlatХжиннХ doХ жйзеХ [TheХ RoyalХ шourtХ цccountsХ ofХ źingХ WładysławХ яagiełłoХ andХ Queen Jadwiga from 13ннХtoХжйзе]бХedгХыгХіiekosiński ĐźrakówбХжнолЮг Starodawne prawa polskiego pomniki [The Old Monuments of Polish Law], vol. 1, ed. A. Z. 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Gawlas (Warszawa, 2006) 117–194. ьawlasХ SławomirбХ “іolskaХ źazimierzaХ WielkiegoХ aХ inneХ monarchieХ ъuropyХхrodkowejХ– moђliwoцciХiХgraniceХmodernizacjiХwładzy”Х[іolandХ of Casimir the Great and Other Monarchies of Central Europe- Possibilities and Limitations of Power Modernisation] in Modernizacja strukturХ władzyХ wХ warunkachХ opóѐnieniaгХ ъuropaХ хrodkowaХ iХ WschodniaХ naХ przełomieХ цredniowieczaХ iХ czasówХ nowoђytnychбХ edгХ żгХ Dygo – idem – H. Gral (Warszawa, 1999). źaniorбХżarianбХ“іostaРХbłгХźingiХwХцwietleХjejХђywotów”Х[чlessedХźingaХ inХtheХŻightХofХHerХŻives]бХStudiaХiХżateriałyХdoХщziejów ёupХSolnychХwХ Polsce 18 (1994) 31–45. Kiersnowski, Ryszard, Wielka reforma monetarna XIII–XIV w. [Great Monetary Reform in 13th–14th c.] (Warszawa, 1969). źrzyђanowskiбХяózefбХ“StatutХźazimierzaХWielkiegoХdlaХkrakowskichХђupХ solnych”Х [StatuteХ ofХ шasimirХ theХ ьreatХ forХ theХ SaltХ żinesХ ofХ шracow], Rocznik Krakowski 25 (1934) 96–128. źučeraбХżatúšбХ“іolďsko-slovenskýХobchodХsoХsolďouХdoХkoncaХжлХstoročia”Х [Polish-Slovak Trade of Salt until the End of the 16th century] Slovenske ŠtudieХмХĐжолкЮХно–122. źutrzebaбХ StanisławбХ іtaцnikХ яanбХ “щziejeХ handluХ iХ kupiectwaХ krakowskiego”Х [HistoryХ ofХ шracow’sХ TradeХ andХ шommerce]бХ RocznikХ Krakowski 14 (1910), 1–183. 261 Hungaro-Polonica źutrzebaбХ StanisławбХ “HandelХ źrakowaХ wХ wiekachХ цrednichХ naХ tleХ stosunkówХ handlowychХ іolski”Х [TradeХ ofХ шracowХ inХ theХ żiddleХ цgesХ цgainstХtheХчackgroundХofХіoland’sХTradingХRelations]ХĐźrakówбХжоезЮбХ reprintХ inпХ idemбХ ыinanseХ iХ handelХ цredniowiecznegoХ źrakowaХ [ыinanceХ and Trade in MedievalХшracow]ХĐźrakówбХзееоЮ. żałowistбХ żarianбХ WschódХ aХ ZachódХ ъuropyХ wХ Xююю–XVI wieku. Kon- frontacjaХstrukturХspołeczno-gospodarczych [East and West of Europe in the 13th–16th Century. Confronting Socio-Economic Structures] (War- szawa, 2006). Molenda, DanutaбХчalcerzakХъlђbietaбХżetaleХnieђelazneХnaХziemiachХpolв skich od XIV do XVIII wieku (zastosowanie i wyroby) [Non-ferrous Met- als in the Polish Territories from the 14th to the 18th Century (Usage and іroductsЮ]ХĐWrocławбХжонмЮ. żolendaбХщanutaбХ“ъksploatacja rudХmiedziХiХhandelХmiedziąХwХіolsceХwХ póѐnymХцredniowieczuХiХpoczątkachХnowoђytnoцciХĐdoХжмокХrгЮ”Х[Extrac- tion of Copper Ore and Copper Trade in Poland in the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Times (until 1795)] іrzeglądХHistorycznyХнеХĐжоноЮ 801– 804. MolendaбХ щanutaбХ “ZaopatrzenieХ polskichХ oцrodkówХ górnictwaХ kruszcowego w XV–XVююХwг”Х[Provisions in Polish Ore Mining Centres in the 15th–17th Century], Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 39 (1991) 449–465. żolendaбХщanutaбХіolskiХołówХnaХrynkachХъuropyХхrodkowejХwХXююю–XVII wieku [Polish Lead in the Markets of Central Europe in 13th–17th Century] (Warszawa, 2001). іaszkiewiczбХ чorysбХ “żennictwoХ iХ politykaХ monetarnaХ źazimierzaХ Wielkiego”Х [шoinageХ andХ żonetaryХ іolicyХ ofХ шasimirХ theХ ьreat]Х inХ Kazimierz WielkiгХHistoriaХiХtradycjaбХedгХżгХяaglarzХĐNiepołomiceбХзежеЮ. іiotrowiczбХяózefбХ“іroblematykaХgenezyХiХnajstarszychХdziejówХgórnictwaХ solnegoХwХіolsce”Х[іroblemХofХtheХOriginХandХtheХъldestХHistoryХofХSaltХ żiningХinХіoland]бХStudiaХiХżateriałyХdoХщziejów ёupХSolnychХwХіolsceХзХ (1968) 173–234. іiotrowiczбХ яózefбХ “ьórnictwoХ solneХ wХ żałopolsceХ wХ czasachХ księђnejХ Kingi – jegoХ legendarneХ iХ rzeczywisteХ początki”Х [SaltХ żiningХ inХ ŻesserХ Poland in the Times of Duchess Kinga – Its Legendary and Actual 262 Hungaro-Polonica Beginnings] StudiaХ iХ żateriałyХ doХ щziejówХ ёupХ SolnychХ wХ іolsce”Х жнХ (1994) 9–26. RucińskiбХHenrykбХіrowincjaХsaskaХnaХSpiszХdoХжйжзХrokuпХĐnaХtleХprzemianХ społecznychХiХustrojychХwХkomitacieХspiskimХiХnaХobszarachХprzyległychЮХ [TheХ SaxonХ іrovinceХ inХ SpišХuntilХ жйжзпХ Đцgainst the Backdrop of Social andХшonstitutionalХшhangesХinХtheХшountyХofХSpišХandХцdjacentХцreasЮ]Х Đчiałystok, 1983) Rutkowska-іłachcińskaбХ цnnaбХ SądeczyznaХ wХ XюююХ iХ XюVХ wiekuгХ іrzemianyХ gospodarczeХ iХ społeczneХ [RegionХ ofХ SączХinХ theХжи th and 14th Century. ъconomicХandХSocialХTransformations]ХĐWrocław, 1961) Spufford, Peter, Money and its Use in Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1993) SrokaбХ StanisławХ цгбХ хredniowiecznyХ чardiówХ iХ jegoХ kontaktyХ zХ żałopolskąХ [żedievalХ чardejovХ andХ юtsХ RelationsХ withХ ŻesserХ іoland]Х ĐźrakówбХзежеЮ. WyrozumskiбХ яerzyбХ іaństwowaХ gospodarkaХ solnaХ wХ іolsceХ doХ schyłkuХ XIV wieku [National Salt Economy in Poland towards the End of the 14 th шentury]ХĐźrakówбХжолнЮ. 263 János Incze Central European University 360 Years in Pledge. The Pledging of theХSpišХ Region* For posterity, the name of Sigismund of Luxemburg is irrev- ocably associated with his pledgings, including that of the SpišХregionбХwhichХisХundoubtedlyХoneХofХtheХmostХrenownХ transactions in medieval Hungarian history. It owes its im- portance to a number of factors. First, that the transaction was of countrywide importance is well illustrated by the fact thatХregainingХtheХSpišХregionХwasХamongХtheХWladislavХю’sХ (1440–1444) Hungarian coronation conditions.1 Secondly, the charter itself also indicates the significance of the trans- action: Sigismund did not pledge the region alone as Hun- garian king but together with his barons and prelates.2 Fi- nally, the total sum involved was unusually high: 37 000 ЯХюХwouldХlikeХtoХthankХіrofessorХюstvánХщraskóczyХandХіфemyslХчarХforХ their valuable suggestions and remarks on the article. The present article isХ aХ revisedХ editionХ ofХ theХ paperХ publishedХ inХ HungarianпХ “илеХ évigХ zálogbanпХ цХ SzepességХ zálogosításaб”Х inХ żicaeХ żediaevalesХ VпХ ыiatalХ történészekХdolgozataiХaХközépkoriХżagyarországrólХésХъurópárólбХedгХŻгХ ыábiánХetХalгХĐчudapestбХзежлЮХож–103. 1 The Hungarian coronation conditions of the Polish ruler, Wladislav of Varna stipulated that he would marry Queen Elisabeth, the widow of King цlbertХHabsburgбХandХalsoХthatХheХwouldХreturnХtheХSpišХregionХwithoutХ anyХ paymentгХ ŻajosХ юlyefalviбХ цХ ŻengyelországnakХ elzálogosítottХ XюююХ szepesiХvárosХtörténeteХ[TheХHistoryХofХtheХThirteenХTownsХofХSpišХpledgedХ toХіoland]ХĐżakóбХжоелЮХкз–53. 2 There are cases of Sigismund pledging a royal property ex consilio prelatorum et baronum butХinХsuchХinstancesХtheХking’sХadvisorsХdidХnotХsealХ 265 Hungaro-Polonica schock Prague groschen was equivalent to almost 100 000 Hungarian golden florins, a small fortune in the period.3 In addition, the length of pledging period was exceptional: the territory put in pledge in 1412 was recovered around 360 years later. This was possible because – contrary to some opinions – time limit was seldom set for redeeming proper- tiesХ inХ Sigismund’sХ pledgingsб4 the possessions were re- the document as they did with the charter of pledging the SpišХregionгХщŻХ 9984. Some examples of pledgings ex consilio…пХщŻХминкбХминобХмнозбХйзнинг 3 The Prague groschen initially was struck at 60 to the local mark weight of silver, later was still reckoned in sixties (or schock/sexagena) when it was no longer minted at 60. Peter Spufford, Money and its Use in Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1993) 412. During the late Middle Ages it was exchanged to different currencies. In 1380, eighteen Prague groschen was worth one Hungarian golden florin, while in 1434 this figure increased to twenty-eightгХ яiфíХ SejbalбХ щějinyХ penězХ naХ żoravěХ [HistoryХ ofХ żoneyХ inХ Moravia] (Brno, 1979) 173. Historians often calculate the sum of the pledgingХ ofХ theХ SpišХ regionХ atХ anХ exchangeХ rateХ ofХ зкХ іragueХ groschenХ equivalent to one florin, which makesХннХнееХflorinsгХыorХexampleпХяózsefХ щeérбХ “ZsigmondХ királyХ honvédelmiХ politikája”Х [źingХ Sigismund’sХ щefenseХіolicy]бХHadtörténelmiХźözleményekХимХĐжоилЮХжойгХTheХbasisХofХ thisХcalculationХisХprobablyХtheХchronicleХofХSpišskáХSobotaХandХtheХearliestХ transcriptionХofХtheХcharterХofХtheХpledgingХĐжкозЮгХźálmánХщemkóбХedгбХцХ szepes-szombatiХkrónikaХ[TheХшhronicleХofХSpišskáХSobota]ХĐŻрcseбХжножЮХ 31. DL 9984. ZSO I. 2897. There is no data about the exchange rate from the year of the pledging (1412), the closest year with available data is 1409 when twenty-three Prague groschen was worth one Hungarian florin. SejbalбХщějinyХpenězбХжмигХшalculatingХwithХthisХfigureбХимХеееХgroschenХisХ equivalentХtoХолХкзжХflorinsгХіálХъngelХcalculatedХtheХsumХofХtheХtransaction at a twenty-two Prague groschen exchange rate, which makes 100 000 florinsгХ іálХ ъngelбХ TheХ RealmХ ofХ StХ StephenпХ цХ HistoryХ ofХ żedievalХ Hungary, 895–1526 (London, 2001) 228. 4 It is understandable that Sigismund did not prefer fixed-term transactions since they jeopardized his property right over the pledged domainгХ яánosХ юnczeбХ “TheХ іledgeХ іolicyХ ofХ źingХ SigismundХ ofХ Luxembourg in Hungary (1387–жйимЮб”ХinХżoneyХandХыinanceХinХшentralХ 266 Hungaro-Polonica deemedХ whenХ theХ debtХ wasХ paidХ offгХ TheХ SpišХ regionХ reв mained unredeemed until 1772 when it was re-incorporated into Hungary on the occasion of the first partition of Poland.5 The history of the region is discussed in abundant Hun- garian and international literature; as early as the nineteenth century seminal books were written about its past, and there areХseveralХworksХonХSigismund’sХpledgingХspecifically.6 The present article deals with the transaction itself, more pre- cisely it focuses on issues that have not been adequately ad- dressed to date. These concern the international background of the pledging, the preliminary negotiations, the place of Europe during the Later Middle Ages, ed. R. Zaoral (Basingstoke, 2016) 96. 5 There were a number of later attempts to redeem the region, but they were all without success. Of course, even Sigismund would not have thoughtХatХtheХtimeХofХconcludingХtheХcontractХthatХtheХSpišХregionХwouldХ remain in pledge for so long. He also tried to get it back during the Council of Constance but he failed, probably because heХrefusedХtoХpayХforХitгХŻászlóХ іósánбХ“ZsigmondХésХaХNémetХŻovagrend”Х[SigismundХandХtheХTeutonicХ Order]бХHadtörténelmiХźözleményekХжжжХĐжоонЮХлйнг 6 Just to mention some of the most important works: Ilyefalvi, A ŻengyelországnakХ elzálogosítottрХ ыrigyesХ SvábyбХ цХ ŻengyelországnakХ elzálogosítottХ XюююХ szepesiХ városХ történeteХ [TheХ HistoryХ ofХ theХ ThirteenХ TownsХ ofХ SpišХ іledgedХ toХ іoland]Х ĐŻрcseбХ жнокЮгХ цntalХ NagyХ ыeketeбХ цХ SzepességХ területiХ ésХ társadalmiХ kialakulásaХ [TheХ TerritorialХ andХ SocialХ ыormationХ ofХ theХ SpišХ Region]бХ ĐчudapestбХ жоийЮгХ юnХ HungarianХhistorio- graphy the history of the region does not receive as much attention as previously. More recent contributions are written by Slovak and Polish researchers: RyszardХьładkiewiczХandХHomzaХżartinбХTerraХScepusiensisпХ stanХbadańХnadХdziejamiХSpiszuХ[TerraХScepusiensisпХTheХstateХofХresearchХ onХ theХ historyХ ofХ Spiš]Х ĐŻevoča– WrocławбХ зееиЮрХ ZuzanaХ źollárováбХ “SpišskéХmestáХvХpoзskomХzálohuХĐжйжз–жммзЮ”Х[TheХTownsХofХSpišХinХtheХ Polish Pledge] (Ph.D. diss., Comenius University) (Bratislava, 2006); Martin Homza – StanisławХSrokaбХHistoriaХScepusiiбХvolгХжбХщejinyХSpišaХdoХ rokuХжкзлХ[TheХHistoryХofХSpišХuntilХжкзл]б (Bratislava, 2009). 267 Hungaro-Polonica reaching the agreement, and the receipt and use of the money of the pledging. The Spiš region and international politics The pledging of the region in 1412 was in correlation with contemporary international political events, primarily with the conflict between Poland-Lithuania and the Teutonic Or- der, and indirectly with the outcome of the Battle of Grun- wald (Tannenberg, 15 July 1410). The battle was a key event ofХtheХ“greatХwar”ХĐmagnus conflictus 1409–1411)7 fought be- tween the above mentioned parties, in which the united forces of Poland-Lithuania achieved a crushing victory over the Teutonic knights. Following the battle, the troops of the Polish-Lithuanian union were conquering the Teutonic Or- der’sХterritoryХstepХbyХstepбХevenХtheХorder’sХcapitalХżarienв burg was laid under siege, and the fate of Prussia and of the whole chivalric order depended on its defense. However, the long siege lasting several weeks was not successful, partly dueХ toХ HenrichХ vonХ іlauen’sХ competenceгХ WhenХ theХ grandmaster of the order, Ulrich von Jungingen, died on the battlefield, Plauen organized the defense of the capital suc- cessfully – which contributed to gaining back territories later 7 About the causes of the war andХtheХeventsХleadingХupХtoХitбХseeХŻászlóХ іósánбХ“цХNémetХŻovagrendХésХlengyel-litvánХállamХközöttiХ‘nagyХháború’Х (1409–жйжжЮб”Х [TheХ “ьreatХ War”Х betweenХ theХ TeutonicХ OrderХ andХ theХ Polish-Lithuanian Union (1409–жйжжЮ]бХ HadtörténelmiХ źözleményekХ жзйХ (2011) 3–17; Sven Ekdahl, Die Schlacht bei Tannenberg 1410: quellenkritische Untersuchungen (Berlin, 1982); Rimvydas Petrauskas, Grischa Vercamer and Werner Paravicini, eds, Tannenberg – Grunwald – Zalgiris 1410: Krieg und Frieden im späten Mittelalter (Wiesbaden, 2012). 268 Hungaro-Polonica – and was elected as the new grandmaster.8 At the beginning of the following year the First Peace of ToruńХĐThornЮХendedХ the war and prescribed territorial and financial obligations for the Teutonic knights. As part of their territorial obliga- tion, the Teutonic knights had to return Samogitia ĐŽemaitijaЮХtoХŻithuaniaХĐonlyХforХtheХlifetimeХof Wladislav II and the Grand Duke Vytautas), and the Dobrin lands, occu- pied during the war, to Poland. The financial prescription consisted of the huge sum of 100 000 schock Prague groschen (around 260 000 golden florins) indemnity, and paying ran- som for releasing the captives and for conceding the occu- pied castles.9 Later the fate of the Spiš region became tied to settling the indemnity in four installments. The Battle of Grunwald not only temporarily ended the conflict between the Polish-Lithuanian Union and the Teu- tonic Order but created a new international environment which transformed the Polish-Hungarian relations. Until the battle relations of the two countries were burdened by a number of factors. Sigismund probably remembered both his failure to gain the Polish throne and the Polish troops 8 іósánбХ“цХNémetХŻovagrendб”Хзи–24; William L. Urban, Tannenberg and After: Lithuania, Poland, and the Teutonic Order in Search of Immortality (Chicago, 1996) 160–170. 9 Urban, Tannenberg and After, 171–жмзрХіósánбХ“цХNémetХŻovagrendб”Х 26–змрХюdХ“ZsigmondХésХaХNémetХŻovagrendб”ХлйзгХThe text of the peace treatyпХъrichХWeiseбХщieХStaatsverträgeХdesХщeutschenХOrdensХinХіreußenХ im 15 Jahrhundert, vol. 1, 1398–1437 (Marienburg, 1970) 85–89. The Peace ofХToruńХisХusuallyХpresentedХinХіolishХhistoriographyХasХaХcompromiseгХ Poland benefited financially from the peace treaty – they wanted to crush the Teutonic Order through the indemnity – but had no territorial gain. Zenon Hubert Nowak, “юnternationaleХSchiedsprozesseХalsХeinХWerkzeugХ derХіolitikХźönigХSigismundsХinХOstmittel- und Nordeuropa. 1411–жйзкб”Х чlätterХfürХdeutscheХŻandesgeschichteХжжжХĐжомкЮХжмлгХ 269 Hungaro-Polonica conquering Red Ruthenia at the beginning of his Hungarian reign. As a result, the voivodes of Wallachia and Moldavia renounced Hungarian suzerainty and accepted the Polish king as their overlord. The conflict was deepened by the death of Queen Mary in 1395, which was followed by the in- cursion of Polish contingents in the Spiš region giving a greaterХimpetusХtoХtheХіolishХїueenХяadviga’sХclaimХforХtheХ Hungarian throne.10 In addition, the fact that the Luxem- burgs traditionally had good relations with the Teutonic Or- der, and Sigismund was no exception, was another source of conflict. Sigismund regularly relied on the financial support of the Teutonic knights to achieve his political goals,11 and expectedХtheХorder’sХsupportХtoХgainХtheХtitle of the king of the Romans. No wonder then that he sided with the knights inХtheХ“greatХwar”, forging an alliance with them in 1409, and as a consequence Hungarian troops led by Stibor of Stiboricz 10 There were attempts to harmonize the relationship between the two countries, for example, a meeting of the two rulers was organized which improved the rapport temporarily. However, it dramatically deteriorated again following the outbreak of the war with the Teutonic knights. NorbertХ шгХ TóthбХ “ZsigmondХ magyarХ ésХ ююгХ UlászlóХ lengyelХ királyХ személyesХ találkozóiХ aХ lublóiХ békeХ utánХ Đжйжз–жйзйЮ”Х [TheХ іersonalХ żeetingsХ ofХ źingsХ WladislavХ ююХ andХ SigismundХ afterХ theХ іeaceХ ofХ StaráХ жubovňaХ Đжйжз–жйзйЮ]бХ TörténelmiХ SzemleХ клХ ĐзежйЮХ иио–ийерХ іósánбХ “ZsigmondХésХaХNémetХŻovagrendб”Хлий–636; NorbertХшгХTóthбХ“цzХжиокгХ éviХ lengyelХ betörésпХ aХ lengyel-magyarХ kapcsolatokХ egyХ epizódja”Х [TheХ Polish Incursion of 1395: an Episode of Polish-Hungarian Relations], in “HonorisХcausa”пХTanulmányokХъngelХіálХemlékéreХ[StudiesХinХtheХhonorХ ofХіálХъngel]бХedгХTгХNeumann – ьyгХRáczХĐіiliscsaba–Budapest, 2008) 447– 485. 11 The fact that the Teutonic Order could easily overbid Poland for Neumark, the Northern part of the Margreviate of Brandenburg, reflects theХ extentХ ofХ theirХ financialХ resourcesгХ NowakбХ “юnternationale Schiedsprozesseб”Х жмк–жмлрХ іósánбХ “ZsigmondХ ésХ aХ NémetХ Żovagrendб”Х 639. ZSO II. 1442, 1796–1797, 1942. 270 Hungaro-Polonica attacked South Poland.12 Presumably, there were a number of reasons why Sigismund was striving to normalize the re- lations with WladislavII after the Peace of ToruńгХыirstбХwarХ broke out with Venice and Hungarian armed forces attacked the province of Friuli in the late autumn of 1411.13 Venice was in alliance with Poland, and Sigismund managed to success- fully distance Poland from Venice by improving his rapport with Wladislav II.14 Furthermore, settling his conflict with Poland Sigismund – elected as German king in the meantime – could turn his attention towards such burning issues as the fight against the Ottomans, finding a solution for the Great 12 As a response to the military campaign led by Stibor, there was a counter expeditionХofХіolishХforcesгХTheХіolishХtroopsХattackedХStaráХжubovňaбХtheХ sameХtownХthatХSigismundХpledgedХtoХіolandХtwoХyearsХlaterгХщvoфákováХ щanielaбХ цХ lovagХ ésХ királyaпХ StiboriciХ StiborХ ésХ ŻuxemburgiХ ZsigmondрХ źépekХ ésХ történetekХ egyХ középkoriХ magyarХ nemesХ életébрlХ [TheХ źnightХ and his King: Stibor of Stiboriczi and Sigismund of Luxemburg; Moments and Stories in the Life of a Medieval Hungarian Nobleman], (Pozsony, 2009) 286–288. According to the existing agreement between Sigismund and the Teutonic knights, Sigismund would have had to offer military aid only in case there had been pagan and heretical contingents in the joint army of Poland-ŻithuaniaгХъlemérХżályuszбХźaiserХSigismund in Ungarn, 1387–1437 (Budapest, 1990) 104–жекрХ іósánбХ “ZsigmondХ ésХ aХ NémetХ Żovagrendб”Хлйе–йжрХіósánбХ“цХNémetХŻovagrendб”Хзй–25. According to theХinformationХofХSigismund’sХvoluntaryХchroniclerбХъberhardХWindeckeбХ before the battle of Grunwald the order had already sent 40 000 Florins to SigismundХforХtheХexpectedХmilitaryХhelpгХъberhardХWindeckeХemlékirataХ ZsigmondХkirályrólХésХkorárólХ[ъberhardХWindecke’sХżemoirsХaboutХźingХ SigismundХandХhisХцge]бХtransгХRenátaХSkorkaХĐчudapestбХзеенЮХизгХ 13 іéterХ ъг źovácsбХ “ZsigmondХ isztriaiХ hadjárata”Х [Sigismund’sХ żilitaryХ Campaign in Istria], in цХ hadtápХ voltХ magaХ aХ fegyverпХ TanulmányokХ aХ középkoriХhadszervezetХésХkatonaiХlogisztikaХkérdéseirрlбХedгХŻгХіósánХ– L. VeszprémyХĐчudapestбХзежиЮХзие–231. 14 Ottokar Israel, Das Verhältnis des Hochmeisters des Deutschen Ordens zum Reich im 15. Jahrhundert, (Marburg, 1952) 15. 271 Hungaro-Polonica Schism, or creating the union between the Roman and the Greek Orthodox Church.15 After the ceasefire was brokered and the negotiations be- tween the magnates of the two countries were over, the two rulersХ metХ inХ personХ inХ StaráХ жubovňaХ ĐŻublóЮХ whereХ theyХ concluded the peace in March 1412. The negotiations contin- uedХ inХ źošiceХ ĐźassaЮбХ whereбХ probablyХ uponХ Sigismund’sХ proposal, Wladislav II invited Sigismund to be the adjudica- tor in the dispute between him and the Teutonic Order.16 These hostilities were rekindled because the knights man- aged to pay only half of the 100 000 schock Prague groschen prescribed by the Peace of ToruńХandХfailedХtoХpayХtheХthirdХ installment on time.17 Sigismund tried to prevent further es- calation of the dispute by this intervention. 15 іósánбХ“ZsigmondХésХaХNémetХŻovagrendб”ХлйирХNowakбХ“юnternationaleХ Schiedsprozesseб”ХжмлгХ 16 The role of the adjudicator in an international conflict was not entirely new for Sigismund. He gave advice to his brother King Wenceslas IV on his decision of 8 February 1410 concerning another chapter of the conflict between the Teutonic Order and Poland-Lithuania. Adam Szweda, Polish and Teutonic Diplomatic Activity in Europe during the Conflict of 1409– 1411, online document, accessed October 14, 2015, http://www.history- .pth.net.pl/article,1; żályuszбХKaiser Sigismund, 106–107. 17 Dieter Zimmerling, Der Deutsche Ritterorden (Düsseldorf – New York, 1988) 262–263; ZenonХ HubertХ NowakбХ żiędzynarodoweХ procesyХ polubowneХ jakoХ narzędzieХ politykiХ ZygmuntaХ ŻuksemburskiegoХ wХ północnejХ iХ цrodkowowschodniejХ ъuropieбХ жйжз–жйзйХ [юnternationalХ цrbitrationХasХaХіoliticalХToolХforХSigismundХofХŻuxemburgХinХNorthernХ andХъastвшentralХъuropeХжйжз–жйзй]ХĐToruń, 1981) 25. 272 Hungaro-Polonica The preliminary negotiations Initially, the grandmaster of the order, Heinrich van Plauen, did not want to accept the arbitration of Sigismund as he pre- ferred Pope John XXIII (1410–1415). Since at this time there was no universally acknowledged pope, and because there was no assurance if John XXIII would make a decision more favorable for the Teutonic knights than the Peace of ToruńбХ Plauen in the end raised no objections against Sigismund.18 Once the delegates of both sides arrived, the negotiations be- gan in Buda on July 5, 1412. In the meantime, the two rulers took a tour around the country; King Wladislav II spent al- most three and a half months in Hungary as a guest of Sigis- mund.19 The Hungarian ruler joined the negotiating sides af- ter the arrangements had started, and on 24 August he made his decision public which was almost a reconfirmation of the іeaceХofХToruńг20 The issue of the SpišХ regionХ wasХ probablyХ discussed shortly after the decision was announced. On August 30 Si- gismund made a promise to recover the promissory note of the Teutonic Order, which in fact meant that he would take overХtheХorder’sХdebtг21 Of course, typically for Sigismund, 18 Hartmut Boockmann, Johannes Falkenberg, der Deutsche Orden und die polnische Politik: Untersuchungen zur politischen Theorie des späterenХ żittelaltersХ ĐьöttingenбХ жомкЮХ ол–оорХ іósánбХ “ZsigmondХ ésХ aХ NémetХŻovagrendб”Хлййг 19 шгХTóthбХ“ZsigmondХmagyarХésХююгХUlászlóХlengyelХkirályб”Хийи–347. 20 TheХtextХofХtheХіeaceХofХчudaпХWeiseбХщieХStaatsverträgeбХол–99. 21 Ignacy Zakrzewski and Jadwiga Karwaslinska, Lites ac res gestae inter Polonos Ordinemque Cruciferorum, vol.2, 2nd edгХ ĐіoznańбХжнозЮХ ло–70; Wilhelm Altmann, ed. Regesta Imperii XI. Die Urkunden Kaiser Sigmunds 273 Hungaro-Polonica he demanded 62 000 in four installments for the 50 000 schock Prague groschen,22 in other words, he estimated the value of his services at 12 000 schock groschen.23 Further de- tails of this plan were not included in the charter, but it is very likely that he intended to cover this debt by pledging the SpišХregionгХSomeХsketchesХofХthisХplanХhaveХsurvivedХinХ oneХ ofХ Sigismund’sХ booksХ ofХ lettersХ ĐBriefbuch). Altogether three books of letters survive from Sigismund of Luxem- burg’sХchancelleryбХwhichХcontainХtheХruler’sХpoliticalХcorreв spondence between the years 1411–1417. These preliminary letters are usually undated and in many cases the name of the recipients are missing, however, they can be dated to some extent on the basis of their content.24 1410–1437, vol. 1, 1410–жйзйХĐюnnsbruckбХжнолЮХĐhereafterХRюЮХиемaрХіósánбХ “ZsigmondХésХaХNémetХŻovagrendб”Хлйй–645. 22 12 500 schock Prague groschen on 2 February 1413, the same amount on 2 April, 25 000 on 29 September, and finally the remaining 12 000 on 8 цprilХжйжйгХWeiseбХщieХStaatsverträgeбХоогХ 23 цsХstatedХbyХtheХinitialХplanХofХtheХtransactionХconcerningХtheХSpišХregionбХ Sigismund would have taken over the debt of the Teutonic Order and clearedХitХoffХbyХpledgingХ“ad instanciam eorundem dominorum cruciferorum”Х (according to the request of the knights), DF 287745, image 55, 293r. If this was really the case, it means that the Teutonic knights preferred to be indebted for a larger sum to Sigismund rather to the Polish king. Michael źüchmeisterбХtheХmarshalХofХtheХorderХĐOrdensmarschall) and the leader of theХ order’sХ delegationХatХ чudaбХ canХ beХ suspectedХ toХ beХ behindХ theХ planбХ because he was inclined to a peaceful resolution more than the grandmaster who protested heavily even against the indemnity. 24 HermannХHeimpelбХ“цusХderХźanzleiХźaiserХSigismundsХĐÜberХdenХшodгХ іalгХ ŻatгХ межХ derХ VatikanischenХ чibliothekЮб”Х цrchivХ fürХ Urkundenfor - schung 12 (1932) 113–115. 274 Hungaro-Polonica According to the documents in one of the letter-books, during the negotiations25 a different plan existed for pledg- ingХtheХSpišХregionХthanХtheХoneХthatХwasХputХinХpracticeгХThisХ preliminary plan envisaged the pledging of the whole region (24 privileged townsХtogetherХwithХtheХcastleХofХSpišЮбХsignifв icantlyХ moreХ thanХ theХ thirteenХ townsХ plusХ іodolínecбХ Hniezdne and the estate of StaráХжubovňaб agreed upon in the end.26 Drawing up the plan was followed by phrasing trilateral contract drafts. First, a contract was made in Sigis- mund’sХnameХpledgingХtheХwholeХSpišХregionХtogetherХwithХ the castle to Wladislav II until he, his heirs, or the Teutonic knights redeem it. Secondly, another draft in the name of the Polish king stipulated that the region pledged to him for set- tling the debt of the Teutonic knights, would be given back to Sigismund or his heirs once the debt was cleared off. Oth- erwise, Sigismund and his heirs were authorized to take it back with force and to loot Poland to collect the interest of 25 чasedХonХtheirХcontentХъlemérХżályuszХdatedХtheseХdraftХchartersХtoХtheХ period between 24 August and 17 September 1412. These two dates are the days of the proclamation of the adjudicatory decision and dispatching the Hungarian delegation to Poland. Since Sigismund promised to recover the promissory letter of the Order on 30 August, the dating of the documents suggestedХbyХżályuszХseemsХentirelyХjustifiedгХZSOХюююгХзклк–2568. 26 “[…]Хpro debitis dominorum cruciferorum de Prussia, utpote pro tot milibus florenorum auri quibus idem domini cruciferi serenissimo principi domino Wladislao regi Poloniae fratri nostro carissimo secundum formam pactorum et conventionum inter ipsos novissimo factarum obligari et teneri dinoscuntur, castrum nostrum regale Sepesvar nuncupatum cum villis et tributis ad idem castrum nostrum spectantibus, item XXIIII civitates terre nostre Scepusiensis videlicet Lewtze, Kesmark… eidem domino Wladislao regi Polonie fratri nostro carissimo eiusque successori sive regno Polonie... pro pignore seu titulo pignoratitio posuimus tradidimus et assignavimus […]”Х– DF 287745, image ккбХзоиrрХZSOХюююгХзклкрХżályuszбХźaiserХSigismundбХжемгХ 275 Hungaro-Polonica the transaction.27 Finally, in the name of Grandmaster Hein- rich von Plauen two documents were formulated, containing different scenarios.28 One of these specified that Sigismund was going to pledge the region for the 50 000 schock Prague groschen debt of the order owed to Wladislav II and for the 5000 groschen owed to the Lithuanian grand duke. This would have only bought time for settling the debt, because the Teutonic knights would have remained indebted, except this time to the Polish king and the grand duke and not to Sigismund. Nonetheless, it stipulates that the knights were obliged to pay the two installments of 27 500 schock Prague groschen before the deadlines (December 25, 1412 and July 25, 1413), otherwise they would have had to give Neumark (East Brandenburg) in pledge to Sigismund. Moreover, if they had failed to pay anything, then Wladislav II would have been entitled to conquer the territories of the order and to keep them until the Teutonic knights recompensed Sigis- mund. In the other scenario, the SpišХregionХwouldХhaveХbeenХ pledged for an undisclosed sum,29 and the order would have been indebted to Wladislav II (there is no mention of Duke Vytautas) who was to receive the money in two parts by June 11, 1413. In the event of a total default, the knights would have been obliged to pledge Pomerelia to Sigismund. 27 No concrete figures were given in either case, pro tot milibus florenorum auri and pro tot sexagenis grossorum are written in the text, leaving the possibility of defining the exact sum later (50 000 or 55 000 schock Prague groschen). DF 287745, image 55–57, 293r, 293v; ZSO III. 2565–2566. 28 ZSO III 2567–2568. 29 Probably for 50 000 schock Prague groschen, the amount the order owed to the Polish ruler. There is no mention of the debt to Grand Duke Vytautas in this document. 276 Hungaro-Polonica Equipped with these draft charters, the Hungarian dele- gation and the legate representing the Teutonic Order at the negotiations at Buda travelled to Poland together to consult the Polish king about the transaction and the issue of the in- demnityгХцsХ statedХinХ oneХ ofХ Sigismund’sХ unfinishedХcharв ters, the unnamed members of the delegation were fully au- thorized by him to reach an agreement with Wladislav II about the details of the pledging.30 Polish chronicler яanХщłuв gosz names only Archbishop John Kanizsai, the most prom- inent member and presumably leader of the delegation.31 ArchbishopХźanizsaiХwasХ oneХ ofХ Sigismund’sХ mostХ trustedХ adherent and adviser until he led a plot against him in 1401 and lost his offices as a result. However, they settled their differences in 1407 and in 1412, during the Buda summit and Sigismund praised him as indispensable for the success of the negotiations.32 The other two members of the delegation 30 “[ггг]Х plenam et liberam expressam ac omnimodam facultatem cum praefato domino Wladislao rege de et super circumstanciis et conditionibus impignorationis et obligationis huiusmodi et earum occasione quoscumque tractatus placita contractus et convenciones tractandi iniendi acceptandi faciendi firmandi concludendiг”Х– DF 287745, image 14, 283r. 31 “Convencione supra fluvium Bug pro die sancti Michaelis tenta expedita Wladislaus Polonie rex in Medikam processit. Quo illic diebus quindecim comorante Sigismund Romanorum et Hungarie regis legati, videlicet Ioannes Strigoniensis archiepiscopus et Michael Kochmeister Nove Marchie advocatus in die sancte Hedvigis ad suam serenitatem perveniuntг”Х– Jan щługoszбХJoannis Dlugossii Annales seu Cronicae incliti Regni Poloniae, liber decimus et undecimus 1406–1412, ed. C. Baczkowski – F. Sikora – D. Turkowska, (Warszawa, 1997) 210. щługosz’sХinformationХregardingХяohnХźanizsaiХandХ the Hungarian legation is confirmed by charter evidence too. ZSO III. 2695, 3028. 32 Sigismund was not in the country in 1414 when another summit was convoked to Buda to restore the peace between Poland-Lithuania and the Teutonic knights, so the two royal vicars, Archbishop Kanizsai and іalatineХ ьaraiбХ presidedХ overХ theХ negotiationsгХ шгХ TóthбХ “ZsigmondХ 277 Hungaro-Polonica wereХіeterХіerényiбХformerХcountХofХtheХSzékelysбХandХsecretХ chancellorХъmericХіerényiг33 The latter, thanks to his office, belonged to the inner circle of Sigismund’sХentourageгХżoreв over, having undertaken a number of diplomatic missions for Sigismund, he had ample experience in the field of diplo- macy.34 TheХtwoХіerényisХwereХfamiliarХwithХtheХSpišХregionбХ Emeric held the castle of StaráХжubovňaХbetweenХжйенХandХ 1410,35 while Peter was the ispán (comes) of the County of SpišХ (1402–1404).36 According to щługoszбХ theХ HungarianХ legationХ andХ theХ representatives of the Teutonic knights met the Polish king on 15 October at Medyka,37 where they finally agreed on the żagyarХ ésХ ююгХ UlászlóХ lengyelХ királyб”Х ийлрХ іálХ ъngelбХ “ZsigmondХ báróiпХ RövidХéletrajzok”Х[Sigismund’sХчaronsпХShortХчiographies]бХinХżűvészetХ ZsigmondХkirályХkorábanХжинм–1437 [Art at the time of King Sigismund 1387–1437], ed. L. Beke – E. Marosi – T. Wehli (Budapest, 1987) 424–425. 33 ZSO III. 2695. 34 Presumably, he was first sent to the Turkish dukes of Asia Minor, then toХSüleymanХÇelebiбХtheХsonХofХSultanХчayezidХюгХъngelбХ“ZsigmondХbáróiб”Х йинрХżályuszбХKaiser Sigismund, 101–102. 35 іálХъngelбХźirályiХhatalomХésХarisztokráciaХviszonyaХaХZsigmondХkorbanХ (1387–1437) [The Relationship of Royal Power and Aristocracy in the Sigismund Era (1387–1437)] (Budapest, 1977) 132–133. 36 іálХъngel, żagyarországХvilágiХarchontológiájaХжиеж–1457 [The Secular Archontology of Hungary 1301–1457], vol. 1 (Budapest, 1996) 197. 37 See footnote 31. It is, therefore, more reasonable to believe that Medyka in Poland was the place where the Hungarian delegation reached common termsХwithХtheХіolishХkingХconcerningХtheХSpišбХcontraryХtoХearlierХclaimsХ ofХhistoriansХsuggestingХthatХthisХhappenedХinХStaráХжubovňaХorХNiedzicaгХ ыorХexampleбХaccordingХtoХыrigyesХSvábyбХSigismundХconvincedХWladislavХ II about the pledging inХStaráХжubovňaХwhereХtheyХmetХafterХtheХіolesХhadХ alreadyХ handedХ overХ theХ moneyгХ SvábyбХ цХ ŻengyelországnakХ elzálogo - sítottбХлкгХżichalХSuchýХwasХofХtheХsameХopinionгХżichaelХSuchýбХ“SpisskeХ mestaХ vХ polskomХ zalohu”Х [TheХ TownsХ ofХ theХ SpišХ RegionХ inХ theХ іolish Pledge], in Spisske mesta v stredoveku, ed. R. Marsina (źošice, 1974) 57. I wouldХlikeХtoХthankХStanislavХчártaХforХhelpingХmeХinterpretХtheХtextг 278 Hungaro-Polonica terms of the pledging. Once the agreement was concluded, the delegation led by Archbishop Kanizsai, lavished with gifts from Wladislav II, travelled back to Hungary.38 At that time, Sigismund was preparing to participate personally in the military campaign against Venice. The archbishop of Esztergom and his company met Sigismund at Zagreb,39 where they informed him about the outcome of their mission andХtheХkingХissuedХtheХcharterХofХpledgingХtheХSpišХregionХ to Wladislav II on November 8.40 Collecting and spending the money of the pledging There are two prevailing opinions in modern historiography regarding the expenditure of the money received.41 The more widely accepted speculation is that Sigismund spent the money on the war against Venice – ultimately in vain, be- cause the city state emerged victorious from the conflict.42 The war was expensive, therefore it is entirely justified to 38 “Ioannes itaque archiepiscopus Strigoniensis legacione sua votive perfunctus plurimisque et notabilibus donis per Wladislaum Polonie regem honoratus in Hungariam revertebaturг”Х– Joannis Dlugossii Annales, 211. 39 źovácsбХ“ZsigmondХisztriaiХhadjárataб”ХзизрХіálХъngelХ– NorbertХшгХTóthбХ Itineraria regum et reginarum (1382–1438) (Budapest, 2005) 95. 40 Several barons and prelates sealed the charter of the pledging, including theХmembersХofХtheХdelegationХsentХtoХіolandбХъmericХandХіeterХіerényiбХ and John Kanizsai. DL 9984. The original document is preserved in źrakówбХ żuzeumХ NarodoweбХ чibliotekaХ шzartoryskichбХ іerg. nr. 294. I would like to thank to іфemyslХчar for this information. 41 TheХ charterХ ofХ theХ pledgingХ isХ silentХ aboutХ Sigismund’sХ plansХ forХ theХ money. DL 9984. 42 żályuszбХKaiser SigismundбХжжлрХюvanХшhalupeckýбХ“щieХZipserХStädteХ im 13–жлгХ яahrhundertб”Х HistoriaХ urbanaХ кХ ĐжоомЮХ нл–нмрХ źovácsб “Zsig- mondХisztriaiХhadjárataб”ХзйкрХSuchýбХ“SpisskeХmestaб”Хкм–58. 279 Hungaro-Polonica correlate the money raised by the pledging with covering the costs of the war. Others suggest that the Saint Sigismund Provostry of Buda was erected from the money raised from the transaction. This probably lived on vividly in the memory of later generations, for example, sixteenth-century HungarianХ lyricistХ andХ poetХ SebestyénХ “Żantos”Х ĐżinstrelЮХ TinódiХreferredХtoХitХinХoneХofХhisХsongs.43 The provostry was built for years after Pope John XXIII gave his consent to Si- gismund’sХinitiativeХtoХfoundХaХnewХchurchХinХжйжег44 In my opinion, neither of these two explanations can be excluded definitively.45 While there are convincing arguments for both, I think there was a possible third project on which Si- gismund might have spent the capital of the pledging. In Poland the negotiating sides managed to reach an agreement not only concerning the pledging, but they also settled the issue of the TeutonicХOrder’sХdebtг46 This was the reasonХ whyХ theХ order’sХ representativesХ accompaniedХ theХ 43 SebestyénХTinódiбХ“ZsigmondХkirályХésХcsászárnakХkrónikájaХĐrészletЮ”Х [The Chronicle of King and Emperor Sigismund (fragment)], in TarХŻрrincХ pokoljárásaпХźözépkoriХmagyarХvíziókбХedгХSгХVгХźovácsХĐчudapestбХжонкЮХ 251–252. 44 ьyörgyХSzékelyбХ“цХbudaiХSzentХZsigmondХtemplomХkutatástörténeté- hez”Х[Remarks on the Historiography of the Saint Sigismund Church in Buda]бХчudapestХRégiségeiХииХĐжоооЮХжкг 45 ъarlierбХ цndrásХ VéghХ proposedХ thatХ besides the war against Venice, Sigismund could have spent part of the sum of the pledging on building the provostry. цndrásХ VéghбХ “цdatokХ aХ budaiХ kisebbХ SzűzХ żáriaбХ másХ névenХ SztгХ ZsigmondХ templomХ alapításánakХ történetéhez”Х [Data for the history of the foundation of the Church of Lesser Virgin Mary a.k.a. шhurchХofХStХSigismund]бХчudapestХRégiségeiХииХĐжоооЮХзкг 46 As stated in a letter by Sigismund from December 1412, the agreement regarding the indemnity was one of the primary aims of the joint delegation to Poland. ZSO III. 3028. sz. 280 Hungaro-Polonica Hungarian legation to Wladislav II. The 50 000 schock Pra- gue groschen debt of the Teutonic knights was raised to 69 400, probably because the order could not pay the third in- stallment on time. From the 69 400 schock Prague groschen 39 400 had to be paid to Wladislav II, 5000 to Duke Vytautas and 25 000 to Sigismund.47 The latter sum was given to him by the Polish king, almost certainly in return for the pledging of the SpišХ regionг48 TheХ deadlineХ ofХ payingХ WladislavХ юю’sХ share was at the beginning of the following year. Failing to clear the debt on time again would have meant the pledging of Neumark to the Polish ruler. Probably, the possibility of taking Neumark in pledge was the reason for not giving his consentХtoХtakeХtheХwholeХSpišХregionХinХpledgeгХWladislavХююХ and his councilors were so sure that the Teutonic knights would not be able to collect so much money in such short time that they even composed the charter about taking the region of Neumark in pledge.49 47 ZSO III. 3007, 3038; Hartmut, Johannes Falkenberg, 100; Hans Koeppen, Die Berichte der Generalprokuratoren des Deutschen Ordens an der Kurie, vol. 2, Peter von Wormditt (1403–жйжоЮХĐźölnбХжолеЮХжйл–147. 48 WeiseбХ щieХ StaatsverträgeбХ оорХ ZSOХ юююгХ иезлгХ The final sum of the pledgingХ ofХ theХ SpišХ wasХ имХ еееХ schockХ іragueХ groschenбХ thereХ isХ noХ information about the remaining 12 000 groschen. Presumably, this figure was paid by Wladislav II and not by the Teutonic knights. Besides the 25 000 groschen, at the beginning of the year the order promised to pay 25 000 golden florins to Sigismund, but they were not able to keep their promise during the course of the year, therefore Sigismund demanded this sum in addition to the 25 000 groschen. ZSO III. 1506, 3007, 3038, 3125; ZSO IV. 89, 114. Hartmut, Johannes Falkenberg, 100. Of course, it was previously suggested that the 37 000 groschen were conceded by Wladislav II to Sigismund from the 100 000 groschen indemnity that the Teutonic Order had to pay him. SuchýбХ“SpisskeХmestaб” 57. 49 Ernst Lampe, “чeiträgeХzurХьeschichteХHeinrichsХvonХіlauenХжйжжХbisХ 1413,” ZeitschriftХdesХWestpreußischenХьeschichtsvereinsХзлХĐжнноЮХил–37. 281 Hungaro-Polonica Sigismund entrusted Florentine businessman Onofrio di Bardo, initially in the service of Filippo Scolari, with the col- lection of the 25 000 schock Prague groschen and sorting out the remaining issues regarding the payment.50 The Teutonic knights had to pay the sum in two equal installments to di Bardo but because of their many financial obligations they were not able to do so on schedule.51 The deadlines were Feb- ruary 2 and April 2, 1413;52 Grandmaster Heinrich von Plauen was expecting the Landmeister of the Holy Roman Empire (the German country master of the order) to put up half of the sum, but even in March 1413 he wrote to him that this was impossible.53 Seeing how difficult it was for the or- der to keep the first deadline, Sigismund agreed to a new The text of the charter: ZSO III. 3028; WeiseбХщieХStaatsverträgeбХжезгХThe charter was phrased in vain because the order managed to clear the debt on time. ZSOХюVгХжжйрХіósánбХ“цХNémetХŻovagrendб”Хзмг 50 Onofrio di Bardo later held the position of the comes of the chambers severalХtimesХandХheХlaidХtheХfoundationХofХhisХsons’ХĐtheХNoffryХbrothersХ ofХчajmócпХяacobбХŻeonardбХяohnХandХчardoЮХfinancialХcareerХinХtheХcountryгХ żártonХ ьyöngyössyбХ “żagyarХ pénztörténetХ Đжеее–жкзлЮ”Х [HungarianХ Monetary History (1000–жкзлЮ]бХ inХ żagyarХ középkoriХ gazdaság- ésХ pénztörténetбХedгХżгХьyöngyössyХĐчudapestбХзеелЮХзкк ; Krisztina Arany, “ыlorentineХ ыamiliesХ inХ HungaryХ inХ theХ ыirstХ HalfХ ofХ theХ ыifteenthХ шenturyб”ХіhгщгХdiss., Central European University, 2014, 42, 48; Zsuzsa TekeбХ “ыirenzeiХ kereskedрtársaságokбХ kereskedрkХ żagyarországonХ ZsigmondХ uralmánakХ megszilárdulásaХ utánХ жйей–жйим”Х [ыlorentineХ Business Companies and Merchants in Hungary after the Consolidation of Sigismund’sХRuleХжйей–им]бХSzázadokХжзоХĐжоокЮХзек–207. 51 A letter of the grandmaster sent to the Landmeister of Livland at the end ofХжйжзХaptlyХreflectsХtheХtheХorder’sХsituationХatХtheХtimeгХюnХthisХheХwritesХ that the chalices and reliquaries had already been sold or smelted down, but even this was not enough so he asks the Landmeister to send him more gold and silver because there was no precious metals left in his province. ZSO III. 3125. 52 WeiseбХщieХStaatsverträgeбХоор ZSO III. 3026. 53 ZSO III. 3007; ZSO IV. 262. 282 Hungaro-Polonica deadline and sent di Bardo to negotiate the date with them.54 As a result, the February deadline was extended to 8 March, however, the order was able to make the first payment only on 5 April.55 There is no data regarding the exact date of the second payment. Sigismund was still demanding it in Sep- tember,56 but received it only around the end of the year or at the beginning of the following year.57 Although there is no direct information about using the whole sum, there are some details about what half of it was spent on.58 Namely, in his letter addressed to Heinrich von Plauen on May 17, 1413, Sigismund writes that he still had not received the 12.500 schock Prague groschen, which he intended to spend on his coronation. For this reason, Sigismund had to borrow this sum from Antonio Fronte and from that point on Heinrich 54 ZSO IV. 61, 62. 55 Similarly to the precomposed charter of pledging of Neumark, a series of acquittances were phrased in the name of Sigismund and Wladislav II about collecting the sums of 12 500–12 500 schock Prague groschen. Wilhelm Altmann, ed. RI XI 382; ZSO III. 3059; ZSO IV. 113, 125, 131. Obviously, the existence of these acquittances does not mean that these payments really happened. Adding all the figures of these documents would yield a sum much higher than the amount of money the order was obliged to pay. Even though Sigismund demanded the entire sum of 25 000 groschen in February, he wrote in May that he still had not received half of the sum. ZSO IV. 243, 601. Erich Weise also discredits these documents. He believes that the date of the first payment was April 2, 1413. WeiseбХ щieХ StaatsverträgeбХ жеег Onforio di Bardo issued an acquittance about 12 500 groschen on 5 April, according to which he collectedХtheХmoneyХinХSigismund’sХnameХinХtwoХplacesбХinХWrocławХandХ ToruńгХZSOХюVгХио3. 56 ZSO IV. 1032. 57 ZSO IV. 1478. WeiseбХщieХStaatsverträgeбХжеегХ 58 Likewise, there is no indirect data about the spending of the 12 000 schock Prague groschen either. See footnote 48. 283 Hungaro-Polonica von Plauen owed Fronte and not him.59 Sigismund spent the rest of 1413 in Northern Italy and was crowned as king of the Romans in Aachen on November 8, 1414, over one year after sending this letter.60 Sigismund must have been in great need ofХыronte’sХloanХlentХhimХinХыriuliбХotherwiseХheХwouldХnotХ have borrowed it under unfavorable conditions. This indi- cates that he probably had already spent the money before leaving Italy. All these details raise the question how the sum contributed (or could have contributed) to his coronation later,61 however, the available source material does not allow us to draw further conclusions. 59 “[…]Х und unser sachen zu unser cronunge domit [12 1/2 tuasent schock Behemischer] bestalt haben wollten […]“Х– WilhelmХцltmannбХ“UrkundlicheХ чeiträgeХzurХьeschichteХźaiserХSigmundsб”ХżitteilungenХdesХюnstitutsХfürХ ÖsterreichischeХьeschichtsforschungХжнХĐжномЮХкоерХZSO IV. 601. Just like many of his compatriots, Florentine merchant Antonio Fronte arrived in Hungary in 1406 with the help of Filippo Scolari. The son of textile manufacturer Pietro Fronte later became a burgher of Buda, a familiaris of the king and the creditor of Scolari and Sigismund. Teke, “Firenzei kereskedрtársaságokб” 195–жолрХ цranyбХ“ыlorentineХ familiesб”Хлй–69, 87– 88. As creditor, he is likely to have charged heavy interest on the sums he lent, otherwise Sigismund would not have complained in his same letter of 17 May that the transaction with Fronte wasХconcludedХ“[ггг]Х nich mit kleinem unserm schaden gemachet [ггг]”гХХ 60 Itineraria, 96. 61 If Sigismund really wanted to expend the money of the pledging on his coronation, then the 12 500 schock Prague groschen would covered only a fracture of his total expenses. The costs of his imperial coronation of 1433– 1434 were 15 000 golden florins. Eberhard Inseman, “The Holy Roman ъmpireХinХtheХżiddleХцgesб”Хin The Rise of the Fiscal State in Europe c. 1200–1815, ed. R. Bonney (Oxford, 1999) 260–261. Obviously the coronation in Aachen was less expensive than one in Rome, which was among the many reasons why he did not have to travel to the Eternal City. 284 Hungaro-Polonica Summary The pledging of the Spiš region was part of renegotiating Hungarian-Polish relations and it was closely related to the indemnityХsetХoutХinХtheХыirstХіeaceХofХToruńгХюnХtheХalteredХ political environment after the Battle of Grunwald, Sigis- mund of Luxemburg – eager to become king of the Romans and involved in a serious conflict with Venice – reassessed his politics regarding Poland and sought to improve it sig- nificantly. Therefore, first the magnates then the two rulers met in person. At the latter meeting Sigismund invited the Polish ruler to visit Hungary, and the Polish king invited him to be the adjudicator in the conflict between the Polish-Lith- uanian Union and the Teutonic Order. The order could not payХtheХindemnityХstipulatedХinХtheХіeaceХofХToruńбХsoХtheХ conflict was liable to flare up again any time. This debt stood at the heart of the conflict; Sigismund hoped that through his intervention he might get some of the money himself. There- fore, at the Buda summit, while seeking a resolution for the conflict, he also brought up the possibility of pledging the Spiš region even though, according to the preliminary plan, the whole Spiš region would have been pledged if the Hun- garian ruler had taken over the debt of the Teutonic Order. The two cases were both resolved in Poland where the Hun- garianХ delegationХ andХ theХ order’sХ representativesХ hadХ aХ chance to make an agreement with the Polish king Wladislav II. The larger part of the funds raised by pledging the Spiš region was paid by the order to Sigismund in the course of the year 1413, which – besides spending it on the war with 285 Hungaro-Polonica Venice and building the Saint Sigismund Provostry – he in- tended to spend on the preparations of his coronation in Aa- chen. The pledging of the Spiš region is one of the most well- known financial transactions in medieval Hungary and as such it has received a great deal of attention. However, as demonstrated by this brief overview of the transaction and its circumstances, essential questions remain unanswered and further research is necessary regarding a number of im- portant issues relating to the pledging and its long afterlife. 286 Hungaro-Polonica ыigгХжгХTheХpledgedХSpišХregionХacordingХtoХtheХinitialХplanХ (cross-hatched): 24 privileged towns together with the cas- tleХofХSpiš.62 62TheХmapsХhaveХbeenХcreatedХwithХtheХhelpХofХtheХcomputerХprogramпХіálХ ъngelбХ żagyarországХ aХ középkorХ végénпХ digitálisХ térképХ ésХ adatbázisХ aХ középkoriХżagyarХźirályságХtelepüléseirрlХ[HungaryХinХtheХŻateХżiddleХ Ages: Digital Map and Database about the Settlements of the Hungarian Kingdom] (Budapest, 2001. CDROM). 287 Hungaro-Polonica ыigгХзгХTheХpledgedХSpišХregionХĐcross-hatched): the thriteen townХofХSpišбХtheХtownsХofХіodolínecбХHniezdneХandХtheХesв tateХofХStaráХжubovňaгХ 288 Hungaro-Polonica Bibiliography Primary sources Altmann, Wilhelm, ed. Regesta Imperii XI. Die Urkunden Kaiser Sigmunds 1410–1437. Vol. 1, 1410–1424 (Innsbruck, 1896). щługoszбХяanбХяoannis Dlugossii Annales seu Cronicae incliti Regni Poloniae, liber decimus et undecimus 1406–1412, Edited by C. Baczkowski, F. Sikora, D. Turkowska. (Warszawa, 1997). ъberhardХWindeckeХemlékirataХZsigmondХkirályrólХésХkorárólХ[TheХżemoirsХ of Eberhard Windecke about King Sigismund and his Age], Translated by RenátaХSkorkaбХĐчudapestбХзеенЮг Itineraria regum et reginarum (1382–1438). Edited by іálХъngel and Norbert шгХTóthХĐчudapestбХзеекЮг TinódiбХ SebestyénбХ “ZsigmondХ királyХ ésХ császárnakХ krónikájaХ ĐrészletЮ”Х [The Chronicle of King and Emperor Sigismund (fragment)]. In TarХŻрrincХpokoljáв rásaпХźözépkoriХmagyarХvíziókХ[ŻaurentiusХdeХTar’sХdescentХtoХhellпХżedievalХ HungarianХvisions]бХedгХSгХVгХźovácsХĐчudapestбХжонкЮХзкж–52. WeiseбХъrichбХщieХStaatsverträgeХdesХщeutschenХOrdensХinХіreußenХimХжкХяahrв hundert. Vol. 1. (Marienburg, 1970). Secondary literature цranyбХźrisztinaбХ“ыlorentineХыamiliesХinХHungaryХinХtheХыirstХHalfХofХtheХыif- teenthХшenturyб”ХĐіhгщгХщissгбХшentralХъuropeanХUniversityЮХĐчudapestбХзежйЮг ъngelбХ іálбХ “ZsigmondХ báróiпХ RövidХ életrajzok”Х [Sigismund’sХ barons: Short biographies]бХinХżűvészetХZsigmondХkirályХkorábanХжинм–1437, ed. L. Beke – E. Marosi – T. Wehli (Budapest, 1987) 405–458. źovácsбХ ъгХ іéterбХ “ZsigmondХ isztriaiХ hadjárata”Х [Sigismund’sХ żilitaryХ шampaignХ inХ юstria]бХ inХ цХ hadtápХ voltХ magaХ aХ fegyverпХ TanulmányokХ aХ középkoriХ hadszervezetХ ésХ katonaiХ logisztikaХ kérdéseirрlбХ edгХ ŻгХ іósánХ – L. VeszprémyХĐчudapestбХзежиЮХззм–252. юlyefalviбХ ŻajosбХ цХ ŻengyelországnakХ elzálogosítottХ XюююХ szepesiХ városХ tör- téneteХ [TheХ historyХ ofХ theХ thirteenХ townsХ ofХ SpišХ pledgedХ toХ іoland]Х ĐżakóбХ 1906). 289 Hungaro-Polonica żályuszбХъlemérбХźaiserХSigismundХinХUngarnбХжинм–1437 (Budapest, 1990). NowakбХHubertХZenonбХ“юnternationaleХSchiedsprozesseХalsХeinХWerkzeugХderХ іolitikХźönigХSigismundsХinХOstmittel- und Nordeuropa: 1411–жйзкб”ХчlätterХ fürХdeutsche Landesgeschichte 111 (1975) 172–188. іósánбХŻászlóбХ“ZsigmondХésХaХNémetХŻovagrend”Х[SigismundХandХtheХTeuв tonicХOrder]бХHadtörténelmiХźözleményekХжжжХĐжоонЮХлие–656. іósánбХ Żászlóб “цХ NémetХ ŻovagrendХ ésХ lengyel-litvánХ államХ közöttiХ ‘nagyХ háború’ХĐжй09–жйжжЮб”Х[TheХ“ьreatХWar”ХbetweenХtheХTeutonicХOrderХandХtheХ Polish-Lithuanian Union (1409–жйжжЮ]бХ Hadtörténelmi źözleményekХ жзйХ (2011) 3–17. SejbalбХяiфíбХщějinyХpenězХnaХżoravěХ[TheХHistoryХofХżoneyХinХżoravia]ХĐчrnoбХ 1979). SuchýбХżichaelбХ“SpisskeХmestaХvХpolskomХzalohu”Х[TheХTownsХofХtheХSpišХinХ іolishХ іledge]гХ inХ SpisskeХ mestaХ vХstredovekuХ [TheХ townsХ ofХ theХ SpišХ inХ theХ Middle Ages], ed. R. Marsina (źošiceб 1974) 55–87. SvábyбХыrigyesбХцХŻengyelországnakХelzálogosítottХXюююХszepesiХvárosХtörténeteХ [TheХHistoryХofХtheХThirteenХTownsХofХSpišХіledgedХtoХіoland]ХĐŻevoča, 1895). SzékelyбХ ьyörgyбХ “цХ budaiХ SzentХ ZsigmondХ templomХ kutatás-történetéhez”Х [Remarks on the Historiography of the Saint Sigismund Church in Buda], чudapestХRégiségeiХииХĐжоооЮХжк–17. TekeбХ ZsuzsaбХ “ыirenzeiХ kereskedрtársaságokбХ kereskedрkХ żagyaror-szágonХ ZsigmondХ uralmánakХ megszilárdulásaХ utánХ жйей–им”Х [ыlorentineХ чusinessХ шompaniesбХ żerchantsХ inХ HungaryХ afterХ theХ шonsolidationХ ofХ Sigismund’sХ Rule 1404–им]бХSzázadokХжзоХĐжоокЮбХжок–214. TóthбХшгХNorbertбХ“ZsigmondХmagyarХésХююгХUlászlóХlengyelХkirályХszemélyesХ találkozóiХ aХ lublóiХ békeХ utánХ Đжйжз–жйзйЮ”Х [TheХ іersonalХ żeetingsХ ofХ źingsХ WladislavХ ююХ andХ SigismundХ afterХ theХ іeaceХ ofХ StaráХ жubovňaХ Đжйжз–1424)]. TörténelmiХSzemleХклХĐзежйЮбХиио–356. Urban, William L, Tannenberg and After: Lithuania, Poland, and the Teutonic Order in Search of Immortality (Chicago, 1996). VéghбХцndrásбХ“цdatokХaХbudaiХkisebbХSzűzХżáriaбХmásХnévenХSztгХZsigmondХ templomХalapításánakХtörténetéhez”Х[Data for the History of the Foundation of the Church of Lesser Virgin Mary a.k.a. Church of St Sigismund], Budapest RégiségeiХииХĐжоооЮХзк–34. 290 Tomáš Homoľa Slovak Academy of Sciences Polish-Hungarian Rivalry for the Bohe- mian Crown in the 1460s* Linkage of mutual relations of Hungarian and Polish king- doms resulted from their location – they had joint boundary that was created mainly by Carpathian mountain range. Kingdom of Hungary and Kingdom of Poland were for two short periods united into the personal union under the rule of Angevin (1370–1382) and Jagiellonian (1440–1444) rulers. Contacts of both countries had changeable character, they re- sulted from different interests of kings, naturally rivalry be- tween these two monarchies prevailed. Over the period of rule of Hungarian king Sigismund of Luxemburg and Polish ruler Wladislaus II Jagiello it was reflected in occasional mil- itary clashes between these two powers.1 During the second half of 15th century the rivalry was expressed mainly in dy- nastic and territorial claims that affected mutual relations of both monarchies during the rule of Matthias Corvinus * This study was published within the project VEGA 2/0109/14: Komuni- káciaХaХspôsobyХšíreniaХinformáciíХvХstredovekuг 1 ыorХexampleХunsuccessfulХmilitaryХexpeditionХofХSigismund´sХarmyХintoХ Polish border territory in October 1410, which was led by the Hungarian nobleman (of Polish origin) Stibor of Stiborice. Krzysztof Baczkowski, щziejeХіolskiХpóѐnoцredniowiecznejХжиме–1506 [History of Poland in the late Middle Ages (1370–жкелЮ]ХĐźrakówбХжоооЮХон–оорХщanielaХщvoфákováбХ Rytier a jehoХ kráзХ пХ StiborХ zoХ StiborícХ a ŽigmundХ ŻuxemburskýХ [TheХ Knight and his King : Stibor of Stiborice and Sigismund of Luxemburg] (Budmerice, 2003) 286–288. 291 Hungaro-Polonica (1458–1490) and Casimir IV (1447 – 1492). In this study I want to deal with mutual relations of both mentioned kings before they gradually escalated into the military conflict in Bohe- mian kingdom. My objective is to focus on basis and causes of their bilateral contention in reference to Bohemian king- dom. Rivalry between Matthias and Casimir resulted from cen- tral European context of the late 1450s. In 1457 only seven- teen years old king of Hungary and Bohemia Ladislaus IV, called Posthumous, died. In the beginning of the following year in both kingdoms were elected as new rulers two mag- nates from domestic nobility (Matthias Corvinus and George ofХіoděbradyЮг2 It happened regardless of hereditary rights of relatives of Ladislaus the Posthumous. His blood relatives were Saxon and Thuringian duke William, called brave, from the House of Wettin and king of Poland Casimir IV who had marriedХіosthumous´ХsistersХъlizabethХandХцnneХ and therefore could have claims to the thrones. However WilliamХdidn´tХaspireХforХHungarianХthroneбХhisХinterestХwasХ focused mainly on acquisition of the Bohemian crown3 and 2 шzechХhistorianХяaroslavХчoubínХanalysesХjointХmarksХofХtheХaccessionsХtoХ theХthronesХofХsoХcalledХ“nationalХkings”ХinХtheХmiddleХofХtheХжк th century (on examples of George of іoděbradyбХ żatthiasХ шorvinusХ andХ SwedishХ rulerХźarlХVюююХźnutssonЮгХяaroslavХчoubínбХСeskáХ„národní“ХmonarchieХпХ źХdomácimХzdrojůmХaХevropskémuХkontextuХkrálovstvíХяiфíhoХzХіoděbradХ [шzechХ “National”Х żonarchyХ пХ ыorХ щomesticХ SourcesХ andХ ъuropeanХ Context of theХźingdomХofХьeorgeХofХіoděbrady]ХĐіrahaбХжоозЮХлк–83. 3 He claimed for Bohemian throne already in November 1457 and in the following two years he tried to find the support for his candidacy. However, in spring of 1458 at the diet in Prague George of PoděbradyХwasХ electedХ asХ aХ newХ kingгХ VáclavХ VladivojХ TomekбХ щějepisХ městaХ іrahyХ [History of the City Prague] vol. VI (Praha, 1906) 273–277. Later in 1459 at council in Cheb William renounced his hereditary rights to the Bohemian 292 Hungaro-Polonica also Casimir IV was involved in the case of Hungarian suc- cession only in minimal way.4 Another potential successor was Holy Roman emperor Frederick III from the House of Habsburg who possessed crown of Saint Stephen at that time.5 Nevertheless, also he, like other rulers from abroad, throne in the name of his spouse and his offsprings. In this issue he signed treatiesХ withХ ьeorgeХ ofХ іoděbradyбХ whichХ comprisedХ alsoХ dynasticХ weddings between both royal courts. (Marriages were realised in 1464 and жймжЮгХ цntonínХ HaasбХ цrchivХ korunyХ českéХ volгХ VюХ пХ źatalogХ listinХ zХ let 1438–1526 [Archive of the Bohemian Crown, vol. VI : Catalogue of Charters and Letters from Years 1438–1526] (Praha, 1958) 64–65, no. 88; іetrХ СornejХ – żilenaХ чartlováбХ VelkéХ dějinyХ zemíХ korunyХ českéХ [ьreatХ History of the Lands of the Bohemian crown] vol. VI. 1437–1526 (Praha – ŻitomyšlбХзеемЮХжлн–170. 4 The effort of Jagiellon stayed only in declarative form, Polish chronicler яohnХ щługoszХ statedХ thatХ шasimirХ юVХ hadХ sendХ hisХ envoysХ toХ bothХ kingdoms, who expressed his claims to these thrones. яanХ щługoszбХ RocznikiХczyliХźronikiХsławnegoХźrólestwaХіolskiegoХпХźsiegaХжзХĐжййк– 1461), ed. Krzysztof Baczkowski et al. [Annals and chronicles of famous kingdom of Poland: Book 12 (1445–1461)] (Warszawa, 2004) 333. Polish deputy at the election diet in Prague is mentioned in other sources. Frederick G. Heymann, George of Bohemia : King of heretics (Princeton– NewХ яerseyбХ жолкЮХ жкнгХ TomekбХ щějepisХ městaХ VюбХ змкгХ HoweverбХ theХ participationХ ofХ шasimir´sХ delegateХ atХ HungarianХ electionХ councilХ isХ notХ reflected in another texts. 5 Frederick acquired the crown in 1440 when it was put in pledge by Hungarian queen Elisabeth, widow of Albert Habsburg and mother of ŻadislausХ theХ іosthumousгХ чrigitteХ HallerбХ “źaiserХ ыriedrichХ undХ dieХ Stephanskrone”бХ żitteilungenХ desХ Österreichischen Staatsarchivs 26 (1973) 100–жеирХ іeterХ źartousбХ “Habsbursko-яagelovskéХ dvojvládieХ vХ Uhorsku v rokoch 1440–жйййХ пХ ZačiatkyХ яiskrovejХ vojenskejХ činnostiХ naХ územíХSlovenska”Х[Habsburg-Jagiellonian Dual Rule in Hungary in 1440– жйййХ пХ TheХ чeginningsХ ofХ яiskra´s Military Activity in the Territory of Slovakia]бХ HistorickéХ štúdieХ зйХ ĐжонеЮХзижрХ яosefХ щeérбХ щieХheiligeХ źroneХ Ungarns (Wien, 1966) 240. 293 Hungaro-Polonica didn´tХmake much effort for being elected as a new Hungar- ian or Bohemian king.6 іolishХchroniclerХяohnХщługoszХsawХ the reason for this is that Frederick III supported aspiration of Casimir IV of Poland,7 whose rights for throne were con- sidered legitimate and justified, even though he participated in the struggle for Hungarian succession only in marginal way. He dispatched the envoys to Bohemia and Hungary in January 1458, who had to declare Jagiellonian claims for the thrones,8 but it was the only initiative in this issue. Activity (or inactivity) of the king of Poland was caused mainly by 6 The most significant issues were probably problems concerning the interior policy of emperor. After the death of king Ladislaus he had to deal with dispute about the Austrian hereditary lands with his brother Albert VI and cousin Sigismund of Tirol. The negotiations which were in progress during 1458 led to conclusion of treaty, whose result was the division of Duchy of Austria between two brothers. Border was river Enns – Frederick gained the territory under (Lower Austria) and Albert over the river (Upper Austria). However, the struggle between Habsburg brothers continuedХ laterгХ цloisХ NiederstätterбХ ÖsterreichischeХ ьeschichte 1400– 1522: Das Jahrhundert der Mitte: An der Wende vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit (Wien, 1996) 250–251. Some historians treat the Habsburg quarrel aboutХцustrianХlandsХasХaХmainХreasonХofХыrederick´sХpassivityХrelatingХtheХ question of succession in kingdomХ ofХ чohemiaХ andХ HungaryгХ цndrásХ Kubinyi, Matthias rex (Budapest, 2008) 33–34; Heymann, George of чohemiaбХжкйгХSomeХauthorsХconsiderХasХaХmainХfactorХemperor´sХlethargyХ and reluctancy for handling the issues concerning with aspirations for both thronesгХ TomekбХ щějepisХ městaХ VюбХ змзрХ ыrantišekХ іalackýбХ щějinyХ národuХčeskéhoХvolгХюVХпХźnihaХжй–15 [History of the Czech nation, vol. IV: Book 14–15] (Praha, 1968) 301. 7 щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжййк–1461) 334. 8 Emissaries stressed the demands of Casimir and his sons for both kingdoms – asХitХisХmentionedХbyХяohnХщługoszбХcontemporaryХofХшasimirХ юVгХ щługoszбХ RocznikiХ жзХ Đжййк–1461) 333. Polish claim, originated from the dynastic connection of House of Habsburg and Jagiellon, is written alsoХbyХWrocławХchronicler Peter Eschenloer. Peter Eschenloer, Geschichte derХStadtХчreslauХvolгХюбХedгХьгХRothХĐżünsterХ – New York – żünchenХ– Berlin, 2003) 206. 294 Hungaro-Polonica the war between Poland and Teutonic order. However, the importance of keeping the hereditary rights of Jagiellonian dynasty stressed by Casimir IV, was evident in the text of charter from 1458 addressed to newly elected king of Hun- gary Matthias.9 In the charter Casimir considered Corvinus as a usurper of the power in the country, Polish king re- minded him illegitimacy of his rule and emphasized his own hereditary rights in blood relation through Emperor Sigis- mund and king Ladislaus.10 Polish attitude is confirmed by wordsХofХяohnХщługoszХwhoХtreatsХżatthias´ХelectionХasХ“disв gracefulХchoice”ХandХaddsпХ“so it is natural to wonder that Hun- garians turned to such stupidity that they had chosen a man of un- known origin…a prisoner and servant, whose release was not ac- complished yetг”11 юtХisХclearХthatХіolesХapprehendedХżatthias´Х accession to the throne as menace of their own dynastic claims. However Casimir, unlike Emperor Frederick III,12 didn´tХ wageХ warХ againstХ шorvinusХ despiteХ ofХ appealХ fromХ 9 MDE I, 41–42, no. 29. 10 MDE I, 41. It is not clear whether Casimir meant his own brother Wladislaus III. Jagiello (in Hungary Wladislaus I.) or Ladislaus the Posthumous, who had been his brother-in-law. 11 щługoszХpointedХtoХtheХfactбХthatХżatthiasХwasХatХtheХtimeХofХelectionХdietХ imprisonedХinХіragueгХщługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжййк–1461) 334. 12 WhereasХemperorХhadn´tХmade notable efforts in order to acquire Hun- garian throne in 1458, situation changed in the following year. In February 1459 a part of Hungarian noblemen who supported Habsburg succession in Hungary, led by palatine Ladislaus de Gara, elected Frederick III as a newХkingХofХHungaryХinХtheХborderХcityХofХьüssingгХKarl Nehring, Matthias Corvinus, Kaiser Friedrich III. und das Reich: Zum hunyadisch-habs- burgischenХ ьegensatzХ inХ щonauraumХ ĐżünchenбХ жоноЮХ жкрХ źubinyiбХ Matthias rex, 63. From that time, conflict between Matthias and Frederick began and lasted until 1463 when peace treaty of Sopron / Wiener Neustadt was signed. 295 Hungaro-Polonica John Jiskra to assume the rule in Kingdom of Hungary.13 The іolishХrulerХdidn´tХwantХtoХtakeХpartХinХthisХcaseХmainlyХbeв cause of the war with Teutonic order that was in progress.14 юnХconnectionХwithХthisХquestionХisХinterestingХthatХщługoszХ didn´tХ commentedХ theХ electionХ ofХ ьeorgeХ ofХ іoděbradyХ inХ negative way as he did in the case of Corvinus in Hungary (In spite of ecquivalent situation in relation to the claims of Polish royal court). Despite emphasization of Jagiellonian le- gitimate rights for the throne, he considered George as an influential and adequate governor of the country.15 As we can see incompletion of dynastic ambitions of Jagiellons was by Casimir apprehended in the case of Kingdom of Hungary much more dramatically than in the matter of Bohemia. In- teresting fact is that despite evident Polish disagreement withХżatthias´ХelectionХinХHungaryбХшasimirХdidn´tХattemptХ to reverse the course of events. It is uncertain what was the basic reason for him – war with Teutonic order on one side whether delaying attitude or even indecision of Polish king in this issue. 13 щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжййк–1461) 341. Jiskra later payed homage also to the emperor as a king of Hungary (10th March 1461). Joseph Chmel, Regesta chronologico-diplomatica Friderici III. Romanorum imperatoris ĐregisХюVгЮХvolгХююХĐWienбХжнкоЮХинлбХnoгХинкнрХыrantišekХOslanskýбХ“TheХroleХ ofХяohnХяiskraХinХtheХhistoryХofХSlovakia”бХHumanХцffairsХлХĐжоолЮХзн–29. 14 So called Thirteen Years' War (1453–1466). Baczkowski, Dzieje Polski, 209–222; Marian Biskup – źarolХ ьórskiбХ źazimierzХ яagiellończykпХ ZbiórХ studiówХo іolsceХdrugiejХpołowiХXVХwiekuХ[шasimirХяagiellonпХшollectionХ of Articles about Poland in the Second Half of the 15 th Century] (Warszawa, 1987) 173–215. 15 HeХhadХreservationsХonlyХonХ“orthodoxy”ХofХчohemianХkingгХHoweverбХ the tone of his speech about King George is much softer in comparison to his harsh and disrespectful words addressed for young Hunyadi. щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжййк–1461) 335. 296 Hungaro-Polonica Neutral attitude of Casimir IV was a consequence of var- ious elements, first of all country was exhausted from long- lasting Thirteen Years' War, but also tense relations with the Holy See led the Polish king to cautious policy.16 Further- more, limiting factor for Casimir could be his own experi- ence from previous effort of Jagiellons to acquire Bohemian Kingdom. After the death of Sigismund of Luxemburg in 1438 Polish king Wladislaus III tried to enforce his younger brother Casimir (later king Casimir IV) on Bohemian throne, firstly by diplomatic and later also by military means on the expense of Albert of Habsburg. However, his effort was un- successful especially because of strong aversion of bordering powers towards Jagiellonian candidacy (mainly German dukes opposed).17 Exactly personal experience of the king of Poland with strong international opposition against his own aspiration to gain the throne could considerable contribute to his cautious, waiting attitude and preference for gradual diplomatic solution of situation in Bohemian kingdom. From this point of view, it is clear that for Jagiellonians was strate- gic objective to acquire Bohemian crown. The attempt from 16 There were controversies in the matter of occupancy of bishopric offices inХWarmiaХandХźrakówХinХlateХжйкеsХandХbeginningХofХжйлеsгХюnХtheХendХofХ 1450s pope Calixtus III excommunicated the Polish ruler for war, which he waged with Teutonic order. Biskup – ьórskiбХźazimierzХяagiellończykбХ 200–202 a 208–210; Janusz Smolucha, Polityka kurii Rzymskiej za pontyfikatu Piusa II. (1458–1464) wobec Czech i krajówХ sąsiednichХ пХ Z dziejówХdyplomacjiХpapieskiejХwХXVХwiekuХ[TheХіolicyХofХtheХHolyХSeeХ during the Pontificate of Pius II (1458–1464). Regarding Bohemia and the Neighbouring Countries: From History of Papal Diplomacy in the 15 th шentury]ХĐźrakówбХзеенЮХззм–229. 17 It was a question of creating Polish-Bohemian-Hungarian personal uni- on under the rule of JagielloniansгХСornejгХ– чartlováгХVelkéХdějinyХVюбХимбХ 52–53 (For whole course of events see pages 36–56). 297 Hungaro-Polonica 1438 was one of the demonstrations of strategy of kings of Poland from Jagiellonian dynasty. In 1460s the interests of Hungary and Poland met in two stages, specifically in question of Moldavian principality18 and in the case of waging crusade against Bohemian king- dom. DepositionХ ofХ ьeorgeХ ofХ іoděbradyХ fromХ чohemianХ throne became serious issue in the second half of 1460s. Con- tention between Matthias and Casimir was gradually demonstrated in their foreign policy, mainly in different at- titudes in case of waging the campaign against King George which was initiated by the Holy See.19 Besides stimulation of domestic opposition (associated in soХcalledХіanskáХдХZelenohorskáХjednotaЮ20 against George of іoděbradyбХtheХіopeХwasХsearchingХforХalliesХagainstХheretiв cal ruler also among the rulers of surrounding countries. He was thinking about suitable personality that could lead the expedition against Bohemian kingdom. Most serious candi- date was already during the pontificate of Pius II Polish king Casimir IV. His claim was based on hereditary rights of his wife Elizabeth from the House of Habsburg, daughter of Holy Roman emperor and also Bohemian and Hungarian 18 НerbanХ іapacosteaбХ “UnХ ÉpisodeХ deХ laХ rivalitéХ polono-hongroise aux XVeХ siècleХ пХ ŻaХ campagneХ deХ żathiasХ шorvinХ enХ żoldavieХ ĐжйлмЮбХ áХ laХ lumièreХd´uneХsourceХinédite“бХRevueХRoumaineХd´histoireХнХĐжолоЮХолм– 979. 19 For the relations of Papal state and Bohemian kingdom at this time: Smolucha, Polityka kurii Rzymskiej, passim. Ludwig Pastor, The history of the popes, from the close of the Middle Ages, vol. IV (St. Louis, 1913) 119–145. 20 ыorХmoreХinformationХaboutХsoХcalledХіanskáХдХZelenohorskáХjednotaпХ яosefХżacekбХяiфíХz іoděbradХ[ьeorgeХofХіoděbrady]ХĐіrahaбХжолмЮХжме–180. 298 Hungaro-Polonica kingХцlbertгХцfterХsuddenХdeathХofХtheХonlyХцlbert´sХsonХŻadв islaus the Posthumous in 1457 Elizabeth acquired legitimate claim on vacant thrones in Bohemian and Hungarian king- domsгХ HereditaryХ rightsХ ofХ theХ іolishХ kingХ weren´tХ quesв tioned, on the contrary Pius II considered him as a potential successorХofХьeorgeХofХіoděbradyХalreadyХafterХtheХabolitionХ of the Compactata of Basel.21 In 1463 during negotiation with envoyХofХWrocławХяohnХWeinrichХheХmentionedХtheХpossibilв ityХofХшasimir´sХassumingХpowerХinХчohemiaг22 Weinrich de- scribed in detail his discussion with the pope, in which Pius II was asking for his advice in the question of potential can- didates for assuming power in Bohemian kingdom. Pius II addedХthatХinХtheХcaseХofХdepositionХofХьeorgeпХ“we must have someone else, who would take the duty upon. How do you like the king of Poland, in case he will be so strong and should rule the countryф”23 Weinrich reminded him the activities of Jagiellon inХіrussiaХthatХhamperХtheХsolutionХofХ“чohemianХheresy”гХ TheХpopeХwasХawareХofХшasimir´sХproblemsХwithХwagingХwarХ with Teutonic order (which lasted from 1453), however he would like to see the king of Poland as the implementer of hisХintentionsгХіius´ХaimХwasХwelcomedХmainlyХbyХtheХcityХofХ WrocławХthatХhadХbeenХrejectingХьeorgeХofХіoděbradyХfromХ 21 цboutХ чaselХ compactsХ seeХ ыrantišekХ ŠmahelбХ “чasilejskáХ kompaktátaбХ jejichХzpísemněníХa ratifikace“Х[The Compactata of Basel : Their Drafting and Ratification], Studia mediaevalia Bohemica 1 (2009) 187–229. 22 Hermann Markgraf (ed.), Politische Correspondenz Breslaus im Zeit - alter Georgs von Podiebrad, vol. II. 1463–1469. SRS IX, 6–9, no. 185. 23 Markgraf, SRS IX, 7, noгХ жнкрХ ZdeněkХ TobolkaбХ “StykyХ králeХ českéhoХ яiфíhoХz іoděbradХs polskýmХkrálemХźazimírem”Х[TheХRelationsХofХчohe- mianХźingХьeorgeХofХіoděbradyХwithХшasimirбХźingХofХіoland]бХСasopisХ żaticeХmoravskéХззХĐжнонЮХжлк–166. 299 Hungaro-Polonica the beginning of his rule and also few Polish noblemen sym- pathizedХwithХ pope´sХ planгХ ĐeгХ gгХіolishХ envoy John of Os- trorógЮг24 After the death of Pius II (1464) this topic became more intensive, in 1465 Pope Paul II appealed to the Polish king through cardinal Carvajal in order to break contacts with the Bohemian ruler.25 In the next year he also demanded to sup- port rebelling nobles in Bohemia and city of Pilsen.26 In con- nection with escalation of the conflict of new pope Paul II withХьeorgeХofХіoděbradyбХtheХpopeХrealizedХtheХimportanceХ of ending long-lastingХwarХwithХTeutonicХorderгХThat´sХwhyХ heХsentХpapalХenvoyХRudolfХofХRüdesheimХinХorderХtoХmediв ate truce between both belligerent sides, which he managed to do by conclusion the peace in Thorn in October 1466.27 Consequently Rudolf came to Casimir with offer to assume power in the Bohemian kingdom. He underlined that the right for the throne belonged to Jagiellons through queen consort Elizabeth. Furthermore, pope promised help to Cas- imir, financial support and acquisition of whole Silesia and 24 In those days representatives of WrocławХ appealedХ toХ archbishopХ ofХ Gniezno and Polish bishops, in order to find support for them from side ofХшasimirХюVгХяohnХofХOstrorógХassuredХenvoyХofХWrocławХыabianХHankoХ ofХшasimir´sХfavourХinХthisХissueгХTobolkaбХ“StykyХkráleХčeského”бХжлк–166. Polish king was frequently the target of demands from the side of WrocławгХчiskupХ– ьórskiбХźazimierzХяagiellończykбХзелг 25 Similar appeals were addressed to another royal courts (Emperor Fredrick, Kingdom of Hungary, Denmark etc.) Markgraf, SRS IX, 130–131, no. 297. 26 Markgraf, SRS IX, 167–жмебХčгХизжХцбХизжХчг 27 The so called second peace of Thorn was signed on 16 th October which ended Thirteen Years' War. Baczkowski, Dzieje Polski, 224. 300 Hungaro-Polonica Lusatia.28 However, the king of Poland was reluctant to par- ticipate in another military conflict after recently finished Thirteen Years' War that economically exhausted his coun- try.29 Furthermore, relations of Casimir with George of іoděbradyХ inХ жйлеsХ wentХ inХ friendlyХ wayбХ fromХ жйлзХ theyХ wereХ tiedХ withХ amicableХ treatiesХ concludedХ inХ ьłogówг30 Those are the reasons why the Polish rulerХ didn´tХ wantХ toХ intervene against the Bohemian king at all.31 The Polish king behaved in this situation carefully and reservedly, his attitude was basically neutral32 and de- manded from the pope time to reconsider.33 In the beginning of summer 1467 the pope again encouraged him to assume theХчohemianХcrownгХшhroniclerХщługoszХwritesХaboutХunanв imous choice of the Polish ruler or his son, also he mentions pope´sХpromiseХofХgeneralХsupportХofХчohemianХcatholicХesв tates (including Moravia, Silesia, Lusatia) and surrounding powers – emperor Frederick III and also other German 28 щługoszбХ яanбХ RocznikiХ czyliХ kronikiХ sławnegoХ królestwaХ polskiegoпХ księga 12 (1462–1480) (Warszawa, 2009) 178–180. 29 щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжйлз–1480) 180; Nehring, Matthias Corvinus, 28. 30 TreatiesХofХьłogówХwereХprecededХbyХcontractsХconcludedХinХчytomХinХ 1460. Both monarchs agreed on keeping mutual friendly relations, result ofХthisХassemblyХwasХagreementХofХfutureХdietХinХьłogówгХTobolkaбХ“StykyХ králeХčeského”бХмй–мкрХRudolfХUrbánekбХVěkХіoděbradskýХvolгХюVпХСechyХ zaХ panováníХ яiфíhoХ z іoděbradХ Đжйле–1464), (Praha, 1962) 356–357. For ьlogówХagreementsХseeпХRomanХHeckгХZjazdХgłogowskiХwХжйлзХrХ[ьlogówХ щietХinХжйлз]ХĐьłogówбХзежзЮХолгХ 31 Jӧrg Konrad Hoensch, Matthias Corvinus: Diplomat, Feldherr und żäzenХĐьrazбХжоонЮХомг 32 Heymann, George of Bohemia, 422–423. 33 щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжйлз–1480) 180. 301 Hungaro-Polonica princes.34 However, reality was not so clear. From 1459 Bo- hemian ruler was related with Saxon Wettins, Duke Albert юююХ marriedХ ZdenkaбХ daughterХ ofХ ьeorgeХ ofХ іoděbradyг35 Blood relations obliged also Ursula, first born daughter of Albert Achilles, duke of Brandenburg, who married duke of żünsterbergХHenryбХtheХsecondХsonХofХtheХчohemianХkingХinХ жйлмгХьeorgeХofХіoděbradyХalsoХconcludedХallianceХwithХtheХ House of Wittelsbach – in 1460 with Bavarian duke Louis, called the Rich.36 Actually Louis tried to mediate a peace be- tween Paul II and George in 1466, when he demanded from pope to stop the process against Bohemian king and recon- cile with him.37 Furthermore, at the diet in Nuremberg in 1467 papal legateХŻorenzoХRoverellaХalsoХdidn´tХfindХsupportХ against Bohemian utraquists that corresponded with aims Saxon and Brandenburg royal Houses.38 Their attitude doc- uments content of charter of the Bohemian king in which he thanked to Frederick II, elector of Brandenburg for his sup- port at the diet in Nuremberg.39 34 щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжйлз–1480) 199–200. 35 Alliance and wedding was concluded at the diet in Cheb in 1459. цntonínХHaasбХцrchivХkorunyХVюбХлж–63, no. 84–нмгХіoděbradskýХsignedХatХ the same meeting friendly treaties with the House of Hohenzollern. Ibid., 65–66, no. 89. 36 Heymann, George of Bohemia, 220–221. 37 HoweverбХpopeХresolutelyХrejectedХthisХinitiativeгХżacekбХяiфíХz іoděbradбХ 181. 38 Nehring, Matthias Corvinus, 28. 39 Codex diplomaticus Brandenburgensis Sammlung der Urkunden, шhronikenХ undХ sonstigenХ їuellenХ überХ dieХ ьeschichteХ der Mark Brandenburg vol. III/1, ed. Adolph Friedrich Riedel (Berlin, 1859) 440, no. 311. 302 Hungaro-Polonica Cohesion of mutual relations and waiting or reluctance of single rulers was delaying the realization of military inter- vention into Bohemian kingdom. George was deposed ruler by the pope indeed, nevertheless maintained appeals of Paul ююХapparentlyХweren´tХsoХstrongХforХъuropeanХmonarchsгХSitв uation was more complicated as it had been presented by the pope and potential military conflict with the Bohemian king needn´tХ bringХ desirableХ benefitбХ whatХ wasХ alsoХ шasimir IV aware of. Furthermore, George appealed to the Polish king and through his envoy demanded from him to maintain theirХallianceХconcludedХinХьłogówХinХжйлзХandХnotХtoХgiveХ any kind of support to rebelling nobility and city of Wrocławг40 Since the Polish king was requested not only by the pope, but also from side of representatives of insurgent aristocracyХandХcityХofХWrocławХwhoХdesiredХhisХhelpХinХtheХ struggleХwithХtheХ“heretical”ХчohemianХkingгХHoweverбХшasв imir assured George of maintaining mutual treaties with condition that Bohemian ruler would also keep them.41 Re- bellious Bohemian noblemen wanted to acquire Casimir on their side again in summer of 1467, he reacted with sending envoys to George. The Polish king wanted to reconcile tense situation between the king and his opposition in his own country and also with the pope. He required from George to submitХ toХ іaulХ ююХ inХ theХ nameХ ofХ “шhristianХ unity”Х andХ byХ these means to avoid planned crusade into the kingdom.42 40 щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжйлз–1480) 195. 41 щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжйлз–1480) 195. 42 щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжйлз–1480) 204–206. Bohemian king in his answer reprimanded baselessnessХofХtheХpapalХactivitiesХagainstХhimгХцrchivХčeskýХ čiliХstaréХpísemnéХpamátkyХčeskéХi morawskéХ[чohemianХцrchiveХthusХOldХ 303 Hungaro-Polonica On the other hand, some kind of support for rebellious noblemen from Jagiellonian side is not excluded, in the letter ofХZdeněkХŠternberkбХoneХofХtheХleadersХofХrebelsбХaddressedХ toХяohnХofХRožmberkХauthorХmentionsХplannedХmilitaryХaidХ from the side of the Polish king against the Bohemian mon- arch with a manpower from thousand to four thousand horsemen.43 In august 1467 Casimir finally rejected the offer fromХpapalХenvoyХRudolfХofХRüdesheimХtoХleadХtheХpotentialХ expedition. The essential argument was again exhaustion from recently finished Thirteen Years' War in Prussia against the Teutonic order,44 however Jagiellon behaved as an arbi- trator between Pope Paul II and Bohemian ruler George of іoděbradyгХцlthoughХalreadyХinХtheХwinterХofХжйлмХtriedХpaв palХ envoyХ toХ persuadeХ theХ іolishХ kingХ forХ theХ “чohemianХ question”ХatХtheХdietХinХWrocławбХbutХalsoХthisХattempt was unsuccessful.45 Representatives of rebels, Polish and Bohe- mian king took part at the diet. While deputies of Bohemian catholic nobility confirmed themselves in searching for new king and allies against George, objective of Polish envoys consisted mainly in position of arbitrators of truce between the Bohemian ruler and his domestic opposition. With this assignment, Polish deputies Stanislaus of Ostroróg, Jacob of щębno andХяohnХщługoszХnegotiatedХwithХtheХчohemianХkingХ WrittenХ чohemianХ andХ żoravianХ Records]Х edгХ ыrantišekХ іalackбХ volгХ йХ (Praha, 1846) 147–153, no. 36–37. 43 іossiblyХ ŠternberkХ exaggerates the amount of Polish support, some auxiliary troops are not excluded from the side of Jagiellon though. Josef źalousekХĐedгЮбХцrchivХčeskýХčiliХstaréХpísemnéХpamátkyХčeskéХi moravskéХ [Bohemian Archive thus Old Written Bohemian and Moravian Records] vol. 7 (Praha, 1887) 279, no. 131. 44 щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжйлз–1480) 206. 45 TobolkaбХ“StykyХkráleХčeského”бХиеи–305. 304 Hungaro-Polonica and managed to conclude a truce lasting until 28th January.46 Also this last attempt to gain support from Casimir ended unsuccessful. Whereas the Polish ruler rather tried to reconcile the sit- uation in Bohemia and despite of his potential support of re- bellious nobility his relations withХ ьeorgeХ ofХ іoděbradyХ went in correct way, relations of Matthias Corvinus with Bo- hemian king gradually declined. Hungarian monarch fol- lowed the papal line of policy, he declared to Paul II in Oc- toberХ жйлкХ thatпХ “If against Czechs or against Turks is needed, anyhow it is in my powers and that of my kingdom, above all they remain and forever will remain loyal to the Holy See and your sanctityг”47 щespiteХofХьeorge´sХeffortХtoХgetХżatthiasХinХtheХ dispute with the pope on his side48 controversy between these two kings were culminating. As we can see in the ra- ther sharp correspondence between both royal courts from 46 цrchivХpražskéХmetropolitníХkapitulyХvolгХююХпХźatalogХlistinХaХlistůХz let 1420–1561 [Archive of Metropolitan Chapter of Prague, vol. II: Catalogue of Charters and Letters from Years 1420–жклж]Х edгХ яaroslavХ ъršilХ – яiфíХ іražákбХĐіrahaбХжонлЮХнл–87, no. 238. 47 żatthiasХ namedХ чohemiansХ asХ enemiesХ inХ thisХ letterХ “hostibus quam Bohemi sunt“Х– żźŻХюбХжжйбХnoгХмнрХVilmosХыraknóiХĐedгЮХ“żathiae Corvini Hungariae regis epistolae ad Romanos pontifices datae et ab eis acceptae. żátyásХkirályХlevelezéseХaХrómaiХpápákkalХжйкн–жйое”бХżVHХюдлбХлж–62, no. 42. 48 Negotiations in this matter took place in Trnava in September 1465, pre- sent at the talks wereХяohnХVitézбХbishopХofХOradeaбХfromХHungarianХsideХ and Protasius of Boskovice, bishop of Olomouc, as a bohemian deputy. яózsefХ TelekiХ ĐedгЮбХ HunyadiakХ koraХ żagyarországonХ [TheХ цgeХ ofХ theХ Hunyadis in Hungary] vol. XI (Pest, 1855) 153, no. 385. In 1466 Gregory of Heimburg, German jurist in the service of the Bohemian king, wrote a letter addressed to Corvinus, in which he formulated an apology of ьeorgeХ ofХ іoděbradyХ andХ pointedХ outХ theХ injusticeХ ofХ religiousХ lawsuitХ against the Bohemian king initiated by the pope. Markgraf, SRS IX, 181– 190, no. 329. 305 Hungaro-Polonica yearsХжйллХandХжйлмбХbasicХissueХhadХbeenХmainlyХżatthias´Х complaintsХ aboutХ raidsХ ofХ żatthiasХ ofХ ŠternberkХ andХ otherХ Bohemian noblemen on Hungarian land.49 Tense content of extensive correspondence was a precursor of future military conflict, Corvinus compared the activity and caused dam- ages of Bohemian lords to violence committed by the Otto- mans. Opened conflict was delayed by inner-political prob- lems, with which Matthias struggled in 1467 – war with bratríciХmovementбХrebellionХinХTransylvaniaбХwhichХresultedХ in military intervention in Moldavia.50 In the end of the year 1467 after unsuccessful attempts of Pope Paul II to persuade the Polish king and the elector of Brandenburg to lead crusade into Bohemian kingdom51 turned Holy father his attention to Hungarian ruler Matthias Corvinus, with whom he had counted until then mainly as a defender against expansion of Ottoman empire.52 Also Bohe- 49 Teleki, Hunyadiak kora XI, 174–зжлбХpassimрХыraknóiбХżźŻХюбХжйй–177, passim. 50 Rebellion in Transylvania is described by chronicler Antonio Bonfini. цntonioХ чonfiniбХ „RerumХ UngaricarumХ decadesбХ tomusХ юVбХparsХ ю“бХ edsгХ яózsefХыógelХ– чélaХюványiХ– ŻászlóХяuhászХĐчudapestбХжойжЮХже–15; Kubinyi, Matthias rex, 82–84. Expedition to Moldavian principality ended unsuccessfully, Hungarian army was defeated by the forces of Moldavian duke Stephen the Great. Campaign also contributed to worsening Polish- Hungarian relations, because Polish estates treated Moldavian princi- palityХasХaХsphereХofХinfluenceХofХtheirХkingdomгХцntonínХźalousбХżatyášХ źorvínХ Đжййи–жйоеЮХ пХ UherskýХ a českýХ králХ [żatthiasХ шorvinusХ Đжййи– 1490): HungarianХandХчohemianХźing]ХĐСeskéХчudějoviceбХзееоЮХжжм–120; іapacosteaбХUnХÉpisodeХdeбХолм–979. 51 ъlectorХ ыrederickХ ююХ wasХ alsoХ pope´sХ candidateХ forХ a leader of the crusade, but he rejected the offers. Codex diplomaticus Brandenburgensis III/1, 455–458. no. 327. 52 Pastor, The history IV, 140. 306 Hungaro-Polonica mian catholic estates had the same intention, they turned at- tentionХtoХżatthiasХandХtheyХagreedХatХtheХdietХinХWrocławХ in the end of 1467 that they would request the Hungarian monarch to protect catholics in the country and to support them in the war against George.53 In the beginning of year 1468 papal nuntius Gabriel Rangoni and bishop of Olomouc Protasius of Boskovice were sent out with mandate from the popeХandХ“іanskáХjednota”ХtoХOradeaХinХorderХtoХrequestХtheХ HungarianХkingХtoХjoinХtheХbattleХwithХьeorgeХofХіoděbradyгХ Matthias was staying there in that time after his failed expe- dition to Moldavia.54 After previous lengthy attempts to find a leader of the crusade, only this offer succeeded finally. It is clear from the message of bishop Protasius addressed to pa- pal legate RudolfХofХRüdesheimбХinХwhichХheХinformedХhimХ about achieved result of his mission to the Hungarian ruler.55 Although apparently Matthias was not the only candidate at that time – even in February 1468 papal envoys were offering Bohemian crown to Frederick II, elector of Brandenburg – in fact the Hungarian king was the only person who listened to pope´sХappealsХtoХbeginХwarХwithХ“hereticalХчohemianХking”гХ 53 Peter Eschenloer. Geschichte der Stadt Breslau vol. ююбХedгХьгХRothХĐżün- ster – New York – żünchenХ– Berlin, 2003) 710. 54 цntonínХźalousгХ“SlužbaХчoskovickýchХu żatyášeХźorvína”Х[TheХHouseХ of Boskovice in Service of Matthias Corvinus], Acta Universitatis Palackianae Olomucensis Historica 33 (2007) 88–89. 55 ыrantišekХіalackýХĐedгЮбХ“UrkundlicheХчeiträgeХzurХьeschichteХчöhmnesХ undХ seinerХ NachbarländerХ imХ ZeitalterХ ьeorg´sХ vonХ іodiebradХ Đжйке– жймжЮ“бХinХыontesХrerumХцustriacarum II/20 (Wien, 1860) 523, no. 440. 307 Hungaro-Polonica Matthias reacted relatively quickly, he declared war to Vic- torinХofХіoděbradyХinХtheХendХofХżarchХreferringХtoХallianceХ with Emperor Frederick and mandate from Pope Paul II.56 Matthias invaded Moravia with his army and during the year of 1468 he gradually managed to gain control of major- ity of its territory. At this time he wanted to strengthen his position with marriage to Hedwig Jagiellon, daughter of Casimir IV, legitimate heiress of Hungarian and Polish crown. Her marriage with Matthias would confirm his status in Hungary and potentially could create basis for his aspira- tion for Bohemian throne. Matthias sent out bishop Protasius with assignment to propose marriage at Polish royal court in źrakówбХ howeverХ theХ proposal was unsuccessful, because Polish side considered the Hungarian king as an inadequate and mainly unequal bridegroom for their royal daughter.57 ыurthermoreбХшasimirХsurelyХdidn´tХwantХtoХlegitimizeХżatв thias´ХpositionХinХthisХwayХnotХonlyХasХaХHungarian king, but also as a potential candidate for Bohemian crown. 56 СornejХ – чartlováбХ VelkéХ dějinyХ VюбХ зкжрХ źalousбХ żatyášХ źorvínбХ жзмгХ Pope and emperor significantly supported Matthias in his struggle with „чohemianХheretics“гХіaulХююХspentХforХthisХpurposeХconsiderableХamountХ of moneyгХ ыrantišekХ чenešгХ “щepositeriaХ generaleХ dellaХ crociata”бХ СeskoslovenskýХ časopisХ historickýХ жйХ ĐжоллЮХ мйжрХ żiriamХ HlavačkováбХ Juraj zo Schӧnbergu : Bratislavský prepošt v službách cisára a kráзa [George of Schönberg: Provost in the Services of the Emperor and the King] (Bratislava, 2015) 168–169; Pastor, The history IV, 83–84. Frederick юююХ alsoХ subsidizedХ шorvinus´Х campaignХ toХ чohemianХ kingdomгХ HlavačkováбХяurajХzoХSchӧnbergu, 164. 57 It is a statement of contemporary chroniclers. Eschenloer, Geschichte der Stadt II, 721. Matthias planned double wedding – his with Hedwig and a marriage of Maximilian, son of roman emperor, with younger шasimir´sХ daughterХ SofiaгХ щługoszбХ RocznikiХ жзХ Đжйлз–1480) 219–220. Similar statements in literature. Nehring, Matthias Corvinus, 31. 308 Hungaro-Polonica After successful capture of Moravia, Corvinus began new military campaign against Bohemia itself in the beginning of жйлоХwithХtheХobjectiveХtoХdefeatХьeorgeХofХіoděbradyгХHowв ever, in the end of February became stand-off situation that resulted into concludingХtheХtruceХnearХvillageХofХVilémovб58 whose goal was to sign a peace treaty later in Olomouc. Peace negotiations took place from April to May in the same year, the result of talks was not a peace treaty though and instead Matthias was elected as a new king of Bohemia. Polish representatives present at the peace diet in Olomouc immediately protested against this course of action.59 After his election Matthias tried to persuade again Casimir IV to join him in the Bohemian campaign and proposed to his daughterХHedwigХagainгХъvidenceХofХшasimir´sХreactionХisХinХ the letter of Gregory of Heimburg from July 1469, in which heХstatedпХ“Polish king gave King Matthias Huniad cold answer about his daughter, also all the help rejected…”60 Attitude of Jagi- ellonХ didn´tХ changeбХ heХ didn´tХ considerХ thisХ connectionХ which would eventually strengthen the position of Hungar- ian king. On the contrary he pursued the possibility of ac- quiring Bohemian crown by means of gaining support for claims of his own son Wladislaus from the side of George of іoděbradyг 58 Heymann, George of Bohemia, 514–кжлрХ źalousбХ żatyášХ źorvínбХ жиж– 132. 59 Nehring, Matthias Corvinus, 37. 60 шonstantinХ HöflerгХ Das kaiserliche Buch des Markgrafen Albrecht цchillesпХ VorkurfürstlicheХ periodeХ жййе–1470, (Bayreuth, 1850) 203–204, no. 102. щługoszХalsoХmentionesХpotentialХmarriageХofХżatthiasХшorvinusХ withХшasimir´sХdaughterгХщługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжйлз–1480) 248. 309 Hungaro-Polonica SoХ likeХ inХ theХ pastбХ шasimirХ rejectedХ шorvinus´Х requestХ again at this time, because objective of his foreign policy was to conclude an agreement with George. He negotiated with Bohemian king about potential succession of his son Wladis- laus after possible death of George, who supported claims of the Polish crown prince. The negotiations about this ques- tion were in progress from July 1469, part of the future treaty had to be also wedding of Wladislaus with Ludmila, daugh- ter of the Bohemian king.61 The question of connection the HouseХofХяagiellonХwithХtheХHouseХofХіoděbradyХresonatedХ also in the next year, but was never realized.62 After 1470 the rivalry between Matthias Corvinus and Casimir IV moved into the new way – military conflict. It brought also new place of their contention, in 1471–1472 Matthias faced the invasion of Polish army in territory of Hungary. De facto it started a new era of their mutual rela- tions that resulted in long-lasting conflict between these two monarchs and in state of permanent pressure between these two Central-European powers. Relations of the Hungarian and Polish king in 1460s were characteristic of latent pressure that resulted primarily from żatthias´ХelectionХasХHungarianХkingгХъvenХthoughХшasimirХ didn´tХinvolveХin succession in Hungary, he considered Cor- vinus´ХaccessionХasХaХdamageХofХhisХhereditaryХrightsХinХtheХ kingdom of Hungary. Furthermore, gradual involvement of Matthias in question of leading the crusade against George 61 щługoszбХRocznikiХжзХĐжйлз–1480) 249, 258–259. 62 For more information look at Tobolka, “StykyХkráleХčeského“бХимй–380. 310 Hungaro-Polonica ofХ іoděbradyХ raisedХ theХ tensionХ between both rulers, be- cause Matthias could potentially threaten eventual Jagiello- nian succession in lands of the Bohemian crown. The acces- sion to the throne was apparently a part of strategy of Jagiel- lonian rulers at least from 1430s, when they militarily tried to take over the rule in Bohemian kingdom. Casimir IV grad- ually tried to gain Bohemian crown for his royal House by diplomatic means, he hesitated to wage war with George of іoděbradyХ andХ openlyХ breakХ friendlyХ treatiesХ thatХ heХ hadХ with the Bohemian king. Strategies of both rulers how to acquire Bohemian crown were totally different. While Hungarian king after long-last- ingХdiplomaticХactivityХdidn´tХhesitateХtoХgoХinХmilitaryХconв frontationХ withХ ьeorgeХ ofХ іoděbradyбХ theХ іolishХ rulerХ opened the door for Jagiellonian succession in Bohemia with several diplomatic actions and treaties. Strategy of Casimir IV finally came out as the successful one, despite of his cer- tain indecision. After the death of king George in 1471 Casi- mir´sХsonХWladislausХsucceededХtoХtheХчohemian throne and actually he was elected as a new Hungarian king almost 20 years later after the death of Matthias Corvinus. At last Cas- imir´sХforeignХpolicyХwasХsuccessfulХandХasХaХresultХitХbroughtХ to the Jagiellonian dynasty reign over Bohemian and Hun- garian kingdom for almost forty years. 311 Hungaro-Polonica Bibliography Primary sources Codex diplomaticus Brandenburgensis Sammlung der Urkunden, Chro- nikenХundХsonstigenХїuellenХüberХdieХьeschichteХderХżarkХчrandenburgХ vol. III/1, ed. A. F. Riedel (Berlin, 1859). щługoszбХ яanбХ RocznikiХ czyliХ źronikiХ sławnegoХ źrólestwaХ іolskiegoХ пХ Ksiega 12 (1445-1461) [Annals and Chronicles of Famous Kingdom of Po- land: Book 12 (1445-1461)], ed. K. Baczkowski et al. (Warszawa, 2004). Eschenloer. Peter, Geschichte der Stadt Breslau vol. I–II, ed. G. Roth Đżünster – New York – żünchenХ– Berlin, 2003). HaasХцntonínбХцrchivХkorunyХčeskéХvolгХVI : Katalog listin z let 1438–1526 [Archive of the Bohemian Crown, vol. VI: Catalogue of Charters and Let- ters from Years 1438–1526] (Praha, 1958). żarkgrafбХ HermannХ ĐedгЮбХ “іolitischeХ шorrespondenzХ чreslausХ imХ Zeitв alter Georgs von Podiebrad, vol. II 1463–жйло”бХюnХSRSХюXг TelekiбХяózsefбХHunyadiakХkoraХżagyarországonХ[TheХцgeХofХtheХHunyaв dis in Hungary] vol. XI (Pest, 1855). Secondary literature BaczkowskiбХ źrzysztofбХ щziejeХ іolskiХ póѐnoцredniowiecznejХ жиме–1506 [History of Poland in the late Middle Ages (1370–жкелЮ]ХĐźrakówбХжоооЮ. Biskup, Marian – ьórskiб źarolбХźazimierzХяagiellończykпХZbiórХstudiówХoХ іolsceХdrugiejХpołowiХXVХwiekuХCasimir Jagiellon: Collection of Articles about Poland in the Second Half of the 15th Century] (Warszawa, 1987). СornejбХіetrХ– чartlováбХżilena, VelkéХdějinyХzemíХkorunyХčeskéХvolгХVюгХ 1437–1526 [Great History of the Lands of the Bohemian crown] (Praha – ŻitomyšlбХзеем). Heymann, Frederick G., George of Bohemia: King of Heretics (Princeton– New Jersey, 1965). 312 Hungaro-Polonica HlavačkováбХ żiriamбХ яurajХ zoХ Schӧnbergu : Bratislavský prepošt v službáchХcisáraХaХkráзaХ[ьeorgeХofХSchönbergпХіrovostХinХtheХServicesХofХ the Emperor and the King] (Bratislava, 2015). źalousбХцntonínбХżatyášХźorvínХĐжййи–жйоеЮХпХUherskýХaХčeskýХkrálХ[żatв thias Corvinus (1443–жйоеЮпХ HungarianХ andХ чohemianХ źing]Х ĐСeskéХ чudějoviceбХзееоЮ. źubinyiбХцndrásбХżatthiasХrexХĐчudapestбХзеенЮ. żacekбХяosefбХяiфíХzХіoděbradХ[ьeorgeХofХіoděbrady]ХĐіrahaбХжолмЮ. Nehring, Karl, Matthias Corvinus, Kaiser Friedrich III. und das Reich: Zum hunyadisch-habsburgischenХ ьegensatzХ inХ щonauraumХ ĐżünchenбХ 1989). іapacosteaбХНerbanбХ„UnХÉpisodeХdeХlaХrivalitéХpolono-hongroise aux XVe siècleХпХŻa campagneХdeХżathiasХшorvinХenХżoldavieХĐжйлмЮбХáХlaХlumièreХ d´uneХsourceХinédite“бХRevueХRoumaineХd´histoireХнХĐжолоЮХоло–979. Pastor, The History of the Popes, from the Close of the Middle Ages, vol. IV (St. Louis, 1913). Smolucha, Janusz, Polityka kurii Rzymskiej za pontyfikatu Piusa II. (1458– жйлйЮХwobecХшzechХiХkrajówХsąsiednichХпХZХdziejówХdyplomacjiХpapieskiej w XV wieku [The Policy of the Holy See during the Pontificate of Pius II (1458–1464) Regarding Bohemia and the Neighbouring Countries: From History of Papal Diplomacy in the 15th шentury]ХĐźrakówбХзеенЮ. TobolkaбХZdeněkбХ“StykyХkráleХčeskéhoХяiфíhoХzХіoděbradХsХpolskýmХkráв lemХźazimírem”Х[TheХRelationsХofХчohemianХźingХьeorgeХofХіoděbradyХ withХшasimirбХźingХofХіoland]бХСasopisХżaticeХmoravskéХззХ(1898). TomekбХVáclavХVladivojбХщějepisХměstaХіrahyХ[HistoryХofХtheХшity Prague] vol. VI (Praha, 1906). 313 István Kovács University of Pécs шlementХofХTúrony. Possibilities of a canon of southern Baranya in the late Middle Ages* Between 1475 and 1477 Matthias Corvinus donated both the provostships originally founded by Premonstratensians, and theХprovostriesХofХшsútдшsрtХandХZsámbékбХlocatedХinХщioв ceseХofХVeszprémбХtoХtheХіaulinesХatХtheХrequestХofХtheХOrderХ of Saint Paul.1 In 1477 and 1479 Pope Sixtus IV entrusted a doctorХ ofХ canonХ lawбХ certainХ шlementХ ofХ TúronyбХ withХ theХ procedure in the case of the above-mentioned bodies, prob- ably as a judge delegate.2 The same person in 23 December 1479 sent in a petition to the Holy Father, in order to the con- firmation ofХ hisХ dignityХ ofХ ыelsрörs’sХ provostбХ thatХ heХ hadХ been bestowed by the King.3 I noticed the previously mentioned Clement during my research about the provostry of Arad, and then I saw his * ResearchХ forХ thisХ paperХ wasХ supportedХ byХ „NTі-ъыÖ-P-жк”г Supported by theХσNźі-16-2-II. 9. New National Excellence Program of theХ żinistryХ ofХ HumanХ шapacitiesгХ юХ amХ gratefulХ toХ TamásХ ыedelesХ andХ ьáborХчarabásХforХtheХcorrectionХofХtheХtextг 1 чeatrixХ RomhányiбХ źolostorokбХ ésХ társaskáptalanokХ aХ középkoriХ ża - gyarországonХ[żonasteries and Collegial Chapters in Medieval Hungary], (Budapest, 2000). 2 VinceХчedyпХцХfelsрörsiХprépostságХtörténeteХ[HistoryХofХtheХіrovostryХofХ ыelsрörs]бХĐVeszprémбХжоийЮХклг 3 Ibid., 56. 315 Hungaro-Polonica nameХ inХ theХ worksХ ofХ TamásХ ыedelesб4 Vince Bedy,5 юstvánХ Sugárб6 andХNorbertХшгХTóth.7 Recently the latter has given a detailed presentation about the career of Michael, the son of ŻadislausХofХTúronyбХthatХmadeХmyХinterestХdeeperХtowardsХ the analyzed person.8 TheХcommonХfeatureХofХtheХtwoХTúroв nys – of course despite their family connection – is that they both had an outstanding church career compared to other canons of their bodies (Esztergom – Arad).9 Con-sequently, the purpose of my thesis – besides I aimed to describe the stationsХ ofХ шlement’sХ careerХ basedХ onХ sourcesХ and earlier technical literature – is the exploration of his career similarly to Hungarian middle class canons who had appeared in some sources.10 There is not much known about the origins of Clement, even his descent is questionable; he could be both a noble- manХfromХчaranyaХandХaХserfгХюnХmyХopinionХofХTúronyХ– as 4 NorbertХшгХTóthпХ“цzХegriХkáptalanХarchontológiájaХжинм–жкзл”Х[Archon- tology of the Chapter of Eger 1387–1526], Turul 88 (2015) 55. 5 Ibid., 55. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 NorbertХшгХTóthбХцzХesztergomiХszékeskáptalanХaХжкгХSzázadban I. [The Cathedral-Chapter of Esztergom in the 15th Century I.], (Budapest, 2015) 70–77. 9 ThisХ statementХ isХ lessХ likelyбХ concerningХ theХ bodyХ ofХ іécs’sХ cathedralХ chapter, because Clement compared to the other canons of the body made a medium- successful career; in addition the number and the significance ofХhisХbeneficesХareХfarХfromХżichaelХofХTúrony. 10 SeeХOrbánХofХNagylucseХinпХTamásХыedelesбХ“ÖrdögiХsugallattólХvezérel - veгХъgyХжкгХszázadiХgyilkosságХnyomában”Х[ŻedХbyХtheХщevilďsХSuggestionгХ In the Traces of a 15th-шenturyХ żurder]бХ SzázadokХ жймХ ĐзежиЮХ йии–456; Michael of Debrecen, Michael of KesztölcбХ SimonХ ofХ TrevisóбХ SimonХ ofХ HanvaХ щarvasбХ sonХ ofХ ŻadislausХ ofХ TúronyбХ żichaelХ inпХ шгХ TóthбХ Az esztergomiХszékeskáptalan, 43–86. 316 Hungaro-Polonica I aim to confirm that later on – had been born at latest in the second half of the 1440s.11 His birthplace was favourable fromХseveralХperspectivesбХonХtheХoneХhandбХTúronyХalreadyХ had a stone church in the Arpadian Era;12 in addition it is locatedХonlyХaboutХtwentyХkilometresХfromХіécsбХtheХseatХofХ dioceseХofХіécsбХwhichХwasХdoubtlesslyХtheХmostХprominentХ area of the late medieval Hungarian church organization. It is quite conceivable that that the aforesaid conditions con- tributed to the choice of making the church his profession, like his older relative. The aforementioned Michael, who was almost certainly his relative, supposedly his uncle or brother – whoХ hadХ cathedralХ chapterХ prebendХ ofХ іécsХ since 1460– probably, supported his young relative actively, and he also might be the generous relative, who set our future canon on the path of church career. As a result, I think it is most likely that Clement also with the support of Michael began his studies – thatХ heХ pursuedХ untilХ theХ obtainmentХ ofХ doctor’sХ degreeХinХіécsбХatХtheХcathedralХschoolХofХsouthernХіannoniaгХ Similarly to the previously mentioned we know very lit- tle about his young ages, but it is almost certain that he had been obtained a doctorate in canon law before his first char- tered mention,13 which gives us certain starting points and in which he appeared as a provost of St Peter in the Castle of 11 I will return to this later in connection with the first mention and the doctoral degree of Clement. 12 ьyörgyХьyörffyбХцz Árpád-koriХżagyarországХtörténetiХföldrajzaХюгХ[TheХ Historical Geography of Hungary in the Arpadian-era], (Budapest, 1987) 397. 13 I think it is possible, because in 1475, Clement appeared as decretorum doctor in the sources, his birth cannot be dated so much earlier than the second half of the 1440s, because of the presumable year (1503) of his death 317 Hungaro-Polonica Eger might be dated to 1472. Then in 1473 he appeared as a vicar of the bishop of Eger, Gabriel of Rangon and with a de- corum doctor degree, he carried out his commissarial duties until 1475.14 In the year of 1477, we can see his name concern- ing the aforementioned Bishop of Eger, he appeared as chap- lain and envoy of Rangon, so according to my calculations, he maintained diplomatic responsibilities in the second half of his twenties.15 There is not so much information about howХ шlementХ gotХ intoХ шardinalХ ьabrielХ ofХ Ragon’sХ atmosв phere.16 іrobablyХasХtheХfamiliarХofХtheХcardinalбХofХTúronyХ got into the court of Matthias Corvinus, from where his way led straight to the Eternal City as a delegate of the King.17 Although it is not exactly known that how much time he had spent in Rome, it is conceivable, that his diplomatic ser- vice in the case of the two monasteries has terminated, and his residence in Rome has ended when he obtained the ben- eficeХofХprovostХinХыelsрörsбХwhichХheХmightХhaveХgotХforХhisХ diplomatic service. In my view, it is possible that although Clement had benefice of provostry he completed his diplo- matic responsibilities, longer than the two cased that were presented – because of the lack of sources, none of these statements can be certainly claimed. However, it seems to be 14 шгХTóthбХ“цzХegriХkáptalan”бХккрХюstvánХSugárпХцzХegriХpüspökökХtörté - neteбХ цzХ egriХ fрegyházmegyeХ schematizmusaХ жгХ [TheХ HistoryХ ofХ theХ Bishopric of Eger], (Budapest, 1984) 180. 15 TamásХыedelesбХцХpécsiХszékeskáptalanХszemélyiХösszetételeХaХkésрХkö - zépkorbanХ Đжикй–1526) [The Personal Composition of the Cathedral- шhapterХofХіécs in Late Middle Ages], ĐіécsбХзеекЮХйкнг 16 SugárбХ“ъgriХpüspökök”бХжмм–182. 17 ыedelesбХ“цХpécsiХszékeskáptalan”, 458. 318 Hungaro-Polonica sure, that during his residence in Rome he worked effec- tively, as he acted in the case of the aforementioned monas- teriesХofХшsútдшsűtХandХZsámbékХinХжйммгХюnХtheХsameХcaseбХ but in the year of 1479 he appeared as a papal commissioner. It is proving the effectiveness of his job that in 1479 the King donatedХ himХ theХ beneficeХ ofХ ыelsрörs’sХ żaryХ żagdaleneХ provost, which was located in the aforementioned diocese of Veszprem. The quality of the stalls and the importance of шlement’sХjobХwillХbecomeХmoreХaccurateХforХusбХifХweХrealizeХ that the annual income of provostry reached 200 gold forints at that time..18 Because of the lack of sources, in the 1480s very little is known about the local activities of Clement, so it is also not known that how long did he have the above- mentioned benefice, therefore we might date it to 1479–1480. However, it might be possible that Clement could be the body’sХprovostХforХaХlongerХtimeбХevenХinХtheХwholeХdecadeгХ Because of his regal services he could rarely reside on ыelsрörsбХheХenjoyedХhisХbeneficeХasХsine cura. His ministration was facilitated by his university degree or doctor decretorum in connection with the above men- tioned issues. While in the fundamental work of Endre Ver- essбХ whichХwasХ publishedХ inХжойжбХ Túrony’sХcanonХ lawХ deв gree was dated from 1495,19 in contrast with that, due to the researches of TamásХыedelesХitХisХknownХthatХinХжймоХaХpapalХ bull called him decretorum doctor.20 Based on the above his 18 The provostry has been taken from the previous beneficiary because of the act of murder, following this Clement got the benefice. 19 EndreХ VeressбХ OlaszХ egyetemekenХ jártХ magyarországiХ tanulókХ anya - könyveХesХirataiХжззж–1864 [The Register and other Writings of Hungarian Students on Italian Universities 1221–1864], (Budapest, 1941) 413. 20 ыedelesбХ“цХpécsiХszékeskáptalan”б 459. 319 Hungaro-Polonica date of birth should be dated at least to the second half of the 1440's.21 We do not have further information about his uni- versity studies. The first, moreХcomprehensibleХstationХofХшlement’sХcaв reer can be found in Arad, in the local, royal-founded prov- ost that was named after Saint Martin, our canon bore the dignity of reader canon, in one word we can find him right inХtheХsecondХplaceХofХchapter’sХhierarchy.22 During this pe- riod the provost has not resisted at the seat of the body. So theХactualХdutiesХofХtheХbody’sХmanagementХwereХcarriedХoutХ byХtheХlectorбХinХthisХcaseХbyХшelementХofХTúronyгХTheХdutiesХ of a lector included the management of collegiate chapter school,23 and the control of the chancery of Loca Credibilia (place of authentication). The issue that why did he get canon stall at that time will arise, so we can even think of another, yet undiscovered payment for diplomatic mission,24 as it can beХseenХinХtheХcaseХofХÖrsгХAnother possible reason for electing Clement as a lector is that his diplomatic career has ended and as a result of this the body believed that he was the most competent to fill the dignity of a lector. The lat- ter is somewhat contradictory to that, as it can be seen later, thatХшlement’sХcareerХhasХnotХendedХinХцradгХSimilarly, to the beneficesХofХыelsрörsХandХцradбХitХisХnotХclearбХandХprobablyХ 21 ыedelesбХ“цХpécsiХszékeskáptalan”б 458–йкорХшгХTóthбХ“цzХegriХkáptalan”бХ 55. 22 чékefiбХRemigпХцХkáptalaniХiskolákХtörténeteХżagyarországonХжкйе-ig, [History of Chapter-schools in Hungary till 1540], (Budapest, 1910) 193. 23 Fedeles, “цХpécsiХszékeskáptalan”, 54. 24 Although he enjoyed the lectoral dignity from 1492, he got his canon stalls earlier; supposedly he must have been obtained it in the last decade of the reign of Matthias Corvinus. 320 Hungaro-Polonica never will be, that for what reason has he returned or might have been returned to the dioceseХofХіécsгХHoweverбХitХisХcerв tain that his first chartered mention is dated to 1495 – so dur- ing the time he was a lector in Arad – namely in the quality ofХtheХцrchdeaconХofХцszúágгХюnХconnectionХwithХtheХbeneв ficeХofХцszúágбХitХisХnotХexactlyХknownХthat whose interven- tion helped Clement to get it, nevertheless we can assume that he got it for his diplomatic services, however I must em- phasize that there are no sources about his royal or papal ser- vices. He visited the villages annually, listed those who wanted to become a priest, monitored that there is no witch- craft, concubine or some kind of deviation from the path of true faith in his decanal district, furthermore he inspected the subordinated deans, so probably he carried out his archi- diaconal responsibilities outstandingly. The certain data re- garding his archdeacon responsibilities shows that he bore his archidiaconal office between 1495 and 1499, which means thatХheХhasХresistedХinХtheХseatХofХtheХdioceseбХinХіécsрХandХheХ was a member of the local Cathedral Chapter. It is not actu- ally known what happened in the period between his last ar- chidiaconal mention, which is dated to 1499 , and his first mention of his lectoral duties in 1503, but as it can be seen a cleric, called Albert became the ArchdeaconХ ofХ цszúágХ inХ жкеибХ weХ canХ conceiveХ thatХ шlement’sХ archidiaconalХ dutiesХ has lasted until this time.25 However it can be contradictory or rather can be a cause for further assumptions that Albert ofХNagyvátyХresponsibilitiesХasХaХlectorХcanХbeХdatedХforХthe 25 Fedeles, “цХpécsiХszékeskáptalan”б 312. 321 Hungaro-Polonica period between 1487 and 1499.26 In this case, it can be as- sumed that Clement, between the years of 1499 and 1503, left his archidiaconal benefice in order to advance to the dignity of a reader canon. Nevertheless, it is also conceivable, that in this period he bore the two stalls simultaneously. In the year ofХжкеибХшlementХofficiatedХinХіécsХasХtheХlectorХofХtheХlocalХ cathedral chapter, furthermore he led the cathedral school and the chancellery of Loca Credibilia (place of authentica- tion) and his actions were represented on two occasions in the charter.27 The fact that Clement returned to his more humble homeland could be interesting, although at first he appearedХinХtheХcanonХcommunityХofХіécsХasХanХarchdeaconХ ofХцszúágбХitХcannotХbeХruledХoutХentirelyХthat he might al- ready have been possessed a canon stall in the body. цfterХtheХyearХofХжкеиХшlement’sХnameХdisappearedХfromХ the sources. From these circumstances we can conclude that in 1503 or shortly after this year he died. This is not surpris- ing, because if my idea about the date of his birth is accepta- ble, he must have been reach the age of sixty which was con- sidered as a quite high age in the medieval era. юХcollectedХtheХbeneficesХofХшlementХofХTúronyХchronologв ically, in order to a better demonstration, in the following ta- ble. Where it is just assumable I have indicated the uncer- tainty. 26 Ibid., 416. 27 DL 494 74, 1503. 04. 02.: DF 280 286. 322 Hungaro-Polonica Denomination of dignity Period and benefices Provost, Saint Peter provostry 1475 of Eger28 Vicar of Eger29 1475. Provost, Mary Magdalena 1479 – 1480? іrovostryХofХĐыelsрЮХÖrs30 Lector, Provostry of Arad31 (1492? )1493 – 1495 ( 1497?) цrchdeaconбХцszúág32 1495 – 1499 (– (1503?) Lector, Cathedral chapter of (1499?) – 1503 іécs33 Benefices of Clement of Túrony In my opinion, this paper would not be complete if I do notХattemptХtoХcompareХшlement’sХlifeХtoХtheХcareerХofХotherХ canons, who have been appeared in sources.34 Investigating theХstationsХofХшlement’sХcareerбХaХquestionХarisesХthatХbasedХ on these statements how could he be appeared in the late 28 SugárбХ“цzХegriХpüspökök”бХжнег 29 Ibid. 30 Bedy, “цХfelsрörsiХprépostság”бХклг 31 чékefiбХ“цХkáptalaniХiskolák”бХжоиг 32 February 08. 1499.: DF 261 970; Fedeles, “цХpécsiХszékeskáptalan”бХйкн– 459. 33 January 28. 1503.: DL 494 74; Fedeles, “цХ pécsiХ székeskáptalan”бХ йкн– 459. 34 яózsefХźöblösбХ цХbudaiбХfehérváriбХgyрriХésХpozsonyiХkáptalanХarchon- tológiájaгХ жйкн–жкзлХ [цrchontologyХ ofХ theХ шhaptersХ ofХ чudaбХ ыehérvárбХ ьyрrХ andХ чratislavaгХ жйкн–1526], ĐчudapestбХ жонмЮрХ ыedelesбХ “цХ pécsiХ székeskáptalan”рХшгХTóthбХ“цzХesztergomiХszékeskáptalan”, 43–86. 323 Hungaro-Polonica medieval religious societyХofХHungaryгХTúronyХhasХneverХgotХ into the pontifical dignity of the hierarchy; therefore, he has not appeared in the elite of medieval religious society. For this reason, Clement – belonged to the middle class of the church based on significant benefices (provost, vicar). Prob- ably he enjoyed a prebendal benefice from the beginning of his career; furthermore, he was also the chaplain of Cardinal Gabriel of Rangon. The Cardinal might have pioneered Clement in the early stages of his career. Without the support ofХtheХшardinalХandХhisХrelativeбХżichaelХofХTúronyХheХcouldХ have hardly reach benefice of Vicar Bishop, presumably at this early stage of his career. It is prominently important that he achieved canon law doctorate degree that he acquired at an Italian university. In order to facilitate the illustration for the readers I reveal a table, summarizing the career of Mi- chaelбХ madeХ byХ NorbertХ шгХ TóthХ Đbenefices of Michael of Túrony).35 It has an importance that Michael might have studied at university; however the research about him has not shown up a doctorate. Despite all of this, if we compare the stations of Clement and Michael, the benefices of the lat- ter exceeded the stalls of his younger relative both in number and in significance. 35 Ibid., 74. table number 28. 324 Hungaro-Polonica Denomination of the scope of Period activities, function and bene- Notary of Holy Seefices / notary 18 December 1446 – 19 Au- gust 1448. Canon of Esztergom 6 August 1457 – † 30 July 1501. цrchdeaconХ ofХ Nógrád / com- 20 April 1460 – mendator † 30 July 1501. Director of the altar of Saint Mar- Before 29 Septem- garet ber 1459 – † 30 July 1501. шanonХofХіécs 22. May 1460 – 17 July 1466. Titled Bishop of Milkovia, suffra- 12 June 1468 – gan of Esztergom †30 July 1501. Vicar of Esztergom 8 May 1471 – 11 April 1483. Provost of Esztergom- Szentgyörв 16 April – 29 gymezр November 1474. Benefices of Michael of Túrony 325 Hungaro-Polonica Bibliography Secondary literature чedyбХVinceбХцХfelsрörsiХprépostságХtörténeteХ[HistoryХofХtheХіrovostryХofХ ыelsрörs]бХĐVeszprémбХжоийЮ. чékefiбХ RemigбХ цХ káptalaniХ iskolákХ történeteХ żagyarországonХ жкйе-ig [History of Chapter-schools in Hungary till 1540], (Budapest, 1910). ыedelesбХ TamásпХ цХ pécsiХ székeskáptalanХ személyiХ összetételeХ aХ késрХ középkorbanХ Đжикй–1526) [The Personal Composition of the Cathedral- Chapter ofХіécsХinХŻateХżiddleХцges]бХĐіécsбХзеекЮг SugárбХ юstvánбХ цzХ egriХ püspökökХ történeteбХ цzХ egriХ fрegyházmegyeХ schematizmusa 1. [The History of the Bishopric of Eger], (Budapest, 1984). шгХTóthбХNorbertбХцzХesztergomiХszékeskáptalanХaХжкгХSzázadbanХюгХ[The Cathedral-Chapter of Esztergom in the 15th Century I], (Budapest, 2015). шгХ TóthбХ NorbertбХ „цzХ egriХ káptalanХ archontológiájaХ жинм–жкзл”Х [Archontology of the Chapter of Eger 1387–1526], Turul 88 (2015) 48–71. 326 Paul Srodecki Justus-Liebig University, Giessen WładysławХюююХandХtheХіolish-Hungarian Bul- wark topoi against the Background of the Otto- man Threat in the 15th Century* Dynastic ties between Poland and Hungary in the Middle Ages Dynastic ties between Poland and Hungary had a long tra- dition in the Middle Ages. Regardless of the numerous con- flicts between the two countries, principally centred around the Ruthenian lands which were claimed by both Poland and Hungary, the Piasts and the Arpads, as well as the Anjous later, were attached together in a series of various dynastic marriages.1 The personal union of both kingdoms under * ThisХ paperХ wasХ writtenХ asХ partХ ofХ theХ researchХ projectХ ‘TheХ шollectiveХ юdentitiesХ inХ theХ SocialХ NetworksХ ofХ żedievalХ ъurope’Х ĐюRіЮХ whichХ isХ conducted by the Department of History and Centre for Research in Medieval Society and Culture VIVARIUM, Faculty of Arts, University of Ostrava. 1 шfгХ іiotrХ StefaniakбХ чłogosławionaХ яolentaХ HelenaХ цrpadównaХ OSшХ księђnaХwielkopolskaгХёycieбХdziełoХiХkultХĐжзйй–1304) [Beatified Yolanda Helena Arpad, Duchess of Greater Poland. Life, Work and Cult (1244– жиейЮ]Х ĐьnieznoбХ зееоЮрХ idбХ “хwiętaХ źingaХ цrpadówna (1234–1291) – mniszkaХklariańska”Х[SaintХźingaХцrpadХĐжзий–1291) – a Poor Clare Nun], цlmanachХ SądeckiХ жкХ ĐзеелЮХ и–жерХ шecylianХ NiezgodaбХ чłogosławionaХ Jolenta (1244?–жзонЮХwцródХцrpadówХiХіiastówХ[чeatifiedХYolandaХĐжзййф– 1298) within the Arpads and the іiasts]Х ĐźrakówбХ зеезЮрХ StanisławХ цгХ SrokaбХ ъlђbietaХ ŁokietównaХ Đжиек–жинеЮХ ĐчydgoszczбХ ДзеееЮрХ юdгбХ “ыenenna”бХinХіiastowieгХŻeksykonХbiograficznyХ[TheХіiastsгХцХчiograph- 327 Hungaro-Polonica Louis the Great in the years between 1370 and 1382 can surely be regarded as the zenith of this long Hungarian- Polish relationship in the Middle Ages.2 Furthermore both countries had been linked since their Christianisation in the late 10th and early 11th centuries by their common exposed position within Latin Christianity. Their border location, sur- rounded by pagan, schismatic or Muslim communities, com- monly described as infideles, quickly brought them (at the lat- est after the Mongol invasions of the 13th century) the nimbus of faith-defending outposts – a topos spread throughout the rest of the Occident by the Holy See in particular. Since the High Middle Ages and in particular since the Mongolian raids of the 13th century both countries also shared this com- monХpictureХofХeachХotherХasХ“shields of Christianity”г3 icalХ Żexicon]бХ edгХ źгХ OђógХ – SгХ SzczurХ ĐźrakówбХ жоооЮХ зззрХ юdгбХ “WokółХ mariaђuХźarolaХRobertaХzХіiastównąХцląskąХżarią”Х[цroundХtheХżarriageХ of Charles Robert with the Silesian Piast Maria], Biuletzn Polskiego Towarzystwa Heraldycznego 11 (1994) 1–5; Edward Rudzki, Polskie króloweгХ ёonyХ іiastówХ iХ яagiellonówХ [іolishХ їueensгХ TheХ WifesХ ofХ the іiastsХ andХ яagiellonians]бХ volгХ жХ ĐWarszawaбХ жонкЮрХ яadwigaХ ёylińskaбХ іiastównyХ iХ ђonyХ іiastówХ [ыemaleХ іiastsХ andХ WifesХ ofХ theХ іiasts]Х ĐWarszawaбХ жолоЮрХ źrystynaХ іieradzkaбХ “ыenenna”бХ inХ іolskiХ SłownikХ Biograficzny 6 (1948) 413. 2 On the Hungarian-Polish personal unions in the Late Middle Ages see ьyörgyХSzékelyбХ“іolacyХiХWęgrzyХpodХwspólnymХberłemгХUnieХpersonal- ne”Х[іolandХandХHungaryХunderХtheХSameХSceptreгХThe Personal Unions], inХіolskaХiХWęgryХwХkulturzeХiХcywilizacjiХeuropejskiejбХedгХягХWyrozumski, NaukaХ volгХ мХ ĐźrakówбХ жоомЮХ йм–ккрХ StanisławХ цгХ SrokaбХ ZХ dziejówХ stosunkówХ polsko-węgierskichХ wХ póѐnymХ цredniowieczuпХ szkiceХ [ыromХ the History of Polish-Hungarian Relations in the Late Middle Ages] ĐźrakówбХжоокЮг 3 шfгХRyszardХьrzesikбХіolskaХіiastówХ iХWęgryХцrpadówХweХwzajemnejХ opinii (do 1320 roku) [Piast Poland and Arpad Hungary in the Mutual Opinion (untill 1320)] (Warszawa, 2003). 328 Hungaro-Polonica The beginning of the Ottoman expansion in the 14th cen- tury aroused political interest not only in Hungary, which was directly affected, but also north of the Carpathians. Evi- dence for this can be seen especially in the so-calledХ“шonв gressХofХшracow”ХĐіolishпХ“ZjazdХkrakowski”ЮХofХSeptemberХ 1364, which the Polish king Casimir the Great – with the par- ticipation inter alia of Emperor Charles IV, the Hungarian king Louis the Great and king Peter I of Cyprus – primarily dedicated to the growing Turkish threat in South-Eastern Europe.4 In addition, geographical proximity was one of the reasons for the lively support of Polish combatants in the Hungarian fights against the Turks in the late 14th and most of the 15th centuries. Polish knights in particular took part in the various anti-Ottoman campaigns of Sigismund of Lux- emburg, amongst other in the failed crusade of Nicopolis in 1396, in the border war in Bosnia 1406–1409 or in the siege of the strategically important Ottoman Danube fortress Golu- bac in June 1428, in which the legendary Polish commander Zawisza Czarny lost his life.5 4 Roman Grodecki, Kongres krakowski w roku 1364 [The Congress of Cracow in the Year 1364] (Warszawa, 1939; reprint KrakówбХжоокЮХлнffгХandХ озрХ яanuszХ Smołucha, Papiestwo a Polska w latach 1484–1526. Kontakty dyplomatyczneХnaХ tleХzagroђeniaХ tureckiegoХ [іapacyХandХ іolandХ inХ theХ Years 1484–1526. Diplomatic Contacts against the Background of the OttomanХThreat]ХĐźrakówбХжоооЮ 15. 5 шfгХіaulХSrodeckiбХ“шontreХlesХennemisХdeХlaХfoyХdeХщieuгХщerХźreuzzugХ vonХNikopolisХundХdasХabendländischeХTürkenbildХumХжйее”бХinХщasХчildХ des Feindes. Konstruktion von Antagonismen und Kulturtransfer im ZeitalterХderХTürkenkriegeбХedгХE. Leuschner – ThгХWünschХĐчerlinбХзежиЮХ 33–йорХ Żászló Veszprémy, “źingХ SigismundХ ofХ ŻuxemburgХ atХ ьolubacХ ĐьalambocЮ“бХinХшhurchХUnionХandХшrusadingХinХtheХżiddleХцgesгХжй th– 15th Centuries, ed. Ch. Gastgeber et al. (Cluj-Napoca, 2009) 291–308; Smołucha, іapiestwoХ aХ іolskaбХ жкрХ StanisławХ цгХ Sroka, Polacy na 329 Hungaro-Polonica A few years later, the bishop of Cracow Zbigniew OleцnickiХmadeХgreatХeffortsХatХtheХшouncilХofХчaselХtoХorganв ise both financial and military support for Hungary, and called upon other European rulers to declare a common cru- sade against the Ottomans, who – after overcoming of the Ottoman Interregnum and the civil war of the years 1402– 1413 – had remarkably gained in strength in South Eastern Europe under Mehmed I and in particular under Murad II.6 When Ottoman troops attacked the Southern borders of the Hungarian kingdom a few months after the death of Sigis- mund of Luxemburg, and even managed to invade deeply into Transylvania, members of the Polish nobility offered their support to the threatened Hungarians against the rabida gens Turcorum fidei catholicae semper inimica.7 Even though the Polish offer proved to be fruitless in the end, diplomatic re- lations between Poland and Hungary in the late 1430s pro- vided a significant foretaste, both of the coming personal un- ion between both countries under a Jagiellonian ruler, and of the anti-Ottoman campaigns of the years 1443 and 1444. Władysław’s candidacy for the Hungarian throne In 1440 the sixteen-year-oldХsonХofХWładysławХяagiełłoбХalsoХ calledХWładysławбХ ascendedХtheХHungarianХthroneбХhavingХ WęgrzechХzaХpanowaniaХZygmuntaХŻuksemburskiegoХжинм–1437 [Poles in Hungary during the Rule of Sigismund of Luxemburg 1387–1437] ĐźrakówбХ зеежЮрХ цndrzejХ ыeliksХ ьrabski, Polska w opiniach Europy zachodniej XIV–XV w. [Poland in West-European Opinions in the 14th and 15th Centuries] (Warszawa, 1968) 382–388. 6 Smołucha, Papiestwo a Polska, 15. 7 CESDQ 1,1, no. 95, 89. 330 Hungaro-Polonica already ascended the Polish one in 1434. The topoi of being a defender of Christianity and that of a Christian bulwark were linked to his person from a rarely early date. Shortly afterХWładysław’sХbirthХinХautumnХжйзйбХшardinalХьiordanoХ Orsini had already written a congratulatory letter to the Polish king, claiming that an extraordinary gift had been givenХtoХіolandХasХoneХofХtheХ“bulwarksХofХfaith”бХsinceХaХnewХ pugil had been born, who, if he would embark the glorious pathХofХhisХfatherбХwouldХriseХupХtoХbecomeХ“aХpropagatorХofХ the Christian name and a second [after his father] most de- voted son ofХьod’sХchurch”г8 WładysławХwouldХnotХdisappointХtheХhopesХthatХtheХшarв dinal placed in him when he announced his candidacy for the Hungarian throne sixteen years later. Just before his elec- tion as Hungarian king the Jagiellonian legitimated his ap- plication for the Crown of Saint Stephen through reference to his defending the faith: Once he would take over the rule of Hungary he would subordinate all his political actions ad populorum regimen et tutelam, salutamque animarum et potissi- mum fidei sancte defensionemбХasХWładysław declared in March 1440.9 A personal union between Poland and Hungary would not only serve to benefit both countries but also the whole of Latin Christianity and would also make a decisive 8 ”Gratulor enim ego [Giordano Orsini], ut mecum gratulari debet universa christianitas, que in terris illis et propugnaculis fidei nowm pugilem videt sibi a domino missum esse, ut cum ipsum eo facientes, qui docueritis ambulare per vias eius et vos in regalibus virtutibus imitare, remaneat heres vester et propagator nominis christiani et alter devotissimus filius ecclesie dei, velud ymago quedam vestre regie magestatis”Х– CESDQ 2, 180. no. 142. 9 CDH 4, 171. 331 Hungaro-Polonica contribution to defending the faith.10 Both kingdoms, WładysławХ continued, shared their existence as frontier states which, from their founding, had always been con- fronted with incessant attacks by the enemies of the faith. Thus for centuries now they have commonly been referred toХasХtheХ“wallХandХshieldХofХtheХfaithful”Хand have always actedХ solelyХ “for the honour of God’s name and the defence of Catholic faith”г11 10 ”Nosque consequenter magna cum instantia summoque desiderio precati sunt, quatenus regni illius, populorumque et dominiorum ejusdem regimen et gubernacula susciperemus, arbitrati. quemadmodum ex ipsorum votis collegimus, id ipsum pro bono et salute horum duorum Hungarie et Polonie regnorum, proque ipsorum et katholice fidei defensione et incremento plurimum expedire”Х– Ibid., 173. 11 ”Ne tamen videremur et divine voluntati contraire, et salutem populi christiani negligere, de consilio prelatorum principum et baronum nostrorum, considerato maxime, qualiter predicta regna, sibi confinancia, et barbaris nationibus finitima, sunt murus et clypeus fidelium, pro honore divini nominis et defensione fidei catholice, si quod forte omnipotens Deus ex unione horum regnorum pro incremento ipsius fidei operari et efficere dignabitur, quod speramus, confisi de misericordia ipsius, desideriis prefatorum dominorum annuimus, nominationi seu electioni ipsorum predicte, de persona nostra facte, consensum prebuimus et harum serie consentimus et annuimus”Х– Ibid., 173–174. Cf. Lajos Terbe, “Egy európaiХszállóigeХéletraizaХĐżagyarországХaХkereszténységХvédрbástyájaЮ”Х [The Biography of a European Winged Word (Hungary as the Bulwark of шhristianity]бХъgyetemesХіhilológiaiХźözlönyХлеХĐжоилЮХиезрХŻajosХHopp, цzХ„antemurale“ХésХ„conformitas“ХhumanistaХeszméjeХaХmagyar-lengyel hagyománybanХ [HumanisticХ шonceptsХ ofХ “цntemurale”Х andХ “шonfor- mitas”Х inХ theХ Hungarian-іolishХ Tradition]бХ HumanizmusХ ésХ ReformációХ volгХ жоХ ĐчudapestбХ жоозЮХ жмрХ SándorХ пzeХ – Norbert Spannenberger, “HungariaХvulgoХappelaturХpropugnaculumХшhristianitatisгХZur politisch- enХюnstrumentalisierungХeinesХToposХinХUngarn”бХinХчerufХundХчerufungгХ Geschichtswissenschaft und Nationsbildung in Ostmittel- undХ Südost- europa im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. M. Krzoska – H.-Ch. Maner ĐżünsterбХзеекЮХзжг 332 Hungaro-Polonica юnХthisХsituationХtheХbulwarkХtoposХservedХWładysławХasХ a strong instrument of persuasion. According to the Jagiello- nian his ambitions to become Hungarian king and to unite the crowns of Poland and Hungary did not originate in any desire to gain personal benefits of advantages. His only con- cern was to strengthen Latin Christianity, especially in the East Central European region, and to defend it against its most dangerous enemy, i.e. the Ottomans.12 In his electoral pledgesХWładysławХpromisedХtheХHungariansХmilitaryХassisв tance from Poland in their long struggle against the Otto- mans. Interestingly, he also promoted his candidacy among the Polish elites with the assurance of an equal Hungarian troop support in fighting the Tatars.13 юnХWładysław’sХwritв ing an established picture is outlined of two outpost coun- tries genuinely equalled by their role as guards of the christi- anitas. For a very long time, both have experienced sustained attacks by the infidelitas – here the Ottoman, there the Tatar raidsХandХdevastationsбХsoХtheХmessageХinХtheХяagiellonian’sХ appeal. This vivid and allegorical message can also be found 12 ”Utque cunctis innotescat, nos ad eam rem non cupiditatis ardore, nec ambitionis amore, sed ea, quam premisimus, animi sinceritate attractos esse, pro bono statu ejusdem regni, conditiones et modos infrascriptos, quos prenominati oratores regni Hungarie predicti, per nos admittere et manutenere ardentius desiderarunt; de mera nostra liberalitate, grato affectu admisimus et tenore praesentium ipsorum integre et inviolabiliter servarae et manutenere pollicemur et spondemus“Х– CDH VII/3, 174. no. 4. 13 ”Item promittimus atque pollicemur, quod regnum predictum Hungarie et subditos ejusdem contra et adversus quoslibet inimicos ejusdem tam Turcos, quam quoslibet alios, ubicunque positos et occurrentes, copiis regni Polonie predicti et dominiorum suorum fideliter juxta posse, tuebimur, sublevabimus, et juvabimus; et reciproco modo ipsi regno Polonie promittimus, regnum ipsum Polonie et cives subditos cum potentiis regni Hungarie contra Tartaros et quoslibet ipsius inimicos pari passu, modo et vicissitudine fideliter tueri et adjuvare.“Х– Ibid., 174–175. 333 Hungaro-Polonica in a letter written in a similar tone to the Silesian dukes in early March 1444, where the Polish king describes Poland and Hungary as in hoc Europe angulo murus et scutum [...] fi- delium contra barbaras naciones.14 However, it is more than questionable and must be in- deed doubted if the Jagiellonian candidacy for the Crown of Saint Stephen was really solely rooted in strengthening the defensio fidei atХ theХ щanubeгХ Władysław’sХ energeticХ runХ forХ the Hungarian kingship reflects rather the early striving of the Jagiellonians to broadening their power to include fur- ther adjacent countries alongside Poland and Lithuania and thus to establish an East Central European dominion under Jagiellonian rule.15 This assumption is confirmed by the ac- tions of the Bishop of Cracow Zbigniew OleцnickiХwhoбХfolв lowing the death of Władysław яagiełłoбХwasХmainlyХresponв sible for the foreign policy of the Polish kingdom. In the years between 1434 and 1437 OleцnickiбХasХіolishХregentбХneв gotiated – however unsuccessfully – with Sigismund of Lux- emburg to arrange the marriage of the two Jagiellonians WładysławХ andХ шasimirХ withХ theХ ъmperor’sХ grand-daugh- ters. And in the years 1438–1439 – firstly after the death of 14Letter from March 8th 1440, CESDQ 2, 412. no. 270. 15Krzysztof Baczkowski, “юdeaХяagiellońskaХaХstosunkiХpolsko-węgierskieХ wХ XVХ wieku”Х [TheХ яagiellonianХ шonceptХ andХ theХ іolish-Hungarian Relations in the 15th шentury]бХinХіolskaХiХWęgryбХedгХJ. Wyrozumski, 57– 72. 334 Hungaro-Polonica Sigismund of Luxemburg, then after the short reign of Al- brecht II – the bishop tried to ensure the Bohemian crown for the Jagiellonians.16 юnХ thisХ contextХ Władysław’sХ юююХ candidacyХ forХ theХ Hunв garian throne in 1440 appears as a part of a wider Jagiello- nian dynastic policy, and the panegyric stylization of Poland and Hungary as forewalls of Christian faith par excellence as pure rhetoric at the service of this policy. The young Polish king once again affirmed his altruistic intentions in front of an assembly of Hungarian prelates, barons and estates in Buda at the end of June 1440. He did not come to Hungary, assuredХWładysławбХinХorderХtoХincrease his own power, but rather to defend the Hungarian kingdom against the Turks and thus to protect the whole of Latin Christianity. His plans forХtheХHungarianХcrownХareХnothingХelseХthanХaХ“concernХforХ theХшhristianХfaith”г17 цccordingХ toХ яanХ щługoszбХ the Palatine of Hungary ŻрrincХHéderváriХinterpretedХtheХarrivalХofХtheХяagiellonianХ in Buda as a divine sign which should lead to the liberation nostram et Regni nostri a Turcorum tyrannide liberationem.18 For 16 IdгбХ”щziejeХіolskiХpóѐnoцredniowiecznejХĐжиме–жкелЮ”Х[HistoryХofХŻate Medieval Poland (1370–жкелЮ]бХ WielkaХ HistoriaХ іolskiХ volгХ иХ ĐźrakówбХ 1999) 145–150. 17 ”Non quod me ad habendum Regnum Hungariae ambitione aliqua flamma - verim, cum habeam Regnum nativum, quod cuiuslibet ambitioni sufficiebat; sed ut Regnum vestrum a Turcorum destructione, et catholicam fidem in his oris multipliciter depressam et pene exsanguem, divino suffultus munere et fidelium meorum auxilio, defensarem. […]ХVeni itaque sola compassione fidei christianae et tum vestrorum tum Elisabeth Reginae nuntiorum, tum Praelatorum et baronum Regni mei Poloniae precibus, persuasionibus et lacrimis victus.”Х – щługoszХvolгХйбХлинг 18 Ibid., 639. 335 Hungaro-Polonica WładysławХtheХHungarianХpublicХwereбХaccordingХto the Pal- atine, magna spes, per quem respirare credimus a Turcorum in- sultu.19 As the great and long awaited redeemer, the Hungar- ians willingly would render him unrestricted homage.20 Playing the bulwark card was therefore quite successful. In opposition to the maintenance of the kingship of the legiti- mate, newly-born successor to the throne, Ladislaus the іosthumousбХwhoХhadХbeenХcrownedХinХSzékesfehérvárХwithХ the rightful coronation insignia at the instigation of his mother Elisabeth on May 15th, the majority of Hungarian no- bles anticipated gaining support in fighting the rapidly ex- panding Ottomans as a result of a Jagiellonian king and the personal union with Poland.21 HéderváriХ justifiedХ theХ abandonmentХ ofХ theХ HabsburgХ queen dowager and her son on behalf of the nobility assem- bled in Buda as an act for the benefit of Hungary as well as theХwholeХшhristianityгХыollowingХщługoszбХinХorderХtoХpointХ this out emphatically, the Palatine effectively combined the bulwark formula with scenarios of doom: if the Habsburgs were to succeed in their pretensions to the throne and a baby were to inherit the Crown of Saint Stephen, Hungary would inevitably have to face a quick downfall. Even before Ladis- laus could reach a military age, the Ottomans would conquer the whole Hungarian kingdom. However, should this ever 19 Ibid., 640. 20 ”Te omnes nostri Iobagiones suum clamant liberatorem. Tuae itaque Maiestati colla nostra subiicimus, tibi omnem fidem, obedientiam et subiectionem pollicemur“гХюbidг 21 Baczkowski, щziejeХіolskiХpóѐnoцredniowiecznej, 153. 336 Hungaro-Polonica happen, the defeat of all the other Roman Catholic countries behindХthatХ“shieldХofХшhristianity”ХwouldХalsoХbeХsealedг22 The hopes of the Hungarians were further nurtured by the Polish elites, represented by ZbigniewХOleцnickiбХtheХinв fluential Bishop of Cracow. The latter ensured the Polish en- deavors for the Hungarian throne at the Holy See. As early asХяanuaryХжййебХOleцnickiХinformedХшardinalХьiulianoХшeв sarini in Rome about the Jagiellonian plans in Hungary and openly linked them to the fight against the Ottomans.23 Oleцnicki’sХ argumentationХ isХ interestingХ insofarХ asХ heХ hasХ been enumerated among the biggest sceptics of a Turkish crusade only two years later. In times of the resurgence of the Western schism the Bishop of Cracow, as well as large 22 ”Nullus autem mentis bonae compos succensere nobis poterit, si praefato Alberti olim Regis nostri filio posthumo praeterito, et quasi ab haereditate paterna excluso, tuam Serenitatem pro Domino et Rege nostro assumpsimus: provide- bamus enim per hoc tum nostro et huius Regni nostri privato, tum totius Christi- anitatis publico commodo. Nullus enim dubitare poterit, Regno hoc, quod Christianitatis scutum est, aut occupato per Turcos, aut confracto, caeteras catholici Orbis regiones eandem sortem debere experiri. Delirum quoque erat periculo Regni attento, illum pro Rege tenere, quem continebant cunae, et totius Regni sub tam fragili rectore pertimescere ruinam, quae prius ne accidat, quam ipse viriles annos attingat, incertum habemus, sed et Regno nostro gravissimis impendentibus bellis serum in expectatione infantis arbitramur auxilium”Х – щługoszХvolгХйбХлйег 23 Letter from January 13th 1440, CESDQ 1,1, no. 110, 119–120. Cf. Jadwiga źrzyђaniakowaбХ“іolandХasХ‘цntemuraleХшhristianitatis’гХThe Political and юdeologicalХыoundationsХofХtheХюdea”бХіolishХWesternХцffairsХиибХзХĐжоозЮХ 3–зйбХ жнfрХ źrzysztofХ чaczkowskiбХ “ZbigniewХ OleцnickiХ wobecХ ююХ uniiХ polsko-węgierskiejХ жййе–жййй”Х [ZbigniewХ OleцnickiХ towardsХ theХ SecondХ Polish-Hungarian Union of 1440–жййй]бХ inХ ZbigniewХ OleцnickiгХ źsiąђęХ koцciołaХiХmąђХstanuгХżateriałyХzХkonferencjiбХSandomierzХзе–21 maja 2005 roku, ed. F. Kiryk – ZгХNogaбХĐźrakówбХзеелЮХки–71. 337 Hungaro-Polonica sections of the Polish clergy and nobility, supported the con- ciliarists from Basel and thus Felix V, the last antipope in the history of Roman-Catholic church.24 Originally, however, the plans for a crusade against the Ottoman Empire had been an idea of Pope Eugene IV who, in the case of a successful expedition, hoped to enforce the union with the Eastern Church which had been decided at the Council of Florence in July 1439.25 OleцnickiХandХtheХmaв jority of the szlachta dissociated themselves thereafter from any crusade projects, which was ultimately also reflected in the low level of Polish participation in the anti-Turkish cam- paigns of 1443 and 1444.26 Against this historical back- groundбХOleцnicki’sХletterХtoХьiulianoХшesariniХfromХжййеХandХ the defensio fidei argumentation in it can be regarded as sheer rhetoric, which has pragmatically been used due to the cur- rent circumstances to put through Polish interests. It is, therefore, all the more remarkable that Wincenty Kot, who owed his promotion to Cardinal to Felix V, initiated some 24 Cf. Tomasz Graff, “чiskupХkrakowskiХZbigniewХOleцnickiХwobecХschiz- my bazylejskiej (1439–1ййоЮ”Х[TheХчishopХofХшracowХZbigniewХOleцnickiХ towards the Schism of Basel (1439–жййоЮ]бХinХZbigniewХOleцnickiгХźsiąђęХ koцciołaбХedгХźirykХ– Noga, 195–204. 25 Baczkowski, щziejeХ іolskiХ póѐnoцredniowiecznejбХ жккгХ шfгХ “щomenicoХ Caccamo, Eugenio IV e la crociataХ diХ Varna”бХ цrchivioХ dellaХ SocietàХ Romana di storia patria 79 (1956) 35–87; Giuseppe Valentini, “La crociata daХ ъugenioХ юVХ aХ шallistoХ юююХ ĐdaiХ documentiХ d’archivioХ diХ VeneziaЮ”бХ Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 12 (1974) 91–123; Christian Unity. The Council of Ferrara-Florence 1438/39–1989, ed. G. Albergio, Bibliotheca Ephemeridum theologicarum Lovaniensium vol. 97 (Leuven, 1991); яanuszХчyliński, ыaktyХiХmityХwХdziejachХuniiХkoцcielnejХXV–XVII w. [Facts and Myths in the History of the Church Union in the 15 th–17th Centuries], in Fakty i mity, ed. M. Kosman, Kultura polityczna w Polsce, vol. 2 ĐіoznańбХжоооЮХжиfг 26 Baczkowski, щziejeХіolskiХpóѐnoцredniowiecznejбХжккгХ 338 Hungaro-Polonica masses and processions in spiritual support of Władysław’sХ first Turkish campaign three years later, and prayed for di- vine support for the Jagiellonian, qui in presenciarum pro de- fensione fidei et catholicorum contra infideles et crucis Christi in- imocos Turcos exercitualiter et potencialiter in Dei dextra confisus procedit.27 Habsburgian propaganda Surprisingly, the arguments of the Habsburgs within the Hungarian throne quarrel were basically the same as those to be found in Jagiellonian propaganda.28 Habsburg diplo- mats under Frederick III, as guardian of the underage Ladis- laus the Posthumous, also used the bulwark topos as a per- suasive tool in their writings to the Hungarian nobility, es- pecially in the years 1443–1444. Notable here is the work of Enea Silvio Piccolomini and Kaspar Schlick, who both were responsible to a major extent for the diplomatic correspond- 27 Codex diplomaticus Maioris Poloniae vol. 10, ed. цгХьąsiorowskiХ– T. яasińskiбХWydawnictwaХяródłoweХźomisjiХHistorycznejХvolгХзиХĐіoznaniaeХ 1993) no. 1624, 315. For Wincenty Kot as the Primate of Poland cf. Marceli Kosman, іoczetХ prymasówХ іolskiХ [цХ ŻistХ ofХ allХ іolishХ іrimates]бХ (Warszawa, 1997) 77–81. 28 Cf. Marian Biskup, “шzasyХWładysławaХяagiellończykaХĐWarneńczykaЮ”Х [TheХ TimesХ ofХ WładysławХ theХ яagiellonian (of Varna)], in Historia dyplomacjiХpolskiejгХTomХжпХpołowaХXХwг–1572, ed. id. (Warszawa, 1982) 396f; Krzysztof Baczkowski, “StosunekХleopoldyńskiejХliniiХHabsburgówХ doХ walkiХ oХ tronХ węgierskiХ poХ цmierciХ цlbrechtaХ юю”Х [TheХ іositionХ ofХ theХ Leopoldian Line of the Habsburgs on the Struggle for the Hungarian ThroneХ afterХ theХ щeathХ ofХ цlbrechtХ юю]бХ inХ хwiatХ chrzeцcijańskiХ iХ TurcyХ osmańscyХ wХ dobieХ bitwyХ podХ WarnąбХ edгХ щгХ їuirini-іopławskaбХ StudiaХ polono-danubianaХetХbalcanicaХvolгХнХĐźrakówбХжоокЮХжк–33. 339 Hungaro-Polonica ences of the house of Austria. Piccolomini willingly deco- rated his propagandistic letters with the forewall motive and stylized Hungary as murus or scutum of Western Christian- ityгХWładysławбХhoweverбХwasХpicturedХbyХtheХlaterХpopeХasХ an intruder and illegitimate usurper, who – keen to protect his own interests and disregarding the rightful successor to the throne, Ladislaus – divided the country and left a border betweenХ theХ peopleгХ Władysław’sХ approachХ wasХ notХ onlyХ dangerous for the Hungarian kingdom, his policy, claimed Piccolomini, would finally cause great damage to all of Christendom.29 Kaspar Schlick, the Chancellor of the Holy Roman Em- pire, similarly underlined the threats that Hungary would face, if the country were not to return to the rule of its legiti- mate Habsburg king in his letter of May 6th 1443 to the Hun- garianХ palatineХ HéderváriгХ ыollowingХ іiccolomini’sХ arguв mentation, Schlick linked the welfare of all Christian coun- tries (omnia Christianorum regna fructum) to Hungary, Christi- anitatis clipeus et murus adversus fidei hostes.30 Only the resto- ration of the just Habsburg kingship could regnum illud pacari et ad pristinam taliter reduci fortunam, ut non solum resistere Teucris, sed eos ultro lacessere queat.31 The mutual intellectual 29 Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. Abt. 1: Briefe aus der Laienzeit (1431–1445), ed. R. Wolkan, Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. 2. Abt. Diplomataria et Acta vols. 61–62 (Wien, 1909), vol. 1, no. 76, 182–187, vol. збХnoгХзжбХиобХnoгХзйбХйкгХшfгХюgnacyХZarębskiбХStosunkiХъneaszaХSylwiuszaХzХ іolskąХiХіolakamiХ[TheХRelationsХofХъneaХSilvioХіiccolominiХwithХіolandХ andХtheХіoles]бХRozprawyХцkademiiХUmiejętnoцciгХWydziałХHistoryczno- Filozoficzny, Seria II vol. 45 (źrakówбХ жоиоЮХ нffрХ ьrabski, Polska w opiniach, 392. 30 Briefwechsel des Eneas 1,2, no. 6, 10. 31 Ibid., 11. no. 6. 340 Hungaro-Polonica fertilisation as well as the similarities in the rhetorical stylis- tic of Schlick and Piccolomini are best shown by two letters toХ WładysławХ fromХ theХ endХ ofХ яulyХ жййиг32 Both diplomats call Hungary clipeus Christianitatis – Piccolomini extended Schlick’sХ originalХ letterХ withХ theХ epithetХ murus [...] fidei Catholice –, which could not only withstand the Ottomans, inimicis Christi et fidei nostre catholice emulis, but also expel them from Europe.33 Władysław’s crusading in contemporary reports Obviously, this was by no means the opinion of the majority of Italian humanists who – in contrast to Piccolomini – were not paid by the Habsburgs and who tried to encourage the young Jagiellonian king in his crusade plans with great en- thusiasm. Their writings from that time mirror the high ex- pectations in the Polish-Hungarian alliance, which were also shared by a large part of Western Christianity. Indeed, after securing his power in the main part of Hungary, WładysławХ led two military campaigns against the Ottoman Empire. The so-calledХ“ŻongХшampaign”ХofХжййиджйййХbroughtХsomeХ 32 Both letters, the original one of Kasper Schlick as well as the revised one of Enea Silvio Piccolomini, can be found in ibid., no. 27, 49–55. 33 źasparХSchlickпХ“[…]Хipsum Hungarie regnum, quod clipeus Christianitatis existis libenter videremus pacatum atque quietum, ut Teucris, inimicis Christi et fidei nostre catholice emulis, nedum resisti, sed ut ipsi pocius e finibus Europe possent cogi […]”г ъneasХ SilvioХ іiccolominiпХ “[…] regnum illud Ungharie, quod murus quidam fidei Catholice et Christianitatis est clipeus, libenter pacatum et quietum nostris diebus conspiceremus, ut perfidi Teucri, Christiane fidei hostes, in perniciem nostre religionis assidue crassantes non solum compesci, sed etiam e finibus Europe possent exterminari”Х– Ibid., 50–51. 341 Hungaro-Polonica remarkable victories against Ottoman armies for the Chris- tian crusaders under the young Jagiellonian king and forced Sultan Murad II to conclude a favourable treaty on June 12th 1444 in Edirne (ratified on August 1st in Szeged respectively – accordingХtoХіálХъngelХ– on August 15th inХNagyváradЮг34 Against the Muslim dār al-ḥarb tradition, the Ottomans herein guaranteed an unusually long ceasefire of ten years. Furthermore, Murad also gave up his claims in Serbia, rec- ognizingХ ЭurađХ чrankoviРХ asХ theХ SerbianХ despotХ andХ deв clared his withdrawal from Albania. Finally, the Ottomans were even bound to pay a contribution of 100,000 florins. However, shortly after the ceasefire, the cardinal legate Giu- liano Cesarini35 released the young king from the treaty and 34 шfгХіálХъngel, “яánosХHunyadiХandХthe іeaceХ„ofХSzeged“ХĐжйййЮ“бХцctaХ orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 47 (1994) 241–258; Dariusz źołodziejczyk, “TraktatХsegedyńskiХodnalezionyф”Х[TheХTreatyХofХSzegedХ Recoveredф”]бХinХWarnaХжйййбХrzeczywistoцРХiХtradycjaбХedгХюгХшzamańskaбХ чalcanicaХ іosnaniensiaХ volгХ нХ ĐіoznańбХ жоомЮХ жжо–128; Id., “Der Vertrag von Segedin 1444. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der frühosmanischenХ diplomatischenХчeziehungenХmitХdenХchristlichenХStaaten“бХinХTurkologieХ heute – Tradition und Perspektive. Materialien der Dritten Deutschen Turkologen-Konferenz, Leipzig, 4.–7. Oktober 1994, ed. N. Demir – E. TaubeбХVeröffentlichungenХderХSocietas Uralo-Altaica vol. 48 (Wiesbaden, 1998) 175–183. 35 Giuliano Cesarini can be regarded as the mental initiator of the two Tur - kish crusades of the years 1443 and 1444. The Italian priest became famous as a crusading preacher during the Hussite wars. He even used to be the leader of the fifth anti-Hussite crusade of 1431, which finally ended in a crushingХdefeatХofХtheХcrusadersХinХtheХчattleХofХщomažliceгХюnХtheХsameХ yearбХ іopeХ ъugeneХ юVХ expandedХ шesarini’sХ sphereХ ofХ activityХ fromХ Germany and Bohemia to also Hungary and Poland as is noted in a bull from April 20th жйижпХ “Pro defensione catholice fidei ac nonnullis arduis Romanae ecclesiae negotiis ad omnes Alamaniae partes ac Ungariae, Poloniaeque et Boemiae regna […]Хcum plena potestate legati de latere officio […] destinemus”Х – In Archivo Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 371, fol. 23. Cf. Jan Drabina, Papiestwo – Polska w latach 1384–1434 [Papacy – Poland in the Years 342 Hungaro-Polonica persuadedХtheХpoliticallyХinexperiencedХWładysławХtoХleadХaХ new crusade against the Ottomans. Beside Cesarini it was also the Byzantine diplomats who influenced the incon- sistent Jagiellonian with eager propaganda.36 Many of the Italian humanists, who saw a resurgence of the high medieval crusading spirit after the success of the winter campaign of 1443/1444, welcomed the decision of the Polish-Hungarian king to fight once again against the Turks.37 Representative for the humanistic interest in Władysław’sХ TurkishХ crusadesбХ ыrancescoХ ыilelfoбХ theХ courtХ poet of the Duke of Milan Filippo Maria Visconti, wrote an open letter to WładysławХatХtheХbeginning of November 1444 (i. e. shortly before the battle of Varna), praising him with a panegyric: Te regum sydus appellat, te Christianae Reipublicae propugnaculum nominat, te Christi vocat et cultorem et lumen.38 1384–жйий]Х ĐźrakówбХ зееиЮХ жжмХ andХ жкирХ іeterХ Hilsch, “щieХ źreuzzügeХ gegen die Hussiten. GeistlicheХ undХ weltlicheХ żachtХ inХ źonkurrenz”бХ inХ źonfessionelleХіluralitätХalsХHerausforderungгХźoexistenzХundХźonfliktХinХ SpätmittelalterХ undХ früherХ NeuzeitгХ WinfriedХ ъberhardХ zumХ лкгХ Geburtstag, ed. J. Bahlcke – K. Lambrecht – H.-Ch. Maner (Leipzig, 2006) 201–215, 211f. 36 Maciej Salamon, “чizancjumХwobecХwyprawyХwarneńskiejХ[TheХчyzan - tineХъmpireХtowardsХtheХшampaignХofХVarna]бХinХхwiatХchrzeцcijańskiбХedгХ D. Quirini-іopławskaбХми–94. 37 Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 394ff. 38 Antoni Prochaska, Uwagi krytyczneХ oХ klęsceХ WarneńskiejХ [шriticalХ RemarksХ onХ theХ щefeatХ ofХ Varna]бХ RozprawyХ цkademiiХ UmiejętnoцciгХ WydziałХHistoryczno-ыilozoficznyХvolгХиоХĐźrakówбХжоееЮХкзfг Cf. Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 402f; Wiktor Weintraub, “Renaissance Poland and Antemurale Christianitatis”бХ HarvardХ UkrainianХ StudiesХ и–4 (1979–80) 921; Paul W. Knoll, “Poland as Antemurale Christianitatis in the Late Mid- dleХцges”бХTheХшatholicХHistoricalХReviewХлеХĐжомйЮХинжрХźrzyђaniakowa, “іolandХ asХ цntemurale”бХ жорХ яerzyХ ьrygiel, “Echa bitwy warneńskiejХ wХ historiografiiХczeskiejХXVХiХXVюХwieku”Х[ъchoesХofХtheХчattleХofХVarnaХinХ 343 Hungaro-Polonica ыilelfo’sХexaltedХpresentationХreflectedХtheХ spirit of human- istic epideictic rhetoric: Władysław as quasi novus aliquis Al- exander was chosen by divine providence not only to banish the enemies of faith from Europe but even to expend the frontiers of Christianity as far as Syria and Egypt or even be- yond the Ganges.39 Although the crusade of 1444 ended in the disastrous de- feat of the Christians against an Ottoman army under sultan Murad II, the death of the young Jagiellonian king and the dissolution of the Polish-Hungarian personal union, it im- mensely intensified the image of the Jagiellonians as defend- ers of Latin Christianity in the following years.40 Władysław’sХ suddenХ passingХ wasХ interpretedХ asХ aХ martyrв dom par excellence and caused a literary excursion of the events around the second Turkish crusade of the Jagiello- nian. Once again, it was the Italian humanists who euphe- mistically sang of Władysław’sХ military deeds. One of the most important eyewitness reports on the battle of Varna was written by the papal tithe collector Andrea de Palatio, the Bohemian Historiagraphy of the 15th and 16th шenturies]бХ inХ хwiatХ chrzeцcijańskiбХedгХщгХїuirini-іopławskaбХжиж–141. 39 Prochaska, Uwagi, 51. 40 Cf. Thaddeus V. Tuleja, “ъugeniusХandХtheХшrusadeХofХVarna”бХTheХшa - tholic Historical Review 35 (1949) 257–275; Franz Babinger, “Von Amurath zu Amurath. Vor- undХNachspielХderХSchlachtХbeiХVarnaХĐжйййЮ”бХOriensХиХ (1950) 229–265; Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 403–444; Edward Potkowski, Warna 1444, Historyczne Bitwy vol. 41 (Warszawa, 1990); Maciej Salamon, юmięХiХtytułХWładysławaХюююХĐWarneńczykaЮХwХhistoriografiiХgreckiejХ[NameХ andХ TitleХ ofХ WładysławХ юююХ ĐofХ VarnaЮХ inХ ьreekХ Historiography]бХ inХ Cracovia – Polonia – Europa, ed. W. BukowskiХetХalгХĐźrakówбХжоокЮХкзо– килрХ żieczysławХ чielski, WładysławХ Warneń-czykХ naХ чałkanachХ Đжййи– 1444). щwieХwyprawyХ[WładysławХofХWarnaХinХtheХчalkansХĐжййи–1444). TwoХшampaigns]ХĐToruńбХзееоЮг 344 Hungaro-Polonica who personally took part in the campaign against the Otto- mans. Palatio praised the Jagiellonian king as an impeccable divini nominis cultor et christiane religionis amator princeps. Act- ing entirely unselfishly, WładysławХhadХsolelyХinitiatedХtheХ crusades of 1443/1444 and 1444 pro defendenda ab impiis pa- ganorum manibus ac amplificanda et conservanda republica chris- tiana.41 Similar descriptions can be found in the works of otherХ юtalianХ humanistsХ suchХ asХ NiccolòХ della Tuccia,42 Lo- renzo Bonincontri,43 Pier Candido Decembrio44 or Leodrisio Crivelli, who eulogized WładysławХ asХ regem praepotentem, animi immensi iuvenenem.45 41 CESDQ 2, 460. Cf. Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 409f. 42 NiccolòХщellaХTuccia, “шronacheХdiХViterboХeХdiХaltreХcittà”бХinХшronacheХ e statute, ed. I. Ciampi, Documenti di storia italiana vol. 5 (Firenze, 1872) 197–199. 43 Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 413. Vgl. Michele Rinaldi, “Un sodalizio poetico-astrologico nella Napoli del Quatrocento. Lorenzo Bonincontri e ьiovanniХіontano”бХżeneХйХĐзеейЮХззж–243. 44 Pier Candido Decembrio, Opuscula historica, ed. A. Butti – F. Fossati – G. Petraglione, Rerum Italicarum scriptores. Nova Series vol. 20,1 (Bologna, 1925–1958) 105f.: Ladislaus Polonie rex, qui preclaro illo in prelio contra Teucros pro fide pugnans, in Grecia perijt. For Pier Candidio Decembrio, the diplomat and court historiograph of the dukes of Mailand, see Manfred Lentzen, “щieХRivalitätХzwischenХżailandХundХыlorenzХin der erstenХ HälfteХ desХ жкгХ яahrhundertsгХ ZuХ іierХ шandidoХ щecembriosХ „щeХ laudibus Mediolanensium urbis in comparationem Florentie pane- gyricus“”бХюtalienischeХStudienХоХĐжонлЮХк–17; Michael Komorowski, “The Diplomatic Genre before the Italian League. Civic Panegyrics of Bruni, іoggioХ andХ щecembrio”бХ inХ NewХ WorldsХ andХ theХ юtalianХ RenaissanceгХ Contributions to the History of European Intellectual Culture, ed. A. Moudarres – шhгХіurdyХżoudarresбХчrill’sХStudiesХinХюntellectualХHistoryХ vol. 216 (Leiden – Boston, 2012) 47–73. 45 Leodrisio Crivelli, “щeХexpeditioneХіiiХpapaeХююХadversusХTurcos”бХedгХьгХ C. Zimolo, Rerum Italicarum scriptores. Nova Series vol. 23,5 (Bologna, 1948–1950) 39. 345 Hungaro-Polonica However, WładysławХ had to share his heroic status within the Italian written works with the person of the car- dinal legate Giuliano Cesarini, whereas the accentuation in French, Burgundian or – to a lesser extent – also in some Ger- man sources was clearly in favour of the fallen Jagiellonian.46 Jean de Wavrin, the Waloon diplomat and historiographer in the service of the Valois dukes of Burgundy, dedicated a sig- nificant part of his Recueil des croniques et anchiennes istories de la Grant Bretaigne, a present nomme Engleterre47 – written be- tween 1445 and 1471 – toХWładysław’sХTurkishХcampaignsгХ Wavrin’sХinterestХinХtheХeventsХinХSouthХъasternХъuropeХwereХ admittedly of a personal nature, since his nephew, Waleran de Wavrin, led a Burgundian fleet to the Danube delta in 1444/1445, together with Geoffroy de Thoisy, originally to secureХWładysławХandХtheХcrusaderХarmyХfromХOttomanХatв tack on the water.48 Jean de Wavrin stylized the Jagiellonian, 46 Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 418–435. 47 Jean de Wavrin, “Recueil des croniques et anchiennes istories de la Grant чretaigneбХaХpresentХnommeХъngleterreХvolгХк”бХedгХWгХHardyХ– E. L. C. P. Hardy, Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores vol. 39, (London, 1891) 5–119; Id., “ŻaХcampagneХdesХcroisésХsurХleХщanubeХĐжййкЮ”бХedгХN. Iorga (Paris, 1927). Cf. Johannes Meyer-Hammer, “Geschichtsbewusstsein imХSpätmittelalterХamХчeispielХvonХяeanХdeХWavrinsХьeschichteХъnglands”бХ in Bilder, Wahrnehmungen, Vorstellungen. Neue Forschungen zur HistoriographieХ desХ hohenХ undХ spätenХ żittelaltersбХ edг J. Sarnowsky, NovaХ żediaevaliaгХ їuellenХ undХ StudienХ zumХ europäischenХ żittelalterХ volгХиХĐьöttingenбХзеемЮХжжж–140. 48 Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571) vol. 2, Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society vol. 127 (Philadelphia, 1978) 77–81; Jacques Paviot, La politique navale des Bourgogne 1384–1482 (Lille, 1995) 113–123; Georges Le Brusque, “Des chevaliers bourguignons dansХlesХpaysХduХŻevantгХŻ’expéditionХdeХWalleranХdeХWavrinХcontreХlesХ Turcs ottomans (1444–1446) dans les AnchiennesХшroniquesХd’ъngleterreХ deХ яeanХ deХ Wavrin”бХ ŻeХ żoyenХ ÂgeХ желХ ĐзеееЮХ зкк–276; Vladimir Agrigoroaei, “ŻiteraryХŻeakingsХintoХWavrin’sХщanubeгХThree Strongholds 346 Hungaro-Polonica who interestingly is named throughout the narrative solely as roy de Hongrie, as a quintessential example of a Christian martyr fighting and dying pour lhonneur [sic!] de Dieu. Re- markably, the Waloon writer placed the blame on the Chris- tianХdefeatХonХяánosХHunyadiбХwhoХinХhisХeyesХflewХfromХtheХ battlefield in a cowardly manner, leaving the king to his fate.49 Other French and Franco-Burgundian historiog- raphers of the second half of the 15th century such as Gilles Carlier, Adrien de But, Georges Chastellain or Jean Germain, the Bishop of Chalon, linked up in their reports on the Varna campaign with thisХheroicХimageХofХWładysławг50 In turn, in the German speaking lands, the crusade of 1444 divided the writers in two camps. Authors close to the Habsburgs around Enea Silvio Piccolomini criticized the mil- itary expedition as poorly prepared and defectively organ- ised. Furthermore, the defeat at the gates of Varna was inter- preted – following the medieval tradition – asХьod’sХpunishв mentХforХbreakingХone’sХwordХandХ– even if with infidels – non-compliance of agreed treaties.51 This reproach was reso- nated by numerous contemporary reports from Bohemia andХaХчrokenХчombard”бХStudiaХіatzinakaХиХĐзеелЮХйо–72; Klaus Oschema, ыreundschaftХ undХ NäheХ im spätmittelalterlichenХ чurgundгХStudienХ zumХ Spannungsfeld von Emotion und Institution, Norm und Struktur, Studien zumХ sozialenХ WandelХ inХ żittelalterХ undХ ыrüherХ NeuzeitХ volгХ злХ ĐźölnбХ 2006) 212–214, 469ff; Robert Byron Joseph Desjardins, Writing and Imagining the Crusade in Fifteenth-Century Burgundy. The Case of the ъxpeditionХ NarrativeХ inХ яeanХ deХ Wavrin’sХ „цnciennesХ шhroniquesХ d’цngleterre“ХĐъdmontonбХцlbertaбХзежеЮг 49 Wavrin, Recueil 5, 56f. Cf. Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 401, 407, 418f. 50 Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 419–423. Cf. Paviot, La politique navale. 51 Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 423–425; Janusz Tazbir, “‘źrzywoprzysięђ- caХWładysław’ХwХopiniiХpotomnych”Х[‘TheХіerjuriousХWładysław’ХinХtheХ Opinions of the Descendants], Kwartalnik Historyczny 92 (1985) 511–513. 347 Hungaro-Polonica andХ HungaryбХ suchХ asХ thoseХ fromХ іavelХ ŽídekХ orХ яánosХ Thuróczyг52 цХreverselyХmoreХpositiveХimageХofХWładysławХandХhisХ Turkish crusades is drawn by the Erfurt-based theologian żatthiasХ щöringХ inХ hisХ Continuatio chronici Theoderici Engelhusii53 as well as by Nikolaus Petschacher and Michael Beheim, who – although closely connected to the court of Frederick III – specifically dedicated two poems (Planctus su- per morte Bladislay regis Polonie and Von dem kung pladislau wy der mit den türken strait) to the battle of Varna.54 Of particular interestХ isХ hereХ іetschacher’sХ panegyricбХ forХ theХ шarniola- born poet was known – freely according to the wishes of his Habsburgian patrons – for his anti-Polish (or better: anti- Jagiellonian) works such as the lyrical pamphlets Poloni magna dampna fecerunt regno Boemie or Invectiva contra Po- lonos.55 In later Varna-descriptions from the Roman-German 52 іavelХ Žídek, Spravovna, ed. Z. V. Tobolka (Praha, 1908) 180–181; Thuróczy, Chronica 251–253. Cf. Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 430–435; Tazbir, “’źrzywoprzysięђcaХ Władysław’”бХ кжйfрХ ьrygiel, “Echa bitwy warneńskiej”г 53 żatthiasХщöring, Continuatio chronici Theoderici Engelhusii, in Scripto- res rerum Germanicarum 3, ed. J. B. Mencken (Lipsiae, 1730) col. 1–54, col. 13. 54 Nikolaus Petschacher, “Historische Gedichte aus dem XV. Jahrhun- dert”бХ edгХ ягХ HuemerбХ żitteilungenХ desХ юnstitutsХ fürХ Österreichische Ge- schichtsforschung 16 (1895) 633–652, no. 15, 648–652; Michael Beheim, ZehnХ ьedichteХ żichaelХ чeheim’sХ zurХ ьeschichteХ OesterreichsХ undХ Un - garns, ed. Th. G. von Karajan, in Quellen und Forschungen zur vaterländischenХ ьeschichteбХ ŻiteraturХ undХ źunstбХ ed. WгХ чraumüllerХ (Wien, 1849) 1–65, no. 5, 35–46. Cf. Andrzej Feliks Grabski, “Wiersze o klęsceХ warneńskiejгХ ZХ dziejówХ okolicznoцciowejХ poezjiХ politycznejХ wХ Polsce XV w.” [Poems on the Defeat of Varna. About the History of Political Occasional Poetry in 15th Century Poland], Prace Polonistyczne 23 (1967) 27–41. 55 Petschacher, Historische Gedichte, 641–642, no. 3–4. 348 Hungaro-Polonica Empire, such as for example the Chronicon generale of the Pas- sau presbyter Johann Staindel, the Cronica Bavarorum of the Ebersberg monk Vitus or the posthumously published world chronicleХ ofХ theХ TübingenХ theologianХ яohannesХ NauclerusбХ heroic representations of the events of 1444, which focus on theХmartyrdomХWładysławХpro Christi nomine, are predomi- nant.56 Władysław III as a Polish-Hungarian lieu de mémoire HoweverбХWładysław’sХearlyХpassingХinХtheХчattleХofХVarnaХ led his person to become first of all an important figure of identification for the domus Iagellonica.57 In particular, it was the Jagiellonian court historiography underХ Władysław’sХ younger brother Casimir IV which propagated the image of the faith-defending martyr king and that of an unprece- dented athleta Christi in the second half of the 15th century. In the twelfth book of his Annales seu cronicae incliti Regni Polo- niae ĐwrittenХbetweenХжйккХandХжйнеЮбХforХinstanceбХяanХщłuв goszХ dedicatedХ muchХ attentionХ toХ theХ “martyrdom”Х ofХ theХ young Jagiellonian.58 Although the chronicler did not hold 56 Johann Staindel, Chronicon generale, in Rerum Boicarum scriptores vol. 1, ed. A. F. von Oefele (Augustae Vindelicorum, 1763) 417–542; Vitus von Ebersberg, Cronica Bavarorum, in Rerum Boicarum scriptores vol. 2, ed. A. F. von Oefele (Augustae Vindelicorum, 1763) 733; Johannes Nauclerus, Memorabilium omnis aetatis et omnium gentium chronici commentarii vol. 1 (Tubingiae, 1516) fol. 281r. Cf. Grabski, Polska w opiniach, 426–428. 57 Almut Bues, Die Jagiellonen. Herrscher zwischen Ostsee und Adria, Kohlhammer-Urban-TaschenbücherХvolгХлйлХĐStuttgartбХзежеЮХмн–80. 58 Cf. Jacek Krochmal, “WładysławХWarneńczykХwХцwietleХ„Roczników“Х яanaХщługosza”Х[WładysławХWarneńczykХinХtheХŻightХofХtheХ“цnnals”ХofХ яanХщługosz]бХinХWarnaХжйййбХedгХшzamańskaбХжзо–жйирХяarosławХNikodem, 349 Hungaro-Polonica back in his criticism of the Jagiellonian dynasty, he described WładysławХ asХ aХ fearless and virtuous king-knight and fo- cused on his fortitudo and devotio.59 In a hopeless situation, accordingХtoХщługoszбХWładysławХasХaХPrinceps magnanimita- tis decided to lose his life pro fide, pro religione, pro populo christiano as well as for fame and glory rather than to live further in shame and disgrace.60 In contrast, the Polish histo- riographerХdescribedХaХveryХnegativeХpictureХofХяánosХHunв yadi, whom he accused of fleeing from the battlefield in a cowardly manner and thus causing the defeat against the Ot- tomans.61 However, this polarizing narrative should be un- derstood as a result of the Jagiellonian-Hunyadian antago- nism, which arose in particular around the fight for the Bo- hemian crown. The dynastic cult building was even more obvious in Fil- ippo Buonaccorsi’sХpanegyricХopusХHistoria de rege Vladislao, which – written between 1484 and 1487 in Cracow – signifi- “щługoszХiХźallimachХoХkoronieХwęgierskiejХWładysławaХююю”Х[щługoszХandХ шallimachusХ aboutХ theХ HungarianХ шrownХ ofХ WładysławsХ ююю]бХ inХ WarnaХ 1йййбХedгХшzamańskaбХжйк–166. 59 щługoszХйбХмзлг 60 “[…]Хsed militiae decus praeponens saluti et gloriosam mortem vitae opprobio […]”Х– ibid. 61 “Iohannes de Huniad hostium multitudine et paucitate regii exercitus deterritus, in fugam effusus, omnem Hungarorum exercitum suo exemplo secum traxit. […] Asserunt et nonnulli disciplinae militaris periti, qui bello huiusmodi interfuerunt, Wladislaum Regem cladi, quae successerat, occasionem propterea, quod in pugnae principio Turcos fugientes et devictos longius prosequebatur, praebuisse: si enim modum in prosequendo hoste tenuisset, referre triumphum et praesentis certaminis gloriam, et summam belli perficere, haud incertum erat; poterat tamen pugna restitui, poterat Turcos vinci et propelli, si Iohannes de Huniad et Hungarorum cohors exemplum suum secuta, pronior ad bonam spem quam ad fugam fuisset”Х– ibid., 725–727. 350 Hungaro-Polonica cantly helped in forming the legend around the fallen Jagiel- lonian king.62 The latter book was most likely essentially based on De euocatione Vladislai regis ad regnum Vngariae a eius expeditionibus contra TurcosбХaХworkХwrittenХbyХчuonaccorsi’sХ patron Grzegorz of Sanok which unfortunately no longer ex- ists.63 In his Historia de rege Vladislao Buanoccorsi moved the Polish-Hungarian antemurale topoi to the fore. Both countries, Poland and Hungary, are described as long-standing de- fenders of the faith who alone, united by one king, could stop the Ottoman aggression in Christian lands: Ad haec solam famam eo inter se uinculo coniunctarum uirium duarum inuicta- rum nationum satis futuram ad Turcum Tartarumque intra fines suos continendos.64 WładysławХasХaХvirtuousХknight-king was predestined, so Buonaccorsi, to lead Poland and Hungary, veluti murus ab aliis Christianis regnis Turcorum impetum sub- mouit, against the Ottomans.6566 шontraryХtoХщługoszбХinХчuonaccorsi’sХpresentationХяánosХ Hunyadi is portrayed as a brave, experienced and prudent commanderбХwhoХattemptedХtoХhelpХWładysławХtoХtheХlastХatХ 62 ыilippoХчuonaccorsiбХHistoriaХdeХregeХVladislaoбХedгХюгХŻichońska, Biblio- theca latina medii et recentioris aevi vol. 3 (Varsoviae, 1961). Cf. Juliusz щomański, “ыilippoХчuonaccorsiХeХlaХculturaХfilosoficaХdelХ‘йееХinХіolonia”бХ inХ шallimacoХ ъsperienteгХ іoetaХ eХ politicoХ delХ ‘йеегХ шonvegnoХ inter - nazionale di studi (San Gimignano, 18–20 ottobre 1985), ed. G. C. Garfagnini, Institutio Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento. Atti di convegni vol. 16 (Firenze, 1987) 25–43. 63 Heinrich Zeissberg, “ZweiХ ьedichte”бХ ZeitschriftХ desХ VereinsХ fürХ Geschichte und Altertum Schlesiens 10 (1870) 374. 64 Buonaccorsi, Historia de rege Vladislao, 30. 65 Ibid., 86. 66 “In eius uicem uos successistis et cum ipsius tuendae negotio Christianae quoque reipublicae tuitionem subiistis, pedem referre neque fas est neque expedit, quando eo peruentum est, ut cum Hungaria etiam uniuersa res Christiana aut prodenda sit aut conseruanda”Х– ibid. 351 Hungaro-Polonica Varna, encircled by his enemies. However, eventually he had had to resign to the overpowering Ottomans. This de- scription is remarkable insofar as Buonaccorsi wrote the pamphlet Attila only a short time later, in which he used a lot of defaming allegories in allusion to the Barbaric reign of Matthias Corvinus in Hungary.67 The humanist even went one step further in his poem Pro regina Beatrice ad Mathiam Hungarie regem, where he accused Matthias of being a reck- less egoist whose desire for expansion had led him to wage wars against other Christian neighbours rather than fighting against the Ottomans and defending Christianity.68 67 Filippo Buonaccorsi, Attila, ed. T. Kowalewski, Bibliotheca latina medii et recentioris aevi volгХ жеХ ĐVarsoviaeбХ жолзЮгХ шfгХ ŻászlóХ Szörényi, “шallimacoХъsperienteХeХlaХcorteХdiХReХżatthia”бХinХшallimacoХъsperienteбХ ed. Garfagnini, 105–жжнрХ żagdaХ яászay, “Callimaco Esperiente e il parallelo Mattia Corvino – цttila”бХ inХ żatthiasХ шorvinusХ andХ theХ Humanism in Central Europe, ed. T. Klaniczay – J. Jankovics, Studia humanitatis vol. 10 (Budapest, 1994) 151–164; Krzysztof Baczkowski, “źallimachsХ StelleХ inХ derХ źulturgeschichteХ іolens”бХ inХ щerХ polnischeХ HumanismusХ undХ dieХ europäischenХ SodalitätenгХ цktenХ desХ polnisch- deutschen Symposions vom 15.–19. Mai 1996 im Collegium Maius der UniversitätХźrakauбХedгХSгХыüsselХ– ягХіiroђyńskiбХіirckheimerХяahrbuchХfürХ Renaissance- und Humanismusforschung vol. 12 (Wiesbaden, 1997) 84f; ъnikрХ чékés, “іhysiognomyХ inХ theХ щescriptionХ andХ іortraitsХ ofХ źingХ żatthiasХшorvinus”бХцctaХHistoriaeХцrtiumХйлХĐзеекЮХнйрХьáborХźlaniczay, “TheХ żythХ ofХ ScythianХ OriginХ andХ theХ шultХ ofХ цttilaХ inХ the Nineteenth шentury”бХ inХ żultipleХ цntiquitiesХ – Multiple Modernities. Ancient Histories in Nineteenth Century European Cultures, ed. id. – M. Werner – O. Gecser (Frankfurt a. M. – New York, 2011) 194. 68 Filippo Buonaccorsi, Callimachi Experientis carmina, ed. F. Sica, Riscon- tri vol. 10 (Napoli, 1981) no. 36, 150–152. Cf. Paolo Ruzicska, Storia della letteratura ungherese, Thesaurus litterarum. Storia delle letterature di tutto il mondo vol. 38 (Milano, 1963) 298; Donatella Coppini, “TradizioneХ classica e umanisticaХnellaХpoesiaХdiХшallimacoХъsperiente”бХinХшallimacoХ Esperiente, ed. Garfagnini, 119–149, 146; Marianna D. Birnbaum, “цttila’sХ RenaissanceХinХtheХыifteenthХandХSixteenthХшenturies”бХinХцttilaгХTheХżanХ 352 Hungaro-Polonica яanХщługosz’ХandХыilippoХчuonaccorsi’sХnarrativesХaboutХ the Battle of Varna served the Jagiellonians as important points of reference in their forming of a dynastic tradition. They also helped to rigidify the WładysławХ legendХ withinХ courtly and aristocratic society across Poland and – to a lesser extent – Hungary, where the Jagiellonian king was evenХeternalizedХinХaХchildren’sХsongХcalledХLengyel László jó királyunk Đ„TheХіoleХWładysławХisХourХgoodХking“Юг69 In Poland however, especially during the early years of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, even after the Jagiel- lonians had died out, the image of the martyr king WładysławХ remained an essential benchmark of the Polish bulwark topoi and an important lieu de mémoire of the nation- building processes. It was especially during the reign of the VasaХźingХWładysławХюVбХthatХWładysławХюююХwasХequatedХasХ theХ “іolishХ crusadingХ patron”.70 This is hardly surprising, and his Image, ed. Id. – F. H. чäumlХ ĐчudapestбХ жооиЮХ нлрХ чékés, “іhysiognomyХinХtheХщescription”бХнйг 69 цХmagyarХnépzeneХtáraХ[цХшollectionХofХHungarianХыolkХSongs]ХvolгХжпХ ьyermekjátékokХ [шhild’sХ іlays]бХ edгХ ьyгХ źerényiХ – чгХ чartók, Corpus musicae popularis Hungaricae vol. 1 (Budapest, 1951) no. 428, 801. An orchestralХ settingХ ofХ theХ folkХ songХ wasХ madeХ byХ theХ composerХ ZoltánХ źodályХĐжннз–жолмЮгХшfгХюlonaХшzamańska, “чitwaХpodХWarnąХwХtradycjiХ węgierskiejХiХbałkańskiej”Х[TheХчattleХofХVarnaХinХHungarianХandХчalkanХ Tradition], in Warna 1444, ed. id., 175–жнйрХ яánosХ żгХ чak‚Х “ьoodХ kingХ іolishХŻadislas…‘ХHistoryХandХmemoryХofХtheХshortХreignХofХWładysławХ WarneńczykХinХHungary”бХinХшentralХandХъasternХъuropeХinХtheХżiddleХ цgesгХцХшulturalХHistoryбХedгХігХьórecki – N. van Deusen – P. W. Knoll, International Library of Historical Studies vol. 51 (London – New York, 2009) 176–183. 70 Tazbir, “’źrzywoprzysięђcaХWładysław’”бХкзжгХшfгХяuliuszХцгшhroцcicki, “чarokowaХarchitekturaХokazjonalna”Х[чaroqueХOccasionalХцrchitecture]бХ in Wiek XVII. Kontrreformacja. Prace z historii kultury, ed. J. Pelc, Studia Staropolskie. SeriesХNovaХvolгХзоХĐWrocławбХжомеЮХззо–254, 239f. 353 Hungaro-Polonica sinceХWładysławХюVХhadХbeenХtoyingХwithХtheХideaХofХanХanti- Ottoman crusade throughout his whole life. This concept only began to change in the second half of the 17th century, when the opinion that the Christian defeat at Varna had been the result of the breach of an oath gained more and more in popularityгХцlthoughХtheХmartyrdomХofХWładysławХwasХnotХ really questioned,71 the Battle of Varna was interpreted as a warning signal from God. This was particularly reflected in the more and more defensive orientation of the antemurale doctrine of the majority of the Polish szlachta, who were in- creasingly interested in maintaining the status quo between the Rzeczpospolita and the Ottoman Empire.72 Bibliography Primary sources чuonaccorsiбХ ыilippoбХ HistoriaХ deХ regeХ VladislaoбХ edгХ югХ ŻichońskaбХ Bibliotheca latina medii et recentioris aevi vol. 3 (Varsoviae, 1961). Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. Abt. 1: Briefe aus der Laienzeit (1431–1445) 2 vols., ed. R. Wolkan, Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. 2. Abt. Diplomataria et Acta vols. 61–62 (Wien, 1909). 71 TheХcharacterХofХWładysławХcanХbeХfoundХinХvariousХliteraryХandХdrama- ticХinterpretationsХofХtheХ“VarnaХmartyrdom”ХinХtheХжмth and 18th centuries. Cf. чarbaraХ яudkowiakбХ “WładysławХ WarneńczykХ bohateremХ dramatuХ polskiegoХXVююХiХXVюююХwieku”Х[WładysławХWarneńczykХasХaХHeroХofХtheХ Polish Drama in the 17th and 18th Centuries], in Warna 1444, ed. шzamańskaбХжнк–199. 72 Tazbir, “’źrzywoprzysięђcaХWładysław’”бХк23. 354 Hungaro-Polonica Petschacher, Nikolaus, “Historische Gedichte aus dem XV. Jahrhundert”, edгХ ягХ HuemerбХ żitteilungenХ desХ юnstitutsХ fürХ ÖsterreichischeХ ьe - schichtsforschung 16. 633–652. Wavrin, Jean de, Recueil des croniques et anchiennes istories de la Grant Bretaigne, a present nomme Engleterre vol. 5, ed. W. Hardy – E. L. C. P. Hardy, Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores vol. 39 (London, 1891). 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Grygiel, Jerzy, “ъchaХbitwyХwarneńskiejХwХhistoriografiiХczeskiejХXVХiХXVюХ wieku”Х[ъchoesХofХtheХчattleХofХVarnaХinХtheХчohemianХHistoriagraphyХofХ theХжкthХandХжлthХшenturies]бХхwiatХchrzeцcijańskiбХedгХщгХїuirini-іopławв ska, 131–141. źrzyђaniakowaбХ яadwigaбХ “іolandХ asХ ‘цntemuraleХ шhristianitatis’гХ TheХ іoliticalХandХюdeologicalХыoundationsХofХtheХюdea”бХPolish Western Affairs 33,2 (1992) 3–24. Paviot, Jacques: La politique navale des Bourgogne 1384–1482 (Lille, 1995). іolskaХiХWęgryХwХkulturzeХiХcywilizacjiХeuropejskiejХ[іoland and Hungary within European Culture and Civilization], ed. J. Wyrozumski, Nauka vol. мХĐźrakówбХжоомЮг 355 Hungaro-Polonica SmołuchaбХ яanusz, Papiestwo a Polska w latach 1484–1526. Kontakty dyplomatyczneХnaХ tleХzagroђeniaХ tureckiegoХ [іapacyХandХ іolandХ inХ theХ Years 1484–1526. Diplomatic Contacts against the Background of the Ot- tomanХThreat]ХĐźrakówбХжоооЮг хwiatХ chrzeцcijańskiХ iХ TurcyХ osmańscyХ wХ dobieХ bitwyХ podХ WarnąХ [TheХ Christian World and the Ottoman Turks at the Time of the Battle of Varna], ed. D. Quirini-іopławskaбХStudia polono-danubiana et balcanica volгХнХĐźrakówбХжоокЮг Tazbir, Janusz, “‘źrzywoprzysięђcaХ Władysław’Х wХ opiniiХ potomnych”Х [‘TheХ іerjuriousХ Władysław’Х inХ theХ OpinionsХ ofХ theХ щescendants]бХ Kwartalnik Historyczny 92 (1985) 511–532. WarnaХжйййбХrzeczywistoцРХi tradycja [Varna 1444, Reality and Tradition], edгХюгХшzamańskaбХчalcanicaХіosnaniensiaХvolгХнХĐіoznańбХжоомЮг ZbigniewХOleцnickiгХźsiąђęХkoцciołaХiХmąђХstanuгХżateriałyХzХkonferencjiбХ Sandomierz 20–зжХmajaХзеекХrokuХ[ZbigniewХOleцnickiгХChurch Dignitary and Statesman. Materials from the Conference in Sandomierz, May 20 th– 21th 2005], ed. F. Kiryk – Z. Noga ĐźrakówбХзеелЮ. 356 Inna Kubay Institute of Archeology of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences Repercussion of Hussite Reformation Ideas in the South-Western Rus at the End of the XVth – First Half of the XVIIth Century Hussite revolution came down in history of Western civilization as a natural reflection of the religious and socio- political processes taking place in Europe ofthe late XIVth – first half ofthe XVth century. Hussite Reformation idea received support not only among the population of the Czech lands, but also acquired broad international resonance. Of course, the same was to be experienced by the lands of Rus including the part of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It must be emphasized that despite the proven fact of participation of the military units from the South-Western Rus in the Hussite revolution, domestic and global Hussitology at present do not provide adequate estimates of eventual aforementioned episode. The problem of the impact and probable spread of the Hussite Reformation ideas in the South-Western Rus wasn’t the subject of a special study. Rus has always maintained close interdynasty and interstate relationship with the lands of the Czech crown for centuries. Therefore fragmented and ep- isodic development of the aforementioned range of matters actualizes further study of this issue. 357 Hungaro-Polonica The aim of the research is to tracethe available source materials and historiographical researches and reveal the issue of the reception of Hussite Reformation ideas within the territory of the South-Western Rus, using the methods of analysis and synthesis. To achieve this goal the following tasks are to be resolved: 1) to summarize the concept of Hussite Reformation idea; 2) to have a closer look at the nature of Russ-Czech contacts; 3) to trace and analyze the Hussite influence on the South-Western Rus. The issue of spreading Hussite Reformation ideas has received its interpretation, though fragmentary, in a number of research papers. First of all a special attention should be paid to the works of Ukrainian scientists. Of course, the works by M. Hrushevskyi1 should besingled out. Some aspects of the chosen research topicare investigated in the works by O. Pischanyi,2 I. Kubay.3 Same important for our scientific research are conclusions by A. Florovskyi,4 J. 1 Ԝ Х ԓ бХ І Х Х пХ Х кХ [Mychaylo Grushevskyj, History of Ukrainian Literature] vol.5 (Kiev, 1995) 61–83. 2 Ԟ Хԟ , ЗХ Х - Х ’ Х Х Х ХXVII г, Ԓ ХԚ Х гХІ : Ԓ 32 [Oleksandr Pischanyj, From the History of Ukrainian-Czech Relations in the First Half XVII: Book 32] (Kiev, 1990) 58–64. 3 І Ԛ ,Ԕ ԟ -З Ԡ XV ., І - , З , 14 [Inna Kubay, The Hussite Military Art and his Reviews in the South-Western Rus in the XVth Century, Historical and Political Problems of the Modern World, Collected Scientific Articles] vol. 14 (Chernivtsi, 2006) 165–170. 4 Ԑ Х , Х Х Х ,Ԟ Х Х Х - Х Х ĐX–XVIII), 1 [Anton Florovskyj, The Czechs and East Slavs, Essays by history Czech-Russen relations (X– XVIII)] vol.1 (Praha, 1935) 600. 358 Hungaro-Polonica Hryhyel,5 J. Matsurek,6 J. Hall,7 ягХ ч dl 8 and others. E. Medynskyy,9 J.Isayevych,10 A. Savic11 and otherscompared origins of the formation of the Protestant and Orthodox brethren schools and analyzed their activity in Western Ukraine in the XVIth – early XVIIth century. Turning to the immediate consideration of the spread of Hussite Reformation ideas among the population of the South-Western Rus, it should be noted that the current terms of this issue can be classified by the following ways. Ukrainian historians of the mid XXth century, namely M. 5 яerzyХьrygielбХёycieХiХdziałanoцРХZygmuntaХźorybutowiczaгХStudiumХzХ dziejówХstosunkówХpolsko-czeskichХwХpierwszejХpołowieХXVХwiekuХ[TheХ Life and Activities of Zygmunt Korybutowicz, The Materials on the History of Polish-Czech Relations of the First Half of the XVth Century] ĐWrocławбХжоннЮХжзег 6 яosefХżacůrekбХźХdějinamХčesko-ukrajinskýchХaХčesko-rumunskýchХvzta- hůХзХpolгХжйХaХжгХpolгХжкХstoletiгбХSlovanskéХhistorickéХstudieХ[TheХHistoryХofХ Czech-Ukrainian and Czech-Romanian Relations at the End of the XIVth– of the First Half of the XVth Century] (Praha, 1960) 127–182. 7 яaroslavХьollбХїuellenХundХUntersuchungenХzurХьeschichteХderХböhmi - scheХ чrüderХ [TheХ SourcesХ andХ юnvestigationsХ onХ theХ HistoryХ ofХ theХ Bohemian Brothers] vol.1–2 (Praha, 1876–1882) 678. 8 яaroslavХчidloбХцktyХjednotyХчratrskéХ[TheХчohemianХчrothersХRecords]Х vol. 1–2 (Brno, 1915–1923) 595. 9Є ХԜ ,ԑ Х Х Х Хԑ ХXVю–XVююХ г [Evgen Medynskyj, Fraternal Schools in Ukraine and Belarus in the XVI– XVIIth Centuries] (Kiev,1958) 210. 10 ХІ є бХ„Ԟ Х Х Х ХXVII гпХ Х ХХ Х ” [Jaroslav Isajevich, The Educational Movement in Ukraine XVIIth Century: Eastern Tradition and Western Influence], Ԛ Х 1 (1995) 2–9. 11 Ԟ Хԡ бХԝ Х Х Х Х Х ХԒ Х Х ԑ Х Х XVI – XVIII гХ [Oleksandr Savych, Essays on the History of Cultural Movements in Ukraine and Belarus in the XVI – XVIIIth Centuries] (Kiev, 1929) 200. 359 Hungaro-Polonica Hrushevskyi, N. Polonska-Vasylenko12 claimed that the Eastern Slavic environment did not remain aloof regarding social and political events on the Czech lands in the XVth cen- tury. A lack of direct source references is offset by the evidences of cases and forms of communication of the Rusthrough mediation of Poland and Lithuania with Hussite leaders or their associations. Later mentions about the Hussite Reformation ideas on the "Ukrainian lands" in the XVIth – first half of XVIIth century trace the development of public opinion and criticism, the idea of collegiality and openness of the Church and the dissemination of national language in writing, act andliterary materials and Western tendencies of European Renaissance as well as Reformation in culture.13 Within Historiography the attempt was made to attribute to the Czech Hussite influencethe movement of the so-called “Judaizers” which evolved in Novgorod, and Mos- cow in the late XVth – early XVIth century.14 Czech historian A. V. Florovskyihad some other views which suggested the possibility of influence of Czech ecclesiological models and social and religious life on Rus. However, the author himself states, that there is no histor- ically accurate factology and its presence can be found only in the sphere of literary relationship.15 "When did the name of preacher and religious reformer Jan Hus in Rus environment first sound?" – There are no 12 ԝ Хԟ -Ԓ ,І Х ,Ԕ Х Х VІІХ бХ Х жгХ [Natalya Polonska-Vasylenko, The History of Ukraine, Prior to the Mid-Seventeenth Century] vol. 1 (Ԛiev, 1992) 384. 13 ԓ бХІ Х Х , 82. 14 Ibid., 92–93. 15 бХ Х Х бХйжйг 360 Hungaro-Polonica sources where the question has direct and immediate an- swer. Though we can say that acquaintance with the ьus’Х workstook place in the first half of the XVth century, because there are direct source references and evidences of the Rus- who visited Prague, teaching of the Rus students in Prague University, and stayof Jerome of Prague in the spring of 1413 in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Thus, according to the stat- ute of Prague University, all its mass audience and the members were divided into four main "nations": the Czechs, Bavarians, the Saxons and the Poles. Taking into considera- tion the topic of our study, the most interesting for us is «natioХіolonorum»бХbecause the Poles, Lithuanians and the Rus wereХ includedХ inХ theХ previouslyХ mentionedХ “na-tion”, notwithstanding their ethnic origin.16 In particular, during 1401–1408 the Bachelor's degree at the Philosophical Faculty in Prague got "Christophorus de Lytwania",17 "Mathias Wylna",18 "Ioan de Lemberg"19 and so on. These students and many others were in Prague during the out-break of revolution, and therefore clear is the fact that later after returning home, they talked about the religious and societal requirements ofthe Hussites. Although the Hustynsky chronicles do not provide notes of condolence to Jan Hus, but his heretical views and unwillingness to repent was condemned. The words writtenin the year of 1414 (6922) 16 Vaclav TomekбХ“O počtu studentůХw učeníХpražském”Х[About the num- ber of students at Charles University]бХСasopis Сeského Musea 20 (1846) 216–221. 17 Monumenta historica universitatis Carolo-Ferdinande Pragensis, Vol. 1 (Praha, 1830–1832) 367. 18 Ibid, 382. 19 Ibid, 397. 361 Hungaro-Polonica state the following: ”OnХtheХшzechХlandsХaХnewХhereticХяanХ Hus had appeared who was convicted for his letters and burned on fire for the lack of his repentanceг”20 The most interesting in terms of authenticity and evi- dence of the impact of Hussite teaching on socio-cultural diversity of Rus is a trip of Jerome of Prague to the lands, who was Jan Hus’associate. Having arrived at the invitation of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas, the Master of Prague University was able to communicate with the gover- nor, the Orthodox clergy and laity regarding reason-ability of anabaptism and adoption of Catholicism.21 In the cities of Vitebsk and Pskov Jerome of Prague showed remarkable tribute to the Orthodox cult-ritual traditions. He stood on his knees in front of their icons and relics, while no decent attention was paid to the Catholics. Subsequently the master took so much interest in it, that he grew his beard and hair, and claimed that religion of "these infidel people" (Orthodox) was perfect, and that the Rus are good Chris- tians. Jerome’sХstayХinХtheХLithuanian-Ruthenian lands was an opportunity to transmitthe fundamental Hussite ideas tothe orthodox social and cultural space of that time. The direct contacts of the Rus with Hussites look more prominent from the point of view of penetration of Refor- mation ideas. Well-known are the facts of their participation in military detachments of Prince Sigismund Korybut. With the names of the prince and Frederick Ostrog, another odious participaint in revolution, are connected the 20 ԟ Х Х Х Х [The Complete Collection of the Russian Chronicles] vol. 2 (St Petersburg, 1843) 353. 21 Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, ed. V. NovotnýбХvol. 8 {Praha, 1932) 289. 362 Hungaro-Polonica episodes which allow us to trace the penetration of Hussite ideas in the society of Galicia in the XVth century. There are reasons to claim that Sigismund Korybut was in the Czech lands during 1422–1423. (being Vytautas’ governor) and 1424–1427. (A self-proclaimed king who didn’tХundergoХtheХ procedure of formal initiation).22 It is clear, that the Rus soldiers were part of the retinue (druzhina) during the first and second campaigns. Evidence of the popularity and support of Hussite correctionsamong the population of Gali- cian Rus is a charter datedby King Jagiello, 27th May 1423, in which he rebuked the Rus, mentioning that they were too passive with their respond to the warden of Lviv district- Spytk Tarnowskyi who wanted to hire them for the campaign against the Hussites, but at the same time the majority raced theapostates to the rescue, when prince Sigis- mund Korybut went to the Czech Republic.23 Of the similar content was another charter by Jagiello, dated 2nd July, 1423. Its basic meaning was the following: King of Poland asks the bishop of the same district to take spiritual measures which would resist the phenomenon of compassion for Czechs, primarily showing support for heretics.24 The fear among the Catholic aristocracy of the spread of Hussite heresy was so strong that just in few weeks after the declaration of the aforementionedcharters Jagiello informed Vytautas about the plannedconvening of meeting in Lesser Poland in Rus and other lands to organize the campaign against the "pes- tilence" (the Hussites – author). The representatives of the 22 Documenta Mag. Joannis Hus, ed. F. Palacky (Praha, 1869) 506–507. 23 ьrygielбХёycieХiХdziałanoцРбХозг 24 UrkündlicheХчeitrageбХedгХF. Palacky, vol.1 (Praha, 1846) 303–305. 363 Hungaro-Polonica "administration" of the land took part in the meeting, and decided to fight against the sects and their supporters. To sum up the aforementioned, it can be stated that the actual penetration and spreadof the Hussite ideology took place on the territory of the South-Western Rus. In this context it is worth paying attention to another as- pect of mutual contacts of the Rus with Hussites. In particu- lar, it is the introduction of modern warfare tactics and the best arms in a technological way. We should note that the most important performance characteristicsof Hussite army was cart fortification (Wagenburg), which was widely ap- plied in Eastern Europe, where favorable landscapes and ex- cess of cavalry among combatants con-tributed to the appli- cation of such protection and fightcompany. This may ex- plain the defeat of one and a half thousand Taborytska in- fantry, headed by Sigismund Korybut who supported Prince ŠvitrigailaХ inХ theХ battleХ byХ theХ riverХ of Svyata, close to Vilkomyr in 1435.25 While crossing the river of Svyata carts got broken, their defense capability was minimised. In addi- tion, heavy rain and sticky soil brought down to a minimum the maneuvering potential of the camp.26 Interestingly that in a letter dated January, 1432, Kraków Cardinal and Bishop Zbigniew Olesnitskyi wrote to Cardinal Julian Chezarini that Prince Svydryhajlo (supported by Sigismund Korybut), guided by the advice of schismatics, married a woman who 25 Codex epistolaris saeculi decimi quinti, ed. A. Sokolowski – J. Szujski, vol. 1 ĐźrakówбХжнмлЮХкл–57. 26 Codex epistolarisVitoldi Magniducis Lithuaniae. 1376–1430, Tomus VI (Cracoviae, 1882) 657–658. 364 Hungaro-Polonica was leading her life according to their customs (schismat- ics).27 Czech historian Frantishek Palacky noted an interesting fact: with the change of the spatial dislocation of "brothers" military units from the Czech Republic to Slovakia and from there to the very border of Ukrainian lands, the number of Rusyns did not decrease, but rather increased, and soon at the Zadniprovskiy rifts appeareda new military brotherhood – Cossacks.28 Of course, these connotationsare hypothetical, despite the obvious similarity in customs and rules between Taborites and Cossacks. The direct evidence of the hussite influence on Ukrainian lands is numerous loans of Czech names of weapon adopted by Cossacks. Linguistic analysis gives reason to state that шzechХЧpiščaliЧХandХUkrainianХЧ ", Czech "houfnice", Ukrainian " ", Czech "tarasnice", Ukrainian " " are related words.29 After the defeat of the Hussites fringegroupin 1434 at the Battle of Lipany, theera of the Hussite wars was all over. The confrontation in a religious and polemical sphere appeared instead. However, residents of Bohemia and Moravia at the end of the XVIth – first half of XVIIth century supported mili- tary and political contacts with the Cossacks. It is necessary to mention the embassy, headed by Erich Lassota before the Cossacks, in terms of military support for Rudolph II, with 27 яerzyХ SkrzypekбХ „чitwaХ nadХ rzekąХ хwiętą”Х [чattleХ ofХ theХ HolyХ River]бХ іrzeglądХHistoryczno-Wojskowy 10 (1938) 42–43. 28 щługoszХvolгХюVбХ563. 29 Codex epistolaris saeculi, vol. 2. 289. 365 Hungaro-Polonica whom preliminary talks were initiated by Ostap Khlopit- skyi,30 as well as the stay of the Cossacks, who were invited by the Moravian nobility to fight againstrebelled Hungarian nobility at the beginning of the XVIIth century on the territory of Moravia, and the presence of the Cossacks, being part of the imperial troops, fighting against the Czechs in the Battle of White Mountain in 162031 and so on. The rapid cultural and scientific development in Western and Central Europe in the early XVIIth century, dis-semina- tion of humanistic ideas, the crisis of scholasticism and secu- larized processes caused anthropocentric turn in the spir- itual realm and church life. As F. Dvornik32 aptly noted, piety took on individual traits increasingly and was less associated with participation in joint religious services, which often lacked the necessary conditions. The invention of printing, awakening interest in the Bible and, con-sequently, the spread of religious literature in Latin as well as in local lan- guages only exacerbated these trends. Still many devout people were captivated by the wave of mysticism. However, the theoretical calls of Christian humanists were not enough and radical changes were in need, the latter were proposed by Martin Luther. Luther's doctrine became acceptable for the Czech Brotherhood. 30 ыrantishekХіalackýбХщějinyХnároduХčeskéhoХvХСechachХaХvХżoravěХ[TheХ History of the Czech Nation in Bohemia and Moravia] vol.VI (Praha, 1906) 259. 31 Ԡ Х ,ԓ ԕ [Rudolf, Urbanek, The Hussite Military Arts and Europe] (Praha, 1946) 18. 32 Ԓ ХԔ ,Ԛ Х Х ХXVю–XVююХ гХ[Vasyl, Domanyckyj, The Cossack Time at the Turn of XVI–XVII Centuries], З . ԝ г - Х гХ (1964) 49. 366 Hungaro-Polonica After an unsuccessful rebel against Ferdinand I in 1548 Czech Brotherhood were expelled from Bohemia and found their refuge in the Polish Kingdom.33 Here their patrons were members of the nobility Andzhej Gurko and Jan Ostroroh. In particular, the latter opened in 1553 in the city of Leszno a praying house and school for Czech Brotherhood.34 Later the most important religious Hussite centers in Poland would be in their communities in the cities of іoznań and Leszno. Traces of Taborites and Hussite preachers can be traced since the middle of the XVth century on the territories of Hungary and Moldova. However, after the increasing activity of In- quisition on account of any heretical movements (Nicholas of Leczyca and Jakub Hrzhymaly of Dzyerzhanova were fa- mous for their enthusiasm in fighting against Polish Huss- ites35) the persecutions begun, including those against com- munities of the "Unity of the Bretheren". The spread of Hussite Reformation ideas, particularly in the cultural and educational spheres, on the territory of the South-Western Rus in the XVIth – first half of XVIIth century took place in different ways. The first, of course is the geo- political location and interdynastyrelations. Consanguinity between the representatives of the Polish and Rus nobles led 33 Anton Florovskyj, Ukrajina na strankach českích dejin, Pr̆ehled dĕjin SSSR: Od nejstars̆ich dob do roke 1861 [Ukraine in Czech History, The Review of Soviet History from the Earliest Times until 1861] vol.1 (Praha, 1965) 61–74. 34 ХԔ Хԡ ’ Х ХЄ Х Х Х , ԟ гХ Х гХ [Francis Dvornik. The Slavs in European History and Civilization] (Kiev, 2005) 349. 35 Eva Maleczyńska, Vliv husitského hnutíХna Polsko, Mezínárodni ohlas husítstvíХ[TheХюnfluenceХofХHussiteХżovementХonХіolandбХцnХюnternational Outcry of the Hussites] (Praha, 1958) 92. 367 Hungaro-Polonica to support new Reformation ideas by the latter. Thus, in Ga- licia Czech Brotherhood were supported by orthodox family of Horayskyh, who had become more Poland-oriented in the XVth century. Speaking about the second way of Hussite spread, it is necessary to emphasize the direct interest of the Czech fraternal environment in the eastern branch of Christianity as a fundamental concept of their early activities was a search for the true apostolic tradition, not spoiled by foreign influences. The proof of this lies in the fact of communication betweenthe Utraquists and Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1452,36 and Expedition consisting of 4 fraternal community members who left Prague in spring of 1491 in search for pure шhristianХtraditionгХOneХofХitsХrepresentativesбХżarešХźoko- vets went to Rus.37 During the free development of "Unity of the Bretheren" in Bohemia and Moravia the communication between the "brothers" and population of Galician Rus was constantly maintained. Arguing against the Catholic Church, proving that it had distorted the true apostolic Christianity, the Hussites opposed the credibility of the Eastern Church. The spread of Hussite ideas on the territories of the South- Western Rus has also contributed to a common language and 36 цdolfХіawińskiбХяanaХOstrorogaХёywotХiХpismoХoХNaprawieХRzeczypos- politej [Jan Ostroroga, Life and the Letter of the Remediation for the Rzeczpospolita] (Warszawa, 1884) 22. 37 Pawel Kras, Inkwizycja papieska w walce z husytyzmem na ziemiach polskichбХ іolskieХ echaХ husytyzmuбХ żateriałyХ zХ konferencjiХ naukowejХ źłodzkoбХзм–28.09. 1996 [The Papal Inquisition on Fighting Hussitism in the Polish Lands, Polish Echoes of the Hussitism. Materials from the Conference KłodzkoбХзм–28. 09. 1996] (Warszawa, 1999) 103. 368 Hungaro-Polonica a significant cultural impact of Czechs on the Poles and the Rus. J. Matsurek comparing the style of Galician-Ukrainian and Moldavian charters of the first half of the XVth–XVIth century, came to the conclusion that there are obvious anal- ogies and similarities with Czech charters in terms of form, style and linguistics. The scientist explains this feature by the fact of work of the Czech Hussite scriveners in the offices of Rus as well as by the training of local people in writing char- ters which were based on a Czech design. The sources describing the activities of Czech Brother- hood since the second half of the XVth century were found in Galicia,38 Transcarpathia, Volyn, Podillya. Thedata of place names, which were collected in the late nineteenth century by Podilsk local historian Yuri Sitsynskyi, testified settling of numerous Protestant communities on the territory of Podil- lya.39 According to the data, at the end of the nine-teenth century almost 30 place names of Czech origin were localized near Kamianets-Podilsk. The author also notes that a large community of Czech Brotherhood was settled in the city of Smotrychin the 1490–1500s. Numerous communities who settled on the territory of Podillya, were constantly so- cializing, not losing communication with each other. In their home they have retained all the features of the implemented 38 ыrantishekХŠmahelбХHusyckieХpojęcieХwzjemnoцciХsłowiańskiejХiХczesko- polskiej // Polskie echa husytyzmu. żateriałyХ zХ konferencjiХ naukowejХ źłodzkoбХ зм–28.09. 1996. [The Hussite Concept of Slavonic and Czech- Polish Reciprocity, Polish Echoes of the Hussitism. Materials from the шonferenceХźłodzkoбХзм–28. 09. 1996] (Warszawa, 1999) 11. 39 яaroslavХьollбХяednotaХbratrskáХwХXVгХStoletíбХСeskyХСasopisХHistoryckyХ [The Brotherly Union in the XVth Century, Czech History Magazine] (Praha, 1916) 153. 369 Hungaro-Polonica ordinance which was introduced by Lukash long before the reforms, especially it was about the converts "brothers" who had to undergo a two-year trial period before the consecration of the community. The greater number of Protestant communities were located in Galicia (around 30 branches), in Kholm-Belz Pobuzhya (24 communities) and in Volyn (about 20 communities).40 Calvinism, Socianity, Lutheranism and teachings of the Czech Brotherhood were the most popular Reformation tendencies in Ukrainian lands. Mass migrations of the Czech Brotherhoodfrom the Czech territory began after 1620. This is stated in a letter from Charles of Zherotyndated 06.07.1629, in which he wrote: "[...] many Czechs settled in Hungary, Rus, and especially in land of Semyhradsk [...]".41 In Galicia in the XVIth–XVIIth century lived a lot of people with the surname Moravets. In addition to this, it is necessary to recall the activity of Martin Moravets (1606–1654) from Myslov on the territory of Lviv. In the year of 1637 in Kholmshchyna by Mr. Christopher Potocki served: "[...] honest [...] Vyantseslav Czech." For a while Jan Fiakr from Fulnek lived in Galicia and was even a rector of the school (from 1650)бХ heХ wasХ яanХ цmosХ шomenius’Х associateг42 The Czech Brotherhood was functioning in Berestechko, having Jerzy Leszczynski as a patron, and later on at the beginning 40 Macůrek, K dějinam česko-ukrajinských, 182. 41 StanislawХчarączбХRysХdziejówХzakonuХkaznodziejskiegoХwХіolsceХ[TheХ History of the Order of Preachers in Poland] vol. (Lviv, 1861) 216–218. 42 Хԡ ,ԝ Ԛ ’ - ԟ , . Ԝ. Ԝ [Yurij Sicinskyj, Essays on the Historical Topography of the City Kamenetz-Podolsk and the Surrounding Area, ed. M. Moshak] (Kamenetz-Podolsk, 1994) 45–60. 370 Hungaro-Polonica of the XVIth centuryХTheophilusХTurnovskyi’sbrother named Jan Turnovskyi took charge of the community.43 Theophilus Turnovskyi being familiar with Prince Konstantin Ostrog, made great efforts in the case of unification of the Protestants and Orthodox in Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Tur- novskyi was one of the most influential members of Torun (1595) and Vilna Congresses (1599).44 However, these ecu- menic plans were rejected by higher Orthodox clergy. It is worth mentioning the protestant branches that existed in the Carpathian region in the XVIth century. Their support in the region was carried out at the state (initiated by Rákóczi princes) and church (Orthodox Church) levels. Protestant school in the city of Sukhyi Potok became the center of the reformation movement throughout the Trans- carpathian region.45 In 1650 at the invitation of George Rákóczi Jan Comenius arrived, having a purpose to re- organize the local Lutheran school into the Calvinist Aca- demy. Here he wrote a number of well-known pedagogical works: The laws of a well-organized school or the Rules of Children Behavior and so on.46 Educational activity of Czech Brotherhood in Transcarpathia was associated with the spread of Czech literature in Transcarpathian schools and promotion of reformational ideas. The first translations of 43 Ԝ Хԓ ,Ԕ .З [Mychaylo Grushevskyj, The Spiritual Ukraine. The Collection of Works] (Kiev, 1994) 52. 44 źarlХ ёerotinбХ Żistove psaníХ jazykem českým [The Folic of Writing in Czech Language] (Brünn, 1870–1872) 62. 45 , Х Х , 290–293. 46 І Х Х Х пХ ԟ Х Х бХ Х гХ ԟ [The History of Religion in Ukraine: Protestantism in Ukraine, ed. Pavlo Yarocki] vol.5 (Kiev, 2002) 18. 371 Hungaro-Polonica the Holy Scripture appeared in this region with the help of the Czech Brotherhood who brought here copies of "Shekeyskyi Psalter" (1550), "The Gospel" (1574), "Acts of the Apostles" (second half of the XVIth century), also known as "The Bible of Kralice".47 Same controversial is a problem of the origin and institu- tional functioning of fraternal Orthodox movement in Rus, taking into consideration the influence of Hussite Refor- mation ideas. At the first sight, there is ideological and dog- matic proximityof the Czech and Orthodox mass move- ments. Proponents of this version was Professor E. Me- dynskyi, who wrote and reinforced it with a number of com- pelling evidences the fact, that Bohemian Brotherhood could serve as the model (not as agenuine factor) of the formation of Ukrainian fraternities in the XVIth – XVIIth century.48 Ukrainian researchers, such as J. Isayevych,49 A. Savych,50 K. Kharlampovych51 focused their attention on the similarity in the organization and content of education. Let us consider their reasoning: Firstly, the activity of the Protestant and Orthodox breth- ren schools was directed against the Catholic Jesuit colleges, where scholastic teaching methods predominated; secondly, the similarity in the activity of brethren schools: following 47 чidloбХцktyХjednotyХчratrskéбХжмз–173. 48 Ԓ Хԛ ,І : [The History of Protestantism in Ukraine: Lectures] (Lviv, 1995) 91. 49 І є ,Ԟ , 2–9. 50 ԡ ,ԝ , 200 51 Ԛ бХ , З XVI XVII , [Konstantyn Harlampovich, The Westrus Orthodox School XVI and Early XVII Century, Their Attitude to the Alien.] (Kazan, 1898) 524. 372 Hungaro-Polonica the principle of a consistent and systematic learning, age di- vision and the division of subjects and borrowing the ele- ments of Protestant learning and education; thirdly, the sim- ilarity in cultural and educational activities: in terms of lan- guage, Czech and Orthodox members of brotherhood con- ducted a spelling reform; fourthly, good relations between the Orthodox and Protestant teachers who had studied in higher education institutions in Germany. The aforementioned research connotations need, in our opinion, more profound reasoning. In particular, it is neces- sary to state that the socio-political and religious situation in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and spread of Refor- mation movements on its territory contributed to the uprise of fraternal Orthodox schools rather as a "counterparty" for Catholic and Protestant schools in order to preserve their own religious traditions and cultural identity. The negative impact of Protestantism on Rus community laid in disorgan- ization of the Orthodox clergy and alienation from their own national culture. Brethren schools defended orthodoxy as the basis of national identity, which was opposed to the offi- cial Polish and Protestant religious and cultural paradigm. 373 Hungaro-Polonica In particular, evidences of the negative attitude of the Ortho- dox clergy to both sides is found in the writings by J. Glovat- skiy52 and V. Lipinsky.53 Next, let us consider the question of similarity in the or- ganizational activitiy of Czech and Rus brethren schools. As an example, the organization of educational process in Os- troh Academy, course of studies, teaching methods, class- task system really show similarities with the Protestant gym- nasiums.54 However, the lack of qualified teachers and text- books in schools forced the headquarters of these institutions to the educational use of the Protestant textbooks. In partic- ular, there were widely used vokabulaswritten by J. A. Co- menius as educational books in schools and in Kyiv Mohyla Academy.55 We should also note that the brethren schools in the Ukrainian lands in school should be considered in the European context of philosophical and pedagogical thought, which had a significant impact on their development. The similarity of statutes of Ukrainian and Czech brethren schools and Protestant communities can be traced in those issues that had already become a common heritage of hu- manist pedagogy in different European countries. 52 Хԓ ,ԝ Х Х Х Хԡ - Х гХ ԟ Х - Х Х [YakivХ HolovackyjбХ TheХ чeginningХ andХ цctivitiesХ ofХ ŻvivХ Stavropig yskyХ Brotherhood. According to the Historical and Literary Point of View] (Lviv, 1860) 5. 53 Ԓ’ Хԛ ,Ԡ [Vyaches- lav Lypynskyj, Religion and Church in the history of Ukraine] (Lviv, 1933) 96. 54 Ԛ Х , “Ԟ Х Х ” [Konstyantyn Harlampowych, The Ostroh Orthodox School], Ԛ 5 (1897) 205. 55 ԡ бХԝ Х Х , 152. 374 Hungaro-Polonica Thus, the conducted research confirms the fact, that the Hussite revolution and its ideas of the Reformation found its reverberation in the lands of the South-Western Rus of the late XVth – first half of the XVIIth century. This is due to the geographical closeness, common language and culture, well- established inter-state relations,constant migration of the youth. The participation of the Rus in the Hussite military events clearly demonstrated not only support for the Hussite heresy in the Orthodox environment, but also brought nu- merous loans pertaining to the military-strategic sphere, bor- rowings of names of weapons from Czech. The most significant impact of Hussite Reformation ideas can be observed in the cultural and educational spheres. Galician and Carpathian Rus became a place of residence and cultural and educational activities of many immigrants, especially Czech Brotherhoodof Bohemia and Moravia. By the end of the XVIth century the ethnic composition of Czech Brotherhoodhas changed so much that they were the Czechs only by name. Cultural and educational revival in Galicia and Precarpathian Rus was largely inspired by the Hussite Reformation influences. In educated circles the Rus craved for the need to develop writing, organize Ukrainian schools and printing, create manuals and much more. The idea of secular patronage over the church became widely popular, which was brought into action by Orthodox Brethren. Speaking of the religious sphere, it is necessary to state the least impact of Hussite Reformation ideas because the idea of Orthodox-Protestant union was unsustainable. That was because both sides had different religious and cultural 375 Hungaro-Polonica background and traditions. Orthodox theologians consid- ered Evangelics, Protestants, Czech Brotherhood to be heretics, communication whith them threatened dogmatic foundations of the eastern branch of Christianity. Bibliography Primary sources чidloбХ яaroslavбХ цktyХ jednotyХ чratrskéХ [цctsХ ofХ theХ UnityХ ofХ чrethren] vol.1–2 (Brno, 1915–1923) 172–173. Codex epistolaris saeculi decimi quinti, ed. Augusti Sokolowski – Josephi SzujskiХĐźrakówбХжнмлЮг Secondary literature ьrygielбХ яerzyбХ ёycieХ iХ działanoцРХ ZygmuntaХ źorybutowiczaгХ StudiumХ zХ dziejówХstosunkówХpolsko-czeskichХwХpierwszejХpołowieХXVХwiekuХ[TheХ life and activities of Zygmunt Korybutowicz, The Materials on the history of Polish-Czech Relations of the First Half of the XVth Century]ХĐWrocławбХ 1988). żacůrekбХ яosefбХ źХ dějinamХ česko-ukrajinskýchХ aХ česko-rumunskýchХ vztahůХ зХ polгХ жйХ aХ жгХ polгХ жкХ stoletiгбХ SlovanskéХ historickéХ studieХ [TheХ history of Czech-Ukrainian and Czech-Romanian Relations at the End of the XIVth– of the First Half of the XVth Century] (Praha, 1960) 127–182. І є бХ бХ „Ԟ Х Х Х ХXVююХ гпХ Х ХХ Х ” [Isajevich,Jaroslav, The Educational Movement in Ukraine XVIIth century: Eastern Tradition and Western Influence], Ԛ Х 1 (1995) 2–9. ԡ бХԞ бХԝ Х Х Х Х ХԒ Х Х ԑ Х Х XVюХ – XVюююХ гХ [SavychбХ OleksandrбХ ъssaysХ onХ theХ HistoryХ ofХ 376 Hungaro-Polonica Cultural Movements in Ukraine and Belarus in the XVI – XVIIIth Centuries] (Kiev, 1929) бХԐ бХ Х Х Х бХԞ Х Х Х - Х Х ĐX–XVюююЮбХ Х жХ [ыlorovskyjбХ цntonбХ TheХ Czechs and East Slavs, Essays by History Czech-Russen Relations (X– XVIII)] vol.1 (Praha, 1935) 377 Authors Albrecht, Stefan, Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmu- seum, Mainz. albrecht@rgzm.de Barabás, Gábor, UniversityХofХіécs. barab.gabor@gmail.com Benei, Bernadett, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest. bernadettbenei@hotmail.com Érsek, Annamária, University of Paris-Sorbonne. annamaria.ersek@gmail.com Graczyńska, Marta, Jagiellonian University/National Muzeum inХźraków. martagraczynska@onet.eu Herucová, Angelika, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava. a.herucova@gmail.com Homoľa, Tomáš, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Brati- slava. tomashml@gmail.com Incze, János, Central European University, Budapest. inczejanos@gmail.com 379 Kovács, IstvánбХUniversityХofХіécs. kovacs.istvan.hok@gmail.com Kozłowski, Wojciech, Akademia Pedagogiki Specjalnej im. Marii Grzegorzewskiej, Warszawa. wkozlowski@aps.edu.pl Kubay, Inna, Chernivtsi, Institute of Archeology of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. quadrivium.cv@gmail.com Marzec, Andrzej, яagiellonianХUniversityбХźraków. andmarzec@tlen.pl Obara-Pawłowska, Anna, Maria Curie-SkłodowskaХ University in Lublin. a.a.obara@wp.pl Quéret-Podesta, Adrien, University of Olomuc. adrienqueretpodesta@gmail.com Srodecki, Paul, University of Ostrava, University of Giessen. p.srodecki@gmx.de 380