Zlín Proceedings in Humanities Volume 4 Zlín Proceedings in Humanities Series Editor: Roman Tru ník ffSSN 1ř05-ŚřŚŚ he Zlín Proceedings in Humanities book series includes volumes of proceedings from conferences and workshops in the humanities hosted by Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Czech Republic. he goal of the series is to monitor and record the latest research trends, primarily within the Central European region. All volumes published in the series are peer-reviewed in accordance with international scholarly and ethical standards. 1. heories in Practice: he First ffnternational Conference on English and American Studies (September Ś, 200Ś) 2. heories and Practice: he Second ffnternational Conference on English and American Studies (September 7 ř, 2010) 3. heories and Practices: he hird ffnternational Conference on Anglophone Studies (September 7 ř, 2011) 4. From heory to Practice 2012: he Fourth ffnternational Conference on Anglophone Studies (September 5 6, 2012) From Theory to Practice 2012 Proceedings of the Fourth ffnternational Conference on Anglophone Studies September 5 6, 2012 Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Czech Republic Edited by Gregory fiason Bell flatarína Nemčoková Bartosz Wójcik Univerzita Tomáše Bati ve Zlíně Zlín 2013 he publication costs of this volume were partly covered by the Zlín Region. Organizing Commitee: Ane ka ffiengálová (chair) Gregory fiason Bell Hana Čechová Vladimíra Fonfárová flatarína Nemčoková fiana Semotamová Petr Vinklárek Reviewers: Andrzej Antoszek† Vladimír Biloveský Ema fielínková Zo a flolbuszewska Nadě da fludrnáčová Annika fflcPherson fflonika Szuba ffiudmila Veselovská First Edition Arrangement copyright © Gregory fiason Bell, flatarína Nemčoková, Bartosz Wójcik, 2013 Editors Note copyright © Gregory fiason Bell, flatarína Nemčoková, Bartosz Wójcik, 2013 Papers copyright © Gregory fiason Bell, Barbora Bla ková, ffiadislav Chaloupský, Eva Čoupková, ffienka Drábková, Věra Eliá ová, fioseph E. Emonds, fii í Flaj ar, Pavlína Flaj arová, Vladimíra Fonfárová, fflarkéta Gregorová, Ema fielínková, árka fie ková, Stanislav flolá , Bohuslav fflánek, Christopher fflcfleating, Gabriela ffli íková, ffvona ffli terová, flatarína Nemčoková, Olga Nepra ová, fflałgorzata Paprota, fflichal Peprník, Simone Pu , fie Smith, fian Suk, Dita Trčková, Roman Tru ník, Zuzana Urbanová, ffiudmila Veselovská, Petr Vinklárek, Hana Waisserová, fflichaela Weiss, Bartosz Wójcik, 2013 All rights revert to the authors upon publication. Published by Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Czech Republic ffSBN Ś7ř-ř0-7454-276-3 ffSSN 1ř05-ŚřŚŚ Table of Contents Editors Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ś Gregory Jason Bell, Katarína Nemčoková, Bartosz Wójcik ffiinguistics Subjects in English and Czech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Ludmila Veselovská Primary vs. Secondary Vocabulary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Joseph E. Emonds he Pragmatics of Politeness: Taking a Critical Stance in Academic Digital Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Gabriela Mi íková Expressing Support and Encouragement in Online Discussions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 árka Je ková Dis-articulating the Welfare State: Denotation of Welfare and Welfare State in British Conservative Press . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ř3 Małgorzata Paprota An ffdeological Square of the First World Versus the hird World in Newspaper Discourse: A Case Study of the 2010 Haiti Earthquake . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ś5 Dita Trčková Can We Trust hemŠ A Discourse Analysis of British Newspaper Headlines . . . . . . 103 Barbora Bla ková he Function of Reported ffianguage and Narration in the Headlines of Hard News . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Zuzana Urbanová Heteroglossic ffntertextuality as a Discourse Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Katarína Nemčoková he ffnterplay of Text and ffmage in Comics: A ffiinguistic ffnterpretation of Will Eisner s A Contract with God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Petr Vinklárek Complications with English in fflilitary-Oriented Coalitions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Ladislav Chaloupský, Christopher McKeating, Lenka Drábková ffiiterature and Cultural Studies he Chosen and the Choice: Race, Religion, and the 2012 U.S. Presidential Campaign . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15Ś Je Smith he Poet as a Walt Whitman of Contemporary American Culture: On he Bob Hope Poem by Campbell fflcGrath . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17Ś Jiří Flaj ar fflodern Acts of Passing: How Stereotypes and Othering fflake African American Women Yearn for ffiightness in the Twenty- rst Century . . . . . 1ř7 Simone Pu Socioeconomic Developments in the Tampa Bay Area during Reconstruction . . . . . 1ŚŚ Gregory Jason Bell he House of the Head Versus the House of the Heart in fiames Fenimore Cooper s he Pioneers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 Michal Peprník he Performative Autobiography of Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas . . . . . . . . . . . 221 Michaela Weiss fiames Purdy s he Nephew A Gay Novel without Gay Characters: A Few Remarks on the Use of hematic Criticism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22Ś Roman Tru ník A Voice from the Past: he ffiegacy of Family History in Rebecca Goldstein s Mazel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 Stanislav Kolář flilling flings in Canada: he Role of Community in William Dempsey Valgardson s Blood owers . . . . . . . 245 Vladimíra Fonfárová he ffloral Failure of the fflentor-ffiover in fiane Austen s Northanger Abbey and Sense and Sensibility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 Ema Jelínková What the Patriots Feel : Virginia Woolf s Rethinking of War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 Věra Eliá ová Transnationality in Zadie Smith s White Teeth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26Ś Hana Waisserová Romeo and Juliet: he Deconstruction of Romance, or a Prefab Story . . . . . . . . . . . 27Ś Ivona Mi terová he Phenomenon of Silence in the Postdramatic Oeuvre of Forced Entertainment in heory and Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2řŚ Jan Suk, Olga Nepra ová Are Not Witches Always Old and PoorŠ : he heory and Practice of Witchcrat in fioanna Baillie s Witchcrat . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 Eva Čoupková Country, City and in Between: Constructing Space in Twentieth-Century Scotish Fiction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30Ś Markéta Gregorová fiamaica Revisited: Slave Narrative in Andrea ffievy s he Long Song . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315 Pavlína Flaj arová Too ffluch, Too OtenŠ he Glass Ceiling of Dub Poetry in Benjamin Zephaniah s Too Black, Too Strong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323 Bartosz Wójcik Czech Translations of Old and ffliddle English Poetry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 Bohuslav Mánek Editors Note Gregory fiason Bell, flatarína Nemčoková, Bartosz Wójcik he present volume, the fourth in the Zlín Proceedings in Humanities book series, contains selected papers from From heory to Practice 2012: he Fourth ffnternational Conference on Anglophone Studies, hosted on September 5 6, 2012, by the Department of English and American Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Czech Republic. Organizational development, our conference being no exception, oten mirrors human development. From this perspective, the conference went through an adolescent stage, during which it was developing an identity and trying to nd a place for itself within the academic world. Now however, the conference is well established and basking in its maturity, with a setled name and scope, and a speci c academic niche to ll. Successfully building on past relationships, both at home and abroad, and continuing to establish new ones, should enable our conference to continue to thrive. Changes are inevitable, and we have experienced several this year. First and foremost, Roman Tru ník has advanced to the position of book series editor, opening the door for Polish scholar Bartosz Wójcik to join our sta as editor of the literature section. Tru ník s expert guidance is much needed in his current capacity and helps us to maintain the high standards established in the previous volumes of the series. While the conference itself hosted scholars from throughout Europe, ultimately only papers by academics a liated with institutions in the Czech Republic, Poland, and Germany found their way into the proceedings. Yet, a signi cant number of these academics are actually American or Slovak. he present volume thus provides convincing evidence of another developing trend: Central European scholarship is becoming internationalized and highly competitive. Not everything has changed. As in the past, we have been pleased to see articles from our previous three volumes cited in other scholarly publications. Also, as previously, this volume is published as a print volume and distributed primarily to libraries, both in the Czech Republic and abroad, while being simultaneously released in PDF format on the ffnternet (htp://conference.uaa.utb.cz/tp2012) for easy indexing, searching, and sharing among scholars worldwide. While we stick to the book format and use ffSBNs for individual volumes, for the convenience of libraries, we now also have an ffSSN for the whole series. Otherwise, the form and format of the proceedings remain faithful to what worked best in the past. he volume is divided into two sections: linguistics in the broadest use of the term, and literature and cultural studies. We also adhered to both formats de ned in the current edition of he Chicago Manual of Style: papers on linguistics are in the author-date format, while papers on literature and cultural studies make use of footnotes. For electronic sources, we continue to give access dates only in cases when we were unable to verify the sources in fiuly 2013. 10 From Theory to Practice 2012 he conference and subsequent proceedings would not have reached its current level of maturity without the help and guidance of many. We wish to thank all of the participants, organizers, reviewers, and many others whose e orts made our fourth annual conference not only a reality but a great success. Our thanks are also extended to the rector of Tomas Bata University in Zlín, to the dean of the Faculty of Humanities, and to the Zlín Region for their continued support. ffiinguistics Subjects in English and Czech ffiudmila Veselovská Palacký University, Philosophical Faculty, Department of English and American Studies, fl í kovského 10, 771 ř0 Olomouc, Czech Republic. Email: lidavešemail.cz Abstract: he prototypical traditional concept of Subject embraces a cluster of properties including semantic and pragmatic interpretations, speci c format (Case, Concord, etc.), structural and / or linear position, etc. Comparing Subjects cross language, however, shows both similarity and diversity in the above characteristics, which undermines a claim about the universal nature of the phenomena. his paper will demonstrate that the traditional concept of Subject is not a primitive category but a cover term, which collapses several arguably distinct and independent phenomena, all of which should be and have been discussed and analysed separately. he study will argue that terminological clarity allows us to explain some distinctions between Czech and English. fleywords: English Subject; Czech Subject; semantic roles; theme; Nominative Case; Agreement 1. What is a SubjectŠ Although not all native speakers of English are familiar with the term Subject , the same is not yet true of Czech students. By age ten, most Czech pupils are familiar with the label and can apply it (i.e., they can nd Subjects of most standard sentences) with an accuracy which is in fact rather surprising, given the vagueness and oten even inaccuracy of the de nition of the term. he pupils recognition can only be based on their linguistic intuitions, and the easiness of nding a Subject of most clauses suggests that although it is a theoretical construct, it must be related to something really present in a language structure. ffn the following paper, ff will revise the traditional concept of the prototypical Subject, to show that it covers a cluster of properties including semantic and pragmatic interpretations, speci c format (Case, Concord), structural and / or linear position, etc. ff will argue that the traditional concept of Subject is not a primitive category but an umbrella label that collapses several distinct phenomena (belonging to distinct linguistic elds), all of which have been properly discussed and analysed separately. fft will demonstrate how terminological clarity and dissociation of those characteristics of Subjects to (i) those which are truly independent and (ii) those which are only epiphenomenal correlations, help us to discuss and explain some distinctions between Czech and English. 1.1 Categories vs. relations ffiet s rst consider the label Subject itself with respect to more general characteristics of that kind of term. Consider the examples in (1) with respect to the distinction between the words woman / Czech citizen on one side and mother / widow on the other. 14 (1) From Theory to Practice 2012 a. Mary is a woman. Mary is a Czech citizen. b. Mary is a mother. Mary is a widow. he respective sentences in (1) are true if a. b. Mary (herself) has a genetic endowment comprising XX (etc.) Mary (herself) has a Czech passport (speaks the language, etc.) there is a child whose mother is Mary there was a spouse who Mary had married who died during the marriage he contrast between (1a) and (1b) demonstrates the distinction between a label denoting speci c properties of an independent individual entity, i.e., (1a), and between a relational term, a label denoting a relation (function) between several individual entities which are de ned with respect to each other, i.e., (1b). he same distinction can be found in the two main traditional terms used in grammar. Consider the following examples in (2), assuming Cairo is a name of a dog. (2) a. [Noun Cairo] saw a cat. b. he cat saw [Noun Cairo] As the subscript suggests, the lexical entry Cairo can be labeled with respect to its category (part of speech) as a Noun in both (2a) and (2b) above, because its Noun-hood is based on the fact that Cairo denotes the same entity (and the sentences use the same kind of lexical entry). On the other hand, as for the syntagmatic label, Cairo is a sentence member of Subject in (2a) only, because the Subject-hood of Cairo does not derive from the fact that it is a dog, i.e., from the entity itself, but from some other factors namely from the relation of this constituent to another constituent, here to the verb saw. As for the interpretation, only in (2a) can we say that the dog called Cairo is the one that sees something. ffn (2b), Cairo is the one who is seen, and the syntagmatic label would be Object. he above example illustrates that parts of speech (e.g., Nouns) are categorial labels i.e., they classify a lexical expression itself on the paradigmatic (vertical) scale of a language system. he relevant property of the sentence member taxonomy (e.g., Subjects) are syntagmatic (horizontal) relations. Sentence members do not exist independently, outside of speci c concrete linguistic structure / context, i.e., they are / have grammatical functions, relating a given constituent to some other element present in the sentence. ffloreover, the number of such relations is not in nite in a given language. fft is in fact very restricted and similar even cross-languages. To know how to label correctly (i.e., meaningfully) the speci c relations (and constituents participating on them) requires some analysis of the clausal structure and some knowledge of which language speci c signals show individual relations within the structure. ffiudmila Veselovská 15 1.2 Subjects in formal grammatical theory he traditional label of the function of Subject can be traced back to Aristotle and has always been associated with the concept of Predicate (i.e., Subject is something related to the Predicate). he term has been analyzed with respect to both its meaning / interpretation and its format.1 ffn more modern grammar the term Subject is used above all for the cluster of formal atributes, the list of which depends on authors and their preferences. ffn structural frameworks, which describe a sentence as a kind of structure represented by a linear or projecting diagram or a tree, the term Subject is used to label an element in a speci c position of such a clausal diagram / tree. he following, (3), is a traditional structuralist tree resulting from the immediate constituent analysis used widely since the middle of the twentieth century. Subject (the NP the cat on the let) is the element related to Predicate, forming together a simple clause / sentence. (3) ffmmediate Constituent Analysis S: he cat sat on the mat. Subject NP the cat VP sat on the mat V sat Predicate PP on the mat Very similar (as far as Subjects go) were the rst trees used in the early generative grammar (4) is taken from Noam Chomsky s Syntactic Structures (1Ś57). he author de nes Subject as any constituent (prototypically NP) located in a given position. He also states that when some syntactic process targets Subjects, it targets this position. 1. Typological surveys provide generalisations and tendencies considering a large range of languages using a rather representative traditional terminology. E.g., fleenan (1Ś76, Chapter 1.3.2), discusses 36 properties which he atributes to Subjects though all of them are at best one way implications. Students manuals are usually more language speci c and remain vague. Subject is de ned as e.g., who or what the sentence / uterance is (primarily) about (Aarts 2001, ř; Huddleston and Pullum 2002, 235; Biber et al. 1ŚŚŚ, 127; uirk et al. 1Śř5, 726, etc.). Also, the ffnternet provides many de nitions which are both vague and easily falsi able, as e.g., the Subject of a sentence typically (i) occurs at the beginning of the sentence (position), (ii) consists of a noun phrase (form), and (iii) indicates the topic of the discussion (meaning) (flurland 2000). See also the footnote 11. 16 (4) From Theory to Practice 2012 a. Chomsky (1Ś57, 10ř) S NP he door b. Chomsky (1Ś57, ř6) S Predicate Phrase Aux will VP be opened. NP Aux VP he janitor will open the door. he following, (5), are notorious examples from Chomsky (1Ś57, 1Ś65), which were used to explicitly argue that in spite of the fact that the constituents in the position of Subjects (the janitor, the wind, the door) do have their meanings, the position of Subject itself is clearly not related to any xed interpretation. (5) a. he janitor / he wind will open the door. b. he door will be opened (by the janitor / with this key). c. he door will open. (*by the janitor). fflany linguists (including those who subscribed to formal frameworks) felt, however, that the purely structural approach to Subject (as a position) neglects a trivial fact that Subjects interpretations are standardized and predictable to a level much higher than random. Atempts were therefore made to systemize, correlate and predict the interpretation and form of Subjects. he most representative and in uential in the eld was the study by Charles Fillmore, Toward a fflodern heory of Case (1Ś6ř). Fillmore (1Ś6ř) proposed that in a semantic component of a language each predicate (e.g., Verb) co-occurs with a list of speci c participants. He called those participants generalised semantic roles and related them to Cases (using the labels like Agent / Actor, Patient, Goal, etc.). ffn such a way, Fillmore conceptually separated the interpretation of constituents (Cases) from the sentence member structural taxonomy. he separate terminology is exempli ed in (6) together with their labels.2 function = position in a tree (6) a. [NP John] broke a vase. b. [NP The vase] was broken by John. meaning = generalised semantic role (John = Subject + Agent) (the vase = Subject + Patient) 2. Fillmore (1Ś6ř) proposes that the interpretation of the Cases (= for him semantic roles, e.g., Agent, Patient, Goal) is based on the meaning of (i) individual predicate and (ii) of the prepositions (which are integral parts of all nouns), stressing the later ( an analysis of syntactic functions in English requires a general account of the role of prepositions, (Fillmore 1Ś6ř, 364)). he idea of relating prepositions to Cases (i.e., meaning) is still alive, as e.g., the discussion in Asbury (200ř) shows. ffiudmila Veselovská 17 For Fillmore, the clausal structure (the tree) in (6b) is a primitive root construction, and (6a) results from the process of Subject selection Rule demonstrated in (7). ffn (7a) on the let, the Predicate is generated together with its Arguments (Participants, Cases, here Ag: Agent) from which only one is selected to become Subject. he tree on the right in (7b) demonstrates the surface structure (ater the Subject has been selected and removed) when another transformation Preposition Deletion applies. (7) Fillmore (1Ś6ř, 36ř) (a) Subject Selection Rule = selecting a constituent to become a Subject (b) Preposition Deletion S Aux S Prop V will open Ag / NP Aux Obj Ag Prep Det N the door [ by the janitor] by the janitor will Prop V Obj open the door According to Fillmore, formal atributes of Subjects (e.g., morphological case and Concord) are a result of the processes in (7) and of the resulting structure Nominative . . . constitutes a case neutralisation that a ects noun phrases that have been made the subject of the sentence (1Ś6ř, 375). ffn a later but equally interesting paper, he Case for Case Reopened (1Ś77), Fillmore did not develop further the idea about the role of prepositions, but he concentrated on the standard correlation (but non-identity) between the Agent interpretation and structural Subject-hood. He proposed the existence of three independent hierarchies which are matched by transformational processes. First, Fillmore (1Ś77) considers a discourse-speci c aspect of foregrounding, claiming that meanings are relativized to scenes. Based on a subjective foregrounding, he proposes the existence of (ř) Fillmore s Hierarchies a. A discourse salience hierarchy is translated into b. a plausibly universal (deep) case / semantic hierarchy, and that is assigned to a c. grammatical functions hierarchy.3 3. Any particular verb or other predicating word assumes, in each use, a given perspective. he grammatical functions of the nominals that represent the entities that are put into perspective are determined in part 1ř From Theory to Practice 2012 Although the terminology may change and not all frameworks refer back to Fillmore, the three hierarchies mentioned in (ř) are still a succinct way to de ne the separate phenomena which are involved in a traditional descriptive framework when the characteristics of individual sentence members (esp. Subjects) are discussed and listed. 1.2.1 Transformational Grammar (Principles and Parameters, fflinimalism) ffn the 1Ś71 study by Stephen Anderson, On the Role of Deep Structure in Semantic ffnterpretation, the author discusses in detail (on the ground of simplicity of the semantic component and citing Chomsky, 1Ś65, Ch. 3) that there are deep level Subjects which are elements carrying the semantic interpretation (e.g., Agent, Patient) and surface level Subjects which are related to the position. Anderson uses the label Subject for both of them, which did not help the clari cation of terminology, but the dissociation of the form (position) and meaning / interpretation of sentence members is made explicit and is expressed in terms of stages of derivation. ffn other words, the meaning of a Subject is related to the base generated (deep) position, while the form depends on the surface position. ffiater development of formal syntax in a transformational generative framework went through a strictly modular phase (Government and Binding, e.g., Chomsky (1Śř6) Barriers), which discussed the concept of Subject within several separate modules : Relevant aspects of interpretation (of the sentence members) were discussed within the Theta Theory, the module which dealt in detail with the nature (and universal varieties) and distribution of semantic arguments. heta Roles (labeled as Θ and numbered A1, A2, A3) are more or less what Fillmore called generalised semantic participants / roles / Cases. he later principle of heta Criterion required that each Argument bears one and only one Θ Role and each Θ Role is assigned to one and only one Argument.4 Another module, the Case Theory concentrated on the format of Nouns and the processes required for licensing the interpretation of Arguments. fft assumed that each heta Role must be made transparent / interpretable, and the way to do it is to give each Noun an abstract Case (which in some languages becomes morphologically realised). he so called Case Filter of Rouveret and Vergnaud (1Śř0) required every lexicalized DP / NP to have a Case. And nally, a separate module of X-bar Theory described the universal phrasal (clausal) format of the structure which provided positions for individual sentence members. ffn this structure the Subjects are located in Speci ers (SPECs) of distinct by something like a deep Case hierarchy. Other parts of the associated scene can be introduced with prepositional phrases. . . (Fillmore 1Ś77, 74). 4. For more discussion of Fillmore s Cases and semantic / Argument / heta roles, see fiackendo (1Ś72) and Chomsky (1Ś72). fflore up to date theory can be found in above all Baker s (1Śřř) Universal heta Role Assigning Hypothesis (UTAH). See also Grimshaw s (1ŚŚ0) distinction between semantic and thematic roles, and fiackendo (1ŚŚ0) or Hale and fleyser (2002) for an extensive discussion of the possible variety and nature of thematic roles. For an alternative to the theta role assigning process, see, e.g., floopman (1ŚŚ4). ffiudmila Veselovská 1Ś heads, and a special Extended Projection principle (EPP) required each sentence to have a Subject.5 he fflinimalistic phase of generative grammar (starting with Chomsky, 1ŚŚ5) accepted an even simpler format of phrasal projections and aimed at more general transformation rules. ffn fflinimalism, transformations are based on speci c features of the lexical entries, and they are evaluated with regard to several notions of economy. hough no analysis is yet taken for nal, the following represents current standard concepts. he scheme in (Ś) can be used to explain the correlation of characteristics related to individual Subjects using the terminology covering the last decades standards.6 (Ś) S=ffP SPEC(ff) NOffl ff ff0 [Concord] vP SPEC(v) Θ A1 v VP v the janitor will (the janitor) open EPP, [+NOM] Θ1 SPEC(V) V the door (open) ffn (Ś) can be seen a universal verbal / clausal projection with a speci c position designated for the interpretation, i.e., the deep level Subject = Θ A1 / Agent (the lower, 5. For the X-bar format see Chomsky (1Śř6). With respect to Subjects see Stowell (1Śř1, 1Śř3), Fukui and Speas (1Śř6), or floopman and Sportiche (1ŚŚ1). For a discussion in the fflinimalistic framework see Chomsky (1ŚŚ5) or more lately a rather radical but inspiring concept of the nature of Case introduced in Pesetsky and Torrego (2000, 2004). 6. he tree is a minimal standard variety used in most grammar manuals, see, e.g., Haegeman and Guéron (1ŚŚŚ) for English. 20 From Theory to Practice 2012 right grey circle in the scheme) and the position of the surface level Subject i.e., formal clausal Subject (the higher, let grey circle in the scheme). he scheme above respects the fact that both the concepts of Subject are relational. herefore, compared with (4) and (7) above, the domain of semantics (lower) and the surface form (upper) are separated not only with respect to their assumed positions but above all with respect to the heads, which are parts of the relevant ( Subject ) relation. As for the semantics, the heta role Θ A1 is de ned with respect to a verbal head v / V (lower arrow in (Ś)). he concept captures the fact that it is an individual lexical entry (verb) that selects its Arguments (assigns the heta roles). he cannonic, most common interpretation of Subjects, i.e., Θ =A1 (with most verbs it is an Agent) is then a role assigned precisely to the SPEC(v). On the other hand, the formal properties of formal Subjects (the elements marked with a special format Case, Concord, etc.) are de ned as a relation with respect to a functional (verbal) head ff (upper let arrow in (Ś)). he head ff represents a nite clausal projection and SPEC(ff) is a landing site of a transformation triggered by the properties of the ff head (depending on the fflood characteristics of a clause). here is no a priory reason why the element generated in SPEC(v), i.e., Θ A1 (≈Agent), had to move to the position in SPEC(ff). fft happens only because the two positions are close enough, and economy of derivation considers the distance of a movement as a relevant factor. hus, in (Ś), the surface position of the formal Subject and the ffnterpretation of the element which occupies it are kept clearly dissociated: he interpretation (semantic / heta roles, Θ) of Subjects is related to a base generated position with regard to the lexical Verb, and the formal properties of Subjects (Case, Agreement) are related to the surface position(s) de ned with regard to the functional head ff. he frequent ( unmarked / standard / cannonic ) correlation between Agents and Subjects is explained by accidental locality: SPEC(v) is the position closest to SPEC(ff) in a tree like (Ś). Appropriate dissociation of phenomena with regard to the relevant positions allows us to also analyse sentences where more factors must be taken into account. Consider the constituent Who in (10) below: (10) a. Who do you think will help Mary tomorrow? b. Who do you think will be helped by Mary? he bracketing and subscripts in (11) below analyse (10) in terms of the previous discussion. Notice that the semantic Θ role position (A) is separate not only from (B), i.e., the Subject position (Case marked in English, with agreement) but also from the very initial (C) surface position required by the interrogative morpheme(s) [+WH]. he bold arrow marks the rst step in derivation (from A to B) which in both (11) results in the lling of the formal Subject position, i.e., of SPEC(ff), marked with a grey frame in the scheme below. ffiudmila Veselovská 21 (11) a. [CP Who do [ffP you think [ffP who will [vP who help to fflary tomorrowŠ C:[+WH] B:[+NOffl] A:[Θ1=Agent] b. [CP Who do [ffP you think [ffP who will [vP C:[+WH] B:[+NOffl] be helped who by fflaryŠ A:[Θ2=Patient] he distinction in interpretation between (11a) and (11b) can be explained because the initial, base, semantic, heta position of the Who is distinct. Notice that in case SPEC(v) is not lled, which is true in passive structures as in (11b), the Θ role position (A) of a structural Object (≈Patient) becomes the position closest to SPEC(ff), and therefore ≈Patient becomes a formal Subject of a passive clause. he two options in (11) support the claim that the position of formal Subject is blind to interpretation but sensitive to the locality restrictions, i.e., economy. 1.2.2 Functional and Valency Frameworks he conceptual dissociation between form and interpretation of sentence members is systematically accepted also in the functional framework applied to Czech since the second half of the twentieth century. he (two-level) valency syntax is an approach based on the studies by fflathesius (e.g., 1Ś47), i.e., the author representing the Prague School functional framework. fflathesius understands the clause as a realisation of an abstract patern / structure (a semantic and a grammatical structure). ffn his framework,7 Subject is a part of a clausal structure, a let-side valency position, and the elements located in this position. Subject is a hierarchically top position, which is usually occupied by the most prominent semantic arguments of a given verb. Apart from its interpretation, which is stated and described for Subjects in detail for various kinds of sentences (though with no atempt to explain the distribution), the let-side valency position is also related to a speci c (language speci c) form, i.e., morphology Case and Concord in most ffndo-European. hus, in a traditional valency framework both the interpretation and form of Subjects are related to the same element, namely a Verb (predicate). However, in a more recent version of the framework (see flarlík 2000), the formal (morphological) properties of a Subject are, instead to the verb itself, related to the finiteness of the verb, not to the verbal stem. his concept it demonstrated in (12) 7. See Dane (1Ś6ř); Dane , Grepl and Hlavsa (1Śř7); Bauer and Grepl (1Ś72) or Grepl and flarlík (1ŚŚř). An interpretation of Subjects in another kind of functional framework can be found in e.g., Halliday and fflathiessen (2004). 22 From Theory to Practice 2012 where it is the nite ffNFffi(ection) element / morpheme (bold arrow) which licenses Nominative Case on Subject. he lexical stem V (doted arrow) is responsible (a) for the interpretation of all verbal arguments, including Agent and Patient and (b) the Accusative Case on Object. dveře. otevír -ám (12) Já [+NOffl] V -ffNFffi [+ACC] As for the concept of Subjects, the structure suggested for a language speci c Czech example in (12) is ater all not too far from that in a tree like (Ś), because both (Ś) and (12) signal a clear dissociation of the Subject position (the relation responsible for the formal properties of Subjects) from the lexical verbs, which however select the semantics of Subjects. Both (Ś) and (12) can also explain in some way the distinction between nite verbs and in nitives or active and passive structures. he tree in (Ś), however, claims a more universal and explanatory potential; it is structurally more developed and explicit and therefore can help us to deal with Case and Agreement in a more precise way. 1.2.3 A Note about taxonomy According to Fillmore, taxonomy is to be valued if it provides a convenient and revealing conceptual organization of the entities in its realm . . . in our case something in terms of which grammatical and semantic generalizations can be easily formulated; a notation is to be valued if it allows the formation of such a taxonomy in a simple and straightforward way (1Ś77, 6ř, the stress is mine). As demonstrated, in a present day linguistic framework there is no need to be confused or disturbed by an apparent contradiction between semantics and formal properties of the category of what can be called Subject. here were at least three clearly separate realms intersecting in traditional Subject-hood in Fillmore already, all of which have been extensively discussed and analysed. Notice, that all of them are functions, i.e., relational terms de ned with respect to some other element. (13) a. semantic roles (ΘA1≈Agent) stated with respect to the predicate / event,ř b. pragmatic roles (Topic / heme vs. Focus / Rheme) stated with respect to discourse factors, i.e., considering the sentence dynamism, esp. as re ected in linear order,Ś c. formal (morpho-syntactic) properties signalling a speci c position of a given constituent with respect to a relevant domain(s) / head(s).10 ř. See footnote 4. Ś. Given the prevailingly Czech audience, ff am not going to explain the concept of sentence dynamism here in more detail, referring only to Firbas (1ŚŚ2) and Sgall, Hajičová and Panevová (1Śř6). he ffiudmila Veselovská 23 Each of these three realms can (and perhaps should) use its own terminology to refer to the concept usually correlated with the umbrella term Subject : (13a) ≈Agent, (13b) ≈Topic, (13c) ≈SPEC(ff). None of them, however, has any a priory right for an exclusive usage of the label Subject . fff the term is used and its characteristics are listed, there is a clear need to de ne what the label means. fff the terms are not explicitly clari ed, which unfortunately happens too oten, one easily can mix apples and oranges together with no rational outcome.11 fft has been demonstrated that when talking of sentence members, it is necessary to distinguish the formal / semantic / pragmatic phenomena and use appropriate terminology in each of them, to avoid misunderstanding, e.g., speaking of interpretation, semantic Arguments related to predicates had beter be labeled Agents, Patients, etc., not Subjects, Objects, etc. Similarly, discussing Sentence dynamism (e.g., what a sentence is about ), the terms heme / Topic and Rheme / Focus are more appropriate than terms like Subjects and whatever could be a (potentially language speci c) correlation of Focus. he terminology of Subject, Object etc. had beter be restricted to the morpho-syntactic characteristics atributed to the elements in speci c formal positions in a clausal structure (tree, or its equivalent in a given framework). hen also the term Subject becomes a term which provides a convenient and revealing conceptual organization of the entities in its realm and in terms of which crosslanguage and more universal generalizations can be easily formulated (see he Guide to Grammar and Writing mentioned in footnote 11). When the dissociation and clari cation of separate realms is made explicit (including terminology), the analysis can aim at explaining why some characteristics of the separate realms listed in (13) co-occur cross-language (universally) in some speci c way, i.e., why certain structural positions usually carry speci c semantic roles and moreover are interpreted with a speci c level of sentence dynamism. phenomena has been integrated into a formal linguistic framework already, and given the late development of pragmatics and other the communicative aspects of language in the second half of the twentieth century, it has been widely discussed elsewhere. 10. ff have nothing to say about any terminology used in linguistics which does not assume a kind of structure and symbolic characteristics of a language system. 11. As mentioned already in footnote 1, many grammatical manuals provide a list of Subject characteristics / diagnostics which mix standard regular characteristics in all the realms mentioned in (13). hey include also most of the examples demonstrated in the next section in (1ř) (21), with no atempt to distinguish standard from exceptional. A representative step-by-step diagnostic method of identifying a Subject can be found in he Guide to Grammar and Writing, htp://grammar.ccc. commnet.edu/GRAfflfflAR/subjects.htm. fft is a colourful and funny (science must be sexy!) mixture of pseudo-theoretical terminology and English speci c statements, most of which contradict each other, and many about individual lexical items only. he list gives a lot of slangy and lively examples from corpora (linguistics must be about real language, and sexy!), but each and every single rule / example from the list can easily be proved to be either too general or inaccurate. he method may work, i.e., it can perhaps help students of English to label with a certain level of accuracy a constituent which their teachers decided to call Subject. However, what this search for Subjects is good for, is far from obvious, as it is not systematic at all, lacks any explanatory value and scienti c potential for crosslanguage generalisation and therefore can hardly be atractive to any rational brain. 24 From Theory to Practice 2012 ffn the next section ff am going to compare Czech and English Subjects. First, ff am going to contrast the morpho-syntactic diagnostics of their (formal) Subjects. hen, ff will consider some well-known distinctions, proposing that they can be explained not as distinct characteristics of formal Subject, but as distinctions concerning the unmarked correlations among the separate realms listed in (13). 2. Comparing the Formal Properties of English and Czech Subjects ffieaving aside semantic and pragmatic interpretation for the moment, ff am going to concentrate rst on the formal properties of Subjects in both English and Czech (i.e., considering Subject in terms of the realm , (13c)). he following are the most frequently given and probably most relevant prima facie formal (morpho-syntactic) diagnostics for Subject-hood.12 (14) a. Case marking (= Subject carries Nominative / Subject Case ), b. Concord (= Subject agrees with Predicate ), c. Word / Constituent order (= Subjects are initial ). ffn the examples (15) (17) the relevant properties are demonstrated in both English and Czech. ffn the examples, the assumed Subjects are underlined and the relevant morphology is bold. (15) NOffl / SUBfi Case a. Cz Chlap-ci viděli mu e. boysNOM saw menACC b. Cz Vlky napadli mu -i woolvesACC atacked menNOM . HeSUBJ say herOBJ . c. Eng d. Eng John saw Mary. e. Eng *Him saw her. *Him saw she. he Subject Nouns in (15a, b) are visibly marked for Case, and the presence of Case makes the listener select the Subject. Notice that in the contrasted English example (15d, e) the Case does not force the listener to take the postverbal element for Subject, rather the structure is marked as ungrammatical.13 12. he list in (14) is selective, i.e., far from complete. fflany topics related to Subjects remain outside the time and space limits of this study. 13. For Czech Subject format see Trávníček (1Ś4Ś), flopečný (1Ś62), and milauer (1Ś6Ś). For English, a representative consensual claim that the Subject should appear in the Nominative (Subject) form of nouns and pronouns and it should agree (third person Sg) with the present tense predicates can be found in e.g., Huddleston and Pullum 2002, 237; uirk et al. 1Śř5, 726, 75ř; Biber et al. 1ŚŚŚ, 127; etc. Some dialects of English do not respect the standard morphology (take -s for a signal of [+PRES] and do not mark Case at all) and both Concord and Case morphemes are relatively late in child acquisition. ff am not going to consider these dialects here. ffiudmila Veselovská 25 ffn the Czech (16a, b), the examples are chosen from those paradigms which have identical morphology for NOffl / SUBfi and ACC / OBfi, and it is the Concord morphology that makes the Czech listener assign the function of Subject to the element irrespective of its position. ffn English, on the other hand, the example in (16d) is ungrammatical i.e., the agreement is wrong because it is not possible to take the postverbal element for Subject. (16) Concord a. Cz b. Cz c. Eng d. Eng Káčata ducklingsNEUT Káčata ducklingNEUT John and Mary *John and Mary viděl-a sawNEUT honil-y hountFEM understandnon-SG understands eny. womenFEM husy. geesFEM Bill. Bill. As for linearity, Czech retreats to constituent order only in the ambiguous and unmarked contexts with no other (stress and intonation included) signal. Notice that in (17) the examples are formed from the words which do not di erentiate morphologically N / A (=NOffl / ACC), and the Concord on the verb can be related to any of the two Arguments. (17) ffiinearity a. Cz i. b. Eng eny womenN / A ii. IBM ffBfflN / A iii. Děti childrenN / A Mary saw Bill. viděly sawPffi porazil defeatedSG nosí carrySG / Pffi husy. geesN / A Apple. AppleN / A hříbata. coltsN / A he examples (15)-(17) above show that morphological signals of Subjecthood, i.e., Case and Concord, are relevant diagnostics in both the languages, although in English the morphological signals seem to be secondary, i.e., hierarchically lower compared with the surface clausal constituent order. he similarity between the two languages goes even further. ffn both, none of the above diagnostics is either necessary or su cient to identify a Subject. he following (1ř)-(21) show some typical examples of violations of the properties listed in (14). hough the NOffl / SUBfi Case is a typical Case of Subjects in both Czech and English, the same Case can be found on elements which cannot be analysed as Subjects as in (1ř) with copulas and some Czech prepositions. On the other hand, some Subjects do not show the NOffl / SUBfi Case although they are Subjects, as in (1Ś). 26 From Theory to Practice 2012 (1ř) Case violation 1: NOffl / SUBfi ≠ Subject a. Cz Petr je učitel. Peter is a teacherNOffl≠SUBfi b. Cz Petr se vrátil domů jako učitel Peter came back home as teacherNOffl≠SUBfi c. Eng It is INOM≠SUBJ (1Ś) Case violation 2: Subject ≠ NOffl / SUBfi a. Cz Druhého takového nebylo v celém kraji. second suchSUBfi / GEN≠NOffl wasn t3SN in the whole region. here was no one like him in the whole region. (Dane et al. 1Śř7, 43) b. Eng Mary and him / *heSUBJ≠NOM arrived late. c. Eng No one but me / *ISUBJ≠NOM can help you. he examples in (20) show that the formal Subject-Verb Agreement is sometimes violated, if a Subject is a complex NP, especially if it is a quanti ed or coordinated phrase and / or when the predicate is a copula. he Czech predicates show a richer (more complexŠ) concord, which makes the phenomena more obvious, but the contexts for disagreement are very similar to those in English. (20) Non-standard concord: (Dis)agreement (Czech) a. Pět / mnoho studentů lo domů. Five many studentsPffi wentSG home. b. Do koly el Petr a Marie. To school wentSG Peter and fflaryPffi c. To jsem já. fft SG-N amSG-1 ff d. Buď ty anebo já budeme muset pracovat přes noc. Either you or meSG willPL have to work over night e. Čas jsou peníze. TimeSG arePL money f. Vy byste při la. You Pffi wouldPffi arriveSG (21) Non-standard concord: (Dis)agreement (English) a. Two years is a long time to wait. A large number of students are granted scholarships. b. Bread and butter is a nice breakfast. c. Either you or he is mistaken. More than one of them was talking. ffiudmila Veselovská 27 he exceptions / violations of morphology are theoretically interesting (although they are perhaps relatively infrequent) because they appear in both English and Czech and in both they are productive and to some extent predictable in a speci c (and similar) contexts. For time and space reasons, ff am not going to try to explain the structures here (for some discussion, see Veselovská 2001, 2002). What is signi cant, however, is that they are not distinct in the two languages. he last formal property related to Subject-hood concerns the constituent order which requires Subjects to appear in a kind of initial (preverbal, pre-fflod / Aux) position (in a declarative sentence). ffn the standard lists of the characteristics of Subjects, linearity seems to be considered especially for English. As for Czech, as illustrated already in (20) and also in (22a), Subjects can be standardly postverbal. ffn (17) and (22b) ff still give examples showing that Czech considers the constituent order, though only in ambiguous and otherwise unmarked contexts. (22) fflarked vs. Unmarked ffiinearity (Czech) a. Jarmila / Hynka viděla Hynka / Jarmila. fiarmilaNOffl / HynekACC saw HynekACC / fiarmilaNOffl . fiarmila saw Hynek. ( *Hynek saw fiarmila. ) b. i. Káčata honila housata. DucklingsN / A chasedPffi goslingsN / A ii. Lidové noviny koupily Národní listy. ffiidové novinyN / A boughtPffi Národní listyN / A On the other hand, (23) shows that the initial characteristic of Subjects is a very oversimpli ed generalisation for English. fft provides a number of standard contexts with Subjects not in the clause initial (preverbal) position. (23) Non-initial Subjects (English) (inversion) a. Never was Bill more ready to help her. b. Mary John did not see for sure. (contrastive stress fronting / topicalisation) c. Who do you think will help Mary? (long distance WH question) (negative imperative) d. Don t anyone / you be late. e. Into the garden went Mary. (locative inversion) Here comes the bus. Standing by the door were some uninvited guests. f. here is / *are a book on the table. (existential constructions) g. It is true that he did not help him with his homework. ? hat he did not help him with his homework is true. he frequency and systematic acceptability of all the variants in (23) is con rmed by the fact that traditional grammar has a well-established special term for each of these special cases with non-initial Subject. Still, the unmarked linearity generalisation for 2ř From Theory to Practice 2012 English was demonstrated in (15c) / (16c) and (15d) / (16d), and it suggests a distinction between Czech and English which cannot be ignored. To conclude this section we saw that considering the morpho-syntactic properties of Subjects, there is no principal distinction between Czech and English. he existing contrasts can be formulated in terms of distinct hierarchies atributed to individual characteristics. Given the abundance of morphological signals, Czech is usually able to uniquely identify Subjects based on Case and Concord, and those features are perceived as the most important. As for linearity, Czech Subjects are standardly both preand postverbal, and the unmarked initial position can be deduced only based on the morphologically and otherwise ambiguous contexts. ffn English, the order of importance of the signals seems opposite: linearity (though not initial) is the main diagnostic, and morphology remains a secondary signal only of a formal grammaticality. 2.1 The surface position of Subjects in English and Czech Recall that in the formal framework accepted in section 1.2, all the formal properties of Subjects mentioned above (i.e., Case (NOffl / SUBfi), Concord and surface ordering) are functions of some position in a structure. ffn this section ff am going to describe this position in both English and Czech more precisely to be able to propose some interactions between the Subject form and meaning, in terms of the three realms mentioned in (13). To analyse the correlation between the formal properties of Subjects and the semantic and pragmatic concepts of Agent and Topic, let s start with the more precise analysis of (13c), i.e., of the position of the formal Subjects in a clausal structure as in (Ś). Recall that in a tree like (Ś), the formal properties of Subjects are analysed as signals or re ections of one or more Agree relations established with the ( nite) head ff as long as only nite predicates agree and co-occur with Nominatives. Consider, however, a more complex variant of (Ś) in (24), where the nite ff is in a dark circle. he question to ask is, which constituents (NP / DP / XP / potential Subjects) are possible candidates (i.e., are close enough) to enter an Agree relation with such ffŠ he position of SPEC(ff) in (Ś) or (24) below is for sure within the closest domain of the head ff. Given the unmarked position of Subjects in English (pre-fflod / Aux), this position is the most plausible candidate for the element entering the SPEC-head Agree relation illustrated by a let doted arrow in (24). ffloreover, the surface position of English Subjects (and all linguistic tradition) assumes that the Subject-hood in English correlates with the movement (e.g., of Agent) to the position of SPEC(ff). However, in minimalistic terms, the Agree required by a functional head ff does not require the movement. fft is a vaguely de ned [EPP] feature which triggers the overt movement of the constituent (e.g., the one in SPEC(v)) to the closest checking domain, i.e., to the position of SPEC(ff) in our discussion.14 14. he transformation triggered by the [EPP] is similar to the Subject Selection Rule proposed in Fillmore s (7) and a Case checking Subject movement demonstrated with an arrow in a most standard P&P framework in (Ś). ffiudmila Veselovská 2Ś (24) S=ffP SPEC(ff) NOffl ff ff0 vP SPEC(v) Θ A1 v VP v English Czech the janitor will (the janitor) open [+NOM] -[Concord Agent Θ1 vrátný otevře SPEC(V) V the door (open) dveře (otevře) [+NOM]Θ1-[Concord] Θ2[+Afl] hough it is the only mechanism available at the moment, the term [EPP] feature does not have much more meaning apart from a feature which apparently triggers an overt movement. To correlate the [EPP] with Case / Concord is not easy even in English. As for the Concord, the following standard analyses of the structure in (25a) demonstrate that it is possible on the Verb with Subject in SPEC(ff) as well as on ff with Subject not in SPEC(ff) in (25b). (25) a. Mary [IP . . . never [VP read-s Polish books. b. here [IP i-s never only one boy in the classroom. As for the Case, the data are less conclusive in English. ffn (26) the ungrammaticality of the Case marked pronouns in a plausibly non-SPEC(ff) position (e.g., in existential structures and locative inversion) seems more violent than it would be expected if only violation of some pragmatic (Focus) requirements were in play. his may suggest that the lower Subject position is in fact not assigned any Case in English. 30 From Theory to Practice 2012 (26) a. Into the jaws of Death, / Into the mouth of Hell / rode the six hundred / *them / *they.15 Down the hill run the carriages / *them / *they. b. here are always the shops / *them / *they on the corner. here is always Prince Charles / *him / *he for ecology. he previous data did not help us much with the analysis of the nature of the [EPP] feature. hey demonstrated, however, that the Agree relation required by the functional head ff can clearly be established also with elements / positions distinct from SPEC(ff). For example even the position of Agents in SPEC(v) is close enough to ff in (24) because it is the top speci er of the c-commanded phrase. he Agree of ff with SPEC(v) is illustrated by a bold right arrow in (24), and it is in fact a very economical Agree, because it does not require any overt movement. Given the Czech constituent order, ff propose here that in Czech, the movement to SPEC(ff) is not obligatory for Subjects to be able to establish the Agree relation with the head ff which results in the morphological signals of Subject-hood (Case / Concord). 16 ffn other words, contrary to English, Czech nite ff does not have an [EPP] feature. Apart from the standard linearity of the main clausal constituents in the two languages, already exempli ed, there are also some more speci c properties of English and Czech Subjects which argue in favour of the distinct positions of their surface Subjects in a tree. Some of them ff am going to provide in the next section. 2.2 fflore signals of the distinct position of Czech and English Subjects he importance of the overt lling of the SPEC(ff) position in English (which is distinct from the SPEC(v) position of ΘA) is required by an [EPP] feature of ff which requires overt lexical entry. his theoretical claim is supported by several English structures which do not have Czech counterparts. For example by the English existential structures with the expletive there in (27), which gives overtly both positions of Subject SPEC(v) and SPEC(ff). he structure does not have a Czech word-order equivalent suggesting the need of lling any position distinct from the lower (postverbal) Agent / Subject in SPEC(v). (27) a. here is(n t) a book / *books on the table, is(n t) there. here are(n t) books / *a book on the table, are(n t) there. b. Na stole je / jsou kniha / knihy. on table is / are bookS.Offl / books P.NOffl 15. he correct form is from Alfred ffiord Tennyson s Charge of the ffiight Brigade (1ř55). 16. ffn Veselovská (2001, 2002) ff provide a detailed (analytic) description of the Concord in Czech in a compatible framework. ffn this study ff show several clear cases where the Agree relation is arguably established with the verbal element located inside VP. ffiudmila Veselovská 31 he same distinction is signalled considering the examples of weather verbs as in (2ř). ffn both languages, these verbs lack a semantic role of Agent. ffn English even with Agentless verbs the Subject position (i.e., SPEC(ff)) must be occupied by an expletive as in (2řa).17 he contrasting Czech example in (2řb) shows that Czech Agent-less weather verbs in fact do not tolerate any overt pronoun in the position of Subject and (all optional (and recursive) expletives are interpreted as emphatic markers). (2ř) a. *Rains. / It rains. b. (To nám to ale) pr í. it us it but rain-3SN fft rains, well, surprisingly, rather a lot . . . he example suggests that if the verb assigns neither an Agent role nor its equivalent, the heta position (SPEC(v) remains empty. he position in SPEC(ff) is however a separate position and the [EPP] feature requires its overt realisation in English. ffn Czech, on the other hand, the position is not lled by any free morpheme, and the Agree with nite ff is realised as a bound Concord morpheme (3SN) only. he distinction between the overt vs. empty PF characteristics of SPEC(ff) is signalled again in (2Ś) using the impersonal predicate seem. ffn English, an overt English expletive it must occupy SPEC(ff), while a bound-morpheme Concord is su cient in Czech (an optional pronoun is a topic marker only). (2Ś) a. Eng b. Cz c. Eng d. Cz * / It seems to you that Julia arrived. ( To) se ti zd-á, e Julie při la. (it) REFffi youDAT seem3SN that fiulia came fft seems to you, that fiulia arrived. * / It is impossible to help you. (? To) je nemo né ti pomoci. (Šit) is3SN impossible youDAT helpffNF he following, (30), shows that in raising contexts the English matrix functional head ff can atract the Agent of a lower verb come (allowing the verb to be realised as a more economical in nitive). he Czech parallel example in (30d) shows that this kind of transformation is not possible, as predicted, if the Czech Agent-less SPEC(ff) were not standardly realised by an overt element. Czech overt Subjects are interpreted with respect to the position in SPEC(v), i.e., Agents, and therefore the number of Czech equivalents to the English raising structures is minimal, if any at all. 17. Expletives in (27), (2ř) and (25) are labelled dummy subjects in Huddleston and Pullum (2002, 23ř) or prop it in uirk et al. (1Śř5, 74ř), anticipatory it or grammatical subjects , e.g., there as in uirk et al. (1Śř5, 1403) and non-referential it in Biber et al. 1ŚŚŚ, 125). ffn a more formal framework a theory of expletive Subjects can be found in e.g., ffloro (1ŚŚ7) and Hale and fleyser (2002). 32 (30) a. b. c. d. From Theory to Practice 2012 Eng Cz Eng Cz It is sure that Henry will come. (ono) Je jisté, e Jindřich přijde. Henry is sure to come. *Jindřich je jistý přijít. he claim that the English expletives occupy exclusively the SPEC(ff) position (and not the Agent position in SPEC(v)) is supported also by following data. Notice that in in nitival contexts English tolerates nominal or even pronominal Subjects (correlated with Agents) in non-Nominative, expletives, however, cannot appear there. ffn (31), the context is marked ( ) for an emphatic surprise. (31) Is it possible⁈ a. b. c. d. John / Him seem to be honest! – It is amazing! *It seem that John is honest! – It is amazing! Him be in time! – It is amazing! *there / *He be in time! – It is amazing! Consider also (32) where the English mediopassive has a kind of counterpart in Czech re exive passive. ffn both languages the transitive verb takes an active morphology although the formal Subject carries the heta role of Patient. he Czech variety, however, contains a REFffi morpheme se (the form is labelled re exive passive in traditional grammar). (32) a. Eng b. Cz his book reads well. Tahle kniha se čte dobře. his book REFffi reads well. Assuming the analysis in Volencová-Hudousková (2010), the Czech re exive particle in (32) occupies the Agentive position SPEC(v), which clearly is not identical with the higher position in SPEC(ff) hosting the non-Agent constituent. his example again suggests that the correlation between the interpretation of Agent is substantially stronger in Czech than in English. ffn English, the Subject, i.e., SPEC(ff) position is related to the Agent position in SPEC(v) more loosely than in Czech, where the two are in fact identical. 2.3 Correlation between the Subjects and Agent and Topic All the contrasted Czech examples in the previous sections suggested that the position of Czech Subjects is not necessarily in SPEC(ff). he Agree relation with Czech I can clearly be formed with an element in a position lower than SPEC(ff). he data suggest that the position of formal Czech Subject is in SPEC(v) in (Ś) or (24).1ř 1ř. Not much would change if there were more verbal functional heads between v / V and ff. ffn that case, the Czech position of formal Subject would be de ned as substantially closer to SPEC(v) than the position of English formal Subjects. ffiudmila Veselovská 33 he distinct position of formal Subjects in the two languages allow us to explain one of the more or less disputable characteristics of formal Subjects as they are listed in comparative studies namely its interpretation as Agent / Doer of the verbal event. his characteristic has been discussed abundantly in section 1.2, to state that according to modern linguistic frameworks the interpretation of Arguments has been dissociated from the surface formal position of sentence members. Although they are both relational terms, each of them represents a separate relation. As for Agents, in a tree like (Ś) or (2Ś) above, their interpretation is atributed to the selection of the lexical transitive Verb v / V and is assigned to the position in SPEC(v). Assuming that the Czech formal Subjects are located in SPEC(v) predicts that those Subjects will show a high tendency to correlate with Agents their positions are, in the unmarked context, in fact identical. herefore, overt Czech Subjects will show a strong tendency to be interpreted as Agents of the relevant predicate. he preceding section showed several examples showing that such a prediction is born out. On the other hand, English Subjects in SPEC(ff) are in the position distinct form the position which is assigned a semantic role of Agent. herefore, the correlation of English Subjects with Agents is more loose and one-way only although all Agents (with the exception of the by phrases) end up as Subjects, not all Subjects are Agents. According to the analysis proposed here, the correlation of Subject-hood and Agenthood in English is only an indirect result of the closeness of the Agent position in SPEC(v) to the functional head ff, which requires an Agree relation with some NP / DP in its most close domain. As predicted, the examples in (5), as well as the examples in the preceding sections have demonstrated that the Agree relation in English is less sensitive to semantic roles and can be established with any element, including an expletive, if it satis es the categorial and locality requirements. Claiming that in English the Agree of ff with Subject takes place in the position of SPEC(ff), while in Czech in the position SPEC(v), makes also direct predictions with respect to pragmatic interpretation of Subjects. Recall that apart from a possible role in grammar (licensing a sentence function), the linear position in a surface is always interpreted also in terms of Sentence dynamism (Functional sentence perspective). he surface position of formal Subjects in (24) is therefore considered also with respect to pragmatic factors. ffn English, in the declarative standard clause, Subjects appear in SPEC(ff) and the head ff is rather initial in a sentence tree. herefore the traditional de nition of Subject in English will probably put both the initial position and the Topic interpretation of Subjects very high in the list of Subject characteristics (i.e., the so-called Aboutness characteristics = Subject is what the sentence is about ), and many cross-language comparative studies show that the correlation between Subjects and Topic / heme interpretation is widespread. On the other hand, standard postverbal Subjects in Czech together with all the discussion in the preceding section, strongly suggest that the functional head ff in Czech does not have the same kind of [EPP] feature as English, which triggers overt 34 From Theory to Practice 2012 movement of the constituent to SPEC(ff). Czech Subjects therefore can remain in their lower position. hey do not show an a priori tendency to be initial, and therefore they can be interpreted as both heme / Topic and Rheme / Focus. Not surprisingly, and contrary to the kind of overall discourse, no Czech traditional framework puts the initial position or Topic-hood as signi cant characteristics of Czech Subjects, relying on the formal properties (morphology) instead. Providing a simple analysis for the relevant phenomena, ff claim that the atested distinctions between the traditional lists of properties of Subjects in e.g., English and Czech, are not a result of any deep distinction in the concept of Subject-hood in the two languages, and / or the proof that the theoretical construct of Subject does not exist at all. he distinction is also unlikely to be a consequence of some deeply distinct social, cultural, psychological or cognitive capacity of Czech and English speakers and / or communities. ff propose the distinctions are a predictable consequence of several independent phenomena widely known, discussed and accepted in modern linguistics: e.g., the atested variety in interpretations of Subjects as Agents and / or Topics is in fact not an independent property of Subjects it is only an indirect, epiphenomenal result of the possible combination and correlation (in a given language) of independent factors: the position of formal Subjects which must be able enter the Agree relation with the head ff on one side, and the universal heta assigning theory and / or the Functional sentence perspective principles on the other. ffloreover, in a generative framework, the distinction in the surface position of formal Subjects can be limited to a language speci c property of a single lexical entry, namely to the presence vs. absence of one single feature characteristic of the functional verbal head like ff. Works Cited Aarts, Bas. 2001. English Syntax and Argumentation. New York: Palgrave. Anderson, Stephen R. 1Ś71. On the Role of Deep Structure in Semantic ffnterpretation. Foundations of Language 7 (3): 3ř7 Ś6. Asbury, Anna. 200ř. he Morphosyntax of Case and Adpositions. Utrecht: ffiOT. Baker, fflark C. 1Śřř. Incorporation: A heory of Grammatical Function Changing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bauer, fiaroslav, and fflilan Grepl. 1Ś72. Skladba spisovné če tiny. Praha: SPN. Biber, Douglas, Stig fiohansson, Geo rey ffieech, Susan Conrad, and Edward Finegan. 1ŚŚŚ. Longman Grammar of Spoken and Writen English. Harlow: ffiongman. Chomsky, Noam. 1Ś57. Syntactic Structures. he Hague: fflouton. Chomsky, Noam. 1Ś65. Aspects of the heory of Syntax. Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1Ś72. Studies on Semantics in Generative Grammar. he Hague: fflouton. Chomsky, Noam. 1Śř6. Barriers. Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1ŚŚ5. he Minimalist Program. Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. Dane , Franti ek, ffliroslav Grepl, and Zdeněk Hlavsa, eds. 1Śř7. Mluvnice če tiny (3) – Skladba. Praha: Academia. ffiudmila Veselovská 35 Dane , Franti ek. 1Ś6ř. Sémantická struktura větného vzorce. ffn Otázky slovanské syntaxe II, edited by fiaroslav Bauer, 45 4Ś. Brno: Universita fi. E. Purkyně. Fillmore, Charles fi. 1Ś6ř. Toward a fflodern heory of Case. ffn Modern Studies in English: Readings in Transformational Grammar, edited by David A. Reibel and Sanford A. Schane, 361 75. Englewood Cli s, Nfi: Prentice-Hall. Fillmore, Charles fi. 1Ś77. he Case for Case Reopened. Syntax and Semantics ř: 5Ś ř2. Firbas, fian. 1ŚŚ2. Functional Sentence Perspective in Writen and Spoken Communication. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fukui, Naoki, and fflargaret Speas. 1Śř6. Speci ers and Projection. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics ř: 12ř 72. Grepl, ffliroslav, and Petr flarlík. 1ŚŚř. Skladba če tiny. Olomouc: Votobia. Grimshaw, fiane Barbara. 1ŚŚ0. Argument Structure. Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. Haegeman, ffiiliane, and fiacqueline Guéron. 1ŚŚŚ. English Grammar: A Generative Perspective. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Hale, flen, and Samuel fiay fleyser. 2002. Prolegomenon to a heory of Argument Structure. Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. Halliday, fflichael A. fl., and Christian ffl. ff. ffl. fflathiessen. 2004. An Introduction to Functional Grammar. ffiondon: Hodder Arnold. Huddleston, Rodney, and Geo rey fl. Pullum. 2002. he Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. fiackendo , Ray. 1Ś72. Semantic Interpretation in Generative Grammar. Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. fiackendo , Ray. 1ŚŚ0. Semantic Structures. Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. flarlík, Petr. 2000. Hypotéza modi kované valenční teorie. Slovo a slovesnost 61 (3): 170 řŚ. fleenan, Edward. 1Ś76. Toward a Universal De nition of Subject. ffn Subject and Topic, edited by Charles N. ffii, 305 34. New York: Academic Press. floopman, Hilda, and Dominique Sportiche. 1ŚŚ1. he Position of Subjects. Lingua ř5: 211 5ř. floopman, Hilda. 1ŚŚ4. ffiicensing Heads. ffn Verb-Movement, edited by David ffiightfoot and Norbert Hornstein, 261 Ś6. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. flopečný, Franti ek. 1Ś62. Základy české skladby. Praha: SPN. flurland, Daniel fi. 2000. How the ffianguage Really Works: he Fundamentals of Critical Reading and E ective Writing. htp://criticalreading.com/simple_sentence.htm. fflathesius, Vilém. 1Ś47. Če tina a obecný jazykozpyt. Praha: fflelantrich. ffloro, Andrea. 1ŚŚ7. he Raising of Predicates: Predicative Noun Phrases and the heory of Clause Structure. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pesetsky, David, and Esther Torrego. 2000. T-to-C fflovement: Causes and Consequences. ffn Ken Hale: A Life in Language, edited by fflichael flenstowicz, 355 426. Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. 36 From Theory to Practice 2012 Pesetsky, David, and Esther Torrego. 2004. Tense, Case, and the Nature of Syntactic Categories. ffn he Syntax of Time, edited by fiacqueline Guéron and fiacqueline ffiecarme, 4Ś5 537. Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. uirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geo rey ffieech, and fian Svartvik. 1Śř5. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. ffiondon: ffiongman. Rouveret, Alain, and fiean-Roger Vergnaud. 1Śř0. Specifying Reference to the Subject. Linguistic Inquiry 11 (1): Ś7 202. Sgall, Petr, Eva Hajičová, and fiarmila Panevová. 1Śř6. he Meaning of the Sentence in its Semantic and Pragmatic Aspects. Dordrecht: Reidel. milauer, Vladimír. 1Ś6Ś. Novočeská skladba. Praha: SPN. Stowell, Timothy Angus. 1Śř1. Origins of Phrase Structure. PhD diss., fflassachusets ffnstitute of Technology, Cambridge, fflA. Stowell, Timothy Angus. 1Śř3. Subjects across Categories. Linguistics Review 2 (3): 2ř5 312. Tennyson, Baron Alfred. 1ř55. he Charge of the ffiight Brigade. ffn Maud, And Other Poems, 151 54. ffiondon: Edward ffloxon. he Guide to Grammar and Writing. 2013. Sentence Subjects. htp://grammar.ccc.commnet.edu/GRAfflfflAR/subjects.htm. Trávníček, Franti ek. 1Ś4Ś. Mluvnice spisovné če tiny. Praha: Slovanské nakladatelství. Veselovská, ffiudmila. 2001. Agreement Paterns of Czech Group Nouns and uanti ers. ffn Semi-Lexical Categories: he Function of Content Words and the Content of Function Words, edited by Norbert Corver and Henk van Riemsdijk, 273 320. Berlin: fflouton de Gruyter. Veselovská, ffiudmila. 2002. Struktura subjekt-predikátové shody. ffn Če tina: Univerzália speci ka 4, edited by Zdeňka Hladká and Petr flarlík, 1ŚŚ 201. Brno: fflasarykova univerzita. Volencová-Hudousková, Andrea. 2010. Re exivní klitiky v če tině. PhD diss., Palacký University, Olomouc. Primary vs. Secondary Vocabulary fioseph E. Emonds Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Faculty of Humanities, Department of English and American Studies, fflostní 513Ś, 760 01 Zlín, Czech Republic. Email: jeemondsšhotmail.com Abstract: English vocabulary is divided: a Germanic core inherited from Germanic sources and a second vocabulary borrowed from the Romance family and Classical Greek. Several synchronic criteria divide the two vocabularies. he primary vocabulary still conforms to the general ProtoGermanic rule; stress can only fall on a morpheme s rst syllable. ffn contrast, its secondary vocabulary stress paterns follow Chomsky and Halle s (1Ś6ř) fflain stress rule, oten referred to as the Romance stress rule. here are several correlations between this stress-based division and morpho-syntactic properties; secondary vocabulary always exhibits regular productive in ection and an analytic grading of adjectives. his study focuses especially on syntactic di erences: only primary vocabulary verbs freely combine with post-verbal particles of direction and allow double objects with no preposition. hese general properties seem hard to express in lexical terms. Nonetheless, a device proposed here seems to capture both these English-particular characteristics: Secondary vocabulary verbs do not lexically select complements whose lexical heads have the feature +DffRECTffON. hough at rst glance this condition seems too strong, the essay argues that this restriction can stand when indirect objects are structurally properly analyzed. fleywords: Borer Conjecture; grammatical lexicon; indirect objects; irregular in ection; particular grammars; post-verbal particles; primary vocabulary; secondary vocabulary 1. ffianguage-particular grammars in formal linguistics 1.1 Factoring out Universal Grammar ffn the three decades preceding the iconic year 1Śř4, a new approach to language analysis, called generative grammar, proposed to analyze natural languages as formal systems. he second chapter of Noam Chomsky s rst book (1Ś57) began with a clarion call: (1) Generative Grammars. he fundamental aim in the linguistic analysis of a language is to separate the grammatical sequences which are the sentences of ffi from the ungrammatical sequences which are not sentences of ffi and to study the structure of the grammatical sequences. he grammar of ffi will thus be a device which generates all the grammatical sequences of ffi and none of the ungrammatical ones. Almost from the beginning, what also became apparent was the necessity for supplementing a particular grammar by a universal grammar ( ÜG ) if it is to achieve descriptive adequacy (Chomsky 1Ś65, 6). hus, (2) Universal Grammar. Grammar of ffi = UG + Gi ( = Particular Grammar of ffii ) 3ř From Theory to Practice 2012 hese grammars Gi , supplemented by UG, were to generate all and only grammatical sequences of each ffi. So generative grammar was to investigate two questions: what was UG, perhaps the hardest part, and what were the (formalized, explicit) Particular Grammars, a supposedly easier and less deep question, since speakers knowledge of language is always ltered through the prism of an observable particular ffii . Nonetheless, the second question seemed intriguing and puzzling, since, beyond some generalities, particular grammars of even two intensively studied and typologically similar languages, e.g., English and French, apparently have litle in common. Richard flayne s (1Ś75) landmark French Syntax (on pronominal clitics, re exives and reciprocals, and causatives), didn t seem to be a book about English grammar. Similarly, my own Transformational Approach to English Syntax (1Ś76), while organized around the Structure Preserving Hypothesis for UG, contains section ater section detailing grammar paradigms of English largely di erent from what is found in Romance languages (e.g., auxiliary inversion, progressives, NP gerunds, overt subjects of in nitives, stranded prepositions, indirect objects without prepositions). As in flayne s volume, all such language-particular aspects were formally expressed as transformations, in particular, as local transformations formulated without essential use of string variables. Almost at the same time, Chomsky (1Ś76; 1Ś77) embarked on a research program to eliminate transformations as a language-particular device. fft culminated in his claim that transformations were neither construction-particular nor language-particular, but rather reducible to a UG principle fflove α , where α is a general categorical symbol. Since most practitioners of formal grammar, including flayne and Emonds, became convinced that his program was essentially correct, it became obvious that all the French-speci c and English-speci c rules of their books had to be expressed in the particular grammars of French (GF ) and English (GE ) in a di erent way. hus in addition to UG, a broad new question which required an answer was, (3) What exactly is the form of particular grammars Gi that UG supplements Š A contentful answer would have to be at least preliminary formally explicit particular grammars Gi of some language(s), e.g., perhaps English, French, as a start. hese grammars would be integrated with UG (how was of course also part of the question), and would furnish working hypotheses which research would further formalize, simplify and re ne. hus, in the late seventies, the stage was set for studies in which UG was integrated with at least fragments of formalized particular grammars Gi . But what happened instead was that almost no research focused on this implication of equation (1). When aspects of particular grammars were formulated, they were ad hoc and used mainly to abstract away from data paterns which seemed to con ict with hypotheses about UG.1 1. ffn English for example, exceptional case marking and the doubly- lled COfflP lter. he works where they were proposed and used did not try to assimilate them to any more general properties of languageparticular grammatical devices. fioseph E. Emonds 3Ś hough a few studies proposed language-particular parameters that were integrated with syntactic theory, this approach died out, and most research proceeded as if any grammatical patern in some ffii could always be decomposed into an interesting UG component plus some downgraded remnant that was low level , a late rule , only morphology , or purely lexical . hese unformalized and ad hoc remnants have been regularly set aside ever since.2 1.2 Theoretical proposals for language-particular grammars As hypotheses for the design of UG progressed in the 1Ś70s, both the formal and substantive nature of particular grammars became more enigmatic. ffn particular, since both construction-speci c transformations and category-speci c phrase structure rules had proved by 1Śř0 to be inadequate for capturing linguistically signi cant generalizations, there remained no clear candidates for what a language-particular grammatical statement might be. ffn this momentary vacuum, four di erent proposals for devices of particular grammars were advanced. ffnterestingly, all involved very local relations of lexical items and categories in trees; the categories speci ed in these rules used no string variables of the type needed to state the principles and constraints of UG. (4) Proposals for specifying particular grammars (1Ś76 1Śř4) a. Highly constrained local transformations, lacking string variables and specifying at most one phrasal category (Emonds 1Ś76; 1Ś77). b. Filters / output constraints on transformational operations, either positive (Perlmuter 1Ś71) or negative (Chomsky and ffiasnik 1Ś77). hese also lacked string variables and they speci ed individual morphemes, mentioning few phrases. c. Simple Yes-No or dichotomous parameters, with multiple consequences throughout a grammar (Stowell 1Śř1; Rizzi 1Śř2). d. Lexical entries for grammatical morphemes in functional categories and for bound a xes, speci ed with locally de ned insertion contexts (Borer 1Śř4). he devices in (a) (c) did not seem to give rise to revealing research in areas encompassing material beyond the phenomena which had originally motivated each. For example, Perlmuter s positive output constraints were not widely employed beyond accounts of pronominal clitic sequences, and Chomsky and ffiasnik s lters mainly focused on restrictions on the form of in nitival clauses. hose lters that seemed to have wider applicability were incorporated into proposals for UG, and the others were superseded by analyses involving case and binding theories. None 2. ffn Lexicon and Grammar: he English Syntacticon (Emonds 2000), ff have tried to develop a model where language-particular syntax and syntactic theory are elaborated and integrated in terms of each other, but these theoretical modi cations have had litle impact. ffluch work under the rubric of Distributed fflorphology also focuses on language-particular points of grammar, but is not mentioned much in research that bills itself as syntactic. 40 From Theory to Practice 2012 of (4a) (4c) seemed to have the excess content required in the progressive research paradigms of ffiakatos (1Ś7ř). As a result, Borer s proposal or Conjecture, as it is now called, has come to be widely accepted, especially because it has shed light on constructions other than those which rst motivated it. A striking example of this is Ouhalla s (1ŚŚ1) enlightening analysis of Berber and Arabic Tense and Agreement paradigms, which centrally uses Borer s idea that it is the syntactically speci ed lexical insertion contexts of these functional categories that explain di erences between the particular grammars of Berber and Arabic. Simply put, the core of Borer s Conjecture is that a language s particular grammar is nothing more nor less than the collected lexical entries for that language s functional categories, in more traditional terms its closed class lexical items. fff such a lexicon were ever assembled, that language s grammar Gi would then be fully speci ed. 2. Emergence of the Grammatical ffiexicon Of the four proposals for formally expressing language-particular paterns that surfaced between 1Ś76 and 1Śř4, the last to emerge, namely Borer s Conjecture, has thus come to be considered as the best candidate for supplementing Universal Grammar. hat is, language-particular rules of each language are identi ed with the lexical entries in what Ouhalla calls its Grammatical ffiexicon. Since such Grammatical ffiexicons comprise for example the synchronic a xes of a language as well as many dozens of free morphemes outside the lexical categories, this conception of particular grammars explains why even related languages vary as much as they do. What then is the form of such lexical entriesŠ Although progress in answering this question is a sine qua non for truly generative grammars as de ned in Chomsky (1Ś57), very litle research since 1Śř4 has been devoted to it. ffn fact, the only full-length studies in a Chomskyan framework are Ouhalla (1ŚŚ1) and Emonds (2000; 2007). ff believe the reason for this lack stems from when Chomsky (1Śř6) dismissed the possibility of formally characterizing E(xternal) ffianguage. Whatever he then thought about particular grammars, i.e., their role in his ff(nternal) ffianguage, a typical interpretation of his ff-ffianguage vs. E-language distinction is provided by an exegete Norbert Hornstein, with my emphases: hus, at best, an E-language is that object which the ff-language speci es. However, even this might be giving too much reality to E-languages, for there is nothing in the notion I-language that requires that what they specify corresponds to languages as commonly construed, that is, things like French, English and so on. fft is consistent with Chomsky s viewpoint that I-language never speci es any object that we might pre-theoretically call a language (Hornstein 1ŚŚř). Whether or not Chomsky was suggesting to abandon formalizing particular grammars (more recently he almost never speaks of them), generative research since then almost exclusively focuses on determining the innate mechanisms of ff-ffianguage, which are oten hypothesized to be the same for all languages, i.e., I-language as commonly understood does not include formal speci cations of particular grammars. ffn other words, formal syntax for some 30 years has been de facto synonymous with the elaboration fioseph E. Emonds 41 of Universal Grammar. While language-particular paterns may have contributed to proposals for UG, their formalized expression has not been part of the generative enterprise. And even though Borer s Conjecture has been repeatedly endorsed, beyond occasional focus on isolated morphemes (Borer s original work on Hebrew el of ; flayne s studies of French se self and qui / que who / that ), specifying entries of Grammatical ffiexicons is simply o the generative radar screen. his absence of formalized particular grammars has a serious consequence. Exclusive focus on characterizing a universal ff-language cuts syntactic research o from possible empirical discon rmation; i.e., most current proposals for UG are now unfalsi able.3 his results from the fact that generative syntax has for decades largely ignored uestion (3); there exist no preliminary explicit examples of Grammatical ffiexicons Gi .4 ffn order to avoid the charge of unfalsi ability (which ff both make and would like to see refuted), generative grammar needs to return to its original goals, which includes serious elaboration of all aspects of the formula (2). hough uestion (3) is currently both unanswered and unaddressed, this question remains quite meaningful and in no way ill-conceived or premature. he fact is, no serious obstacles even make (3) a hard question (real progress in constructing UG is harder). fft is unaddressed only because of lack of interest, the threat of falsi cation, and an unspoken irrational hope that work on UG will somehow eventually make answers too (3) trivial.5 Why aren t the answers to it trivialŠ Staying with the example of French and English, syntacticians widely take them to be similar. ffn terms of language variety and typology, they are. Nonetheless, their Grammatical ffiexicons Ge and Gf (each perhaps containing some 400 ±100 items including a xes and grammatical Ns, Vs, and As) don t share even a handful of items with the same grammar.6 No grammatical preposition, no complementizer, no verbal a x, no negative word, no quanti er, no re exive morpheme, no grammatical verb, no pronoun, no pre x, no article has the same grammar in the two languages. And because these many di erences are not even tentatively represented in generative models, the eld of syntax knows very litle more today than in 1Ś75, at least in formal terms, about exactly how French and English are di erent. he path to non-trivial answers to question (3) is then simply that more researchers work on it, ater its being sidetracked and hidden from view for some three decades. For this reason, my own research has included working out some implications of 3. Grammatical paterns of particular languages are then, whenever necessary, atributed to E-language properties that fall outside the innate language faculty. Consequently, most research on Universal Grammar, as generally practiced since 1Śř5, has in practice avoided the possibility of Popperian falsi cation (ffiakatos 1Ś7ř). 4. Except perhaps in the framework of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG). However, such grammars seem unreservedly stipulative and factor out no UG supplement. 5. ffn fact, uestion (3) is more than meaningful. Without formalized Gi , generative syntax is not ful lling the fundamental aim of linguistic analysis, to produce formal grammars of ffii . 6. Anecdotally, the only candidate ff think is possibly identical is very ~ très. Another suggested candidate, a (whole) lot is unlike the French beaucoup, which excludes any modi er. 42 From Theory to Practice 2012 Borer s Conjecture. For instance, exact lexical entries for non- nite verbal su xes, when integrated with UG, can explain all the complex grammatical paterns of English participles and gerunds V-ing and V-en (Emonds 2007, chaps. 3 and ř). Borer s Conjecture can thus lead to many results, provided that UG is not taken as a purely deductive system, xed in theoretical texts before investigation of a particular language begins. Both UG and entries of Grammatical ffiexicons need to develop in tandem in terms of their mutual compatibility and overall descriptive adequacy. Other examples of syntactic generalizations of Particular Grammars Gi are to be found in terms of di erences in what ff will call here their Primary and Secondary Vocabularies. Studies of UG have not considered such a distinction, and hence have been unable to shed light on some long known particularities of English syntax which depend on these contrasting lexical sub-components. Once this lexical division is established below, ff will argue that Borer s Conjecture cannot be the whole story on language-particular grammars. No mater how sophisticated the form and interaction of UG with lexical entries, these entries do not in themselves su ce to express certain generalizations in particular grammars. What is needed in addition are something like Global Conditions on ffiexicons, a term once coined by Chomsky (in a 1Śřř lecture at the University of Washington) as a way of rethinking the so-called head-initial / head- nal parameter (Stowell 1Śř1) in terms of Borer s Conjecture. his parameter is certainly language-particular and yet independent of individual lexical entries. he fact is, this parameter is not only language-particular, it is category-particular. For instance, German and Dutch VPs are head- nal, while their NPs are head-initial. Conversely, Chinese NPs are resoundingly head- nal, while its PPs and (smallest) VPs are head-initial (Huang 1Śř4).7 fft is premature to presume to characterize the extent or form of such Global Conditions on ffiexicons (particular grammars cannot be deduced from Chomsky s programmatic statements). he best way forward is rather empirical study to see what kind of phenomena such conditions should account for. Such is the purpose of Sections 4 6 of this paper. 3. Dividing English Vocabulary into Primary and Secondary he open class vocabulary of English can be divided into two sub-classes that roughly but by no means exactly correspond to their historical sources: a primary Germanic core including those inherited from Old English and Old Norse; a second vocabulary borrowed from French / ffiatin and Classical Greek, dating from the adoption of English by the ruling Norman aristocracy (fourteenth century) and the Renaissance. 7. he basic word order parameter is arguably neither head-initial vs. head- nal, nor variations on an unmarked head-initial order. Rather, the universal default order in both words and phrases is head- nal, but stress paterns of a language can cause particular lexical categories X0 , or all of them, to precede their sisters, in phrases and sometimes inside words (Emonds 2013). fioseph E. Emonds 43 We will see that this division has an important synchronic role in expressing appropriate descriptive generalizations in all components of English grammar. he preliminary criteria for synchronically dividing the two vocabularies in the English Dictionary are listed in (5): (5) a. b. c. d. Core or primary vocabulary fflore general and mundane meanings: eat, drink, swallow, smell Restrictive phonology, e.g., in English, no secondary or non-initial morpheme stress Possible irregular in ection, e.g., past tenses other than -ed, irregular plurals. ffn ected adjectival comparison (-er, -est): saner, stupidest, tighter, sourest Secondary vocabulary Very speci c meanings: devour, imbibe, consume, aroma ffiess restrictive phonology, such as possible non-initial or secondary stress in English Only productive in ections (-ed past on V, -s plurals on N, etc.) Free morphemes must compare A: *insaner, *morbidest, *tauter, *dourest fft is commonplace in studies of sources of (early) fflodern English vocabulary that words borrowed from Romance and Greek are oten near synonyms of words inherited from Germanic, but that the former have more speci c or more technical meanings, and very oten are felt to have more positive connotations. Broadly speaking, the Germanic counterparts in these pairings are also more frequent. An English language learner, child or adult, can usually determine quite easily by (5b) that a huge number of words are not in the Primary Vocabulary. Any multi-syllabic morphemes with some non-initial or secondary stress, as underlined in (6), must be in the Secondary Vocabulary. Such words are most frequently inherited from Romance or Greek. Notice that all these words have quite speci c and not general meanings (5a). (6) absolve, baptize, catastrophe, correspond, donate, econom-y, forens-ic, gira e, holocaust, imagine, Jerusalem, kinet-ic, migraine, necessary, opinion, quinine, recommend, suggest, trespass, turpentine, util-ity, vicar-ious, Wisconsin, Yosemite here is thus a one-way implication regarding stress. fff a morpheme is in the primary vocabulary, it must have initial stress. his stress comes down to fflodern English from its earliest pre-historic roots: (7) fflorphemes in the English primary vocabulary still conform to the general Proto-Germanic initial stress. Compound words and words containing one of a xed set of about 10 unstressed inseparable pre xes (a-gain, a-rise, al-ready, be-tween, be-grudge, for-bid, for-get refuse, re-main, to-gether, up-set, with-stand), are not exceptions to (7) because these pre xes are separate morphemes. hey have had this status since Proto-Germanic times. ffnitial Germanic stress thus remains exceptionless: (ř) Proto-Germanic Stress. Stress must fall on a morpheme s rst syllable. 44 From Theory to Practice 2012 However, as seen in (6), rules (7) (ř) hold in fflodern English only for the primary vocabulary. English secondary vocabulary stress paterns follow Chomsky and Halle s (1Ś6ř) fflain stress rule , which is sometimes referred to as the Romance stress rule because it applies mainly to the huge vocabulary borrowed from Romance sources. ffiet us next consider the criterion of in ection (5c), which disallows in ectional irregularity in the secondary vocabulary. For example, no forms in (6) have any irregular in ections. Consider also the productive English in ection most oten replaced by irregular forms, namely the past tense / participle morpheme -ed. English verbs with irregular pasts, such as the 211 listed on the site htp://www.usingenglish.com/ reference/irregular-verbs, are all monosyllabic, including a few combined with the pre xes mentioned above (a-rise, be-come, be-hold, for-bid, for-get, up-set, with-draw, with-hold). Hence, by the criterion of stress (5b), they are all candidates for the primary vocabulary, and hence permissibly irregular.ř Finally, something like the correlation (5d) is generally felt to hold for bi-syllabic adjectives (stupidest, handsomer vs. *rapidest, *gruesomer). But it is rarely noted that even some gradable monosyllabic adjectives of highly speci c meanings and oten genteel connotations do not accept in ections: (Ś) beige, chic, dank, det, dour, gauche, lithe, loathe, prim, suave, swell, taut, vast, wan fft appears that these short adjectives, as well as multi-syllabic adjectives with noninitial stress, are restricted to analytic grading with more and most because they are in the secondary vocabulary. No other explanation, other than purely ad hoc grammatical diacritics (unlikely with words of such low frequency), would seem available.Ś For the native speaker, the aspects of grammatical and phonological behavior in Table (5), rather than historical provenance, determine which part of the vocabulary a morpheme belongs to. fflorphemes can thus end up in a lexical component that di ers from what one expects from their diachronic source. For example the Romancederived adjectives long and large and verbs move, o er, promise and turn are in the primary vocabulary. ffn the other direction, verbs such as gainsay and vouchsafe, though descended from Old English, show signs of being in the secondary vocabulary (their stresses and, e.g., *gainsaid).10 ř. Nothing prevents an irregular verb stem in the primary vocabulary from serving as head of a compound verb: broadcast, foretell, foresee, input, misspeak, mislead, outswim, overdraw, etc. Ś. To claim that words like dour, gauche and loathe are irregular (= marked with diacritics) would grossly violate the usual patern whereby morphological irregularity is limited to more frequent, not less frequent, words. 10. Similar vocabulary divisions, with characteristic less restrictive phonology, appear widespread among languages. ff conjecture that Sino-fiapanese vocabulary is secondary in fiapanese, as is the large Turkish vocabulary that does not exhibit vowel harmony. fft seems plausible that primary vocabularies expand only at a relatively steady rate, so that during periods of intensive cultural borrowing (from Chinese Buddhism in early fiapan, the Renaissance in Turkey, and ater the Norman Conquest in England), a language creates massive new open class vocabulary by accepting new phonological paterns that disallow in ectional or other syntactic irregularity. fioseph E. Emonds 45 Although we have now tentatively established a division in open class vocabulary between primary and secondary, we have not answered two pertinent questions: (10) (i) ffs division between primary and secondary vocabulary a property of language particular grammarsŠ (ii) Does such a division have e ects in the productive syntax of these grammarsŠ he rst question is easily dealt with, using the properties in Table (5). ffiogically, either all languages distinguish primary and secondary vocabularies, or they do not. If not, then the very fact that English has a separate secondary vocabulary is part of its particular grammar GE . On the other hand, if UG determines that all languages divide vocabulary into primary and secondary, then it is transparent that at least some properties of this division in English, e.g., as (5b), (5d), are not part of UG. As a simple example, if UG determines that French also has two such vocabularies, they di er neither in stress (all French words have nal stress) nor in the grading of adjectives (all French adjectives are graded analytically). So the properties (5b) and (5d) distinguishing the two English vocabularies are particular to its grammar GE and are not due to UG. So the answer to (10i) is yes. ffn the next section, we turn to question (10ii) above, and show that status as a primary or secondary vocabulary item plays a role in the productive and languageparticular syntax GE of English. 4. Fraser s restriction on Phrasal Verbs 4.1 Which verbs accept post-verbal particles and directional complementsŠ Hundreds of English verbs select complements which are preposition-like particles: break o , cut down, hold up, move out, rub in, slip back, turn on, etc. Depending on the verb, the particles express locational direction of the action and / or combine idiomatically with the verb.11 Fraser (1Ś76) exempli es the paterns and generalizations, while Emonds (1Ś72) shows that the grammatical category and behavior of these particles is that of P. For example, when these particles have a literal sense, they alternate with full directional PPs:12 (11) She broke the handle right o / right into pieces. hey cut the extra branches down / o the trunk. A soldier held the ag up / over the edge. hey pulled the bicycle out / onto the country road. 11. Stative verbs cannot combine with particles: *hate o , *lack on, *like away, *owe in, *need out, *want up, etc. Collocations like have NP in are activity verbs: He was having us in for lunch. 12. By any syntactic tests, these particles, even when adjacent to the verb, do not form any sort of lexical or phrasal constituent with them. Hence the almost universally accepted term for them, phrasal verbs, is misleading and without justi cation. No grammatical paterns support treating even idiomatic V-P combinations (break up, put o , take in) as any kind of structural unit. 46 From Theory to Practice 2012 he rock slipped two meters back / two meters down the slope. Fraser s study shows that these particles, whether literal or idiomatic, do not freely combine with verbs with either secondary or non-initial stress, such as destroy, demonstrate, discover, select. he contrast can be seen in examples like (12a) (12d). (12) Objects with Directional Ps: a. he child broke / *destroyed her new toys up / in. b. I picked / *selected out / up some new shirts. c. You will nd / *discover out that this car uses less fuel. d. A manager showed / *demonstrated the new procedure o / up. We thus seem to have found another property that distinguishes English primary and secondary vocabulary: primary vocabulary verbs combine freely with post-verbal particles, whether literal or idiomatic, while it is very rare if a secondary vocabulary verb does so. ffn light of the contrasts like (13), ff think we can extend this generalization to directional PPs more generally: Verbs in the English secondary vocabulary seem resistant not only to directional particles (intransitive Ps), but also to full directional PPs.13 Both these constituents are PPs with a feature +DffR. (13) Let s put / *locate this vase onto the top shelf. Cf. Let s locate this vase on the top shelf. he sergeant sent / *assigned his platoon into the tunnel. She broke / *destroyed her new toy into pieces. hey cut / *eliminated the extra branches o the trunk. hey pulled / *retrieved the bicycle onto the country road. A soldier lited / *elevated the ag over the edge. (14) Selection Condition on Verbs in GE . Primary but not secondary vocabulary English verbs can have the subcategorization (selection) feature +___DffR. his is to say, only primary vocabulary verbs can select sisters whose heads have the feature +DffR (an obligatory or optional feature of many Ps such as into, onto, toward, near, above, beside, beyond, etc.) his productive syntactic property (14) of English grammar GE cannot be atributed to UG, if the syntax of some languages does not distinguish primary and secondary verbs in this way. ffloreover, (14) is not a property of individual English verbs, even though there may be a few exceptional items. he simple repeated presence in many lexical items of a feature +___DffR fails to express or capture Fraser s Generalization. 13. Of course it can be said that their meanings, for which we have no formal representations, are inconsistent with directional PPs, but equally well we can say that no secondary vocabulary verbs with such meaning develop, because they will not be able to combine with appropriate PPs. fioseph E. Emonds 47 Even when a verb is exceptional, such as the combination with a secondary vocabulary verb divide up, we nd that speakers modify lexical entries so as to correct this. ffn this case, speakers have fashioned a primary vocabulary slang competitor divvy up, which is not used alone for divide: (15) Let s divvy up the cake now. *Let s divvy the cake now. Now you guys divvy it up fair and square. *Now you guys divvy it fair and square. he hypothesis of a split lexicon accounts for why the variant divvy is used only with up and not alone. ffn this way, the slang removes the exception to (14), namely divide up. he second question (10ii) posed at the end of Section 3 thus has a positive answer. he primary / secondary vocabulary division does have an e ect in the productive syntax of a particular grammar, namely English.14 And this e ect can be stated neither as a principle of UG nor as an instance of Borer s Conjecture (4d). 4.2 The relation between the feature +DffR and English indirect objects According to the conclusion (14), an extension of Fraser s Restriction, English secondary vocabulary verbs are not compatible with the subcategorization frame +___DffR. Yet verbs in both lexical subcomponents can appear with indirect objects, which plausibly also involve the feature +DffR. (16) Direct Objects and ffndirect Objects PPs; verbs and indirect objects underlined. a. A manager showed / demonstrated the new procedure to the sta . b. he manager makes / produces a receipt for each customer. c. hat company offered / proposed beter pay to the part timers. d. Please hand / distribute some cake to the guests. e. I got / selected some new shirts for my brother. A simple and transparent structure for such clauses is that in (17); some authors prefer the label PATH to the label DffR used here.15 14. Note that a collection of selection features on open class items (indicating open class verbs which appear with P-less datives) has nothing to do with Borer s Conjecture, which restricts item-particular behavior to closed class grammatical items. 15. For a review of various generative analyses of double object constructions, see Emonds and Ostler (2006). hat work argues that many atempts to treat double objects with binary branching have led to inconsistencies and unexpressed generalizations. 4ř From Theory to Practice 2012 (17) V1 (tree at Phonological Form) V NPi show, propose, repair, . . . dir.obj. PP [P, DffR] NPj to, for ind.obj. Since it is widely assumed that phrases are lexically selected by virtue of features on their heads, the combination in (17) of secondary V with PP seems to con ict with Condition (14). he resolution of this con ict lies in understanding the source and role of to / for and their feature +DffR in (17), along lines justi ed in more detail in Emonds and Ostler (2006). ffn particular, a generally accepted syntactic principle, widely termed the Case Filter (Chomsky 1Śř6), requires that all NP arguments of a lexical head must be assigned a case. he direct object NP typically receives case from the V that selects it, and is thereby interpreted with whatever semantic role a particular verb class assigns to direct objects. A second NP selected by a V can then receive case only from a minimal PP generated to satisfy the Case Filter. Such a PP then occurs as a sister of V, not by virtue of selection, but only so that its head P can assign case to its V-selected NP object. By itself, this minimal P, whose unmarked feature value as a sister to V is +DffR, is semantically inert. However, the case feature assigned by P to the indirect object NP is actually the unmarked value of P itself, here +DffR. As a case feature on NP, +DffR contributes to interpretation. ffn the framework of Emonds (2000), this means that, although the node [P, DffR] is phonologically spelled out, it is empty in (= doesn t contribute to) ffiogical Form. Rather, the ffiogical Form representation of (17) is (1ř). (1ř) V1 (tree for ffiogical Form) V NPi show, propose, repair, . . . dir.obj. PP [P, DffR] [NPj , DffR] Ø ind.obj. fioseph E. Emonds 4Ś he tree (1ř) with an empty P gives a more accurate picture than (17) of how indirect object NPs, as opposed to interpreted PPs of Path / Direction, are lexically selected. (Numerous primary vocabulary verbs such as hand and push select either.) Subcategorization features specify only interpreted constituents, so that di-transitive verbs in English (and probably cross-linguistically) are selected by the syntactic frame +___NPˆNP, with no reference to the feature Direction / Path on the case-assigning P. his conclusion, that this P plays no role in indirect object selection, is con rmed by the fact that full PPs of Direction, as opposed to those of static location, are incompatible with di-transitive verbs in the secondary vocabulary: (1Ś) We distributed the gits on / *onto the playground. he agent introduced the new book in / *into the internet market. Some soldiers displayed the new ag from / *o of the balcony. hus, the feature for selecting indirect objects +___NPˆNP does not con ict at all with the stricture (14) on secondary vocabulary verbs, and so many of the later freely accept indirect objects introduced with the least marked case-assigning Ps to or for. 5. Which di-transitive verbs accept indirect objects without PrepositionsŠ As seen in (16) above, both primary and secondary vocabulary English verbs can take indirect objects expressed in PPs with to or for. Almost all such verbs in the primary vocabulary, except the grammatical verbs do and say, can also position their indirect objects (without a P) before the direct object. ffn contrast, secondary vocabulary verbs cannot appear with indirect objects in this way. (20) ffndirect objects without Ps: a. A manager showed / *demonstrated the sta the new procedure. b. he manager makes / *produces each customer a receipt. c. Please hand / *distribute the guests some cake. d. hat company o ered / *proposed the part timers beter pay. e. I got / *selected my brother some new shirts. f. Margaret told / took / *said / *did her brother something strange. Hundreds of English verbs with non-initial or secondary stress (the secondary vocabulary) do not permit preposition-less indirect objects, as exempli ed in (20). And as predicted by (5c), none of them are irregularly in ected. (21) acquire, announce, atribute, compose, contribute, construct, design, donate, explain, fabricate, guarantee, improve, introduce, install, locate, obtain, present, procure, provide, recall, recommend, repair, reveal, review, revise, suggest, supply, transport ffiinguists who highlight (and indeed exaggerate) irregularity in ate collections of secondary vocabulary verbs with P-less indirect objects, e.g., Herriman (1ŚŚ5, 61, 104) nds 30 such verbs which usually occur with to-phrases. However, her list is misleading; 50 From Theory to Practice 2012 14 of her verbs contain the pre xes mentioned earlier with regard to Proto-Germanic ffnitial stress (ř), e.g., in assign, bequeath, forbid; it is thus plausible that these monomorphemic stems are in the primary vocabulary. ffloreover, in my own speech, 14 others of her verbs are unacceptable with P-less indirect objects: (22) *hey will deliver Bety a package. *he boss plans to extend the part-timers some new privileges. *Several teachers recommend the students Shakespeare. *Can you reimburse John his ticket? All told, only 2 of her 30 examples, advance and deny, seem to be secondary vocabulary verbs acceptable with P-less double objects.16 ff thus conclude that essentially the same verbs that are incompatible with postverbal particles also reject double objects with no P. Consequently, the di erences between primary and secondary vocabulary can be extended as in Table (23). ffiines e and f are syntactic properties of the particular grammar GE of English which cannot be atributed to either UG or to single items in the English Grammatical ffiexicon. (23) a. b. c. d. e. f. Core or primary vocabulary fflore general and mundane meanings: eat, drink, swallow, smell Restrictive phonology, e.g., in English, no secondary or non-initial morpheme stress Possible irregular in ection, e.g., past tenses other than –ed, irregular plurals ffn ected adjectival comparison (-er, -est): saner, stupidest, tighter, sourest Verbs can select +DffR Ps (directional post-verbal particles and directional PPs). Verbs can have P-less indirect objects. Secondary vocabulary Very speci c meanings: devour, imbibe, consume, aroma ffiess restrictive phonology, such as possible non-initial or secondary stress in English Only productive in ections (–ed past on V, -s plurals on N, etc.) Free morphemes must compare A: *insaner, *morbidest, *tauter, *dourest Verbs with post-verbal particles or directional PP complements are rare. ffndirect objects require the Ps to / for. Section 4 expressed line e in this table somewhat more formally, as the Selection Condition (14), a sort of Global Condition in the ffiexicon on syntactic subcategorization. ffiine f in the table can now be expressed in a similar way. ffn early generative grammar, Fillmore (1Ś65) and Emonds (1Ś72) argued that English indirect object movement (to a position between V and a direct object) is transformational in nature. Subsequently, based on Oehrle (1Ś76), lexicalist analyses prevailed for some 15 years, according to which an English-speaking child must learn separately for each di-transitive verb whether it can appear without to or for. Transformational analyses returned to the fore ater ffiarson (1Śřř), though strong 16. here are less educated styles of current English which lack the contrast in (20), e.g., Why don t he esplain us what he means? He went and recommended my kids one of them bad movies. Excluded in Standard English: *Explain us what you meanff *hey recommended my kids a bad movie. fioseph E. Emonds 51 disagreements have persisted as to what constitutes the best analysis. fflany of these debated points are summarized and critiqued in Emonds and Ostler (2006). Here ff will now suggest a way out of this impasse, which hopefully simpli es the description of English indirect objects. (24) a. All the indirect objects in (16) and (20) result from the same selection features; all these verbs select an unmarked object NP and a second minimally case-marked NP. b. Second NPs receive abstract inherent case in a minimally marked PP. Formally, the lexical entries of all di-transitive verbs of both primary and secondary vocabulary can be speci ed with the following minimal subcategorization frames.17 (25) Unmarked Di-transitivity Features (languages without case-in ected nouns) Bantu, Chinese, ffndonesian, Germanic (e.g., English): V, +___NP, [NP (+DffR)] fiapanese, Romance: V, +___NP, NP he syntactic subcategorization frames in (25), including the optional feature of Direction or Path, +DffR, can be taken as the very de nition of the most common type of di-transitivity, specifying verbs of physical or metaphorical transfer of the object NP to a Goal or Benefactive NP. ffiet us see now how this feature works for: (26) (i) English secondary vocabulary V (equally well for fiapanese and Romance), (ii) English primary vocabulary V with indirect objects introduced by an overt P, and (iii) English primary vocabulary V with indirect object between V and direct object.1ř (i) For verbs in the secondary vocabulary, Condition (14) rules out selecting +DffR, so the complement structure in the tree (1ř) is built by selecting two NPs without any DffR feature. Some P is nonetheless required for assigning case to the second NP, one not adjacent to V. fft seems plausible that UG speci es a minimal (unmarked) P in the complement structure of an activity verb as +DffR (= GOAffi). A P with this feature is spelled out in English as to or for in Phonological Form, as in (17). (ii) Unlike secondary vocabulary, verbs in the primary vocabulary have an option in the entry (25): they can select the feature +DffR on the second NP or not. fff they don t select +DIR, the resulting VP has the same structure (1ř) as with secondary vocabulary verbs. he derivation of the clause, including the need for a case-assigning P to or for, then proceeds in the same way for both types. 17. ffndirect objects in languages for which these frames are relevant are discussed in more detail in Emonds and Ostler (2006). 1ř. he other languages mentioned with English realize indirect objects in the same two ways as does English primary vocabulary, though ff do not know if they have a similar limitation. 52 From Theory to Practice 2012 (iii) fff a verb in the primary vocabulary does select +DffR, there are two possible results. For some decades it has been recognized that subcategorization / selection features of individual lexical items are responsible only for co-occurrence, and not for the let-right ordering among complements (Stowell 1Śř1). So from (25) the NP unspeci ed for DffR can precede [NP, DffR], or the opposite order can obtain. fff [NP, DffR] follows NP, once again the tree (17) results, and an indirect object with to / for is spelled out, still as in (ii) just above. Crucially, if [NP, DffR] precedes the second NP, a di erent tree results. Recall that as long as [P, DffR] is not selected by a verb, i.e., it is uninterpreted in LF. (27) V1 V NP, DffR show, buy, make, . . . (ind..obj.) PP [P, DffR] NPj Ø (dir.obj.) ffn this tree, the feature DffR on the rst NP serves as an inherent case feature, which both furnishes ffiogical Form with the information necessary to assign a Goal / Benefactive interpretation, i.e., it is the indirect object. As a result, V is free to assign case to the closest NP which still requires it, here the second NP. And, as holds generally, when a V assigns case in an unmarked way to an NP complement, this NP gets the semantic role (interpretation) of a direct object. he Selection Condition (14) excludes tree (27) with secondary vocabulary verbs because the feature DffR appears on a selected argument. As discussed in Section 4, this feature does not appear on NP when a verb selects an indirect object inside a PP. Such indirect objects are marked as +DffR only in ffiF in (1ř) by virtue of case assignment. A nal point concerns the status of the empty P in (27). Cross-linguistically, including in English, there are syntactic arguments that the direct object NP in (27) is indeed in a PP. hey are far from obvious, but nonetheless telling, and the reader is referred to Emonds and Ostler (2006) for a closer analysis. he mechanism that licenses this empty P is not entirely clear, but it almost certainly depends on the presence of P s only feature DffR on the adjacent NP that precedes it. fioseph E. Emonds 53 6. Conclusion and some speculation However we account for the word order between the indirect and direct objects, Sections 4 and 5 have amply demonstrated the general incompatibility of English secondary vocabulary verbs with the selection feature +___DffR. ff thus propose it as a candidate for the Global Conditions on ffiexicons that are part of particular grammars mentioned at the end of Section 2. (14) Selection Condition on Verbs in GE . Primary but not secondary vocabulary English verbs can have the subcategorization (selection) feature +___DffR. ffmportantly, this general condition cannot be expressed by means of some single lexical entry in the English grammatical lexicon. As a result, Borer s Conjecture for particular grammars is too strong a hypothesis. A descriptively adequate GE requires some formal device that is neither UG nor a property of single lexical entries. As suggested in Section 2, these global lexical conditions, when their extent and formalization come to be beter understood, may also encompass the language-particular word and phrase order parameters for which Chomsky rst suggested the idea.1Ś Some examples of conditions on word order are taken from Emonds (200Ś):20 (2ř) Head Ordering. ffiexical category heads X0 or phrasal heads X1 can precede their sisters Y0 or Y1 in domains Xj , where j = 0 or 1. English: All heads Xj precede phrases Y1 in all phrases X1 . French: All heads Xj precede non-heads Yi in all Xj . Chinese: he heads X = V0 and P0 precede non-heads Yj in all Xj . ffiike (14), parametric statements as in (2ř) seem to be about N, A, V, P and their word and phrasal projections. Tentatively: (2Ś) Global Conditions on ffiexicons. ffianguage-particular Global ffiexical Conditions are limited to statements about the ordering and selectional properties of the lexical categories N, V, A and P. At least for the moment there is no reason to think that language variation in syntax extends beyond Grammatical ffiexicons (Borer s Conjecture), provided that we allow some general combinatorial conditions on the four lexical categories as in (2Ś). 1Ś. Chomsky made this suggestion in 1Śřř, not long ater he introduced the ff-ffianguage / E-ffianguage distinction. So he must have felt that ff-ffianguage should specify properties of particular grammars. 20. ffn the cited essay, heads within words that are lexically speci ed as bound su xes are exempt from a general requirement of let headedness. 54 From Theory to Practice 2012 Works Cited Borer, Hagit. 1Śř4. Parametric Syntax: Case Studies in Semitic and Romance Languages. Dordrecht: Foris. Chomsky, Noam. 1Ś57. Syntactic Structures. he Hague: fflouton. Chomsky, Noam. 1Ś65. Aspects of the heory of Syntax. Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1Ś76. Conditions on Rules of Grammar. Linguistic Analysis 2 (4): 303 51. Chomsky, Noam. 1Ś77. On Wh-fflovement. ffn Formal Syntax, edited by Peter W. Culicover, homas Wasow, and Adrian Akmajian, 71 132. New York: Academic Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1Śř6. Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Origin, and Use. Westport: Praeger. Chomsky, Noam, and fflorris Halle. 1Ś6ř. he Sound Patern of English. New York: Harper and Row. 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Cambridge, fflA: fflffT Press. ffiakatos, ffmre. 1Ś7ř. Falsi cation and the fflethodology of Scienti c Research Programmes. ffn he Methodology of Scienti c Research Programmes, edited by fiohn Worrall and Gregory Currie, ř 101. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ffiarson, Richard fl. 1Śřř. On the Double Object Construction. Linguistic Inquiry 1Ś (3): 335 Ś1. Oehrle, Richard. 1Ś76. he Grammatical Status of the English Dative Alternation. PhD diss., fflassachusets ffnstitute of Technology, Cambridge, fflA. Ouhalla, fiamal. 1ŚŚ1. Functional Categories and Parametric Variation. ffiondon: Routledge. Perlmuter, David ffl. 1Ś71. Deep and Surface Structure Constraints in Syntax. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Rizzi, ffiuigi. 1Śř2. Issues in Italian Syntax. Dordrecht: Foris. Stowell, Timothy A. 1Śř1. Origins of Phrase Structure. PhD diss., fflassachusets ffnstitute of Technology, Cambridge, fflA. UsingEnglish.com. 2013. ffiist of English ffrregular Verbs. htp://www.usingenglish.com/reference/irregular-verbs. The Pragmatics of Politeness: Taking a Critical Stance in Academic Digital Discourse Gabriela ffliššíková Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Faculty of Humanities, Department of English and American Studies, fflostní 513Ś, 760 01 Zlín, Czech Republic. Email: gmissikovašukf.sk Abstract: he paper explores the discourse strategies used in academic discourse in the informal seting of academic personal websites. A digital variation of academic discourse typically provides spontaneous responses using direct ways of expressing ideas. Unlike scholarly discussions at conferences, academic etiquete and diplomatic language are not always maintained, and personal atacks and emotive statements occur. Expressing criticism and disagreement, the participants may use politeness strategies to mitigate face-threatening responses. fflapping the variety of these strategies, ff work with those parts of academic web pages that are devoted to vivid discussions of the subject mater. Usually, the web page introduces a research paper that invites responses from web page visitors. ffly aim is to classify politeness strategies used in the responses that show disagreement and animosity. he research draws from a corpus of articles and related responses randomly chosen from personal and institutional academic web pages. fleywords: academic digital discourse; interpersonal rhetoric; expressing and taking criticism; disagreement; online discussions; politeness strategy 1. ffntroduction ffn this paper, ff view the academic discourse used in academic personal websites as digital discourse in the sense of being presented via computer. he academic digital discourse used in web pages is to a certain extent less restricted by the norms and standards of academic writing commonly required in research articles. Complex research on popular and professional science (see Hyland 2010) has revealed a variety of important aspects in academic discourse and the need for consistency with the norms of the given scienti c community. ffly assumption is that certain aspects, such as proximity and interpersonality, will slightly di er in the informal seting of academic digital discourse. However, the recognition of scienti c value and desire for certain academic prestige also play a role. Online discussion provides alternative voices, and the participants themselves oten support their professional stance via referencing or directly inviting experts to contribute. he analysis shows that the most characteristic feature of academic digital discourse is interpersonality. Here, the conception of interpersonal rhetoric (ffieech 1Śř3), which examines the interplay of the main pragmatic principles and their maxims, can be e ciently applied. he analysis of responses to academic papers developing into lively discussions of the subject mater also reminds us that science should remain a communicative activity where ideas are to be discussed rather than presented as nalized pieces of information (see Hyland 2010). As for the technical aspects of digital academic discourse, its world-wide and 5ř From Theory to Practice 2012 easy accessibility is the most appreciated advancement. fflodern digital communicative strategies have been examined, and their pros and cons have been pointed out (see ffiencho 2011, 3ř). ff view academic digital discourse as a hybrid text-type combining features of both writen and spoken academic discourse. he distinctive features of spoken academic discourse, namely the use and distribution of a set of discourse markers as related to particular discourse strategies used to express politeness in spoken academic discourse, have been studied in detail by Povolná (200Ś, 15ř). Similarly to spoken interaction, critical views are expressed with vigour and strength and as such create face-threatening acts. However, feelings of collegiality oten prevail and the professional reliance and impact of the scholars make them reformulate their responses, soten criticism and use various mitigating devices. he ndings show that comments and conciliatory statements are among the most e cient politeness strategies. 2. Personal and ffnstitutional Web pages he aim here is to analyse readers responses to a piece of academic work displayed on the web pages of scholars and institutions. For the purpose of this article, ff use the term personal web pages to name the web pages from which ff retrieved responses. hese are all created by an individual representing him or herself, his or her home institution or a professional society, with the aim of displaying content of a more or less personal but academic nature. ffnteraction via personal web pages provides less formal ground than conferences or academic journals: due to various levels of anonymity, the respondents take almost no risk in presenting their opinions, regardless of how unfavourable and critical they are. As a mater of fact, it remains unknown how much electronic threat scholars can actually take: they oten get publicly atacked and humiliated by (anonymous but traceable) expert respondents. Seting aside the importance of the human voice and the complexity of non-verbal communication in spoken interaction, the speed of exchange and directness of response is comparable to face-to-face communication. Considering the immense popularity and easy accessibility of the ffnternet at present, scholars might also be thrilled by the potential chance to get a unique unexpected response from a distinguished personality in the eld (or just a startling inspiration from an unknown contributor). 3. Theoretical Framework of Analysis ffn my analysis, ff take the approach of interpersonal rhetoric as elaborated upon by ffieech (1Śř3). ff utilize a hierarchy of pragmatic principles, mainly the Cooperative (CP) and Politeness principles (PP), consisting of particular maxims (Grice 1Ś75, 43; ffieech 1Śř3, 16). ffly aim is to examine, based on the given context of academic digital discourse, the reasons that make the participants either abide by particular conversational and politeness maxims or force them to fail to ful l the maxims and thus create (conversational) implicatures (Grundy 2000, 70). ffn the context of academic digital discourse, mainly two aspects are assumedly shared by all participants in the debates: the identi able social seting of the academic community and any relevant Gabriela ffliššíková 5Ś background knowledge from the eld of science. hese aspects are crucial for working out conversational implicatures (Wats 2003, 25), which are convention-based and as such must be capable of being worked out on the basis that all interlocutors can recognize the conventional meaning of the words used. he vast majority of interlocutors also understand that the CP and its maxims are to be respected, and they share the same context and other items of background knowledge. hese aspects are assumed by both parties the initiator of the discussion (the author of the article displayed) and the respondents (blog discussion participants). ffn my analysis, ff view the failures to ful l the maxims (i.e., violating, outing, opting out, clashing, etc.) as providing conversational cues informing participants that irrational and illogical statements are beter understood within a conventional framework. Analysing responses aimed at expressing disagreement, ff focus on a set of implicatures created by participants, where their aim is to decide between being cooperative (direct and frank) and polite (indirect and diplomatic). As the analysis points out, the PP is a necessary complement of the CP, however, the impulse of collaboration in academic digital discourse oten suppresses the tact maxim. ffrony can appear as overly polite for the occasion, which means that the PP actually overrules the CP. hus in a hierarchy of pragmatic principles, the ffrony principle takes its place alongside the CP and the PP. 4. Data Description he corpus comprises a total of 35 articles and řŚŚ related responses retrieved from the 5 randomly chosen personal and institutional academic web pages. he surveyed web pages are: 1) Paulitics, a web page run by Paul, an fflA graduate in media studies, political theory and international politics from the University of Otawa. he blogs and related responses (7 blogs with 13ř comments) come from the period between 2006 and 200Ś. he samples taken from this corpus are marked as [PWP]; 2) he Science Blog, a blog web page cross-referencing the blog from the previously-stated web page of Evolution News and Views (1 blog with 76 comments). he samples taken from this corpus are marked as [TSB]; 3) he Guardian Online (Ufl), speci cally its higher education network blog section. All blogs and related responses were published between fianuary and fiune 2012 (ř blogs with 62 comments, and 1 article without a response). he samples taken from this corpus are marked as [TGO]; 4) he Telegraph Online (Ufl) blog section on Politics with a blog article by Ed West with 40Ś comments (August 2012). he samples taken from this corpus are marked as [TTO]; and 5), David Crystal blog archive (1ř articles with 214 comments). he full name of the site (as speci ed in the bibliography) is DCBlog, and the samples taken from this corpus are marked as [DCB]. he length of the language material retrieved is almost 70,000 words. ffn my analysis, ff focus primarily on the responses to the articles, not the articles themselves. For the sake of statistics (which would enable comparison of particular communicative strategies), the original corpus has been adapted and only the rst 50 comments (out of all comments related to a particular blog article) from each web page have been 60 From Theory to Practice 2012 calculated into statistics. ffn this way each web page contributed the same portion of comments. Tables 1 and 2 illustrate the proportional adjustments: Table 1: Original size of the corpus: authentic number of responses stimulated by the blog articles 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Name of Web page Abbrev. Paulitics he Science Blog he Guardian online he Telegraph online David Crystal blog archive Total: PWP TSB TGO TTO DCB Number of Blogs 7 1 ř 1 1ř 35 Number of Comments 13ř 76 62 40Ś 214 řŚŚ Comments in % 15.35 ř.45 6.Ś0 45.50 23.ř0 100% Table 2: Adapted size of the corpus: number of responses made even for the sake of statistic comparison 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Name of Web page Abbrev. Paulitics he Science Blog he Guardian online he Telegraph online David Crystal blog archive Total: PWP TSB TGO TTO DCB Number of Blogs 7 1 ř 1 1ř 35 Number of Comments 50 / 13ř 50 / 76 50 / 62 50 / 40Ś 50 / 214 250 Comments in % 20% 20% 20% 20% 20% 100% 5. Analysis and Commentary ffn the presented analysis, ff focus on the study of the pragmatic force of an uterance (see ffieech 1Śř3, 17) which combines both the illocutionary force (i.e., illocutionary and social goals) and the rhetoric force (i.e., the adherence to rhetorical principles). fflore speci cally, the analysis will point out which rhetorical principles the respondents prefer to use (i.e., to what extent they choose being truthful, polite, ironic, etc., in their comments). he aim is to classify a variety of politeness strategies used by the respondents, paying atention mainly to mitigating devices used to soten face-threatening acts or critical comments. ffn academic digital discourse, politeness strategies (such as showing professional appreciation, formulating criticism via asking questions, providing suggestions, giving references, etc.) enhance the natural ow and dynamism of turn-taking in online debates. Taking an explanatory approach to discourse analysis from the researcher s point of view, my analysis comprises descriptive and interpretative aspects. he ndings illustrate certain di erences in the use of politeness strategies in academic discourse: in comparison to the more formal seting of scienti c conferences, where no direct Gabriela ffliššíková 61 accusations occur, open atacks and animosities are part and parcel of academic discussions developed on web pages or blog sites. However, the concept of politeness is palpable and present all through the exchange of ideas; all observed strategies seem to develop from the pragmatic notion of face as introduced by Brown and ffievinson (1Śř7). he analysis of the responses shows diverse levels of formality and awareness of academic writing conventions, oten comparable to politeness strategies employed in academic critical and evaluative texts such as book reviews (see Valor 2001). ffn the following section, discourse strategies used by the respondents to express critical comments and disagreement are classi ed into several subgroups. 6. Taking a Critical Stance fflaintaining harmonious and smooth social relations in the face of the necessity to convey critique and disagreement is the main purpose of politeness. Expressing critical comments in an acceptable way requires using speci c negative politeness strategies. As pointed out by Brown and ffievinson (1Śř7, 12Ś), negative politeness is the heart of respect behavior. Assumedly, academic discourse will maintain an adequate amount of tact and civility even in the informal seting of academic web pages. ffn the following section, negative politeness discourse strategies are reviewed, emphasizing the need for respectful behavior in academic digital discourse. 6.1 Preparing the ground for criticism Respondents may provide a broader introduction to their comments, and before expressing criticism they give statements about the broader context of the research, tell a story, name similar examples, etc. Such elaborate opening frames reduce the number of direct accusing acts in critical comments but at the same time are perceivable as violations of the relevance maxim because other participants can view them as too distracting or o the point. he PP overrules the CP here: extensive opening frames (below in bold) enable the respondent to state opinions that are in direct contrast and at the same time avoid direct accusations against the author of the main article. he following example illustrates this strategy: (1) Miller, who declined to be interviewed or have her real name published, was so flustered that she didn’t show the DVD for the rest of the day because she felt responsible for putting the student in that emotional state . . . (Opening frame) It wasn’t (Disagreement direct accusing act 1) the teacher that was responsible for . . . ; it is squarely (Disagreement direct accusing act 2) the responsibility of the . . . [RDE] Similarly: (2) I have some sympathy for those children condemned to ignorance by their parents, but really, in those circumstances . . . (Opening frame), I don’t see (Disagreement direct accusing act 1) that the entire onus can be 62 From Theory to Practice 2012 placed on . . . Pupils, parents and the wider community need to (Disagreement direct accusing act 2) . . . [RDE] 4) 6.2 Disagreement by asking qestions To disagree with or contradict the speaker is not considered polite, and therefore asking questions can be seen as a face-saving act. he face of the opponent is not directly confronted as the questions seem polite on the surface and do not represent direct accusations. ffloreover, the strategy of asking questions is rooted in the positive politeness strategy of showing interest and empathy and saves the opponent s wants e ciently: (3) (4) (5) ffs there a di erenceŠ [RDE] What is the purpose of educationŠ [RDE] You are suggesting Gary ffiunn s support will collapse down to 27% from last time (42 %Š) largely because Elizabeth fflay runs in SGffŠ Have you looked at her positionsŠ [PWP] ffn the informal seting, lexical items (hedges and intensi ers marked in bold) are used, which accentuate the issue and in this way create face-threatening acts (FTAs). he following examples show that the illocutionary force of the discourse is strong: (6) (7) Why do you always insist on those silly titlesŠ (FTA) Did you actually turn this paper in as part of your graduate work with that title or did you change the title for your blogŠ [PWP] What the hell did she think a university was for, if not to encourage her to think in new and unfamiliar ways, going beyond what she was exposed to when living with her ridiculous familyŠ [RDE] 6.3 ffndirect attacks Generally speaking, potential atacks in academia are rather indirect. ffn ADD, indirect atacks are expressed by a purposeful choice of lexis (i.e., the intensi ers and hedges as highlighted in (ř) and (Ś) in bold italics) and speci c sentence structuring present potential FTAs. he respondents clearly disagree but seem to respect negative politeness strategies and reduce the intimidating e ects on the speaker by belitling their own capacities and making their responses indirect. Rhetorical devices used, such as sentence parallelism and pseudo-clet sentences (highlighted in bold), are typical of the spoken interaction. (ř) (Ś) I don’t even know what that means, but I do know that you just mugged, beat and brutalized the English language there. [PWP] I do not nd it particularly ba ing or at all surprising. What is surprising to me is that apparently lying in such a bold and deliberate fashion has no consequences. [TSB] Gabriela ffliššíková 63 6.4 Criticism by making references A strategy typically used to present (at least seemingly) a well-structured piece of criticism. he respondent addresses particular points ((10), in bold) made in the article providing indirect critical statements (politeness structures marked in italics). his strategy can be viewed as acting in accordance with the PP maxim of tact. (10) In your other post you say that this academic research project / essay is not properly formated and is still in its drat stage. I hope so because it is in serious need of a grammar / spell check. [PWP] 6.5 Criticism by making suggestions One of the most common politeness strategies used in academic discourse in general is to show empathy and re exivity. fflaking suggestions enables one to indirectly criticize or correct the speaker (politeness structures marked in italics). ffn ADD, the use of emotionally marked lexis and intensi ers (marked in bold cursive) creates potential FTAs. (11) Paul. his is a bit o -topic, but you might like the . . . [PWP] (12) here is always another option here that hasn t been looked at . . . [TSB] (13) If you could point to the . . . , it would be much appreciated. Having searched for . . . , it seems that you were . . . [TSB] (14) Instead of informing me about Brown entertain me with something ff don t already know about Chomsky. [PWP] 6.6 Expressing criticism by making inqiries his strategy is typically used to represent indirect and thus polite ways (the CP maxims, hedges and politeness discourse markers in (5) (7) are in italics) of correcting the speaker. he positive politeness strategies of claiming common ground and showing interest enhance the smooth interaction and ful l social goals of communication: (15) Are you saying that this somehow shouldn t countŠ [PWP] (16) he only responsible way of calculating the mater is to do . . . Furthermore, in taking the raw vote totals as you are doing, you risk discounting that . . . In my opinion, this makes such raw calculations not entirely useful. [PWP] (17) Please review the links above and explain how . . . Also explain how . . . Please explain how . . . Please explain how . . . and explain all the . . . Please explain how your use of the term . . . I hope ff have shown to your satisfaction that the . . . is not always . . . [TSB] 6.7 Asking (rhetorical) qestions his can be seen as an acceptable way of expressing disagreement by applying a negative politeness strategy aimed at communicating and redressing the wants of the 64 From Theory to Practice 2012 speaker. To a certain extent, the positive politeness strategy of showing reluctance is in play here. (1ř) Rather than using Chomsky as an excuse to go ater Brown wouldn’t it be more constructive to simply talk about something good that Chomsky has doneŠ [PWP] (1Ś) Do you really think they d accept . . . as a legitimate requirement for . . . Š [PWP] (20) Would it be more consequential if . . . Š Does the fact that he lies so egregiously in an academic debate not shed some taint on the veracity of his other statements, such as in his research or teachingŠ Why does he still have a jobŠ [TSB] 6.ř ffnviting comments which show strong / weak points his is another polite and acceptable way of presenting criticism in academic discourse. fff being polite means to be a considerate conversational partner, is it important to follow basic rules of the CP as a part of the PP: (21) Would you say that . . . Š [PWP] (22) Although it s far less scienti c than what you presented, I think we can add in a pity factor that sees . . . to give the growing number of . . . . I think I d do that if the . . . and . . . were . . . [PWP] 6.Ś Softening criticism Similarly, both the CP and the PP and their maxims are applied to soten critical comments. he structures of linguistic politeness (in cursive) are e ciently used: (23) With all due respect, Paul, but there are . . . . [PWP] (24) Paul: actually, ff read your analysis quite carefully, but I think you aren t quite understanding a few of my points, or perhaps ff didn t explain them well enough. Let me address your latest comments. [PWP] Once the criticism has been presented, the author of the discussed article has to cope with the critique in some way. He can use various strategies to save or communicate his face wants. Disagreements can either get resolved or remain unresolved. he corpus shows that in academic digital discourse, open con icts seldom get resolved. ffn the following section, ff will brie y discuss the most common cases of unresolved disagreement. he following Table 3 illustrates the portions of particular politeness strategies used when taking a critical stance: As shown in Table 3, the strategy of preparing the ground for criticism as well as criticising by making references and suggestions are the most e cient politeness strategies in academic blogging. hese strategies evoke frequent repetitions of the statements given by the previous blogger so that interlocutors can respond directly to a particular part of a preceding post. ffn the form of a comment, some bloggers publish long (parts of) texts, similar (in their overall structure, logical reasoning and style) to Gabriela ffliššíková Table 3: Taking a critical stance 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. ř) Ś. 10. Communicative / Politeness strategy Preparing the ground for criticism Disagreement by asking questions ffndirect atacks Criticism by making references Criticism by making suggestions Expressing criticism by making inquiries Asking (rhetorical) questions ffnviting comments which show strong / weak points Sotening criticism / seeking reconciliation Others (detailed analysis of wrong-thinking of an opponent) Total 65 number of occurrences PWP TSB TGO 16 3 2 6 14 7 10 12 13 17 Ś 10 12 3 22 13 4 3 5 5 10 7 2 TTO DCB Total: 3 12 1 2 2 41 2ř 37 3Ś 2Ś 34 5 3 6 ř 5 16 31 6 12 2 2Ś 10 2 6 65 řŚ 6 71 50 15 2Ś0 academic papers: these texts are typically well-developed; they respect the norms of academic writing and use diplomatic language. Further atempts at reconciliation are oten implied by more or less objective yet detailed step-by-step analyses of strong and weak points. Such analyses are oten signalled by the use of hedging devices, such as I think, I believe, this might be over the topic, etc. Not responding may imply animosity; however, the pragmatic force of silence is to be correctly communicated (either as ignorance or considerateness) based on the contexts and background knowledge. Also observable is that certain categories of communicative politeness strategies work together and thus enhance the force of each-other. For instance, asking questions to initiate further clari cation oten implies irony. 7. Unresolved Disagreement Unlike scholarly debates in formal setings, such as scienti c conferences, in academic digital discourse con icts can remain unresolved. Direct criticism and accusations typically occur, especially when no valid academic reason for the criticism is perceived. he (social, psychological and physical) seting in academic digital discourse constrains the scope of politeness, and all participants simply have to respect this reality. ffn the following comments, the con icts are not resolved because the respondents willingly disrespect all strategies aimed at avoiding FTAs. he PP is overruled by the CP where the urge to tell the truth is stronger than the desire to claim collegiality and save the opponent s face. Examples of unresolved con icts in academic digital discourse are plentiful. As highlighted in italics in the following examples, direct atacks make use of stylistically-marked, emotionally-coloured and vulgar words. 66 From Theory to Practice 2012 (25) his annoys me. fft s no part of a . . . to address . . . nor to make . . . ffgnorance should be challenged where it s genuine. Where it s faked . . . it deserves no more response than: Get out of my classroom! [RDE] (26) his is so boring that ff m going to let it go ater ff reiterate my original constructive feedback for you. [PWP] (27) What a hell and what a dysfunctional nation-state. [RDE] (2ř) Wtf is this shit⁈ [TSB] (2Ś) What ff nd most alarming about you is how you rant about Brown and then so casually corrupt yourself. [PWP] Typically, con icts and disagreements are indicated by straightforward violations of particular maxims of both universal pragmatic principles. he speaker puts his face wants rst, and, by suppressing the use of discursive cooperative and politeness strategies, aims at boosting the pragmatic force of an uterance through a range of rhetorical strategies (being repetitive, ironic, sarcastic, exaggerating, etc.) that violate or out both universal pragmatic principles. ffn this nal section, ff will brie y discuss some common types of outing the maxims, as they create conversational implicatures vital in academic digital discourse. ffly point is to emphasize that these responses are non-informative at the level of what is stated but highly informative at the level of what is implied. 7.1 ffrony, Sarcasm, ffletaphors, Hyperboles, Repetition and Parallelism ffn the responses (30) (32), the speakers provided ironic remarks in a sense that what they write is obviously too polite for the occasion. Particular conversational implicatures can be inferred, such as competitiveness and animosity between the scholars (capitals used as in the original text, emphasis by italics mine): (30) Oops, what am I saying, I forgot who ff m talking to. OF COURSE you re not going to do some research on your own. [PWP] (31) I like the part where he says: hey re just people s opinions and some of them are obviously used by political parties or people with political points of view to push. I wonder how many times CBC has had people such as this bloke here on. He should talk! [PWP] (32) he same desperate tactics can be observed . . . . It would be quite interesting to investigate the neurophysiology of the ideologue mind. [TSB] Some responses are made even more sharply and witily, representing a variety of irony known as sarcasm. he examples show that their point is to highlight annoyance with a situation. Flouting namely the CP maxims of manner and quantity as well as the PP maxims of tact and approbation, sarcasm implies the refusal of particular academic methods and the dislike of one s atitudes: (33) Maybe Dr. . . . isn t dishonest. fflaybe he s just functionally illiterate. Reading his blog, ff get the feeling he has a lot of trouble understanding his opponents arguments. [TSB] Gabriela ffliššíková 67 (34) Wow. Population genetics is simply the mathematical formulation of evolutionary theory. So apparently understanding of evolution is not even used when atempting to understand evolution. [TSB] (35) What is wrong with you people? You just don t get it‼ ffiying in the interest of spreading god s greater truth is ADfflffRABffiE! . . . are two of the most ADMIRABLE humans on the planet! [TSB] (36) Would an educational experience of 40 days and nights in the desert cure their reliance on their imagination? [RDE] Similarly, metaphors or colloquial idiomatic and gurative language (including vulgarities) are used to imply unresolved con icts and antipathy: (37) And the ffiib candidate has even beter . . . A case of one who can t see the forest for the excel spread sheet. [PWP] (3ř) Viktor Your posts have now descended to pety name calling and character assassination, becoming childish and sickening. . . . You really are full of yourself. ff m glad you realize it is time you buggered o . Good bye [PWP] Related to metaphors, hyperboles or exaggerations are used by the respondents, implying their strong repulsion and increasing the absurdity of the occasion: (3Ś) hen of course it is possible to argue in a broadly political context that it is only a mater of opinion whether or not nuclear weapons are horri cally destructive. [TSB] (40) As superior as my writing and logic are to yours, not to mention my god-like ability to keep a cool head you have become irrational, even ff have to admit that my feedback is neither true nor false. It s just a gut reaction I have when I read you minnow. Now your god has to go. I have other worlds to crush. [PWP] Some other rhetorical devices can be pointed out, such as a variety of cases of repetitions and sentence parallelism which violate the CP maxim of quantity and manner alongside the PP maxims of tact and modesty. ffmplicatures are to be inferred about the atitudes of the speaker towards the opponent: (41) ff disagree agree with you on much and that is the very reason I read you. I read you because I want to understand you. I want to understand you to destroy you . . . [PWP] Finally, the cases of outing various maxims can be exempli ed. hese are mainly responses that seem to confuse or distract the reader by their ambiguity, obscurity and failure to be brief or succinct (see Grice 1Ś75, 5ř). At the same time, participants capable of inferring speci c implicatures nd them wity and informative. Speci c background knowledge as well as particular aspects of social (professional) background is necessary to infer correctly the implied messages. Only those participants who share this common ground and contexts can understand the following messages (italicized emphasis mine) adequately and appreciate the informativeness at the level of what is implied. 6ř From Theory to Practice 2012 7.2 Ambiguity, Obscurity and failure to be brief or succinct (42) I m a zombie and, now I m in the sky with my god, sexy tony! [TSB] (43) For someone like . . . who is no more than a glori ed plumber, the source of the pipes he nds beneath the sink may be irrelevant. But for those who care about the origin and con guration of those pipes, prevalence is important data. [TSB] he following Table 4 illustrates the portions of particular cases of unresolved disagreement: Table 4: Unresolved disagreements 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. ř. Communicative / Politeness strategy ffrony Sarcasm ffletaphor Hyperbole Repetitions and sentence parallelism Ambiguity Obscurity and failure to be brief or succinct Others (direct atacks, vulgarities) Total: number of occurrences PWP TSB TGO TTO 6 3 4 2 3 2 4 14 10 ř 3 10 3 12 2 ř 11 6 5 10 17 41 12 60 6 25 12 47 DCB Total: 40 24 20 5 2ř 5 4 0 47 173 As noted in Table 4, there are no cases of unresolved disagreement in the David Crystal Blog (DCB). Typically, the post expresses admiration, collegiality (e.g., tutor student relationship) and comradeship (senior vs. younger colleague relationship). he post typically illustrates friendly and less formal yet academic language (e.g., mitigating devices used at the slightest implicatures of FTAs, no implicatures of unresolved disagreement, rare and politely put atempts at a critical stance). Polite forms of address and thanking formulae are typical. he blogging on this site oten resembles the norms of traditional leter writing as in the next example: (44) Dear David, To begin with, ff really liked this post. ff am a big fan of your work, and it s a shame that all of your books cannot be found in my country. his is a great opportunity for us to read these books and ff just wanted to let you know that you have done a great thing! hanks again for everything you have writen and thus enabled students in Serbia to understand linguistics and the English language in a completely new and wonderful way! flind Regards, Sanja Expressions of respect and admiration oten create exaggerations and hyperboles such as in example (45). heir pragmatic force can be seen as opposite to the examples (3Ś) and (40) as expressions of disagreement. Gabriela ffliššíková 6Ś (45) Oh my! What a wonderful site, and over owing with linguistic goodness. ff doubt unless ff quit my job and never leave my bedroom ff ll get to all you have there, but as Rebecca commented thank you for making your all of this available for your fans and fellow lovers of language. Comradeship and the same social status between the bloggers at DCB are demonstrated by a series of good-humoured responses and a variety of (colloquial forms of) interjections providing for an informal friendly seting. Example (46) is a typical representative: (46) Haha, ff love how you likened the development and launch of a website to pregnancy. ff think a lot of people do tend to underestimate just how long it takes to put up a good website with exceptional content and aesthetic allure. fft de nitely takes a lot of time, patience and e ort. A good website doesn t take only a day to go up. ff hope the new website has seen lots of visitors already! he analysed categories of unresolved disagreements oten overlap or / and work hand in hand to create particular illocutionary force. For instance, in the heat of an argument, irony oten develops into sarcasm. However, speci c contexts and background knowledge are crucial for the participants to identify and correctly decipher it. ř. Conclusion ffn digital academic discourse, a range of discourse strategies are used to maintain smooth interaction and collaboration. he data show that in presenting critical comments the maxims of the CP and the PP are respected and particular positive politeness strategies are used to resolve con icts and disagreements. Even in the informal seting of web pages, in academic digital discourse the typical participant of a scholarly debate chooses expressions that minimally belitle the status of their opponent and explores strategies aimed at avoiding FTAs. ffn the heat of an argument, the participants may create potential face threats by disagreeing, making critical comments or even atacking their opponent. A few strategies are used to mitigate facethreatening responses, such as expressing critique by asking questions (Ś.6 percent), making suggestions and inquiries (10 percent), providing references to similar projects (13.5 percent), etc. Unlike formal academic discourse, in academic digital discourse unsolved con icts and disagreements, such as direct atacks, occur (there have been identi ed 173 occurrences of unresolved criticism and disagreement in 250 comments). At the same time, additional positive or negative atitudes were communicated via implicatures; under the in uence of emotions speakers made ironic (23 percent) or sarcastic statements (14 percent) and used gurative language (11.6 percent) and exaggerations (2.Ś percent). Together with obscurity and ambiguity, these rhetorical strategies bluntly violate or out the CP and the PP maxims. 70 From Theory to Practice 2012 Works Cited Brown, Penelope, and Stephen C. ffievinson. 1Śř7. Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grice, Paul H. 1Ś75. ffiogic and Conversation. ffn Syntax and Semantics 3: Speech Acts, edited by Peter Cole and fierry ffi. fflorgan, 41 5ř. New York: Academic Press. Grundy, Peter. 2000. Doing Pragmatics. ffiondon: Arnold. Hyland, flen. 2010. Constructing Proximity: Relating to Readers in Popular and Professional Science. Journal of English for Academic Purposes Ś (2): 116 27. ffieech, Geo rey N. 1Śř3. Principles of Pragmatics. ffiondon: ffiongman. ffiencho, fflark W. 2011. he Changing Face of Facebook: Building Re exivity into Automated Online Discourse Routines. Topics in Linguistics ř: 34 40. Povolná, Renata. 200Ś. Some Discourse fflarkers Used to Express Politeness in Spoken Academic Discourse. ffn Studies in Language and Methodology of Teaching Foreign Languages, PASE Papers 2008, edited by fflarek fluzniak and Bozena Rozwadowska, 155 64. Wroclaw: O cyna Wydawnicza ATUT. Valor, ffla ffiluïsa Gea. 2001. he Pragmatics of Positive Politeness in the Book Review. RESLA 14: 145 5Ś. Wats, Richard fi. 2003. Politeness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Corpus Alampi, Amanda. 2012. Social ffledia ffs fflore han Simply a fflarketing Tool for Academic Research. Guardian Online, fiuly 24. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/highereducation-network/blog/2012/jul/24/social-media-academic-research-tool. Anyangwe, Eliza. 2012. Geting fft Write: Best Practice n Academic Writing. Guardian Online, fiuly 25. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/higher-education-network/blog/2012/ jul/25/the-art-of-academic-writing/. Batstone, fflathew. 2012. ffn Defence of the Humanities. Guardian Online, fianuary 11. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/higher-education-network/blog/2012/jan/11/defendhumanities-graduates. Beall, fio. 2012. Debunking the fflyths About ffnternational Student ffligration. Guardian Online, fiuly 20. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/higher-education-network/ blog/2012/jul/20/myths-internationalisation-higher-education. Crystal, David. 2012. On Waterstone( )s. DCBlog, fianuary 13. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012_01_01_archive.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On the Rising Demand for Elocution. DCBlog, fianuary 21. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012_01_01_archive.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On Falling ffn ffiove (With a ffianguage). DCBlog, fianuary 25. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012_01_01_archive.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On Reciting. DCBlog, February 24. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/on-reciting.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On Watching. DCBlog, February 2Ś. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/on-watching.html. Gabriela ffliššíková 71 Crystal, David. 2012. On uotatives (He Goes). DCBlog, fflarch 4. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012_03_01_archive.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On For Example, For ffnstance. DCBlog, April 3. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012_04_01_archive.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On Should Beter. DCBlog, fflay 13. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012/05/on-should-beter.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On ffnterrobanging On. DCBlog, fflay 17. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012/05/on-interrobanging-on.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On capitalizing/Capitalizing. DCBlog, fflay 22. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012/05/on-capitalizingcapitalizing.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On Ro ing. DCBlog, fflay 23. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012/05/on-ro ing.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On Tomorrow and To-morrow and To fflorrow. DCBlog, fflay 2Ś. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012_05_01_archive.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On First Recorded Usages in Dickens. DCBlog, fiune 11. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/search?q=usages+in+dickens. Crystal, David. 2012. On ffianguage in Dickens 2: Characters. DCBlog, fiune 12. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/search?q=On+language+in+Dickens+2. Crystal, David. 2012. On ffianguage in Dickens 3: Names. DCBlog, fiune 13. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/search?q=On+language+in+Dickens+3. Crystal, David. 2012. On QES RffP. DCBlog, fiune 17. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/2012_06_01_archive.html. Crystal, David. 2012. On Skelingtons. DCBlog, fiuly 4. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/search?q=On+skelingtons. Crystal, David. 2012. On Pronuncing Shakespeare (the Name). DCBlog, August 16. htp://david-crystal.blogspot.co.uk/search?q=on+pronouncing+Shakespeare. Dunford, fflike. 200ř. Dr. fflichael Egnor: Neurosurgeon, Stony Brook Faculty, and All Around Dishonest Twit. he Science Blog, December Ś. htp://scienceblogs.com/authority/200ř/12/0Ś/dr-michael-egnor-neurosurgeon/. Horn, Denise. 2012. Academic Blogging: fflinority Scholars Cannot A ord to Be Silent. Guardian Online, fiuly 12. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/higher-educationnetwork/blog/2012/jul/12/blogging-for-minority-subjects-and-academics. Paul [pseud.]. 2007. An Atheist Argument for Teaching Religion in School. Paulitics, fiune 17. htp://paulitics.wordpress.com/2007/06/17/an-atheist-argument-forteaching-religion-in-school. Paul [pseud.]. 2007. Holy Red-Baiting, Batman! Paulitics, November 2Ś. htp://paulitics.wordpress.com/2007/11/2Ś/holy-red-baiting-batman/. Paul [pseud.]. 2007. fft s a Beautiful hing, the Destruction of Words. Paulitics, December 7. htp://paulitics.wordpress.com/2007/12/07/it%E2%ř0%ŚŚs-a-beautifulthing-the-destruction-of-words%E2%ř0%ŚD/. 72 From Theory to Practice 2012 Paul [pseud.]. 200ř. Yet Another Wignut Pundit Claims Bush ffs a Socialist. Paulitics, September 22. htp://paulitics.wordpress.com/200ř/0Ś/22/yet-another-wignutpundit-claims-bush-is-a-socialist/. Paul [pseud.]. 200Ś. Even ffntelligent ffledia Elites Generally Don t Understand the Appeal of the Blogs. Paulitics, fiuly 2Ś. htp://paulitics.wordpress.com/200Ś/07/2Ś/even-intelligent-media-elites-generallydont-understand-the-appeal-of-the-blogs/. Paul [pseud.]. 200Ś. Crimes Against the Rich vs. Crimes Against the Rest of Us. Paulitics, August 24. htp://paulitics.wordpress.com/200Ś/0ř/24/crimes-against-therich-vs-crimes-against-the-rest-of-us. Paul [pseud.]. 200Ś. Does fflay Have a Chance in Saanich Gulf ffslandsŠ Paulitics, September 1. htp://paulitics.wordpress.com/200Ś/0Ś/01/does-may-have-a-chancein-saanich-%E2%ř0%Ś4-gulf-islands. Petford, Nick. 2012. Universities fflust Be Research Active and hat ffncludes Vice-chancellors. Guardian Online, fflay 3. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/higher-education-network/blog/2012/may/03/ universities-research-active-vice-chancellors. Rimmington, Glyn, fflara Alagic, and Patrick Blessinger. 2012. Global ffiearning: Still Too ExpensiveŠ Guardian Online, fiuly 26. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/highereducation-network/blog/2012/jul/26/global-learning-costs-higher-education. Robson, ffan. 2011. How Blogging Helped ffle Find ffly Research Voice. Guardian Online, fflarch 14. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/higher-education-network/higher-education-networkblog/2011/mar/14/blogging-helped-me- nd-my-research-voice. West, Ed. 2012. A decade Ater Steven Pinker s he Blank Slate, Why ffs Human Nature Still TabooŠ Telegraph Online, August 17. htp://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/edwest/10017703ř/a-decade-ater-stevenpinkers-the-blank-slate-why-is-human-nature-still-taboo. Expressing Support and Encouragement in Online Discussions árka fiežková University of Pardubice, Faculty of Arts and Philosophy, Department of English and American Studies, Studentská ř4, 532 10 Pardubice, Czech Republic. Email: sarka.jezkovašupce.cz Abstract: Online communication represents a type of discourse with features typical of both writen and spoken discourse. ffnteraction as the primary function of spoken discourse, contrasted to information as the primary function of writen discourse, in uences the structure of exchanges in online discussions no mater if they are synchronous or asynchronous. his paper presents an analysis of the language of online asynchronous discussions, the purpose of which was to promote collaboration among students during their work on an independent task. he research is focused on identifying the ways of expressing support and encouragement in the non-native speakers corpus, on sorting them according to their structure, interrelating individual structural types with particular meanings and searching for general tendencies of their distribution depending on various factors, including cooperation and politeness principles. fleywords: computer mediated communication; face-to-face communication; asynchronous forum; expressing politeness; indirectness; communicative types of sentences; negation 1. Computer fflediated Communication Traditionally, computer mediated communication (CfflC) is perceived as a blend of features typical of spoken language and writen language. Crystal (2001, 42) applies seven criteria in order to depict the character of ffnternet language (i.e., time bound vs. space bound; spontaneous vs. contrived; face-to-face vs. visually decontextualized; loosely structured vs. elaborately structured; socially interactive vs. factually communicative; immediately revisable vs. repeatedly revisable; prosodically rich vs. graphically rich) and infers that in some areas online communication is more similar to speech, in others to writing. However, ater a discussion of individual features, he concludes that it is not possible to consider CfflC to be a mixture of speech and writing, but rather a genuine third medium (Crystal 2001, 4ř). fflany researchers have paid atention to the consequences of the clash between speech and writing, and most of them admit that CfflC is a speci c type of communication where the traditional approaches are not fully applicable, and they argue that CfflC reshapes forms and functions of language and brings new ways of building a discourse (Herring 1ŚŚ6, 2001, 2004; fflcCarthy and Carter 1ŚŚ4; Firbas 1ŚŚ2; Widdowson 2007). CfflC as a new medium is oten described as technically writen and functionally spoken; it is viewed as a special type of discourse resulting from a special environment of computers. fflany studies also showed that the particular function of a discourse oten in uences its structure more signi cantly than the mode of the communication itself, i.e., speech or writing (e.g., Biber 1Śřř; Schi rin 1ŚŚ4). hus, ff argue that most types of 74 From Theory to Practice 2012 CfflC are in many aspects more similar to speech than writing, which is also re ected in the terminology used for such communication (interactive writing or talking text), where the descriptive adjectives stress that it is a talk and its function is interaction. 2. Conversational ffmplicatures ffn studies on speci c features of CfflC, scholars very oten name interaction among the primary functions of CfflC, and thus the characteristic features of conversation (as traditionally most interactive type of discourse) should be investigated in relation to this function of CfflC. Studies in conversation analysis assume that interaction in a dialogue is structurally organized although structure cannot be dealt with apart from the event of the dialogue and its participants (Schi rin 1ŚŚ4, 234). Based on Grice s pragmatic theory, conversational implicatures, which aim at separating what is said and what is implicated, use the following naturally interrelated criteria (Cruse 2004, 365). hey include: context-dependence (i.e., one proposition can bring di erent conversational implicatures depending on di erent contexts), defeasibility / cancellability (i.e., implicatures are cancellable by additional propositions without causing any contradiction), non-detachability (i.e., the same proposition in the same context brings the same conversational implicature no mater how it is expressed), and calculability (conversational implicature must be calculable according to general principles). One important principle in this area is the cooperative principle, stating that a conversation has a general purpose or direction and the contributions of the participants are intelligibly related to one another and to the overall aim of the conversation (Cruse 2004, 367). Participants should make their contribution such as is required at the stage at which it occurs, by the accepted purpose or direction of the talk. What it means to cooperate in an appropriate way is clari ed by a set of maxims. he maxim of quality determines that participants should not say what they believe to be false, the maxim of quantity determines that participants should not make the contribution more or less informative than is required, the maxim of relation determines that a contribution should be relevant to a speech situation and the maxim of manner determines that a contribution should not be obscure, ambiguous and wordy (Cruse 2004, 363 70). ffnterrelated to the cooperative principle is another independent pragmatic principle helping the natural ow of conversation the politeness principle, which requires the minimization of the expression of impolite beliefs and the choice of expressions which minimally belitle the hearer s status. fft operates as a system of mutually connected maxims. he tact maxim requires minimizing cost and maximizing bene t to the hearer; the generosity maxim requires minimizing bene t and maximizing cost to self parallel to the previous; the praise maxim requires minimizing dispraise and maximizing praise of the hearer; the modesty maxim requires minimizing praise and maximizing dispraise of self parallel to the previous; the agreement maxim requires minimizing disagreement and maximizing agreement with the hearer; the sympathy maxim requires maximizing sympathy and minimizing antipathy towards the hearer; árka fiežková 75 and the consideration maxim requires minimizing the discomfort and maximizing the comfort of the hearer (Cruse 2004, 376 ř3). Both the cooperation and politeness principles are crucial conditions for a successful dialogue. Since, similarly to conversation, the primary purpose of CfflC is interaction, ff believe that they must be applied to synchronous and asynchronous chats. As mentioned, although structures cannot be interpreted without a context of a conversation, the studies of uterances in conversation provide evidence for recurrent paterns and tendencies in the distribution of certain forms in the organization of speech (Schi rin 1ŚŚ4, 340). hus, the core of this study is aimed at the analysis of the structures that are believed to be typically spoken (expressing encouragement and support). However, within the framework of recent sociolinguistic and pragmatic research (e.g., Wardhaugh 1Śř6; homas 1ŚŚ5; Schi rin 1ŚŚ6; Válková 2004; Ward and Birner 2001), politeness as a concept that overlaps other scienti c disciplines will be also discussed. 3. Structural Features of CfflC he principal question to be answered by the analysis of the CfflC corpus is how the impact of cooperation and politeness principles is re ected in the use of certain structures. ffly selection of linguistic structures is based on the article by flwang-flyu (1ŚŚ6). His comparative study analyses the language of synchronous discussions of university students and compares the results of the analysis with two di erent corpora, spoken and writen. He chooses 2ř lexico-grammatical features arranged on a scale from interaction to informativity, which were originally used by Biber (1Śřř) in his factor analysis, focused on textual dimensions and textual relations in speech and writing. flwang-flyu s ndings are brie y summarised below. He grouped the analysed structures according to their relevance in spoken and writen discourse. Patern 1 includes features whose occurrence in CfflC is higher than in writen and lower in spoken communication (which could be considered a blend of speech and writing): (a) rst person pronouns, (b) the pronoun it, (c) demonstrative pronouns, (d) do as a proverb, (e) word length, (f) ampli ers, (g) emphatics, (h) possibility modals, (i) private verbs, (j) contractions, (k) that deletion, (l) stranded prepositions, (m) present tense, (n) non-phrasal coordination, and (o) adverbial subordinate clause. Patern 2 includes features the occurrence of which in CfflC is higher than in both writen and spoken communication (i.e., CfflC is more speech-like than speech itself): (a) wh-questions, (b) inde nite pronouns, (c) be as lexical verb, (d) wh-clauses, (e) discourse particles, (f) analytic negation, and (g) second person pronouns. Patern 3 includes features the occurrence of which in CfflC is lower than in both writen and spoken communication: (a) type / token ratio, (b) nouns, (c) prepositions, (d) atributive adjectives, (e) hedges, and (f) sentence relatives. For the purpose of this study only those structures were chosen which are related to interactivity and cooperation, most of them belonging to patern 2 (i.e., forms which are typical of spoken language and they are used in CfflC even more frequently than in 76 From Theory to Practice 2012 speech). hey include wh-questions and other wh-clauses, second person pronouns and analytic negation. ffn the course of the study, the need appeared to include also other communicative types of sentences (imperatives, statements and indirect questions) and the rst and third persons. 4. Description of Corpus and Tasks for Analysis he analysed language represents the discourse of CfflC, speci cally an asynchronous forum in an academic environment as part of students regular course work. he corpus includes 160 messages from 12 participants sent during 15 weeks; the size is 10,262 words in ř33 sentences. he participants in this asynchronous chat are non-native speakers (Czech native speakers) so the study is focused on learners language analysis. he purpose of the discussion forum was primarily peer support during the students work on a project, because at that time they were on their long-term teaching internship and could not meet face-to-face. As can be seen from the instructions and guidelines stated by the tutor (e.g., help each other with technical and creative problems . . . share the experience with . . . explain to your colleagues . . . enable your colleagues to learn from your own learning by trial and error . . . provide feedback, suggestions, and advice . . . respond to the questions ), participants were expected to cooperate extensively, so it is supposed that the cooperation principle and politeness principle were applied, and evidence of that can be found in the language used. As Biber et al. (1ŚŚŚ, 1047) state, conversation is expressive of politeness, emotion, and atitude, and thus the research question is how far it is applicable to the CfflC, the aim of which is primarily cooperation among all members, i.e., similar to a dialogue. he discourse forms in focus are articulating an inquiry (problem / question / request) and responding to such inquiries (their types and formal realizations), and linguistic realizations of both types of entry. he chosen linguistic structures are partly based on flwang-flyu s study and include the distribution of pronouns I and you (as typical features of interactive discourse), deontic modality (especially in types of response), intentional modality (both in inquiries and responses), and negation (especially in types of inquiries). 5. Entries and their Realizations 5.1 ffnqiries he entries where participant expressed a request, asked a question or articulated a problem are classi ed as inquiries. he distribution of the inspected grammatical structures is considered in mutual relations. Table 1 summarizes the results of the use of individual structural forms in various discourse functions (questions, commands, statements) in combination with the use of pronouns in di erent persons and with negation. Expectedly, the majority of inquiries are realized by questions (42% of direct questions and 17% of indirect questions), but quite surprisingly about one-third of all inquiries have the form of a statement; in these cases the statement commonly árka fiežková 77 introduces a problem and moreover, one-third of these statements uses negation, i.e., students usually get into trouble with a certain task of the project, and they ask for help indirectly by means of the description of the situation. Table 1: ffnqiries (articulating problems / qestions / reqests) sentence type direct question indirect question imperative statement (problem) pronouns (+ other elements) I you 3rd person (anyone, any of you) = mostly hidden 2nd person any combination in main and subordinate clause (I, you, 3rd, we) sometimes (+ please) I + did / do / have . . . I + not occurrence 4 17 17 % 4% 1Ś% 1Ś% 15 17% ř 1ř 11 Ś% 20% 12% ffn direct questions, participants most frequently use either the second person directly or the third person, which can be interpreted as an alternative of the second person, either explicitly expressed in postmodifying prepositional phrase, in examples (1) and (2), or hidden in the meaning of anybody / anyone, in (3) and (4). (1) (2) (3) (4) Has anybody here similar problemsŠ [7.G1] Has anybody successfully uploaded a fifflatch exercise with picturesŠ [127.G1Ś] But has anybody of you any ideas about seeing a doctorŠ [21.ff4] Has anyone of you tried to modify somehow your hot pot ater being cooked and savedŠ [Ś6.F17] uite oten also indirect questions are used to introduce an inquiry, as in (5) and (6); while sentences (7) and (ř) illustrate the use of imperative. (5) (6) (7) (ř) ff have been wondering whether the problem is in the format of the pics . . . [131.F24] ff want to ask whether we should complete the evaluation form or we are supposed to bring it for the meeting and complete it thereŠ [154.B21] Please help me, if you can! [7.G1] So please, don t be annoyed with my frequent questions! [ř.H1] As mentioned above, about one-third of statements have a negative form. Examples (Ś) and (10) represent typical situations where students run into problems because something does not work. hey ask for help by describing the problem, and that is why they always use the rst person pronoun. (Ś) ff have not managed to download this programme. [13.F2] (10) Although ff inserted the pictures in .jpg, they won t appear in the exercise :-( [37.G5] 7ř From Theory to Practice 2012 5.2 Responses Entries labelled as responses express some kind of feedback to an inquiry worded in the discussion before. Table 2 classi es types of responses according to their intention. he distribution of the individual subcategories seems to be quite balanced; in four groups can be found occurrences of (a) advice 2ř%, (b) opinion 27%, (c) feelings 21% and (d) sharing and agreement 24%. Combinations of discourse functions, personal pronouns, modals and negation are of interest. Table 2: Responses function informative (real advice) opinion / view feelings / support sharing agreement formal realization imperative occurrence 6 % 5% you + modal I + did / do . . . question think Ś 17 1 33 25 1Ś Ś ř% 14% 1% 27% 21% 16% ř% also, similar, as well agree he informative types of response, i.e., giving real advice, use the imperative only marginally (11) and if so, not always in the function of command, but rather as the expression of support (12). Similarly in a statement with the second person and a modal, exceptionally it is a direct order with deontic modality (13) and (14), but more likely it is a description of possible solutions with epistemic modality (15) and (16). Commands and the second person pronouns combined with imperative, which is considered quite a direct address, form only a half of all the uterances expressing advice. he other half is represented by far more indirect forms of expression: a statement with the rst person and past time reference, as in (17), where the advisor describes a positive personal experience, or a statement with the rst person and future time reference, as in (1ř), where the advisor announces what he / she is going to do, or even in the form of a question, as in (1Ś) which also increases the degree of indirectness. (11) Consult your uploading problems with somebody who really knows how a computer works. [134.G20] (12) fleep trying. [12ř.E4] (13) You should be careful when naming the pictures, which you then insert into fifflatch. [63.G12] (14) You must click on it. [5ř.G11] (15) But you can also jumble the leters in the words . . . . [41.G6] (16) You can take a base and modify it so that it suits your pupils level. [62.DŚ] (17) ff used my name and surname as the user name and the key is kind of code which is sent to you to your e-mail. [10.B2] árka fiežková 7Ś (1ř) ff will use forum, it is more personal. [143.B20] (1Ś) Did you try to do this exercise on another computerŠ [7ř.B11] ffn the discussion, participants commonly combine more formal realizations to express the same response. Example (20) illustrates messages with all three forms in one entry: statement I + did, imperative, and you + modal. (20) ff tried the same thing on a di erent computer and ff was successful:-). But have a look at the top of the page, sometimes there is a yellow warning bar at the top of the browser window which does not enable you to use the page actively. You must click on it and then it should work all right. [5ř.G11] ffn all the other semantic categories of response expressing other kinds of feedback (opinion, feelings, sharing experience and agreement), predominantly the rst person pronoun is used (21) (24). As Brown and Gilman prove, especially the use of rst and second person pronouns is highly conditioned by the relations among discourse participants and their personal goals in expressing power and / or solidarity (2003, 161). his may be the reason for the predominant use of I, as will be discussed. (21) ff think it could have been easier if we had the choice to choose the exercises ourselves . . . [55.Fř] (22) ff am very happy that some discussion about promoting description and uploading has started. [112.ff16] (23) ff also haven t been successful with uploading. [126.C11] (24) ff agree it s more focused on grammar. [47.F6] 5.3 fflultiple Functions of the ffmperative An analysis of functions covered by the imperative yielded remarkable results. Only 35% of uterances represent a real command (responding to an inquiry, giving advice), as in (25). he other type (1ř%) found in responses expresses some kind of support (26). 47% of imperatives are noticed in inquiries, and their function is to ask for help (27). he rst two groups represent uterances with the bene t for the recipient, while the third group serves a di erent function; the participant atracts atention to himself / herself. (25) fflake sure that your pictures are not in .jEpg. [134.G20] (26) Don t get stressed. [41.G6] (27) Be prepared for my questions‼ [4Ś.H4] 6. Distribution of Negation he combinations of negation with various persons (see table 3) reveal that the vast majority of negative sentences are in the rst person, very frequently with the aim to express support by sharing a negative experience, as in (2Ś). On the contrary, only 6 uterances with the second person and 3 uterances with the imperative are negative, ř0 From Theory to Practice 2012 which forms only 6% of all the negative structures both in inquiries and responses. And even in such sentences, it mostly is not a direct command or strict advice but rather the expression of support, as in (30) and (31). hus both strategies raise the degree of indirectness and make the messages more polite. Table 3: Negation phrase I (+ we) you (+ 3 cases of imperative) 3rd person(s) occurrence Ś6 Ś 35 % 6Ś% 6% 25% (2Ś) ff also haven t been successful with uploading. [126.C11] (30) Do not be afraid that you are behind with work. [42.B6] (31) You don t have to worry that you are the only one who will be struggling with the programme. [ř.H1] 7. Conclusion his analysis has shown that CfflC, with the primary aim of interaction, is in many respects similar to spoken dialogue. As Urbanová (2003, 30) argues, the majority of speech acts in conversation are indirect with a variety of reasons for indirectness, which in uences the speaker s choice from the repertoire of structures. Her statement is also supported by the results of the analysis of this language corpus. he ndings concerning the distribution of personal pronouns I and you show a larger inequality than flwang-flyu s results. he ratio in his CfflC corpus is about 2:1, while the ratio in this study is 5:1. One of the possible explanations may be the multiple functions of the pronoun I, including (a) expressing inquiry or request, (b) providing advice or other types of feedback and (c) neutral description of a situation, while the rst two imply a higher degree of indirectness. he use of negation, especially in combination with personal pronouns, is in uenced by the overall aim of the forum (i.e., cooperation, support and interaction). he analysis of the distribution of structures expressing intentional modality also conduces to a higher degree of indirectness. Table 4 summarizes the overall gures and reveals that statements prevail in both types of entries. he high frequency is de nitely a ected by the fact that statements replace questions in inquiries, where they signal a need for help, and they replace imperatives in responses, where they express advice. he ndings are in accordance with the conclusions made by Urbanová (2003, 41) when discussing the factors of indirectness. Table 4: ffntentional modality statement 42 in inqiries question 3ř command ř statement 112 in responses question 1 command 6 árka fiežková ř1 fft has been proven that both the principles of cooperation and politeness are applied, the most in uential maxims being the manner maxim, tact and generosity maxims, praise and modesty maxims, agreement, sympathy and consideration maxims; thus, the CfflC tends to show similarities to face-to-face dialogue. Because this study is aimed at learners language, there is a need for further research in two areas. One direction may be aimed at comparing the CfflC among native speakers and among non-native speakers, atempting to identify which strategies of expressing politeness are universal and which are language and culture dependent, as stated by Válková (2004, 45). he other direction may be targeted at the processes in second language acquisition, having politeness in focus (ffleunier 2002; Válková 2004), which can improve sociolinguistic aspects of learning / teaching English as a foreign language. Works Cited Biber, Douglas. 1Śřř. Variation across Speech and Writing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Biber, Douglas, Stig fiohansson, Geo rey ffieech, Susan Conrad, and Edward Finegan. 1ŚŚŚ. Longman Grammar of Spoken and Writen English. Harlow: ffiongman. Brown, Roger, and Albert Gilman. 2003. he Pronouns of Power and Solidarity. ffn Sociolinguistics: he Essential Readings, edited by Christina Brat Paulston, and G. Richard Tucker, 156 76. fflalden: Blackwell. Cruse, Alan. 2004. Meaning in Language: An Introduction to Semantics and Pragmatics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Crystal, David. 2001. Language and the Internet. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Firbas, fian. 1ŚŚ2. Functional Sentence Perspective in Writen and Spoken Communication. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Herring, Susan C., ed. 1ŚŚ6. Computer-Mediated Communication: Linguistic, Social and Cross-cultural Perspectives. Amsterdam: fiohn Benjamins. Herring, Susan C. 2001. Computer-fflediated Discourse. ffn he Handbook of Discourse Analysis, edited by Deborah Schi rin, Deborah Tannen, and Heidi E. Hamilton, 612 34. fflalden: Blackwell. Herring, Susan C. 2004. Computer-fflediated Discourse Analysis: An Approach to Researching Online Behavior. ffn Designing for Virtual Communities in the Service of Learning, edited by Sasha A. Barab, Rob flling, and fiames H. Gray, 33ř 76. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. flwang-flyu, flo. 1ŚŚ6. Structural Characteristics of Computer-fflediated ffianguage: A Comparative Analysis of ffnterChange Discourse. Electronic Journal of Communication 6 (3). htp://www.cios.org/EfiCPUBffiffC/006/3/006315.HTfflffi. fflcCarthy, fflichael, and Ronald Carter. 1ŚŚ4. Language as Discourse: Perspectives for Language Teaching. ffiondon: ffiongman. ffleunier, Fanny. 2002. he Pedagogical Value of Native and ffiearner Corpora in EFffi Grammar Teaching. ffn Computer Learner Corpora, Second Language Acquisition ř2 From Theory to Practice 2012 and Foreign Language Teaching, edited by Sylviane Granger, fioseph Hung, and Stephanie Petch-Tyson, 11Ś 41. Amsterdam: fiohn Benjamins. Schi rin Deborah. 1ŚŚ6. ffnteractional Sociolinguistics. ffn Sociolinguistics and Language Teaching, edited by Sandra ffiee fflcflay, and Nancy H. Hornberger, 307 2ř. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Schi rin, Deborah. 1ŚŚ4. Approaches to Discourse. Oxford: Blackwell. homas, fienny. 1ŚŚ5. Meaning in Interaction: An Introduction to Pragmatics. ffiondon: ffiongman. Urbanová, ffiudmila. 2003. On Expressing Meaning in English Conversation: Semantic Indeterminacy. Brno: fflasarykova univerzita. Válková, Silvie. 2004. Politeness as a Communicative Strategy and Language Manifestation: A Cross-cultural Perspective. Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého. Ward, Gregory, and Bety fi. Birner. 2001. Discourse and ffnformation Structure. ffn he Handbook of Discourse Analysis, edited by Deborah Schi rin, Deborah Tannen, and Heidi E. Hamilton, 11Ś 37. fflalden: Blackwell. Wardhaugh, Ronald. 1Śř6. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. fflalden: Blackwell. Widdowson, Henry G. 2007. Discourse Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Corpus HotPot Conference. 2010. Accessed August 27, 2010. htp://matforum.upce.cz/. Dis-articulating the Welfare State: Denotation of Welfare and Welfare State in British Conservative Press fflałgorzata Paprota fflaria Curie Skłodowska University in ffiublin, Faculty of Humanities, Department of German Studies and Applied ffiinguistics, Division of Applied ffiinguistics, Sowińskiego 17, 20-041 ffiublin, Poland. Email: m.paprotašgmail.com Abstract: Seventy years ater its founding document, the Beveridge Report, was published, welfare state remains a contested notion in the United flingdom, all the more so in times of crisis and austerity. With print media being both the site and the protagonist of the ideological contest over the meaning of welfare state, this paper analyses a corpus of articles from selected British newspapers (200ř 2012) in an atempt to establish the denotation of welfare and welfare state, an important aspect of the discursive construction of welfare state in Conservative British press. Using methodological insights of Critical Discourse Analysis and Critical Stylistics, the paper shows that denotation to be overwhelmingly restricted to bene ts and outlines some ideological motivations and e ects of this framing. fleywords: welfare; welfare state; he Daily Mail; he Daily Telegraph; Critical Stylistics; logic of equivalence here is not much about the British welfare state that remains uncontested, even seventy years ater the publication of what is considered to be its founding document, the Beveridge Report. ffluch of the debate concerns the evaluation of the welfare state and its impact on society. he current divisions usually run along the lines of political a liation: Conservative politicians and media remain highly critical of the welfare state in keeping with New Right beliefs, while ffiabour politicians and ffietwing media present a more complicated picture, with criticism of the welfare state increasingly present since the 1ŚŚ0s alongside support for it (Coxall, Robins and ffieach 2003, 5Ś 66). A more basic issue, however, is the actual de nition of the notion welfare state and even welfare. he word welfare accrued the denotation of state support around the turn of the twentieth century, and that remains central to its meaning. But the way the terms welfare, welfare state or even bene ts are applied in the public discourse, not merely across the British media, but also among British think tanks, NGOs, politicians and government departments, is hardly a benchmark for consistency. he term bene ts usually excludes, but can sometimes include, bene ts in kind some public services like health or education (Cocco 2012). State pensions, the component accounting for the bulk of welfare spending in the Ufl, are routinely glossed over: Deputy Prime fflinister Nick Clegg s claim that spending on welfare has grown seven times over the last half-century is only true when state pensions are included, yet he did not make this explicit (Spotiswoode 2012). he term welfare state is just as contentious: most general history or political science textbooks concerning the Ufl ř4 From Theory to Practice 2012 are content to assume it comprises an interventionist government, a comprehensive system of social insurance, and a number of social services (see fflarr 200ř, 44; Coxall, Robins and ffieach 2003, 37), but more specialised works, whether on welfare state (fiones and ffiowe, 2002; Timmins, 2001) or discourse (Tor ng, 1ŚŚŚ), openly acknowledge the vagueness of the notion, even so far as to state that [a]s an entity [the welfare state] does not exist it is a collection of services and policies and ideas and taxes, including tax reliefs, whose boundaries expand and contract over time (Timmins 2001, 7). he contention over what welfare or welfare state means could only be expected to intensify during a time of nancial crisis and austerity. he crisis is widely accepted to have been precipitated by irresponsible banking (Aldrick, 2011); the ffiet sees it as having been caused by the excesses of capitalism and hoped it would lead to a greater role of the state and possibly an increased support for the welfare state. he austerity, on the other hand, has meant severe cuts in public spending, with some on the Right viewing it as an opportunity to rein back the role of the state and / or the welfare state. With print media being both the site and the protagonist of the ideological contest over the meaning of welfare state, this paper analyses a corpus of articles from selected British newspapers (200ř 2012) in an atempt to establish the denotation (rather than evaluation or connotation, which are analysed elsewhere) of the terms welfare and welfare state, an important aspect of the discursive construction of welfare state in Conservative British press. he time bracket was chosen to overlap with (at least the rst phase of) the ongoing nancial crisis. he corpus of 215 newspaper articles was compiled by means of a keyword search in the ffiexisNexis database; the keywords were welfare and welfare state. he newspapers analysed are he Daily Mail and he Daily Telegraph along with their Sunday sister papers. hey were chosen because both have consistently high readership gures and a self-professed a nity for the Conservative party and a conservative worldview: readership gures and opinion polls would indicate that these newspapers are exponents of hegemonic discourse on welfare in the Ufl. his paper nds that the denotation of the terms welfare and welfare state is substantially restricted, with both notions being largely synonymous to bene ts, and outlines some ideological motivations and e ects of this framing. he methodology applied draws on insights from Critical Discourse Analysis as set out by Norman Fairclough (1ŚřŚ; 2003; 2010) and Critical Stylistics, elaborated by ffieslie fie ries (2010). Because the focus of the paper is on establishing de nitions of welfare and welfare state in the corpus, particularly useful will be those components of the two frameworks that concern classi cation, and more speci cally relations of identity or approximation between concepts or ideas. ffn his early work pre-dating the CDA label, Fairclough wrote of relations of synonymy set up in the text between words which are not synonymous in any discourse type (1ŚřŚ, 115), also mentioning antonymy and hyponymy in the same context. To express a not dissimilar set of relations, he later (2010) borrows ffiaclau and fflou e s (1Śř5, 1řř) two di erent logics , a logic of di erence which creates di erences and divisions, and a logic of equivalence which subverts existing di erences and divisions. Similarly, fie ries reiterates the idea fflałgorzata Paprota ř5 that lexical items not usually held to be synonymous (or antonymous) can become so in a speci c text; she then discusses a range of syntactic structures which give rise to what she terms equating and contrasting (2010, 51 61). Elsewhere, Fairclough (2003) discusses elaboration as an important relation between sentences, where, owing to in-text coherence, a relation of equivalence can be discerned. Fairclough (2010) also references ffiaclau and fflou e s (1Śř5) notions of disarticulation and articulation, or de-coupling and recombining of elements of discourse, whereby some meanings, discourses or social practices are re-composed, with some potentially becoming less visible. On a more basic level, another useful concept, pro ling, comes from Cognitive ffiinguistics: it describes atention being directed towards something (an action chain, an element of an event frame) that is thereby made salient, and away from something else, which is then backgrounded (Evans and Green 2006, 537 41). he denotation of welfare (as well as welfare state) is hardly ever explicitly delineated in the corpus: a search for welfare is or welfare state is yields almost exclusively expressions of evaluation (e.g., welfare state is a curse or welfare is a toxic subject ). herefore, the denotation in question is best established through a qualitative analysis of the corpus, with particular atention to collocations and clause structure as well as the equivalence and opposition relations (textual synonyms and antonyms) and presuppositions present in the context. ffn the corpus, the most salient discursive construction of welfare is its textual equivalence to bene ts. his holds true for the whole time period and for virtually all genres, whether news- or comment-based (marked N or C respectively in examples), in both newspapers. hough the concept of welfare might reasonably be expected to merely include (and so be hyponymous to) bene ts, it is frequently used as virtually tantamount to bene ts, as evinced in the following examples: (1) (2) (3) Dffl05010ř, Waghorne, C Why do one in four get a weekly welfare chequeŠ (. . .) One hopes that most people would see full employment and raging growth as a good opportunity to ease people o welfare rolls and into the real world, not simply to save the taxpayer unjusti able expense, but to break the culture of dependency. (. . .) Henceforth, if he is true to his word, thousands of single parents will be encouraged o the welfare rolls and into a job. DT11110Ś, C (. . .) Once in power, it [ffiabour] went for the sot and lazy option of continuing to sign welfare cheques to its clientele which has cost a total of £473 billion over 12 years. (. . .) he number of people dependent on welfare at the end of the boom decade was almost identical to the number at the start about 5.4 million (almost half of them on incapacity bene t, an unhappy legacy of the last Conservative government). Dffl040311, Doyle, N EASTERN EUROPE fflffGRANTS TO GET FUffiffi ACCESS TO THE WEffiFARE STATE ř6 (4) From Theory to Practice 2012 HUNDREDS of thousands of migrants will gain full access to Britain s generous bene ts system within weeks. When eight former Eastern Bloc countries joined the EU in 2004, rules were put in place to restrict access to welfare. But these rules lapse on fflay 1 and cannot be renewed, raising fears of mass bene ts tourism. Ater just three months residency in the country, eastern European migrants will be able to claim hundreds of pounds a week in jobseeker s allowance, council tax and housing bene ts. Previously they had to work for a full year before being able to claim welfare. DT2Ś010ř, Prince, N (. . .) At the same event, the new Work and Pensions Secretary, fiames Purnell, delivered his rst speech since taking over from Peter Hain last week, and indicated he wanted to accelerate the Government s welfare reforms. Seting an ambitious target of moving a million people o incapacity bene t and into work, while also nding jobs for 300,000 single parents, he added: To get there, we will need major reforms of inactive bene ts. he use of the word cheque in (1) and (2) with welfare as a premodi er clearly indicates that welfare is cast as a kind of payment made by governments (who sign the cheque) to individuals. ffn fact, in all four excerpts the word welfare could just as well be replaced by bene t(s). ffn (2), the parenthetical reference to the claimants of incapacity bene t refers back to (and speci es) the phrase people dependent on welfare, thus construing incapacity bene t as at least a major component of welfare. he equivalence is perhaps clearest in (3), where the lexeme follows the verb claim, which typically collocates with bene t(s) claim bene t(s) and bene t(s) claimant(s) occur frequently both in (5ř occurrences) and outside of the corpus. Further, the relation between the rst and the second sentence in (3) is that of elaboration, where the second sentence gives a background to the rst, with an equivalence relation between the entities in the sentences; the bene ts system from the rst sentence appears a stylistic variant of the welfare of the second. Similarly, the last two sentences of the passage are in an elaboration relation with the rst sentence, lling it out with greater details; here, the word welfare is textually equivalent to the bene ts listed. ffn (4), there again is an elaboration relation between the rst and the second sentence, which speci es the welfare reforms as mainly reducing the number of incapacity bene t claimants and partly reducing the number of income support claimants, reiterating the equivalence between welfare and bene ts. Notably, most bene ts in the examples are or are pro led as, by means of foregrounding some information and backgrounding other out-of-work, workingage bene ts. his holds true for the whole corpus, where out-of-work bene ts are the most frequently mentioned (173 explicit references, most of which concern incapacity bene t), with child bene t and housing bene t referenced less frequently (Ś0 and 63 mentions respectively); some 100 occurrences of bene t are unspeci ed but can fflałgorzata Paprota ř7 be contextually implied to be out-of-work bene ts. ffncapacity bene t is explicitly referenced in (2) as accounting for a half of the alleged cases of welfare dependency. ffn (3), the welfare laid open to incoming Eastern Europeans explicitly includes jobseeker s allowance as a key component. Excerpt (4) makes incapacity bene t salient by puting it in the rst clause of the sentence and by explicitly denominating it the target of government policy. he main clause subsumes the two actions from the subordinate clauses as activity concerning inactive bene ts, while glossing over the fact that the means-tested bene t for single parents is income support, which can be claimed both in and out of employment, and thus is not necessarily an inactive bene t. ffn (1), the mutually exclusive relation of work and welfare as / and bene ts is the clearest: the move o the welfare rolls, and so o bene ts, is not only tantamount to a transfer into paid employment it is also equivalent to moving into the real world. A not-so-transparent presumption here is that, in the transition from welfare / bene ts into employment, both ends of the transaction work: one is either in a job or on the welfare rolls; outcomes when one has access to neither or to both (these two cases lie perfectly within the realms of possibility) are not articulated at all, with work and welfare conceptualised as opposites. his discursive construction is hardly unique to Conservative press: the phrase welfare-to-work is widely and uncritically used in British and international media and by the British government; Boycot Workfare might well be the only organisation which puts the phrase in scare quotes. ffn his 2010 analysis of New ffiabour s discourse of welfare reform, Fairclough (1ř6 ř7) takes issue with this discursive construction, which in his view involves an extensive recontextualisation of the practice of work, overwhelmingly constructed in the document [New ffiabour s Green Paper on welfare reform] as jobs in the traditional sense relatively stable and regular work providing enough to live on, leaving unpaid, underpaid or unstable employment or care work completely out of the spotlight. But Fairclough omits to note perhaps a more basic aspect of the phrase welfare-to-work : it is essentially a transitional opposition, reinforcing the construal of work and welfare / bene ts as opposites existing in complementary distribution a strongly ideological discursive construction which is so much in evidence in the corpus. As noted, state pensions are habitually omited or disarticulated from discussions of welfare, and when mentioned together, the most frequent construction is exclusive (i.e., pension and welfare payments ). here are only a few instances in the corpus when this is not the case, most of them in the context of the high cost of social security. One (Dffl22100Ś, Prince, N) is presumably in a text box accompanying an article (the formating in the text-only version makes it di cult to establish this with full certainty) where payments made by the state to two hypothetically typical middleclass families are enumerated; a working four-person family making £55,000 a year is listed as receiving as many as seven di erent bene ts, while a retired couple (employee pension, amount unstated) is listed as being in receipt of four, of which state pension is the highest. řř From Theory to Practice 2012 he headline, Welfare Payments, Scrap ffliddle-Class Bene ts, hink Tank Says, refers to a think tank calling for eliminating some payments made to the beter-o . he longish list reiterates the message of the headline: it appears comprehensive and designed to create an impression of a multitude of payments, which the reader is invited to construe as super uous given the families nancial status. he pensioner bene ts, the abolition of which is being proposed for the wealthy, do not include state pension (indeed, it is the only pensioner payment to be retained), but without it the impression of multitude would be less successful. Similarly, the focus in (5) is on the high cost of the apparently redundant payments received by the beter-o : (5) Dffl160610, Chapman, N (. . .) ffn total, 32 per cent of all bene ts paid last year £53.5billion went to people who are wealthier than average. hey include billions paid in incapacity bene t, tax credits and disability allowances. Even when the universal state pension is excluded, 2ř per cent of welfare payments go to the beter-o half of the population, a total of £30billion a year. (. . .) fft shows the degree to which the welfare state has strayed from its founding aim of providing a safety net for the worst o . here is a presumption here that universal state pension is included in the welfare payments, since its exclusion is explicitly stated. But this is done in a concessive clause opening with Even when, underscoring the unexpected contrast between it and the situation described in the main clause: the e ect of the construction is to again foreground the high cost of welfare. Notably, the preceding sentence names two outof-work bene ts, which is consistent with the most salient framing of welfare in the corpus. his discursive construction of welfare has a bearing on the only slightly broader scope of welfare state. fff welfare is largely construed as tantamount to bene ts, the welfare state is normally conceptualised in the corpus as a system of distribution of bene ts, although the speci c kind of bene ts is not as strongly pro led as with welfare and is let unspeci ed more oten. his can be observed in (3), (6), (7) and (ř): (6) DT230410, Reece, C Welfare state could be the real loser from Britain s debt crisis (. . .) Each year we re in de cit, albeit a declining one, total debt outstanding goes up and that poses a huge threat in future to the welfare state and the bene ts it provides, especially given the gargantuan size of the total debt pile that we re creating. As fund manager Oliver Russ pointed out in a note yesterday, the default we face is not on our debt payments but on our welfare payments. he maths look bad enough but, when you add in our worsening population trends, then current expectations of what the welfare state will pay out are fanciful. fflałgorzata Paprota (7) (ř) řŚ DT121110, Telegraph View, C A bold and principled approach to bene ts he essential element of ffain Duncan Smith s plans to reconstruct the welfare state have been known for a while, but yesterday s publication of the White Paper Universal Credit: Welfare hat Works is nevertheless a seminal moment for the Coalition. fft marks the rst serious atempt by any government to reform a corrupt and wasteful bene t system that has no place in a modern liberal democracy. Dffl131210, Phillips, C (. . .) For this is swindling the British taxpayer, who understands that this money is to be used to support the needy at home. hat indeed is what a welfare state means. fft is a compact between Britain s government and those who reside in the country. he idea that it is to be used instead as a kind of global poor relief fund is uterly bizarre. ffn (3) and (7), welfare state occurs in the introductory sentence; in (3) this is then elaborated and speci ed by the second sentence so that welfare state is a direct equivalent of Britain s generous bene ts system. ffmportantly, there seems to be no reason to view the rst phrase as merely a hyponym of the later: no other potential components of the rst are mentioned, and it does indeed appear that bene ts are all of which welfare state is composed. Similarly, the second sentence elaborates on the rst (7), and welfare state is echoed and ampli ed by a corrupt and wasteful bene t system. While the bene ts in (6) might at rst glance be interpreted broadly as advantages, the ambiguity is quickly removed by references to nances: the pile of debt is more likely to be incurred by payments than by abstract feelgood factors; this is then explicitly con rmed by the metaphor seting up the welfare state as a cashier in control of funds to be dispensed. he reference to population trends which are likely to result in higher welfare costs would seem to indicate that pension is subsumed under welfare payments, though this assumption would mean that a longer life expectancy is a worsening population trend and so is not necessarily sound; even so, the reference to pensions in this particular case would be quite oblique and much less salient than that to bene ts, bearing out the observation that the type of bene ts is likely to be let unspeci ed. Finally, although excerpt (ř) appears a straightforward de nition the only such instance in the corpus- of the welfare state, it turns out more complicated on analysis. he context is that of foreign nationals using bene ts to support families at home; what is therefore being de ned here is who is party to the compact mentioned rather than what kind of support that compact involves. While bene ts are the most salient component of welfare state, there are references to its other constituents. One such case is in excerpt (Ś): (Ś) DT21070ř, Daley, C Today we get the Government s radical new programme for reforming welfare. Except that it isn t very radical. (. . .) And it isn t new because it s basically the re-warmed Tory policy announced six months ago. Ś0 From Theory to Practice 2012 ffn fact, today s announcement isn t about the welfare state: it is not an atempt to examine the entire tax and bene ts system which locks whole swathes of the population into deprivation and defeatism. he rhetorical patern, where three elements of the complement of the rst sentence are refuted in subsequent sentences, again sets up welfare and welfare state as equivalents. he last sentence speci es welfare state as subsuming tax, which, if not usual, is consistent with the Right s self-professed wariness of both: as any redistributive measure, welfare state is ultimately tax-funded. A wider scope of welfare state is also evident in the following excerpts: (10) ffloS210711, fflail on Sunday Comment, C (. . .) Our desires are limited by our incomes. And our incomes are greatly reduced by the amazingly high taxes that we have to pay to sustain this country s immense welfare state. ffn fact, welfare and pension payments of one kind or another swallow up every penny paid in income tax in this country. (11) Dffl1Ś0512, Doughty, N STRONG FAfflffffiffES fflAflE SUCCESSFUffi CHffffiDREN . . . NOT THE NANNY STATE THE WEffiFARE state has litle or no bearing on how children turn out, an international research project has found. (. . .) he study singled out the British welfare state as an example of the failure of state support to make a di erence to the lives and success of children. (. . .) he study carried out by researchers at two American universities examined evidence from both Britain and the US one with a large welfare state, one without on how the lives of children progress between the ages of ve and 13. (12) DT2ř020ř, C (. . .) his [resentment among ffiabour supporters] has been fuelled in particular by large-scale, uncontrolled immigration and the perception that newcomers enjoy fast-track access to some welfare services, notably housing. Pensions, though explicitly constructed as distinct from welfare payments, are both enumerated in (10) as components of welfare state and the spending it incurs; this apparently paradoxical discursive construction where pensions are part of welfare state but are not designated as welfare is not unusual in the corpus. here is, again, no reason not to view this choice as ideological: if the cost of welfare state is being underscored, a broader meaning of the notion will add credibility to the calculation. he state support, the text synonym to welfare state in (11), can be construed as not necessarily restricted to bene ts: it could plausibly include the contribution of social workers or possibly even education, one of the widest framings of welfare state in the corpus. he only other example in the corpus where a social service is explicitly stated to be part of welfare state (or, more accurately, welfare services) is (12). ffluch more common is a mutually exclusive construal of welfare state and various social services, as in reforming the welfare state and services such as education and health (DT2ř070ř, Daley, C), or in fflałgorzata Paprota Ś1 Chancellor pumped money into the public services and welfare state, but refused to reform either (Dffl020Ś10, Daily Mail Comment, C), or in (13) below: (13) DT051110, Oborne, C He oversaw the creation of the National Health Service and the welfare state, and created a social and political setlement that continues to shape the world we live in. But by 1Ś50, Atlee was drained; by 1Ś51, he was out of Downing Street, never to return. To many (see Timmins, 2001; fflarr, 200ř), the creation of the NHS is inextricably connected with the foundation of the welfare state; indeed, it is oten viewed as one of the keystone moments marking its beginning. he Telegraph columnist (though the construction is not unique to the Telegraph) construes the NHS and the welfare state as exclusive, disarticulating them from each other; further, though he refers to a social and political setlement in the coordinating clause (which could be construed as expressing a timeframe or a result, despite being coordinate), and though the welfare state, as well as the disarticulated NHS, presumably gures in that setlement in some way, he does not use the term welfare state to describe it. Similarly, when he Daily Mail quotes David Cameron on the question of certain bene ts remaining universal or becoming means-tested, the phrase welfare state is not used: (14) Dffl041010, Chapman, N (. . .) What we need is a system that has universal and fair elements that are part of a decent and civilised society, like a good strong pension provision, and then in terms of the work-related bene ts you need a system that means you are always beter o in work and working hard. ffn contrast, a ffiabour minister interviewed by he Daily Telegraph in a similar context does use the phrase to denote just such a system, though the quotation appears at the end of the news report, a place traditionally reserved for less important information: (15) DT22100Ś, Prince, N fft is vital that we ght to protect a welfare state in which everyone has a stake, and why it is still right to keep a universal bene t like child bene t so that everyone who has a child receives support regardless of income. he di erence is not only in the speci c bene ts that are deemed worthy of remaining universal: a more important issue is the presence or absence of the phrase welfare state in connection with a fair and universal system. ffnterestingly, excerpts (10) and (11) both show the welfare state as a possession or atribute of a country: instead of seting up an equivalence relation, as in the hypothetical Britain is a welfare state (the equivalence does appear in extract 11, albeit in a quotation from an American scientist), they frame welfare state as something a country has, thereby introducing a logic of di erence. fft is possible that this construction, along with the discursive decoupling of social services, in particular the Ś2 From Theory to Practice 2012 NHS, from the welfare state, is making it less likely to conceive of the welfare state (as the ffiet would have it) as a totality of relations between the individuals and the state who cooperate to make the lives of all individuals more liveable. ffnstead, the denotation of the terms welfare and welfare state is much more restricted. hough the evaluation of welfare or welfare state has not been the focus of analysis here, it will have been clear from the examples cited that this evaluation in the analysed sample of discourse is overwhelmingly negative, and it appears that the narrow denotation of welfare is a key factor facilitating this. Works Cited Aldrick, Philip. 2011. Anger at the Banks ffs fiusti ed, fflervyn fling Says. Telegraph, fflarch 1. htp://www.telegraph.co.uk/ nance/economics/ř355475/Anger-at-thebanks-is-justi ed-fflervyn-fling-says.html. Cocco, Federica. 2012. Are Half of British Households a Burden on the StateŠ Full Fact, October ř. htp://fullfact.org/articles/households_contributors_recipients_Ufl_bene ts-2ř455. Coxall, William Norman, ffiynton Robins, and Robert ffieach. 2003. Contemporary British Politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave fflacmillan. Evans, Vyvyan, and fflelanie Green. 2006. Cognitive Linguistics: An Introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Fairclough, Norman. 1ŚřŚ. Language and Power. ffiondon: ffiongman. Fairclough, Norman. 2003. Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research. ffiondon: Routledge. Fairclough, Norman. 2010. Critical Discourse Analysis: he Critical Study of Language. Harlow: ffiongman. fie ries, ffiesley. 2010. Critical Stylistics: he Power of English. Basingstoke: Palgrave fflacmillan. fiones, fflargaret, and Rob ffiowe. 2002. From Beveridge to Blair: he First Fity Years of Britain s Welfare State 1948–98. fflanchester: fflanchester University Press. ffiaclau, Ernesto, and Chantal fflou e. 1Śř5. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. ffiondon: Verso. fflarr, Andrew. 200ř. A History of Modern Britain. ffiondon: Pan Books. Spotiswoode, Owen. 2012. ffnconvenient Truth Š Has the Ufl s Welfare Bill Grown Sevenfold Over the Past Half CenturyŠ Full Fact, September 27. htp://fullfact.org/ factchecks/welfare_spending_economy_ffiib_dem_conference-2ř2Ś4. Timmins, Nicholas. 2001. he Five Giants: A Biography of the Welfare State. ffiondon: HarperCollins. Tor ng, fiacob. 1ŚŚŚ. New heories of Discourse: Laclau, Mou e and Zizek. Oxford: Blackwell. fflałgorzata Paprota Ś3 Corpus Chapman, fiames. 2010. £50bn a Year in Bene ts ffs Handed to the ffliddle Class. Daily Mail, fiune 16. Chapman, fiames. 2010. End for ffliddle Class Bene ts. Daily Mail, October 4. Daily fflail Comment. 2010. A Step Towards Truth. Daily Mail, September 2. Daily fflail Reporter. 2011. fflail on Sunday Comments. Mail on Sunday, fiuly 21. Daley, fianet. 200ř. he Tories fflust Show hey ll Get Tough With Fraudsters on he Sick : With Both Parties Saying Roughly the Same hing about ffncapacity Bene t, Voters Will Have to Decide Who Really ffleans fft, Says fianet Daley. Daily Telegraph, fiuly 21. Daley, fianet. 200ř. Brown s Demise Could ffiead to a Nightmare Scenario for the Tories: A Resuscitated Blairite Party Could Steal the Conservatives Best Policies and Appeal to the Electorate s Radical ffnstincts, Argues fianet Daley. Daily Telegraph, fiuly 2ř. Doughty, Steve. 2012. Strong Families fflake Successful Children . . . Not the Nanny State. Daily Mail, fflay 1Ś. Doyle, fiack. 2011. Eastern Europe ffligrants to Get Full Access to the Welfare State. Daily Mail, fflarch 4. Oborne, Peter. 2010. his Coalition ffs Proving to Be a Truly Revolutionary Regime: Cameron and Clegg Have Dumbfounded the Opposition with heir Drive and Audacity, Argues Peter Oborne. Daily Telegraph, November 5. Phillips, fflelanie. 2010. Yes, ffmmigrants Who Send Hard-Earned ffloney Home Are Heroic. But When hey Use Bene ts, ffls Harman, fft s ffmmoral. Daily Mail, December 30. Prince, Rosa. 200ř. Train or ffiose Bene ts, Warns Brown. Daily Telegraph, fianuary 2Ś. Prince, Rosa. 200Ś. Welfare Payments: Scrap ffliddle-Class Bene ts, Says hink Tank. Daily Telegraph, October 22. Reece, Damian. 2010. Welfare State Could Be the Real ffioser from Britain s Debt Crisis. Daily Telegraph, April 23. Telegraph View. 2010. A Bold and Principled Approach to Bene ts. Daily Telegraph, November 12. he Telegraph. 200ř. ffiabour Discovers the ffiimits of Welfare. Daily Telegraph, February 2ř. he Telegraph. 200Ś. Tories fflust Have the Will to Reform Welfare. Daily Telegraph, November 11. Waghorne, Richard. 200ř. Why Do One in Four Get a Weekly Welfare ChequeŠ Daily Mail, fianuary 5. An ffdeological Sqare of the First World Versus the Third World in Newspaper Discourse: A Case Study of the 2010 Haiti Earthqake Dita Trčková Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Faculty of Humanities, Department of English and American Studies, fflostní 513Ś, 760 01 Zlín, Czech Republic. Email: trckovašhs.utb.cz Abstract: he paper investigates discursive devices employed in newspaper articles on the 2010 Haiti earthquake to represent the First World, mainly the USA, and the hird World Haiti, with regard to ascription of blame for the catastrophe. fft reveals that van Dijk s ideological square of US versus THEffl is applied in the discourse as the First World s positive characteristics, such as help, are emphasized, while negative characteristics, such as contribution to and partial responsibility for poor socio-economic conditions in Haiti, are de-emphasized. Conversely, negative characteristics of Haitians, such as helplessness and dependence, are foregrounded. Such a portrayal implicitly establishes power asymmetry between the two groups of social actors. As its methodology, the paper employs critical discourse analysis, incorporating multimodal analysis as well. he corpus is comprised of 45 articles on the 2010 Haiti earthquake gathered from he New York Times, he Globe and Mail and he Guardian. fleywords: newspaper discourse; earthquake; critical discourse analysis; ideological square; power asymmetry ffntroduction ffiarge-scale natural catastrophes represent highly newsworthy events as they ful ll a number of news values distinguished by Galtung and Ruge (1Ś65, 65 71). Among the criteria of newsworthiness that they meet are the frequency factor, which states that single events are preferred to long-term trends in newspapers, the threshold factor, which claims that the greater the intensity of an event, the higher its news value, and the reference to something negative factor. Since the consequences of natural disasters unfold over a period of time, the criterion of continuity is ful lled as well. fft allows newspapers to report on the event for some time, which makes readers interpret the news articles more easily because they are already familiar with the topic. ffn the case of some natural disasters, such as earthquakes, the newsworthy criterion of unexpectedness is satis ed as well. Despite being labelled natural catastrophes, these events can be considered natural only in the respect of being triggered by natural phenomena; they become disasters as a result of a combination of a number of factors including human behaviour. he vulnerabilities of a society, determined by human contact with the environment, social organization, infrastructure and economy, play a signi cant role in natural catastrophes (Pielke and Pielke 1ŚŚ7; Birkmann 2006; Gunewardena 200ř; Schuller 200ř). Ś6 From Theory to Practice 2012 he present paper focuses on the representation of the human factor in a recent large-scale natural disaster the 2010 Haiti earthquake in newspapers published in Western English-speaking countries. he research paper is concerned with the portrayal of two groups of social actors which are referred to in the newspaper discourse most oten: the hird World, represented by Haiti, and the First World, represented mainly by the USA. fft examines what characteristics and actions are ascribed to each group of social actors, and aims to reveal what social relationship between the hird World and the First World is constructed in the newspaper discourse. Background ffnformation An earthquake struck Haiti on fianuary 12, 2010. fft measured 7.0 on the Richter scale with an epicenter about 17 km southwest of Haiti s capital, Port-au-Prince. Approximately 230,000 people were killed, more than 300,000 injured and more than 1.3 million rendered homeless. fflore than 250,000 homes and 35,000 commercial, industrial, and administrative buildings were destroyed (Arbon 2010, 4; Dupuy 2010, 1Ś5). fflan-made factors heightened the impact of the disaster. hese include poor infrastructure, inferior building constructions and an abandonment of citizens by the city and national governments, which for years had not provided any meaningful services, such as schools, health care, electricity, potable water and sanitation. Only about 30 percent of Haitians had access to health care, the same percentage to sanitation and 54 percent to potable water. he low socio-economic conditions in Haiti and a massive institutional failure to a large extent contributed to the catastrophe (Dupuy 2010, 1Ś5; Gros 2011, 133). Not only was the state itself responsible for the unfortunate living conditions in Haiti, but also foreign governments and economic actors. he policies of international nancial institutions of advanced countries, such as the World Bank and the ffnternational fflonetary Fund, led to the transformation of Haiti into a supplier of the cheapest labor in this hemisphere for foreign and domestic investors in the export assembly industry and one of the largest importers of U.S. food in the hemisphere (Dupuy 2010, 1Ś6). he location of the assembly lines, mainly in Port-au-Prince, and trade liberalization, one of the main policies that Haitians were made to implement, resulted in the destruction of local industries and a neglect of agriculture, further propelling rural-to-urban migration (Dupuy 2010, 1Ś6 Ś7; Gros 2011, 13Ś, 143 45). fflethodology and Data he methodology employed in the paper is critical discourse analysis (CDA) (Fairclough 1ŚŚ2; van Dijk 1ŚŚ3; Wodak 2002; Weiss and Wodak 2003; Reisigl and Wodak 200Ś). As one of the main aims of CDA is to study the link between language and social structures and relationships, emphasizing that the link is dialectical, it suits the goal of the present study to investigate the portrayal of social relations between the USA and Haiti in newspaper discourse on the 2010 Haiti earthquake. Furthermore, CDA focuses on the examination of interconnectedness between language, ideology and power. fft analyzes Dita Trčková Ś7 micro-structures of discourse to reveal a bigger picture of macro-structures in society. he paper thus draws upon this methodological approach to examine the e ects of the newspaper discourse on the construction of the power relationship between Haiti and the USA. Apart from lexical and grammatical devices, the study analyzes photographs accompanying the articles. As a result, it incorporates multi-modal analysis, which points out that a number of semiotic modes are at play simultaneously in discourse (flress and van ffieeuwen 2006, 177). hese all interact to convey meaning, yet they do so independently. he corpus of data consists of newspaper articles covering the two weeks following the Haiti earthquake, i.e., fianuary 12, 2010 fianuary 26, 2010. he articles were collected from online archives of three newspapers generally considered to be representative of Western English-speaking countries: he New York Times, an American national newspaper, he Guardian, a British national newspaper, and he Globe and Mail, a Canadian national newspaper. When collecting the newspaper articles for the corpus, the key criterion for their selection was that they belonged to a hard news category. he reason for such a choice is that hard news is widely held to be the most objective and factual type of news. he number of the collected articles is 15 per each newspaper, which makes the total number of the articles gathered in the corpus 45. Analysis he analysis reveals that the newspapers employ the so-called ffdeological Square of US versus THEffl (van Dijk 1ŚŚ6, 37) in their representation of the First World versus the hird World. he ideological square is a discursive strategy that leads to the construction of two groups: insiders and outsiders. he division is achieved by foregrounding OUR positive characteristics and backgrounding OUR negative characteristics while emphasizing THEffR negative characteristics and de-emphasizing THEffR positive characteristics. ffn the case of the present research, the newspapers construct the First World as US by ascribing only positive features and actions to this social group, and the hird World as THEffl by pointing out merely negative features of the social group. From the very beginning of reporting on the earthquake, the newspapers focus on the poor political, economic and social conditions of Haiti existing prior to the disaster. he emphasis is placed on high poverty in Haiti, poor infrastructure and building standards, and the malfunctioning of the government and its abandonment of citizens, as in examples 1, 2 and 3. (1) A erce earthquake struck Haiti late Tuesday aternoon, causing a crowded hospital to collapse, leveling countless shantytown dwellings and bringing even more su ering to a nation that was already the hemisphere’s poorest and most disaster-prone. (New York Times, fianuary 13, 2010) (2) Haiti was a humanitarian disaster even before the earthquake hit. It is the poorest country in the western hemisphereff most of its buildings are badly constructed Śř From Theory to Practice 2012 out of tin and cheap concrete with many slums perched on steep, bare hillsides which are particularly prone to landslides. (Guardian, fianuary 13, 2010) (3) he earthquake s devastating e ect is magni ed by the notoriously abysmal infrastructure in much of the country. (Globe and Mail, fianuary 13, 2010) As can be seen in example 3, the link between the poor conditions in Haiti and the impact of the catastrophe is explicitly established in the discourse. Yet, the newspapers are silent on the fact that it was also the First World governments and economic actors that contributed to the poor state of Haiti prior to the catastrophe; they put the blame solely on Haiti itself. he articles portray Haiti as chaotic, helpless and dependent on the help from outside. Examples 4 and 5 refer to chaos and the negative emotion of anger, using the emphatic adjectives widespread and unpredictable, which have a dramatizing e ect, while examples 6 and 7 point out Haitians helplessness. (4) Inside Haiti the situation was still more chaotic, with thousands of people siting in roads to stay clear of quake-damaged buildings, and widespread reports of looting. (Guardian, fianuary 15, 2010) (5) Looting of houses and shops increased Friday, and anger boiled over in unpredictable ways. (New York Times, fianuary 16, 2010) (6) Help, Ayuda, Aide read one [a sign] in three languages, with arrows pointing to a yard lled with survivors. (Globe and Mail, fianuary 1ř, 2010) (7) A nation in ruins, crying for help (headline in he Globe and Mail, fianuary 14, 2010) he choice of the word cry in the headline in example 7 implicitly portrays Haiti as childlike. Haitians are depicted as a homogenous mass in the newspapers. hey are rarely given a voice and are seldom individualized. he newspapers tend to omit directlyquoted personalized narratives of the experience of the earthquake itself: there is only one such narrative in he Guardian, which is told by an American visitor, one in he Globe and Mail, told by a Canadian visitor, and three in he New York Times, two of which are told by American visitors and one by a Haitian. he newspapers only choose to quote those Haitians who foreground their helplessness and weakness, such as victims who describe themselves as completely destitute and ask for help Please save my baby! , Please take me out. , We need outsiders to come. hese quotes help mobilize readers to humanitarian action but they also arouse feelings of pity, which imply subtle power asymmetry (see Balaji 2011, 51). he Western advanced countries are, on the contrary, represented in a strongly positive light. he focus is put on the aid provided by these countries. ffn he New York Times, the number of the articles the main topic of which concerns international aid Dita Trčková ŚŚ is 7 (out of the total of 15 articles; 47%); two headlines of such articles are provided in examples ř and Ś. he number of the articles that mention American aid somewhere in the text is even higher 14 (Ś3%). ffn he Globe and Mail are ř articles (53%), the global meaning of which concerns Canadian aid (see example 10) or Canadian victims whose help to Haiti prior to the disaster is emphasized. he number of the articles that include a comment on Canadian aid is 13 (ř7%). (ř) U.S. troops patrol Haiti, lling a void (headline in he New York Times, fianuary 20, 2010) (Ś) Aid groups focus on Haiti s homeless (headline in he New York Times, fianuary 22, 2010) (10) Once slammed for sluggish response, Canada switly sends in the troops (headline in he Globe and Mail, fianuary 14, 2010) Although he Guardian also focuses on international aid including British help, the foregrounding is not as prominent as in the other two newspapers: international aid constitutes the main topic of a report in 5 cases (33%) and is mentioned in ř articles (53%) (see Table 1). Table 1: Western Aid he New York Times he Globe and Mail he Guardian Number of articles the main topic of which concerns Western aid 7 (47%) ř (53%) 5 (33%) Number of articles that mention Western aid 14 (Ś3%) 13 (ř7%) ř (53%) Such a foregrounding of one s own country s aid provides the articles with a high degree of cultural proximity and thus makes the articles more relevant, readable and newsworthy for readers. At the same time, it points to the self-centeredness of the advanced countries. here are a number of explicit examples of self-appraisal in the articles, as in example 11. (11) he scale and speed of the relief mission being prepared [by Canada] is remarkable for a country that has been criticized for being slow o the mark in reacting to past disasters. (Globe and Mail, fianuary 14, 2010) On the whole, the First World is portrayed as a mythical character a hero and savior of a vulnerable nation, which welcomes and is dependent on this help (see example 12). (12) A sign on one fallen building in Nazon [. . .] read: Welcome U.S. Marines. We need help. Dead Bodies Inside! (New York Times, fianuary 17, 2010) Such a representation contains traces of colonial ideology and racial paternalism. fft implies an adult-child hierarchy between the First World and Haiti, which results in the construction of power asymmetry between the two groups of social actors. 100 From Theory to Practice 2012 Photograph: American troops landed at the National Palace in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, on Tuesday. hey began rolling through the capital and assisting with the relief operation. (New York Times, fianuary 20, 2010). Photo by Carlos Barria, re-printed here with the expressed writen permission of Globe ffledia / Reuters. Apart from verbal devices, the asymmetrical social relationship between the USA and Haiti is also constructed by visual means. As social semioticians point out, photographs are not an inherently realistic medium but are social constructs that provide a particular version of reality, the meaning of which is dependent on context (flress and van ffieeuwen 2006). Among the features of images that have ideological underpinnings are the layout, spatial orientation and distribution of elements, what gets included and excluded, etc. ffn an illustrative example, the above photograph, the Western advanced countries are portrayed as help that comes from above. hey descend from the sky and heaven and thus symbolically stand for something sacred, worth worshipping. On the other hand, Haiti is represented by masses of people, who stand on the ground, and thus are spatially oriented as down , with some of them reaching up towards the help. he spatial dimensions up and down have acquired a number of metaphorical extensions, including up standing for power and down standing for a lack of power (ffiako and fiohnson 1Śř0, 15). hus, the contrast between the USA being positioned up and Haitians being positioned down in the photograph implies a power hierarchy between the two groups. A choice of a shot with a di erent spatial orientation, such as an image where both American soldiers and Haitians would stand on the ground next to each other, would provide signi cantly di erent connotations. Furthermore, Haitians are waiting for the help behind a fence, which constitutes both literally and symbolically a Dita Trčková 101 barrier between them and the West. Such a portrayal constructs a divide between Haiti, portrayed as dependent, and the West, depicted as a savior. Conclusion he analysis of articles on the 2010 Haiti earthquake in three newspapers published in Western English-speaking countries reveals that to portray the relationship between the First World and Haiti the newspapers employ the strategy of an ffdeological Square between US and THEffl. he strategy is based on the creation of a binary opposition between a helpful West and helpless Haiti. he newspapers emphasize only the positive characteristics and actions of the advanced Western countries, making aid that they provide to Haiti one of the main topics of the articles. At the same time, they omit any reference to negative actions of this group of social actors, such as the negative impact of international nancial institutions and the economies of the advanced countries on Haiti prior to the disaster. Haitians themselves are portrayed as the ones responsible for the poor socio-economic conditions in the country. hey are homogenously depicted as helpless and dependent on help from outside. hey are rarely given a voice to talk about their experience of the earthquake, which would help readers to sympathize with them; the newspapers rather focus on Haitians cries, which evoke feelings of pity. Such a depiction constructs an asymmetrical relationship between the West and Haiti, which can be compared to an adult-child hierarchy. Discursively, the First World is given power over Haiti. he analysis reveals that the visual mode complements the verbal mode in the portrayal of such a social relationship. As a suggestion for further research, a cross-cultural analysis comparing the representation of the Haiti earthquake in newspapers published in Western Englishspeaking countries with the portrayal in Haitian newspapers would bring a deeper insight into ideological working of newspaper discourse. Works Cited Arbon, Paul. 2010. Applying ffiessons ffiearned to the Haiti Earthquake Response. Australasian Emergency Nursing Journal 13 (1): 4 6. Balaji, fflurali. 2011. Racializing Pity: he Haiti Earthquake and the Plight of Others. Critical Studies in Media Communication 2ř (1): 50 67. Birkmann, fiörn. 2006. ffleasuring Vulnerability to Promote Disaster-Resilient Societies: Conceptual Frameworks and De nitions. ffn Measuring Vulnerability to Natural Hazards: Towards Disaster Resilient Societies, edited by fiörn Birkmann, Ś 54. Tokyo: United Nations University Press. Dupuy, Alex. 2010. Commentary beyond Earthquake: A Wake-Up Call for Haiti. Latin American Perspectives 37 (3): 1Ś5 204. Fairclough, Norman. 1ŚŚ2. Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge: Polity Press. Galtung, fiohan, and fflari Holmboe Ruge. 1Ś65. he Structure of Foreign News: he Presentation of the Congo, Cuba and Cyprus Crises in Four Norwegian Newspapers. Journal of Peace Research 2 (1): 64 Ś0. 102 From Theory to Practice 2012 Gros, fiean-Germain. 2011. Anatomy of a Haitian Tragedy: When the Fury of Nature ffleets the Debility of the State. Journal of Black Studies 42 (2): 131 57. Gunewardena, Nandini. 200ř. Human Security versus Neoliberal Approaches to Disaster Recovery. ffn Capitalizing on Catastrophe: Neoliberal Strategies in Disaster Reconstruction, edited by Nandini Gunewardena and fflark Schuller, 3 16. ffianham: Altafflira Press. flress, Gunther, and heo van ffieeuwen. 2006. Reading Images: he Grammar of Visual Design. Oxon: Routledge. ffiako , George, and fflark fiohnson. 1Śř0. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Pielke, Roger A., fir., and Roger A. Pielke, Sr. 1ŚŚ7. Hurricanes: heir Nature and Impacts on Society. Chichester: Wiley. Reisigl, fflartin, and Ruth Wodak. 200Ś. he Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA). ffn Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis, edited by Ruth Wodak and fflichael ffleyer, ř7 121. ffiondon: SAGE. Schuller, fflark. 200ř. Deconstructing the Disaster ater the Disaster: Conceptualizing Disaster Capitalism. ffn Capitalizing on Catastrophe: Neoliberal Strategies in Disaster Reconstruction, edited by Nandini Gunewardena and fflark Schuller, 17 2ř. ffianham: Altafflira Press. van Dijk, Teun A. 1ŚŚ3. Principles of Critical Discourse Analysis. Discourse and Society 4 (2): 24Ś ř3. van Dijk, Teun A. 1ŚŚ6. Discourse, Racism and Ideology. ffia ffiaguna: RCEff Ediciones. Weiss, Gilbert, and Ruth Wodak. 2003. ffntroduction: heory, ffnterdisciplinarity and Critical Discourse Analysis. ffn Critical Discourse Analysis: heory and Interdisciplinarity, edited by Gilbert Weiss and Ruth Wodak, 1 32. Basingstoke: Palgrave fflacmillan. Wodak, Ruth. 2002. Aspects of Critical Discourse Analysis. Zeitschrit für Angewandte Linguistik (ZfAL) 36: 5 31. Corpus Globe and Mail. 2004, 2005, 2010. Prouest Database. htp://www.proquest.com. Accessed August 31, 2010. Guardian. 2004, 2005, 2010. Online archive. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/. Accessed August 31, 2010. New York Times. 2004, 2005, 2010. Online archive. htp://www.nytimes.com/. Accessed August 31, 2010. Can We Trust ThemŠ A Discourse Analysis of British Newspaper Headlines Barbora Blažková Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Faculty of Humanities, Department of English and American Studies, fflostní 513Ś, 760 01 Zlín, Czech Republic. Email: bblazkovašhs.utb.cz Abstract: his paper deals with the analysis of newspaper headlines related to the issue of immigration published in the ffnternet versions of he Guardian and he Daily Telegraph in 2010. he analysis stresses how and to what extent naming is used to refer to various types of immigrants. Since the newspaper is a mass medium and as such has the power to comment on reality, the tool of naming might be used to serve multiple purposes. Firstly, naming enables the newspaper to label various groups of immigrants and thus to express its point of view on the speci c issue. Secondly, the references to immigrants allow the newspaper to in uence public opinion and in this respect might contribute to potential power abuse. fleywords: discourse analysis; quality newspapers; newspaper headlines; immigrants; naming; ideology ffntroduction his study deals with the analysis of newspaper headlines of two British newspapers, he Guardian and he Daily Telegraph. he headlines were published in the ffnternet versions of these newspapers in 2010 and are all devoted to the issue of immigration. he aim of this paper is to focus on naming since it is regarded to be, among others, a tool that might contribute to potential power abuse. Naming enables a newspaper not only to de ne various types of immigrants by names but also allows it to possibly a ect the understanding of its readers, thereby in uencing their opinions and actions. fff such an in uence is reached by readers unconscious perception,1 power abuse might appear. ffn this respect, naming can a ect society. As Norman Fairclough states, there is not an external relationship between language and society, but an internal and dialectical relationship (2001, 23). ffn other words, not only is society in uenced by language, but it also in uences language, with each developing and re ecting the other. fff various types of immigrants are given certain names or labels by a newspaper, they are then more likely to be perceived in the same way by the readers as well. herefore, if the paper refers to immigrants only or mainly as asylum seekers, the image created by the headlines, and thus possibly in the minds of its readers, depicts immigrants as poor and vulnerable people who need help as they ght for shelter in a foreign, oten hostile country. On the other hand, if the newspaper chooses to refer to immigrants as migrants, 1. Unconscious perception or subliminal perception occurs whenever stimuli presented below the threshold or limen for awareness are found to in uence thoughts, feelings, or actions (flazdin 2000, 4Ś7). 104 From Theory to Practice 2012 foreigners, etc., stressing mainly the fact that they are not welcomed in the country and represent threat not only to the country s economy but also to people in terms of unemployment and crime, it will probably promote the negative associations, thus reinforcing the negative image of immigrants. ffn other words, the medium has the power to play with associations, which are supported by the names given to various types of immigrants. A newspaper hence possesses the ability to depict the reality and image of immigrants either positively, negatively or neutrally, thus has the power to in uence the readers general perception of the issue. ffloreover, the medium might and oten does use the terms referring to various types of immigrants not clearly or even incorrectly, which might cause the readers to develop an unclear picture of who an immigrant, an asylum seeker and a refugee are. his might not only a ect the readers understanding of the issue of immigration but also the reality in which the readers believe they live. ffn addition, the readers, commenting on the issue of immigration in everyday communications, use these terms unclearly or incorrectly and hence may consciously or unconsciously in uence the social climate. hus, society (the media and the readers) in uences language in a way that the names for various types of immigrants, even though previously neutral, are given positive or negative associations or are completely misunderstood by the society. ffn this respect, naming is powerful and is therefore analyzed to reveal not only the hidden ideology of each paper but also to uncover possible instances of manipulation. Theoretical Background As the theoretical sources for this paper, the discourse analysis with critical perspective (CDA) emphasizing mainly Fairclough s approach to mass media discourse has been applied to the corpus. As stated, Fairclough perceives discourse, or language, as, on the one hand, determined by society but, on the other hand, also in uencing society (Fairclough 2003). Not only does mass media discourse possess the power to in uence society, it can also exploit the privilege of a dominant (elite) institution to abuse it. As critical discourse analysis concentrates on the relationship between discourse (language in use) and power, this study concerns how and to what extent forms of inequality, mainly represented by naming, are expressed, represented, legitimated or reproduced by the newspaper headlines (van Dijk 1ŚŚ5, 20). Since CDA is more of an approach and therefore lacks methodology, ffiesley fie ries s analytical framework, partly focusing on naming as well, has been used for the analysis. fie ries s approach to CDA is, like Fairclough s and others approaches, grounded in ffl. A. fl. Halliday s systemic functional grammar (SFG) which highlights the connections between texts (headlines) and (social) contexts (Fairclough 2003). According to Halliday and Christian fflathiessen (2004), language is seen in terms of its function in the world, which enables us to analyze authentic texts and comment on their possible function, moreover, with the critical perspective, on their possible power abuse. Corpus he study is based on an analysis of newspaper headlines related to the issue of immigration, which were published in two British quality newspapers, he Guardian Barbora Blažková 105 and he Daily Telegraph, during 2010. ffn total, 456 newspaper headlines published in the ffmmigration and Asylum section of he Guardian newspaper and 251 newspaper headlines published in the ffiaw and Order section of he Daily Telegraph newspaper were analyzed.2 he headlines were downloaded from the ffnternet versions of these newspapers rstly, for accessibility, and secondly because the ffnternet is a medium still regarded to be new and as such o ers a di erent perspective on the genre of newspaper headlines transforming it into one of the most dynamic genres which by all means deserves atention. he two papers were chosen since they, together with he Times, belong to the so-called big three (most widely read) quality newspapers in Great Britain and therefore have the possibility to in uence British opinions at large. Furthermore, they di er from one another in terms of political stance: he Guardian identi es with center-let liberalism, while he Daily Telegraph is politically conservative. fft is presupposed that each newspaper was more or less in uenced by its own ideology, therefore possibly in uencing the description of reality, which might di er in both papers even if covering the same event. The Genre of Headlines he analysis focused exclusively on news headlines since they are powerful tools that not only summarize a piece of news but also have the potential to atract the readers atention by various linguistic means. ffn fact, headlines are advertisements of the news in that they advertise, in a very appealing and oten unclear way, the content of the following story. fff the advertisement is good, the readers decide to go on reading, if not, they just skip it. Since advertisements not always tell consumers the truth about a product, headlines also have the possibility of not telling the truth about its product, the story, as well. According to Allan Bell (1ŚŚ1), by atracting the readers to a certain piece of information, the headlines may possibly contribute to the biased picture of the reality. Headlines can thus a ect the process of readers understanding since the summary of the story, the headline, might be unclear. ffloreover, a headline is oten writen from the newspaper s point of view, as no text is ideology free. Not only does the ideology of the newspaper play a signi cant role here, but so does the genre itself. Headlines are speci c in terms of grammar as they oten consist of incomplete sentences (noun phrases without a verb), oten appear without articles and auxiliary verbs, and tenses in headlines are also used di erently (see Chovanec 2005, 73). According to Anna Tereszkiewicz, not much di erence can be seen between the genre of print and online headlines, as online headlines assume the structural and stylistic conventions typical of print headlines with compact and dense forms, nominalizations and verbless clauses as prevailing syntactic structures (2012, 214). he limitation of headlines in terms of the layout of a webpage may also lead to ambiguity and vagueness, which can contribute to the ideological function as well (Hopkinson et al. 2011, 74 101). 2. Guardian News and ffledia ffiimited or its a liated companies, Guardian, www.guardian.co.uk; Telegraph ffledia Group ffiimited, Daily Telegraph, www.telegraph.co.uk. 106 From Theory to Practice 2012 Approach to the Corpus he issue of immigration was studied in the headlines of the two newspapers since it is regarded to be topical, controversial and yet not fully understood. With regard to the papers ideology, the aim was to comment on the atitude of each newspaper towards the issue of immigration. Furthermore, observations on how references to various groups of immigrants are used in the headlines of each newspaper may also allow for the construction of a neutral, positive or negative image of immigrants. herefore, atention has been focused mainly on analyzing the naming of immigrants in the headlines. his decision is supported by a report recently released by Oxford University s ffligration Observatory that uncovered the British public s real views on immigration. he report was based on a survey of 1,000 Britons taken during September 2 ř, 2011. he results showed that 6Ś percent of Britons living in the Ufl support reductions in immigration, which would correspond with previous surveys. fflore surprising were people s preferences for limiting immigration, as these were not focused on the largest groups of immigrants. fft was found that the largest group of legal migrants, students, accounting for 37 percent of immigrants to the Ufl in 200Ś, is of the lowest concern to the British public. On the other hand, the smallest group of legal migrants, asylum seekers, accounting for only 4 percent of immigrants to the Ufl in 200Ś, is of the highest concern. Not only asylum seekers were the most commonly chosen targets for immigration restrictions (56 percent of respondents), but also lowskilled workers (64 percent of respondents). ffloreover, the survey revealed that people feel that immigration reductions should target only or mostly illegal immigration (he ffligration Observatory). To summarize the survey, Britons real views tend to be in contrast with reality. Since people as well as the government and the immigrants live in the same country, it is interesting that their real views of the situation di er. One reason for this evidence might be that the government fails to listen to the public wishes. Another reason might be the presence of another entity in the communication channel, an entity with the possible power of in uencing or shaping reality. he media might play a signi cant role in this indirect process of communication as it might contribute to the construction of an ambiguous picture of reality allowing or coercing the public to view the immigration situation from a di erent perspective. With this idea in mind, the terms referring to various types of immigrants used by each newspaper are seen as essential, as they can in uence the public s perception and ideas. he terms referring to di erent types of immigrants are also viewed as rather problematic since they are still not comprehensible to everybody. Unfortunately, the public has litle awareness of their exact de nitions or is not fully familiar with them, as they also di er from country to country. Furthermore, the media might exploit this situation to support its own perspective on the issue. ffn this way, the terms might be used ambiguously by the media, thus contributing to misunderstanding and resulting in people s biased picture of reality. ffloreover, the media might even create a reality that does not have to be identical with the reality in which people live. he way in which Barbora Blažková 107 each newspaper addresses immigrants and hence supports or opposes the real views of the British public is therefore of the main interest. Analysis As stated, the aim of the paper is mainly to analyze how naming is used to refer to various types of immigrants presented in the headlines, additionally commenting on how each newspaper either supports the British public s real views or di ers from them. Since language, or newspaper discourse, is used to re ect reality, naming becomes a dominant tool in describing and labeling. Naming is seen as an important device for the analysis for it can indicate not only how the newspapers perceive and thus label various groups of immigrants, which may serve the newspapers ideological purposes, but also how these references in uence the public opinion, hence contributing to the potential power abuse projected in the headlines. As fie ries notes, a choice of word not only makes reference to something, but also shows the speaker s opinion of the referent (200Ś, 20). ffn other words, naming is viewed as an important tool which can expand the ideas and beliefs of a certain medium when impartially commenting on the reality. To be able to analyze the references to di erent types of immigrants, it is essential to give clear de nitions of the following terms: an asylum seeker, a refugee, a migrant and an immigrant. According to UNESCO's Glossary on ffligration, an asylum seeker is someone who moves across borders in search of protection, but who may not ful ll the strict criteria laid down by the 1Ś51 Convention. Asylum seeker is someone who has applied for protection as a refugee and is awaiting the determination of his or her status (UNESCO Glossary). A refugee is a person who has already been granted protection (UNESCO Glossary). ffn other words, an asylum seeker can only become a refugee if accepted by the local or refugee authority as ting the international de nition of a refugee. On the other hand, a migrant is any person who lives temporarily or permanently in a country where he or she was not born, and has acquired some signi cant social ties to this country (UNESCO Glossary). An immigrant is anyone that migrates from their country or region of origin to a di erent country or region. his movement can be voluntary or coerced. 3 For more information see my previous study which analyzed he Guardian newspaper headlines (Hopkinson et al. 2011). fft has been found that he Guardian newspaper prefers to use the term asylum seeker when referring to various types of immigrants (3ř occurrences), followed by the term migrant (15 occurrences), immigrant (13 occurrences), and refugee (7 occurrences) which is used the least. See examples 1, 2, 3 and 4. (1) (2) Border sta humiliate and trick asylum seekers – whistleblower (Guardian, February 2, 2010) Suspicion of migrants is deep-rooted – but not xed (Guardian, fiune 14, 2010) 3. Di erence Between, htp://www.di erencebetween.net/miscellaneous/di erence-between-immigrants-and-refugees/. 10ř (3) (4) From Theory to Practice 2012 Expecting immigrants to speak English is hypocritical (Guardian, fiune 10, 2010) Chance brings refugees to Britain not choice, says report (Guardian, fianuary 14, 2010) According to the number of occurrences of the term asylum seeker in he Guardian headlines, the paper mainly stresses the vulnerability of various immigrants. ffn other words, it draws the atention of its readers to the fact that these people are mainly here since they were, either for political reasons or because of war, forced to leave their own country and now are hoping that the British government will provide them with shelter. fft is thus possible to state that he Guardian focuses on the construction of an emotional description of the immigrants the most. On the contrary, he Daily Telegraph newspaper names various types of immigrants migrants or immigrants (13 occurrences each), followed by the term asylum seeker (7 occurrences). he term refugee is not present in he Daily Telegraph headlines. See examples 5, 6 and 7. (5) (6) (7) New passport for immigrants every three minutes (Daily Telegraph, fflay 27, 2010) Migrants will boost population by 1.1m in ve years (Daily Telegraph, fflay 1, 2010) Tens of thousands of failed asylum seekers given right to work (Daily Telegraph, fiuly 2Ś, 2010) By using the terms migrants and immigrants the most, he Daily Telegraph newspaper emphasizes mainly the agency of immigrants to move and live in another country oten because of a beter standard of living. he newspaper might hence also atempt to create a connection between their search for a beter life and our (British) threat of losing jobs, homes, etc., just because of them. he fact that both newspapers named various groups of immigrants not only by the terms previously discussed, i.e., migrant, immigrant, asylum seeker or refugee, necessitates an examination of other references oten used by the newspapers. (See Table 1.) As illustrated, both newspapers oten use other references when labeling immigrants. hese references usually focus on the nationality of an immigrant as in examples ř and Ś. However, he Guardian newspaper aims to picture the immigrant, fflohammad Razai, positively as it rstly refers to him by his name. Secondly, it indicates that it is possible for a former asylum seeker to t into British society and thus become one of its ordinary members. On the other hand, as visible in example Ś, he Daily Telegraph uses the vague expression Somalian woman instead of the woman s name. (ř) (Ś) Mohammad Razai: from child Afghan asylum seeker to Cambridge undergraduate (Guardian, fiune 6, 2010) Somalian woman with no right to live in the UK must be given a council house, according to EU judges (Daily Telegraph, February 24, 2010) Barbora Blažková 10Ś Table 1: References to various groups of immigrants immigrant/s migrant/s refugee/s asylum seeker/s worker/s professional/s student/s other crime connection The Guardian 13 15 7 3ř 7 Ś 7 2ř 0 The Daily Telegraph 13 13 0 7 Ś 5 11 22 10 Both newspapers also use references which cannot be identi ed by nationality, gender or social status. hese references are rather related to the newspaper s perspective and as such can reveal the ideas and beliefs of the medium itself. Note especially examples 10 and 11, as they represent headlines published on the same day but each by di erent papers. Even though the referent is the same in both newspapers, the name assigned to the referent di ers. he Guardian adds the adjective jobless to the term migrants. By highlighting the fact that these people are unemployed, the paper focuses on the weakness of migrants, possibly implying that the government should feel responsible as it is its duty to solve these problems. By the choice of the adjective jobless, the paper might also be atempting to create an emotional response among readers. On the contrary, he Daily Telegraph perceives the same group of people as east Europeans and adds the adjective homeless. Not only does the paper provide the reader with a vague nationality of these migrants, moreover, it also creates an unfavorable picture with the help of the adjective homeless, which carries rather negative connotations. (10) Jobless migrants living in shanty towns o ered free ights home (Guardian, February 7, 2010) (11) Free ights for east Europe homeless (Daily Telegraph, February 7, 2010) he Daily Telegraph also mentions students as a type of immigrant to the United flingdom more oten than he Guardian. Furthermore, if students are referred to in he Daily Telegraph s headlines, the paper oten assigns to them the adjective foreign as in example 12. (12) Huge rise in foreign students undermines Labour s policy (Daily Telegraph, April 17, 2010) As can be seen in Table 1, he Daily Telegraph relates various groups of immigrants to crime in ten headlines: see examples 13 and 14. he Guardian, on the other hand, does not make such a connection. Here again it can be perceived that he Daily Telegraph atempts to build a rather negative image of the immigrants in the minds of its readers. (13) Passport interviews catch only eight fraudsters (Daily Telegraph, fiune 12, 2010) 110 From Theory to Practice 2012 (14) Foreign prisoners at large (Daily Telegraph, fianuary 30, 2010) he Guardian newspaper tends to use the term asylum seeker the most, which seemingly enables the paper to re ect its ideology and political opinions. As liberals generally aim to disperse power, promote diversity and stress equal opportunity and equality for all members of the community, to name the immigrants mainly asylum seekers might allow the newspaper to a ect its readers by depicting immigrants mainly as weaklings dependent on the government s help since the government is believed to be the body which should solve such problems. On the contrary, he Daily Telegraph uses the terms migrants and immigrants when addressing di erent types of immigrants the most. Here again a relation to the paper s beliefs can be visible. As he Daily Telegraph leans conservative, it can be perceived that by using mainly the terms migrants and immigrants the paper atempts to highlight the fact that these people do not seek asylum in the United flingdom but rather search for a beter economic situation and beter life. herefore, the paper consciously or subconsciously relates immigrants to the possible threat they might represent for the British society in terms of employment, housing, health care, etc. Conclusion he analysis of the naming of various types of immigrants presented in the headlines on immigration published in the ffnternet versions of he Guardian and he Daily Telegraph newspapers in 2010 revealed that di erent names for immigrants are preferred by each newspaper. he reason is mainly seen in each paper s ideology. he Guardian tends to lean liberal, thus stressing mainly the need to help poor and helpless asylum seekers who must be saved as they are looking for shelter; furthermore, they have the same rights as other members of British society. On the contrary, he Daily Telegraph tends to lean conservative and depicts immigrants mainly as foreigners, those who are di erent, oten not able to solve their problems themselves and hence represent a threat to British society. he Daily Telegraph s view of immigrants is also supported by the crime connection created in the headlines, as immigrants are depicted as foreign nationals who cause problems in all spheres of life. ffloreover, a survey conducted by Oxford University s ffligration Observatory (see the Approach to the corpus section), enabled a comparison between he Guardian s and he Daily Telegraph s references to immigrants with the British public s real views on immigration. As determined by the survey, more than half of the British public was mainly concerned with the asylum seekers as they were regarded to be the largest group of immigrants which should be, according to the British public, reduced. Even though asylum seekers represent only 4 percent of immigrants coming to the United flingdom in 200Ś, they were of the highest concern for more than half of the British population. his fact might be the result of media coverage, more precisely of he Guardian view of the immigration situation, as the newspaper was rstly mainly concerned with asylum seekers in its headlines during 2010 and secondly managed to get its message to a large audience as it was the second most widely read news medium in that year. Additionally, the Barbora Blažková 111 largest group of immigrants coming to the United flingdom, the students, representing 37 percent of immigrants to the Ufl in 200Ś, was according to the survey of the lowest concern to the British public. Here again the connection between the reality created by the media in their headlines and British public beliefs can be seen. True, he Daily Telegraph refers to students in eleven of its headlines in 2010, but in comparison to the occurrences of the term asylum seeker in he Guardian headlines (3ř occurrences) it might still not be as visible for the readers to notice and pay atention to. With the help of the analysis of names referring to di erent types of immigrants, it was discovered that even though both quality papers describe the same situations happening in the same country during the same year, the reality created in the papers headlines does not necessarily correspond with the reality in British society. Since no text is ideology free, ff assumed that the political stance of each newspaper could be visible in the way the headlines are designed. What ff did not expect was that also the names assigned to various types of immigrants, which evaluate and de ne the referent, are also cleverly used by each paper to possibly support its own perspective on the issue. Since this naming process cannot be seen by the ordinary reader at rst sight, and moreover is di cult to spot, ff believe that both papers, either with the intention to unite the British society or with the aim to preserve the country for its citizens only, manipulate the readers by their conscious or unconscious reference to immigrants. As discussed, the medium, here the ffnternet newspaper, is seen as the third party in the one-way communication between the government and the public. Although the medium appears to be silent, for it only passes information from one entity, the government, to the other, the public, it must not be forgoten that the medium might employ various linguistic means by which it can cleverly add, adjust or even change the message transferred in this modern communication channel. Works Cited Bell, Allan. 1ŚŚ1. he Language of News Media. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Chovanec, fian. 2005. he (Un)conventional Use of the Simple Past Tense in News Headlines. ffn Paterns: A Festschrit for Libu e Du ková, edited by fian Čermák, Ale fllégr, fflarkéta fflalá, and Pavlína aldová, 71 ř1. Praha: Charles University. Di erenceBetween.net. 2012. Di erence Between ffmmigrants and Refugees. htp://www.di erencebetween.net/miscellaneous/di erence-between-immigrantsand-refugees/. Fairclough, Norman. 2001. Language and Power. 2nd ed. Harlow: Pearson Education. Fairclough, Norman. 2003. Analyzing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research. ffiondon: Routledge. Halliday, fflichael A. fl., and Christian ffl. ff. ffl. fflathiessen. 2004. An Introduction to Functional Grammar. 3rd ed. ffiondon: Hodder Arnold. Hopkinson, Christopher, Renáta Tomá ková, and Barbora Bla ková. 2011. Power and Persuasion: Interpersonal Discourse Strategies in the Public Domain. Ostrava: Filozo cká fakulta Ostravské univerzity v Ostravě. 112 From Theory to Practice 2012 fie ries, ffiesley. 200Ś. Critical Stylistics: he Power of English. ffiondon: Palgrave fflacmillan. flazdin, Alan E. 2000. Encyclopedia of Psychology. Vol. 7. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ffligration Observatory. 2011. he Other Half of the Story: Oxford University Study Uncovers Britains Real Views on ffmmigration. htp://www.migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/press-releases/other-half-storyoxford-university-study-uncovers-britain%E2%ř0%ŚŚs-real-views-immigration. Social and Human Sciences. 2012. Glossary of ffligration Related Terms. UNESCO. htp://www.unesco.org/shs/migration/glossary. Tereszkiewicz, Anna. 2012. ffiead, Headline, News AbstractŠ Genre Conventions of News Sections on Newspaper Websites. Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis (12Ś): 211 24. van Dijk, Teun A. 1ŚŚ5. Aims of Critical Discourse Analysis. Japanese Discourse (1): 17 27. Corpus Daily Telegraph. 2010. Online archive. htp://www.telegraph.co.uk/. Accessed during fianuary August 2012. Guardian. 2010. Online archive. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/. Accessed during fianuary August 2012. The Function of Reported ffianguage and Narration in the Headlines of Hard News Zuzana Urbanová University of Pardubice, Faculty of Arts and Philosophy, Department of English and American Studies, Studentská Ś5, 532 10 Pardubice, Czech Republic. Email: Zuzana.Urbanovašupce.cz Abstract: he paper is concerned with the use of reported language and narration in the headlines of hard news reports. First, atention is paid to the generic function of a headline, especially in connection with its nuclear status at the interpersonal level of discourse (ffedema et al. 1ŚŚ4; White 1ŚŚř). Second, focus is placed on formal, semantic and pragmatic characteristics of direct and indirect forms of presentation on speech, writing and thought scales (Semino and Short 2004). he function of reported language and narration is interpreted in connection with the role the headline plays in the genre of newspaper reports. he conclusions are based on the analysis of headlines excerpted from British broadsheet newspapers. fleywords: direct forms of presentation; non-direct forms of presentation; narration; voice; genre; hard news report; newspaper headlines 1. ffntroduction he present paper is concerned with the function of reported language and narration in the headlines of newspaper reports. he approach to the genre follows the Sydney School, based on ideas from Systemic Functional ffiinguistics. Genre is de ned as a staged, goal-oriented social process (fflartin et al. 1Śř7; ffedema et al. 1ŚŚ4; fflartin and Rose 200ř). fft is goal-oriented since it ful ls a purpose; it is staged because in the process of achieving the desired goal participants rely on a number of steps, which, if missing, may render a text incomplete or result in failing to accomplish the goal; it is a social process since it involves a number of social factors, such as the author and audience (fflartin 1ŚŚ2, 502 3; ffedema et al. 1ŚŚ4, 76; fflartin and Rose 200ř, 6). he present paper pays atention to the initial stage in the generic structure of hard news, namely the headline, and the way reported language re ects and contributes to the role of the headline in the genre of hard news. As far as the system of reported language is concerned, the analysis draws on the categorization developed by ffieech and Short (1Śř1), Semino et al. (1ŚŚ7) and Semino and Short (2004). fft will be demonstrated that some forms of reported language (and narration) are, due to their syntactic and deictic properties, more suited than others for the intended function of headlines. 2. The Corpus he corpus consists of newspaper headlines (235 in total) excerpted from hard news reports (175 in total) published in fiuly and October 2010 and December 2011 in the main British broadsheets: he Daily Telegraph (50 reports, 57 headlines), he Guardian 114 From Theory to Practice 2012 (40 reports, 74 headlines), he Independent (40 reports, 52 headlines) and he Times (45 reports, 52 headlines). ffiooking at the number of headlines vis-à-vis the number of news reports, mostly there is only one headline in a news story; some cases involve the so-called double- or triple-decked headlines (see, e.g., Schneider 2000). Headlines accompanying other kinds of media texts were not included. 3. The Function of the Headline he function of the headline derives from the function of the hard news report. Apart from the criteria of time and urgency of dissemination, the hard news is de ned in terms of the events it describes and their social signi cance, such as accidents, con icts, crime but also discoveries or announcements (Tuchman 1Ś7ř, 51; Bell 1ŚŚ1, 14). fflore speci cally, its aim is to present an event that is newsworthy, mostly due to being actually or potentially damaging, aberrant, destabilizing, disruptive or breaching the status quo and social norms (White 1ŚŚ7, 104 6; White 1ŚŚř, 377). ffloreover, it purportedly presents information in an objective and impersonal manner, which is, among other factors, achieved by its generic structure (ffedema et al. 1ŚŚ4; White 1ŚŚř). he headline is said to provide a summary or abstract of the most important information and / or to atract the reader to the story while simultaneously abiding by space constraints (van Dijk 1Śřř; Bell 1ŚŚ1; Reah 1ŚŚř). From the point of view of genre, the headline represents an initial stage of the generic structure. As regards its role in achieving the intended purpose, it identi es and summarizes those aspects of the event selected as disruptive, threatening, etc. (ffedema et al. 1ŚŚ4; White 1ŚŚř). By selecting certain aspects of the reported event, the headline (and the report) helps to reinforce the established norms and values. hus it involves a social aspect as well. he process of selection, which not only focuses on some aspects and disregards others, establishes the overall angle from which the story is told and poses questions regarding the objectivity of the hard news report (e.g., White 2000). he angle in this sense is to be distinguished from the notion of perspective, de ned as the introduction of a subjective viewpoint that restricts the validity of the presented information to a particular person in the discourse (Sanders and Redeker 1ŚŚ3, 6Ś). As will be explained in the following section, reported language is one of the devices with the potential to establish point of view. Various forms of representation di er in the extent to which they re ect the perspective of the reported speaker and the reporting speaker, i.e., the journalist. he aim of this paper is to ascertain whether there are any tendencies regarding perspective or point of view in the headlines, especially in connection with whose perspective tends to be employed in the presentation of events identi ed as threatening to the established social norms. 4. Reported ffianguage and Narration he analysis of reported language is based on the classi cation proposed by ffieech and Short (1Śř1) and further modi ed by Semino et al. (1ŚŚ7) and Semino and Short (2004). hey view reported language as a scale containing direct and non-direct forms with Zuzana Urbanová 115 di erent degrees of directness of representation: at one pole, there are free direct and direct forms of representation, re ecting the point of view of the reported speaker; at the other end of the scale, there is narration, re ecting the point of view of the journalist. ffn between lie a number of forms with di erent degrees of directness of representation, such as free indirect discourse or indirect discourse.1 Analogous forms can be found on speech, writing and thought scales. Each form will be de ned and exempli ed later. One of the aspects used to distinguish forms of representation is the extent to which they adhere to the criterion of verbatim presentation. Free direct discourse and direct discourse are said to abide by the faithfulness claims to form, content and speech act value (Semino et al. 1ŚŚ7). hough this may but does not necessarily have to be the case (e.g., Sternberg 1Śř2; Short et al. 2002), this potential is related to the deictic and syntactic properties of the two forms. he reported clause is not syntactically subordinated to the reporting clause, which enables it to retain the deictic properties of the original situation as well as the subjectivity (perspective / point of view) of the reported speaker. Consequently, the reported element can also maintain the original structures and words used (Sternberg 1Śř2, 110; Vandelanote 200Ś). As the criteria of faithfulness claims, deictic and syntactic properties are identical to both free direct discourse (FDD) and direct discourse (DD), oten FDD and DD are not considered two separate categories but mere variants (Semino et al. 1ŚŚ7; Short 1Śřř). Nevertheless, in the present treatment the distinction between FDD and DD is maintained, and following ffieech and Short (1Śř1, 322), FDD is de ned as lacking quotation marks, reporting clause or both. ffn all examples, any stretch of direct reported discourse will be marked in bold. fff a headline contains more forms of reported language and / or narration, only the form under discussion will be underlined, as in (4) below; the absence of underlining means the whole stretch of discourse is relevant, as in examples (1) (3). (1) (2) (3) (4) Get a grip to avoid second Southern Cross I knew our silicone was inferior, says breast implant chief I’m here for British jobs Pakistanis irate over Pffl s exporting terror remark (Beckford, 2011) (Barrow, 2011) (Prince, 2010) (Grice, 2010) Examples (1) (3) are instances of free direct speech (FDS) since (1) lacks the reporting clause, (2) quotation marks, and (3) both. All three show the indisputable signals of expressivity / perspective of the original deictic situation, namely an imperative form in (1) and a rst person pronoun in (2) and (3). Example (4) is the only instance of direct speech (DS) found in the corpus. ffloreover, it is not a prototypical example of DS. As mentioned, in DD the reported element is not syntactically subordinated to the reporting element; in (4), however, the stretch in quotation marks pre-modi es the 1. he term reported discourse is used as an umbrella term to refer to reported speech, writing and thought; the term non-direct discourse is a subsuming label covering all forms of representation to the exclusion of pure direct forms, and is thus more general than, e.g., indirect discourse. 116 From Theory to Practice 2012 reporting signal (remark) and illustrates what Clark and Gerrig (1ŚŚ0, 7řŚ Ś0) refer to as embedded quotations, i.e., quotations the forms of which are irrelevant to the embedding context. he lack of formal constraints on the reported element, one of the characteristic properties of DD, is the main reason for viewing (4) as DD. All four examples were classi ed as speech events since there is no signal to the contrary, a strategy followed also in Semino and Short (2004). As mentioned, though Semino et al. (1ŚŚ7) de ne (F)DD in terms of the adherence to the three faithfulness claims, the expectations of and compliance with faithfulness claims in newspaper headlines may be to a great extent relaxed (Short 1Śřř, 67 6Ś). he relaxation of faithfulness claims must be interpreted in connection to the function of the headline. he e ect of drama and appeal is achieved by the retention of the original deictic centre and the reported speaker s point of view. Additionally, the headline aims to summarize, a goal which may not be achieved by the particularity of the direct quote, peculiar to a single reported language or thought event. However, by the relaxation of the faithfulness claims, instances of (F)DD can act as speech summaries, eye-catching versions of a macro-proposition representing a group of sentences in the anterior uterance in which the maxim of strikingness is given preference to the maxim of quality (Short 1Śřř, 75). For instance, the headline in example (1) could be considered a summarized warning against possible problems in social services and an urge for action in order to prevent care providers from going bankrupt as happened in the case of Southern Cross. ffn addition, the urgency of the situation is heightened by the use of the imperative mood, not employed in the (presumably more faithful) DS found in the body of the text and, as follows from the contextual speci cation, also stylistically less likely to appear in the original speech situation. Or, the headline in (3) relates to British Prime fflinister David Cameron s visit to ffndia, the purpose of which was business negotiations between ffndia and Britain. fft summarizes the purpose of the visit from the British perspective and, in terms of words and structures used, seems to originate with the journalist addressing the British audience but is veiled by the subjectivity of the reported speaker. ffn such cases, the journalist is not only the animator but also the author (Go man 1Śř1). Similarly, the DS in (4) gives the gist of the previous uterances rather than their exact reproduction. As no occurrences of free indirect discourse (FffD) were found, the discussion will proceed with indirect discourse. ffndirect discourse (ffD) di ers from (F)DD in that the reported clause is syntactically subordinated to the reporting clause; as a whole the structure is deictically single-centred since the deictic coordinates of the reported clause are derived from the reporting clause (Sternberg 1Śř2, 110; Vandelanote 200Ś). he syntactic and deictic properties nd re ection in the faithfulness claims, which apply only to content and speech act value (Semino et al. 1ŚŚ7). Generally, indirect discourse has a greater potential to summarize an event from the perspective or point of view of the reporting speaker, i.e., the journalist, and thus gives him / her more space to enforce a particular interpretation (Semino and Short 2004, 7ř; Smirnova 200Ś, ŚŚ). Zuzana Urbanová 117 ffn some cases, the indirectly reported content is partially quoted. Partial quotes generally foreground selected parts of the original uterance without having to provide a lengthy quotation and thus satisfy the need for vividness and brevity (Semino et al. 1ŚŚ7, 31). Oten, the words selected for a partial quote are those that are particularly apt, shocking, controversial or revealing (Semino and Short 2004, 154) and thus suitable for accentuating the disruption of the status quo. he following examples illustrate indirect speech combined with a partial quote (5, General says . . .), indirect writing (6, report nds . . .) and indirect thought (7, Detectives hope . . .). (5) (6) (7) General says Army nearly seized up with too many missions (fflcSmith, 2010) Regulator acts ater report nds users get only half expected speed on average (Warman, 2010) Detectives hope that victim s nephew and niece aged three and four can help catch her killers (Peachey, 2011) he narrative end of the continuum includes forms with a greater potential to summarize and limited adherence to faithfulness claims, both of which are a result of their formal properties. he narrator s representation of a discourse act (NRDA) is a form which does not report the content of the original event and speci es only the speech act value (Semino et al. 1ŚŚ7). he reported event in (ř) is interpreted as a demand and in (Ś) as a claim. (ř) (Ś) A demand every minute from our o cial snoopers Claims likely to deepen Tory anger at concession (Whitehead, 2010) (Wintour, 2010) However, there is a variant of NRDA which can report content, referred to as a narrator s representation of speech act with topic (NRDAp). fft di ers from ffD in that the form lacks a separate reporting and reported clause structure since content is reported in the form of a phrase. As well as ffD, NRDAp can be combined with a partial quote. (10) Taliban condemns murder of Shia worshippers (Boone and Shah, 2011) (11) Home Secretary announces end to ludicrous system of Asbos (fflorris, 2010) Example (10) is an instance of narrator s representation of speech act with topic reported in the form of a noun phrase (murder of Shia worshippers); in (11), also a NRDAp, the content is reported in a phrasal form a part of which is quoted directly (ludicrous). A phrase may present the content in a more compact or concise manner than a clause, e.g., by means of nominalizations as in (10) and (11), and thus imbue the content with the reporting speaker s interpretation and / or evaluation (Semino et al. 1ŚŚ7; Semino and Short 2004, 52 53, 73 77). Evaluation or interpretation can be 11ř From Theory to Practice 2012 also conveyed by the choice of the reporting verb or noun (demand, claim, condemn, announce) and the words selected for a partial direct quote (Weizman 1Śř4; Hunston 1ŚŚ5; Floyd 2000). hese factors are also relevant to ffD and ffD combined with a partial quote (say, nd, hope, seized up ). he forms of ffD with content reported in the form of a clause, NRDAp with content reported in the form of a phrase and NRDA with no topic also clearly illustrate the scalar nature of reported language. Adjacent to narration on the scale of reported language are minimal forms of representation: the so-called narrator s representation of voice (speech scale), the narrator s representation of writing (writing scale) and internal narration (thought scale) (Semino et al. 1ŚŚ7; Semino and Short 2004). hese forms only indicate that a speech, writing or thought event took place without any comment on the speech act value or content and are thus characterized by the absence of faithfulness claims. (12) US and flarzai make contact with key Afghan insurgents (Borger and Walsh, 2010) (13) Worried parents point students towards degree that enriches more than the mind (Woolcock, 2011) Example (12) is an instance of minimal speech report, the narrator s representation of voice; the reporting signal (make contact) notes a prior speech event without further speci cation. Example (13), internal narration, illustrates a minimal thought report, which speci es only the atitude of the source (worried parents) without noting any concrete thought. An example of internal narration (Tory anger) can be also found in (Ś). he last form to be discussed is narration, which e ectively lies o the scale of reported language. As shown in example (14), narration does not evoke any other voice, at least not in the form of reported language, and thus what is said is understood as having originated with the journalist. (14) Four killed as toxic sludge engulfs towns (ffieBor, 2010) However, even narration can appear with a partial quote (example 15); in this case the words in quotation marks are intertwined with the journalist s language with no explicit reporting signal of either the kind of language / thought event or its source. (15) Failings in rebuilt schools (Paton, 2010) Before the discussion of the frequency of occurrence of the individual forms of representation and narration, a note will be made on their co-occurrence. A comparison of the number of headlines (235) with the number of forms of reported language and narration (32ř), discussed in Table 1, shows that in some cases forms of reported Zuzana Urbanová 11Ś language and narration co-occur in one headline. ffn example (4), the Pffl s remark (direct speech) is described together with its consequence, Pakistan s negative reaction (irate, internal narration). Similarly in (Ś), the claim (narrator s representation of speech act) is mentioned in the context of Tory anger (internal narration). ffn (6), narration (regulator acts ater) co-occurs with indirect writing (report nds . . .), and in (13), narration (point students towards . . .) co-occurs with internal narration (worried parents). Notice that the co-occurring forms of reported language are mostly those which have a greater summarizing potential and are brief in form. Example (2) illustrates a di erent kind of co-occurrence in which forms are not placed alongside each other. ffnstead, one form of reported language is contained within another in the so-called embedding structures (Semino and Short 2004, 33 35). his notion of embedding is di erent from the concept of embedded quotes exempli ed in (4). ffn (2), the reported clause of FDS contains, i.e., embeds, an instance of a self-reported indirect thought (I knew . . .). he occurrence of narration and individual forms of reported language will be discussed in the following section. 5. Reported ffianguage and Narration in the Headline his section aims to explain the occurrence of narration and the individual forms of representation (32ř in total) in the corpus of 235 headlines (Hffis), summarized in Table 1. Vertically, the table lists forms reporting speech, writing and thought, narration and ambiguous forms of representation. Horizontally, it lists all the individual forms: (free) direct discourse (F)DD, indirect discourse (combined with a partial quote) ffD(-q), the narrator s representation of a speech act (with topic, possibly partially quoted) NRDA(p, -q), minimal forms of reports (fflffN), narration (combined with a partial quote) N(-q) and any kind of ambiguity (A). Table 1: Reported language and narration in the headline 235 Hffis Speech Writing hought Narration Ambiguity Total FDD 12 0 0 DD 1 0 0 ffD(-q) 20 1 5 NRDA(p, -q) 62 10 4 fflffN Ś 1 21 N(-q) A 130 12 1 26 76 31 130 52 52 Total 104 12 30 130 52 32ř he total of 32ř forms yielded 130 unambiguous narrative forms and 146 forms of reported language; the voice of the journalist and the voice of others are thus comparatively balanced. Also, 52 ambiguous forms included both reported language and narration. As for reported language, pure non-direct forms (24 ffD, 70 NRDA(p) and 31 minimal forms) outnumber their combined analogues (2 ffD-q and 6 NRDAp-q) as well as pure direct forms (12 FDD, 1 DD). Similarly, pure narration (107) is more frequent than narration with a partial quote (23). 120 From Theory to Practice 2012 As far as the speech, writing and thought distinction is concerned, speech (104) clearly predominates over both writing (12) and thought (30). he high frequency of speech reports in general may be underscored by the adopted analysis approach, in which a form was interpreted as speech unless there was an indication to the contrary, a strategy found also in Semino and Short (2004). ffn a headline, the context oten does not provide su cient clues to indicate that a form di erent than speech is reported. Also, only speech reports appear in pure direct and combined forms of representation. hought is by de nition an internal non-verbalized phenomenon not accessible to observation and thus impossible to report in direct form; in the context of newspaper reports, preference is given to non-direct forms, which have a less dramatic and arti cial connotation (ffieech and Short 1Śř1, 345; Semino and Short 2004, 11ř). Out of the 130 instances of narration, 107 are pure narration and 23 are narration combined with a partial quote. Narration, i.e., discourse originating with the reporter, is exible since there are no requirements on form: the headline may take the form of a sentence (example 14) or a phrase (example 15). fflore importantly, narrationbased headlines portray the disequilibrium entirely from the (deictic) perspective of the journalist. Since narration brings in no other voice to which the validity of the content would be restricted, it does not acknowledge the existence of alternative points of view; the content is presented as monoglossic, i.e., not open to negotiation and hence fact-like and taken for granted (fflartin and White 2005, ŚŚ 100). Where narration co-occurs with (non-)direct and combined forms, more points of view are naturally present. ffn N-q, no constraints are imposed by the form of the reporting signal; as the words selected for a partial quotation re ect the perspective of the unspeci ed source, the whole structure is a mixture or blend of di erent voices and respective points of view. Also, as will be demonstrated, due to the absence of the source of atribution and a lack of context, N-q is a frequent source of ambiguity. he second most frequent form is NRDA(p) with 70 occurrences and its variant with a partial quote, NRDAp-q, with 6 occurrences. he formal advantage of this form is that there is no separate reporting-reported clause structure, which enables the reporter to comply with space requirements. Considering the form from the point of view of its location on the continuum between FDD and narration, it is close to the narrative end of the scale, so the summary of the language / thought event the form o ers (with or without reporting the content) re ects to a large extent the perspective of the reporter. As with N-q, the variant with a partial quote is less frequent and results in a mixture of perspectives. Disregarding ambiguities, the minimal forms of representation are of the third highest occurrence (31). Especially important is the minimal representation of thought, internal narration (21), which reports a state of mind or emotion, mostly a negative reaction to a disruptive event (examples 4, Ś, 13). he remaining non-direct form, namely ffD (24) and ffD-q (2), is the least frequent, which is atributable to the presence Zuzana Urbanová 121 of separate reporting and reported clauses and a corresponding lower degree of summarizing potential.2 As for pure direct forms, FDD (12) predominates over DD (1). On the whole, (F)DD is the least frequently occurring category, which could be ascribed to the individual character of (F)DD, which may not square with the summative or selective function of the headline. Also, as pointed out by Short (1Śřř, 65 66), quality papers may wish to avoid making the impression of sensationalism evoked by the subjectivity of (F)DD. he relative proportion of FDD and DD in the headline is the opposite to their relative proportion in the body of the text. he higher frequency of FDD probably corresponds to the relaxation of faithfulness claims and the danger of libel, which may be avoided if the quotation marks, the source of atribution or both are omited (Short et al. 1ŚŚŚ). On the other hand, the expectations of faithfulness claims may be higher for DD and thus less compatible with the function of headlines. Also, due to the presence of reporting signal, DD is more demanding on space. hough FDD and DD may be functional equivalents in some genres or in some parts of the generic structure, the pragmatic di erence in the case of headlines shows that the distinction is justi able. hough, admitedly, ambiguities (52) are not a marginal phenomenon and to a great extent re ect the functions of the headline as a summarizing and atention-seeking device, they will not be dealt with here in detail. Example (16) illustrates one of the most frequently occurring kinds of ambiguity. (16) Health care at home by remote control (Smith, 2011) Example (16) reports on the introduction into patients homes of new monitoring devices, which transmit patient health information to medical sta . he indeterminacy lies in two possible sources of the words in quotation marks. Either they originate with an unspeci ed source and the form is an instance of narration with a partial quote, or they originate with the journalist and are used to approximate a complex technological issue to the audience via a concept with which they are all familiar, and the inappropriateness or inaccuracy of the expression used (remote control) is indicated by enclosing it in quotation marks, so-called scare quotes (e.g., Predelli 2003). he ambiguity is caused by the lack of context, which would clearly indicate whose voice speaks through the headline. 2. Due to the absence of subordination and a frequent lack of clear signals, some forms of representation with a nal reporting clause (17) were classi ed as ffD(-q) ambiguous with free (in)direct discourse (-q), which also lowered the occurrence of unambiguous ffD(-q). 122 From Theory to Practice 2012 6. Conclusion he function of the headline in hard news is to identify its point of social signi cance; the content of the headline is a result of the process of selection and / or summarization and sets an angle on the whole story. he structures used re ect and facilitate this process: narration and the forms of reported language which are structurally most exible and have a greater potential to summarize are of the highest incidence, namely the narrator s representation of discourse act (with topic) and minimal forms of representation. Consequently, they enable the reporter to portray an event concisely and weave in their point of view. ffn other words, those features of the story are highlighted that the reporter believes (his audience will perceive as) most disturbing and threatening to the established social norms. Over all, (free) direct and combined forms of representation are less frequent than non-direct forms and narration. fff they appear, combined forms are a useful tool of manipulation since the voice of others is interlaced with that of the journalist and subjected to the function of the reporting context. Due to the grammatical, semantic and pragmatic incorporation, these forms are particularly liable to slanted interpretation (Semino et al. 1ŚŚ7, 31). ffloreover, even in FDD, which supposedly retains the point of view of the reported speaker irrespective of the possible absence of their speci cation, faithfulness claims may be relaxed precisely to serve the purpose of the headline to add vividness and drama but establish the perspective and angle perceived as desirable. Additionally, though ambiguities were touched upon only marginally, the most common types are related to the indeterminacy or mingling of voices, which leads back to the issue of the perspective from which the story is presented. Works Cited Bell, Allan. 1ŚŚ1. he Language of News Media. Oxford: Blackwell. Clark, Herbert H., and Richard fi. Gerrig. 1ŚŚ0. uotations as Demonstrations. Language 66 (4): 764 ř05. Floyd, Alan. 2000. he Reporting Verbs and Bias in the Press. Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses 13: 43 52. Go man, Erving. 1Śř1. Forms of Talk. Philadelphia: Pennsylvania University Press. Hunston, Susan. 1ŚŚ5. A Corpus Study of Some English Verbs of Atribution. Functions of Language 2 (2): 133 5ř. ffedema, Rick, Susan Feez, and Peter White. 1ŚŚ4. Media Literacy. Sydney: Disadvantaged Schools Programme, NSW Department of School Education. ffieech, Geo rey N., and fflick H. Short. 1Śř1. Style in Fiction: A Linguistic Introduction to English Fictional Prose. ffiondon: ffiongman. fflartin, fiames R., Frances Christie, and fioan Rothery. 1Śř7. Social Processes in Education: A Reply to Sawyer and Watson and Others. ffn he Place of Genre in Learning: Current Debates, edited by ffan Reid, 35 45. Geelong: Deakin University Press. Zuzana Urbanová 123 fflartin, fiames R. 1ŚŚ2. English Text: System and Structure. Philadelphia: fiohn Benjamins. fflartin, fiames R., and David Rose. 200ř. Genre Relations: Mapping Culture. ffiondon: Equinox. fflartin, fiames R., and Peter R. R. White. 2005. he Language of Evaluation: Appraisal in English. Basingstoke: Palgrave fflacmillan. Predelli, Stefano. 2003. Scare uotes and heir Relation to Other Semantic ffssues. Linguistics and Philosophy 26 (1): 1 2ř. Reah, Danuta. 1ŚŚř. he Language of Newspapers. ffiondon: Routledge. Sanders, fiosé, and Gisela Redeker. 1ŚŚ3. ffiinguistic Perspective in Short News Stories. Poetics 22 (1 2): 6Ś ř7. Schneider, flristina 2000. he Emergence and Development of Headlines in English Newspapers. ffn English Media Texts Past and Present, edited by Friedrich Ungerer, 45 65. Amsterdam: fiohn Benjamins. Semino, Elena, fflick Short, and fionathan Culpeper. 1ŚŚ7. Using a Corpus to Test a fflodel of Speech and hought Presentation. Poetics 25 (1): 17 43. Semino, Elena, and fflick Short. 2004. Corpus Stylistics: Speech, Writing and hought Presentation in a Corpus of English Writing. ffiondon: Routledge. Short, fflichael. 1Śřř. Speech Presentation, the Novel and the Press. ffn he Taming of the Text: Explorations in Language, Literature and Culture, edited by Willie van Peer, 61 ř1. ffiondon: Routledge. Short, fflick, Elena Semino, and fflartin Wynne. 2002. Revisiting the Notion of Faithfulness in Discourse Presentation Using a Corpus Approach. Language and Literature 11 (4): 325 55. Short, fflick, fflartin Wynne, and Elena Semino. 1ŚŚŚ. Reading Reports: Discourse Presentation in a Corpus of Narratives, with Special Reference to News Reports. ffn English via Various Media, edited by Hans-fiürgen Diller, Erwin Oto, and Gert Stratmann, 3Ś 66. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter. Smirnova, Alla V. 200Ś. Reported Speech as an Element of Argumentative Newspaper Discourse. Discourse and Communication 3 (1): 7Ś 103. Sternberg, ffleir. 1Śř2. Point of View and the ffndirections of Direct Speech. Language and Style 15 (2): 67 117. Tuchman, Gaye. 1Ś7ř. Making News: A Study in the Construction of Reality. New York: Free Press. van Dijk, Teun A. 1Śřř. News as Discourse. Hillsdale: ffiawrence Earlbaum. Vandelanote, ffiieven. 200Ś. Speech and hought Representation in English: A Cognitive-Functional Approach. Berlin: fflouton de Gruyter. Weizman, Elda. 1Śř4. Some Register Characteristics of fiournalistic ffianguage: Are hey UniversalsŠ Applied Linguistics 5 (1): 3Ś 50. 124 From Theory to Practice 2012 White, Peter R. R. 1ŚŚ7. Death, Disruption and the ffloral Order: he Narrative ffmpulse in fflass-ffledia Hard News Reporting. ffn Genre and Institutions: Social Processes in the Workplace and School, edited by Frances Christie and fiames R. fflartin, 101 33. ffiondon: Continuum. White, Peter R. R. 1ŚŚř. Telling ffledia Tales: he News Story as Rhetoric. PhD diss., University of Sydney. White, Peter R. R. 2000. ffledia Objectivity and the Rhetoric of News Story Structure. ffn Discourse and Community: Doing Functional Linguistics, edited by Eija Ventola, 37Ś Ś7. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag. Corpus Barrow, fflartin. 2011. ff flnew our Silicone Was ffnferior, Says Breast ffmplant Chief. Times, December 2Ś. Beckford, fflartin. 2011. Get a Grip to Avoid Second Southern Cross. Daily Telegraph, December 6. Boone, fion, and Saeed Shah. 2011. Fears Afghanistan Facing Sectarian War as 55 flilled in Suicide Atack on flabul Shrine. Guardian, December 7. Borger, fiulian, and Declan Walsh. 2010. US and flarzai fflake Contact with fley Afghan ffnsurgents. Guardian, October 7. Grice, Andrew. 2010. Pakistanis ffrate over Pffl s Exporting Terror Remark. Independent, fiuly 2Ś. ffieBor, Adam. 2010. Four flilled as Toxic Sludge Engulfs Towns. Times, October 6. fflcSmith, Andy. 2010. General Says Army Nearly Seized Up with Too fflany fflissions. Independent, fiuly 2Ś. fflorris, Nigel. 2010. Home Secretary Announces End to ffiudicrous System of Asbos. Independent, fiuly 2Ś. Paton, Graeme. 2010. Failings in Rebuilt Schools. Daily Telegraph, October 6. Peachey, Paul. 2011. Children fflay Have Seen Babysiter s fflurder. Independent, December 2Ś. Prince, Rosa. 2010. ff m Here for British fiobs. Daily Telegraph, fiuly 2ř. Smith, Rebecca. 2011. Health Care at Home by Remote Control. Daily Telegraph, December 6. Warman, fflalt. 2010. Broadband Adverts fflust ffiist Average Not Top Speed. Daily Telegraph, fiuly 2ř. Whitehead, Tom. 2010. A Demand Every fflinute from our O cial Snoopers. Daily Telegraph, fiuly 2ř. Wintour, Patrick. 2010. Deal or Double DealŠ Clegg Accused of Blu ng Cameron to Win Guarantee on Voting Reform. Guardian, fiuly 2Ś. Woolcock, Nicola. 2011. Worried Parents Point Students towards Degree that Enriches fflore than the fflind. Times, December 2Ś. Heteroglossic ffntertextuality as a Discourse Strategy flatarína Nemčoková Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Faculty of Humanities, Department of English and American Studies, fflostní 513Ś, 760 01 Zlín, Czech Republic. Email: nemcokovašhs.utb.cz Abstract: Ad recipients have wide-ranging experiences of perceiving other texts. he discourse strategy of intertextuality is used in advertising when these experiences become the basis of perceiving ad messages. he presence of voices from other texts or text types in an advertising text marks intertextuality of a heteroglossic type. his article studies heteroglossic ads and their dialogic character. fft focuses on how dialogism in ads empowers the participants, adds interactivity, strengthens the involvement of the recipients and positions them in the role of co-authors. he voice of the producer or a symbolic representative of the product such as a well-known entertainment or sports celebrity, thinker or a politician helps build a relationship between the recipient and the product and thus creates an emotive and atitudinal layer of meaning via exploring the recipient s mental space. fleywords: advertising discourse; discourse strategy; intertextuality; voice; heteroglossia; mental space he phenomenon of intertextuality in advertising discourse can be detected in two basic forms: as a presence of other discourses in the ads or as a presence of voices. he rst one is referred to as multigeneric intertextuality; the later, which creates the focal point of this article, is labeled heteroglossic intertextuality (Chouliaraki and Fairclough 1ŚŚŚ; Gadavanij 2002; Nemčoková 2012). ffn the case of heteroglossic intertextuality, a presence of voices or an indication of participants presences that originally belonged to other discourses can be detected. ffn general, voice is de ned as an indication of who the participants of the discourse are and what identity they assume (Gadavanij 2002, 4ř3). According to Bakhtin (1Śř1, 434), the voice is the speaking personality, the speaking consciousness. Applied to the discourse of advertisements, it is reported speech, reported thought or a participant s use of a foreign language that may indicate another presence (apart from the ultimate message sender). Such an occurrence can be understood as instances of multi-voice, or heteroglossic intertextuality. he following 2005 Armani perfume ad illustrates the presence of another voice: Subtle and sensual, a fragrance should be an aura that surrounds us. Giorgio Armani. Black Code. Armani Black Code the new fragrance for men GffORGffO ARfflANff (VF10). ffn many printed ads, the presence of another voice is introduced through an illustration and/or through the text. ffn this speci c ad, Giorgio Armani is present only as the speaking voice. His quoted words and his name given underneath are set within the rest of the advertising text and thus constitute its heteroglossic character. 126 From Theory to Practice 2012 1. Heteroglossia, Dialogism and fflental Space Heteroglossia (multi-voiced character) is that which insures the primacy of context over text (Bakhtin 1Śř1, 42ř) and thus illustrates the basic feature of intertextuality the dependence of textual meaning on context (Nemčoková 2012). As a result, the meaning of a text is interactive, dependent on conditions in which it is utered. Dialogism is a related term, understood as a constant interaction between meanings, all of which have the potential of conditioning the others (Bakhtin 1Śř1, 426). When an ad features explicit or implicit dialog between the voices in the discourse or between the participants of the communication (the sender and the recipient), it is considered to be dialogic. his enhances the involvement of the recipients, their incorporation in the process of meaning creation, and possibly social proximity, friendly atitude and intimacy. Simultaneously, dialogism (and heteroglossic intertextuality as its discourse representation) is a powerful tool for exploring a recipient s mental space (c.f., Fauconnier 1ŚŚ4; ffiako 1ŚŚ0; Geeraerts and Cyuckens 2007; Nemčoková 2011; Nemčoková 2012). fft enhances creating an emotive response to an ad by allowing recipients to ll the mental space with their own associations and experiences of the dialogic discourses, which represent the most natural form of communication. Dialogues imply mutuality, personal atitude, interaction, belonging and possibility of in uence over others. For advertisers, these are valuable features that allow recipients to create a positive atitude towards the ad message. Heteroglossic ads of a dialogic character empower the participants, add interactivity, strengthen the involvement of the recipients and position them in the role of co-authors. 2. Voices in Ads he sender as an inherent participant of the communication may assume multiple identities. Due to this, the message may be delivered by many voices. Who the sender is creates an essential part of the recipient s interpretation. A producer, a product, a user of the product or a symbolic representative may all assume the roles of message senders. Ads are a well-established genre, and the recipients naturally recognize that a sender with a persuasive intention is behind any commercial message. his suggests an impersonal unidenti ed sender who may even pretend not to be there is implied as a voice. his kind of sender is viewed oten as an abstract persona, an inherent voice. When other voices except for the inherent one appear and deliver parts of the message, heteroglossic intertextuality is inferred. Cook (2001, 21Ś) concludes that ads are prototypically heteroglossic, yet one voice tends to dominate. he reason for dominance is the reluctance of the advertiser to leave too much space for the recipient to come with his/her own judgment (Cook 2001, 1Ś3). ffn the corpus of over four hundred product printed ads from American magazines, seventeen were identi ed as clearly heteroglossic. Within these, two distinct groups are identi ed: the rst one (seven instances) contains a voice of the producer talking flatarína Nemčoková 127 about the product or bene ts of its use; the second group (nine instances) features a symbolic representative of the product, a personality who embodies the unique selling proposition. One ad contains a rst-person voice of a recipient using the product. he two mentioned groups are considerably di erent in many aspects and seem to be quite homogeneous in their employment of voices. 2.1 The Voice of a Producer All seven ads in this category feature the voice of the producer, or a person whose name appears as a part of the product name. Such a person speaking does not necessarily have to be the manufacturer; however, their name functions as a signature, a personal guarantee of quality. he producer s voice is made distinct and clear by being placed in quotation marks and/or occupying a prominent headline position in all the ad texts. he speaker is identi ed by name immediately ater the quote in four cases, as seen in examples (1) and (3). ffn other cases, the name of the speaker is inserted at the end of the body copy, in a usual position for a closing signature line, as shown in example (2). Both the rst name and surname are given in all cases; this creates a signi cant part of the identity of the product. (1) Room ater room ater room a Dyson doesn t lose suction James Dyson. here s a fundamental problem with vacuum cleaners: they start losing suction ater just a few rooms. Our unique patented system is di erent. It separates dirt from the air at incredibly high speeds, so a Dyson never loses suction no mater how much you vacuum. Visit dyson.com or call- XXX Dyson. (VF10) (2) Be faithful to your spouse – Play around with your salad. Paul Newman. If you re particularly faithful to just one of my delicious all-natural salad dressings, why not loosen up and try something di erent? Perhaps avors seasoned with fresh-from-the-garden herbs & spices could persuade you. Just one ing with these tempting alternatives will make you glad you stayed. Newman s Own. Paul Newman and the Newman s Own Foundation donate all pro ts to charities. Over $200 million has been given to thousands of charities since 1982. (P6) (3) Oh, I wish . . . this bite could last forever. Deli shaved ham. For thinly sliced, deli fresh taste, you can count on Oscar. Oscar Mayer Shaved Virginia Brand Ham. New! (P5) All the examples present a producer speaking in a direct way. he recipient is explicitly addressed by an imperative and a pronoun ( your ) only in (2); nevertheless, the other personal messages are implicitly directed towards the ad recipient. he dialogic character of heteroglossic ads is highlighted. Each personalized message in these examples addresses the recipients in its own unique way. A positive response is intended in each case, yet the means di er. (1) shows an overt statement of product quality with no verbal frills, no hidden meaning and limited possibilities of verbal misleading. Here, the identi ed producer clearly states the major advantage of the product (a vacuum cleaner) and leaves further speci cation of 12ř From Theory to Practice 2012 the technical details to the unidenti ed voice, possibly a specialist from the company, a designer or an engineer. By placing the identi ed voice separately from the anonymous one, a corporate hierarchy is suggested. he producing company is seen as organized and well managed, with the boss standing behind the proud team. his suggests the mechanical products they make are well-designed and have high utility value. Vacuum cleaners are bought for their functionality; verbal decorations or evoking rich imagery could here be counterproductive. he two other examples promote food products. (2) is a Paul Newman (actor-turnedbusinessman) message that is intertextual at more levels. Not only is it the producer addressing the recipients directly with imperatives in the headline suggesting the way to use the product, it is also a reference to a shared cultural knowledge of Paul Newman s private life as a devoted husband of 50 years. he two layers overlap: if Newman is known for being a faithful and devoted family man in the least favorable environment the lm industry, such qualities are transferred to him as a producer hard-working, devoted and caring. Newman s own words in the address combine family life and product promotion in a playful, humorous way. Such associations are desired elements when mental space is created and processed. Humor in ltrates the message through a pun: play around can be understood as have fun, goof around, have a fun time (with the product) and have an extra-marital a air (connected to a previously-mentioned spouse). his opposition is expanded upon later through several other ambiguous expressions ( loosen up, one ing ). he mental space can be lled by developing an internalized personal relationship with the producer; other positive elements may be the playful decoding of gures of speech, the shared knowledge and informal jargonized product description. A simpler message is found in (3). he recipient is not addressed directly; the headline gives an impression of being unintentionally overheard praise of a tasty product. he sender of the message is familiarly identi ed as Oscar ( you can count on Oscar ), and later the full name of Oscar fflayer is given. fflost American recipients recognize this as the name of a famous meat-production company (originally established by Oscar fflayer in the nineteenth century). Oscar as a person cannot be expected to have utered this. However, the company previously invested into building their name through personi cation. ffn the 1Ś70s, their TV commercial said: ffly bologna has a rst name. fft s O.S.C.A.R. ffly bologna has a second name. fft s ffl.A.Y.E.R.! (Harrington 200Ś). he personi cation of the company is vividly achieved (and reminded) in the ad. he founder s name is used to personalize the message sharing how it feels to enjoy the product. All the ads in this category explore the voice of the producer to help build a relationship between the recipient and the product and thus ll the mental space. hrough the speaking voice, a machine is directly portrayed as being well-designed and functional; food products are promoted indirectly, by gures of speech, implying their positive atributes and the personal emotional involvement of the producer. Four ads in this category promote low-involvement food products. hree promote a vacuum flatarína Nemčoková 12Ś cleaner, wine and a luxurious cosmetic product. he speaking persons are taken as specialists who not only know but who also personally care. fff publicly known, their complex personalities may contribute to the overall mental space processing. 2.2 The Voice of a Symbolic Representative he situation is considerably di erent when the speaking voice is of a well-known personality, usually a celebrity, who does not have any direct relationship with the product except for symbolizing and representing it in an abstract, metaphorical way. he total number of ads in this category is nine, which is similar to the previous one. However, the distribution and discourse di er. Only two ads promote low-involvement daily cosmetics and a food product. All the others promote high-involvement luxury goods watches and perfumes. his suggests an overwhelming preference of a voice as a symbol to promote high-end products. he following cases illustrate this group. (4) Dior Christal Special Edition Chronograph. 488 diamonds, black sapphire crystal. Always make time for an adventure. Sharon Stone (VF3) (5) I live for the moments like this. Pleasures Estee Lauder (featuring a full-page photo of Gwyneth Paltrow) (VFŚ) (6) Covergirl. Plump em don t clump em. New Volume Exact Mascara Brilliant new brush with microchambers plumps each litle lash without clumping for volume a whole new way. Go brush to brush and compare. Clumps on the brush could end up you-know-where! (photos) Volume Exact Brush Ordinary brush Find ueen Latifah s look at covergirl.com easy breazy beautiful COVERGIRL (Ofl1) Ads in this sub-group have a rather short body copy (compared to the ads in the subgroup featuring the voice of the producer). he ad messages give very few, if any, details of the products. fflostly the name of the product and a voice s statement comprise the whole text. Both (4) and (5) are typical instances of symbolic representatives promoting a product. ffn none of the ads does the voice mention the product itself, nor do the celebrities verbally imply its usage. he associations with the speaking voice, or with what the voice says, ll the mental space. fff direct speech or a direct thought appear, placement tends to be towards the end of the body copy. he full name of the celebrity is usually given in rather small print. A large photo of a famous face takes over the role of the name. ffn one case, which is listed here as example (5), no name is given at all. ffnstead, a photograph of Gwyneth Paltrow, a household name and face, fully takes over the function of a symbol. fft may be assumed that names and signatures are less relevant, since they are viewed as a documentary con rmation of product guarantee. Here, the symbolic voices do not guarantee anything; they do not represent the quality or usefulness of the product. hey ful ll their function as symbols, sharing qualities with the products in an abstract way. his can be con rmed by one ad promoting a product via the voice of an imaginary celebrity fiames Bond. he recipient s interest in the product is evoked and justi ed 130 From Theory to Practice 2012 by the beauty and high social status of the lm stars or characters. he product quality can be inferred and placed in the mental space in a very indirect manner, through the metaphorical transfer of the person s features to the product, with possibly no rational processing. he statements of the voices are equally abstract, making sense only guratively, mostly through metaphorically relating the speaking voice to the inherent sender s voice. When Sharon Stone in (4) says Always make time for an adventure , she does not claim explicitly that there is a positive correlation between wearing a Dior watch and experiencing an adventure. She, her voice and her words all function as a cue and ll the mental space as a symbolic representation of the product. fft is the inherent sender s persona who puts the actress and the watch in a relationship. ffn these ads it is mostly a visual link, showing a photograph of the famous person wearing the product (if it is tangible, such as a wrist watch) or seemingly wearing the product (if it is a perfume). he two ads in this category that promote low-involvement products share most characteristics with ads in the former sub-group, featuring the voice of a producer. he body copy in these ads is similarly long, and the voice gives details of the product or its use. However, the promoting celebrities do not come across as developers, producers or company owners; they function as recommenders. ffn (6), a famous, black, musicianturned-actress, ueen ffiatifah, talks extensively about Covergirl mascara as a solution for unpleasant situations arising from using other mascaras. Content-wise, rational processing by the recipient is expected. However, emotional value is added by the fame of the personality, her reputation and high social status, which may ll the recipient s mental space. To link the product with ueen ffiatifah in a more emotive way, one part of the message ( Plump em don t clump em ) is delivered in an imitation of a rapper s rhythmical voice. Covergirl is a product range aimed at teenagers and younger women and so the informality of ueen ffiatifah s language ( Clumps on the brush could end up you-know-where ) is an intended choice aimed at evoking a closer relationship between the normally unreachable celebrity and the ad recipients. By imitating language she might use with real friends, real people in real situations, her recommendation sounds realistic and trustworthy. his conforms to the reason strategy, while the relationship created between ueen ffiatifah and the recipients enhances the emotive processing. 2.3 Foreign Voice From the marketing point of view, the use of foreign language in ads may function as pertaining to the larger marketing strategy (fluppens 200Ś, 116), as when fflcDonald s used their English slogan ff m loving it all over the world. fft may also be used to evoke stereotyped cultural connotations, as when Volkswagen advertised their cars worldwide with the slogan Das Auto , adding the symbolic value of precision, technological advancement and uncompromising atitude that is stereotypical of Germans. Communicative value is subdued in favor of symbolic value; the foreign language may function as a language fetish (flelly-Holmes 2000). flatarína Nemčoková 131 Use of foreign language as a discourse strategy can be seen as a special case of heteroglossic intertextuality. he inherent voice is expected to be using the language that most probably ensures successful communication; here it is English. When English is replaced with a foreign language, a di erent voice seems to be addressing recipients. Switching codes can also be seen as an analogy to switching registers in multigeneric intertextuality. (7) Lacoste. Un peu d air sur terre. (VF2, VFř)1 he French in (7) undoubtedly con rms fluppens s reasons of pertaining to the uni ed marketing strategy of the ffiacoste Company and for adding the French connotations (such as creativity, elegance, stylishness) to the mental space. fflemories of visiting the country or encountering French culture can be recalled. ffn this speci c case, fluppens s creative-linguistic reasons (200Ś, 116) apply as well because the French slogan is rhyming for those who can pronounce French correctly. By spoting such an earpleasing detail, the recipients not only feel positive about the phonetic delight but their self-con dence is enhanced through mastering a foreign language, an asset of huge value in today s Western world. he changed language code has the capacity to switch contexts and enhance the emotional value of the product through evoking new situations in the mental space. hat makes (7) functionally intertextual. ffntertextuality here is based on the recipient s expectations: the inherent ad sender is expected to speak English; the French speaker appears to be another voice. A voice speaking a di erent language may temper the direct appeal for obtaining the product. Direct appeals are rather infrequent in the category of high-involvement products. Sotening its imperative power, a voice using a non-existent, invented foreign language is detected in the following ad: (ř) My I deserve it gold bracelet. here s one language everyone understands. Charms from the Bags and BelShoes collections in 14K gold and enamel. Rosato HSN Speak Gold (VFŚ) he speaking voice in the headline says ff deserve it in an asyntactic manner. he special position of the phrase and its placement within quotation marks make it stand out from the rest of the text. he inherent voice urges recipients through an imperative slogan to speak gold and thus indirectly explains the special meaning of the premodifying ff deserve it phrase: it was said in a di erent code, a foreign language the Gold language. What seemed to have been said in English comes across as a (precious) foreign language the recipient is encouraged to adopt and use. hus, a direct imperative encourages the recipient to obtain the product in a paradoxically indirect manner. 2.4 Breaking the Rules As Cook points out, advertising is a restless discourse since ads are a uctuating and unstable mixture of the voices around them (2001, 222). Even though the advertising 1. English translation: ffiacoste. A bit of air on Earth. 132 From Theory to Practice 2012 genre changes fast, some principles are valid in the long term. One such principle governs intertextuality: it is a functional and e ective strategy when the original text is recognized, and so its meaning can ll the recipient s mental space and thus in uence the interpretation of the present discourse. However, with the advertising practices becoming well-established, the rules are challenged even if they go against logic. Risking the rejection of recipients is balanced by the possibility of introducing a ground-breaking concept; it is a part of the enormously competitive creative process. ffntertextuality with the identity of the voice or genre intentionally veiled seems to be breaking one of the major principles of its use. A fiaguar advertising campaign is a unique example of such an occurrence in the corpus. (Ś) Jaguar. Gorgeous trumps everything. Jaguar. Gorgeous doesn t care what others are doing. Jaguar. Gorgeous gets in everywhere. (VFŚ) (10) Jaguar. Where did Gorgeous go? Prefergorgeous.com (VF10) he Gorgeous ads feature blurred grayish photos of an actively-moving female that is most probably very beautiful when seen in focus. However, the uncertainty and suspicion is always there. he mental space of the recipients seems to be outlined, but they are let in doubts about what to ll in. he same is achieved through statements about the Gorgeous character. She trumps everything and gets everywhere . She is suggested to have disappeared with the Where did she goŠ question. All of these expressions build her uniquely strong, seemingly omnipotent position, yet this position is never clari ed. he recipient is let guessing who she is and what she does. he suspense over her identity is strengthened by the fact that she is an obvious presence in the ads, seen and talked about, yet never says a word herself. Her identi er, Gorgeous, is the only verbal cue of her qualities. his ad campaign was, indeed, designed to present the fiaguar as a fashion icon, a car for gray eminences , for those who are not seen and heard but who set trends and hold the power. he Gorgeous campaign was presented as one for fashionistas, which is a non-gendered term used to describe people who do not follow trends in their life styles; they set them and live by them and others . . . may emulate (Bernstein 2007). he uncertainty and suspicion evoke curiosity and build an image of the highest and most desirable social role. he campaign is praised by some and loathed by others, but as a unique example it has been talked and writen about since its launch in 2005. Regardless of recipients tastes and the e ectiveness of the campaign, fiaguar saw an improvement in business in the later half of the decade. he role of purposefully-veiled intertextuality made the product (and the advertising agency) prominent, striking and noticeably di erent in the advertising over ow. 3. Concluding Remarks Exploring mental space is a cognitive tool, due to which recipients become co-authors of the message. Heteroglossic ads allow for recipients mental space exploration flatarína Nemčoková 133 by implying dialogism, interaction and the personal involvement of the recipient. he mental space is lled with personal constructs derived from interaction and communication with the message sender. When the speaking voice is the producer of the promoted goods, the authority, mastership and personal responsibility of the sender is mapped onto the mental space. his enhances reason strategy, which is mostly used for promoting low-involvement products. When the speaking voice is the symbolic representative, an abstract metaphorical processing occurs of mapping the qualities of the representative or their implicit message onto the product. his pertains to the tickle (emotion-enhancing) strategy and is mostly used for promoting highinvolvement products. A similar mapping of abstract features onto the mental space occurs in the case of the inherent voice speaking a foreign language. ffn such a case, it is the associations elicited by the foreign language that ll the mental space. he novel approach seems to be the intentional veiling of the identity of the intertextual voice, thus creating curiosity, mystery and the exclusivity of the voice and the product. Works Cited Bakhtin, fflikhail fflichailovich. 1Śř1. he Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays by M. M. Bakhtin. Edited by fflichael Holquist. Translated by Caryl Emerson and fflichael Holquist. Austin: University of Texas. Bernstein, fflarty. 2007. ffs fiaguar s Gorgeous Campaign WorkingŠ BusinessWeek, fflarch 21, 2007. htp://www.businessweek.com/autos/content/mar2007/bw20070320_0ř75ř0.htm. Chouliaraki, ffiilie, and Norman Fairclough. 1ŚŚŚ. Discourse in Late Modernity: Rethinking Critical Discourse Analysis. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Cook, Guy. 2001. he Discourse of Advertising. ffiondon: Routledge. Fauconnier, Gilles. 1ŚŚ4. Mental Spaces: Aspects of Meaning Construction in Natural Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gadavanij, Savitri. 2002. ffntertextuality as Discourse Strategy: he Case of No-Con dence Debates in hailand. ffn Leeds Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics Ś, edited by Diane Nelson, 35 55. ffieeds: University of ffieeds. Geeraerts, Dirk, and Hubert Cuyckens, eds. 2007. he Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Harrington, Brooke. 200Ś. ffly Bologna, fflyself. he Society Pages: Economic Society. February 25. htp://thesocietypages.org/economicsociology/tag/my-bologna-has-a- rst-name/. flelly-Holmes, Helen. 2000. Bier, Parfum, flaas: ffianguage Fetish in European Advertising. European Journal of Cultural Studies 3 (1): 67 ř2. fluppens, An H. 200Ś. English in Advertising: Generic ffntertextuality in a Globalizing ffledia Environment. Applied Linguistics 31 (1): 115 35. ffiako , George. 1ŚŚ0. Women, Fire and Dangerous hings: What Categories Reveal about the Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 134 From Theory to Practice 2012 Nemčoková, flatarína. 2011. Storytelling as a Discourse Strategy in Printed Advertising. ffn heories and Practice: Proceedings of the Second International Conference on English and American Studies, September 7–8, 2010, edited by Roman Tru ník, flatarína Nemčoková, and Gregory fiason Bell, 111 20. Zlín: Univerzita Tomá e Bati ve Zlíně. Nemčoková, flatarína. 2012. Discourse Strategies of Storytelling, ffntertextuality and ffletaphor in American Printed Advertising. PhD diss., fflasarykova univerzita, Brno. Corpus OK! fflarch 12, 2007. [Ofl1] People. fiuly 10, 2006. [P6] People. fiuly 17, 2006. [P5] Vanity Fair. October 2005. [VF10] Vanity Fair. November 2005. [VFŚ] Vanity Fair. September 2006. [VFř] Vanity Fair. fiune 2007. [VF3] Vanity Fair. September 2007. [VF2] The ffnterplay of Text and ffmage in Comics: A ffiinguistic ffnterpretation of Will Eisner s A Contract with God Petr Vinklárek Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Faculty of Humanities, Department of English and American Studies, fflostní 513Ś, 760 01 Zlín, Czech Republic. Email: vinklarekšhs.utb.cz Abstract: Comics was long regarded as a marginal literary genre and was generally shunned by scholars. Recently, this point of view has started to shit and a new eld has emerged: comics studies. Comics is analyzed from multiple perspectives, and works published on the subject appear mainly in conference proceedings, journals, etc. While linguistics o ers many possible tools to analyze the genre, linguists generally seem disinterested. Comics should be given credit for what it is the interplay of text and image where intertextuality plays a signi cant role. his paper, which analyzes Will Eisner s 1Ś7ř graphic novel, A Contract with God and Other Tenement Stories, focuses on the interplay of text and image in comics and shows that intertextuality helps decode the meanings hidden even in seemingly simple units formed of text and image. fleywords: intertextuality; interplay; text; image; comics; panel; Will Eisner 1. ffntroduction Comics was long regarded as a marginal literary genre, which literary critics and linguists tended to avoid altogether. Only recently has the point of view started to shit, and a new eld of study has emerged: comicsology as a new interdisciplinary eld. Comics is analyzed from di erent points of views, from literature through sociology to the aforementioned new eld. Serious study of comics was started by Will Eisner and his book Comics as Sequential Art (1Śř5); relevant research of comics can be found in hierry Groensteen (2007) and fieet Heer and flent Worcester (200Ś). On the other hand, linguists seem to care litle, and this despite the fact that the broad scope of linguistics might lend itself to the successful analysis of the genre. Comics should be given credit for what it is the cooperation between text and image in a narrative discourse. his article thus atempts to bring a linguist s perspective into the analysis of comics. his paper focuses on the interplay of text and image in comics from the point of view of intertextuality. he aim of this paper is to analyze the depth of interplay between text and image in chosen comic book panels through intertextuality based on several examples taken from Eisner ([1Ś7ř] 2000) and one example from Eisner (1Śř5). Based on the evidence, this article identi es di erences in the role of intertextuality between various comic book panels. 2. Text and ffmage, ffntertextuality in Comics Comics is generally accepted as a distinctive literary art form in which text and image meet and create meaning. Will Eisner understands and examines comics as an art 136 From Theory to Practice 2012 and literary form that deals with the arrangement of pictures or images and words to narrate a story or dramatize an idea and introduces the term sequential art (1Śř5, 5). Scot fflcCloud s de nition does not deviate from Eisner s much; he takes comics as juxtaposed pictorial and other images in deliberate sequence intended to convey information and / or to produce an aesthetic response in the viewer (1ŚŚ4, Ś). He also explains that considering leters as images is an inseparable part of the de nition (fflcCloud 1ŚŚ4, ř). his notion, in principle, means that leters, in their very nature and visual depiction, are images. his point is demonstrated later as part of the analysis. Eisner introduces the idea that reading comics is more than the usual kind of reading where readers follow a text. For him, comics is read from several perspectives as it consists of texts and images (Eisner 1Śř5, 7). Apart from this, he also claims that readers are thus required to exercise both verbal and interpretative skills because in comics the regimens of art (e.g., perspective, symmetry, brush stroke) and the regimens of literature (e.g., grammar, plot, syntax) become superimposed upon each other (Eisner 1Śř5, ř). Furthermore, the reading of comics is an act of both aesthetic perception and intellectual pursuit (Eisner 1Śř5, ř). Eisner also assumes that readers are supposed by authors to possess certain general knowledge: visual, textual, cultural, literary, etc. ffiikewise, the knowledge has to be possessed by the author, otherwise the idea or meaning cannot be transmited. As this overview suggests, Eisner s de nition evolved, intentionally or not, from de Saussure s view of semiotics, especially of the sign, and can be furthermore supported by works of other scholars and linguists, e.g., Roland Barthes (1Ś77), Scot fflcCloud (1ŚŚ4), Umberto Eco (1Ś76), or fflichael Halliday and Ruqaiya Hasan (1Śř5). Halliday and Hasan, in their book Language, Context and Text, rede ne de Saussure s view of the sign because, as they claim, de Saussure s conception of the sign tended to remain rather an atomistic concept (1Śř5, 3). hey aimed to change the focus from an atomistic concept to larger units, to meanings, systems of meanings, and the relationships between them (Halliday and Hasan 1Śř5, 4). he rede nition is crucial for any analysis of comics on all levels, as it includes all cultural systems of meanings. A culture is constituted not only by a language or languages, but also by images, history, art, literature writen not only in the respective country, etc. fiohn Paul ffiederach claims that culture is the shared knowledge and schemes created by a set of people for perceiving, interpreting, expressing, and responding to the social realities around them (1ŚŚ5, Ś). herefore, meaning and culture are closely connected. ffleaning in comics is primarily created through text and image; other elements contributing to the nal conveyed message are the seven standards of textuality as described by Robert-Alain de Beaugrande and Wolfgang U. Dressler in Introduction to Text Linguistics. he standards are cohesion, coherence, intentionality, acceptability, informativity, situationality, and intertextuality. he most relevant to this study of the standards is intertextuality, which is the ways in which the production and reception of a given text depend upon the participants knowledge of other texts (de Beaugrande and Dressler 1Śř1, 1ř2). his de nition, however, focuses strictly on text and is missing Petr Vinklárek 137 a certain important element. ffntertextuality in comics does not consider only other texts as relevant sources of information but should be understood in much broader sense to include also cultural elements such as those suggested by the de nition of culture by ffiederach (1ŚŚ5, Ś). fiulia flristeva de nes intertextuality more broadly and distinguishes two major types: the horizontal and vertical axes. he horizontal, in her opinion, connects the author and the reader of a text, which means that the author and the reader share a certain amount of knowledge (literary, cultural, emotional, etc.). On the vertical axis, she basically means the connection of a text to other texts (flristeva 1Śř0, 6Ś). An atempt at de nition or at least a description of the interplay of text and image then has to be understood as the combination and interaction of all the previously de ned. ffntertextuality in comics can then be understood as production and reception of a text based on its connection to other texts or images with regard to cultural phenomena and the relationship of the author and the reader, i.e., mutual relationships between parts of one panel, namely leters, images and text in text bubbles. ffntertextuality is a popular concept and has been used to analyze various types of discourses, ranging from television shows and lms (flinder 1ŚŚ3) to advertising (Nemčoková 2012). Roman Tru ník (2013), for example, shows how intertextuality is used to de ne the seting of novels, characterize their protagonists, and ght or endorse other texts in the context of young adult literature. his paper demonstrates how the concept of intertextuality can be used to explain the interplay of text and images in comics. he examples are taken from Will Eisner s classic A Contract with God (1Ś7ř) and Comics and Sequential Art (1Śř5).1 A Contract with God tells the story of Frimme Hersh, who carves a contract between God and himself on a stone tablet. Hersh considers the contract broken when his daughter dies but later on renews it.2 3. ffntertextuality in a Comics Book Title Comics, be it a graphic novel, comic strip or action comics starts the narrative with a title. ffn example (A) (Eisner 2000, 7/1) is the title of the short story A Contract with God writen by Will Eisner. his panel consists of two inseparable parts, the image, which might be overlooked at rst as it seemingly does not provide any important information, and the text. As for the text, two di erent font styles are used, providing readers with initial yet unclear information. To re ect the themes of the graphic novel consisting of four loosely-connected short stories life, death, faith, and religion the author uses both Roman and Hebrew font styles. While the Roman font is used for A Contract with, the Hebrew font is used to emphasize the word God. he importance of the Roman font type is rather low, 1. As the analyses of examples included in this article are complex, it is necessary to explain how each example is referred to. he rst, capital leter refers to the analyzed comics panel, the following number refers to the analyzed part: 1 for text, 2 for image. he last part, a small leter, signals that the textual part is divided into two smaller parts. 2. For a literary analysis of the work, see Weiss (2011). Also, for a wider literary context, see Weiss (2012). 13ř From Theory to Practice 2012 as Christianity has litle signi cance in the stories. Seemingly, its only function is to serve as a contrastive element that helps accentuate the importance of the other font type. he Hebrew font type can be considered critical because the short-story concerns a man who writes his own contract between himself and God. he text or wording of the contract is not mentioned. However, as the story develops, it is, in the opinion of the main character, broken by God and, later in the story, renewed. he image, i.e., the background of the text, is as important as the title. fft is a picture of a tablet. As noted, both the author and the reader have to possess the same knowledge. ffn the case of A Contract with God, a reference to the Bible is presumed, in this case the Ten Commandments. Generally speaking, the commandments are a contract between the fiudeo-Christian God and the followers of that god. Eisner s work is not the only one making title references to the stories; many comic book titles use references when possible, e.g., Superman: True Brit (2006) (the S is Superman s key signature leter), Sláine (re ecting Celtic art), Batman: he Dark Knight Returns (1ŚŚ6) (as the Batman comic book titles usually involve a bat-like image). his illustrates that a title is used as a part of the comics genre in the process of story-telling. Returning to the interplay of text and image, example (A) provides the reader with more than just a simple title; it provides complete information going beyond the text and image and proves that intertextuality is an important feature. ffn other words, experienced readers are supposed to realize the reference to the Bible and the commandments through the combination of the font type, the text background in the form of a tablet, and their own general knowledge. he inseparability of text and image can be seen in two further examples, (B) and (C). ffn (B) (Eisner 2000, 30/1), there may seem to be four panels but there are actually only two. Only the rst one is analyzed. fft contains a dialogue between the main character and, supposedly, God. A storm is raging outside. he panel (B) in its rst part (B1) features the main character standing at a window shouting: ff ask you . . . Were the terms not clearly writen (B1a). he second panel (B2) contains the actual window with lightning outside. he text itself can be neglected at this point as the most important message is the main character s communication with God, i.e., the main character is shouting out of the window, to which God replies with lighting). he lightning s meaning in (B2), be it positive or negative, can be set aside because it is important only as an element of wordless communication. Text and image in (B) cannot stand alone. hey complement each other even more closely than in example (A). (B1) can be perceived as a serious question, (B2) as an answer because in communication, there usually have to be two participants. Also, (B1) would have a di erent meaning without (B2), as the character might appear to be shouting out of the window without any particular reason, shouting at kids, complaining about something unspeci ed, etc. However, the lightning in (B2) gives the panel its meaning. ffn example (C) (Eisner 2000, 31/1), directly following the events of (B), the same relationship level can be observed. he main character is reaching for the window. Petr Vinklárek 13Ś he text bubble in the panel (C1a) says: Enough. he character does not seem to be saying the word loudly as the character and the speech balloon are connected indirectly through their visual presence in the panel. Functions and di erences between individual speech balloons are analyzed in Eisner (1Śř5) and fflcCloud (1ŚŚ4). he meaning of the panel here is clear only because of the relationship of the text and image. he main character refuses to listen to God. he meaning would remain unclear and could be interpreted di erently without the text part of the panel. he character might seem to be reaching for something intangible, trying to catch at the window because of nausea or sickness. Even the stretched arm and open palm do not have to mean what the reader might think. he interplay is the key to the meaning. he text (C1a) itself without the image would also have a di erent meaning. fft could be interpreted as God s words, which would change the meaning altogether. As the analyses of examples (A), (B) and (C) prove, the interplay of text and image plays a signi cant role, and neither of the parts in any of the given examples can stand separately and provide the intended meaning. ffn other words, many elements play a signi cant role, and each of the roles contributes to creating the desired meaning of the panel as a unit. he interplay of text and image is essential. 4. ffntertextuality in a Comic Book Panel Supportive ffnterplay he following analyzes several images, which are in the form of panels containing a di erent form of interplay. According to Eisner, the panels can be described from di erent points of view with supportive and interpretative functions. he supportive function means that the text supports and complements the image, and each would be understandable separately (1Śř5, 11 12). Also, by the interpretative function he means that text and image interpret or explain each other (1Śř5, 11 12). While Eisner uses the terms ad hoc, fflcCloud (1ŚŚ4) introduces a division of comics panels, as is the case with the two following panels, as word-speci c and additive respectively (fflcCloud 1ŚŚ4, 153 54). ffn the case of example (A), the dependence of text and image on each other is essential. he key issue presented further is the mutual dependence and independence of text and image. Considering examples (D) and (E), each is analyzed separately and then compared. (D) (Eisner 2000, 7/1) consists of three parts: two textual parts, (D1a) and (D1b), and one image (D2). he textual parts state: All day the rain poured down on the Bronx without mercy (D1a) and he sewers over owed and the waters rose over the curbs of the street (D1b). (D2) portrays the main character walking along a street over owing with water. ffn general, where the image-word relationship is word speci c, the panel (the whole unit) is divided into two parts, the text part, (D1a) and (D1b), and the image part (D2) (fflcCloud 1ŚŚ4, 153 54); they are related, but not as much as in the previous example. Here, the text and image could be separated and their roles would remain mostly the same without any shit or changes to the complexity of the whole panel s meaning. ffn other words, separating the two parts would not change much as far as their individual meanings go. 140 From Theory to Practice 2012 Western culture reads texts from let to right, from top to botom. However, comics allows changes in this respect. he two texts (D1a) and (D1b) are read consequently, i.e., (D1a) then (D1b) and only ater that the image (D2). Nevertheless, the image part (D2) may be looked at rst, and then the reading can be continued in the sequence (D1a) and (D1b). he sequence of reading is dependant entirely on the reader, but a unity of the meanings is created through intertextuality as is understood in the above de nition. he texts (D1a) and (D1b) do not mention anyone walking in the rain. his information is added only visually with the use of the image (D2). hus, intertextually, a story is created within the panel that is not supposed to reach beyond it and does not interfere with the analysis. he visual depicts a man walking alone along the street with rain pouring down. he texts describe the situation clearly. Eisner claims that the text and image support each other (1Śř5, 11). As far as this statement goes, the text in the image provides several extra pieces of information that admitedly are not crucial for understanding of the whole panel and context of the graphic novel but are to some extent crucial for understanding the consequent events in the graphic novel. To develop the idea, text (D1a) gives a location: the Bronx. Text (D1b) describes the street, thus providing additional information, and as suggested, the image (D2) introduces another extra piece of information, the man walking alone. here are also font type di erences between (D1a) and (D1b). Text (D1a) is supported with a visual depiction of rain (raindrops) evoking weather conditions, seting a sentimental and possibly sad mood. What also contributes to the general feeling is the font s stylization comparatively large and bold leters symbolizing the heaviness of the downpour depicted in (D2), and of the background of the narrative the death of the main character s daughter. Text (D1b) is pictured di erently and deals with a di erent part of the image (D2) the street including the hydrant, curbs, and sewers ooded by water. his proves what fflcCloud (1ŚŚ4) claims: leters should be considered as images. he three parts are also interrelated. Text (D1a) is the most general part of the unit that is connected with text (D1b) through textual relations, i.e., the words over owed and waters and with (D2) through the visualization of rain as if the rain starts falling in (D1a) and continues to (D2). Text (D1b) is more speci c and therefore di erent from (D1a), as it is connected more directly with (D2) because it summarizes it almost completely. To conclude the second analysis, while interplay of text and image plays a certain role, each of the two parts texts (D1a) and (D1b) and image (D2) can be understood separately, and there is no need to combine them because they complement each other. 5. ffntertextuality in a Comic Book Panel ffnterpretative ffnterplay he third analyzed panel in this paper, example (E) (Eisner 1Śř5, 12), may seem to have the same quality and separability of text and image as in the previous examples, but unlike those examples, (E) carries an interpretative function, meaning an inseparable Petr Vinklárek 141 text and image. ffn other words, the unit s meaning would not be understood without having both the text and image at the same time. For the purpose of the interplay analysis, the panel in example (E) is split into two separate parts, text (E1) and image (E2). ffn the panel, there is a male character lying on the oor utering (E1). Blood is leaking from his body and he is pointing with his nger. His facial expression is unclear. Unlike previous texts that were used only to support the general mood as demonstrated earlier, text (E1) carries a certain level of dynamic and emotional quality. Clearly, it can be disassembled and analyzed from two perspectives, textual and visual, i.e., the meaning of the text and the meaning of the font type. he atmosphere evoked by the font type is emotional in a rather negative way, bringing about the themes of terror and horror and thus arousing uneasiness. he reason is practically at hand, as there is blood running down from the ill-shaped leters. he visual stylization of the uterance can be highly suggestive and disturbing. As for the meaning of (E1): ff came to your house as a friend and you murdered me‼ . . . For this may your people be paralyzed by the stain of my blood. Deduced from (E1) can be the background information of the narrative, i.e., a host is being accused of participation in killing his guest, prompting the dying guest to curse the host and his associates. Of signi cance and relevance for further analysis of (E2) are the particular words your, you, and the stain of my blood. he di erence in the used font types normal and bold further stresses the emotionality of the uterance. hree key features in (E2) are necessary to understand the unit s meaning: the character s face, pointing hand, and blood stains. he character seems to be speaking, as the mouth is open; however, this in itself does not have to mean much and certainly does not provide any particular meaning. he nger is pointing at someone who is not present in the image but is present somewhere in the context of the story. To make the message more appealing or direct, the nger could even be pointing at the reader who witnessed the killing. he participation was, however, indirect. Finally, there is blood spilling from the wounded person. While the text itself is meaningful to some extent, the image does not provide any kind of information that would carry meaning apart from the pointing nger, face and blood. Only through intertextuality is the unit s meaning established because the interplay of text and image create the desired meaning. Returning to the larger scope and analyzing the panel as a whole, a certain connection between the textual meaning and the image can be made. Firstly, the pointing nger corresponds very well with you and your. Secondly, it can relate to the absent host or the reader. ffiastly, the words the stain of blood in the panel complement the blood on the ground. he image thus can evoke pre-supposed terror, hate, and other negative emotions. Example (F) (Eisner 2000, 33/1) depicts a window through which the reader can see the main character ater the aforementioned loss of his daughter, a female person standing next to him and unspeci ed people entering a door in the background. he window part is the whole panel, and it is split into two: the image part (F2) (as described 142 From Theory to Practice 2012 above) and text part (F1) that is also a part of the window: All during the days of mourning that followed the funeral, the rain fell without pause. Friends came each o ering Hersh the usual words of comfort which he accepted in stony silence. Yet again, the function can be described as interpretative. fft helps the reader to understand this part of the story. Also, as mentioned, the theme of rain creates a certain emotional quality, as the reader can see the main character mourning and the person next to him consoling him and people coming in to comfort him. Without the text, the meaning of the image could be interpreted di erently, but as the text explains, the character is depressed and silent. ffloreover, the emotional quality with the interplay involved stays the same as intended. ffn other words, it helps to create the intended atmosphere and meaning. he analyzed panels show that, unlike in the second analysis, here the interplay between image and text is strongly involved. While the text could stand separately and provide a certain meaning, the meaning the image provides is inexplicit. he two parts, therefore, cannot stand separately, as the meaning is created only through the combination of both. ffloreover, the text and image are linked directly through the elements already discussed. 6. Conclusion he aim of this paper was to analyze the interplay of text and image through intertextuality in chosen comic book panels. As the analyses shows, interplay plays an important role in both titles and regular panels. fft proves that there are di erences between individual panels as far as the role of intertextual interplay goes. Examples in the fourth (D) and th parts, (E) and (F), of this paper demonstrate the signi cant extent to which interplay di ers, which suggests that there may be greater di erences between comic book panels. Examples in the third, (A), (B), and (C), and th parts, (E) and (F), of the paper treat text and image as inseparable units. Example (A), the title, involves not only visual and textual elements but also general knowledge, thus going beyond the title itself. Examples (E) and (F), on the other hand, employ elements of emotionality that rely on general knowledge as well. On the other hand, example (D) exhibits a certain amount of independence of text and image. he independence, however, should not be seen as a fact that allows treating the elements independently but rather as another level of intertextual interplay. As comics seems to be a compact literary genre involving various levels of interplay and intertextuality, further research in the eld should seek and address di erences in levels of interplay. Works Cited Barthes, Roland. 1Ś77. Image-Music-Text. ffiondon: Fontana. de Beaugrande, Robert-Alain, and Wolfgang Ulrich Dressler. 1Śř1. Introduction to Text Linguistics. ffiondon: ffiongman. Eco, Umberto. 1Ś76. A heory of Semiotics. ffndiana: ffndiana University Press. Eisner, Will. 1Śř5. Comics and Sequential Art. Tamarac: Poorhouse. Petr Vinklárek 143 Eisner, Will. (1Ś7ř) 2000. A Contract with God and Other Tenement Stories: A Graphic Novel. New York: DC Comics. Groensteen, hierry. 2007. he System of Comics. Translated by Bart Beaty and Nick Nguyen. fiackson: University Press of fflississippi. Halliday, fflichael A. fl., and Ruqaiya Hasan, 1Śř5. Language, Context, and Text: Aspects of Language in a Social-Semiotic Perspective. Victoria: Deakin University. Heer, fieet, and flent Worcester, eds. 200Ś. A Comics Studies Reader. fiackson: University Press of fflississippi. flinder, fflarsha. 1ŚŚ3. Playing with Power in Movies, Television, and Video Games: From Muppet Babies to Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles. Berkeley: University of California Press. flristeva, fiulia. 1Śř0. Desire in Language: A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art. New York: Columbia University Press. ffiederach, fiohn Paul. 1ŚŚ5. Preparing for Peace: Con ict Transformation Across Cultures. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. fflcCloud, Scot. 1ŚŚ4. Understanding Comics: he Invisible Art. New York: HarperCollins. Nemčoková, flatarína. 2012. ffntertextuality as a Discourse Strategy: fflass Culture in Printed Ads. ffn heories and Practices: Proceedings of the hird International Conference on Anglophone Studies, September 7–8, 2011, edited by Roman Tru ník, flatarína Nemčoková, and Gregory fiason Bell, 151 5ř. Zlín: Univerzita Tomá e Bati ve Zlíně. Tru ník, Roman. 2013. he Uses of ffntertextuality in Gay Young Adult ffiiterature. ffn Silesian Studies in English 2012, edited by fflichaela Weiss and fflarkéta fiohnová. Opava: Slezská univerzita v Opavě. Forthcoming. Weiss, fflichaela. 2011. Will Eisner s Contract with Comics. American and British Studies Annual 4: 74 ř3. Weiss, fflichaela. 2012. From Superman to fflaus: fiews in American Comics. ffn heories and Practices: Proceedings of the hird International Conference on Anglophone Studies, September 7–8, 2011, edited by Roman Tru ník, flatarína Nemčoková, and Gregory fiason Bell, 273 ř2. Zlín: Univerzita Tomá e Bati ve Zlíně. Complications with English in fflilitary-Oriented Coalitions ffiadislav Chaloupský1 , Christopher fflcfleating2 , ffienka Drábková3 1 Defense ffianguage ffnstitute, sídl. Víta Nejedlého, 6ř2 03 Vy kov, Czech Republic. Email: vivarepšseznam.cz 2 Defense ffianguage ffnstitute, sídl. Víta Nejedlého, 6ř2 03 Vy kov, Czech Republic. Email: ccm5šst-andrews.ac.uk 3 Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Faculty of Humanities, Department of English and American Studies, fflostní 513Ś, 760 01 Zlín, Czech Republic. Email: drabkovašhs.utb.cz Abstract: As a multinational organization, English has always been of importance and an operational requirement for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). fft has also been of fundamental signi cance in building and sustaining the military coalitions of the last twenty years. English is not just a language today, but a war- ghting skill and a tool for interoperability. For the United States, United flingdom and Canada, with their shared histories and batles won and lost together, it has an even deeper and more meaningful role. For the English-speaking nations, the language is a re ection of their shared values and common interests and not just a tool for the batle eld or a means of communication. Given the demands upon the language, this work sets out to address some of the complications these entail: what di culties arise with such high levels of expectation and what are the implications for today s military-oriented coalitionsŠ fleywords: English; English-speaking nations; speaking errors; military coalitions; mistakes; NATO; STANAG 6001 1. ffntroduction ffnteroperability is a vital milestone, and English is critical to sustaining it. Coalitions pursuing stability and conducting multinational missions, post-con ict operations, maritime-security and humanitarian, nation-building and stability operations are dependent on it. hus, with this new, twenty- rst century approach to war ghting, more thought needs to be invested in understanding how it intersects and interacts with other aspects of the military system, from strategy and doctrine to the development and implementation of human resources. his article raises but a fraction of the issues that have come to light over recent years with regard to this and has been divided into three broad areas of research: Academic Nuances, ffiinguistic Nuances and Operational Nuances. 2. Academic Nuances he Bureau for ffnternational ffianguage Coordination (BffffiC), which is a NATO advisory subcommitee, introduced an English language standard, called Stanag 6001 in 1Ś76.1 1. STANAG is an acronym that stands for Standardized Agreement. fft is a norm or standard. here are more than one thousand di erent stanags across NATO. Each of them has a certain code that indicates 146 From Theory to Practice 2012 Stanag 6001 is a set of descriptors for the following language pro ciency skills: ffiistening, Speaking, Reading and Writing, which are graded from 0 to 5. With plus levels at each grade (see Table 1), the testing is tuned to assess not just a student s pro ciency, but the level of the operational language that they need to perform their job. Table 1: Stanag 6001 ffievels ffievel 0 ffievel 1 ffievel 2 ffievel 3 ffievel 4 ffievel 5 STANAG 6001 Proficiency ffievels (Edition 4, 2010) No pro ciency ffievel 0+ fflemorized pro ciency Survival ffievel 1+ Survival + Functional ffievel 2+ Functional+ Professional ffievel 3+ Professional+ Expert ffievel 4+ Expert+ Highly-articulate native ffievel 3 is a fully professional level of English, culturally bound and hard to achieve. At this level, a person is able to understand most formal and informal speech on practical, social and professional topics, including particular interest and specialist elds of competence. his level, for example, demands an understanding of abstract concepts, the discussion of complex topics (including economics, culture, science and technology), as well as professional elds of interest, hypothetical scenarios, meetings and the explicit and implicit information of a spoken text. ffn addition, students at this level also need to be familiar with colloquialisms, military terminology, contextual slang and military jargon. Although inaccuracy may occur in low frequency or highly complex structures characteristic of formal speech paterns, native speakers are rarely disturbed when dealing with a non-native speaker at ffievel 3, and there is no distortion in essence of meaning. To obtain such a grade across all four language skills is a signi cant achievement. hat military personnel assigned to work in NATO are usually required to do so and qualify with either an SffiP 2, 2, 2, 2, an SffiP 3, 3, 3, 3 or a combination of both, is indicative of the expectations required and a clear demonstration of the challenges that military coalitions face. Furthermore, as only three of the twenty-eight NATO2 members use English as their native language (the United flingdom, Canada and the United States of America) the road to interoperability in the language has sidelined the capabilities of otherwise many deployable forces. To complicate the mater, today s military coalitions (such as the ffnternational Security Assistance Force ffSAF in Afghanistan) are trans-Alliance and involve many other countries, for example: Australia, New Zealand, ffreland, a eld of specialty. For example Stanag 257Ś deals with linguistic support for operations, while Stanag 2116 deals with NATO codes for the grades of military personnel. Other stanags deal with materials, procedures, etc. 2. Albania, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, ffceland, fftaly, ffiatvia, ffiithuania, ffiuxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Turkey, the United flingdom and the United States. ffiadislav Chaloupský, Christopher fflcfleating, ffienka Drábková 147 the Republic of South florea, fiordan, fflalaysia, the United Arab Emirates, Armenia, Singapore and Bahrain. his translates to multicultural and multilingual environments in which personnel are exposed to many di erent types of Englishes . fflacaulay (1ŚŚ6, 61) drew atention to this situation by identifying six aspects of the language (common core, regional, social class, sex, age, and medium of expression di erences) that clearly a ect an individual s operation in it. One such example is the di erences in dialects that are found across English native speakers, dialects that vary to such an extent, that many aspects of the language such as lexicon, pronunciation, intonation, syntax and morphology are distorted beyond regional recognition. However, while the language skills of forces deployed in peace-support operations are generally su cient for the tasks they face, several countries have started to report the di culties they have been experiencing. his is especially true of countries like the Czech Republic, at the forefront of combat-support operations and where a particular level of linguistic expertise is needed to operate to maximum e ciency. One of the reasons pertaining to this is adult learning, which fflacaulay describes in the following way: ffn the case of adults learning a second language, it is quite clear that exposure to the language and the opportunities to use it are not su cient in themselves to ensure mastery of the language. fft is not uncommon for adult immigrants ater years in the country of their adoption to have litle pro ciency in the language spoken there. Similarly, many students in second-language classes emerge ater several years of instruction with litle ability to use the language. (fflacaulay, 1ŚŚ6, 127) he development of human capital in this area cannot, hence, be overstated. his is particularly true in the area of teachers and instructors where there is a developing need to inspire soldiers to think critically, challenge assumptions and question the accepted. he reason for this is that as hird Generation Warfare requires generalship on the ground, the level to which a soldier needs education today is incomparable to that of his counterpart of yesterday and, to meet this challenge, a faculty with the right balance of academic credentials, military teaching experience and operational experience is a key component. As too, is the development of modern, up to date methodologies, a balance of civilian and military teaching personnel and a move from academic, civilian oriented materials and departments to military and multicultural ones. WhyŠ Because while English has been advancing at the pace of the batle eld and restructuring itself to the dawn of a new, fourth, technological generation of warfare, the teaching of it has not. For example, our continued response when faced with di culties in using English as the language of war is to subjugate it into specialist subsets of language, evolved or designed to coordinate and control the mechanisms of the many technical procedures that make up the modern batle eld. Now, while this di using of the language has its bene ts, they are limited to subgroups and become litle more than jargon, especially in multicultural, multilingual, and multi-unit environments. Furthermore, in subjugating the language, the teaching of it has become dated and a generational gap in the learning of it has developed. he problem is that English is an evolving language, a breathing 14ř From Theory to Practice 2012 entity and any atempt to stem its advance is counter-productive and a hindrance to pro ciency in it. We need to move from coping with the language to living with the language; a move from the theoretical, academic environment of the classroom, to the practical, physical environment of the eld. Along with human development, materials and methodologies, technology is as equally fundamental to this school of thought. Simply put, technology in the language of the classroom translates into nothing less than pro ciency in the language of war. he question should no longer be, for example What can we do with a smart board that we cannot do with a blackboardŠ but, What can we do with an iPad that we cannot do with a smart boardŠ his is due to the unquestionable fact that technology has enabled us, as with every progression, to teach beter and to teach faster. fft puts the world at our nger tips and the language into context. fft replaces not just the blackboard, but also the analogy of the teacher s desk as the bridge / barrier over which knowledge is funneled to the students. What technology gives us is an insight into the ever changing end goal of a military student s language requirements and the means to reach it. fft is not a bridge. fft is a dual carriage, a super highway. fflaximizing technology, however, has not been easy and, like the introduction of any new tools to a eld, it is going to be some time before its full potential can be realized. What is clear, however, is that not only is it fundamentally ground-breaking in terms of its capacity, but that once teaching strategies have been customized to meet the needs of the students, it is able to multitask to a degree that we could not have dreamed of before. ffn short, it ensures our teachers a pivotal role in which they can embed a myriad of interactive tools and resources into their lessons and inject enough of the language to enable our students to operate e ectively in it. Furthermore, technology delivers materials in the fashion that our students are familiar with. What we have to understand is that this is just the beginning. he smart board of tomorrow will be as di erent from those of today as the machine this paper was writen on is from an old, 1Ś20s typewriter. All of this has made the adoption of English as the lingua franca across NATO a graduate level enterprise and has hence become a fundamental aspect of military training doctrine. Unfortunately, with real time intelligence and in what is becoming an increasingly computerized batle eld, military English (without its accompaniment of paralinguistic signals) has actually become so far removed from the language of Shakespeare and the BBC that taught English is oten of litle relevance to the language that the students need to do their jobs. 3. ffiinguistic Nuances As speaking and listening competencies are crucial to military led operations, the new tools for the job are, primarily, a vast vocabulary and a familiarity with all shades of synonyms, from their usage to their misusage. his is not an easy task. Even the three English-speaking NATO countries (the United States, Canada, and the United flingdom) nd themselves separated at times by a common language . For example, as reported by Danielson (1Śř3), if a British pilot had radioed in for an overshoot, visual circuit with ffiadislav Chaloupský, Christopher fflcfleating, ffienka Drábková 14Ś undercarriage for a roller, and, ater landing, asked for a bowser, what he had actually requested was for nothing other than a low approach, followed by a closed patern, with gear down for a touch and go. His request for a bowser was a reference to his need to refuel. he situation today, with over 10,000 American acronyms and specialist aeronautical terms alone (Crane 2006), is even more confusing. To compound this issue, native speakers rarely recognize that the common working language in peace-support operations is ffnternational English, as opposed to their own version of the language. he need for e ective communication is hence of particular importance in operations where linguistic misunderstandings risk leading to miscommunications, which have, in many cases, resulted in casualties. Although there has been litle research in this eld, the French Foreign ffiegion and the British Gurkhas are excellent examples of where the problem, through living the language they operate in, has been solved. he Czech and Polish ghter pilots of the Batle of Britain (1Ś40) also illustrate why we must not wait and why interoperability is so dependent on English language pro ciency; forced to y in English, in English machines, in English formations, with English manuals and English commanders in a world in which the English and Americans dominated, their losses were initially and comparatively high. As with the Batle of Britain, the tide of any future batle will rest with NATO ghter pilots, and a key component of their e ectiveness will be dependent on their ability to interoperate in English. Hence, in order to deter war and be prepared to win if it should occur, the learning of English, the de facto operational language, is of utmost importance for armed forces. his is especially true for NATO, with its ever-increasing number of peace-support operations on the one hand, and the Alliance's enlargement and partnership activities on the other. he vocabularies and synonyms required to deter and win wars, however, are legion and need to be lived to be put into context. Urbanová (200ř, 52 53) claims that spoken language prefers short words, mostly of Germanic origin, because of speech economy and their easy understanding, while long multi-syllable words are of foreign origin (ffiatin, Greek and Romance), stylistically atributed to a highly cultivated and re ned vocabulary, forming a distinctive characteristic of the so-called elaborate style. ffn her opinion the tendency towards monosyllabism oten results in the shortening of multi-syllable words (e.g., varsity in lieu of university, lab in lieu of laboratory, etc). She adds that spoken language abounds in phraseologies, idiomatic expressions, colloquialisms, slang expressions but also interjections and unarticulated sounds expressing hesitation, surprise, joy, etc. which urge speakers to respond naturally without excessive emotional control as do discourse markers and other pragmatically functional expressions (e.g., well, ff mean, you see, you know, anyway, all right, really, so, ff see, mmm, hmm, yeah, ne, etc.) he reason for this lies, in her opinion, in the fact that participants in spoken conversation are expected to send out paralinguistic signals which indicate that speech is being followed and understood. Urbanová (200ř, 52 53) also mentions addressing, which signalizes a mutual relationship between participants in a discussion and signi cantly re ects professional di erences among speakers. 150 From Theory to Practice 2012 To compound this, the strong regional accents (of many of the native speakers with whom the other 25 members of NATO work) are another frequently encountered problem. Verbs are contracted into convenience, or simply deleted. TH sounds are mispronounced, and oten consonants and vital vowels are either run into each other or dropped. ffndeed, many foreigners report experiencing greater problems understanding English native speakers than non-native speakers. By default and geography, unlike their continental European partners, the Americans, the Canadians and the British have actually limited experience in communicating outside of their own language and comparatively litle knowledge of its mechanics. hese disadvantages manifest themselves in a variety of ways but particularly when complex tasks are assigned to individuals, or working groups are assigned, or time is of essence and people are dying. ffn short, intended or not, non-native speakers are increasingly nding themselves on the sidelines of the decision making process. he political implications of this situation are clear: A perceived weakness in English be it a uniform or an accent, could not just directly reduce the in uence of an o cer in the eld and lead to casualties. For want of a beter word, a type of discrimination has come into existence that needs to be addressed if operational e ciency is to be improved across NATO. Other issues involve military acronyms and initialisms (see Table 2) such as AWOffi (absent without leave), HQ (headquarters), flffA (killed in action) and POW (prisoner of war), many of which have entered the vernacular. However, a plethora of them remain rmly in the hands of the English Speaking militaries and, in both meaning and pronunciation, are a language unto themselves. Table 2: British fflilitary Acronyms and ffnitialisms Abbreviation Ats and dets Comd En Co-ord (verb) Co-ords (noun) Posns fflG Bn Bde Explanation atachments and detachments command enemy coordinating coordinates positions machine gun batalion brigade Abbreviation FOO Coy HQ FUP ffiOD Re-org Pl HE RTffl Explanation forward observation observer company headquarters forming up point line of departure reorganization platoon high explosive ready to move Chaloupský (2005, 51) mentions that there are also recommendations on how to create acronyms. For example, regulations on strategic air commands say that exercise terms should be created as a combination of two words, normally unclassi ed, used exclusively to designate a test, drill, or exercise, the term exercise being employed to preclude the possibility of confusing exercise directions with actual operations directives. ffiadislav Chaloupský, Christopher fflcfleating, ffienka Drábková 151 Table 3: Examples of Acronyms Related to Different Types of Exercises Acronym AAWEX AffRffiEX Explanation anti-air warfare exercise air landing exercise Acronym AffRBAREX BffiTffiEX BOfflBEX CAX bombing exercise combined arms exercise CASEX COREX EWEX fiAfflEX NUCffiEX electronic warfare exercise jamming exercise nuclear load-out exercise FAffRDEX ffiOADEX RADEX Explanation air barrier exercise batalion landing team landing exercise close air support exercise coordinated electronic countermeasures exercise eet air defense exercise loading exercise radar exercise Another point that is oten forgoten is that words also have di erent meanings than their equivalents in translation. To be punctual , for example, while to be on time in English, actually means to be meticulous or precise (puntičká ský) in Czech. Similarly, nor is an o cer an o cer in Czech and to control is to operate or manage (something), and not to check it . V and W consonants are also of note as they have sounds that are never the same and result in Vector becoming Wector and Whiskey , Viskey both important and of key reference in batle eld terminology. ffloreover, as the Czech alphabet does not have a W consonant in it, the pronunciation of these two leters oten causes problems with importations into it from other languages. Confusing prepositions of place and time are also the ingredients for disaster: Drop speed to / by could bring a convoy to a crashing halt or an aircrat to a stall. Turn 220, if understood as turn to 20 would send an aircrat right instead of let. Furthermore, as Czech does not have a continuous form, and one form of the Czech verb can be the equivalent in English of many di erent verb forms (for example: ff do, ff am doing and ff have been doing), Czechs oten overcompensate by using the present continuous when, in fact, the present simple is all that is required. Such confusions are compounded across the radio when speech is reported in English, especially with its subtle changes of tense and meaning. English, with perhaps the most exceptions to the rules of any language in the world and while oten found easy to learn at a basic level, is among the most di cult to master. 4. Operational Nuances With the increasing civilianization of the military and the recent global economic crisis having an adverse e ect on training, the chasm between Peacetime English and Wartime English is growing. ffn short, the language needs of personnel are changing across the Alliance on a daily basis and at a rate hitherto unimagined. ffndeed, the transition to a Fourth Generation of Warfare has let English ffianguage Training in its wake and, without addressing this as a mater of urgency, we risk endangering the lives of our men and those in their charge. fflilitary teaching experience and past operational experience is key. Without this balance of instructors and managers with 152 From Theory to Practice 2012 academic and eld credentials in the types of English needed for operational duties, lives and opportunities for greater cohesion will be lost not just for the enhancement of civil / military relations but for the soldiers on the ground. As status and combat have a direct impact on choice of vocabulary (see Table 4), pronunciation and speed of speech, the di erences between Peacetime and Wartime English need to be recognized. his can be seen in Spolsky s (1ŚŚř, 22) example: ffn the US fflarine Corps, senior o cers are addressed in the third person ( Would the General like me to bring him a cup of co eeŠ ) and other o cers as Sir from their subordinates. Noncommissioned o cers are addressed by rank ( Yes, Sergeant. ). ffn a di erent seting, such as under batle conditions, things change. O cers are addressed directly, oten by a regular nickname. Company commanders, for instance, are oten called Skipper and Sergeant-fflajors Gunny. he more democratic armies oten make a point of dropping special address rules along with saluting during times of war. Table 4: ffncorrect Concepts and Real ffleanings of ffiexical Units lexical unit heatre (of war) Ship Gunship incorrect concept Building designed for the performance of plays, operas, etc. Boat / ship Ship with guns Shipment ffiinguist Section Flag O cer fflan Transportable Delivery by ship / boat Person who studied linguistics Division / Department Warrant O cer Person who can be transported Flight Physical Army Real / authentic ight Armed Forces real meaning fflajor area of military activity / batle eld Helicopter / aircrat Helicopter armed with rockets, missiles, etc. Delivery by plane Person who can speak a foreign language Small military formation / part General O cer A Transported item (fiavelin anti-tank weapon) ffledical check up Ground / ffiand Forces All of this can be seen more readily in the world of aviation. Despite international treaties on English as the o cial language of aviation, hundreds of passengers and crew have died in crashes as a direct cause of language problems. For instance, on November 13, 1ŚŚ3, on approach to Urumqi, in China s far west, a ground proximity warning system sounded on Flight 345 Pull up! Pull up! fiust before impact, one crew member can be heard saying to the other, in Chinese, What does pull up meanŠ (homason 2001, 2Ś). ffn fact, it is no secret that English, which is multipurpose and inexact, is in fact the worst medium for operational communication and hence the increasing use of communications technology in the eld. Although litle is known of the actual feasibility of using the English ffianguage as the main form of communication across the Alliance, there has been a great deal of research into its adoption as the main form of communication in the world of aviation. hat the two elds have so much in common (interoperability, high-tech, highspeed equipment, real-time intelligence, enormous responsibilities with disastrous ffiadislav Chaloupský, Christopher fflcfleating, ffienka Drábková 153 consequences for the tiniest of errors), has not gone unnoticed. Even their origins are similar. As with the world of the 1ŚŚ0s for NATO, in the world of the 1Ś50s, English was the only feasible choice for the ffnternational Civil Aviation Organization (ffCAO) to make. he United States was, as today, the most dominant nation in aviation as well as in world politics. However, while the ffCAO acknowledged that the inability of English to express speci c instructions to pilots without confusion disquali ed it as a language for permanent use by aviation, NATO did not. Hence, vocabularies that originated with the beginning of amateur radio in the 1Ś20 s became the standard. Would Czech or Spanish, with half the vocabulary of English, have been beterŠ Arguably, yes. Had even ffiatin, for example, been the language of the aviation industry, thousands of deaths could have been avoided. he reason for this is that, unlike English, these languages do not have the technical discrepancies nor, of course, the cultural baggage. And if ffiatin were the language of NATOŠ We simply do not know. What we do know, however, and what is increasingly being brought to the table, is that the greatest contributing factor to the aws in interoperability across the alliance is the English ffianguage. he inability of English to express speci c instructions without confusion should, in fact, in an ideal world, disqualify it as a language for permanent use for interoperability on the batle eld. So, while perhaps one of the greatest languages for literature, science and poetry and almost certainly diplomacy it is simply too enigmatic for the speed of modern warfare. Despite this, the practicalities of replacing it are a century away from reality. he question hence, is what we can do, now, today, to avoid the ambiguities, the misnomers and the illogicalities of English that lead to miscommunications, lost opportunities and death. To beter explain this last statement, let us consider a multinational environment such as NATO or the United Nations (UN): ffn some instances, to illustrate, foreign language requirements for posts have been set without su cient research. his has led to problems, such as high-pro le posts being lled by senior sta with poor language skills or, conversely, di culties in lling posts with unrealistically high linguistic requirements. ffn addition, horne (1ŚŚ7, 140) suggests that speakers coming from lower social classes are mostly without formal education and thus have non-professional rather than professional jobs. He claims that they tend to have a regional accent and speech marked by informal segmental features, such as ellision or assimilation. On the other hand, speakers from higher social classes are educated as a rule and have professional jobs. ffn many cases, however, it is simply a lack of appropriate vocabulary that is to be blamed for the miscommunications we have seen to date. Before we continue, therefore, it is best to rstly de ne the following two words: error and mistake . he reason for this is that discourse or writen text, even if riddled with faults, can be understood; a poorly communicated message / uterance does not necessarily entail a negative impact on meaning, and hence the question What actually leads to a mistakeŠ 154 From Theory to Practice 2012 Without being pedantic, there is a fundamental distinction between an error and a mistake. ffn terms of etymology, the word error comes from the ffiatin errōrem , which means to wander or stray . he root of the word mistake , throws more light on the meaning. fft is from the Old Scandinavian word, mistaka , which means to take by accident or miscarry (mis wrongly and taka take). Errors, therefore, pertain to language competence. hey arise from ignorance of or ineptness in using a language (as when an EFffi learner says He no comes today or a native user spells receive recieve ). (fflcArthur 1ŚŚř, 5ŚŚ). fflistakes pertain to language performance, where (not) one knows what to say or write but through tiredness, emotion, nervousness, or some other pressure (that) makes a slip of the tongue, leaves out a word, or mistypes a leter (fflcArthur 1ŚŚř, 5ŚŚ). And this is what Stanag 6001 is all about balancing the mistakes and the errors. While novel, these ideas are neither without precedent nor beyond reason. ffn fact, they are readily achievable and a step in the direction to real interoperability. hey are inexpensive (mostly policy change at the operational level and the exploitation of residual talent) and relatively straightforward. hey are also e ective for military and social communications in English between members of international forces, peacekeepers and local community leaders. fft is how English is taught where the issue lies. Approaches, therefore, to the usage of the four skills in a ffiife hreatening Situation (ffiTS) need to be taught, with an emphasis on listening, in a military fashion through means of simulation. Enabling even those with a strong command of the language to recognize their limitations and capacities and to know at which point these impact and become a hindrance to e ective communication is key. Equally so is the encouragement of further study in order to increase a student s Point of E ectiveness (POE) and, more importantly, to enhance their understanding of how a broad POE across the bandwidth of their own four skills or a platoon, for example, could be employed to develop a safer, more secure and quicker network of communications. A further problem is that of di erent concepts as to what represents a professional level of foreign language knowledge. his is compounded by cultural di erences in language testing, leading to great di culties in agreeing on whose language skills are good enough for a particular post, along with some stereotyping of nations seen as presenting candidates with inferior linguistic abilities. ffn some countries, reliance on certi cates issued several years earlier, rather than testing immediately prior to departure, exacerbates the situation. 5. Conclusion With militaries across the world transitioning into expeditionary forces, the requirements for language and regional knowledge and interoperability are paramount. Despite this, language skill and regional expertise have neither been regarded as warghting skills nor su ciently incorporated into operational or contingency planning. Simply put, language skills for interoperability and regional expertise have not been ffiadislav Chaloupský, Christopher fflcfleating, ffienka Drábková 155 valued as defense core competencies. he main reasons primarily lie in the fact that few of the sta involved in English ffianguage Training have any real experience of the language that their students need to do their jobs or an understanding of their role in the overall NATO / PfP picture. Other obstacles on the roadmap to interoperability have been insu cient opportunities to real life situations in the target language, di erences from the mother tongue, varieties of the target language, cultural di erences between even close-knit nations, expectations, and teachers. To atain a military with the language skills capable of responding as needed for operations, it is rst required that they understand and value the tactical, operational, and strategic asset that English has become today. While most international research into military foreign language learning has been focused on NATO accession and PfP countries, there is now a clearcut East-West divide in this eld with many older Allies reporting di culties in identifying, training and retaining soldiers with relevant language skills for international assignments. As a result, more needs to be done if the linguistic basis for interoperability is to become an e ective reality, as opposed to a hit-and-miss addition to preparations for peacesupport operations and NATO postings. fflore importantly, despite the importance of linguistic interoperability, litle NATOwide research has been carried out into the actual language used on missions and current shortfalls in communication. ffn fact, there has been more of an emphasis on embedding reporters than embedding instructors or capitalizing on combat experience. On top of this, and despite the obvious sensitivities involved, the atitude that this cannot be looked at because it is either political or culturally sensitive has not been helpful. hese issues need addressing because they have a direct impact on a nation's in uence within the Alliance and the Partnership for Peace programme and, therefore, the political pro le of the organization. fft is up to those who have only recently joined the Alliance to point this out and ride with it. Students also need a beter working knowledge of the English language in both reading and comprehension. Students must aggressively tackle the challenge to master these skills and the nuances involved. Furthermore, the Anglo-centric character of the materials we use needs to be replaced by that of a more military oriented nature. What also needs to be replaced is the intense pressure of transplanting soldiers from unique backgrounds into a common environment with such high and unrealistic expectations of e ectiveness. Common goals need to be not found or writen , but strived for, as does a common language, unit by unit even between natives the language and its derivatives are just too diverse for anything else. 156 From Theory to Practice 2012 Works Cited Chaloupský, ffiadislav. 2005. A Sociolinguistic ffnterpretation of fflilitary Slang and Vernacular Expressions. PhD diss., fflasarykova univerzita, Brno. Danielson, Dennis ffi. 1Śř3. NATO Pilot Training in Review. Air University Review, Nov. Dec. htp://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/airchronicles/aureview/1Śř3/novdec/danielson.html. fflacaulay, Ronald. 1ŚŚ6. he Social Art: Language and Its Uses. Oxford: Oxford University Press. fflcArthur, Tom, ed. 1ŚŚř. he Oxford Concise Companion to the English Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Spolsky, Bernard. 1ŚŚř. Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. homason, Sarah G. 2001. Language Contact: An Introduction. Washington: Georgetown University Press. horne, Sara. 1ŚŚ7. Mastering Advanced English Language. Basingstoke: Palgrave fflacmillan. Urbanová, ffiudmila. 200ř. Stylistika anglického jazyka. Brno: Barrister & Principal. Dictionaries Consulted he American Heritage Dictionary. 1Śř5. 2nd ed. Boston: Houghton ffli in. Chambers Dictionary of Etymology. 2005. Edinburgh: Chambers Harrap Publishers. Collins Dictionary of the English Language. 1Śř6. 2nd ed. ffiondon: Collins. he Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English. 1ŚŚ0. řth ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Crane, Dale. 2006. Dictionary of Aeronautical Terms. 4th ed. Newcastle: Aviations Supplies & Academics. A Dictionary of United States Military Terms. 1Ś63. Washington, DC: Public A airs Press. Tomajczyk, Steve. 1ŚŚ6. Dictionary of the Modern United States Military. fie erson, NC: fflcFarland. ffiiterature and Cultural Studies The Chosen and the Choice: Race, Religion, and the 2012 U.S. Presidential Campaign fieff Smith fflasaryk University, Faculty of Arts, Department of English and American Studies, Arna Nováka 1/1, 602 00 Brno, Czech Republic. Email: ProfessorfiASmithšgmail.com Abstract: he 2012 presidential campaign, like many American debates, was partly a contest over ways of ting America into providential history the classical story of a course of empire and the biblical account of a chosen people. his campaign in particular invited such analysis because both major candidates, fflit Romney and Barack Obama, came out of communities (fflormon and African American) that have cultivated their own distinctive versions of the providential story. Reviewing the campaign and its atermath in providentialist terms, therefore, helps reveal ways of thinking that continue to have a large in uence on U.S. politics and political language. fleywords: Barack Obama; fflit Romney; United States; U.S. Presidency; U.S. Elections; Political Campaigns; America; Prophecy; Bible; Christianity; Providential History fft went almost unnoticed amid the noisy political campaign, but about a month before he was re-elected, President Barack Obama ful lled one of his ceremonial duties: he issued a proclamation naming one October fflonday as Columbus Day. his annual message has become an occasion to celebrate our heritage as a people born of many histories and traditions, as Obama put it. Christopher Columbus, for whom the day was originally named, is still acknowledged, but no longer as America s discoverer in the old Eurocentric sense. ffnstead he has become a kind of American archetype, an inspiring model of the nation s innovative spirit and a forerunner of the many engineers, entrepreneurs, scientists and others whose explorations enable us, Obama said, to press forward with renewed determination toward tomorrow s new frontiers. 1 Praise like this would have surprised Columbus himself, as would the older formulas that placed him at the beginning of America s story typically the rst important gure discussed in schoolroom U.S. history texts. For Columbus, his own time was not the beginning but the end. Everyone knows that America was missing from Columbus s maps; less well known is that it was also missing from his timeline. Columbus was a devotee of a medieval theory that foresaw the world ending in 1656, barely a century and a half in his future. Far from aiming for tomorrow s new frontiers, he believed that humankind s tomorrows were running short, and he saw his discoveries as helping bring history to completion. Had Columbus been right, there would not only have been no place on earth for the United States, but no time for it either. 1. Barack Obama, Presidential Proclamation Columbus Day, 2012, O ce of the Press Secretary, he White House, October 5, 2012, htp://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-o ce/2012/10/05/presidentialproclamation-columbus-day-2012. 160 From Theory to Practice 2012 Columbus nonetheless is an archetype, as Obama said, just not of innovation and progress.2 ffnstead he began a project of which Americans have never tired: the e ort to t themselves and their country into God s plan. Generations have followed him in de ning their task the point of America as faithfully enacting that plan, seeing it through to its nal stages in this last dispensation of time. As one prominent American put it, few people think of the discovery of America, the Revolutionary War, and the establishment of a constitutional form of government here as being steps toward the ful llment of the ffiord s ancient covenant with Abraham. But it is a fact that they were. 3 fft is not known whether fflit Romney, Obama s Republican opponent, agreed with that speci c comment. he prominent American who made it, however, was fflark E. Petersen, a leading fflormon, one of the ruling Twelve Apostles of the Church of fiesus Christ of ffiater-Day Saints at the time that Romney was born (to other prominent fflormons) and for thirty-seven years ater that. fflormonism, which came out of America, is also more than any other religion a set of beliefs about America, an atempt to identify its unique role in the cosmic or providential history that excited Columbus, a favorite gure among fflormons. Romney did not run on his fflormonism; some would say he ran from it. Even so, like most large disagreements among Americans over the centuries, Campaign 2012 was in part a debate over where and how to locate America in the cosmic scheme. Outside that context, the arguments and reactions that the election occasioned cannot be fully understood. For journalists, academics and other analysts professionally commited to a secular view of things, reviewing the campaign is therefore a good opportunity to re-engage ways of thinking whose in uence on U.S. politics and political language remains large, if oten silent. Providential history begins with Providence, or more simply, and in strictly Christian terms, with God. Some providentialists, however, to avoid theological baggage or to borrow prestige from classical antiquity, have preferred not to get that speci c. Regardless, Providence / God is the guiding force of the universe, the consciousness beyond our own that gives human history its order and plan. And there is a plan, which 2. Columbus and his contemporaries sought to discover and play out their historical roles in a cosmic drama they perceived as inexorably unfolding from the moment that Adam and Eve had been expelled from the Garden of Eden. . . . Columbus s readings and his own testimony indicate that his image of the world was traditional rather than innovative. He did not believe that his Enterprise of the ffndies would essentially alter a geography and cosmology that had existed since antiquity; he thought that his expedition would simply ll out that picture. Pauline fflo t Wats, Prophecy and Discovery: On the Spiritual Origins of Christopher Columbus s Enterprise of the ffndies, American Historical Review Ś0, no. 1 (February 1Śř5): 7Ś, ř3. According to fiohn ffieddy Phelan, fft seemed to [Columbus] that his discoveries represented the grandiose climax of Christian history. he Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World, 2nd rev. ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1Ś70), 23. 3. fflark E. Petersen, quoted in Arnold fl. Garr, Christopher Columbus: A Later-Day Saint Perspective (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Religious Studies Center, 1ŚŚ2), htp://rsc.byu.edu/archived/ christopher-columbus-later-day-saint-perspective/chapter-1-columbus-ful llment-book-mormo. Of course, the providentialist view of history did not disappear from Europe; elements of it can be found in various political ideologies and movements, including National Socialism and British ffsraelism. ffn recent years, the Aum Shinrikyo cult in fiapan has made use of similar imagery, including a comparison between America and the Beast of Revelation. ffn America, however, the in uence of providentialism on mainstream thinking has been especially direct. fieff Smith 161 is worth emphasizing because most modern people as such no longer believe it. Today s historians and social scientists see a world of contingencies. Some limited paterns, with even more limited predictive power, can be found in the measurable operations of material forces: birth rates, disease vectors, currency ows, and competitions for resources. But there is no overall direction, no goal or telos. here is random chance. here are unguided developments. here are some conscious, collective political decisions, but these too are contingent and hard to predict. here is certainly no preordained outcome, nor are there speci c peoples around whom history has been organized or who are uniquely its subjects. Providentialism rejects all these premises. fflore precisely, it never acquired them. fft is the worldview of a pre-Copernican universe with the Earth at its center and the human drama as its reason for being. And that drama really is a drama that is, a coherent story with rising and falling action, various subplots and recurring themes, and a structure that divides more or less neatly into stages, ages or, just as in theater, acts : Westward the course of empire takes its way; he rst four Acts already past, A th shall close the Drama with the day; Time s noblest o spring is the last.4 his is the most famous of Bishop George Berkeley s 1725 Verses on the Prospect of Planting Arts and ffiearning in America, the lines immortalized in a later painting that now hangs in the U.S. House of Representatives. he ages to which Berkeley referred were those of the great empires of the past. Depending on who does the counting, these include the Babylonian, Persian, Roman, European (German or Holy Roman, Spanish, and / or British), and nally American. ffn this theory of translatio imperii, the center of civilization, its genius, moved progressively west as empires rose and fell. Eventually this movement produced he Rising Glory of America, as the new nation s rst poets called it, then continued on across the continent.5 Westward expansion, in other words, was a chapter in a much larger story, one reaching back across thousands of miles and years. Behind it, in the lands on which history s sun was seting, were the empires of old, the most recent of which might still be super cially powerful but had grown stagnant, decadent and corrupt. hey were, 4. George Berkeley and George Newenham Wright, he Works of George Berkeley Part Two (White sh: flessinger, 2004), 2:2Ś4. 5. A Poem, on the Rising Glory of America (1772), by Philip Freneau and Hugh Henry Brackenridge, also spoke of a fflillennium in which America would be a new fierusalem and Another Canaan. Poemhunter, 2004, htp://www.poemhunter.com/poem/a-poem-on-the-rising-glory-of-america/. he phrase rising Glory also appeared in the 1771 poem America by Timothy Dwight, later president of Yale College. his tradition of patriotic epic poetry made heavy use of providentialist ideas and images. See Stephen fi. Stein, Transatlantic Extensions: Apocalyptic in Early New England, in he Apocalypse in English Renaissance hought and Literature: Paterns, Antecedents, and Repercussions, ed. Constantinos A. Patrides and fioseph Anthony Witreich (fflanchester: fflanchester University Press, 1Śř4), 266 Śř. (Dwight s poem is quoted on p. 2ř6.) Also see Daniel B. Shea, ed., Poetry in the Early Republic, in he Columbia Literary History of the United States, ed. Emory Elliot et al. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1Śřř), 156 67. 162 From Theory to Practice 2012 if anything, over-civilized, wearing the fancy dress of a high society but merely as letover ornaments, the outward signs of a genius squandered. Ahead was the frontier, which the new empire would inevitably subdue. Resisting this, however, were the under-civilized, the tribes of savages who either had not yet acquired civilization s genius or had somehow lost it in the unknown past. But, against history s design, resistance was futile. As still another poet wrote in 1ř33, in homage to the ffndian warrior Black Hawk and his recently defeated uprising on the ffllinois-ffowa frontier: He fought for Independence too He struck for Freedom with a few Unconquered souls . . . . . But fought in vain for tis decreed, His race must fail, and yours succeed.6 his poem appeared several years before the phrase fflanifest Destiny but expresses the same fatalism. ffn his own savage way Black Hawk was noble, a would-be George Washington for ffndians. But destiny s decree favors the race that combines the best qualities of both: the vigor and drive of the frontier ghter together with the Old World s aspiration to arts and learning. For all its in uence, this largely secular or neoclassical providentialism was already a late development. With its vision of history marching neatly on, it was also comparatively undramatic as cosmic dramas go. fft did include some con ict America s empire-builders would face challenges while taming the wilderness, like the occasional pesky ffndian revolt but these were nothing to worry about. (hough it killed hundreds of people, mostly ffndians, one of the Black Hawk War s young militia captains, Abe ffiincoln, remembered it mostly as a struggle against mosquitoes.7 ) And the succession of empires, in this vision, had already come to an end. he Enlightenment was upon us; time s noblest o spring was the last. he American era was itself the new order of the ages, Novus Ordo Seclorum, its Founders insisted in their elegant neoclassical ffiatin. here was no great climax, no nal, desperate confrontation still to come. Providence had things in hand, and its way of guiding the cosmos was, by and large, cool and kindly. God s way, however, was another mater. ffiong before Bishop Berkeley and his ve acts, Christian theorists had laid out providential schemes that divided history into ages, millennia, symbolic biblical days or successive dispensations. hese were not merely new empires but, by some accounts, radically di erent orders of being. Again, the numbers varied. fioachim of Fiore, the in uential twelth-century prophet who foresaw 6. Charles F. Durant, quoted in Black Hawk s Arrival at N. York, New-London Gazete and General Advertiser, fiune 26, 1ř33, 2. Despite his defeat, Black Hawk became a celebrity; the poem was writen as he was drawing huge crowds on a tour of the eastern cities. For an account of these remarkable circumstances, see fie Smith, he Presidents We Imagine: Two Centuries of White House Fictions on the Page, on the Stage, Onscreen, and Online (ffladison: University of Wisconsin Press, 200Ś), 62 74. fflore than a century later, as a further consolation prize, Black Hawk got a modern Army atack helicopter named ater him. 7. ffiincoln, quoted in Historic Diaries: Black Hawk War, Wisconsin Historical Society, 2013, htp://www. wisconsinhistory.org/diary/002725.asp. fieff Smith 163 a new age arriving in 1260, chose the hallowed number three, naming his great epochs ater the Father, Son and Holy Spirit.ř Hundreds of years earlier, Saint Augustine had posited six ages, with a nal consummation furnishing the biblically correct number seven. And there have been many other variants. hey generally agree in seeing one key moment as the world s Creation; another as Christ, or the world s redemption; and then a journey toward an ultimate state, whether in heaven or on earth, that will be cosmically, eschatologically di erent from everything before.Ś On several other points, too, Christian stories of providential or salvation history broadly agree. heir colorful variations and tangled genealogies are topics of interest in their own right, but the political ideas of interest here mainly re ect the features they share, since these have had the greatest reach. hey include: a fall and first exile as humankind is expelled from paradise into a world of struggle. History is the chronicle of atempts to overcome this curse. fft centers on a chosen people, the story s collective central character, special recipients of God s favor in the Old Testament the children of ffsrael, and in the New Testament the Church or body of Christ. God and the chosen people are bound together in a formal agreement or covenant, which also binds the people to each other and sustains them as a nation. God pledges to furnish the people with laws, to keep them his own if they remain faithful, and to provide them with a promised land, a safe haven in which they can live free from oppression and bondage. For this, however, they are in competition with other nations. hese non-chosen, forsaken or rejected peoples are, again, either under- or over-civilized: the Canaanites blocking the way to the promised land, and the outwardly impressive but fading empires that once held God s children in bondage or may seize them again. he covenant requires keeping the law and disdaining idolatry, unlike the former, but also unlike the later walking humbly, disdaining luxury and oppression. he chosen people, however, do not act just for themselves. hey have a mission: to carry the divine plan into history. his is what makes their greater vitality a force for good, unlike the violence of mere savages or the stagnant rule of a roting empire. hey are the world s redeemer nation. here are di erent views of how their errand is to be carried out: perhaps simply by seting an example, but usually through some overt e ort to bring the good news to the benighted, whether in friendship or at the point of a sword. At any rate, the story is one of unending strife. fff not thwarted by outsiders, the mission could at any moment fall victim to the people s own backsliding. Exile, captivity and new wilderness sojourns recur, followed by periodic revivals and restorations. Both ř. ffn 200ř a false rumor swept fftaly that Barack Obama had been quoting fioachim. See Sandro fflagister, here s a Strange Prophet in the White House, trans. fflathew Sherry, Chiesa Espresso, August 23, 2010, htp://chiesa.espresso.repubblica.it/articolo/1344430?eng=y. As fflagister points out, there is considerable tension between fioachim s thinking and that of Reinhold Niebuhr, the theologian and theorist of political realism whom Obama does sometimes quote. Ś. For an overview, see Paul Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy Belief in Modern American Culture (Cambridge, fflA: Harvard / Belknap, 1ŚŚ2), esp. chap. 2. Also see Constantinos A. Patrides and fioseph Anthony Witreich, eds., he Apocalypse in English Renaissance hought and Literature: Paterns, Antecedents, and Repercussions (fflanchester: fflanchester University Press, 1Śř4), esp. chaps. 1 5, Ś and 13. 164 From Theory to Practice 2012 the biblical story and Christian history are accounts of these struggles, together with prophets warnings and the witness of saints to keep the people steadfast. Finally, strife also arises from evil forces, which are not just abstractions but identi able agents like Satan, false prophets, Gog and fflagog, the Beast or Great Whore, and the most awful and dangerous, the Antichrist. hese opponents make for some striking visions of the end times, the events that will soon bring history to a close perhaps amid nal, apocalyptic struggles leading to a new fierusalem, the paradise regained. ffn di erent combinations, these few elements produce numerous and oten incompatible stories. All variants, though, place enormous weight on human decisions. Having laid down a grand design, God has called on imperfect and recalcitrant human beings to carry it through, in e ect entrusting them with the fate of the cosmos. he world can still be saved, but evil is everywhere and may even be gaining strength. here is no inevitable, progressive march westward or upward. ffndividuals oten fail, and so can nations and time is growing short. hose who hope to be among the elect, therefore, must make the right choices. he challenge is to discover what these are. ffluch of the cosmic design is encoded in events and stories passed down in sacred writings that are no less than God s own Word. Close analysis may allow correlation of these records with the signs of the times to be found in more recent events. Perhaps the end is close enough to be simply waited out. For William ffliller, a farmer and amateur Bible scholar from upstate New York, complicated calculations based on the book of Daniel and other puzzling passages could be merged with a chronology of empires to prove that Christ s return was imminent: it would happen no later than fflarch 21, 1ř44; then, April 1ř; then, nally, October 22. On that date hundreds of thousands of Americans awaited the great moment. ffnstead they got what has been called the Great Disappointment, although the less disappointed went on to found Seventh-Day Adventism, a faith that still teaches that in some cosmic sense ffliller had been right.10 ffiikewise, fiehovah s Witnesses, another outgrowth of nineteenth-century speculation on the End Times, has continued adjusting its chronology as various predicted nal dates have come and gone. And these are just the beter-known examples of an urge that has survived for centuries despite its (thus far) unbroken record of failure. fiust recently an organization called Family Radio apologized for wrongly pegging fflay 21, 2011 as the last day he Bible guarantees it! said the group s billboards then moving this to October 21 when history kept rolling on.11 Prudently, perhaps, most End Times speculation omits precise dates. Still, it assumes that the end is nigh. he bestselling Let Behind series of novels, based on a popular 10. George R. flnight, A Brief History of Seventh-Day Adventists, 2nd ed. (Hagerstown, fflD: Review and Herald Publishing, 2004), 2ř 30. 11. Nicola fflenzie, Family Radio Founder Harold Camping Repents, Apologizes for False Teachings, Christian Post, October 30, 2011, htp://www.christianpost.com/news/family-radio-founder-haroldcamping-repents-apologizes-for-false-teachings-5Śř1Ś/. fieff Smith 165 theory of a coming Rapture and Tribulation, imagines the great nal act beginning sometime in the present day.12 Given such beliefs, broadly termed premillenialist (because Christ s return is seen as beginning, not ending, the nal age), it can be hard to see what is to be done politically. History is all but nished anyway; what remains is a world irreparably broken, amenable to no human reforms but only to God s imminent judgment. hinking this way, some Christians over the years have simply opted out of politics.13 But even the strictest premillenialism suggests the importance of recognizing signs and being aware of the gathering alignment of forces. he Antichrist is among us and preparing for the nal struggle. He is likely to appear in some atractive form, tempting the faithful, who can be seduced into joining his minions if they let their guards down. fflost of the providential thinking that su uses America s secularized or civil religion is not this alarmist. Nor is it blasé, convinced that America s rising glory is decreed by some grand historical logic. ffnstead it borrows from both these possibilities, emerging into public debate at various points along the spectrum they de ne.14 Not surprisingly, the most common ways of applying the providential scheme identify the promised land as America and the chosen people as Americans. God hath graciously patronized our cause, and taken us under his special care, as he did his ancient covenant people, said one minister in 17řř, just as the new government was being organized.15 Satanic forces, the Whore of Babylon, might then be the British Empire, the Bavarian fflluminati (for conspiracy theorists), the Papacy (for both early Protestants and later opponents of mass Catholic immigration), totalitarian dictators, the Soviet Union, or the internationalists who operate through the European Union and United Nations. (ffn the Let Behind novels, the Antichrist is a onetime UN SecretaryGeneral.) he covenant might be explicitly equated with the Founding charters, i.e., the Declaration, Constitution and Bill of Rights, and the mission can range from the merely exemplary building a model city upon a hill, in the original Puritan formulation to actively leading other nations to righteousness or, if need be, imposing it.16 When one U.S. senator declared in 1Ś00 that God had marked the American people as His chosen nation to nally lead in the redemption of the world, he was justifying the forcible 12. Tim ffiaHaye and fierry B. fienkins, Let Behind: A Novel of the Earth s Last Days, vols. 1 16 (Carol Stream: Tyndale House, 1ŚŚ5 2007). 13. For a detailed discussion of premillenialism (as contrasted with postmillenialism ) and its political implications, see Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, chap. 3. 14. fflichael ffiienesch, New Order of the Ages: Time, the Constitution, and the Making of Modern American Political hought (Princeton, Nfi: Princeton University Press, 1Śřř), 23. ffiienesch s book is a detailed study of the complex interplay of secular and sacred providentialist ideas in the period of the American founding, as well as a useful guide to other literature on the subject; see 1ř5n4. For a classic study of the role that those ideas have played in U.S. foreign policy, see Ernest ffiee Tuveson, Redeemer Nation: he Idea of America s Millennial Role (1Ś6ř; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1Śř0). 15. Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 75. 16. City upon a hill is the biblical phrase famously appropriated by Gov. fiohn Winthrop at the founding of fflassachusets. Winthrop, A fflodel of Christian Charity (sermon, aboard ship, 1630), Religious Freedom Page, University of Virginia, htp://religiousfreedom.lib.virginia.edu/sacred/charity.html. 166 From Theory to Practice 2012 annexation of the Philippines.17 Similar claims, though, sometimes in the same words, can be found in the election sermons of eighteenth-century New England, in the nineteenth-century rhetoric of continental expansion, in twentieth-century rationales for American global dominance, and in statements of U.S. o cials on recent atempts to bring democracy to the ffliddle East. As the core of a shared civil religion, then, this classic application of the providential scheme has been impressively consistent over American history. here have also been large deviations from it, however, including two with particular relevance to Campaign 2012: fflormonism, and the African-American or Civil Rights tradition. ffn di erent but related ways, each of these sub-traditions took the basic story and in ected it through the historical experiences of a particular group a di erent chosen people whose promised land was not (quite) the United States. From its beginning, fflormonism was an atempt to identify America s role in salvation history, to the point of specifying that the End Times New fierusalem would appear in fflissouri. Among other things, fflormon founder fioseph Smith was trying to solve a problem that had ba ed Europeans beginning with Columbus: the identity of the so-called ffndians. Providential history had been formulated without reference to them; unaccountably, the redemptive scheme seemed somehow to have missed two whole continents. Smith s solution was that Christ had appeared in the Americas too, among peoples descended from lost tribes of the Old Testament s chosen people. hese o shoots of the chosen had let the providential story early and, in e ect, taken a very long detour. With their re-encounter, the divine drama could at last be brought to completion. Columbus and also the Founding Fathers, says one recent fflormon writer, were instruments in the ffiord s hands in preparing America to become the seat of the Restoration of the Gospel of fiesus Christ in this last dispensation of time. 1ř he losttribes hypothesis was an old one and had been applied to various groups over the centuries. But Smith s version writen, he said, in hieroglyphics on golden plates, then buried for 1,400 years until they were revealed to him in the 1ř20s lled it out in colorful detail. he Book of fflormon that Smith claimed to have translated from the plates described an ancient migration, a schism dividing the good from the evil, and centuries of warfare that the wrong side won. Amerindians were descendents of the ancient wars survivors, their darker skin a mark of their forebears apostasy. According to other nineteenth-century legends absorbed into early fflormonism, the dark skin of African-Americans was also a mark of God s judgment, imposed in their case for failings in a spiritual pre-existence and requiring their exclusion from full church membership a policy nally ended by further revelation in 1Ś7ř. 17. U.S. Sen. Albert Beveridge, quoted in fiohn B. fiudis, he Chosen Nation: he ffn uence of Religion on U.S. Foreign Policy, Policy Brief 37 (fflarch 2005): 2 and passim, htp://www.carnegieendowment.org/ 2005/03/15/chosen-nation-in uence-of-religion-on-u.s.-foreign-policy/1xn5. Also see Robert Neelly Bellah, he Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1ŚŚ2), esp. chap. 2, America as a Chosen People. 1ř. uoted in Garr, Christopher Columbus: A Later-Day Saint Perspective. fieff Smith 167 ffn embracing these mystical anthropologies of old, fflormonism in e ect preserved them in amber for a century and a half while the rest of the world forgot or repudiated them. ffleanwhile, it was also undergoing a complicated, changing relationship to the United States. Despite Smith s pro-American prophecies and his own candidacy for president, his death at the hands of a mob in 1ř44 drove his followers into what was readily seen as a biblical exile, a new sojourn in the wilderness. Already heavily traveled as a result of their Gospel-spreading missions, they declared their independence from the American Babylon and set out to build their new Zion in a promised land around the Great Salt ffiake. ffn line with their self-understanding as the new chosen, fflormons used the biblical word gentiles for non-fflormons (including, oddly, fiews). Brigham Young spent his last years ghting a rearguard action against gentile values, which he believed were creeping into the church and undermining its original communitarian ideals. For him, Babylon was not so much America per se, which his new setlements petitioned early to rejoin, but the U.S. as the center of a rapidly expanding industrial capitalism a powerful tempter that promised wealth to some of his Saints but could also produce the grime and immiseration that Young had seen while spreading the faith in Victorian England.1Ś But Young, though obviously still revered as a fflormon founder, all but completely lost those arguments. Today s ffiater-Day Saints tend to be very comfortable with wealth and capitalism puritanical not only in maters of personal conduct, but in the belief that God s blessings on the virtuous are made visible in worldly success. hey are also known for hyper-patriotism. Some fflormons have taught that the U.S. Constitution was divinely inspired, but also that it will someday hang by a thread, at which point it will be the mission of fflormons the Redeemer Nation s redeemer nation to take steps to save it.20 By long tradition, African-Americans likewise came to analogize their plight to that of the Old Testament ffsraelites. hey, too, were an oppressed minority, escaping the bondage that America had imposed in the past, but wandering in what for them seemed a wilderness without end. he promised land was somewhere, and at times this could be imagined concretely for instance, as the northern climes to which many black Southerners journeyed during the Great ffligration. For the most part, however, the wilderness was not a literal place but a condition fiim Crow segregation, a lack of freedom and full citizenship and the promised land therefore was too. fft was a future America of equality and brotherhood, not yet existing but visible on 1Ś. fflike Davis, he Reds Under Romney s Bed, review of Brigham Young: Pioneer Prophet, by fiohn G. Turner, and A History of Utah Radicalism: Startling, Socialistic, and Decidedly Revolutionary, by fiohn S. fflcCormick and fiohn R. Sillito, Los Angeles Review of Books, October 25, 2012, htp://lareviewobooks. org/article.php?id=1036&fulltext=1. 20. fiames R. Rogers, fflit Romney s Constitutional heology, First hings, February 15, 2012, htp:// www. rsthings.com/onthesquare/2012/02/mit-romneyrsquos-constitutional-theology. Hanging by a thread refers to the White Horse Prophecy, a prediction whose authenticity is disputed and which fflit Romney himself noted is not o cial ffiDS teaching. Uno cially, though, it has been cited by prominent fflormons and has been the basis of fflormon-inspired art for instance fiohn fflcNaughton s painting One Nation Under God, fflcNaughton Fine Art Company, 2012, htp://jonmcnaughton.com/ content/ZoomDetailPages/OneNationUnderGod.html. 16ř From Theory to Practice 2012 the historical horizon for those who, like fflartin ffiuther fling, fir., ascended to the mountaintop. 21 fling s famous dream was that America would nally ful ll the promise of its founding charters, which might not be hanging by a thread but had never been fully honored. He and his fellow activists, therefore, could claim a redemptive mission of their own; they were stepping forward not just to advance themselves, but to save the nation at large for the bene t of all. ffiike the Old Testament prophets, and oten borrowing their words, fling saw himself as calling a wayward people back to the course of justice to which they were bound by covenant. Of course, both Romney and Obama were mainstream politicians. Neither was eager to highlight his links to a minority tradition outside that mainstream. Both spoke for political parties and broad coalitions that would, and do, debate essentially the same issues regardless of their candidates personal qualities or associations. Even so, the competing providential histories are a helpful guide to those issues, revealing much about the rhetoric used to frame them, the particular criticisms aimed at the candidates, and the conclusions that many drew from the election s results. Whether they hoped to be or not, both Romney and Obama were exceptionally good vessels for the clashing ideas that de ne red and blue in contemporary America. At its core, the Republican campaign advanced an argument that went something like this: America is the world s greatest country, and what makes it so is a uniquely wise, time-honored Constitution that emphasizes freedom. his includes a free-market capitalist economic order that is unusually dynamic, the greatest engine of prosperity ever known, in large part because it rewards job creators, whether brilliant, risktaking entrepreneurs or hard-working owners of small businesses. Whatever problems America still faces are best addressed through further application of the same principles. hese have made the U.S. the world s most successful nation, and therefore uniquely suited to lead the world. Unrestricted American action abroad is the best way to spread the blessings of liberty everywhere. All might be lost, however, if the wrong people are elected and allowed to implement freedom-killing policies. Barack Obama, Republicans argued, apologizes for America, does not appreciate its exceptionalism, and whether he means to or not is encouraging its decline. He has never run a business, does not know what makes an economy dynamic, does not understand how America works, and instead atacks success in a continuing campaign of class warfare. By addressing problems through government takeovers instead of free-market solutions, he has put the nation s nances at risk. his makes him the natural leader of those who are likewise reckless in their personal lives, who feel entitled and want society s rewards without working for them the takers as opposed to the makers. Summarized like this, it is easy to see the underlying providentialist message. ffn the Republican vision, America was exceptional in a more profound sense than the 21. fflartin ffiuther fling, fir., To the fflountaintop (speech delivered at Bishop Charles fflason Temple, fflemphis, TN, April 3, 1Ś6ř), in Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Global Freedom Struggle, Stanford University, htp:// mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/encyclopedia/documentsentry/ive_been_to_the_mountaintop/. fieff Smith 16Ś political scientists who coined that term originally meant. fft was the promised land of a chosen people who had succeeded by keeping faith with their original covenant. But it was facing a great temptation, a threatened apostasy from its founding values, and an alarmingly large part of the nation 47 percent, Romney speci ed, to his later chagrin was already in thrall to the smooth-talking tempter.22 his seductive gure has no use for either America s mission or its unique national genius. fff he prevailed, America would go the way of those decadent empires of the past, the one-time centers of civilization on which the sun had already set. As the American dream receded and the U.S. lost its unquestioned global leadership, history s westward course would continue on to China or at any rate, things would get a lot worse for the world, and especially for Americans. he election was therefore a choice with immense consequences. Such an interpretation helps explain why Republican arguments oten seemed oddly abstract. Partly this was calculated: Romney hoped to beat Obama on the strength of the unemployment rate and other indices of national su ering, and would only be disadvantaged by tying himself to particular policy positions. Partly, too, what one critic called gauzy ag-waving has a long history in conservative political imagery.23 But even so, TV spots and videos like Romney s Raising the Flag, he Best of America, or ffn America: Anything is Possible seemed more like ads for a country than a candidate, as if the question before the public was not this or that policy direction but whether to believe in America. Arguing for hope, vision, freedom, optimism and opportunity, the Romney campaign gambled that voters already felt those values under threat, and would respond to hearing them reasserted in sentimental but su ciently muscular ways.24 Romney was also given to singing or reciting America the Beautiful at public appearances, perhaps thinking that this was another simple, sentimental assertion of instantly shared values. (ffn fact, the hymn s later verses imply a sharp critique of America s aw[s], including its tolerance for sel sh gain. 25 ) And when Obama slipped on his pronouns and told businesspeople You didn t build that, sounding to some as if he meant the businesses themselves, Romney and his party launched a de ant atack, making We built it and You built it the themes of numerous ads and statements as well as a substantial part of the Republican National Convention. A surprisingly large amount of campaign energy was put into critiquing a single remark, especially when the supposed insult directly touched only a small group, business 22. fflother fiones News Team, Full Transcript of the fflit Romney Secret Video, Mother Jones, September 1Ś, 2012, htp://www.motherjones.com/politics/2012/0Ś/full-transcript-mit-romneysecret-video#136Ś4252Ś7Ś711&action=collapse_widget&id=ř311776. 23. Walter Shapiro, Spooky fflusic, Steelworkers, and American Flags: A Brief Taxonomy of the Political Ad Wars, New Republic, fflay 26, 2012, htp://www.newrepublic.com/article/politics/103645/campaignads-election-obama-romney-crossroads-commercial-television#. 24. Raising the Flag, htp://youtu.be/C2fljgfq-7PQ, he Best of America, htp://youtu.be/rUcugvŚ26Fo, ffn America: Anything is Possible, htp://youtu.be/Oz3XgYffiqCjg, all posted by fflitromney [pseud.], on YouTube, htp://www.youtube.com/. 25. Given Romney s a ection for the song, it is ironic that the composer, flatherine ffiee Bates, was an internationalist who would later break with the Republican Party to support the ffieague of Nations. Her lyrics also imply that America needs self-control and that not all success is nobleness. 170 From Theory to Practice 2012 owners, who were by and large already Republicans. Obama s critics, though, seemed to think he was insulting nothing less than American genius itself. hey cast You didn t build that as a generalized heresy, something close to an admission that he did not really believe in America.26 Although a debate over free markets and collective provision is not in itself racial, it is easy to see how Obama in particular would become the focus of such a critique. his is another phenomenon best understood in light of providential ideas, and especially the role they have historically assigned to race. he story of a chosen people readily lends itself to identity politics that is, to political e orts to clarify who does or does not belong among the people in question. Europeans rst came to view themselves as Europeans or Christendom in contrast to a threatening Other, the Saracens or Turks, who were not only ffluslim but both under- and over-civilized: they could be imagined both as rampaging desert hordes and as the dissolute potentates of shockingly lavish Oriental courts. fflodern racial theories developed much later, but by the time they did, the West could nally claim to have surpassed the cultural achievements of medieval ffslam and discovered its own genius a quality that most race-theorists associated with northern Europe. According to their once-popular accounts, cold climates produced both white skin and the hardy, can-do spirit that made it possible to build great civilizations. ffiess-white regions and peoples, like those of southern Europe and the Orient, could borrow and mimic such achievements but could not create them for themselves. Amerindians lacked initiative altogether, and Africans were marked by the absence of genius, a result of 4,000 years of lazy, unproductive life in the jungle. he argument, once widespread, for denying equal rights to African Americans was that the traits they had acquired from these sorry origins were passed down in the blood, and that making blacks and whites political equals necessarily meant making them social equals, which would inevitably lead to race-mixing and diluted blood draining the white race, over time, of its civilization-making genius. fft is di cult to recall these old ideas without observing that Barack Hussein Obama is the o spring of a mixed-race marriage, and that his critics have variously charged him with being hostile to religion; possibly ffluslim himself; an insu erable celebrity hipster; a grimly commited ideologue; yet lazy and vacuous, unable to create even his own soaring rhetoric, though slickly skilled at mimicking a great speaker when 26. Obama s You didn t build that was called a philosophical rewriting of the American story, a direct atack on the principle of individual responsibility, the foundation of American freedom, an example of disrespecting the American people, the words of someone who despises the capitalist system, and an expression of views that raise the far more potent issue of national identity and feed the suspicion that fflr. Obama is actively hostile to American ideals and aspirations. See, respectively, Andrew Cline, What You Didn t Build hat Really ffleans and Why Romney Can t Explain fft, Atlantic, August 10, 2012, htp://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/0ř/what-you-didnt-build-that-really-meansand-why-romney-cant-explain-it/260Śř4/; fiames Taranto, You Didn t Sweat, He Did, Wall Street Journal, fiuly 1ř, 2012, htp://online.wsj.com/article/SB10000ř723Ś63Ś0444ř73204577535053434Ś72374. html; Fox News, Romney Goes On O ense, fflark ffievin Reacts, Townhall video, htp://townhall.com/ video/romney-goes-on-o ense-mark-levin-reacts; and flimberley A. Strassel, Four ffiitle Words: Why the Obama Campaign is Suddenly So Worried, Wall Street Journal, fiuly 26, 2012, htp://online.wsj.com/ article/SB10000ř723Ś63Ś0443Ś3140457755134401ř773450.html. fieff Smith 171 suitably teleprompted. Criticisms like these may seem mutually incompatible, but from a providentialist viewpoint they are all of a piece. As it has so oten in the past, the threat to America comes from two directions, the under- and the over-civilized. Today, these are the tribal societies of the ffliddle East, with their instability and terrorism, and the feckless French and other appeaseniks of Europe who cosset themselves in the comforts of welfare states in ated to unsustainable levels. Obama embodies the unholy alliance of these forces, sympathizing and sharing qualities with both. An internationalist with a cosmopolitan upbringing allegedly not even an American citizen he is the darling of a decadent, globe-troting coastal elite that delights in diversity and disdains the real America. fff it does not quite welcome the terrorists, this elite hesitates in the face of determined enemies, weakly preferring to talk instead of ght. And it does welcome the uncontrolled immigration that will put an end to America s unique identity. Obama and his fellow elitists do not value American exceptionalism, which is to say, they do not acknowledge America s role in providential history. heir socialistic, Eurostyle domestic agenda is also disdainful of freedom, initiative and the can-do spirit. All this points toward national decline. Obama is the last anticolonial, according to one provocative portrait, the ideological heir of his fflarxist flenyan father, cheering on today s resistance ghters in their struggle to induce the United States to join Europe in surrendering its global ambitions.27 ffloreover, with his blurred racial identity, Obama represents the way the old curse has become a blessing and, ominously, vice-versa. A recipient and advocate of the special rights accorded to contemporary minorities, he governs amid a perverse and fallen state of things in which ordinary, God-fearing Americans have become the new oppressed minority. Put more crudely, he has a deep-seated hatred for white people or the white culture, as a prominent fflormon commentator charged, and has let the Constitution hanging by a thread, just as in fflormon prophecy.2ř ffn fiohn fflcNaughton s fflormon-inspired paintings, the message is not subtle: the Constitution was a git from Christ, and Obama, who is depicted stepping on it and burning it while soaking up the cheers of the misguided, is the Antichrist.2Ś hat the chosen people have chosen him to lead them is itself grounds for God s looming judgment on this errant nation. 27. Dinesh D Souza How Obama hinks, Forbes, September 27, 2010, htp://www.forbes.com/forbes/2010/ 0Ś27/politics-socialism-capitalism-private-enterprises-obama-business-problem.html. ffn a similar vein, see Newt Gingrich, How America Became a Secular-Socialist fflachine, Washington Post, April 23, 2010, htp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/04/22/AR2010042204207.html. Both these articles summarize arguments that the authors later expanded into books. 2ř. Glenn Beck, Glenn Beck with Sen. Hatch: Constitution is Hanging by a hread, Glenn Beck, November 4, 200ř, htp://www.glennbeck.com/content/articles/article/1Ś6/17711/; Dana fflilbank, fflormon Prophecy Behind Glenn Beck s fflessage, Hu ngton Post, October 5, 2010, htp://www. hu ngtonpost.com/dana-milbank/post_ŚŚ6_b_74Ś750.html. 2Ś. he paintings in question are collected in the Patriotic section, fflcNaughton Fine Art Company, 2012, htp://www.jonmcnaughton.com/patriotic/. he ffnteractive Web Page features allow individual symbols in the paintings to be searched for detailed explanations. 172 From Theory to Practice 2012 Some of these reactions were predictable from the time that Americans rst started seriously imagining non-white-male presidents. Repeatedly, the fear (or in some cases, the comic premise) was that such a president would govern in the interests of his or her identity group, not the people as a whole.30 Obama presumably understands that the rst African-American president cannot help but represent a further phase in the long Civil Rights fflovement, a movement that at various times has been seen by some as deeply threatening. But, in his rst presidential campaign, under the slogan Yes, We Can, he turned this association to his advantage, recasting the aspirations of civil-rights protesters as the mission of the whole people. Conjuring some of the enthusiasm of religious revivals, as the Civil Rights fflovement had also done, he made all of America, in e ect, a Civil Rights fflovement. His we simultaneously meant his supporters ( we can win ) and the larger public ( we can make a beter America ). Obama s more recent slogans, Forward and Winning the Future, atempted something similar America as a winning campaign but weakly and to less e ect. fflore central to his 2012 message was, if not an atack on success, then a mildly prophetic plea against idolizing it. Our long and prosperous journey as the greatest nation on earth, Obama said, depended on our obligations to one another, and to this larger enterprise that is America : We have always held certain beliefs as Americans. We believe that in order to preserve our freedoms and pursue our own happiness, we can t just think about ourselves. We have to think about the country that made those liberties possible. We have to think about our fellow citizens with whom we share a community.31 When he said You didn t build that, Obama may have thought he was just repeating this upbeat message with speci c reference to business. But changing the phrasing made it more of a mini-jeremiad. As one astute commentator noted, Obama sounded angry and delivered the remark in black dialect. 32 his was a dangerous inversion of his carefully crated public persona. With his artful appropriation and re-purposing of the rhetoric of civil rights, Obama had found a way to make America s providential imagery work in his favor. Now, suddenly, he risked turning it against himself, renewing the old stereotypes, casting himself as the barbarian standing agape at a great city he could never comprehend but only destroy. Romney and his campaign encouraged this interpretation, arguing that Obama s extraordinarily foreign ideas would change the nature of America. Said one Romney spokesman, ff wish this president would learn how to be an American. 33 30. See Smith, Presidents We Imagine, 1ř1 Śř. 31. ffiucas Gray, Why Obama Now, YouTube animation, htp://youtu.be/UŚGřXREyG0Q. For the text from which the narration is excerpted, see Transcript of President Barack Obama s speech on the Republican budget plan at ASNE, Washington Post, April 3, 2012, htp://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/fulltranscript-barack-obama-speech-before-newspaper-editors/2012/04/03/gffQArZŚctS_story.html. 32. fionathan Chait, he Real Reason You Didn t Build hat Works, New York, fiuly 27, 2012, htp://nymag. com/daily/intelligencer/2012/07/real-reason-you-didnt-build-that-works.html. 33. Charlie Spiering, Romney: Obama ffnsulting Every ffnnovator in America from Steve fiobs to Papa fiohn s, Washington Examiner, fiuly 17, 2012, htp://washingtonexaminer.com/romney-obamainsulting-every-innovator-in-america-from-steve-jobs-to-papa-johns/article/2502374; Benjy Sarlin, fieff Smith 173 ffn the end, having weathered that small crisis, and apparently to his opponents surprise, Obama won the election. fff providentialist ideas are helpful to understanding the campaign, they are essential for making sense of reactions in its atermath. hese were remarkably consistent. Only a few explicitly called America s current state Egyptianlike bondage or insisted that God has sent a dire warning, that the people must rise up to restore His kingdom lest the republic soon die and go the way of ancient Greece, Rome and other lost civilizations. 34 But even those commentators who stuck to secular language drew freely on underlying notions of a broken covenant, a chosen but apostate nation, and the loss of vitality that causes the fading of empire. he election results demonstrate that, as a whole, the American electorate is trending very EuroCanadian, said one analyst, who also saw nothing very exceptional about Americans anymore.35 A chorus of others agreed. Americans are starting to look like Europeans, and as a result they want a European form of government. 36 hose who opposed Obama were an American remnant, perhaps the last gasp of Constitutionalism and free enterprise. 37 Having diverted the American experiment into an economic and political dead-end, 3ř Obama was changing the very character of the people, speeding up a social transformation that eroded their self-reliance.3Ś As a result, they were choosing national decline, in the same way that Europe has become depleted, insular and toothless. 40 For some, the election results signaled the end of traditional America 41 or placed the continued existence of America as we ve known it in doubt. 42 But others were more de nite: 236 years of the United States gone in one single day and night. 43 he America 34. 35. 36. 37. 3ř. 3Ś. 40. 41. 42. 43. Sununu Unleashed: Obama Needs To ffiearn How To Be An American, Talking Points Memo, fiuly 17, 2012, htp://2012.talkingpointsmemo.com/2012/07/sununu-unleashed-obama-needs-to-learn-how-tobe-an-american.php. As noted there, fiohn Sununu later partly withdrew his remark about Obama learning to be American. ffiarry fllayman, God Has a bigger plan!, WND, November Ś, 2012, htp://www.wnd.com/2012/11/godhas-a-bigger-plan/. fflark Steyn, he Edge of the Abyss, National Review Online, November Ś, 2012, htp://www. nationalreview.com/articles/333116/edge-abyss-mark-steyn. fionah Goldberg, Becoming European, National Review Online, November Ś, 2012, htp://www. nationalreview.com/articles/33303ř/becoming-european-jonah-goldberg. fiay Nordlinger, Biterfest 2012, National Review Online, November ř, 2012, htp://www.nationalreview. com/articles/332Ś7Ś/biterfest-2012-jay-nordlinger. Robert R. Owens, Who Does He Say hat He ffsŠ, Canada Free Press, November 2Ś, 2012, htp:// canadafreepress.com/index.php/article/51412. Yuval ffievin, he Real Debate, Weekly Standard, October ř, 2012, htp://www.weeklystandard.com/ articles/real-debate_653224.html. (his analysis, unlike the other comments quoted in this paragraph, appeared before the election.) fflichael Gerson, Politics as Usual, Washington Post, fianuary 15, 2013, htp://www.washingtonpost. com/opinions/michael-gerson-obamas-bankrupt- scal-plan/2013/01/14/d76fřa52-5eř0-11e2-ŚŚ406fc4řřf3fecd_story.html. Bill O Reilly, quoted in fflackenzie Weinger, Bill O Reilly: he White Establishment is Now the fflinority, Politico, November 6, 2012, htp://www.politico.com/blogs/media/2012/11/bill-oreilly-thewhite-establishment-is-now-the-minority-14ř705.html. Stanley flurtz, On Conservative Despair, National Review Online, November 10, 2012, htp://www. nationalreview.com/corner/333161/conservative-despair-stanley-kurtz. Eric Dondero, Comments, FSTDT, November 6, 2012, htp://www.fstdt.com/uoteComment.aspx?QffD= Ś066Ś&Page=2. 174 From Theory to Practice 2012 we knew and loved is gone forever. uite simply, We are no longer American. We are no longer the people that built the best country in the world. 44 To some, reactions like these will seem overwrought. But they accurately express the meaning that elections take on when viewed as part of the providential story. Given the ways they t that story, the candidates and issues put before Americans in 2012 were especially apt to make defeat seem world-historical and cosmic. As they spent November chastising their countrymen for choosing decline and Egyptian bondage, some on the political right sounded like ffloses denouncing his sti -necked people, smashing his stone tablets when he found them worshipping a golden calf. ffn all likelihood, those critics would later rethink their interpretations, nding ways to t the providential scheme to whatever circumstances arose next. hey might have recalled that ffloses made new tablets, and the drama went on. he promised land still lay ahead. Works Cited Beck, Glenn. Glenn Beck with Sen. Hatch: Constitution is Hanging by a hread. Glenn Beck, November 4, 200ř. htp://www.glennbeck.com/content/articles/article/1Ś6/17711/. Bellah, Robert Neelly. he Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial. 2nd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1ŚŚ2. Berkeley, George, and George Newenham Wright. he Works of George Berkeley Part Two. Vol. 2. White sh: flessinger, 2004. Boyer, Paul. 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Provo: Brigham Young University Religious Studies Center, 1ŚŚ2. htp://rsc.byu.edu/archived/christopher-columbus-later-day-saint-perspective/ chapter-1-columbus-ful llment-book-mormo. Gerson, fflichael. Politics as Usual. Washington Post, fianuary 15, 2013. htp://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/michael-gerson-obamas-bankruptscal-plan/2013/01/14/d76fřa52-5eř0-11e2-ŚŚ40-6fc4řřf3fecd_story.html. Gingrich, Newt. How America Became a Secular-Socialist fflachine. Washington Post, April 23, 2010. htp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/ 2010/04/22/AR2010042204207.html. Goldberg, fionah. Becoming European. National Review Online, November Ś, 2012. htp://www.nationalreview.com/articles/33303ř/becoming-european-jonahgoldberg. Gray, ffiucas. Why Obama Now. YouTube animation, 3:44. Writen and directed by ffiucas Gray, produced by Sky Esser. Posted October 5, 2012. htp://youtu.be/UŚGřXREyG0Q. fiudis, fiohn B. he Chosen Nation: he ffn uence of Religion on U.S. Foreign Policy. Policy Brief 37 (fflarch 2005): 1 7. htp://www.carnegieendowment.org/2005/03/15/ chosen-nation-in uence-of-religion-on-u.s.-foreign-policy/1xn5. fling, fflartin ffiuther, fir. To the fflountaintop. Speech delivered at Bishop Charles fflason Temple, fflemphis, TN, April 3, 1Ś6ř. ffn Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Global Freedom Struggle. Stanford University. htp://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index. php/encyclopedia/documentsentry/ive_been_to_the_mountaintop/. fllayman, ffiarry. God Has a Bigger Plan! WND, November Ś, 2012. htp://www.wnd.com/2012/11/god-has-a-bigger-plan/. flnight, George R. A Brief History of Seventh-Day Adventists. 2nd ed. Hagerstown, fflD: Review and Herald Publishing, 2004. flurtz, Stanley. On Conservative Despair. National Review Online, November 10, 2012. htp://www.nationalreview.com/corner/333161/conservative-despairstanley-kurtz. ffiaHaye, Tim, and fierry B. fienkins. Let Behind: A Novel of the Earth s Last Days. 16 vols. Carol Stream: Tyndale House, 1ŚŚ5 2007. Legal Insurrection. Election Night Results, reader comment, November 6, 2012. htp://legalinsurrection.com/2012/11/election-night-results-operationcounterweight-and-more/#comments. 176 From Theory to Practice 2012 ffievin, Yuval. he Real Debate. Weekly Standard, October ř, 2012. htp://www.weeklystandard.com/articles/real-debate_653224.html. ffiienesch, fflichael. New Order of the Ages: Time, the Constitution, and the Making of Modern American Political hought. Princeton, Nfi: Princeton University Press, 1Śřř. fflagister, Sandro. here s a Strange Prophet in the White House. Translated by fflathew Sherry. Chiesa Espresso, August 23, 2010. htp://chiesa.espresso.repubblica.it/articolo/1344430?eng=y. fflcNaughton, fiohn. One Nation Under God. fflcNaughton Fine Art Company. 2012. htp://jonmcnaughton.com/content/ZoomDetailPages/OneNationUnderGod.html. fflcNaughton, fiohn. Patriotic. fflcNaughton Fine Art Company. 2012. htp://www.jonmcnaughton.com/patriotic/. fflenzie, Nicola. Family Radio Founder Harold Camping Repents, Apologizes for False Teachings. Christian Post, October 30, 2011. htp://www.christianpost.com/news/family-radio-founder-harold-campingrepents-apologizes-for-false-teachings-5Śř1Ś/. fflilbank, Dana. fflormon Prophecy Behind Glenn Beck s fflessage. Hu ngton Post, October 5, 2010. htp://www.hu ngtonpost.com/dana-milbank/post_ŚŚ6_b_74Ś750.html. fflitromney [pseud.]. ffn America: Anything is Possible. YouTube video, 1:2Ś. Posted fiune 6, 2011. htp://youtu.be/Oz3XgYffiqCjg. fflitromney [pseud.]. Raising the Flag. YouTube video, 2:42. Posted fiune 14, 2012. htp://youtu.be/C2fljgfq-7PQ. fflitromney [pseud.]. he Best of America. YouTube video, 2:40. Posted fiuly 4, 2012. htp://youtu.be/rUcugvŚ26Fo. fflother fiones News Team. Full Transcript of the fflit Romney Secret Video. Mother Jones, September 1Ś, 2012. htp://www.motherjones.com/politics/2012/0Ś/full-transcript-mit-romney-secretvideo#136Ś4252Ś7Ś711&action=collapse_widget&id=ř311776. New-London Gazete and General Advertiser. Black Hawk s Arrival at N. York. fiune 26, 1ř33. Nordlinger, fiay. Biterfest 2012. National Review Online, November ř, 2012. htp://www.nationalreview.com/articles/332Ś7Ś/biterfest-2012-jay-nordlinger. Obama, Barack. Presidential Proclamation Columbus Day, 2012. O ce of the Press Secretary, he White House, October 5, 2012. htp://www.whitehouse.gov/thepress-o ce/2012/10/05/presidential-proclamation-columbus-day-2012. Obama, Barack. Transcript of President Barack Obama s Speech on the Republican Budget Plan at ASNE. Washington Post, April 3, 2012. htp://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/full-transcript-barack-obama-speechbefore-newspaper-editors/2012/04/03/gffQArZŚctS_story.html. Owens, Robert R. Who Does He Say hat He ffsŠ Canada Free Press, November 2Ś, 2012. htp://canadafreepress.com/index.php/article/51412. fieff Smith 177 Patrides, Constantinos A., and fioseph Anthony Witreich, eds. he Apocalypse in English Renaissance hought and Literature: Paterns, Antecedents, and Repercussions. fflanchester: fflanchester University Press, 1Śř4. Phelan, fiohn ffieddy. he Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World. 2nd rev. ed. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1Ś70. Rogers, fiames R. fflit Romney s Constitutional heology. First hings, February 15, 2012. htp://www. rsthings.com/onthesquare/2012/02/mit-romneyrsquosconstitutional-theology. Sarlin, Benjy. Sununu Unleashed: Obama Needs To ffiearn How To Be An American. Talking Points Memo, fiuly 17, 2012. htp://2012.talkingpointsmemo.com/2012/07/ sununu-unleashed-obama-needs-to-learn-how-to-be-an-american.php. Shapiro, Walter. Spooky fflusic, Steelworkers, and American Flags: A Brief Taxonomy of the Political Ad Wars. New Republic, fflay 26, 2012. htp://www.newrepublic.com/article/politics/103645/campaign-ads-electionobama-romney-crossroads-commercial-television#. Shea, Daniel B., ed. Poetry in the Early Republic. ffn he Columbia Literary History of the United States, edited by Emory Elliot, Terence fflartin, David fflinter, fflarjorie Perlo , and Daniel B. Shea, 156 67. New York: Columbia University Press, 1Śřř. Smith, fie . he Presidents We Imagine: Two Centuries of White House Fictions on the Page, on the Stage, Onscreen, and Online. ffladison: University of Wisconsin Press, 200Ś. Spiering, Charlie. Romney: Obama ffnsulting Every ffnnovator in America from Steve fiobs to Papa fiohn s. Washington Examiner, fiuly 17, 2012. htp://washingtonexaminer.com/romney-obama-insulting-every-innovator-inamerica-from-steve-jobs-to-papa-johns/article/2502374. Stein, Stephen fi. Transatlantic Extensions: Apocalyptic in Early New England. ffn he Apocalypse in English Renaissance hought and Literature: Paterns, Antecedents, and Repercussions, edited by Constantinos A. Patrides and fioseph Anthony Witreich, 266 Śř. fflanchester: fflanchester University Press, 1Śř4. Steyn, fflark. he Edge of the Abyss. National Review Online, November Ś, 2012. htp://www.nationalreview.com/articles/333116/edge-abyss-mark-steyn. Strassel, flimberley A. Four ffiitle Words: Why the Obama Campaign is Suddenly So Worried. Wall Street Journal, fiuly 26, 2012. htp://online.wsj.com/article/ SB10000ř723Ś63Ś0443Ś3140457755134401ř773450.html. Taranto, fiames. You Didn t Sweat, He Did. Wall Street Journal, fiuly 1ř, 2012. htp:// online.wsj.com/article/SB10000ř723Ś63Ś0444ř73204577535053434Ś72374.html. Tuveson, Ernest ffiee. Redeemer Nation: he Idea of America s Millennial Role. 1Ś6ř. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1Śř0. Wats, Pauline fflo t. Prophecy and Discovery: On the Spiritual Origins of Christopher Columbus s Enterprise of the ffndies. American Historical Review Ś0, no. 1 (February 1Śř5): 73 102. 17ř From Theory to Practice 2012 Weinger, fflackenzie. Bill O Reilly: he White Establishment is Now the fflinority. Politico, November 6, 2012. htp://www.politico.com/blogs/media/2012/11/billoreilly-the-white-establishment-is-now-the-minority-14ř705.html. Winthrop, fiohn. A fflodel of Christian Charity. Sermon aboard ship, 1630. Religious Freedom Page, University of Virginia, htp://religiousfreedom.lib.virginia.edu/sacred/charity.html. Wisconsin Historical Society. Historic Diaries: Black Hawk War. 2013. htp://www.wisconsinhistory.org/diary/002725.asp. The Poet as a Walt Whitman of Contemporary American Culture: On The Bob Hope Poem by Campbell fflcGrath fiiří Flajšar Palacký University, Philosophical Faculty, Department of English and American Studies, fl í kovského 10, 771 ř0 Olomouc, Czech Republic. Email: jiri ajsaršcentrum.cz Abstract: his paper gives a new reading of he Bob Hope Poem by Campbell fflcGrath (b. 1Ś62), a major younger American poet who has produced a substantial body of poetry writen in the form of either short, lyric culture commentary, or, as longer fragmented poems of epic ambition that are evocative of Walt Whitman and Allen Ginsberg. he paper explores two aspects of he Bob Hope Poem. First, a formal and thematic analysis is provided. hen, an evaluation of the achievement and problems of the poem is made to situate fflcGrath in a tradition of poet commentators on American history whose work negotiates the uneasy relationship between public and private, self and community, popular and high culture. fleywords: Campbell fflcGrath; Walt Whitman; Allen Ginsberg; American poetry; criticism; interpretation; popular culture; Bob Hope; celebrity; commentary; voice; self Am ff a stooge of the popular culture machineŠ, 1 wonders Campbell fflcGrath. His ongoing poetry project is, true enough, both comic and serious, speaking in a voice that tries to make sense of the changeable landscape of urban America. he reputation of the author as a major free verse poet, whose cosmic voice draws on the Whitman-Ginsberg tradition of the poet as a self-appointed public spokesman, was established by the early 1ŚŚ0s. Since the beginning of his career, fflcGrath has produced poetry in two modes. First, and perhaps less interesting, there are the mainstream short lyric poems in free verse, characterized by the use of a private voice of the poet, ironic tone, and minimalist syntax. Second, fflcGrath has writen long poems of epic ambition that weave in diverse elements from the past and present of the poet, a particular region of America, and voices of famous writers, celebrities, and thinkers. An early notable example of the long poem in the second mode is he Bob Hope Poem, a seventy-page-long composition that forms the backbone of Spring Comes to Chicago (1ŚŚ6), the third full- edged poetry volume by fflcGrath.2 ffts length and the presence of narrative makes it a candidate for epic poetry, yet its focus on the individual voice of the poet also justi es its inclusion in the lyric genre. Douglas Barbour considers the contemporary long poem an exercise in using the lyric voice that seeks to escape the con nes of lyric though not necessarily by abandoning all lyric possibilities. 3 1. Campbell fflcGrath, Spring Comes to Chicago (Hopewell, Nfi: Ecco, 1ŚŚ6), 46. 2. he earlier poetry volumes by fflcGrath include Capitalism (Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1ŚŚ0) and American Noise (Hopewell, Nfi: Ecco Press, 1ŚŚ3). 3. Douglas Barbour, Lyric / Anti-lyric: Essays on Contemporary Poetry (Edmonton: NeWest, 2001), 7. 1ř0 From Theory to Practice 2012 Furthermore, the potential of the lyric to convey an epic story of a national culture is tested in he Bob Hope Poem. he poem is divided into six sections, each being introduced by a description of a snowstorm in Chicago, as witnessed by the poet who spends a day at home in his apartment. Although the snowstorm passages should drive the reader into the poem, the language of these sections is pretentious, contrived, and unconvincing, as in the following quotation: hese elephantine snow akes sashaying lazily earthward look about as likely as three-dollar bills. Huge and shambling, avuncular as church-goers, delicately laced as linen doilies, u y as kitens or coton swabs, linked arm in arm in a ticker-tape parade of paper doll Rocketes or lurching like waves of drunken longshoremen4 he linguistic profusion is exciting, yet meaning gets obscured by what fioel Brouwer calls self-indulgence partly redeemed by sheer exuberance. 5 he exuberant tone and the inclusive language that tries to incorporate everything is not, however, the only strategy that fflcGrath employs throughout the poem. ffn order to change the pace, line length, and tone, fflcGrath switches back and forth between the high register of descriptive passages in the Whitmanian long line, as represented by the quote above, to a plain-spoken, short-line commentary on popular culture and his own day spent indoors, assuming the comic mask of an outsider to the lowbrow reading preferences of his wife: ff ve been reading about Bob Hope in People magazine. / fft s my wife who buys it. / ff swear (10). ffn the rst section of the poem, he Secret ffiife of Capital, the personal voice merges with the public, yet there is litle sense of social criticism in fflcGrath s outward gesture as the tone of wry commentary seems enough. On this disengagement in the a airs being portrayed fflcGrath seems to di er from two other notable letist predecessors who worked in the long poem format, Hugh fflacDiarmid and homas fflcGrath (no relation).6 Unlike these poets, whose letwing critique of society was an essential element of their poetry, fflcGrath only speaks in what fioe fflo et calls a public voice that in the end only uses fflarxism as tool for making us look closer at ourselves. 7 hroughout the poem, fflcGrath juxtaposes the ironic, understated tone of the pragmatic protagonist who rambles around his apartment, trying to kill time and do something useful before it is time to meet his wife in the evening ( ff wonder where / that 4. Campbell fflcGrath, he Bob Hope Poem, in Spring Comes to Chicago (Hopewell, Nfi: Ecco, 1ŚŚ6), Ś. Hereater cited in the text. he volume, and in particular he Bob Hope Poem, brought fflcGrath enormous recognition, including generous prizes like the flingsley Tuts Poetry Prize and the superlavish fflacArthur Foundation genius grant fellowship. 5. fioel Brouwer, Accordion fflusic and Raw Profusion, Parnassus: Poetry in Review 26, no. 2 (2002): 171. 6. fflacDiarmid was a Scotish fflarxist author, homas fflcGrath an American poet, unjustly marginalized for his letist views. 7. fioe fflo et, Beyond the Postmodern ffiong Poem: Campbell fflcGrath s he Bob Hope Poem, EAPSU Online: An Annual Journal of Critical and Creative Work 3 (2006): 5Ś. htp://media.tripod.lycos.com/ 2ř45573/147ř33ř.pdf. fiiří Flajšar 1ř1 old snow shovel wentŠ [10]) with the comic pretension of the intellectual who admits to liking popular magazines. his preference challenges his authority as a culture critic: as if ff could mitigate my guilt so easily, as if ff could deny any act of will or / intention and simply discover its fortuitous presence / / there, on the rug, by my chair (11). he edi ce of the critic s reputation is shatered, and the incongruity between the banality of the occasion and the loty tone used by the poet becomes humorous: he truth is ff ve been siting here for over an hour, feet on the desk, chair / tilted back, drinking black currant tea and reading People / while the ubiquitous squirrels frolic and dance and the snow akes do their / gravitational thing (10). As soon as the poet moves from talking about his actions and thoughts to describing the snow-plagued world outside his window, his language again becomes awkward ( ubiquitous squirrels ) and vague ( their gravitational thing ) which is one of the shortcomings of the poem.ř As William ffiogan points out, fflcGrath has problems with pruning his catalogues of Whitmanian long-line profusion passages, as he can t bear to leave a single thing out. Ś Stanley Plumly explains that the voice of the contemporary poet, his way of presiding over his material, whether the intention is to inspire or illuminate, whether the terms are those of a persona or one of a trinity of personal pronouns, is inevitable. 10 Whenever fflcGrath becomes unsure of his footing, the speaking voice succumbs to the inclusion of unnecessary, maddening, opaque language and imagery. he real subject of the poem is a meditation on capitalism, American history and culture. To that end, fflcGrath utilizes a magazine story involving Bob Hope, who is in a hot dispute about a / piece of real estate in Southern California (11). Hope, an American celebrity who wore many hats during the century of his life a comedian, actor, TV show host, golf tournament host, businessman is portrayed as a ruthless real estate speculator. hough he s a nonagenarian, he wants that extra twenty- ve million bucks / so bad he can taste it (12). he gure of Bob Hope is, like fiay Gatsby in Francis Scot Fitzgerald s he Great Gatsby (1Ś25), a mirror for the expression of the author s ambivalence in relation to success, vanity, and traditional American values such as hard work and upward social mobility. Beside the thematic grounding, the inclusion of the Hope story has a structural function in the poem as well since the story of Hope s real estate deal and past history of his successful showbiz career provides a logical frame to the otherwise amorphous poem whose form oscillates between laconic minimalism and bombastic expansiveness. As David Haven Blake points out, the use of Bob Hope ř. he worst case of pretentious opacity and vagueness comes in the following passage from pages 36 37 of the poem: When ff look out my window, when ff look not to look but to see, even the most elemental forms and objects are shaded with hermeneutical nuance, / the unsaid, the understood, subtexts half-buried by this blizzard of the incomprehensible, / a world of circumstance and uter contingency invested with a deep and apparent historical sheen. Vague philosophizing is presented as deep meditation on the relationship of reality, vision, surface, and inner substance of things, yet the language here does not match the poet s communicative ambition. Ś. William ffiogan, Valentine s Day fflassacre, New Criterion 26, no. 10 (200ř): 6Ś. 10. Stanley Plumly, Argument & Song: Sources & Silences in Poetry (New York: Hansel, 2003), 165. 1ř2 From Theory to Practice 2012 as a celebrity character in the poem serves as an anchor, providing ironic points of cohesion to an amorphous, shiting society. 11 he disgust that fflcGrath directs at the senseless greed of the nonagenarian Hope, a celebrity who is supposedly rich beyond any need for more business acquisitions, is used to launch a diatribe against the negative impact of money upon American culture. ffloney is in turn abhorred and loved as a beautiful metaphor, a poetic analogy, / / a diagram, / a model, / a map of the stars (14) that may give a clue to the question of how American identity is de ned. fff success and recognition is translated into monetary terms, it indeed all amounts to the same thing, / which is everything / or nothing, / / depending on where you stand (15). he rst section of he Bob Hope Poem also sets up the patern, which is observed in the subsequent sections, of incorporating quotations on the section theme, ranging from fflarx to horeau, which counterpoint the poet s rant with voices of philosophical distance and authority.12 ffn the second section, he Triumph of Rationalism, fflcGrath elaborates on the meaning of Bob Hope in the context of American history of greed: What s become of us, / America, / our Bob-ness, our Self-HopeŠ (25). he symbolic potential of the surname, i.e., Hope, is not lost upon fflcGrath who connects the aging businessman to a range of thoughts on the past and future of American capitalism. And an uneasy future it is, re ected in the poet wondering about the viability of American cult of the material, along with what Brouwer calls the orderly chaos that characterizes American culture, 13 which emerges as the real theme of the poem. he greatest charm of fflcGrath s voice seems its inclusiveness, an ability to provide a master narrative while at the same time deconstructing that narrative.14 His poem deals with both the private woes and meditations of the poet himself as well as with the more public concern about America s history and future. his strategy is best utilized in the third section, Commodity Fetishism in the White City. he focus on Chicago provides fflcGrath with a framework to move back and forth between ironic self-deprecation of the narcissistic poet who takes the discourse of navel-gazing to extremes ( ffiet s see now: letover / Chinese / or liverwurst and swissŠ [2Ś]) and the public voice of the poet who is worried by the impossibility to arrive at a unifying interpretation of his native city: How can ff reconcile my a ection with my anger, my need to criticize with my desire to praiseŠ fff there s only one Chicago, which is it: horstein Veblen s or fflilton Friedman s, Gene Debs or fflayor Daley s, the White City, the Grey City, the black city abandoned to sit through the ashesŠ (42) 11. David Haven Blake, Campbell fflcGrath and the Spectacle Society, Michigan uarterly Review 41, no. 2 (2002): 24Ś. 12. he individual quotations used by fflcGrath, although too diverse to be quoted in full here, all relate to the subject of money and how it de nes what humans perceive as human and cultural in their world view. 13. Brouwer, Accordion fflusic and Raw Profusion, 176. 14. See Brouwer, Accordion fflusic and Raw Profusion, 17ř. fiiří Flajšar 1ř3 When Carl Sandburg pondered, in the 1Ś10s, the cultural meaning of Chicago in his eponymous poem celebrating the city, he could still draw on Whitmanian optimism about the viability, progress, and enviable vigour of the metropolis of the fflidwest: Come and show me another city with lited head singing so proud to be alive and coarse and strong and cunning. 15 fflcGrath, writing in the 1ŚŚ0s, is more pessimistic about the future of urban development. His way to deal with the predicament of late twentieth-century Chicago is by humourous undercuting through the example of a castle made of sand, the short-lived White City, a utopian model built as the center of he Chicago World s Fair of 1řŚ3. fflcGrath compares its cultural importance to that of American fast-food and entertainment icons: fff the 7 11 is a minnow, and Wal-fflart a blue n tuna, the White City was ffloby Dick. fff the 7 11 is a slot machine, and Wal-fflart a bingo parlor, the White City was ffias Vegas. (3ř) he link between popular entertainment and a great American novel is a typical strategy that fflcGrath employs to sustain his ambition to be a spectator, a voyeur, and a knowing but ardent participant in the American simulacrum. 16 ffn the fourth section, Road to Utopia, the highbrow and lowbrow interpretations of American culture again merge as fflcGrath explores the story of a 1Ś40s lm starring Bob Hope, Bing Crosby, and Dorothy ffiamour. the lm was one of the several Road to romantic music adventure comedies that the trio made. Bringing up the subject of (Bob) Hope again, fflcGrath asks the fundamental question about the meaning of Hope s celebrity to the masses: What is it people see in Bob HopeŠ Or sawŠ Or found re ectedŠ Or hoped to ndŠ (43). From the cinematic utopias of the 1Ś40s Hope-Crosby-ffiamour lms fflcGrath jumps to a mock-prophetic passage in which he muses, observing the approach of the mailman, on the possibility of receiving mail that would catapult his literary career toward stardom comparable with Bob Hope: ffmagine what stamped benediction, what metered mark of grace he might be bringing me today: / / good word from Hollywood about my screenplay; / a Guggenheim, a genius grant; / an NEA! (45). fflcGrath extends the outrageous fantasy to picture himself in the privileged position of Hope, as the next celebrity (a writer, in his case) covered by the press: ffsn t that my picture / on the cover / of People magazine! / / But wait. / Hold on a minute. What would ff do if it all came trueŠ (46). he solemn preacher and the playful jester converge in fflcGrath s atempt to make both tonal extremes meet: ff am a veritable / Walt Whitman / of ambivalence (46). his is a central assertion in the poem he treats the subject of Hope s celebrity with a mixture of fascination, repulsion, envy, and irony. ffloreover, throughout the poem, fflcGrath seems to succumb to the self-delusion of speaking for the whole of culture, which W. H. Auden warned against, claiming that the American poet plays with re as he feels that the whole responsibility for contemporary poetry has fallen upon his shoulders, that he is a 15. Carl Sandburg, Chicago, Poetry: A Magazine of Verse 3, no. 6 (1Ś14): 1Ś2. 16. Blake, Campbell fflcGrath and the Spectacle Society, 252. 1ř4 From Theory to Practice 2012 literary aristocracy of one. 17 As a poet-narcissist by necessity as well as by choice, fflcGrath dons the mask of a typical epitome of the twentieth-century urban intellectual who seeks neither individual self-aggrandizement nor spiritual transcendence but peace of mind, under conditions that increasingly militate against it. 1ř American poetry has always been a proudly democratic eld, and fflcGrath gives the reader a wink, puting his ambivalent atitude about the poem s explanation of America straight, for, despite all the ironic undercuting of the materialist dream mythology he admits that utopianism / is an / American tradition (46) that may include the socialist theories of fflarx as well as the business acumen of Bob Hope in a single, multivocal narrative. he weakest part of the poem, considering the thematic layout, seems to be the th section which juxtaposes passages on the cargo cults of the Paci c with the ine able ways in which the American system of society, business, and culture seems to work. Still, the ironic detachment helps fflcGrath to nd a way out of being swamped by his subject as he wonders how to encompass such / magnitude when even this single city block denies meŠ (5ř). he most convincing part of this section is the story of the son and his father watching once the fflarx Brothers on our black-and-white TV, my introduction to the zeitgeist and the language that would claim me, the razzledazzle of the multicultural demotic, the sacred vernacular of the absurd (64) fflcGrath again assumes the ambivalent atitude to products of American popular culture on the one hand, the fflarx Brothers comedies provide a link to the precious time spent with his father, on the other hand, these lms are no longer part of fflcGrath s adult, literary consciousness, and the only way to express this double-faced state is to undercut his intellectualism with the razzle-dazzle, or ostentatious showing, of language. he elegiac closure of the poem is supplied in the nal, sixth section. A day in the life of the poet draws to a close as he nally nds the old snow shovel and wields it like a sword, like a sta , / like a sign (76) of late diligence. he wisecracking sensibility shines in the haiku commentary on what happens on the street below: ffiook now joggers! / ffn this snow! Serious sickness, / or just fucked upŠ (6Ś). he snowstorm is nally treated with metaphysical precision of language and logic that recti es the opacity of the previous sections: fff no man is an island, who s to say an island isŠ (70). he linguistic exuberance hits the mark when fflcGrath considers the Earth to resemble a cog in the solar archipelago, the sun a snow ake in the blizzard of the galaxy (70). he focal point is a prescient elegy for Bob Hope, the venerated gure whom the poet imagines to have gone to fetch his eternal reward, / retired at last to vaudeville Valhalla, that heavenly Pro-Am, that never-ending celebrity roast in the sky (73), equating Hope the man with hope the generic American feeling, shared by the poet 17. W. H. Auden, American Poetry, in he Dyer s Hand and Other Essays (ffiondon: Faber, 1Śř7), 366. 1ř. Christopher ffiasch, he Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (New York: Norton, 1ŚŚ1), 13. fiiří Flajšar 1ř5 and his fellow Americans. he presumption of the lasting legacy of Bob Hope, the mad jester of cultural hegemony (73) who represents the core American values such as hard work, thrit, sociability, and business drive, is, ultimately, contained in the nal line of the poem, notable for its use of a double entendre: Hope springs eternal (77). Although he Bob Hope Poem has been linked to earlier sweeping poetic statements about American culture by Walt Whitman, Allen Ginsberg, and fiack flerouac,1Ś a major problem of the poem is the way fflcGrath undermines the tone of his voice. When he jokes about being a postmodern Chicago-based Whitman, it is not the large, all-encompassing, voice of the prophet speaking on behalf of American culture and people that he employs. Rather, fflcGrath tries to present his reading of America as a world predestined for oblivion and loss, yet it is a world that is alive with the promise of transformation and renewal (77). By carefully juxtaposing myths of American history with icons of American popular culture and the everyday realities of urban middle-class life, fflcGrath keeps the poem together by asking the reader to participate in his e ort to call American culture an eclectic system which revolves around faith in its achievement in the context of the highbrow / lowbrow foundations of American society and culture.20 Works Cited Auden, W. H. he Dyer s Hand and Other Essays. ffiondon: Faber and Faber, 1Śř7. Barbour, Douglas. Lyric / Anti-lyric: Essays on Contemporary Poetry. Edmonton: NeWest, 2001. Blake, David Haven. Campbell fflcGrath and the Spectacle Society. Michigan uarterly Review 41, no. 2 (2002): 24Ś 72. Brouwer, fioel. Accordion fflusic and Raw Profusion. Parnassus: Poetry in Review 26, no. 2 (2002): 16Ś ŚŚ. Gioia, Dana. he Dilemma of the ffiong Poem. Kenyon Review 5, no. 2 (1Śř3): 1Ś 23. ffiasch, Christopher. he Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations. New York: Norton, 1ŚŚ1. ffievine, ffiawrence. Highbrow / Lowbrow: he Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America. Cambridge, fflA: Harvard University Press, 1Śřř. ffiogan, William. Valentine s Day fflassacre. New Criterion 26, no. 10 (200ř): 67 73. fflcGrath, Campbell. Spring Comes to Chicago. Hopewell, Nfi: Ecco, 1ŚŚ6. fflo et, fioe. Beyond the Postmodern ffiong Poem: Campbell fflcGrath s he Bob Hope Poem. EAPSU Online: An Annual Journal of Critical and Creative Work 3 (2006): 47 62. htp://media.tripod.lycos.com/2ř45573/147ř33ř.pdf. Plumly, Stanley. Argument & Song: Sources & Silences in Poetry. New York: Hansel, 2003. 1Ś. See Brouwer, Accordion fflusic and Raw Profusion, 171. 20. he highbrow / lowbrow terminology, a product of the paradigm shit in culture studies since the 1Śř0s, was notably applied to American history and culture by ffiawrence ffievine. See his Highbrow / Lowbrow: he Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge, fflA: Harvard University Press, 1Śřř). fflodern Acts of Passing: How Stereotypes and Othering fflake African American Women Yearn for ffiightness in the Twenty-first Century Simone Puff Saarland University, Department of British, North American, and Anglophone ffiiteratures and Cultures, Campus C5 3, 66123 Saarbrücken, Germany. Email: simone.pu šuni-saarland.de Abstract: Even in the twenty- rst century, which is oten labeled as post-racial, some African American women use bleaching creams to lighten their skin and try to approximate white European beauty standards. his article looks at the social signi cance of this practice, seeing it as a modern act of racial passing. he author suggests that common derogatory Black female stereotypes, which de ne Black women as the Other, are responsible for a yearning for lightness. his, in turn, can be equated with racial passing in the twentieth century. Ater analyzing some of the most common stereotypes of Black women that are still perpetuated by the mainstream media today, the author uses ffiorraine O Grady s metaphor of comparing the female body to the obverse and reverse of a coin in order to explain why light skin is still seen as social capital and the desired ideal for female beauty. fleywords: racial passing; skin color; Black female stereotypes; beauty standards; skin bleaching She should have been a boy, then color of skin wouldn t have matered so much. Wallace hurman, he Blacker the Berry (1Ś2Ś) ff don t wanna be dark an [sic] big make me prety God Dael Orlandersmith, Yellowman (2004) make me light and prety! ffs light skin still the right skinŠ While the epigraphs above are both statements by ctional African American female characters struggling with dark skin, the rami cations for real-life dark-skinned Black1 women in the United States seem to be just as serious. Black girls to this day oten realize early on that their skin color might one day decide their fate, be it whom they are able to marry or for which kind of job 1. he words Black and African American are used synonymously here. he term Black is capitalized when it refers to the racial group, the term white, however, is intentionally spelled with a lower-case w. his is done because the term white, when referring to people, has always been considered the human norm, and continues to be used for the group of people that is considered as unmarked in majority-white Western societies. ffly intention is not to o end any white readers, but to simply draw atention to that social imbalance by lower-casing the term. See also Richard Dyer, White (ffiondon: Routledge, 1ŚŚ7); Frances E. flendall, Understanding White Privilege: Creating Pathways to Authentic Relationships across Race (New York: Routledge, 2006). 1řř From Theory to Practice 2012 they are considered suitable.2 Skin color, more than any other physical feature, oten is the determining factor in success or failure, especially for Black women. According to sociologist Verna fleith, [c]olorism a ects African Americans of both genders, but the complexion hierarchy is more central in the lives of women. 3 Because light skin and long hair are synonymous with being a beautiful female, those who do not t these descriptions are considered less desirable and less beautiful, both in the racist white imagination and in the colonized black mindset. 4 his racist white imagination has also created a series of demeaning stereotypes related to dark skin. Being subjected to these stereotypes, something that comes with being Othered by society, promotes yearning for lightness by many Black women.5 hus, they oten use skin lightening products and other cosmetics to approximate a white beauty ideal. his yearning can be seen as a modern act of racial passing, as it is motivated by similar reasons. Two Sides of a Coin: Black Femininity as the Other Black women were de ned as less valuable and the ultimate Other from the moment they rst came to North America on slave ships. Seventeenth-century Anglo-Americans brought ideas with them to the New World that later evolved into the cult of true womanhood, the glori cation of white women as symbols of purity and femininity. hey were put on pedestals to represent the ideal (and only) de nition of beauty. For this image to work, however, the white supremacist society had to identify a binary opposite, which came to be the Black woman. As psychologists William Grier and Price ffl. Cobbs once put it, ffn this country, the standard is the blond, blue-eyed, white-skinned girl with regular features. Since communication media spread this ideal to every inhabitant of the land via television, newspapers, magazines, and motion pictures, there is not much room for deviation. he girl who is black . . . is, in fact, the antithesis of American beauty. However beautiful she might be in a di erent seting with di erent standards, in this country she is ugly.6 he Black woman thus was the antithesis to what the Caribbean-American writer Audre ffiorde coined as the mythical norm and was characterized as savage, loose, amoral, 2. For studies on skin color privilege see, for example, Ronald E. Hall, An Historical Analysis of Skin Color Discrimination in America: Victimism among Victim Group Populations (New York: Springer, 200Ś); Cedric Herring, Verna ffl. fleith, and Hayward Derrick Horton, eds., Skin Deep: How Race and Complexion Mater in the Color-Blind Era (Urbana: University of ffllinois Press, 2004); fflargaret ffi. Hunter, Race, Gender, and the Politics of Skin Tone (New York: Routledge, 2005). 3. Verna ffl. fleith, A Colorstruck World: Skin Tone, Achievement, and Self-Esteem among African American Women, in Shades of Di erence: Why Skin Color Maters, ed. Evelyn Nakano Glenn (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 200Ś), 26. 4. bell hooks, Black Beauty and Black Power: ffnternalized Racism, in Killing Rage: Ending Racism (New York: Henry Holt, 1ŚŚ5), 127. 5. Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Yearning for ffiightness: Transnational Circuits in the fflarketing and Consumption of Skin ffiighteners, Gender & Society 22, no. 3 (200ř): 2ř1 302. 6. William H. Grier and Price ffl. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: BasicBooks, 1ŚŚ2), 40 41. While this quote is admitedly dated and beauty ideals may have become a bit more inclusive overall, the essence of what Grier and Cobbs stated remains true: Save for a few exotic exceptions, beauty standards in American society, which continue to be perpetuated by the media, remain largely de ned by white and light skin. Simone Puff 1řŚ and ugly. ffn other words, the Black woman was positioned on the opposite end of this norm, which ffiorde described as white, thin, male, young, heterosexual, christian, and nancially secure. 7 Artist ffiorraine O Grady compares this to the obverse and reverse of a coin, each side standing for a di erent representation of woman : he female body in the West is not a unitary sign. Rather, like a coin, it has an obverse and a reverse: on the one side, it is white; on the other, not-white or, prototypically, black. he two bodies cannot be separated, nor can one body be understood in isolation from the other in the West s metaphoric construction of woman. White is what woman is; not-white (and the stereotypes not-white gathers in) is what she beter not be.ř What O Grady suggests here is that Black and white female bodies cannot be viewed separately, and as is the nature of binary systems only acquire meaning in relation to each other. Patricia Hill Collins comes to a similar conclusion when she contends that standards of female beauty have no meaning without the visible presence of Black women and others who fail to measure up. Ś Because of the clear hierarchy that emerges here, the issue can be likened to what fiacques Derrida described as non-neutral binary oppositions. As Derrida suggests and Stuart Hall paraphrases, one pole is usually dominant, creating a relation of power between the poles of a binary opposition. 10 his dominant pole does not only de ne itself but is also entitled to objectify the inferior pole, in this case the Black female body: As subjects, people have the right to de ne their own reality, establish their own identities, name their history. As objects, one s reality is de ned by others, one s identity created by others, one s history named only in ways that de ne one s relationship to those who are subject. 11 Black women s identities have most oten been determined by others, and their status as human beings has been denied. his is why it is even more di cult for them to acquire a positive and self-de ned sense of identity. While white women are objecti ed and subject to a male gaze in a patriarchal society, women of color are confronted with double objecti cation based on their being female and Black, with factors such as class or sexual orientation oten playing vital roles as well. What has alternately been referred to in academic circles as double jeopardy, 12 multiple jeopardy 13 or intersectionality 14 highlights the intricate complexities of Black female 7. Audre ffiorde, Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches (Trumansburg: Crossing Press, 1Śř4), 116. ffiorde speci cally talks about the Black lesbian, who is completely opposed to this mythical norm, but heterosexual Black women are seen in a similar position that categorizes them as the Other. ř. ffiorraine O Grady, Olympia s fflaid: Reclaiming Black Female Subjectivity, in he Feminism and Visual Culture Reader, ed. Amelia fiones (New York: Routledge, 2003), 174. Ś. Patricia Hill Collins, Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism (New York: Routledge, 2004), 1Ś4. 10. Stuart Hall, he Spectacle of the Other, in Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices, ed. Stuart Hall (ffiondon: SAGE in association with the Open University, 1ŚŚ7), 235. 11. bell hooks, Talking Back: hinking Feminist, hinking Black (Boston: South End Press, 1ŚřŚ), 42 43. 12. Frances Beale, Double fieopardy: To Be Black and Female, in he Black Woman: An Anthology (New York: New American ffiibrary, 1Ś70), 10Ś 22. 13. Deborah fl. fling, fflultiple fieopardy, fflultiple Consciousness: he Context of a Black Feminist ffdeology, Signs 14, no. 1 (1Śřř): 42 72. 14. flimberle Crenshaw, fflapping the fflargins: ffntersectionality, ffdentity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color, Stanford Law Review 43, no. 6 (1ŚŚ1): 1241 ŚŚ. 1Ś0 From Theory to Practice 2012 identities and the multiple oppressions the Black woman is exposed to in a white supremacist, capitalist, and patriarchal society. Within the kaleidoscope of not-white females, as O Grady claims, Black women, as a result of their skin color and features, as well as their roots in the country as enslaved peoples, are located at the outermost reaches of otherness. 15 hey thereby assume all the roles of the not-white body. 16 hus, the Othering of Black female bodies not only elevates the social rank of white women but also legitimizes the oppression and subjugation of Black women, as Hill Collins asserts: fflaintaining images of U.S. Black women as the Other provides ideological justi cation for race, gender, and class oppression. 17 As such, Black women are seen t to be exploited economically, sexually, and socially based on the mere fact that they are seen as Other. The Black Woman as a Stereotype Also inherent in this Othering is the creation of a myriad of harmful controlling images or gendered racist stereotypes that came to de ne the Black woman.1ř From the self-sacri cing, asexual fflammy, who worked as a maid in white households and oten took on the role of raising white children; to the domineering, emasculating fflatriarch; to the sassy, abusive Welfare ueen; to the promiscuous, hypersexual fiezebel no mater how Black women have been portrayed in the media, they are oten perceived as stock characters. ffn order to understand the signi cance of these stereotypes for Black women, even though Hill Collins rightly claims that only they themselves can feel the iron that enters Black women s souls, 1Ś one has to rst explain these stock images, most of which are still prevalent today. One of the oldest stereotypes, and according to fflichele Wallace a hated gure in black history, is the fflammy, or Aunt fiemima. 20 She may be described as an asexual woman, a surrogate mother in blackface who is entirely devoted to the development of a white family.21 his controlling image emerged in the antebellum South, when Black women were performing domestic work in their masters households. Even though slavery was o cially abolished by the hirteenth Amendment in 1ř65, the image of the fflammy persevered during the fiim Crow era and beyond, not in the least because of the many Black women that worked in white households. When reduced to a stereotype, this becomes problematic, as it reveals the low value society places on a Black woman who is expected to be an obedient and self-sacri cing domestic servant. As such, she takes care of a white family while puting all her needs second. he most well-known representation is probably that of Hatie fflcDaniel s character in Gone with 15. 16. 17. 1ř. O Grady, Olympia s fflaid: Reclaiming Black Female Subjectivity, 174 75. ffbid., 175. Hill Collins, Black Feminist hought, 70. Charisse fiones and flumea Shorter-Gooden, Shiting: he Double Lives of Black Women in America (New York: HarperCollins, 2003), 3. 1Ś. Hill Collins, Black Feminist hought, 35. 20. fflichele Wallace, Black Macho and the Myth of the Superwoman (New York: Dial Press, 1Ś7Ś), 21. 21. Hill Collins, Black Feminist hought, 74. Simone Puff 1Ś1 the Wind (1Ś3Ś). Yet some seven decades later, the 2011 movie adaptation of flathryn Stocket s best selling novel he Help (200Ś) suggests that the fflammy as a stereotype still thrives. Another popular version of the fflammy is Aunt fiemima, the trademark of uaker Oats instant breakfast foods. While she has received numerous makeovers since the brand s invention in 1řřŚ, and now wears pearl earrings and a perm instead of a head rag, the negative connotations of the name persist. Contrary to this nurturing mother-like gure in white households, Black women are also portrayed as fflatriarchs, Sapphires, or Amazons, because they oten assume voluntarily or not a dominant role in their own families. Of course there may be reallife reasons that force Black women to maintain a strong position in their households, such as the lack of a husband or partner, or the fact that their male companions cannot nd work, thereby making the mother the sole breadwinner of the family.22 hooks further asserts that the picture of the fflatriarch goes all the way back to slavery when Black women oten had to perform predominantly male work.23 Nevertheless, the stereotype of the fflatriarch usually depicts Black women as being aggressive, domineering, and unfeminine. Even worse, it is commonly believed that matriarchs oppress and therefore emasculate Black men in their families.24 A current example from television is Tyler Perry s ffladea, a satiric character of a large Black woman portrayed by Perry in drag, who reigns over her family with a sense of authority that oten includes using verbal and physical violence. A more general variation of the matriarch is that of the stereotype of the Angry Black Woman. his controlling image is oten used as shorthand for strong women who do not seem to let themselves be dominated by men and by society in general. Rather than taken as a good character trait, their independence and strong sense of self-value are turned into something negative by portraying them as angry. A prime example is fflichelle Obama, who has been repeatedly labeled as such by conservative media. A recent book on the Obamas by he New York Times reporter fiodi flantor even prompted fflichelle Obama to publicly denounce these allegations that had been part of the public discourse of her since the day her husband started his rst presidential campaign.25 Another popular media image is the Black Welfare fflother who would rather have one child ater another and collect the state s welfare money than go to work. his stereotype was made popular by the Reagan administration with a narrative of a Cadillac-driving Welfare ueen. 26 Reagan rst told this story while he unsuccessfully ran for the Republican presidential nomination in 1Ś76. Despite the fact that he 22. 23. 24. 25. See Beale, Double fieopardy: To Be Black and Female, 146. bell hooks, Ain t I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism (Boston: South End Press, 1Śř1), 71. Hill Collins, Black Feminist hought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment, 7ř. Hu ngton Post. fflichelle Obama Tired of Angry Black Woman Stereotype, fianuary 11, 2012. htp://www.hu ngtonpost.com/2012/01/11/michelle-obama-tired-of-angry-black-womanstereotype_n_11Śř7ř6.html. 26. he story was used to defend cutbacks to the social welfare program, which disproportionately a ected people of color. 1Ś2 From Theory to Practice 2012 never referred to the woman as Black, the common assumption was that this social welfare fraud must be commited by an African American. fft stuck in the (white) public consciousness, thus giving birth to the stereotype of the Black Welfare ueen, which still haunts U.S. politics to this day.27 ffnstead of acknowledging the prevailing signi cance of race as a social construct, and racism as institutionalized and endemic to people of color, the political establishment blamed failures of individual people on entire racial groups. Although the fflammy, the fflatriarch, and the Welfare ueen are still prominent, they are not as widely known stereotypes as the sexually-promiscuous Black woman, labeled fiezebel. 2ř he conventional white assumption is that Black women have an excessive sexual appetite and are willing to live out this libidinal drive freely.2Ś hooks maintains that the roots for the stereotype of the fiezebel also lie in slavery: White women and men justi ed the sexual exploitation of enslaved black women by arguing that they were the initiators of sexual relationships with men. From such thinking emerged the stereotype of black women as sexual savages, and in sexist terms a sexual savage, a non-human, an animal cannot be raped. 30 his quote clearly explains that Black women in times of slavery were oten considered no more than seductive animals. As hooks maintains, this image has long existed among white and Black men and is still commonly used to sexually exploit and abuse Black women.31 Today, there is a backlash with the image of the fiezebel being reincarnated in hip hop videos in which Black women are continually called bitches and hos, which are both sexist and racist ways of debasing Black femininity and objectifying Black women s bodies. Stereotypes and Skin Color hese stereotypes are also closely linked to shades of skin color. Generally speaking, the darker the woman is, the more easily she falls into one of the predominant derogatory categories that emphasize her as Other. he fflammy, for example, has always been publicly personi ed by dark-skinned women. Actress Hatie fflcDaniel and her representation of this stock character in Gone with the Wind (1Ś3Ś) is a case in point. Donald Bogle asserts that [a] dark black actress was considered for no role but that of a mammy or an aunt jemima. 32 Even Aibileen Clark, the twenty- rst century version of a fflammy from he Help (2011), is portrayed by Viola Davis, a rather dark-skinned actress. he fflatriarch is generally supposed to be of darker complexion too,33 as are 27. See, for example, fiohn Blake, Return of the Welfare ueen, CNN ffnternational Edition, fianuary 23, 2013. 2ř. See Hill Collins, Black Feminist hought, ř1 ř4. 2Ś. ffbid. 30. hooks, Ain t I a Woman, 52. 31. ffbid. 32. Donald Bogle, Toms, Coons, Mulatoes, Mammies, and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films, 4th ed. (New York: Continuum, 2001), 15. 33. See bell hooks, Black Beauty and Black Power, 127; fflarita Golden, Don t Play in the Sun: One Woman s Journey through the Color Complex (New York: Doubleday, 2004), 76 7ř. Simone Puff 1Ś3 the Angry Black Woman and the Welfare ueen. he only exceptions are the oversexualized fiezebel or the Hip Hop Ho in current music videos, who are more oten light-skinned. his Hip Hop Whore is oten objecti ed in a demeaning way. At the same time, however, she represents an eroticized symbol of desirability and exoticism, which all the other stereotypes do not. Rappers such as flanye West and ffiil Wayne have praised light skin and straight hair as the gold standard in their lyrics, which ultimately shows that light skin is still the right skin. 34 As bell hooks states, [d]ark skin is stereotypically coded in the racist, sexist, and/or colonized imagination as masculine. 35 his is why Black men might bene t from their darker skin color, while dark-skinned Black women lose feminine and thus womanly qualities. he ipside, however, can also bear negative consequences for Black men. When they are light-skinned, Black men are likely to su er from charges of not being manly enough because they are not Black enough. his again exempli es that colorism cuts both ways, and although mostly treated as an issue for women has e ects on African Americans regardless of gender. Taking this analysis one step further asserts that light-skinned Black men are required to wage yet another batle over their masculinity in a society that has, historically speaking, both metaphorically and literally emasculated the Black male body. As for the Black female body, Black women disproportionately su er from colorism a form of intra-racial prejudice based on shades of skin color because the United States is a sexist society that puts a higher value on women s bodies than on their minds and actions.36 his, claims psychologist Rita Freedman, is because beauty is asymmetrically assigned to the feminine role, [and] women are de ned as much by their looks as by their deeds. 37 ffiight skin privilege oten goes beyond being considered beautiful; it may also exert in uence on career paths and the ability to choose a (marriage) partner. herefore, skin color has been alternately labeled as social capital 3ř or symbolic capital. 3Ś A few prominent examples, Beyoncé, Rihanna, fflariah Carey, and Alicia fleys, suggest that lighter shades of skin lead directly to greater success in the music industry and music video business. ffn addition, light skin favoritism continues to be apparent in Hollywood. fflany successful Black female actresses in Tinseltown are light-skinned, with Halle Berry, Vanessa Williams, and Zoe Saldaña being just three names on a long list. hat so few positive images of really dark skinned Black women are seen in the movies, on television, and on magazine covers also contributes 34. See, for example, VaNata S. Ford, Color Blocked: A Rhetorical Analysis of Colorism and ffts ffmpact on Rap ffiyrics in Hip Hop fflusic from 2005 to 2010, PhD diss., Howard University, Washington, DC, 2011. 35. hooks, Black Beauty, 12Ś. 36. See Hunter, Race, Gender, and the Politics of Skin Tone, 6Ś. 37. ffbid., 23. 3ř. fflargaret ffi. Hunter, fff You re ffiight You re Alright : ffiight Skin Color as Social Capital for Women of Color, Gender and Society 16, no. 2 (2002): 175 Ś3. 3Ś. Glenn, Yearning for ffiightness, 2ř2. 1Ś4 From Theory to Practice 2012 to dark-skinned women s marginalized status. At the same time, it reveals the media s enormous in uence in determining a female beauty aesthetic. What follows is that the pressure to chase ater the beauty myth is more intense for Black women. A limited set of physical variations of what is considered beautiful and desirable leads to ever-increasing pressure to meet conventional beauty standards.40 Cornel West blames the ever-expanding market culture that puts everything and everyone up for sale. 41 Along similar lines, Evelyn Nakano Glenn maintains that the increased use of skin lightening products to chemically reduce the amount of melanin in one s skin cannot be seen as simply a legacy of colonialism but rather [as] a consequence of the penetration of multinational capital and Western consumer culture. 42 ffnstead of a decline, Glenn predicts an increase in skin bleaching on a global scale as long as these forces of capitalism continue to grow.43 Yearning to Pass Glenn calls this rejection of Black women s visibly Black appearance by atempting to lighten their skin a yearning for lightness. 44 his can be viewed as a modern act of racial passing. Black women try to pass for white by wanting to change their physical appearance. ffntrinsically, racial passing in Nella ffiarsen s Passing (1Ś2Ś), a prototypical novel on that issue, is not very di erent from what is happening today. What Clare flendry, the protagonist of ffiarsen s novel, did on an everyday basis and ffrene Red eld, her childhood friend and antagonist, engaged in from time to time were acts of identity denial.45 ffn a related sense, applying skin bleach, wearing blue or green contact lenses, and excessive use of hair straightening products, are similar acts of such denial in a modern context. Of course, the reasons for passing today may be di erent than in the past. For ffiarsen s biracial women protagonists, racial passing in the 1Ś20s was mainly an act to acquire certain social bene ts, rst and foremost a secure social status. For today s Black woman, who would like to approximate herself to the dominant beauty ideal and thus be able to pass for white or at least a lighter version of herself, this can be seen as an act of self-protection against the aforementioned derogatory (gendered) stereotypes. Additionally, it may be an atempt to reap the bene ts that white society still grants those it considers its own. Obviously, one needs to be careful with generalizations, and many Black women today see the use of the afore-mentioned cosmetics simply as a fashion statement. At the same time, there is no denying the fact that the white mainstream American society is still biased towards lighter shades of skin color, a notion that inevitably also manifests itself among people of color. 40. 41. 42. 43. See fiones and Shorter-Gooden, Shiting: he Double Lives of Black Women in America, 177. Cornel West, Race Maters, 2nd Vintage Books ed. (New York: Vintage Books, 2001), xvi. Glenn, Yearning for ffiightness, 2ř6. Drawing on studies from such diverse regions as the Philippines, ffndia, East Asia, ffiatin America, African America, and even Europe, Glenn speaks of a global skin-lightening trade (2ř3). 44. Glenn, Yearning for ffiightness, 2Śř. 45. See Nella ffiarsen, Passing (New York: A. A. flnopf, 1Ś2Ś). Simone Puff 1Ś5 Upon taking into consideration Valerie Smith s model of locating passing within the discourse of intersectionality, 46 it becomes clear that passing may be equally motivated by class, race, and gender considerations, both then and now. Passing in the so-called post-racial twenty- rst century, therefore, seems to be a strategy to avoid being viewed as merely the Other and to take advantage of white privilege or in this case privilege based on light(er) skin. Black women try to pass for O Grady s obverse of the coin, that is, for the white side of the female body in Western society, and the cosmetics and hair care industry is more than willing to o er its cures. Whether directly, by featuring only light-skinned Black women and digitally altering the physical appearance of those who do not quite t the norm, or indirectly, by printing advertisements for bleaching creams and hair straightening products, the media plays a vital role in feeding into the idea that beauty can be commodi ed. One example of how those two intersect is the 200ř controversy over the ffi Oreal ad for Féria hair color. his advertisement featured the singer Beyoncé with reddishblond hair, and, as many critics later claimed, digitally lightened skin. fff the ad that was published in Essence, Elle, and Allure magazines is compared to other pictures of Beyoncé, her skin color appears much lighter and almost matches her colored hair. ffn a statement subsequently issued by ffi Oreal Paris, the cosmetics giant obviously denied all accusations of digital bleaching.47 Yet, it seems di cult to buy their o cial response that this photograph was merely the result of extreme lighting and what in advertising is known as creative touch-ups, rather than an intentional move to lighten her skin. But even if one accepts this version of reality, the picture nonetheless sends a speci c message to which ffi Oreal could hardly have been oblivious. he point is that apparently there is something about lighter skin that makes women more atractive and beautiful in advertisements, just as they are considered more atractive when wrinkles or excess body fat are digitally removed from their bodies. his message seems even more pronounced in Essence magazine, which exclusively targets African American women. Essence, until this day, features cosmetic products for dark spot removers or skin tone correctors two twenty- rst century euphemisms for skin bleaching and skin lightening products. Beyoncé is certainly considered an icon of beauty, perhaps even a role model for the Black women reading this magazine. fff the image of an African American female celebrity like her is digitally altered in a way so that her skin is made 46. Valerie Smith, Not Just Race, Not Just Gender: Black Feminist Readings (New York: Routledge, 1ŚŚř), 37. 47. fflore recent examples that show the global dimensions of digital skin bleaching in magazines involve two ffndian actresses. Bollywood star and former ffliss World Aishwarya Rai Bachchan even considered legal action against ELLE ffndia, following disputes over a 2010 cover on which she was featured several shades lighter that her natural self (Simon Cable, Race Row over Fashion Bible Elle s Cover Shoot ater Bollywood Actress Skin ffs Whitened, Mail Online, December 24, 2010, htp://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-1341257/Race-row-fashion-bible-Ellescover-shoot-Bollywod-actress-skin-whitened.html#ixzz1kfflpYbo7ffi.). Similar accusations surfaced against ffi Oreal in 2011 for allegedly airbrushing pictures of ffndian actress and Slumdog Millionaire star Freida Pinto to make her skin look lighter (fflaysa Rawi, ffs fft Worth fftŠ Freida Pinto s Skin ffiooks ffiighter in New ffi Oreal Campaign, Mail Online, September 27, 2011, htp://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/ article-2041Śř2/Freida-Pintos-skin-looks-lighter-new-ffiOreal-campaign.html#ixzz1kfflmŚXqP7.). 1Ś6 From Theory to Practice 2012 lighter, this once again speaks to what is acceptable in a society and what is atributed as having more value. Conclusion Black women who are yearning for lightness in the twenty- rst century by trying to approximate their skin color to that of white or other light-skinned women may be considered to be performing modern acts of racial passing. Reasons to do so are the awareness that light(er) skin continues to grant them more success in the United States, and the fact that they will not be perceived as an Other based on derogatory Black female stereotypes oten connected to dark skin. ffiight(er) skin will likely save them from being perceived as fflammies, fflatriarchs, and other derogatory stereotypes and instead earn them labels such as beautiful and feminine. America s continued obsession with white and light-skinned female beauty may thus serve as one explanation why some Black women still try to pass for white by changing their physical appearance. By doing so, they may be trying to expand O Grady s metaphor of female beauty as two sides of a coin to turn the coin, hoping to be perceived on the side that society considers beautiful. Ultimately, while the cultural and historical context is di erent, racial passing as seen in Nella ffiarsen s novel Passing (1Ś2Ś) is still practiced today. Until the United States becomes more accepting of non-white beauty ideals, and does not just extend existing privileges to the group closest to those who are white, yearning for lightness will continue to be an issue for Black women and other women of color in the twenty- rst century. Acknowledgement ff would like to thank my mentors, ffiinda Carty and Rennie Simson, professors in the African American Studies Department at Syracuse University in Syracuse, New York for continuous scholarly support and invaluable feedback on drat versions of this article. Additionally, special thanks go to Angela Williams, librarian at the Dr. fflartin ffiuther fling, fir. fflemorial ffiibrary at Syracuse University for locating important academic resources. ff am also grateful to Alpen-Adria-Universität fllagenfurt in Austria for helping me nance two research trips to Syracuse, New York. Works Cited Beale, Frances. Double fieopardy: To Be Black and Female. ffn he Black Woman: An Anthology, edited by Toni Cade Bambara, 10Ś 22. New York: New American ffiibrary, 1Ś70. Blake, fiohn. Return of the Welfare ueen. CNN ffnternational Edition, fianuary 23, 2012. htp://edition.cnn.com/2012/01/23/politics/we are-queen. Bogle, Donald. Toms, Coons, Mulatoes, Mammies, and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films. 4th ed. New York: Continuum, 2001. Simone Puff 1Ś7 Cable, Simon. Race Row over Fashion Bible Elle s Cover Shoot ater Bollywood Actress Skin ffs Whitened. Mail Online, December 24, 2010. htp://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-1341257/Race-row-fashion-bible-Ellescover-shoot-Bollywod-actress-skin-whitened.html#ixzz1kfflpYbo7ffi. Crenshaw, flimberle. fflapping the fflargins: ffntersectionality, ffdentity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color. Stanford Law Review 43, no. 6 (1ŚŚ1): 1241 ŚŚ. Dyer, Richard. White. ffiondon: Routledge, 1ŚŚ7. Ford, VaNata S. Color Blocked: A Rhetorical Analysis of Colorism and ffts ffmpact on Rap ffiyrics in Hip Hop fflusic from 2005 to 2010. PhD diss., Howard University, Washington, DC, 2011. Glenn, Evelyn Nakano. Yearning for ffiightness: Transnational Circuits in the fflarketing and Consumption of Skin ffiighteners. Gender & Society 22, no. 3 (200ř): 2ř1 302. Golden, fflarita. Don t Play in the Sun: One Woman s Journey through the Color Complex. New York: Doubleday, 2004. Grier, William H., and Price ffl. Cobbs. Black Rage. New York: BasicBooks, 1ŚŚ2. Hall, Ronald E. An Historical Analysis of Skin Color Discrimination in America: Victimism among Victim Group Populations. New York: Springer, 200Ś. Hall, Stuart. he Spectacle of the Other. ffn Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices, edited by Stuart Hall, 223 Ś0. ffiondon: SAGE in association with the Open University, 1ŚŚ7. Herring, Cedric, Verna ffl. fleith, and Hayward Derrick Horton, eds. Skin Deep: How Race and Complexion Mater in the Color-Blind Era. Urbana: University of ffllinois Press, 2004. Hill Collins, Patricia. Black Feminist hought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. Rev. 10th anniversary ed. New York: Routledge, 2000. Hill Collins, Patricia. Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism. New York: Routledge, 2004. hooks, bell. Ain t I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism. Boston: South End Press, 1Śř1. hooks, bell. Black Beauty and Black Power: ffnternalized Racism. ffn Killing Rage: Ending Racism, 11Ś 32. New York: Henry Holt, 1ŚŚ5. hooks, bell. Talking Back: hinking Feminist, hinking Black. Boston: South End Press, 1ŚřŚ. Hu ngton Post. fflichelle Obama Tired of Angry Black Woman Stereotype. fianuary 11, 2012. htp://www.hu ngtonpost.com/2012/01/11/michelle-obama-tired-ofangry-black-woman-stereotype_n_11Śř7ř6.html. Hunter, fflargaret ffi. fff You re ffiight You re Alright : ffiight Skin Color as Social Capital for Women of Color. Gender and Society 16, no. 2 (2002): 175 Ś3. Hunter, fflargaret ffi. Race, Gender, and the Politics of Skin Tone. New York: Routledge, 2005. 1Śř From Theory to Practice 2012 fiones, Charisse, and flumea Shorter-Gooden. Shiting: he Double Lives of Black Women in America. New York: HarperCollins, 2003. fleith, Verna ffl. A Colorstruck World: Skin Tone, Achievement, and Self-Esteem among African American Women. ffn Shades of Di erence: Why Skin Color Maters, edited by Evelyn Nakano Glenn, 25 3Ś. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 200Ś. flendall, Frances E. Understanding White Privilege: Creating Pathways to Authentic Relationships across Race. New York: Routledge, 2006. fling, Deborah fl. fflultiple fieopardy, fflultiple Consciousness: he Context of a Black Feminist ffdeology. Signs 14, no. 1 (1Śřř): 42 72. ffiarsen, Nella. Passing. New York: A. A. flnopf, 1Ś2Ś. ffiorde, Audre. Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches. Trumansburg: Crossing Press, 1Śř4. O Grady, ffiorraine. Olympia s fflaid: Reclaiming Black Female Subjectivity. ffn he Feminism and Visual Culture Reader, edited by Amelia fiones, 174 ř7. New York: Routledge, 2003. Orlandersmith, Dael. Yellowman and My Red Hand, My Black Hand. New York: Vintage, 2002. Rawi, fflaysa. ffs fft Worth fftŠ Freida Pinto s Skin ffiooks ffiighter in New ffi Oreal Campaign. Mail Online, September 27, 2011. htp://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-2041Śř2/Freida-Pintos-skin-lookslighter-new-ffiOreal-campaign.html#ixzz1kfflmŚXqP7. Smith, Valerie. Not Just Race, Not Just Gender: Black Feminist Readings. New York: Routledge, 1ŚŚř. hurman, Wallace. he Blacker the Berry: A Novel of Negro Life. New York: he fflacaulay Company, 1Ś2Ś. Wallace, fflichele. Black Macho and the Myth of the Superwoman. New York: Dial Press, 1Ś7Ś. West, Cornel. Race Maters. 2nd Vintage Books ed. New York: Vintage Books, 2001. Socioeconomic Developments in the Tampa Bay Area during Reconstruction Gregory fiason Bell Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Faculty of Humanities, Department of English and American Studies, fflostní 513Ś, 760 01 Zlín, Czech Republic. Email: bellšhs.utb.cz Abstract: Ater the U.S. Civil War, plentiful and varied natural resources, combined with a sizeable, multicultural population in ux, led to the increased development of the lumber, shing, citrus and catle industries in the Tampa Bay area, on the Gulf coast of Florida. hese industries all had the Cuban market in common, but di erent segments of society concentrated on di erent industries, with varying outcomes. White native Tampans, with a few notable exceptions, made the fewest economic gains during the era, which to some degree leveled the playing eld going into the Gilded Age, thereby making the Tampa Bay area relatively unique within the former Confederacy. fleywords: Tampa; Florida; Havana; Cuba; Reconstruction; Hispanics; Crackers; blacks; freedpeople; homesteaders; lumber; shing; citrus; catle; fiames fflcflay, Sr.; fiacob Summerlin; Panic of 1ř73 Although not greatly batle scarred, the U.S. Civil War (1ř61 1ř65) let Tampa a shadow of what it was in the 1ř50s. As with other Confederate port towns, Gen. Win eld Scot s Anaconda Plan had successfully strangled much of the life out of Tampa. Blockade runners had lessened but could not eliminate the want and su ering of locals. Furthermore, the Confederate defeat had let Florida with worthless script, sizeable debt, a broke citizenry, and an abysmal credit rating that made loans almost impossible to secure.1 A scarcity of goods and a transportation system in disarray worsened maters.2 hese factors, combined with the fact that many residents had sought safety in the hinterland during the war, abandoning Tampa to its fate,3 let the town in a dilapidated condition at war s end. he courthouse, noted one resident, was once the pride of many Tampans but was in 1ř65 unkept and sagging. 4 Another resident recalled that Tampa was a hard-looking place. . . . Houses were in bad order. . . . Streets and lots were grown up mostly with weeds. . . . he outlook certainly was not very encouraging. 5 Even so, residents of the Tampa Bay area, generally hardscrabble, frontier-tempered and accustomed to challenges, persevered, aided in doing so by 1. fioe flnetsch and Nick Wynne, Florida in the Spanish American War (Charleston: he History Press, 2011), 15; Confederacy, 1 2, ffiesley Collection, Box 2, University of South Florida Special Collections. 2. Canter Brown, fir., he ffnternational Ocean Telegraph, Florida Historical uarterly 6ř, no. 2 (1ŚřŚ): 140. 3. Tampa Pix, he Final Batle for Fort Brooke, Tampa, 2013, htp://www.tampapix.com/fortbrooke.htm. 4. Confederacy, 1 2. 5. Canter Brown, fir., and Barbara Gray Brown, God Was With Us: An Early History of St. Andrew s Episcopal Church in Tampa, Florida (Tampa: St. Andrew s Episcopal Church, 2004), 1ř 1Ś. See also ffiarry Eugene Rivers and Canter Brown, fir., Rejoicing in heir Freedom : he Development of Tampa s AfricanAmerican Community in the Post-Civil War Generation, Sunland Tribune 27 (2001): 5. 200 From Theory to Practice 2012 a post-war population in ux of freedpeople, Hispanics, Northerners, Southerners, fflidwesterners, Crackers and European immigrants. As a result of this in ux, the area became home to a truly polyglot society, which took full advantage of the end of the Union blockade and grabbed an economic lifeline extended to it from the Caribbean. his lifeline, a Havana market clamoring for Tampa Bay area natural resources such as lumber, sh, citrus and catle, ensured survival for most and prosperity for some. Atypical for the South, the various inhabitants of the Tampa Bay area coalesced into a society that set racial, ethnic, nationality and class di erences aside in favor of economic revitalization.6 One federal o cial in December 1ř65 recognized as much, noting an industriousness altogether di erent from that in northern Florida and more in keeping with . . . New England business sense. 7 Even so, an examination of the di erent industries that developed in the Tampa Bay area during the Reconstruction era (1ř65 1ř77) reveals that certain groups established niches in certain industries. As a result, some groups fared beter economically than others. White native Tampans, perhaps too set in their ways, tended to make the least gains, allowing other groups to close the socioeconomic gap. For this reason, by the end of Reconstruction the Tampa Bay area was one of the most egalitarian and laissez faire locations in Florida, if not throughout the former Confederacy. One of the most readily available and valuable natural resources, and likewise one of the rst to be pro ted from, was the lumber that could be derived from the cedar stands, cypress groves, pine forests and live oaks throughout the Tampa Bay area. Tampa s lumber industry required plenty of both skilled and unskilled labor. As a result, men of all races and backgrounds were able to nd work, making $20 to $30 per month.ř An army o cer in December 1ř65 found the situation for freedpeople beter than expected, their economic survival guaranteed by the strong need for labor.Ś Some were even able to land skilled jobs in the sawmills, and at equal pay. ffn 1ř65, Europe, Cuba and Brazil were paying top dollar for Florida lumber.10 Soon ater the war, F. H. Ederington of Brooksville established a lumber yard and shipped cedar to New York, where German buyers paid in gold. ffn the last ve months of 1ř65, Ederington s revenues amounted to almost $23,000 in gold coin, an incredible sum at that time.11 Ederington may have been one of the rst and most successful of Tampa s lumbermen, but he was not alone. Tampa 6. Nancy A. Hewit, Southern Discomfort: Women s Activism in Tampa, Florida, 1880s–1920s (Urbana: University of ffllinois Press, 2001), 27. 7. P. fl. Yonge ffiibrary, George F. hompson: A Tour of Central Florida and the ffiower West Coast, Dec. 1ř65 through fian. 1ř66, transcribed by fiames Cusick, 2000, htp://web.u ib.u .edu/spec/pkyonge/ thompson/gtdiary.html. ř. fierrell H. Shofner, Nor Is It Over Yet: Florida in the Era of Reconstruction, 1863–1877 (Gainesville: University Presses of Florida, 1Ś74), 137; flathryn Abbey Hanna, Florida: Land of Change (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1Ś41), 2ŚŚ. Ś. Rivers and Brown, fir., Rejoicing in heir Freedom, 6. 10. Shofner, Nor Is It Over Yet, 137. 11. S. H. Blackman to F. H. Ederington, 17 November 1ř65, University of South Florida ffiibrary, Florida Studies Center, Special Collections; fflemorandum Remitances & ffnvoices of Goods Sent to F. H. Ederington Esqr. Brooksville, Fla, University of South Florida ffiibrary, Florida Studies Center, Special Collections. Gregory fiason Bell 201 merchant Samuel Swann informed a business acquaintance in 1ř65 that as soon as the war was over, lumbermen were searching out ships to carry cargoes to both New York and Havana.12 ffn 1ř66, a customs agent noted the presence of thirty-three saw mills in the Tampa Bay area, producing an estimated half a million feet per week, almost all of which, he reported, was going to the Caribbean or to fflexico, with at least ty vessels servicing the operation.13 Among Tampa s lumbermen were two fiewish carpetbaggers, ffsidore Blumenthal and Gustave ffiewinson, who opened a cedar mill catering to the German market.14 Tampa sheri fiohn T. ffiesley also got in on the game early. He built a sawmill, but instead of exporting his product, he parlayed his connections into a position as Tampa s main lumber retailer.15 fflost of the Tampa sawmills lined the banks of the Hillsborough River,16 and as one visitor to Tampa noted, morning, noon and night the ear is saluted by the merry whistle of the engines not of the Rail Road trains, for the cars have not yet arrived, but of the Tampa Saw fflills. 17 Unfortunately for Tampa s prospects, and at no fault of the area or its residents, the early promise of the Tampa sawmills went unful lled. he majority of Tampa lumber was being sold to Cuba, but an insurrection in Cuba in 1ř6ř led to a crash in the Cuban construction industry, greatly reducing that island s demand for lumber.1ř hen, the Franco-Prussian War of 1ř70 71 and the subsequent naval blockade closed the door on the German cedar market.1Ś ffiewinson and Blumenthal quickly switched operations to coton-ginning, pine lumber, and sugar cane processing, but were not as successful in these pursuits. he explosion of their sawmill boiler in fflay 1ř71 only worsened their prospects.20 ffn 1ř72, ffiesley, seeing the handwriting on the wall, sold his lumber mill and entered the catle business.21 He did so just in time, for the nationwide economic Panic of 1ř73 served as another nail in the local lumber industry s co n.22 he ffiewinson and Blumenthal lumber mill did not survive the summer. ffnstead, they opened general stores in the area s interior, catering to catlemen. he lumber industry rebounded slightly in 1ř74, thanks to the ffiovering brothers of New fiersey, who started a mill that cut cedar strips that were then shipped to New York for the production of pencils.23 Yet 12. Shofner, Nor Is It Over Yet, 11ř 1Ś. 13. fierrell H. Shofner, Smuggling along the Gulf Coast of Florida During Reconstruction, Sunland Tribune 5, no. 1 (1Ś7Ś): 14 1ř. 14. Canter Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction (Tampa: University of Tampa Press, 2000), 144 45; Canter Brown, fir., ed., Reminiscences of Judge Charles E. Harrison (Tampa: Tampa Bay History Center, 1ŚŚ7), 24. 15. Tampa Pix, he Final Batle for Fort Brooke, Tampa. 16. ffiucy D. fiones, Tampa s ffiafayete Street Bridge: Building a New South City (master s thesis, University of South Florida, 2006), 10 13. 17. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 117 1ř. 1ř. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 122 24. 1Ś. fiones, Tampa s ffiafayete Street Bridge, 10 13; Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 144 45; Brown, fir., and Brown, God Was With Us, 24. 20. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 146 47. 21. Tampa Pix, he Final Batle for Fort Brooke, Tampa. 22. Shofner o ers a dissenting opinion that the Tampa lumber industry did not su er during the Panic of 1ř73. See Nor Is It Over Yet, 137. 23. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 144 45, 170, 174 77. 202 From Theory to Practice 2012 overall, despite promising beginnings, the Tampa Bay area lumber business proved a disappointment during the Reconstruction era, and with its near demise, a promising mercantile connection with New York was largely lost. he Tampa Bay area had hosted a shing industry for centuries, and ater the war, the shermen, mostly Hispanic, picked up right where they let o , regularly traversing back and forth between Tampa and Havana.24 ffn the early years of Reconstruction, Tampa was, on one account, a litle shing village, with Spaniards peddling strings of sh on sandy street corners.25 Another source documents the Spanish and Cuban shermen who lived along the banks of Spanishtown Creek, west of the business center, shing in the mornings and caring for their nets in the aternoons.26 But these locals were small sh compared to the major seafood operations running south of Tampa. ffn fall 1ř65, Freedmen s Bureau inspector George F. hompson explored the southern reaches of the Bay area and documented a lively and pro table Cuban shing industry. For instance, on the keys in Charlote Harbor, he found congregated several parties engaged in taking sh, 27 one of them being a shing enterprise under fflanuel Gonzales a Spaniard from fley West. ffn two months time he with 11 men had taken and cured ř00 uintales of sh. (fflullet). He leaves tomorrow for Havana with his cargo. 2ř ffiikewise, a Connecticut shing company had set up camp south of Tampa at Punta Rosa, and employed eighteen men, and although they had been there but ve or six weeks, had succeeded in taking and curing upwards of 1,ř00 quintals of sh, which in the Havana market brought between six and seven dollars per quintal in gold. hompson reported that all of the Charlote Harbor shing ranchos he visited con n[ed] themselves almost exclusively, to taking such sh as they would nd sale for in Havana. 2Ś ffn contrast with the Hispanic setlers of the Tampa Bay area, most of whom made their living on or by the sea, the black residents seem to have con ned themselves largely to farming the land, and with good reason: the federal government gave them ample opportunity to do so. Historian Eric Foner argues that former slaves were given nothing but freedom, 30 but a few areas of the former Confederacy proved exceptional, central and southwestern Florida among them. ffn fiune 1ř66, the U.S. Congress passed the Southern Homestead Act, which made public lands in ve former Confederate states available for homesteading on the conditions that the homesteader live on the land for ve years and farm a portion of the land. he Freedmen s Bureau assisted illiterate 24. 25. 26. 27. Shofner, Smuggling along the Gulf Coast of Florida During Reconstruction, 14 1ř. Brown, fir., ed., Reminiscences of Judge Charles E. Harrison, 12. fiones, Tampa s ffiafayete Street Bridge, 10 13. George F. hompson, Observations in Tropical Florida, he Tallahassee Sentinel, April 1Ś, 1ř67, htp:// web.u ib.u .edu/spec/pkyonge/thompson/ts1.html. 2ř. P. fl. Yonge ffiibrary, George F. hompson ; a quintal is a historic unit of measurement that equals 100 libras or about 46 kgs. 2Ś. hompson, Observations in Tropical Florida. 30. See Eric Foner, Nothing but Freedom: Emancipation and Its Legacy (Baton Rouge: ffiouisiana State University Press, 2007). Gregory fiason Bell 203 freedpeople in completing the applications. Of the ve states, Florida had the most land to o er. For a nominal fee (less than ten cents an acre), blacks and Union veterans were immediately eligible to claim up to one hundred and sixty acres of land, while former Confederates had to wait a year to apply.31 For this reason, the choicest lands oten went to blacks and Unionists.32 he editor of Tampa s Florida Peninsular lamented what he called the Negroe Homestead Bill, and for good reason: Florida blacks now had the opportunity to own valuable land and work for themselves.33 hey proved enthusiastic to do so. Florida blacks homesteaded over twenty-two thousand acres in October 1ř66 alone,34 and the black population of Florida quickly and dramatically increased, spurred by the possibility of land ownership.35 Freedman Andy ffloore s experience was not atypical. ffn 1ř62, his owner relocated him, his wife and daughter, and twenty-two other slaves from Virginia to the Tampa Bay area. here, the slaves were dispersed to assist families whose men were o ghting for the Confederacy.36 When emancipation came, ffloore s owner refused to contribute to the future welfare of ffloore and his family, so ffloore squated on public land and began farming. ffn 1ř6Ś, he led a formal homestead claim, and seven years later he received legal title to eighty acres. By 1řř2, he had some 30 bearing [citrus] trees, makes some 400 to 500 bushels of corn, raises his own meat, and is independent generally. 37 ffiike ffloore, blacks throughout the Tampa Bay area began farming to support themselves, growing right smart crops like coton, sugarcane, potatoes, sweet potatoes, corn and other vegetables and then transporting them to urban centers where they sold or bartered them.3ř hose homesteaders who had the foresight to grow citrus fared beter than others. Prior to the Civil War, there were only a few sizeable citrus groves in the Tampa Bay area,3Ś yet postbellum newcomers to Tampa, likely seeing the mature and proli c orange trees surrounding William Hooker s downtown Orange Grove Hotel, were quick to recognize the economic potential of owning their own trees. Tampa Bay area homesteaders, mostly blacks and Northerners, were among the rst to embrace 31. Ralph ffieon Peek, ffiawlessness and the Restoration of Order in Florida, 1ř6ř 1ř71 (PhD diss., University of Florida, 1Ś64), 35 36; Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 11Ś; Wallace fflartin Nelson, he Economic Development of Florida, 1ř70 1Ś30 (PhD diss., University of Florida, 1Ś62), 115. 32. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 11Ś. 33. fie Cannon, Early Hernando County History: he Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned ffiands he Freedmen s Bureau, 2006, htp:// vay.org/freedmen.html. 34. Peek, ffiawlessness and the Restoration of Order in Florida, 35 36. 35. F. Bruce Rosen, ed., A Plan to Homestead Freedmen in Florida in 1ř66, Florida Historical uarterly 43, no. 4 (April 1Ś65): 3ř1, n7, nŚ. 36. Canter Brown, fir., Bartow is the Place for Our People to Go : Race and the Course of ffiife in Southern Polk County, 1ř65 1Ś05, booklet, University of South Florida ffiibrary Special Collections, Tampa Floridiana Collection, 2000, 1 3. 37. Brown, fir., Bartow is the Place for Our People to Go, 3 4. 3ř. P. fl. Yonge ffiibrary, George F. hompson ; Brown, fir., Bartow is the Place for Our People to Go, 4. 3Ś. hompson, Observations in Tropical Florida. 204 From Theory to Practice 2012 the citrus culture. 40 Examples abound. By 1ř67, freedman fiohn fflathews, who had homesteaded on the east bank of the Hillsborough River, had eighty orange trees under cultivation. His neighbors, Benjamin and Fortune Taylor had planted seventy orange trees.41 he Donaldsons, freedpeople from Alabama, followed a white family to the Bay area in 1ř6ř to work as their domestics. hey saved some money, homesteaded a piece of land and established a forty-acre citrus grove that ultimately gave them nancial security.42 ffn February 1ř6Ś, fflichigander Chauncey Wesley Wells arrived in Tampa with just twenty dollars to his name. ffn fflarch, he led a homestead claim in Tampa. He then painted houses and earned enough money to establish a six-acre orange grove on his property. A decade later, largely due to his investment in citrus, his estate was valued at $ř,000.43 ffn 1ř73, Northerner David Nix setled near Tampa. ffiater that year, his estate was valued at $50. he next year, he invested in his own grove, and by 1ř7Ś his estate was valued at $10,000.44 Such examples highlight the money making potential of the citrus industry. ffn an 1ř74 leter, a Swedish immigrant to central Florida documented exactly how this potential became reality: You can put 60 75 trees on an acre. A wild, grated tree bears fruit in four or ve years, and when fully grown it yields 1000 2000 oranges per year. Old, large trees can give up to 10,000. You can understand how lucrative this is, since oranges are paid 2 cents each, and shipped to New York 5 cents. Ater deduction of costs (ploughing, fertilizing and packaging of the fruit) your pro t from 100 trees is $1000 2000, and that is quite a bit of wealth. he Swede put his theory into practice and made thousands of dollars, which he then speculated with and lost.45 he immense wealth, however, was not being shared by all segments of society. Whereas freedpeople, Northerners, European immigrants and later fflidwesterners were quick to pro t o of the citrus industry, white native Tampans mostly missed out. By 1ř73, many northern and midwestern newspapers were noting Tampa Bay s citrus successes. hese reports led to an orange gold rush in the mid-1ř70s, mainly from Nebraska, fflichigan and ffndiana.46 Wealthy Alabamians also took part, establishing a 40. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 166 6Ś; Brown, fir., Bartow is the Place for Our People to Go, 4. ffn December 1ř76, famed American poet Sidney ffianier visited the Orange Grove Hotel and described it in detail: Presently we turned a corner and were agreeably surprised to nd ourselves in front of a large three-story house with old nooks and corners, clean and comfortable in appearance and surrounded by orange trees in full fruit. We have a large room in the second story, opening upon a generous balcony ty feet long, into which stretch the liberal arms of a ne orange tree holding out their fruitage to our very lips. See ffia Salle Corbell Picket, Literary Hearthstones of Dixie (Philadelphia: fi. B. ffiippincot, 1Ś12), 5ř. 41. Rivers and Brown, fir., Rejoicing in heir Freedom, 11. 42. Douglas ffi. Fleming, Toward ffntegration: he Course of Race Relations in St. Petersburg, 1ř6ř to 1Ś63 (master s thesis, University of South Florida, 1Ś73), 4. 43. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 166 6Ś; Chauncey Wesley Wells, Day Book: A Daily Journal, ed. fiulius fi. Gordon and fflyra Caroline Sims (Tampa: privately printed, 2002), 4 10, 17Ś. 44. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 166 6Ś. 45. Rebecca Weiss, A Florida Pioneer: he Adventurous Life of Josef Henschen, Swedish Immigrant in the 1870s (Raleigh: ffiulu Press, 2006), Ś3. 46. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 166 6Ś, 1ř2 řř. Gregory fiason Bell 205 citrus enclave in what is now Clearwater. As a result, in a ve-week period in late 1ř75, 657,000 oranges let Tampa s wharf, bound for New York, Savannah, and Havana.47 White native Tampans watched all of this. hey also had citrus trees of all types on their properties,4ř for subsistence and pleasure, but most never got into the business. ffnstead they grew increasingly worried, frustrated and even jealous as their new neighbors gained wealth and then let town, mostly for the interior portions of the state where good, cheap land was readily available.4Ś Furthermore, places like Clearwater and fflanatee became competing mercantile centers, catering successfully to wealthy rural citrus growers.50 By 1ř74, the freedpeople who had homesteaded and planted citrus on their property were beginning, under the conditions of the homesteading act, to claim clear title to their land, which by then contained mature citrus trees. Content with what they had achieved, they tended to stay put. As the northern, midwestern and foreignborn whites moved to the interior in search of greater opportunities, the percentage of Tampa s black population rose, and blacks increased in in uence.51 Nor did the catle industry, by far the Tampa Bay area s most successful and pro table industry during the Reconstruction era, distribute wealth equitably. Ater the Civil War, the Tampa Bay area catle barons, fiames fflcflay, Sr. and fiacob Summerlin, picked up right where they let o , reestablishing the Cuban catle trade. fflcflay went rst to Havana and then to New York, where he met with merchants willing to partner with him in a Tampa to Havana catle enterprise. With their backing, fflcflay purchased and re ted a steamer and sailed it to Punta Gorda, south of Tampa, from where, in late 1ř65, he and Summerlin were able to transport 722 head of catle ( beeves ) to the Havana market.52 hrough fianuary 1ř66, he used the steamer to transport passengers and catle between Tampa, fley West and Havana.53 hen fflcflay leased the steamer to the government for the rest of the year,54 an apparent strategic move on the parts of fflcflay and Summerlin to faten and herd catle and get the infrastructure and manpower in place for future large-scale deliveries. As businessmen, fflcflay and Summerlin complimented each other nicely. By 1ř67, fflcflay owned a catle wharf in fflanatee (modern-day Bradenton, south of Tampa) and a second steamship on which he also transported beeves to Havana.55 He also had 47. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 1ř2 řř. See Historic Tampa-Hillsborough County Preservation Board, he Cultural Resources of the Unincorporated Portions of Hillsborough County: An ffnventory of the Built Environment (Tampa: Historic Tampa-Hillsborough County Preservation Board, 1Śř0), 10 11. hanks to Robert Hutchings, Gary fflormino, and Nick ffiinville for sharing some of their knowledge of the Florida citrus industry with me. 4ř. R. E. C. Stearns, Rambles in Florida, American Naturalist 3, no. ř (October 1ř6Ś): 3ŚŚ 405; F. Trench Townshend, Wild Life in Florida, with a Visit to Cuba (ffiondon: Hurst and Blacket, 1ř75), 47. 4Ś. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 1Ś0 Ś5. 50. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 166 6Ś. 51. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 166 6Ś, 174 77, 1ř0 ř1. 52. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, Śř 100; Confederacy, 6. 53. P. fl. Yonge ffiibrary, George F. hompson. 54. Shofner, Nor Is It Over Yet, 11ř 1Ś. 55. Brown, fir., ed., Reminiscences of Judge Charles E. Harrison, ř. 206 From Theory to Practice 2012 the Havana business connections. While fflcflay was in charge of loading, transport, delivery and sale, Summerlin was in charge of raising, herding and driving beeves to the fflcflay wharves. Summerlin was sometimes referred to as the fling of Crackers, and in his business, he preferred to deal mostly with his own kind, which was, what one newspaper correspondent called, a sui generis class of cowboy, riding nimble ponies and carrying repeating ri es, with ammunition strapped across their shoulders. Florida Crackers, many of whom inhabited the rural peninsula both before and during the war, migrated to southwestern Florida in large numbers soon ater the war.56 One customs agent estimated that eight hundred families had moved to the fflanatee area in 1ř67 alone.57 hat same year, Summerlin reportedly hired the major part of the men living within a radius of ty miles to herd, drive and load.5ř ffiitle wonder, for Summerlin owned a conservatively estimated 15,000 head of catle in December 1ř65, valued at $75,000. he Crackers were more than willing to work for Summerlin, because he treated them fairly and paid them in Spanish gold.5Ś hus, by 1ř67, fflcflay and Summerlin seemingly had every aspect of the enterprise well in hand, and their future prospects looked bright. As with the promising Tampa lumber industry, international events soon negatively intervened. A highly pro table 1ř67, during which fflcflay and Summerlin shipped 7,0řŚ catle to Havana, was followed by a disappointing 1ř6ř, during which catle exports dropped to 3,000,60 the result of the start of a failed revolution in Cuba, now referred to as the Ten Years War. hat summer, Cuban o cials, hoping to raise revenues for the war, imposed a $7 import fee on each head of catle, which made Florida beef cost prohibitive for most Cubans. Sales dropped accordingly. fflcflay and Summerlin sought out other markets, such as Charleston and Savannah, but to litle avail. hey still managed to ship about 3,000 beeves to Havana again in 1ř6Ś, but supply was far outdistancing demand.61 hen in late 1ř6Ś, the Cuban insurrection spread to the catle producing regions of the island, hampering production. Facing a military meat shortage, Cuban o cials quickly dropped the import fee, seting the stage for an invasion of Florida beeves on the island.62 For the remainder of the Reconstruction era in central and southwestern Florida, catle was king. ffn 1ř70, Cuban buyers were paying $10 to $14 per head for Florida 56. fioe A. Akerman, fir., and fi. fflark Akerman, Jacob Summerlin: King of the Crackers (Cocoa: Florida Historical Society Press, 2004), 66; fiulius fi. Gordon, he fflissions of Tampa: Excerpts from the Diary of Father Clavreul, 1ř66 1ř73, Tampa Bay History 13, no. 2 (1ŚŚ1): 64; Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 11Ś. 57. Shofner, Smuggling along the Gulf Coast of Florida During Reconstruction, 14 1ř. 5ř. hompson, Observations in Tropical Florida. 5Ś. Akerman, fir., and Akerman, Jacob Summerlin, 66 67. 60. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 117 1ř; Akerman, fir., and Akerman, Jacob Summerlin, 6Ś. For a record of fflcflay s catle transactions between fflay 1ř67 and February 1ř6ř, see fiames fflcflay, Receipt Book, 1ř50 1ř6ř, University of South Florida, Florida Studies Center, Special Collections. 61. Akerman, fir., and Akerman, Jacob Summerlin, 6Ś; Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 123, 152. 62. Akerman, fir., and Akerman, Jacob Summerlin, 6Ś; Shofner, Nor Is It Over Yet, 136. Gregory fiason Bell 207 catle, and fflcflay and Summerlin, among others, were ready and very able to supply them.63 Over 7,000 beeves went to Cuba that year.64 Raising stock soon became the principle activity in the interior portions of the peninsula,65 and Punta Rassa and Tampa became principle loading points. ffn 1ř71, Francis A. Hendry reportedly owned 25,000 head, while Summerlin owned 20,000 and Tampan fiohn A. Henderson led a consortium, including fflcflay, that owned 10,000 head.66 Tampans fiohn T. ffiesley, who had recently escaped the failing lumber industry, and William B. Henderson also partnered to make large catle shipments to Havana.67 ffn 1ř71, the number of beeves sent to Cuba doubled to 14,000.6ř Existing records from Punta Rassa alone between August 1ř71 and fiuly 1ř72 document eighteen ships making a combined 142 trips to Cuba, carrying in all 1ř,34Ś catle valued at $302,000, for an average price of $16.45 a head.6Ś With that much at stake (in steak), there may be some truth to the report that ffiesley kept a washtub full of gold doubloons in his bedroom.70 ffn 1ř72, over 21,000 beeves were shipped, and in return, notes historian Canter Brown, fir., Spanish gold seemed to pour into southwest Florida. 71 And while other industries su ered from the nancial Panic of 1ř73, the Havana catle trade most certainly did not. Summerlin himself reportedly estimated in September 1ř73 that 5,500 head were being shipped monthly from Punta Rassa, Tampa and fflanatee.72 According to the estimates of Hendry, Punta Rassa alone shipped 10,000 head of catle per year to Havana between 1ř73 and 1ř7ř, receiving on average $14 per head.73 And, historian Stetson flennedy estimates that during the 1ř70s, 165,000 beeves were shipped from the Tampa Bay area to Cuba, for an average price of about $15/head in Spanish gold. ffn addition, he notes that wild Florida bulls were sold at premium rates to Spain and ffiatin America for bull- ghting.74 Such great successes, coming at a time when other industries su ered through the Panic, created opportunities for the Cracker cowmen and those who serviced them. fflany of Tampa s white elite watched helplessly as downtown businesses closed up or relocated to nearby Cracker towns such as Bartow and Fort ffleade, which in 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 6ř. 6Ś. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. Shofner, Nor Is It Over Yet, 136. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 152. Brown, fir., Bartow is the Place for Our People to Go, 4. Shofner, Nor Is It Over Yet, 136; Shofner, Smuggling along the Gulf Coast of Florida During Reconstruction, 14 1ř. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 153. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 152; see also Canter Brown, fir., Fort Meade, 1849–1900 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1ŚŚ5), 56. Shofner, Smuggling along the Gulf Coast of Florida During Reconstruction, 14 1ř; Shofner, Nor Is It Over Yet, 136. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 153. A doubloon, or a Spanish $20 gold piece, was worth about $16 in American gold at the time. See Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 152. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 152 54. Akerman, fir., and Akerman, Jacob Summerlin, ř5. fflichael Reneer and fiames ffl. Denham, ffieter from Okeechobee: Editorial of Gabriel Cunning, Polk County Historical uarterly 33, no. 4 (2007): 1. Stetson flennedy, Palmeto Country (Tallahassee: Florida A&ffl University Press, 1ŚřŚ), 215. 20ř From Theory to Practice 2012 turn became thriving commercial and residential centers in their own rights.75 One contemporary source described Fort ffleade as a typical frontier town where men died with their boots on. 76 True, but many of them also died wealthy, in boots made locally, with local leather. Frederick Varn opened a tannery and shoe shop near Fort ffleade in 1ř70. Soon his operation was a great success, making four hundred pairs of shoes and boots a week, as well as harnesses and saddlery. He also shipped a large amount of leather. 77 ffiewinson and Blumenthal, who had ridden the Tampa lumber business up and then down, next opened general stores at Bartow and Fort ffleade, giving catlemen su cient retail outlets to keep them from traveling to Tampa for shopping and trade. heir departure from Tampa, part of a steady drain . . . into the interior, 7ř opened the door for catlemen, rich in Spanish gold doubloons, to purchase Tampa property at discounted prices.7Ś Another German fiewish merchant, Charles Slager, moved to Tampa around 1ř70 and found success by gearing his business to servicing the stores of the catle frontier. ř0 At the end of Reconstruction, Tampa, by one account more than a village but less than a town, ř1 had not grown in population,ř2 lending credence to a treasury agent s dire 1ř75 prediction about the town s future.ř3 Yet, the overall population of the Bay area had dramatically increased, and this population was multicultural to the point that one 1ř7ř visitor remembered the locals as mostly non-white.ř4 his multicultural populace conquered (by historian Frederick fiackson Turner s de nition) the Tampa Bay area frontier,ř5 in part because of the development of a frontier local solidarity that favored economic development over racial and ethnic di erences,ř6 and in part because they made use of Tampa s abundant natural resources and close proximity to Cuba by developing lumber, shing, citrus and catle industries that provided a measure of hope during Reconstruction and would serve them well in the future. Even so, and possibly re ecting the limits of multiculturalism at that time, certain groups within the populace did develop niches in certain industries: Hispanics made their living on and by the sea; blacks generally farmed, grew citrus, and worked with lumber; Crackers found success in the catle industry; fiews worked in lumber before turning to mercantilism; 75. 76. 77. 7ř. 7Ś. ř0. ř1. ř2. ř3. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 152 54, 174 77. Brown, fir., ed., Reminiscences of Judge Charles E. Harrison, 5ř, 60. Brown, fir., Fort Meade, 1849–1900, 57. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 144 45. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 174 77. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 152 54. Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 1ř0 ř1. Rivers and Brown, fir., Rejoicing in heir Freedom, 11. Gary R. fflormino and George E. Pozzeta, he Immigrant World of Ybor City: Italians and heir Latin Neighbors in Tampa, 1885–1985 (Urbana: University of ffllinois Press, 1ŚŚ0), 45. ř4. Rivers and Brown, fir., Rejoicing in heir Freedom, 11. ř5. See Frederick fiackson Turner, he Frontier in American History (New York: Holt, 1Ś21); Hanna, Florida: Land of Change, 30Ś. ř6. Stephen Aron, How the West Was Lost: he Transformation of Kentucky from Daniel Boone to Henry Clay (Baltimore: fiohns Hopkins University Press, 1ŚŚ6), 104; see Brown, fir., Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction, 134 35. Gregory fiason Bell 20Ś Northerners dabbled in shing but for the most part setled on citrus as their avenue to wealth, and they were joined in the citrus industry by fflidwesterners and European immigrants; white native Tampans, with a few notable exceptions such as catlemen fflcflay, ffiesley and the Hendersons, con ned themselves to the lumber industry and traditional businesses and, as a result, missed out on many of the opportunities the Tampa Bay area had to o er during Reconstruction. his failure to some degree leveled the playing eld, leaving the area surprisingly egalitarian and laissez faire as it entered the Gilded Age. Acknowledgement Research funding courtesy of the Patrick Riordan fflemorial Research Fellowship at the University of South Florida. Works Cited Akerman, fioe A., fir., and fi. fflark Akerman. Jacob Summerlin: King of the Crackers. Cocoa: Florida Historical Society Press, 2004. Aron, Stephen. How the West Was Lost: he Transformation of Kentucky from Daniel Boone to Henry Clay. Baltimore: fiohns Hopkins University Press, 1ŚŚ6. Blackman, S. H. S. H. Blackman to F. H. Ederington, 17 November 1ř65. University of South Florida ffiibrary, Florida Studies Center, Special Collections. Brown, Canter, fir. Bartow is the Place for Our People to Go : Race and the Course of ffiife in Southern Polk County, 1ř65 1Ś05. Booklet, University of South Florida ffiibrary Special Collections, Tampa Floridiana Collection, 2000. Brown, Canter, fir. Fort Meade, 1849–1900. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1ŚŚ5. Brown, Canter, fir. he ffnternational Ocean Telegraph. Florida Historical uarterly 6ř, no. 2 (1ŚřŚ): 135 5Ś. Brown, Canter, fir., ed. Reminiscences of Judge Charles E. Harrison. Tampa: Tampa Bay History Center, 1ŚŚ7. Brown, Canter, fir. Tampa in Civil War and Reconstruction. Tampa: University of Tampa Press, 2000. Brown, Canter, fir., and Barbara Gray Brown. God Was With Us: An Early History of St. Andrew s Episcopal Church in Tampa, Florida. Tampa: St. Andrew s Episcopal Church, 2004. Cannon, fie . Early Hernando County History: he Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned ffiands he Freedmen s Bureau. 2006. htp:// vay.org/freedmen.html. Confederacy. ffiesley Collection, Box 2, University of South Florida Special Collections. Foner, Eric. Nothing but Freedom: Emancipation and Its Legacy. Baton Rouge: ffiouisiana State University Press, 2007. 210 From Theory to Practice 2012 Fleming, Douglas ffi. Toward ffntegration: he Course of Race Relations in St. Petersburg, 1ř6ř to 1Ś63. fflaster s thesis, University of South Florida, 1Ś73. Gordon, fiulius fi. he fflissions of Tampa: Excerpts from the Diary of Father Clavreul, 1ř66 1ř73. Tampa Bay History 13, no. 2 (1ŚŚ1): 57 6ř. Hanna, flathryn Abbey. Florida: Land of Change. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1Ś41. Hewit, Nancy A. Southern Discomfort: Women s Activism in Tampa, Florida, 1880s–1920s. Urbana: University of ffllinois Press, 2001. Historic Tampa-Hillsborough County Preservation Board. he Cultural Resources of the Unincorporated Portions of Hillsborough County: An ffnventory of the Built Environment. Tampa: Historic Tampa-Hillsborough County Preservation Board, 1Śř0. fiones, ffiucy D. Tampa s ffiafayete Street Bridge: Building a New South City. fflaster s thesis, University of South Florida, 2006. flennedy, Stetson. Palmeto Country. Tallahassee: Florida A&ffl University Press, 1ŚřŚ. flnetsch, fioe, and Nick Wynne. Florida in the Spanish American War. Charleston: he History Press, 2011. fflcflay, fiames. Receipt Book, 1ř50 1ř6ř. University of South Florida, Florida Studies Center, Special Collections. fflemorandum Remitances & ffnvoices of Goods Sent to F. H. Ederington Esqr. Brooksville, Fla. University of South Florida ffiibrary, Florida Studies Center, Special Collections. fflormino, Gary R., and George E. Pozzeta. he Immigrant World of Ybor City: Italians and heir Latin Neighbors in Tampa, 1885–1985. Urbana: University of ffllinois Press, 1ŚŚ0. Nelson, Wallace fflartin. he Economic Development of Florida, 1ř70 1Ś30. PhD diss., University of Florida, 1Ś62. Peek, Ralph ffieon. ffiawlessness and the Restoration of Order in Florida, 1ř6ř 1ř71. PhD diss., University of Florida, 1Ś64. Picket, ffia Salle Corbell. Literary Hearthstones of Dixie. Philadelphia: fi. B. ffiippincot, 1Ś12. P. fl. Yonge ffiibrary. George F. hompson: A Tour of Central Florida and the ffiower West Coast, Dec. 1ř65 through fian. 1ř66. Transcribed by fiames Cusick. 2000. htp://web.u ib.u .edu/spec/pkyonge/thompson/gtdiary.html. Reneer, fflichael, and fiames ffl. Denham. ffieter from Okeechobee: Editorial of Gabriel Cunning. Polk County Historical uarterly 33, no. 4 (2007): 1. Rivers, ffiarry Eugene, and Canter Brown, fir. Rejoicing in heir Freedom : he Development of Tampa s African-American Community in the Post-Civil War Generation. Sunland Tribune 27 (2001): 5 1ř. Rosen, F. Bruce, ed. A Plan to Homestead Freedmen in Florida in 1ř66. Florida Historical uarterly 43, no. 4 (April 1Ś65): 37Ś ř4. Gregory fiason Bell 211 Shofner, fierrell H. Nor Is It Over Yet: Florida in the Era of Reconstruction, 1863–1877. Gainesville: University Presses of Florida, 1Ś74. Shofner, fierrell H. Smuggling along the Gulf Coast of Florida During Reconstruction. Sunland Tribune 5, no. 1 (1Ś7Ś): 14 1ř. Stearns, R. E. C. Rambles in Florida. American Naturalist 3, no. ř (October 1ř6Ś): 3ŚŚ 405. Tampa Pix. he Final Batle for Fort Brooke, Tampa. 2013. htp://www.tampapix.com/fortbrooke.htm. hompson, George F. Observations in Tropical Florida. Tallahassee Sentinel, April 1Ś, 1ř67. htp://web.u ib.u .edu/spec/pkyonge/thompson/ts1.html. Townshend, F. Trench. Wild Life in Florida, with a Visit to Cuba. ffiondon: Hurst and Blacket, 1ř75. Turner, Frederick fiackson. he Frontier in American History. New York: Holt, 1Ś21. Weiss, Rebecca. A Florida Pioneer: he Adventurous Life of Josef Henschen, Swedish Immigrant in the 1870s. Raleigh: ffiulu Press, 2006. Wells, Chauncey Wesley. Day Book: A Daily Journal. Edited by fiulius fi. Gordon and fflyra Caroline Sims. Tampa: privately printed, 2002. The House of the Head Versus the House of the Heart in fiames Fenimore Cooper s The Pioneers fflichal Peprník Palacký University, Philosophical Faculty, Department of English and American Studies, fl í kovského 10, 771 ř0 Olomouc, Czech Republic. Email: michal.peprnikšupol.cz Abstract: his paper argues that the house of fiudge Temple in fiames Fenimore Cooper s he Pioneers is turned into a testing ground of the popular sentimental notions of head and heart, standing for the dichotomy between reason and feeling. ffn the emerging middle-class culture these notions are given a more rigid meaning and designation that Cooper s novels contest and challenge and to which they refuse to assign a stable, xed location in terms of gender, class or race, even though he cannot free them completely of their a nity with those categories. fleywords: fiames Fenimore Cooper; he Pioneers; fiudge Temple; sentimentalism; picturesque; head; heart; location ffn the eighteenth century, the head and heart were popular metaphors for reason (rationality) and feeling. Feeling is not a mere emotional reaction but a strategy of cognition. Even though every sane person must have both, the two agencies were most frequently encoded in gender terms men were supposed to rely on reason, women on feelings. his popular division also found its way into fiames Fenimore Cooper s novels. ffn he Pioneers (1ř23),1 Cooper s third novel, the clash between the head and the heart seems to take the form of a family quarrel between a father and his daughter. ffly study demonstrates that in Cooper s ction such a neat division along gender lines does not exist and the relationship between the heart and the head needs a careful reexamination across the gender line and should involve categories of class and age. ffn eighteenth-century literature, the medieval dispute between the soul and body was replaced by the dispute between reason and feeling, which took the metaphorical form of the head and the heart. One of the rst writers to use this distinction was ffiord Shatesbury in his Characteristics.2 ffn the Scotish philosophical school, the concept of feeling came to be understood as feeling for others, as sympathy.3 As Gregg Crane points out, the Scotish philosophers Adam Smith and David Hume extended the moral sense concept by characterizing sympathy as an activity of the imagination, 1. fiames Fenimore Cooper, he Pioneers, or the Sources of the Susquehanna: A Descriptive Tale, in he Leatherstocking Tales I, ed. ffiance Schachterle and flenneth ffl. Andersen (New York: ffiibrary of America, 1Śř5), 13. Hereater cited in the text. 2. Our Poet therefore seems not so immoderate in his Censure; if we consider it is the Heart, rather than the Head, he takes to task. Anthony Ashley Cooper, hird Earl of Shatesbury, Characteristics of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times, ed. Douglas Den Uyl (ffndianapolis: ffiiberty Fund, 2001), 1:67. 3. See fiohn fflullan, Sensibility and ffiiterary Criticism, in he Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, vol. 4 he Eighteenth Century, ed. H. B. Nisbet and Claude Rawson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1ŚŚ7), 42ř. 214 From Theory to Practice 2012 which enables us to go beyond our person and understand another s su ering. 4 ffn sentimentalism sympathy and empathy became the key markers of humanity. ffn popular melodrama, the heart always stood above cold reason; the heart chose more wisely than the head. 5 But the popular belief that the heart, identi ed with the voice of nature, cannot be wrong, is of course a misinterpretation of ffiord Shatesbury s conception of the heart because Shatesbury argues that the heart has a discerning ability to recognize right and wrong but this ability does not guarantee the right choice. Only in disinterested Cases can it make the right choice.6 ffn he Pioneers, the agencies of the head and the heart are found in one body, and this in itself is already a challenge to the conventional and widely distributed gender roles. At the same time, one of the two agencies may prevail in a character s conduct and it is possible to divide the characters into the party of the head and the party of the heart. Cooper s novel, however, does not form the two parties on the basis of gender. His dividing line cuts across gender as well as class. While fiudge Temple, the head of the setlement, may appear as the voice of reason, there are many male characters in the village who rely on their heart rather than on their head, for good or for bad. he party of the heart tends to include the characters of the social margins, as well as of the gentlemanly class. For example, among the characters from the social margins who tend to use their heart rather than reason are Naty Bumppo, an old hunter, Chingachgook, an old fflohican and Delaware chief, and Benjamin Pump, a good-natured English sailor; the gentlemanly class in this party is represented by Oliver Edwards, an upper-class young gentleman, but most of the villagers who are depicted in the scenes of mass shing or pigeon-shooting can also be included as being motivated by a rationale but geting carried away and participating in a mass slaughter of animals as if they were their personal enemies. ffn Cooper s novels, the discursive stereotype of gender is never fully reproduced. here are several reasons for this. First, the tendency of Cooper s writing is to go beyond the cultural stereotype and create characters according to the contemporary theory of literary characters; second, he grew up in a republican culture shaped by the Enlightenment ethos, which assigned a much more active role to women than the middle-class culture of the following decades. As regards the rst reason, a contemporary theory believed that characters in literature are of interest if their conception contains some interesting contradiction and variety: Novels are pictures of life; and the characters presented in them must have that diversity and even contrariety of feeling, motive, and conduct, that inconsequence of thought and action, which we 4. Gregg Crane, he Cambridge Introduction to the Nineteenth-Century American Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 105. 5. David Grimsted, Melodrama Unveiled: American heater and Culture 1800–1850 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1Śř7), 212. 6. However false or corrupt it be within itself, it nds the di erence, as to Beauty and Comeliness, between one Heart and another, one Turn of A ection, one Behaviour, one Sentiment and another; and accordingly, in all disinterested Cases, must approve in some measure of what is natural and honest, and disapprove what is dishonest and corrupt. Anthony Ashley Cooper, hird Earl of Shatesbury, An ffnquiry Concerning Virtue or fflerit, in Characteristics, 2:17. fflichal Peprník 215 daily witness among our friends, or we do not acknowledge the delity of the imitation. fff we may borrow a phrase from the painter s vocabulary, the picturesqueness of the e ect depends wholly on the art, with which this compound of dissimilar ingredients is e ected. fft is only with such imperfect beings that we can sympathize, or take any interest in their concerns.7 Other interesting explanations for Cooper s challenges to the dominant cultural stereotypes are provided by fflcWilliams. He noticed that the older American sentimental novels writen by women upheld strictly separated gender roles, while Cooper, as more recent criticism agrees, oten challenges the stereotypes.ř fflcWilliams suggests that Cooper uses some of his active female characters to present some controversial ideas: . . . the later male novelist expresses subversive political ideas more safely through the presumably less authoritative voices of women. he second reason given by fflcWilliams for why Cooper expands the range of the female gender is the existence of such women in Cooper s life: . . . the more literate and beter-educated women of Cooper s day had become more outspoken about political maters. Ś Wegener thinks Cooper s conception of relatively active and independent women characters is in uenced by the new, more democratic ideals of womanhood: [Cooper] appears to focus on a new kind of woman, one beter quali ed to raise democratic daughters and sons than the stereotypical mother of the cult of domesticity. 10 While this is very true, ff should add that such an ideal of the new woman is of an older date it appeared in the early Republic, when the ideal of a republican woman (and that means not just mothers but also daughters, as is evident from Cooper s early novels) had been shaped by the discourse of the Age of Enlightenment on equality and the importance of education.11 ffn sum, there is a marked tendency in Cooper s novels to challenge or foreground cultural stereotypes; in Cooper s novels the clash between the head and the heart does not assume strictly de ned gender lines; it cuts across gender, class, and race. he head and the heart are two cognitive agencies that may or may not be in disagreement and the dominance of a respective agency depends on the particular context and type of character. his becomes evident in the dispute between fiudge Temple and his only daughter Elizabeth when they are returning from the trial of old Naty Bumppo. At rst sight the con ict between fiudge Temple and Elizabeth looks like a typical con ict between the man s head (reason) and the woman s heart (feeling). heir major dispute is over fiudge Temple s court decision to arrest the old hunter Naty Bumppo and put him 7. Anonymous, Cooper s Novels and Travels, North American Review 46, no. Śř (fianuary 1ř3ř): 3. ř. See Signe O. Wegener, James Fenimore Cooper versus the Cult of Domesticity: Progressive hemes of Femininity and Family in the Novels (fie erson: fflcFarland, 2005), 16ř 6Ś. Ś. fiohn P. fflcWilliams, fflore han a Woman s Enterprise : Cooper s Revolutionary Heroines and the Source of ffiiberty, in A Historical Guide to James Fenimore Cooper, ed. ffieland S. Person (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 63 64. 10. Wegener, Cooper versus the Cult of Domesticity, 40. 11. Dana D. Nelson speaks of the shit from republican motherhood to true womanhood, whereby women s sphere was reduced from the national scene to the domestic sphere . . . Dana D. Nelson, Cooper s ffieatherstocking Conversations: ffdentity, Friendship, and Democracy in the New Nation, in A Historical Guide to James Fenimore Cooper, ed. ffieland S. Person (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 12ř. 216 From Theory to Practice 2012 in prison because he used physical violence against the representatives of law and order who wanted to search his log cabin in order to nd some evidence for the suspicion that Naty is hiding silver that he secretly and illegally mines on fiudge Temple s land. fiudge Temple departs from the court with his daughter (who did not stay at home but atended the court procedure) and commissions Elizabeth to employ the agency of her heart and comfort Naty s wounded spirit, su ering in prison, but he warns her not to discuss the nature of punishment because the sanctity of the laws must be respected (3řř). Elizabeth responds in an emotive manner: Surely, sir, cried the impatient Elizabeth, those laws, that condemn a man like the ffieatherstocking to so severe a punishment, for an o ence that even ff must think very venial, cannot be perfect in themselves. (3řř) fiudge Temple reasons with her and points out that laws and restraints are necessary, and those who enforce the laws must also be protected. His nal point is that the law must be impartial and even the fact that Naty saved her life cannot help him avoid punishment for his transgression of the law: hou talkest of what thou dost not understand, Elizabeth, returned her father. Society cannot exist without wholesome restraints. hose restraints cannot be in icted, without security and respect to the persons of those who administer them; and would sound ill indeed, to report that a judge had extended favour to a convicted criminal, because he had saved the life of his child. (3řř) But Elizabeth is not at all intimidated by this display of patriarchal authority underlined by his rhetorical use of archaic Biblical / legal English, knowledge and desire for impartial justice. She retorts that she sees the man behind the o ce and implies that the man is of low character, referring to the well-known fact that Naty was provoked to violence by Hiram, the sheri s deputy. ff see ff see the di culty of your situation, dear sir, cried the daughter; but in appreciating the o ence of poor Naty, ff cannot separate the minister of the law from the man. (3řř) fiudge Temple has no other choice but to take out the heavy weapons: gender lines and the authority of fatherhood. All that in a single short patronizing sentence, placing women next to children, and making Elizabeth small and ignorant: here thou talkest as a woman, child; but when he tries to repeat his argument about the need to protect the man in o ce, his daughter cuts him short, and creatively opens another perspective. fft is immaterial whether it be one or the other, interrupted ffliss Temple, with a logic that contained more feeling than reason; ff know Naty to be innocent, and thinking so, ff must think all wrong who oppress him. His judge among the number! hy father, ElizabethŠ Nay, nay nay, do not put such questions to me; give me my commission, father, and let me proceed to execute it. (3řř řŚ) Unfortunately for Elizabeth, the new perspective, the new argument, is less logical and more in the line imposed upon her by fiudge Temple; it is as if his strategy had begun to work and managed to push Elizabeth into her proper gender role, which relies on intuition rather than on reason, as the authorial narrator does not neglect to point out. fflcWilliams argues that this scene demonstrates a more conservative shit to a new fflichal Peprník 217 conception of gender roles, to a stricter separation and division of the roles.12 Elizabeth displays impatience and emotions such as anger, she shouts, and interrupts her father, signs usually atributed to women in social intercourse, while fiudge Temple is calm and tries to reason. ffn some respect fflcWilliams is right because the reader can notice that when Elizabeth employs reason, she addresses her father as sir. When she is pushed into a corner and reduced to the role of a capricious child, she addresses him as father. But even fiudge Temple does not deny his daughter the privilege of reason and does not reduce her to a pure heart. He only complains that she does not properly separate the two agencies: hou hast reason, Bess, and much of it too, but thy heart lies too near thy head (Pioneers, 3řŚ). he outcome of the scene need not be interpreted as a victory of male reason over the woman s heart. ffn fact, Elizabeth proves to be very resourceful in her argument and uses her reason very e ectively. She interrupts her father when he begins to patronize her and cannot come up with a new argument and only repeats what he had said before. And it is she who creatively opens a new perspective, a new start, even though a sort of sophistic assumption Naty is innocent and therefore those people who put him in prison have done him wrong. How does fiudge Temple respond to this change of strategyŠ ffnstead of employing reason, he brings the debate down to a personal mater of trust whether she includes him among those who oppress Naty. At this point it is Elizabeth who again uses her reason and refuses to be drawn into further discussion because the debate has lost its meaning as it was reduced to the emotional level of the heart, her trust in her father. fft is rather unfair of fiudge Temple to deliver such a blow. What could she sayŠ Yes, you do oppress Naty and ff cannot trust youŠ Both Elizabeth and fiudge Temple use their heads and hearts. he con ict within fiudge Temple s mind is also conceived in terms of a struggle between public and private concerns, as is evident from the following example: One of the chief concerns of fflarmaduke was to reconcile the even conduct of a magistrate, with the course of his feelings dictated to the criminals (454). fiudge Temple reasons that laws must be observed and the servants of the law protected, but his heart makes him seek ways to alleviate Naty s punishment: imprisonment and a ne. He gives Elizabeth money to pay the ne and, when Naty saves Elizabeth s life for the second time, fiudge Temple arranges the Governor s pardon for Naty so quickly that during his second stay in prison Naty spends only a day there, well looked ater.13 Contrary to the discursive assumptions, and contrary to the cultural stereotypes, the division between the head and the heart in Cooper s writing does not take place along gender lines, nor even along class or racial lines, although a tendency to the prevalence of one or the other agency, an inclination to a stereotype, is discernible. But it is only a tendency; women, representatives of other races, young people, lower-class people, and people from the social margins tend to have their heart rather too close to their head, 12. fflcWilliams, fflore han a Woman s Enterprise, ř7. 13. See Cooper, Pioneers, 454. 21ř From Theory to Practice 2012 for good or bad, in Cooper s novels, but they are seldom denied the ability to use their head, to reason or calculate, again for good or bad, because neither heart nor head can secure the right decision, because if the heart is to make the right decision, it must be, as ffiord Shatesbury put it, in that disinterested state. his does not mean to be free from emotion but free from self-centered concerns, and to be capable of a genuinely altruistic, caring atitude. his is possible through sentimental sympathy and empathy, the ability to change perspectives, and see the world, at least for a moment, from the position of the other. his is most evident in Naty Bumppo. His simple log cabin becomes a refuge for homeless people such as the old Delaware chief Chingachgook, the senile English army o cer fflajor E ngham, and his impoverished grandson Oliver Edward. For a time the log cabin must have been a crowded place. But charity is not the main criterion of the agency of the heart. he heart, let us remember, is understood here as an a ective gnoseological (cognitive) agency, a form of intuitive, instinctive cognition. ffn Cooper s ctional world the agency of the heart is most clearly expressed through the romantic chivalric value of loyalty. And as such, it can be right, as well as wrong. So Naty hides old fflajor E ngham, who is in fact a loyalist and an enemy of America, because he does not want to show the local inhabitants such a pitiable ruin of the man and warrior that fflajor E ngham used to be in the past. He wants to spare him ridicule and scorn. his considerate atitude proves misguided because instead of living in the primitive conditions of Naty s log cabin fflajor E ngham could have lived in the luxury of fiudge Temple s house, had Naty revealed the identity of fflajor E ngham. ffn some other cases he uses his head beter than all the inhabitants of the village of Templeton, when he criticizes the setlers for their wasteful manners.14 he evidence that the heart sits close to the head in young people, regardless of their class, is Oliver Edward E ngham, the mysterious young gentleman in disguise. ffiike fiudge Temple, he can also be a man of feeling, a person moved by his heart, as is evident in the scene in which Elizabeth o ers the three foresters, Naty, Chingachgook and Oliver, money to shoot for her during the turkey-shooting competition, because she overhears their conversation in which she learns about their lack of money. hey are so poor that they can a ord only two shots during the competition and have no money for their registration. Oliver responds to her o er in an impulsive, abrupt manner, asking a moralistic rhetorical question: ffs this a sport for a lady! exclaimed the young hunter, with an emphasis that could not well be mistaken, and with a rapidity that showed he spoke without consulting any thing but feeling (1ř7). Once again the reader should not miss the consistency of Cooper s conceptual framework feeling is a synonym for the heart. Oliver s sententious exclamation spontaneously expresses a discursive assumption, a stereotype of the female gender, which has its source in feeling rather than in reason and which Elizabeth, using her head (reason) undermines with a quick retort: Why not, sirŠ fff it be inhuman, the sin is not con ned to one sex only. But ff have my humour as well as others (1ř7). Her argument is a great example of Cooper s 14. See Cooper, Pioneers, 12. fflichal Peprník 21Ś application of egalitarian discourse, with its origin in the Enlightenment validation of equality. Elizabeth quite obviously resists the tendency to elevate women to the status of a fragile, angelic being that has to be locked up in the cloistered walls of the home in order to maintain her moral and spiritual purity, and this tendency gives her liveliness and picturesque variety. ffn Cooper s novels, the dispute between the head and heart, metonymic substitutes for reason (rational judgment) and feeling (emotive response), a very popular distinction in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, is not conceived along strictly de ned gender, class, or racial lines. he line actually cuts across these categories. he two (cognitive) agencies of the mind should be understood as complementary. Neither of them is fully reliable, and each can lead to faulty judgment, misconception and misguided action. Although Cooper relies on some discursive forms of sentimentalism (sympathy, empathy and altruism) and on the ethos of the Age of Enlightenment (a stress on fundamental equality), he is resistant to the new middle-class discourse of morals (rather than manners) that leads to the notion of equal but separate spheres of gender, race and religion. Cooper is an inheritor of the republican heritage of the American Revolution, and his creative mind liked to subvert the existing stereotypes, also because he was atracted to the picturesque ideal of a literary character that requires some incongruity and variety in the rigid and xed typology. Acknowledgement his article was writen within the ESF project CZ.1.07 / 2.3.00 / 20.0150 ffiiterature and Film without Borders: Dislocation and Relocation in Pluralistic Space, co- nanced by the European Social Fund and the state budget of the Czech Republic. Works Cited Anonymous. Cooper s Novels and Travels. North American Review 46, no. Śř (fianuary 1ř3ř): 1 20. Cooper, Anthony Ashley, hird Earl of Shatesbury. Characteristics of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times. Edited by Douglas Den Uyl. 3 vols. ffndianapolis: ffiiberty Fund, 2001. Cooper, fiames Fenimore. he Pioneers, or the Sources of the Susquehanna: A Descriptive Tale. ffn he Leatherstocking Tales I, edited by ffiance Schachterle and flenneth ffl. Andersen, 1 466. New York: ffiibrary of America, 1Śř5. Crane, Gregg. he Cambridge Introduction to the Nineteenth-Century American Novel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Grimsted, David. Melodrama Unveiled: American heater and Culture 1800–1850. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1Śř7. fflcWilliams, fiohn P. fflore han a Woman s Enterprise : Cooper s Revolutionary Heroines and the Source of ffiiberty. ffn A Historical Guide to James Fenimore Cooper, edited by ffieland S. Person, 61 Ś0. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. 220 From Theory to Practice 2012 fflullan, fiohn. Sensibility and ffiiterary Criticism. ffn he Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, vol. 4: he Eighteenth Century, edited by H. B. Nisbet and Claude Rawson, 41Ś 33. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1ŚŚ7. Nelson, Dana D. Cooper s ffieatherstocking Conversations: ffdentity, Friendship, and Democracy in the New Nation. ffn A Historical Guide to James Fenimore Cooper, edited by ffieland S. Person, 123 54. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Wegener, Signe O. James Fenimore Cooper versus the Cult of Domesticity: Progressive hemes of Femininity and Family in the Novels. fie erson: fflcFarland, 2005. The Performative Autobiography of Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas fflichaela Weiss Silesian University in Opava, ffnstitute of Foreign ffianguages, Department of English and American Studies, fflasarykova 37, 746 01 Opava, Czech Republic. Email: michaela.weissšfpf.slu.cz Abstract: his paper explores the use of style and formal experiments in he Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas as a tool of diverting the atention of the critics and publishers from the romantic relationship between Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas. Due to their ethnic origin and sexual orientation, the collective autobiography foregrounds multiple authorial voice and namedropping. ffloreover, the lesbian relationship is treated mater-of-factly and oten described as a heterosexual marriage. Yet, the notion of gender is more complex and is presented as uid and unclear, undermining the traditional views both on masculine and feminine behaviour and female autobiography. fleywords: Gertrude Stein; female autobiography; narrative voice; gender performance; female masculinity Gertrude Stein (1ř74 1Ś46) indisputably belongs among canonical modernist writers, appreciated mainly by feminist critics. However, it is oten her public persona that is privileged over her writing. ffn analyses, atention is paid mainly to form, except, perhaps, for hree ffiives (1Ś0Ś) where ethnicity has also been discussed. Even though Stein brought Cubist perspective into writing, the book that eventually brought her fame was he Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas (1Ś33). Considering the fact that it was not writen in her characteristic style, which was meant to re ect her self-proclaimed genius, the whole situation could be ironic for Stein: to be eventually appreciated for something that so largely di ered from the whole body of her writing. he Autobiography only showed her as a genius, not proved her so. he question remains why she published a text so ostensibly undermining her experimental approach to literature. The uestion of Authorship he most discussed issue of he Autobiography is the question of authorship. Numerous critics have tried to untangle the complex mix of narrative strategies applied in this text. Regarding the title, the book seems to be writen by Alice B. Toklas (1ř77 1Ś67). ffloreover, at the time of its publication Stein refused to have her name printed on the cover. ffnstead there was a fflan Ray photograph of Toklas opposite the title page.1 he sentences are simple, the narrator does not use the typical Steinese and depicts all 1. See Anna ffiinzie, he True Story of Alice B. Toklas: A Study of hree Autobiographies (ffowa City: University of ffowa Press, 2006), 57. 222 From Theory to Practice 2012 characters and events plainly, drawing heavily upon domestic metaphors, as in the following example where Toklas describes the work of Pablo Picasso: He used his distorted drawing as a dissonance is used in music or as vinegar or lemons are used in cooking or egg shells in co ee to clarify. ff do inevitably take my comparisons from the kitchen because ff like food and cooking and know something about it. However this was the idea.2 Only at the end does Stein reveal who actually wrote the text (not who authored it): About six weeks ago Gertrude Stein said, it does not look to me as if you were ever going to write that autobiography. You know what ff am going to do. ff am going to write it for you. ff am going to write it as simply as Defoe did the autobiography of Robinson Crusoe. And she has and this is it (TAABT, 252). Stein thus compares herself to Defoe and places herself and partly Toklas into the role of Robinson Crusoe. For the purposes of the autobiography they become ctional characters isolated on a desert island, creating their own world. Even though Stein acknowledges Toklas as her partner, she (or rather she-husband, as she keeps presenting herself throughout the text), gives her the role of the wife who possibly dictated the text or inspired it. But as Toklas was a woman who only talked, she, a great writer, had to write it for her. Simply put, Stein, as a self-proclaimed genius, needed someone to acknowledge it. hat is why Toklas is granted the talent of recognizing a genius when she sees one. Without her, people could and did overlook Stein s genius, as for a long time she could not nd a publisher. ffloreover, Toklas and her domestic ways of seeing things provided Stein with a new narrative perspective. fft was this seemingly common and simpler vision of life that gave Gertrude what she desired: critical recognition and fame. hat, however, does not mean that Toklas is backgrounded or viewed as inferior as is oten suggested by feminist critics who accuse Stein of being a ventriloquist, stealing Toklas s voice and manipulating it for her own needs, making her look domestic and unappreciative of modern art just to provide contrast with the higher understanding and sensitivity of creative and artistic Stein. According to Carolyn Barros, To return to the ventriloquist image, Alice sits on Gertrude s lap, and Gertrude makes Alice pause in her story to say something that Stein wants her to say she said in the past. We have no way of knowing whether Alice is being quoted literally or if Stein is relating what Alice might have said. Either way, Alice and Alice quoting herself are vocal constructs Stein employs to speak herself.3 Yet, the whole issue is rather more complex, as Barros admits: Contemporaries who knew Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas may have recognized ffliss Toklas s conversational style in he Autobiography. Today s readers have no such recollections upon which to draw. 4 his, however, implies that degree of mutual in uence cannot be safely determined, taking into consideration the fact that Toklas was a great storyteller and had a sense of detail as Stein related in Ada, a love portrait of Toklas.5 his 2. Gertrude Stein, he Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas (New York: Vintage Books, 1ŚŚ0), 41. Hereater cited in the text as TAABT. 3. Carolyn A. Barros, Geting fflodern: he Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas, Biography 22, no. 2 (Spring 1ŚŚŚ): 1ř1. 4. Barros, Geting fflodern, 17ř. 5. See Gertrude Stein, Ada, in Gertrude Stein: Writings 1903–1932 (New York: ffiibrary of America, 1ŚŚř), 275 77. fflichaela Weiss 223 confusion and the reader s inability to clearly distinguish their voices led to sweeping criticism: Since Alice s and Gertrude s voices blur into each other, and since Stein frustrates our ability to distinguish them by omiting all indicative quotation marks, what the voices perform together is a cacophonic version of Gertrude Stein. 6 Even though the voices merge and blur, the result is far from being a cacophony of Stein, but rather the symphony of Gertrude and Alice. he Autobiography is writen by a couple, even though technically Toklas was only doing the editing and revisions. fft was their collective experience writen and corrected by both of them, masking the love background by non-straight textual complexity: an identity that starts as ff but involves another she, merging at times into we. ffloreover, the title originally proposed was my twenty- ve years with Gertrude Stein (TAABT, 14), which reveals the span of their relationship that is to be celebrated as the central theme of the text. heir voices and atitudes that are so distinct at the beginning eventually merge as their relationship progresses. ffn the end it is hardly recognizable who speaks for whom and whose style is presented, as it became theirs. Here lies the main formal innovation to the genre of autobiography, which had been until then writen by a single author, not by partners. his notion then considerably in uences the interpretation of the last remark Stein makes about writing the book herself. Ater twenty- ve years of romantic involvement, the sentence that originally seemed almost a sexist insult and de nitely down-grading of Toklas turns out into familiar teasing of an old couple. Towards a ffiesbian Autobiography Certain aspects of the lives of Stein and Toklas are presented so oten that they become accepted as facts without further questioning, and as there seem to be few to no traces of these issues in Stein s work, they are oten dismissed: their fiewish ethnicity and sexual orientation. As fiulia Watson observed: Although canonical lesbian texts such as Gertrude Stein s he Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas had long been in print, they remained texts of privileged white women, whose major identi cation was with male expatriate writers and the cult of genius. (ffn fact, in the 1Ś70s Stein s writings were not yet being read as lesbian texts not surprisingly, given Stein s own equivocation about homophobia and her ventriloquist silencing of Alice in the text.7 ffn the 1Ś30s, taking into consideration the place, Paris, where Stein and Toklas lived, it was almost impossible for two fiewish lesbians living in Europe to write openly about their private lives. Even though most critics agree that an open treatment of their same-sex relationship was problematic, Stein came up with literary strategies that were diverting atention from the romance both to the unusual form and name-dropping. She makes her life 6. Barros, Geting fflodern, 1ř4. 7. See fiulia Watson, Unspeakable Di erences: he Politics of Gender in ffiesbian and Heterosexual Women s Autobiographies, in Women, Autobiography, heory: A Reader, ed. Sidonie Smith and fiulia Watson (ffladison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1ŚŚř), 400. 224 From Theory to Practice 2012 with Toklas look like a common heterosexual marriage. She, or rather they, unsure of the reactions to their relationship, perform the dominant heterosexual norm and heterosexualize the text from the outside. he seeming adoption of the prescribed roles is, for them and the readers who would understand, a tool for survival. As fflarty Roth observes: Because homosexuality has lacked a sanctioned discourse of its own, the homosexual text has had to conceal itself within the folds of a dominant discourse and conceal itself so skilfully that it could forestall any insinuation of its presence while still revealing itself through mantling.ř he autobiography reveals their relationship to an English-speaking readership, though hiding it from their Paris surroundings. By this they could serve as a model of potential identi cation for other lesbian women or couples, as these women needed a positive example. According to Roman Tru ník, these texts can even be life-saving as [t]hese . . . people may search for positive images in media . . . in peer groups, from their elders, and many other sources. Ś Even though lesbian relationships were not punishable by law, the silence and sense of deviance and severe social and economic consequences were su ciently threatening. ffloreover, most female writing was considered marginal and largely autobiographical, dealing mainly with romance or the domestic sphere. he female autobiography compared to autobiographies writen by white, heterosexual men had a negative connotation. By openly and ostensibly presenting the domestic side, Stein and Toklas challenged the stereotypes, by seemingly conforming to them and subverting them at once. fft is thus not Toklas who is being downplayed but the housewife stereotype which is performed and exaggerated: ff myself have had no liking for violence and have always enjoyed the pleasures of needlework and gardening. ff am fond of paintings, furniture, tapestry, houses and owers and even vegetables and fruit-trees. ff like a view but ff like to sit with my back turned to it. (TAABT, 3 4) On the other hand, they are not undervaluing the common, everyday experience, such as cooking, and they observe certain rituals. ffn the following passage, the nourishing care of Toklas is combined and intertwined with the textual care provided by Stein: ff called Gertrude Stein to come in from the atelier for supper. She came in much excited and would not sit down. Here ff want to show you something, she said. No ff said it has to be eaten hot. . . . ffn spite of my protests and the food cooling ff had to read. ff can still see the litle tiny pages of the note-book writen forward and back. fft was the portrait called Ada, the rst in Geography and Plays. ff began it and ff thought she was making fun of me and ff protested, she says ff protest now about my autobiography. Finally ff read it all and was terribly pleased with it. And then we ate our supper. (TAABT, 113 14) Being aware of the potentially hostile reactions to their relationship, they mainly present its social side, leaving out or coding any confessional features. hey are ř. fflarty Roth, Homosexual Expression and Homophobic Censorship: he Situation of the Text, in Camp Grounds: Style and Homosexuality, ed. David Bergman (Amherst: University of fflassachusets, 1ŚŚ3), 26ř. Ś. Roman Tru ník, Young Adult ffiiterature as a Tool for Survival: Alex Sanchez s Rainbow Boys Series, in heories and Practices: Proceedings of the hird International Conference on Anglophone Studies, September 7–8, 2011, ed. Roman Tru ník, flatarína Nemčoková, and Gregory fiason Bell (Zlín: Univerzita Tomá e Bati ve Zlíně, 2012), 256. fflichaela Weiss 225 performing as a respectable couple, desexualized and partly heterosexualized for the public eye by their labor division. By only hinting at privacy and disapproving of changing partners, Toklas and Stein come out as a stable and monogamous couple whose relationship is more rewarding and representative than the heterosexual ones around them. As a result, the text then serves as a celebration of personalities (which is a very common trait in female autobiographies). he social-feminine aspect is also strengthened by portrait writing and observations made by them both. he Autobiography includes the lives and experiences of other women, their changes of fortune and partners, whom they keep supporting. Yet, the main di erence is that the wives of the geniuses are portrayed as women, as living beings, whereas the men are artists. here is more depth to the representation of female characters to whom they were both more atached (with the only exception being Picasso and Stein, but even they do not discuss relationships or private maters). By trying to avoid the confessional character of the autobiography, including the emotions and inner motivations, which would disrupt her cover, Stein atempts at explicating her struggle with language which could be more revealing than intended. As if trying to defy the gender-infected language and the referential side of it by at, surface description, close to the iceberg metaphor associated mainly with Ernest Hemingway s ction, she is partly revealing the private content but only to searching readers who are able and willing to deal with the deconstruction of genre, narrative identity and impersonalized style, which points to the complex structures of the unsaid. Stein used English, the only language she had, and by constant repetition and emptying the meaning she created a new one, in which she was allowed to describe her private life in such a way that it was for most readers unrecognizable and inaccessible, and therefore acceptable. Performing Heterosexuality and Gender he plain style of he Autobiography together with the unclear authorial and narrative voice diverted the atention of the critics to the form rather than the theme: the romance between Stein and Toklas. At the turn of the twentieth century, scientists and psychiatrists deemed people of di erent races or sexual orientation as deviant and primitive. Sander Gilman points to the connection between racial sexuality and pathology, which was the consequence of the so-called scienti c exploration of race, examining those excesses which are called lesbian love. 10 hat could be another reason why Stein never publicly declared her ethnicity or orientation, as she would be deemed as deviant and racially inferior, even when she was a white fiewish American with German ancestry. ffloreover, similar assertions were made by fiewish Austrian philosopher and psychiatrist, and a closeted 10. Sander ffi. Gilman, Black Bodies, White Bodies: Toward an ffconography of Female Sexuality in ffiate Nineteenth-Century Art, ffledicine and ffiiterature, in Race , Culture and Di erence, ed. fiames Donald and Ali Ratansi (ffiondon: Sage Publications, 1ŚŚ2), 1ř1. 226 From Theory to Practice 2012 homosexual, Oto Weininger (1řř0 1Ś03) in his in uential Sex and Character (1Ś03), a study of female masculinity that determined women to be both mentally and physically inferior: Whilst woman has no consciousness of genius, except as manifested in one particular person, who imposes his personality on her, man has a deep capacity for realizing it . . . genius is linked with manhood, it represents an ideal masculinity in the highest form. Woman has no direct consciousness of it; she borrows a kind of imperfect consciousness from man. Woman, in short, has an unconscious life, man a conscious life, and the genius the most conscious life.11 fft was perhaps in opposition and polemics with Weininger that Stein dwelled so much upon the notion of genius. Considering the fact that his views were widely accepted (a drat of the essay was read by Sigmund Freud (1ř56 1Ś3Ś), and later became a target of feminist critics and writers, e.g., Charlote Perkins Gilman (1ř60 1Ś35), Stein must have been familiar with his writings and perhaps considered public masculine behavior as one of the options how to enter the world of geniuses. Stein presents herself as more masculine and puts herself into the position of the husband, but as the text progresses, she is enjoying the company of women and does not dwell on the separate meetings with men, even leaving Toklas to deal with them. he oppositions between masculine and feminine and inside-outside eventually fade away, supplemented by a uid scale. Both Stein and Toklas are presented as both masculine and feminine. Toklas is feminized by talking to the wives of the geniuses, yet she is oten dismissive of the typical woman talk about perfumes or clothes. On the other hand, she is willing to learn how to pass as a French woman in Paris from Picasso s partner Fernande Olivier, and acquires several female strategies of atracting atention. When Toklas and Olivier are walking down the street with their new extravagant hats, they are somehow bound in shared experience of performed femininity. Stein adopts a masculine role and habits as something of a costume or a pen name. She thus creates an artistic persona in contrast to her inner feminine self, as the outer, social self should produce respectability and even the genius aura. As she is wearing female clothes underneath and more masculine ones on the outside, her personality corresponds with this split. Sometimes she mixes the two, wearing a skirt and male shirt and short hair which undermines and questions (or at least then it did) her femininity. According to fiudith Butler, [t]he replication of heterosexual constructs in non-heterosexual constructs in non-heterosexual frames brings into relief the uterly constructed status of so-called heterosexual original. hus gay is to straight not as a copy is to original, but, rather, as copy is to copy. he parodic repetition of the original, . . . reveals the original to be nothing other than a parody of the idea of the natural and original.12 Both Stein and Toklas as characters in the text undermine traditionally-conceived gender roles and take on multiple gender identities. Stein thus tries to impersonate a man and Toklas to impersonate a woman, even though she has strong masculine 11. Oto Weininger, Sex and Character: An Investigation of Fundamental Principles, ed. Daniel Steuer and ffiaura fflarcus, trans. ffiadislaus ffiöb (Bloomington: ffndiana University Press, 2005), 6ř. 12. fiudith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1ŚŚ0), 31. fflichaela Weiss 227 traits, while they are both women. Stein thus turns into a woman performing as a woman and husband at once. ffn this text she performs multiple roles, being at once the woman narrator, the traditional husband and the seemingly submissive Toklas, who as the wife is seen as more feminine and fragile. Stein thus di erentiates and shits among her biological identity of a woman, masculine-husband gender identity and the gender performance of a homely wife on behalf of Toklas. he text is therefore on one hand traditional and patriarchal in the sense of presenting Toklas as inadequate to the task of writing the autobiography of a genius, and subversive, by Stein playing both traditionally masculine and feminine roles, and at the same time treating them ironically and distancing herself from them. She, as a representative of three minorities, a woman, a lesbian and a fiew, thus creates a symbolic public identity that can be freely displayed without being untrue to herself. To be acceptable to the dominant culture and discourse, she does not present her partnership with Toklas into opposition to heterosexual relationships around her, but rather as one of them. ffn contact with others, Stein and Toklas maintain the customary relationship power division and escape being labeled deviant, unnatural or other. By not presenting themselves as di erent and alienated, or comparing themselves to others (or only favorably), they are calling atention only to the virtues of their relationship, such as stability, understanding, faithfulness and mutual respect. As such, they manage to prove their relationship normal and even model-like. Stein and Toklas made full use of the genre of autobiography and its formal features, such as the emphasis on the truthful and realistic account of the author s life, even though Stein keeps hinting at the artistic side of the autobiography, not its absolute truthfulness. As the genre should be revealing rather than hiding, the critics and readers tend to see the narrator as the author. Stein is thus creating her and Toklas s image by writing. he text becomes their outer self that is presentable to the wider public. And even though it is partly a game that cannot possibly establish the real identity of the author(s), it is viewed as such. Unlike most representatives of minorities who simply recognize their marginality and invisibility, Stein and Toklas are using it for their own purposes: to rmly establish their personae and public identities without omiting (though partly covering) their private lives. Acknowledgement his paper is a result of the SGS/22/2012 project. Works Cited Barros, Carolyn A. Geting fflodern: he Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas. Biography 22, no. 2 (Spring 1ŚŚŚ): 177 20ř. Butler, fiudith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge, 1ŚŚ0. 22ř From Theory to Practice 2012 Gilman, Sander ffi. Black Bodies, White Bodies: Toward an ffconography of Female Sexuality in ffiate Nineteenth-Century Art, ffledicine and ffiiterature. ffn Race , Culture and Di erence, edited by fiames Donald and Ali Ratansi, 171 Ś7. ffiondon: Sage Publications, 1ŚŚ2. fflillet, flate. Sexual Politics. New York: Doubleday, 1Ś70. Roth, fflarty. Homosexual Expression and Homophobic Censorship: he Situation of the Text. ffn Camp Grounds: Style and Homosexuality, edited by David Bergman, 26ř ř1. Amherst: University of fflassachusets, 1ŚŚ3. Stein, Gertrude. Ada. ffn Gertrude Stein: Writings 1903–1932, 275 77. New York: ffiibrary of America, 1ŚŚř. Stein, Gertrude. he Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas. New York: Vintage Books, 1ŚŚ0. Tru ník, Roman. Young Adult ffiiterature as a Tool for Survival: Alex Sanchez s Rainbow Boys Series. ffn heories and Practices: Proceedings of the hird International Conference on Anglophone Studies, September 7–8, 2011, edited by Roman Tru ník, flatarína Nemčoková, and Gregory fiason Bell, 255 62. Zlín: Univerzita Tomá e Bati ve Zlíně, 2012. Watson, fiulia. Unspeakable Di erences: he Politics of Gender in ffiesbian and Heterosexual Women s Autobiographies. ffn Women, Autobiography, heory: A Reader, edited by Sidonie Smith and fiulia Watson, 3Ś3 402. ffladison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1ŚŚř. Weininger, Oto. Sex and Character: An Investigation of Fundamental Principles, edited by Daniel Steuer and ffiaura fflarcus, translated by ffiadislaus ffiöb. Bloomington: ffndiana University Press, 2005. fiames Purdy s The Nephew A Gay Novel without Gay Characters: A Few Remarks on the Use of Thematic Criticism Roman Trušník Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Faculty of Humanities, Department of English and American Studies, fflostní 513Ś, 760 01 Zlín, Czech Republic. Email: trusnikšhs.utb.cz Abstract: Based on an analysis of fiames Purdy s novel he Nephew (1Ś60), the paper atempts to formulate a reliable criterion for the identi cation of the works of gay literature. Even though none of the characters in the novel proves to be gay, the novel can be classi ed as a gay novel because homosexuality features as what Boris Tomashevsky called a bound motif and cannot be safely removed. However, as Purdy s novel illustrates, the presence of other motifs may resonate with other common themes and issues in gay literature as well as in the experience of gays, which shows that, unless forced, the borders of gay literature should not be delineated by an answer to a simple yes-no question. fleywords: American literature; gay literature; homosexuality; homotextuality; homothematics; literary gaydar; fiames Purdy; he Nephew A general scienti c problem is drawing limits and borders and distinguishing categories; in literary studies, this might be felt mainly by those who carry out research into literatures of ethnic groups and / or minorities. Yet, the question whether a work belongs to, for example, African American or fiewish American literature, seems to arise only rarely, as the atribution is routinely and without further questioning based on the ethnicity of the author. However, there is no such overt criterion at our disposal in the case of gay and lesbian literature, as the sexual orientation of the author is oten unknown. his paper utilizes fiames Purdy s novel he Nephew (1Ś60) to bring some light into this shady area, and it atempts to determine whether a novel in which, as it turns out, no character is gay, writen by an author about whose sexuality litle was known at the time of publication, can be called a gay novel. ff will argue that it can, but the inclusion of a work into gay literature should be taken as a mater of degree rather than an answer to a simple yes-no question. fiames Purdy (1Ś14 200Ś) ranks among those American authors who are almost unknown to the general public but who have a strong cult following. he Nephew is one of the author s realistic novels, very di erent from his later campy and transgressive ction. he protagonist of the novel is not the eponymous character, but his aunt, Alma fflason, a single, retired th-grade teacher who lives with her elder brother Boyd fflason, a widower. hey both take care of their nephew Cli , who was suddenly orphaned at age fourteen. he events of the novel take place during the florean War: Cli enlisted before he had to and is in florea; later, a leter comes from the government reporting him as missing in action. Alma, aware but unwilling to admit openly that 230 From Theory to Practice 2012 this might mean that Cli was really dead, decides to write his memorial and starts collecting information about her nephew. During the process, as an intricate web of relations unfolds before her, it transpires that not only does she know very litle about her nephew but she also knows very litle about people in the community of Rainbow Center. he events of the novel seem to lead to the conclusion that Cli might have been a homosexual as he associated with two men, Willard Baker and Vernon ffliller, who were known in the community to be homosexual. When Cli is con rmed dead, Alma stops writing her memorial. ffloreover, it turns out that none of the three men suspected of being homosexual were so. As homosexuality is explicitly mentioned in the novel, at rst glance there seems to be litle doubt if Purdy s novel can be called a gay novel. his commonsense approach has its limits, though, and has been problematized by the currect cultural production: a number of contemporary books, movies, and TV series include lesbian / gay / bisexual / transgender / queer (ffiGBTQ) minor characters in order to atract wider audiences, but most of these works would hardly be classi ed under the heading of gay. Even though insisting on categories such as gay literature may seem outdated nowadays as this purportedly encourages pigeonholing, it does have its practical value. Scholars researching homosexuality in literature, especially literary historians, will testify that they do need a clear criterion for deciding whether a particular work should be included in their research or not. An example of a failure to delineate the area of one s interest properly can readily be found in Robert Drake s work he Gay Canon: Great Books Every Gay Man Should Read (1ŚŚř). According to Drake, a gay book is a book that addresses issues of same-sex love, or a book writen by an author who enjoys his same gender for sexual ful llment and / or relief. Starting with such a de nition, it then follows that content is not prerequisite, nor is sexual orientation. Gay books may be writen by straight people, and vice versa. 1 he vice versa at the end of the quote makes it clear that for Drake, a gay author may write a non-gay book, which is in contradiction with the rst part of the quote. A de nition of gay literature thus requires a more precise approach. Czech literary scholar fflartin C. Putna identi ed ve main methodological approaches to the study of homosexuality in literature: psychoanalysis, apologetic biographism (creating lists of famous gay authors regardless of the quality of their literary production), homothematics (inclusion of texts based on the presence of gay themes, again sometimes at the cost of literary quality), homotextuality (an approach exploring the way gay motifs are coded into the text, using concepts such as masks and signals, in the context of homosexual constellation of the text), and personalism (an approach including also biographical information about the authors in the analysis). Putna then summed up the dilemmas posed by these approaches in the basic question of person, or text. 2 1. Robert Drake, he Gay Canon: Great Books Every Gay Man Should Read (New York: Doubleday, 1ŚŚř), xvi. 2. See fflartin C. Putna, Úvod metodologický: Evropské a americké vědy o homosexualitě a kultu e, in Homosexualita v dějinách české kultury, ed. fflartin C. Putna (Praha: Academia, 2011), 23 36. Roman Trušník 231 ffn my own research ff have subscribed to the preference of text over person, 3 as it seems the only viable solution to the question: biographical information is oten absent, incomplete, or misleading, and the issue of homosexuality has been addressed by many authors who self-identify as straight. his is why the authors sexualities should be, in my opinion, excluded from consideration. his leaves out both apologetic biographism and personalism, and ff certainly do not want to expand the armies of literary scholars who (ab/mis)use psychoanalysis, which they oten misunderstand, as a means of their analysis. Homotextuality, using terms like mask, signal, or homosexual constellation, oten relies on the (presumed) sexuality of the author for cues in the texts as well. his approach thus may just turn into a posh version of the ff-know-it-when-ff-see-it method, which may work but is hardly acceptable as a scholarly method. ffndeed, this approach in many cases seems to be just a formalized version of the literary gaydar. Gaydar (a portmanteau of gay and radar) is a presumed ability of a person to recognize gays based on various signals; literary gaydar, a term that seems absent in critical discourse, yet used by literary fans, may be an equivalent sensibility to the gayness of a text.4 However, this method is applicable primarily to analyses of older texts, as the need to search for and uncover signals in a text presumes that homosexuality is not mentioned explicitly in the text. Homothematics, or plainly, a thematic approach, thus remains as the most plausible approach. Gay literature may therefore be de ned as the set of those works which feature homosexuality as a theme or a motif. Yet this approach also has its problems. First and foremost, even though the term theme and the related motif are household terms in literarary scholarship, their exact de nition may be rather unclear, as Werner Sollors demonstrated in his edited volume, he Return of hematic Criticism (1ŚŚ3). As a starting point for a more detailed discussion by scholars, Sollors compiled an eighteenpage overview of the de nitions of theme,5 which is followed by some three hundred pages of theoretical discussion with no de nite conclusion. For the lack of a generally agreed-upon concept of theme, ff turn to Boris Tomashevsky s classic study, hematics. he basic de nition of theme Tomashevsky 3. See, e.g., Roman Tru ník, Podoby amerického homosexuálního románu po roce 1945 (Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci, 2011). However, my thinking covers primarily the situation of the post-World War ffff world when the concept of homosexuality was widely known. he situation was certainly di erent in the nineteenth century and before. 4. ffn fiuly 2013, Google returned over 200 hits to the query of literary gaydar, pointing mostly to blogs and online discussions, while the Web of Science, fiStor, Proquest, and EBSCO nd no uses of the term. To my knowledge, the rst traceable use of the term literary gaydar can be found in fflarc David Schachter s paper A Collection of Gay fflale Fiction: An Essay and a Bibliography (1ŚŚ4). ffn the text, inaccessible to the general audience now, Schachter understood literary gaydar as his uncanny ability to nd books with gay male content in his teenage years (email to the author, fiuly 21, 2013). Yet, as he con rms, his gaydar relied on paratextual information, such as the spines, covers, or blurbs, rather than the actual texts, which is the basis of homotextual approach. 5. See Werner Sollors, ed. he Return of hematic Criticism (Cambridge, fflA: Harvard University Press, 1ŚŚ3), 1 1ř. 232 From Theory to Practice 2012 provides is not very helpful: theme is what is being said in a work. 6 ffloreover, theme is a concept that works on di erent levels: he work as a whole may have a theme, and at the same time each part of a work may have its own theme. he development of a work is a process of diversi cation uni ed by a single theme. 7 What seems more helpful is the idea of motif, the theme of an irreducible part of a work . . . ; each sentence, in fact, has its own motif. ř Tomashevsky further distinguishes two main types of motifs based on whether they can be omited when retelling the story: what may be omited without destroying the coherence of the narrative and and what may not be omited without disturbing the connections among events. he motifs which cannot be omited are bound motifs; those which may be omited without disturbing the whole casual-chronological course of events are free motifs. Ś However, Tomashevsky s understanding of theme and motif places his thinking into the realm of what is nowadays called narratology, as he points out that it should be noted that the meaning of motif, as used in historical poetics in comparative studies of migratory plots . . . di ers radically from its meaning here, although they are usually considered identical. 10 When these terms, as de ned above, are applied to Purdy s he Nephew, it is obvious that the term theme is rather cumbersome due to its uncertain scope; however, it is signi cant that homosexuality is hardly the theme of the novel its theme is rather a misinformed woman s quest into the heart of a community. he real protagonist is indeed Alma; Cli himself, in spite of being the eponymous character, is never present in person, only through leters, memories, and rumours. However, the suspicion that the three men might be homosexual brings homosexuality into the novel in the form of a theme, or, to be more exact, a motif. While the current cultural production with ffiGBTQ characters here and there makes it clear that any presence of a gay character is not su cient grounds for the inclusion of a work into gay literature, Tomashevsky s distinction between bound and free motifs, i.e., between necessary elements and those that may be omited, provides solid ground for a decision. When Cli s life in Rainbow Center is explored and examined, it is revealed that he associated closely with Willard Baker, a son of the late doctor of the community, and Vernon ffliller, his youthful companion. hese men enjoyed a bad reputation, as the words of one character reveal: Everybody in town knows that Willard Baker and Vernon ffliller are homosexuals. . . . And ff imagine Cli must have known it too, living next to them. 11 his sentiment, shared by most characters, contributed strongly to the 6. Boris Tomashevsky, hematics, in Russian Formalist Criticism: Four Essays, trans. ffiee T. ffiemon and fflarion fi. Reis (ffiincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1Ś65), 63. 7. Tomashevsky, hematics, 67. ř. Tomashevsky, hematics, 67. Ś. Tomashevsky, hematics, 6ř. his distinction into free and bound motifs was echoed in, e.g., Seymour Chatman s distinction between kernels (bound motifs) and satellites (free motifs). See Seymour Chatman, Story and Discourse: Narrative Structure in Fiction and Film (ffthaca: Cornell University Press, 1Ś7ř), 53 56. 10. Tomashevsky, hematics, 67. 11. fiames Purdy, he Nephew (New York: Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, 1Ś60), 141. Hereater cited in the text. Roman Trušník 233 men s reputation and subequently to their ostracized status in the community. However, when Alma learned of the suspicion and shared it with her brother Boyd, he expressed his doubts: ff don t think there is anything to that story. . . . Vernon ffliller was a boy Willard practically adopted out of the children s home. Besides, he s engaged to get married (1ř0). hese doubts were con rmed when Vernon became engaged to Alma s friend, Faye ffiaird, a college French instructor, near the end of the story. he suspicion of the men s homosexuality can be considered a bound motif, as without it, the causal relationships between the following events would be broken. he motif of homosexuality cannot be removed, as a free motif could be, because the web of relationships, suspicions, and animosities, on which much action and dialogue are based, would collapse. Even if the two men enjoyed their ill repute for another reason, it would change the plot line dealing with the relationship of Faye and Vernon. When Vernon con rms to Alma that Cli was not homosexual, either, no gay character remains in the novel. However, the specter of homosexuality remains present and cannot be removed, which certainly moves the novel into the scope of the historians of gay literature. So if a clear-cut criterion is required, the presence of homosexuality as a bound motif may serve as a reliable one. Yet, when one s literary gaydar is employed, the novel actually resonates even more than one would expect. his can be accounted for by the use of thematic criticism as well: the novel also contains other themes and motifs that are common not only in other gay novels but in the experience of most gays and lesbians. ffluch of this is associated with the destructive suspicion Willard and Vernon raise in the small-town community, regardless of the true nature of their relationship. Actually, the relationship between them is the one of a mentor and protegé, and such relationships are common in gay literature; well-developed examples can be found in the relationship between Phillip and Tim in fiames Barr s uatrefoil (1Ś50) or between fflalone and Sutherland in Andrew Holleran s Dancer from the Dance (1Ś7ř). Cli himself obviously did not t in (a common experience of young gays and lesbians), and he tried to leave the small town at all costs. he unhappiness of a young man and his atempt to leave a small town is, once again, commonplace in gay ction. Examples can readily be found in ction of the period, for example, in David s running away in fiames Baldwin s Giovanni s Room (1Ś56) or Eric s escape from Alabama in Baldwin s Another Country (1Ś62). Even the motif of memories or a memorial for a lost relative or lover is not uncommon in gay ction; good examples can be found in Christopher ffsherwood s A Single Man (1Ś64) or Christopher Coe s I Look Divine (1Śř7). fiames Purdy s he Nephew thus proves to be a good testing ground for the criteria of gay literature. fff the question of a novel belonging to gay literature is enforced as a simple yes-no question, the presence or absence of homosexuality in the form of a bound motif provides a reliable answer. ffndeed, judging the novel by the mere presence of gay motifs, this novel undoubtedly belongs to gay literature, in spite of the fact that the eponymous character is not gay, and it turns out that there is actually no gay character in the novel at all. he mere suspicion of homosexuality, moreover explicitly 234 From Theory to Practice 2012 expressed in the text and other characters acting upon it, is a motif meeting the criterion. Purdy s novel also shows that the presence of other motifs and themes that are not gay per se, yet strongly resonate with the experience of gays and, in the form of leitmotifs, appear in much gay literature, may make the book even more gay than it would seem at the rst sight. his, once again, can be taken as proof of literature s ability to capture the human condition regardless of borders and categories. Works Cited Chatman, Seymour. Story and Discourse: Narrative Structure in Fiction and Film. ffthaca: Cornell University Press, 1Ś7ř. Drake, Robert. he Gay Canon: Great Books Every Gay Man Should Read. New York: Doubleday, 1ŚŚř. Purdy, fiames. he Nephew. New York: Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, 1Ś60. Putna, fflartin C. Úvod metodologický: Evropské a americké vědy o homosexualitě a kultu e. ffn Homosexualita v dějinách české kultury, edited by fflartin C. Putna, 7 62. Praha: Academia, 2011. Schachter, fflarc David. A Collection of Gay fflale Fiction: An Essay and a Bibliography. Paper submited to the Friends of the ffiibrary 2řth Annual Book Collection Contest, University of California, Santa Cruz, 1ŚŚ4. Sollors, Werner, ed. he Return of hematic Criticism. Cambridge, fflA: Harvard University Press, 1ŚŚ3. Tomashevsky, Boris. hematics. ffn Russian Formalist Criticism: Four Essays, translated by ffiee T. ffiemon and fflarion fi. Reis, 61 Ś5. ffiincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1Ś65. Tru ník, Roman. Podoby amerického homosexuálního románu po roce 1945. Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci, 2011. Also available online at htp://publikace.k.utb.cz/handle/10563/10031ř7/. A Voice from the Past: The ffiegacy of Family History in Rebecca Goldstein s Mazel Stanislav flolář University of Ostrava, Faculty of Arts, Department of English and American Studies, Reální 5, 701 03 Ostrava, Czech Republic. Email: stanislav.kolaršosu.cz Abstract: his paper deals with Rebecca Goldstein s novel Mazel (1ŚŚ5), which follows three generations of a fiewish family, embodied by its female members. Against the backdrop of their fates, Goldstein portrays the dynamics of fiewish life in the Diaspora. he protagonist s initial revolt against the sleepy and sti ing atmosphere of the shtetl where she grew up and her enchantment by modernity in the cosmopolitan milieu of Warsaw does not imply a total rejection of fiewish identity, as can be seen in her artistic career in a Yiddish theater, which pays tribute to her late sister and her creativity in the shtetl. Yet, the protagonist fails to understand her granddaughter s embrace of Orthodox fiudaism in America, a step that can be interpreted as a return to the family s roots and a victory for continuity. he reconciliatory tone of the novel s ending is relativized by Goldstein s feminist view of the protagonist s family history. fleywords: fiewish American ction; Rebecca Goldstein; memory; shtetl; Yiddish theater; fiewish enlightenment; orthodoxy; feminism; continuity Writings of the new generation of fiewish American writers show a renewal of interest in fiewish spiritual life and its collective identity. his is typical of a new wave of fiewish writers in America whose ction turns inward it speaks from the inside of fiewish life, with its culture, traditions, history and religion. As Sylvia Barack Fishman asserts, [t]he exploration of intensely fiewish subject mater is now evident both in the works of relatively new authors and in the return to internally fiewish concerns by some established authors. 1 One of the authors who have con rmed this tendency in recent decades is Rebecca Goldstein (b. 1Ś50). Her rst novel was he Mind Body Problem (1Śř3), followed by he Late-Summer Passion of a Woman of Mind (1ŚřŚ), he Dark Sister (1ŚŚ3), and a collection of short stories, Strange Atractors (1ŚŚ3), in which three key characters of her subsequent novel Mazel (1ŚŚ5) appear Sasha, her daughter Chloe and her granddaughter Phoebe. Ater the success of Mazel, Goldstein published the novel Properties of Light (2000). Her most recent book is 36 Arguments for the Existence of God: A Work of Fiction (2010). She is also the author of biographies of mathematician flurt Gödel and the fiewish philosopher Spinoza. Mazel is one of many fiewish works emphasizing the importance of memory. fflemory connects the present with the past and becomes an undeniable formative part of individual as well as collective identity. fft constitutes the awareness of 1. Sylvia Barack Fishman, American fiewish Fiction Turns ffnward, 1Ś60 1ŚŚ0, American Jewish Year Book Ś1 (1ŚŚ1): 36. 236 From Theory to Practice 2012 continuity. Since fiewish history is marked by discontinuities, caused by such historical manifestations of anti-Semitism as pogroms and the Holocaust and their consequences in the form of numerous exoduses of fiews to exile, the role of memory comes even more strongly to the fore in fiewish writings. ffn many cases memory concerns places that literally ceased to exist or relates to communities that have vanished. Although Goldstein in her novel concentrates on the delineation of three generations of the Sonnenberg family,2 she skillfully merges individual / personal and collective / historical memories of the somewhat dark fiewish experience. he author s focus is on the representative of the rst generation of the family, Sorel, who later on becomes a successful actress at a Yiddish theater in Warsaw and adopts a new name, Sasha. Her daughter Chloe and granddaughter Phoebe appear only at the beginning and the end of the novel, and unlike Sasha, their experience is not shaped by Europe but by America. Because of its discontinuities, Goldstein s story is fragmented and contains several temporal and spatial setings a Galician village in the 1Ś20s, prewar Warsaw, but episodically also Vilnius and other places during the Yiddish theater tour, and an American town in New fiersey ater World War ffff. According to fianet Burstein, narratives of return . . . fracture chronology and disregard contextual boundaries, moving in several directions at once: backward through memory, and forward into new relationships to the past; outward into collective history and politics, and inward into the deep reaches of personal experience. 3 his tendency so characteristic of postmodern literature can be observed in many works by contemporary fiewish American writers, e.g., fionathan Safran Foer, Dara Horn, Gary Shteyngart and others. Although Goldstein s protagonist does not return to the place of her origin literally, metaphorically she has never let her homeland, for it occupies a substantial part of her mind even though she does not perceive the Upper West Side (where she resides) as galut (exile). As the narrator says, Sasha has decided, from the very start, that somehow or other she was a born New Yorker. 4 he earliest history of the Sonnenberg family is rendered through Goldstein s imaginative recreation of the shtetl Shlutchev in eastern Poland, a remote small village with its provincial milieu, where Sasha / Sorel grew up with her large family.5 As Andrew Furman notes, the shtetl s sleepy atmosphere and its backwardness is underlined by the name of the place; the meaning of the Yiddish word shluf is sleep. 6 ffn the middle of the shtetl, where one would expect a wooden synagogue, Goldstein places a stinking puddle, which functions as a metaphor for the dark past of the village. 2. Goldstein s novel symmetrically draws on the number three: besides following the three generations of the Sonnenberg family, it has three di erent main setings and Sorel / Sasha has three sisters. 3. fianet Handler Burstein, Telling the Litle Secrets. American Jewish Writing since the 1980s (ffladison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2006), ř2. 4. Rebecca Goldstein, Mazel (1ŚŚ5; ffladison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2002), 7. Hereater cited in the text. 5. he novel s second section, set in the shtetl, has features of rite-of-passage ction. his genre is thoroughly examined in árka Bubíková, Úvod do studia dětství v americké literatuře (Pardubice: Univerzita Pardubice, 200Ś). 6. Andrew Furman, Contemporary Jewish American Writers and the Multicultural Dilemma: Return of the Exiled (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2000), Ś6. Stanislav flolář 237 he protagonist s oldest sister, Fraydel, in her abundant fantasy, sees in the puddle the Evil Eye staring up at the villagers, and claims that all the memories of Shlutchev had sunk into its botom, the overwhelming majority of which were of a sort to give o just such a smell (63). As a feminist writer, Goldstein injects a marked gender aspect into her narrative. While the claustrophobic world of the Shlutchev shtetl is a world of traditions and relative safety for the majority of its self-contained fiewish community, for Sorel and Fraydel it represents limitations and su ering. fft is a site of deprivation. hey perceive its patriarchal society, where the roles of women have been strictly circumscribed, as an obstacle impeding their freedom something which they value more than established rules and norms. hese two young rebels do not want to submit to the restrictions which bind their mother ffieiba, who dares to sing only at midnight because it was forbidden for women to be heard by men outside of the family. hus Goldstein symbolically presents women in the shtetl as silenced, forbidden voices. From a woman s perspective it is a place of exclusion. Fraydel revolts against the limited role of women in the shtetl, which con nes them only to housework and places them in a marginal position. ffloreover, she is atracted to the secular forces that the Orthodox community of her milieu regards as paganism. fft is her resistance against the setled paterns that impresses Sorel, alias Sasha. She emotionally clings to her wild, unrestrained and restless sister, admiring her strong individuality. At the same time, she is aware of Fraydel s fragility and vulnerability. Even her mother ffieiba knows that she was a soul without a skin. Everything assaulted her (125). For Fraydel, Shlutchev, with its isolated community, is a small world. She longs for the freedom that she nds in her rich imagination, nurtured by books occasionally borrowed from a book-peddler. hese books, however, are not considered proper books by the religious community, which views them as works of paganism and believes that because of their secular content they should have never been writen. ffloreover, the villagers are rmly convinced that education is reserved only for men, not for women. Actually, the Sonnenberg family follows this hierarchy; while Sorel s father and her brothers devote almost their entire time to Talmudic studies, her mother is responsible for all practical maters and takes over the role of breadwinner. Sorel is the only person in Shlutchev who understands her mysterious sister, and therefore she is permited to enter into Fraydel s otherwise impenetrable and enigmatic world of fantasy. She is fascinated by her sister s made-up stories, whose originality shows a great artistic talent. As the narrator says, [i]n her [Fraydel s] head there were so many stories, stories she had read, stories she had invented, that it was a wonder she could keep them all straight (6ř). However, the rest of the community, including the family members, view Fraydel as being di erent, a stranger in her own group. Fraydel is seen as the Other, and therefore the villagers tend to ostracize her. Among children she is subjected to bullying and stigmatization. For them she is simply a crazy girl, Fraydel, Fraydel, Da meshuggena maydel (56). hus she is made to live on the margins of her own group, which itself is perceived as the Other. 23ř From Theory to Practice 2012 Otherness is usually discussed in connection with the question of prejudices and racism. Goldstein symbolically conveys the process of othering in the passage in which Fraydel, in her desire for freedom, decides to ee from the shtetl to join the gypsies, those others, di erent from the other others (100). She is atracted to them by their mobility and their entire nomadic life style. Her encounter with a group of gypsy children is a sort of entry to a strange, exotic world, so di erent from the small place of con nements. As Sorel does not want to lose her sister, she takes the decision to join her in her plan for an escape. Yet she feels certain prejudices against this ethnic group, stemming from stereotyping. When she asks Fraydel whether the gypsies really kidnap litle children, she hears an answer: No more than we murder litle children before Pesach and use their blood for matzohs (11Ś). fiuxtaposing two historically discriminated against ethnic groups, Goldstein points out the same mechanisms of stereotyping and roots of racism. Ater all, the historical analogies of both marginal Others were proved during the Holocaust. From the point of view of class, ethnicity and gender in relation to the dominant society, Fraydel can be classi ed as the multiple Other; nevertheless, due to the relative autonomy of the shtetl, Goldstein underscores the aspect of gender. Othering on the basis of class loses its relevance here, since class di erences in these communities were minimal. As far as ethnic aspects are concerned, the author s intention was not to depict violent events like pogroms, World War ffff and the Holocaust directly they remain in the background of the novel s action nevertheless, she brie y refers to the gentiles plans for one pogrom against the male citizens of Shlutchev. Even though Fraydel s plan to escape from the shtetl fails, her non-conformity dooms her to a tragic end. She rejects an arranged marriage, choosing death instead. Similarly to Shakespeare s Ophelia, Edna Pontellier in flate Chopin s he Awakening, or Virginia Woolf in real life, she drowns herself. For Sorel, this is the most painful moment in her life. She is deeply moved by the loss of her beloved sister because she knows that they were the closest people to each other, sharing a desire for freedom and everything marvelous and strange, and united by their contempt for the narrowness of the shtetl with its binding strictures and its ordinariness. Fraydel s story is a story of aborted creativity. Her artistic potential was prematurely wasted by the restraints that the shtetl imposed on her. ffievinson rightly points out that [i]t is the traditional religion s insistence upon study for boys and marriage for girls that she [Sorel] blames for the death of her beloved and brilliant sister Fraydel. 7 Goldstein s imaginary recreation of the shtetl includes not only family life and the position of women in a patriarchal society, but also the religious traditions, rituals, education and superstitions of its inhabitants. Similarly to ffsaac B. Singer s stories, her shtetl is peopled with imps and dybbuks. Even though her novel has a distinctly fiewish character, her addressee is also (or particularly) the non-fiewish reader. here are not 7. fflelanie ffievinson, Way nding : (Re)Constructing fiewish ffdentity in Mazel and Lovingkindness, in Connections and Collisions: Identities in Contemporary Jewish-American Women s Writing, ed. ffiois E. Rubin (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2005), 115. Stanislav flolář 23Ś many books in fiewish American ction that depict fiewish holidays and rites so vividly and are so naturally incorporated into the plot. ffn the chapter Counting the Omer, related to the forty-nine-day period between the Passover and the Feast of Weeks, the author, within the year cycle, describes the Days of Awe starting with Rosh Hashanah, Yom flippur (the Day of Atonement), Succoth, Chanukah (the Festival of ffiights), Purim (the Feast of ffiots), the Feast of fflatzohs, Pesach (Passover) and Shavuos (the Feast of Weeks). ffloreover, her book is full of Yiddish expressions that are usually explained by means of English equivalents. he legacy of Fraydel s creativity, intractability and hunger for freedom is fully revived in the character of Sasha / Sorel in Warsaw, where her family moves before World War ffff. fff Shlutchev was a pety sleepy town full of constraints, then Warsaw, with its cosmopolitan atmosphere and variety of possibilities, poses a challenge for her: Possibilities! As if the walls of a room suddenly and switly moved back, melted away, vistas in every direction (162). She is enchanted by the modernity of the city and its energy, excited by new discoveries and inventions. However, she does not want to be just a passive observer of all the changes and makes a rm resolution to become an active participant in the advancement of society, to move away from the margin to which she was con ned in the past. When a part of the fiewish urban community, she is, like many fiews of her generation, deeply a ected by the spirit of the Enlightenment. Goldstein expresses this guratively: Sorel wasn t alone in being drunk on her vision of the light from beyond the sky. All of Warsaw seemed to be wildly teetering . . . reeling . . . tilting at large and improbable angles (201). he lure of Western culture is irresistible, and thus the protagonist is metaphorically running toward the glowing western sky (201). Naturally not all urban fiews accepted all these changes with enthusiasm. he older generation approached them with suspicion, rejecting their children s behavior. As the narrator says, [a]ll across the former Pale were fiewish parents having their fiewish hearts broken, as sons and daughters broke away from the old ways, made a blind run for the light (201). ffn this respect, Sorel s parents are relatively tolerant; they do not interfere in her life although internally they do not approve of her assimilation with the mainstream society. Her father Nachum considers his daughter s fascination with Warsaw s secular cultural life to be a manifestation of Hellenistic corruption. On the other hand, it would be a misinterpretation to describe the protagonist as a total assimilationist, since the question of fiewish identity remains of importance for her. he spirit of the fiewish Enlightenment, the modernist Haskalah, is materialized here particularly in the vibrant Yiddish theater which completely captivates the protagonist. he discovery of her dramatic git signi es a continuation of the artistic creativity initiated by her sister Fraydel. Her late sister s legacy best manifests itself at the audition for an actress at the Bilbul Art heater. Sorel, whom her aunt sees as a future Sarah Bernhardt and predicts that she will take center stage (20Ś), starts reciting the monologue of Ophelia from Shakespeare s Hamlet, but all of a sudden a di erent voice comes out of her mouth, the voice of Fraydel: she abandons the dramatist s tragedy and 240 From Theory to Practice 2012 spontaneously retells her sister s macabre tale about a girl who leaves her unwanted betrothed to dance with death. Her unexpected switch to the tale which she heard from her sister on the Sabbath implies her identi cation with her sister and her atempt to share the memory of her sister with others. fft is also possible to interpret this as a demonstration of her fiewish identity: She had heard Fraydel, as if she had been there, whispering up against her ear, a voice like no other come from out of the lonely wind. And now it was gone, perhaps forever, so that she wanted to scream out: Fraydel! (243). Her performance makes an enormous impression on the whole theater troupe, which decides to stage a dramatic adaptation of Sorel s / Fraydel s tale under the name he Bridegroom. he performances featuring Sorel, renamed Sasha, are a great success with the audience, so the Bilbul actors troupe sets out on a tour to various cities and towns in Eastern Europe. However, the triumphal career of the mishpocheh of the Yiddish theater artists is forcibly ended by the outbreak of World War ffff. hrough the character of Sasha, Goldstein pays tribute not only to her sister Fraydel but to the Yiddish theater per se. As a mater of fact, the author devotes a whole chapter to the history of the Yiddish theater and its renowned representatives, though it has rather a didactic character. Goldstein illustrates the rather melodramatic nature of most Yiddish plays by giving an example of the fiewish version of Shakespeare s play entitled he Jewish King Lear, which pictures the revolt of the youngest daughter against the traditional patriarchal hierarchy of a fiewish family in which a woman is ascribed a stereotyped status of an obedient family member. Again the author s feminist approach to fiewishness is obvious here, reinforced by the apparent parallelism with the experience of the women warriors Fraydel and Sasha. Using Dominick ffiaCapra s (and Freud s) terminology, Sasha s performance of her sister s story at the audition can be understood as an act of mourning, of acting-out, which is, in ffiaCapra s words with respect to traumatic losses . . . a necessary condition of working through. ř According to him, [p]ossession by the past may never be fully overcome or transcended and working through may at best enable some distance or critical perspective that is acquired with extreme di culty and not achieved once and for all. Ś he centrality of the traumatic loss and absence of Fraydel in Sasha s life is fully revealed in her confession to fflaurice, her future husband. fft is no coincidence that it is this moment of confession that brings them closer and initiates their relationship. Goldstein s novel re ects the atmosphere of artistic and intellectual circles in prewar fiewish Warsaw in the manner of ffsaac Bashevis Singer. Ater all, this prominent writer is even incorporated into the plot as an episodic character, when Sasha sees him walking down the street and overhears his conversation with some woman. he milieu of the Warsaw artists embodying mishpocheh is portrayed in its diversity, manifested in endless discussions about the essence of fiewishness and art. hey mirror the con ict between the idea of fiewish particularism, based on its uniqueness and represented ř. Dominick ffiaCapra, Writing History, Writing Trauma (Baltimore: fiohns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 70. Ś. ffiaCapra, Writing History, Writing Trauma, 70. Stanislav flolář 241 by the Bilbul Art heater director Hershel Blau, and universalism, advocated by the composer fiascha Saunders, an angry young man, considering fiewishness to be an anachronism. He wrongly de nes fiewish identity on the basis of hatred for the enemy. All in all, Goldstein represents the world of Yiddishkeit as always already a multicultural space 10 and not as a monolithic fiewish culture. he whole novel is framed by the present, set in the ctitious American town of ffiipton, the fierusalem of New fiersey, inhabited by an enclosed Orthodox community with its rigid rules and hierarchy. he town s name alludes to a real model suburban town in New fiersey, Teaneck, known for its large concentration of fflodern Orthodox fiews. Assimilated Sasha and her daughter Chloe come to this pety town due to Phoebe, Sasha s granddaughter, who is to marry fiason flantor a member of a fiewish fflodern Orthodox family. From the very beginning, Sasha feels revulsion at this place, considering ffiipton to be a shtetl transplanted to America. Witily, she refers to the in her view archaic world of the ffiipton community, with its setled habits and rituals, as the reshtetlization of America (354), and her anti-nostalgic view of the shtetl which she deserted so eagerly prevents her from understanding Phoebe s decision to marry into a fflodern Orthodox family. For her it is a step back to what she calls old ways. Her granddaughter s return to fiudaism, t shuva, spiritual turning, is even less comprehensible for her in the light of the social status her descendants have achieved in America; totally assimilated Chloe, for whom being fiewish . . . seemed to be nothing more than an incidental feature in both her own and her daughter s biographies (335), is a classics professor at Columbia University, and Phoebe is a professor of mathematics at nearby Princeton University. Neither does Chloe understand her daughter, and although she is intuitively drawn to fiewish life, [t]o her that world was far more distant and inaccessible than the world of the ancient Greeks (336). fft is exotic, if not esoteric, territory, about which, due to her mother s silence, she knows nothing. Having been drawn into the preparations for Phoebe s wedding, Sasha becomes a dissenter, con icting with the Cantor family and the whole Orthodox community. As a child of the fiewish Enlightenment, she fails to comprehend the adherence of modern fiews to the traditional observance of fiewish laws. Goldstein repeatedly highlights the gender aspect, depicting Sasha s aversion to the patriarchal community of the Orthodox fiews, discriminating and marginalizing women, which reminds her of the old shtetls in Galicia. For this reason she calls ffiipton Shlutchev . . . with a designer label (333). Goldstein s eccentric and non-conformist protagonist cannot understand why her granddaughter returns to the old paterns against which she and Fraydel rebelled. hus she feels it is her duty to rebel anew in ffiipton. She loves to provoke, and she does so vehemently, because everything Sasha says, everything Sasha does, is with emphasis (22, Goldstein s italics). Her revolt culminates during the ritual aufruf, the last Sabbath ceremony before the wedding, in which the bride is not allowed to participate in order to prevent her from seeing her groom. he ffiipton community is consternated when she, 10. Helene ffleyers, On Homelands and Home-fflaking: Rebecca Goldstein s Mazel, Journal of Modern Literature 33, no. 3 (Spring 2010): 135. 242 From Theory to Practice 2012 a woman born to hold center stage (43), violates the ceremonial customs by wearing trousers. ffn their eyes, it is a desecration of the Sabbath. For the flantor family she is more like a rebellious teen-ager than a woman in her seventies (323). Actually, in one episode the radical protagonist joins the student revolt at Columbia University, unlike Chloe who remains indi erent to the protest movement. Yet the nal scene, in which Sasha, Chloe and Phoebe are dancing together at the wedding, can be interpreted as the protagonist s reconciliation with the flantor family and mutual recognition. fft is the expression of an emotional bond among all three women despite their di erences, conditioned by di erent generational experiences. However, the reconciliatory tone of the novel s ending is relativized by Goldstein s feminist view of the protagonist s family history. Goldstein s Mazel is a novel about the victory of continuity. his continuity is embodied by Sasha s granddaughter Phoebe, who connects America with the shtetl of her ancestors. She represents the third generation that returns to the roots of fiewishness and corresponds to the new wave of fiewish American writers. To a certain extent she impersonates Fraydel; the author mentions some similar traits on several occasions. Similarly to this tragic character, Phoebe is also noticeably introverted and mysterious, and her brilliant restlessness parallels Fraydel s. 11 Sasha also sees her granddaughter, in her vulnerability, as a soul without a skin (17), and feels an urge to protect her from the harshness of this world. Even by her physical resemblance she seems to be a reincarnation of Fraydel. he continuity is underlined by the selection of Phoebe s Hebrew name for the ketuba, a fiewish prenuptial contract forming an integral part of a traditional fiewish marriage, when Sasha proposes the name Fraydel. ffleyers argues that paradoxically, a wedding contract comes to symbolize a line of fiewish female continuity that gender oppression, suicide, and the world-destroying e ects of the Shoah have disrupted but not severed. 12 ffloreover, the family continuity is reinforced by the name of Phoebe s new-born son fflayer flantor; this relates to Sasha s late husband fflaurice, whose original name was also fflayer. ffiast but not least, Goldstein s novel is also about the victory of mazel, luck in Yiddish, in its rivalry with saychel, or brains, representing reason. he folktale describing their contention and introducing each section of the book forms another frame of the novel. Mazel, this sly saboteur of cosmic coziness, subversive as the unholy laughter (34) comes unexpectedly, and loves the sudden twists that permeate Goldstein s story. fft is an unpredictable, accidental element, based on the principle of randomness. ffn mazel the author nds a parallel to Hume s criticism of causality, encapsulated in the sentence from his An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding: All events seem entirely loose and separate. One event follows another, but we never can observe any tie between them. hey seem conjoined, but never connected. 13 his does not mean that Goldstein, 11. ffleyers, On Homelands, 134. 12. Helene ffleyers, he Death and ffiife of a fiewish fiudith Shakespeare: Rebecca Goldstein s Mazel, Shofar 25, no. 3 (2007): 67. 13. David Hume, An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (174ř; ffndianapolis: Hacket, 1ŚŚ3), 4Ś. Stanislav flolář 243 through Sasha and the other characters, ignores the importance of reason, hence suppressing rationalism. he reader knows that it is not only good luck that stands behind seeming happenstance. Ater all, an old Yiddish proverb says: Ven mazel kumt, shtelt im a shtul. When mazel comes, pull up a chair for it (2Ś2). Acknowledgement his article builds on the research project Transformations of Contemporary Jewish American Fiction carried out while in residence at the HBff (Hadassah-Brandeis ffnstitute) at Brandeis University, Waltham, fflassachusets. Works Cited Bubíková, árka. Úvod do studia dětství v americké literatuře. Pardubice: Univerzita Pardubice, 200Ś. Burstein, fianet Handler. Telling the Litle Secrets: American Jewish Writing since the 1980s. ffladison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2006. Fishman, Sylvia Barack. American fiewish Fiction Turns ffnward, 1Ś60 1ŚŚ0. American Jewish Year Book Ś1 (1ŚŚ1): 35 6Ś. Furman, Andrew. Contemporary Jewish American Writers and the Multicultural Dilemma: Return of the Exiled. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2000. Goldstein, Rebecca. Mazel. 1ŚŚ5. ffladison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2002. Hume, David. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. 174ř. ffndianapolis: Hacket, 1ŚŚ3. ffiaCapra, Dominick. Writing History, Writing Trauma. Baltimore: fiohns Hopkins University Press, 2001. ffievinson, fflelanie. Way nding : (Re)Constructing fiewish ffdentity in Mazel and Lovingkindness. ffn Connections and Collisions: Identities in Contemporary Jewish-American Women s Writing, edited by ffiois E. Rubin, 110 1Ś. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2005. ffleyers, Helene. he Death and ffiife of a fiewish fiudith Shakespeare: Rebecca Goldstein s Mazel. Shofar 25, no. 3 (2007): 61 71. ffleyers, Helene. On Homelands and Home-fflaking: Rebecca Goldstein s Mazel. Journal of Modern Literature 33, no. 3 (Spring 2010): 131 41. flilling flings in Canada: The Role of Community in William Dempsey Valgardson s Bloodflowers Vladimíra Fonfárová Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Faculty of Humanities, Department of English and American Studies, fflostní 513Ś, 760 01 Zlín, Czech Republic. Email: fonfarovašhs.utb.cz Abstract: Canadian short story writer, William Dempsey Valgardson, may not belong among the best-known authors, but his short stories are highly regarded as valuable contributions to the canon of Canadian literature. his paper focuses on Valgardson s agship short story, Blood owers, and demonstrates the author s usage of the universal mythological patern of human sacri ce via carefully chosen imagery and symbolism. he basis for critical analysis of the mythological patern will be fiames George Frazer s he Golden Bough, which serves as a source of information on a variety of human sacri ce paterns that can be found in Valgardson s story. he result of the analysis should be a demonstration of how such a general myth resurfaces in the Canadian environment, con rming Carl Gustav fiung s theory of collective unconscious, which is based on the belief that almost all cultures share the same primordial images on which their mythologies are based. fleywords: William Dempsey Valgardson; mythology; myth; Carl Gustav fiung; community; collective unconscious; sacri ce; divine king; fiames George Frazer he collective unconscious so far as we can say anything about it at all appears to consist of mythological motifs or primordial images, for which reason the myths of all nations are its real exponents. ffn fact, the whole of mythology could be taken as a sort of projection of the collective unconscious. 1 his is how Carl Gustav fiung described the element that in his opinion unites civilizations worldwide the collective unconscious. Psychologist and renowned mythologist, fioseph Campbell, in his 1Ś4Ś monograph he Hero with a housand Faces,2 subscribes to the point of view that every culture seems to be the heir of a certain collection of myths that resurface in various environments in more or less the same, or very similar, form. his paper deals with the work of a lesser known Canadian author, who nevertheless belongs among the nest short story writers in Canadian literature William Dempsey Valgardson. fft demonstrates how Valgardson uses the universal mythological patern of human sacri ce, and how he embeds it in his short story via carefully chosen imagery and symbolism and therefore makes a general myth resurface in the Canadian environment. A basis for critical consideration of the mythological patern in Valgardson s work is fiames George Frazer s extensive anthropological study, he Golden 1. Carl Gustav fiung, he Structure and Dynamics of the Psyche, trans. R. F. C. Hall (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1Ś6Ś), 152. 2. See fioseph Campbell, he Hero with a housand Faces (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004). 246 From Theory to Practice 2012 Bough (1řŚ0), which surveys and cross-references myths and ritualistic practices from all over the world in a successful atempt to describe mankind s cultural odyssey. 3 Frazer s vast research proves the validity of fiung s theory, as certain primordial practices, which serve as the basis for the creation of a mythological apparatus of each culture, resurface in practically identical, or very similar forms in various places throughout the world, even on di erent continents. A primary source in the analysis is Valgardson s much anthologized short story, Blood owers, which also gave title to his rst short story collection published in 1Ś73. By providing a tentative selection from various rituals described in Frazer s masterpiece that bear a resemblance to the one in Valgardson s short story, this paper will illustrate how Valgardson uses a blend of various myths for the sake of his story, and, in accordance with fiung s theory of mythic universalia, creates a short story that demonstrates a resurfacing of these universalia in the Canadian environment. William Dempsey Valgardson is an author of ffcelandic descent, which proves very in uential when analyzing his works. He was brought up in Gimli, a shing village on ffiake Winnipeg in northern fflanitoba. he village was formerly known as New ffceland,4 which shows the traces of the dominant role of ffcelandic heritage in the area. herefore, assumedly Valgardson was, at a certain point, exposed to the legends and mythology of northern Europe. As David fiackel notes, Valgardson s ffcelandic origin, together with life in a small community, in uenced his writing, providing him not only with setings and themes but also with a dark vision of human life.5 When it comes to his short stories, Valgardson portrays almost exclusively people whose lives are formed by isolation, hard conditions and the brutal e ects of northern climates; therefore, the mood can hardly be optimistic. he short story Blood owers is no exception. fft is set on barren, rocky Black ffsland on the coast of Newfoundland, and ffiabrador and presents an isolated community whose life is a record of hardships and strainings, wholly depending on nature s whims. he island is described as a place where nothing grows except for lichen and peculiar litle red owers that give the story its name.6 As there is practically no fertile soil, people on the island depend on shing and imports. ffn the story, Valgardson s notorious dark vision is enhanced by an occurrence of a universal mythological patern found in countless cultures all over the world the ritualistic practice of human sacri ce in order to protect the members of a community. he rst notion of mythology and the ritualistic way of life of the villagers appears very early in the story. When the main protagonist, a teacher named Danny, arrives to the island, his landlady, fflrs. Poorwilly, mentions the expected death of another member 3. ffl. F. Ashley fflontagu, back cover of fiames George Frazer, he Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1ŚŚ6). 4. See David fiackel, W. D. Valgardson in Canadian Writers since 1960, ed. W. H. New (Detroit: Gale Research, 1Śř7), 355. 5. See fiackel, W. D. Valgardson, 355. 6. See William Dempsey Valgardson, Blood owers, in Blood owers (Otawa: Oberon, 1Ś73), 6. Vladimíra Fonfárová 247 of the community by saying, he ll be the second, 7 which hints at the existence of an expected order of things based on a ritualized way of life in the Black ffsland community. One of the most important rules, which is associated with the natural state of things, as villagers perceive it, is the patern of threes. fflrs. Poorwilly claims that misfortune always comes in threes and that trouble never stops unless it is on something made of threes.ř Also natural phenomena are subject to beliefs when the sunrise is red, there will be a storm that evening,Ś as well as the way to nd a drowned sherman: the villagers bring a rooster on a boat and when they cross the body, the rooster will crow. 10 A clearly mythological reference comes from Danny himself, when he remembers a speci c ritual he read about some time ago and tells fflrs. Poorwilly about it Europeans, long time ago, used to ward o evil by choosing a villager to be king for a year. hen so the bad luck of the old year would be done with, they killed him in the spring [. . .] hey gave him anything he wanted. A woman, food, gits, everything, since it was only for a year. hen when the rst owers bloomed, they killed him. 11 Consequently, this is exactly what happens to Danny. When four villagers die instead of the three, thus breaking the expected patern, Danny notices the change in villagers behavior towards him. He is given a local girl to live with, people keep bringing him food for which he is not allowed to pay, they shower him with gits he did not ask for and they do not let him work. Feeling uneasy, Danny wants to visit the mainland but when he atempts to do so, he comes to know that the people from the Black ffsland community will not allow it; instead, they feed him lies about no ships and no planes coming and also about weather preventing the radio from working. he actual killing of Danny, the king for a year, is not part of the story, although there is litle doubt that it will eventually take place thanks to the mythological reference Danny makes. fff ancient Europeans chose a villager to be the king for a year, treated him the same way the Black ffsland community treats Danny and killed him when vegetation started to bloom, it can be assumed that Danny will be killed as well, at a time when vegetation appears. he story ends with Danny holding a fresh new leaf in his hand and an image of thousands and thousands of blood owers spilling into his mind. 12 he reference to the leaf and blood owers relates to the rst blooming of owers in Danny s description of the ancient European ritual. hus, clearly before long Danny will meet his fate of being a human sacri ce. Blood owers serve not only as a reference to vegetation. hey are also a powerful symbol that supports the interpretation that Danny indeed is to be sacri ced. ffn addition to that, blood owers as a symbol are connected to a remnant from Valgardson s ffcelandic cultural heritage. ffn the tenth chapter of the ffcelandic Eyrbyggja Saga (in 7. ř. Ś. 10. 11. 12. Valgardson, Blood owers, 7. See Valgardson, Blood owers, ř. See Valgardson, Blood owers, 6. Valgardson, Blood owers, 14. Valgardson, Blood owers, Ś. Valgardson, Blood owers, 22. 24ř From Theory to Practice 2012 English he Saga of the Ere-Dwellers) from the thirteenth century, there is a reference to sacri cing humans on a stone: here is yet to be seen the Doom-ring, where men were doomed to the sacri ce. ffn that ring stands the stone of hor over which those men were broken who were sacri ced, and the colour of the blood on that stone is yet to be seen. 13 he Eyrbyggja Saga therefore provides an image of a bloody stone on which humans were sacri ced. When Danny sees blood owers for the rst time, he notices that they are growing from a crack in the rock 14 and that the patches of red lled the cracks 15 on the rocks, which evokes an image of a bloodied stone, corresponding with the stone of hor from the Eyrbyggja Saga and the way human sacri ce is described in it. he blood owers therefore form a clear link between the ffcelandic ritual of human sacri ce and Danny, a potential o ering. When looking at the rituals, part of which was sacri cing a human, as described by Sir fiames George Frazer in he Golden Bough, three types employ such a practice. he rst type partially corresponds with what Valgardson himself provided via Danny as re ector, when he remembers reading about the king for a year. he ritual Frazer depicts is called the killing of the divine king. However, there are certain discrepancies between the ritual Frazer described and the one of which Danny himself became an unwilling representative. Frazer states that tribal peoples, for example the Shilluk of the White Nile, believed that the safety and welfare of their people, their catle and corn depended on one of the god-men or a human incarnation of divinity, which usually meant their king. Whenever the king showed signs of ill-health or failing strength, Shilluk put him to death, so his failing health would not negatively a ect the well-being of other members of community or their catle.16 Other peoples, for example in Southern ffndia or Scandinavia, took the practice of killing the divine king even further and put him to death at the end of a xed term, so there was no chance of him growing ill and frail.17 his wide range of tribal peoples that serve as examples of this very similar ritualistic practice also once again con rm fiung s theory of collective unconscious. When this ritual is applied to Danny, he, the teacher, can be considered the only male person of authority (as the short story does not mention any other traditional authority person such as a priest, doctor or mayor). fft is then possible to identify him as a representation of a king. he isolated community on Black ffsland therefore may see in Danny the incarnation of divinity, and they may apply to him the rules of when and under what circumstances such a person should be killed. 13. William fflorris and Eirikr fflagnusson, trans., he Saga of the Ere-Dwellers, ffcelandic Saga Database. htp://sagadb.org/eyrbyggja_saga.en; according to Merriam Webster Dictionary, Doom-ring is a term for a stone circle marking the limits of an ancient Norse court of justice (htp://www.merriam-webster. com/dictionary/doom%20ring). 14. Valgardson, Blood owers, 6. 15. Valgardson, Blood owers, 7. 16. See fiames George Frazer, he Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1ŚŚ6), 311 12. 17. See Frazer, he Golden Bough, 31Ś, 324. Vladimíra Fonfárová 24Ś A signi cant discrepancy arises when the reason for the slaughter of a king gure is considered. he decay of the divine king was feared because tribal peoples believed it would inevitably lead to the decay of catle and corn. But, it is not the well-being of crops or domestic animals about which people on Black ffsland are concerned. Danny s sacri ce is connected with a aw in the natural order. As fflrs. Poorwilly, a shamanic female gure, states trouble come in threes, 1ř so there always should be three misfortunes in succession. When three members of the community die from old age, illness and drowning in the sea, the tension in the community eases, 1Ś as members of the community expect the misfortunes to end. hat would be the natural state of things. But then the wife of the dead sherman commits suicide soon ater her husband s death and disrupts the balance. fft is this fourth death in a row that initiates a change in the atitude of community towards Danny and therefore can be marked as the point when he had been chosen for sacri ce in order to restore the lost balance.20 he change of behavior is surprising, but not unpleasant, at rst. Danny starts to enjoy the pleasures of being chosen and treated as king for a year, although he is ignorant of the ritualistic practice in which he unknowingly participates. He is moved from fflrs. Poorwilly s house to the house of ffliss Adel, a young girl to whom he is atracted. Such a change is unexpected, because until that moment, the community took great precaution that Danny did not squeeze fruit unless he s planning on buying 21 ; in other words, that a proper, old-fashioned courtship would take place between them. Danny is also surprised by children s reactions to his moving in with Adel. He expects them to make jokes, to wink and smirk, as youngsters normally would, but instead they solemnly nodded their heads 22 as if they were told a grave piece of information. Considering the above-mentioned discrepancy and taking into account the possible connection between Danny being chosen for sacri ce in order to regain the balance in the natural course of things, rather than the divine king being killed at the end of a xed term, Danny might be considered a scapegoat, which is a second practice described by Frazer that is applicable to Danny s situation. According to Frazer s study and examples that he collected among Australian aborigines, Alaskan Esquimaux and pagan Europeans, it was common practice among these tribal peoples to expel the accumulated evils from a village using a variety of methods. hey either drove the Devil from every house in the setlement away with lighted twigs or by beating the walls with cudgels of limewood.23 he Gonds of ffndia, Albanians of the Eastern Caucasus or Tibetans selected a scapegoat, a divine man who is to die for the sins of the rest of the village. he desired e ect of the ceremony, during which the scapegoat was killed, was a total clearance of all the misfortunes 1ř. Valgardson, Blood owers, ř. 1Ś. Valgardson, Blood owers, 15. 20. Danny is not supposed to be one of yet another set of three misfortunes. His death is to end the new series of misfortunes and restore the lost balance caused by the sherman s wife s suicide. 21. Valgardson, Blood owers, 12. 22. Valgardson, Blood owers, 16. 23. See Frazer, he Golden Bough, 63ř 3Ś, 64ř. 250 From Theory to Practice 2012 infesting a people, where the scapegoat was nothing more than a vehicle to convey the invisible and intangible evils away. he ceremony usually took place at some wellmarked change of seasons, such as the beginning or end of winter.24 he clear marking of the season when the scapegoat should be killed is applicable also to sacri cing Danny, as how it was explained before with the aid of blood ower symbolism and reference to vegetation it can be assumed that he will be killed at the start of spring. His sacri ce can also be interpreted as a variation on the expulsion of evils infesting the community. Danny should be a vehicle who would convey all ills away and restore the natural balance. Nevertheless, also in this case, there is a discrepancy between Valgardson s short story and the common tribal practice. ffn Frazer s description, the scapegoats were not treated with reverence comparable to that shown to Danny; therefore, even this approximation is not entirely accurate. he third tribal practice that shows similar traits to Danny s predicament and that is depicted in he Golden Bough, is human sacri ce for crops. According to Frazer, it was customary among tribal peoples of, e.g., Egypt and Phrygia, to kill the corn-spirit, which was to ensure that the crops next year will be plentiful. Some tribes believed the corn-spirit resided in the rst corn that is cut and that it died under the sickle, but some had a more bloodthirsty version of the ritual. What can be deduced from the so-called ffiityerses stories25 is that the Phrygians harvest custom included certain persons, especially strangers passing the harvest eld [who] were regularly regarded as embodiments of the corn-spirit, and as such were seized by the reapers, wrapt in sheaves, and beheaded, their bodies, bound up in the corn-stals, being aterwards thrown into water as a rain-charm. 26 Frazer implies that the frequency of human sacri ces o ered by savage races to promote the fertility of the elds 27 was quite high. Not only Phrygians, but also Pawnees annually sacri ced a human victim in spring when they sowed their elds [. . .] hey thought that an omission of this sacri ce would be followed by the total failure of the crops of maize, beans and pumpkins. he victim was a captive of either sex. He was clad in the gayest and most costly atire, was fatened on the choicest food, and carefully kept in ignorance of his doom. 2ř he resemblance with what happens to Danny, when taking the practice of killing the corn spirit, is striking. he custom of giving the embodiment of the corn spirit costly clothing is re ected in the story as the reverential treatment and gits Danny receives. Apart from this treatment that is similar to the treatment of the selected human victim at the hands of the Pawnee tribe, there is another approximation that makes the reference to the sacri ce for the crops in connection with Valgardson s short story relevant. fiust as the common practice of the Pawnee ritual was to keep the victim in ignorance, also Danny is cratily kept in the dark and is oblivious to his predicament. 24. 25. 26. 27. 2ř. See Frazer, he Golden Bough, 661 66. See Frazer, he Golden Bough, 4Ś3 Ś4. Frazer, he Golden Bough, 4Ś4. Frazer, he Golden Bough, 4Ś4. Frazer, he Golden Bough, 501. Vladimíra Fonfárová 251 Whenever he becomes suspicious, the villagers do everything to convince him that nothing exceptional is going on. A seeming discrepancy between the short story and the ritual described comes to mind when considering that Danny is not to be sacri ced because of the crops of maize or any other plant. As already mentioned, the main reason for it is regaining the natural balance in the community, but there is also another, less conspicuous reason. Apart from the disruption in the natural state of things that pesters the Black ffsland community, the story notes that the shing had been bad, 2Ś and when people expected the weather and shing to improve, if anything, the weather became worse. 30 Considering that for villagers on Black ffsland shing is a major source of sustenance, it is an equivalent to crop production. herefore, sacri cing Danny can be interpreted on the basis of the sacri ce for the crops ritual, and the above-mentioned discrepancy proves insubstantial. By providing this tentative and therefore incomplete selection of possible inspirations to Valgardson as he wrote his agship short story, it becomes clear that the author used a colourful blend of various myths and ancient rituals of various tribes and peoples, including Native Americans, African and ffndian peoples, as well as Scandinavians and his own ffcelanders. A rich mixture of sources such as this, sharing a common denominator the practice of human sacri ce also con rms fiung s theory of collective unconscious and mythical universalia, for those tribal practices (which may have served as an initial impulse for the creation of mythological apparati) come from oten distant and extremely diverse environments. ffnhabitants of marginal areas in Canada, such as Black ffsland, were not the original setlers, the place of their origin being Europe. hey probably have brought their beliefs and myths with them, in them, from the old continent. What Valgardson does in his short story is create a mirror image of a universal ritualistic practice that he introduces to the Canadian environment, giving the setlers of peripheral Canada a mythological apparatus that connects them with other cultures, nations and tribes. Not only does Valgardson provide the Black ffsland inhabitants with a mythology that unites them with other peoples and makes them a valid part of the world s population, with Blood owers he also subscribes to the legacy of such writers as Shirley fiackson, who explore the hidden, sinister sides of life and behavior of isolated communities and manage to nd connections between peoples from all over the world on an archetypal level and approximate them to one another. With the use of a rich variety of sources and combining and cross-referencing them, William Dempsey Valgardson s Blood owers presents a community whose life is governed by forces beyond their control, forces they inherited as a part of humanity, as fiung s theory goes: practices, rituals and myths that all cultures share in the form of archetypes, buried deep in their unconscious. 2Ś. Valgardson, Blood owers, 10. 30. Valgardson, Blood owers, 15. 252 From Theory to Practice 2012 Works Cited Campbell, fioseph. he Hero with a housand Faces. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004. Frazer, fiames George. he Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1ŚŚ6. fiackel, David. W. D. Valgardson. ffn Canadian Writers since 1960, edited by W. H. New, 355 5ř. Detroit: Gale Research, 1Śř7. fiung, Carl Gustav. he Structure and Dynamics of the Psyche, translated by R. F. C. Hall. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1Ś6Ś. fflontagu, ffl. F. Ashley. Back cover of he Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion, by fiames George Frazer. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1ŚŚ6. he Saga of the Ere-Dwellers, translated by fflorris William and Eirikr fflagnusson. ffcelandic Saga Database. 2013. htp://sagadb.org/eyrbyggja_saga.en. Valgardson, William Dempsey. Blood owers. ffn Blood owers, 5 22. Otawa: Oberon, 1Ś73. The ffloral Failure of the fflentor-ffiover in fiane Austen s Northanger Abbey and Sense and Sensibility Ema fielínková Palacký University, Philosophical Faculty, Department of English and American Studies, fl í kovského 10, 771 ř0 Olomouc, Czech Republic. Email: ema.jelinkovašupol.cz Abstract: Since contemporary ideas of womanhood were grounded in the patriarchal belief that simplicity, innocence or even gullibility were key features of female nature, many of fiane Austen s predecessors (Fanny Burney being among them) produced novels featuring young ladies guilty of youthful errors of judgment. Yet, those gentle ctional creatures could rely on the helping hand of a mentally superior, well-meaning young gentleman, a person t to be the heroine s husband. Austen takes Burney s mentor-lover model further in Sense and Sensibility and Northanger Abbey. Both texts pay lip service to the legitimacy of the masculine vision while at the same time subverting it to make the reader concentrate on the satirical potential embedded in the very structure of the narratives. fleywords: sensibility; reason; satire; patriarchal; fiane Austen; Fanny Burney; mentor-lover By nature, fiane Austen was the equal of the nest masculine satirists of the eighteenth century. Yet, as a proper lady of the Regency period, she felt bound to a sense of duty and the continuation of established paterns of thought and behavior. his double, ambivalent legacy tempered as well as in amed Austen s unique git and resulted in novels that hinge on the ambivalence of a woman s lot in life. Convention dictates that marriage equals a happy ending, but Austen prefers to view marriage in more realistic terms, as the only honourable provision for well-educated women of small fortune, however uncertain of giving happiness, must be their pleasantest preservative from want. 1 Such was fiane Austen s predicament; a lively, wity, intelligent lady with a keen eye for satire, yet con ned to respectability. Being a lady dictated the choice of topics an authoress could work on: a young woman s entrance into the world and nding the appropriate match and therefore a xed position in the society s structure. fiane Austen s debut novel, later published as Northanger Abbey (1ř1ř), was conceived as a satire, a desire to poke fun at silly contemporary romance novels and their voracious, indiscriminate (mostly female) readers. By taking confusion between reality and illusion as the subject, she slipped in the shoes of a number of predecessors, one of those being Charlote ffiennox, whose Female uixote (1752) features a young lady whose head was turned by reading too much and observing too litle. Arabella, its protagonist, grows up in isolation from society with litle to read except her mother s store of historical romances which she mistakes for histories and accepts as social 1. fiane Austen, Pride and Prejudice (Rockville: Arc fflanor, 200ř), ř4. 254 From Theory to Practice 2012 behaviour guides. ffncapable (or unwilling) to distinguish reality from fantasy, she as Don uixote before her embarks on a series of amusing adventures. Ultimately, Arabella is cured of her obstinate silliness by a rational, patient suitor, an ideal mentorlover, on whose rational judgment she learns to rely.2 Austen s own parodic novel, Northanger Abbey, presented a protagonist who ies in the face of the conventional portrayal of contemporary ctional heroines: he reader would naturally expect a woman at the center of a novel to be well-behaved, intelligent, educated and extremely beautiful. Starting from such expectations, the puzzled reader nds out that Catherine ffloreland had a thin awkward gure, a sallow skin without colour, dark lank hair and strong features. . . . She never could learn or understand anything before she was taught; and sometimes not even then, for she was oten inatentive, and occasionally stupid.3 he only adventure a girl in the eighteenth century was supposed to hope for was nding a young man to marry. Before long, the simple, inexperienced Catherine, a voracious reader of popular novels, who does not know the ways of the world, nds herself in Bath, courted by two gentlemen at once; fflr. horpe, her brother s friend, and a charming, funny and slightly mysterious clergyman, fflr. Tilney from Northanger Abbey. Catherine is drawn to Henry, a charming young clergyman, and his intelligent sister. heir father, Gen. Tilney invites Catherine to stay with them at Northanger Abbey. his is not a gesture of kindness it turns out the horpes misinformed the general about Catherine s dowry and he hopes Catherine may fall in love with Henry during her visit. Catherine has read about abbeys in Gothic novels and therefore she sees Northanger and people who inhabit it through Gothic conventions. Henry, her mentor-lover, is perfectly aware of Catherine s lack of the power of discrimination, the fact that her mind cannot operate in the realm of satire and irony, and what is worst, of her almost absolute reliance on Henry s judgment. Since Henry, a born satirist, keeps egging her on for fun rather than providing any instruction, many of her further mistakes may be construed as his fault, for he must realize he is leading her astray by concocting dreadful litle stories of dangers awaiting her in Northanger, all of them be ting the horrifying convention of Gothic ction and Catherine s frame of mind. Yet, when Catherine starts harboring suspicions that her suitor s rather sinister father, Gen. Tilney, might have contributed to his late wife s demise and admits her speculations to Henry Tilney, he, shocked and disappointed, steps far too late into his mentor role: What have you been judging fromŠ Remember the country and the age in which we live. Remember that we are English, that we are Christians. Consult your own understanding, your own sense of the probable, your own observation of what is passing around you Does our education prepare us for such atrocitiesŠ Do our laws connive at themŠ Could they be perpetrated without being known, in a country like this, where social and literary intercourse is on such a footing; where every man is surrounded by a neighborhood of voluntary spiesŠ4 2. See Charlote ffiennox, he Female uixote: Or, the Adventures of Arabella (New York: Oxford University Press, 1ŚŚř). 3. fiane Austen, Northanger Abbey (ffiondon: Harper Collins, 2010), 3. 4. Austen, Northanger Abbey, 204. Ema fielínková 255 Catherine, humbled, and miserable, fearful of losing Henry s a ection, eagerly clears the general of all suspicions, never again venturing any critical judgments about him. Yet the tables are turned on his rational view. When the general nds out that Catherine is not a rich heiress, he throws her out of his house in the middle of the night, thus vindicating Catherine s instinct, not Henry s mistaken point of view.5 Despite all this, Catherine never conceives a grown-up version of her dealings with Gen. Tilney, nor does she experience awakening of her own power of discrimination due to Henry s rational advice. As it transpires, his carefully worded advice to Catherine, consult your own understanding, reads more like consult mine. Sense and Sensibility (1ř11) draws on the tradition of moralistic ction, where a set of characters represents opposed temperaments, atitudes to self, society and conduct. By writing it, Austen claims sisterhood with popular female writers of the day, Elizabeth ffnchbald, fiane West and fflaria Edgeworth, whose once popular novels portray antithetic heroines6 one of them embracing sense, order and judgment, the other being prone to enthusiastic, indiscriminate exercises of sensibility.7 ffn these novels, prudent behavior is rewarded with happiness (usually taking the form of an eligible marriage prospect), whereas unrestrained sentiment leads to moral confusion, disaster or even tragic death. ffn Sense and Sensibility, Elinor, the older Dashwood sister, comes to represent sense, while fflarianne, the younger one, is associated with sensibility. he Dashwood women are let with litle money and few prospects when their father dies, as his property passes to his son by rst marriage, fiohn. Elinor falls for fiohn s relative, Edward Ferrars, and though her feelings seem to be reciprocated, the potential couple is kept apart by their respect for honor and duty since Edward had commited himself very rashly and foolishly to another woman. his person turns out a calculating minx and her elopement with Edward s newly rich brother sets Edward free with his honor intact and capable of o ering his hand in marriage to Elinor. fflarianne is swept o her feet with a charming, unconventional, yet rakish Willoughby. His past actions seducing and abandoning a girl come to light, making his benefactress change her mind (and her testament). Willoughby s greatly reduced nancial circumstances scare him into abandoning the virtually penniless fflarianne and making a marriage of convenience. Protracted su ering takes a toll on fflarianne, inconsolable ater his betrayal. Having nearly died of fever, she emerges as a person repenting her unreasonable and stubborn 5. Sending a young lady away at night, in a stagecoach and without a chaperon is the most Gothic villainlike behavior imaginable. Given the circumstances, a person spared sexual harrassment or even rape could consider it a miracle. For more on the subject of sexual harrassment as a part of social structure, see fianet Barron and David Nokes, fflarket, fflorality and Sentiment: Non-dramatic Prose, 1660 17řŚ, in Augustan Literature: A Guide to Restoration and Eighteenth Century Literature, 1660 to 1789, ed. Eva Simmons (ffiondon: Bloomsbury, 1ŚŚ4), 31 33. 6. See Elizabeth ffnchbald s Nature and Art (17Ś6), fiane West s A Gossip s Story, and a Legendary (17Ś5), and fflaria Edgeworth s Leters of Julia and Caroline (17Ś5). 7. fiane Todd de nes sensibility as an innate sensitiveness or susceptibility revealing itself in a variety of spontaneous activities such as crying, swooning and kneeling. fianet Todd, Sensibility: An Introduction (ffiondon: fflethuen, 1Śř6), 7. 256 From Theory to Practice 2012 behavior, willingly accepting the hand of the patient, long-su ering Col. Brandon, whose steady a ection she used to ignore. Yet, it takes a long time, missteps on fflarianne s part, and protracted and noisy su ering over her rakish suitor s cruelty, before fflarianne, aided by well-meaning friends, is capable of acknowledging her responsibility and casting away her youthful sentimental errors. At the very beginning, fflarianne seemed to be living by a higher law, believing her sensibility made her a cut above the rest. Such people guided and elevated by infallible instinct apparently cannot do wrong. fff rebuked of impropriety of an unchaperoned female visiting an estate only in the company of a young man, fflarianne is not even capable of understanding her sister s reasonable arguments: ff never spent a pleasanter morning in my life. ff am afraid, said Elinor, that the pleasantness of an employment does not always evince its propriety. On the contrary, nothing can be stronger proof of it, Elinor; for if there had been any real impropriety in what ff did, ff should have been sensible of it at the time, for we always know when we are acting wrong, and with such a conviction ff could have had no pleasure. ř Stuart ffl. Tave considers sensibility as presented in Austen s characters a simple disguise under which sel sh people can atain their own end at the expense of others. Ś fflultiple examples can be found in Austen s juvenile texts, e.g., in her famous ffiove and Friendship : Whether it was from this circumstance, of its being easily taken, or from a wish of being independent, or from an excess of Sensibility (for which we were always remarkable) ff cannot now determine, but certain it is that when we had reached our 15th year, we took the Nine Hundred Pounds and ran away.10 fflarianne, a girl used to having her own way, fflarianne running mad with love, hurting those caring about her by a self-in icted martyrdom that nearly takes her life, is in a desperate need of a mentor-lover. Brandon, the man of steady a ections, volunteers himself to do the task, yet he must act vicariously, since fflarianne, irrational and angry, will not see him, therefore he is to in uence Elinor rst and depend on her passing the message to the proper recipient. His stratagem works, Elinor falls under the spell of Brandon and fflarianne learns, slowly but steadily, to respect her guardian angel in human form. Elinor is the rst to learn of Willoughby s depravity (seducing and abandoning Brandon s ward, the daughter of his lost love), and of the duel fought over her honour. She is also privy to his own story of woe; a failed atempt to elope with one betrothed to his elder brother, a story with a cliché convention ater years, he nds a fallen woman on the verge of death: ř. fiane Austen, Sense and Sensibility (Ware: Wordsworth Editions, 2000), 45. Ś. Stuart ffl. Tave, he Sensibility of fflarianne Dashwood and the Exertion of Elinor Dashwood, in Jane Austen: Critical Assessments, ed. ffan ffiitlewood (fflount eld: Helm ffnformation, 1Śřř), 3:223. 10. fiane Austen, Love and Friendship and Other Early Works (ffiondon: he Woman s Press, 1Ś7ř), 33. he young gentlemen purloined the whole family savings, thus leaving their mother destitute, facing impending death of malnutrition. Ema fielínková 257 ff could not trace her beyond her rst seducer, and there was every reason to fear that she had removed from him only to sink deeper in a life of sin. hat she was, to all appearance, in the last stage of a consumption was yes in such a situation it was my greatest comfort. ffiife could do nothing for her, beyond giving time for a beter preparation for death; and that was given.11 However, his long speech contains his own condemnation. fft is him the reader should identify as the woman s rst seducer of mind, though not body because their adventure failed and the lady was restored to her family. His mentor-lover let a mark on her in the sense that she is entitled to throw herself to the power of man, if life gets too rough; a pater she repeated until her abysmally horrible end. His past actions, especially the cruel words about the dying woman, do not qualify him to pass judgment on Willoughby, a man of equally rash and sel sh behavior in the past. Yet Brandon is the man fate has in store for fflarianne as her mentor-lover turned loving husband. Apparently, Austen takes Burney s mentor-lover model much further in Sense and Sensibility and Northanger Abbey. Austen`s predecessors accept, very meekly, that females will always be in need of the guidance of a moral, worldly man. Yet Austen s texts pay only lip service to the legitimacy of masculine vision while subverting and undermining it at the same time. ffn Northanger Abbey, the heroine s instinct turns tables on her mentor s judgment; Sense and Sensibility even shocks the reader to realize that the embodiment of virtue, Col. Brandon, used to be a seducer in the making in his youth. Such discrepancies help the reader concentrate on the satirical potential embedded in the very structure of the narratives. Satire is to mock and censure errant individuals or the folly of society, aiming to correct vice and folly. ffts (ideally) detached author, smug and self-con dent person looks down on the follies of society. Yet one has to admit that detachment of satirists is ambivalent and does not necessarily denote con dence, since satirists nd themselves too oten ba ed by life s complexity or disturbed by the spectacle of vice in a society that is beyond any remedy. By the same token, satire does not always vie for the position of moral policeman of literature something to be in favor of moderation, responsible behavior, reason and logic. Satire may also serve as the last refuge of the powerless and the helpless, within the protean realm of satire a message of protest can be whispered. Such is the case of Catherine and fflarianne. he rules applied to domestic ction are adamant that their rite of passage must be happily concluded in a suitable marriage. Satire is not to set them free; on the contrary. Ultimately, they will nd themselves bribed into silence by marriage, thus becoming a part of the oppressive patriarchal system themselves. Catherine has not been informed, but brainwashed to accept someone else s view, apparently for her own good and indeed, Austen claims she is to enjoy perfect happiness. 12 fflarianne realized the su ocating world is composed of limited, oten depressing choices, trying to pose as happiness. A gap opens between what the text wishes to say and what it is constrained to say. his is the moment where responses to 11. Austen, Sense and Sensibility, 137. ffly italics. 12. Austen, Sense and Sensibility, 273. 25ř From Theory to Practice 2012 fiane Austen s novel split. Some readers will go on reading it happily at its face value, following Catherine s and fflarianne s fate and continuing uninformed and ignorant, whereas others perceive another layer to the story, with disquieting details. As soon as one of them is noticed, the power of retrospective logic illuminates many other disruptions within the narrative. D.W. Harding de ned such implicitly condemning comments as aspects of regulated hatred, 13 a proof of social paranoia which made fiane Austen lose control of her artistry throughout the narrative. hese ironic outbursts tend to form an undercurrent rather than a series of isolated incidents; amounting to counter-narrative that subverts the o cial version of this fiane Austen story. And it is a well-known fact that irony serves as a portal in the fabric of such awed narrative, an opening devised to allow the reader into the rabbit-hole of interpretation. A discriminate reader might suggest that Harding s slips should not be labeled as such, merely as a mater of catching the great narrator o her guard. Yet she was a satirist by inclination.14 he prevalent hostility and cynicism of her juvenile works (the immediate predecessors of Northanger Abbey), which were intended only for her family s amusement, are far too obvious to be open to doubt. However, a capacity for demonstrative frankness and satire could hardly be considered appropriate if a Regency lady ever wanted to become a published author. herefore Austen, given her predicament, decided to bury her anger and cynicism in the subtext so as not to a ront her publishers and readers. Acknowledgement he initial research for this paper was conducted as a part of a research scholarship at the University of Edinburgh, funded by a Development Project entitled Support of Academics of the Philosophical Faculty, Palacký University in Olomouc, Czech Republic. Conference participation and the core research for the paper were funded by the ESF project ffiiterature and Film without Borders: Dislocation and Relocation in Pluralist Space, grant registration number CZ.1.07 / 2.3.00 / 20.0150, co- nanced by the state budget of the Czech Republic and the European Social Fund. Works Cited Austen, fiane. Love and Friendship and Other Early Works. ffiondon: he Woman s Press, 1Ś7ř. Austen, fiane. Northanger Abbey. ffiondon: Harper Collins, 2010. Austen, fiane. Pride and Prejudice. Rockville: Arc fflanor, 200ř. 13. D. W. Harding, Regulated Hatred and Other Essays on Jane Austen, ed. fflonica ffiawlor (ffiondon: Athlone, 1ŚŚř), 3. 14. However, as Susan Staves remarks, the anxiety of male writers that satire was a problematic genre were shared by their female contemporaries, who laboured under the additional burden that to publish satire seemed an unladylike activity. See Susan Staves, A Literary History of Women s Writing in Britain, 1660–1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 171. Ema fielínková 25Ś Austen, fiane. Sense and Sensibility. Ware: Wordsworth Editions, 2000. Barron, fianet, and David Nokes. fflarket, fflorality and Sentiment, Non-dramatic Prose, 1660 17řŚ. ffn Augustan Literature: A Guide to Restoration and Eighteenth Century Literature, 1660 to 1789, edited by Eva Simmons, 27 3ř. ffiondon: Bloomsbury, 1ŚŚ4. Harding, D. W. Regulated Hatred and Other Essays on Jane Austen. Edited by fflonica ffiawlor. ffiondon: Athlone, 1ŚŚř. ffiennox, Charlote. he Female uixote: Or, the Adventures of Arabella. New York: Oxford University Press, 1ŚŚř. Staves, Susan. A Literary History of Women s Writing in Britain, 1660–1789. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Tave, Stuart ffl. he Sensibility of fflarianne Dashwood and the Exertion of Elinor Dashwood. ffn Jane Austen: Critical Assessments, edited by ffan ffiitlewood, Vol. 3, 222 27. fflount eld: Helm ffnformation, 1Śřř. Todd, fianet. Sensibility: An Introduction. ffiondon: fflethuen, 1Śř6. What the Patriots Feel : Virginia Woolf s Rethinking of War Věra Eliášová fflasaryk University, Faculty of Education, Department of English ffianguage and ffiiterature, Po íčí 7, 603 00 Brno, Czech Republic. Email: eliasovašped.muni.cz Abstract: his article takes up Virginia Woolf s essay writen during World War ffff and delivered to an American audience in a lecture entitled houghts on Peace in an Air Raid (1Ś40). ffn this short but compelling essay, Woolf engages the trope of sleep that is interrupted by the sounds of war. his kind of awakening during warfare works for Woolf as an invitation to a painful but necessary realization: she appeals to the audience to examine their understanding of warfare, using the same measuring stick for wars that are generally accepted as just and victorious. Woolf strives to revise traditional concepts of war; when unexamined, conventional thinking about war will only uphold divisions and hierarchies that eventually perpetuate violence. hus Woolf urges the audience to rethink dangerous divisions in our minds, such as ones between separate nations, or them (the enemy) and us. fleywords: Virginia Woolf; modernism; patriotism; World War ffff; British literature; women Odd how oten ff think with what is love ff suppose of the City: of the walk to the Tower: that is my England: ff mean, if a bomb destroyed one of those litle alleys with the brass bound curtains and the river smell and the old woman reading, ff should feel well, what the patriots feel. Virginia Woolf1 Virginia Woolf s patriotic feelings, prompted by an almost unimaginable thought of a possible destruction of ffiondon, were noted down in her journal entry of February 2, 1Ś40. hat same year, Woolf wrote her essay, houghts on Peace in an Air Raid, in which she expressed similar feelings. he theme of Woolf s address, surprisingly, was not war as such, but current maters concerning women. 2 Equally surprising was the intended audience of houghts ; it was not British, but American.3 ffn this essay, Woolf goes beyond writing a mere anti-war tract. She exposes her own process of coming to terms with war, the second in her life already, simultaneously striving to nd a possible 1. Virginia Woolf, Friday, February 2, 1Ś40, in Virginia Woolf: A Writer s Diary, ed. ffieonard Woolf (Orlando: Harcourt, 1Ś53), 313. 2. Virginia Woolf, Notes on Peace in an Air Raid, in he Death of the Moth and Other Essays (Orlando: Harcourt Brace fiovanovich, 1Ś74), 243. 3. Beth Daugherty provides the following background for houghts. ffn fflay 1Ś40, Woolf was asked by fflotier Harris Fischer to write for a symposium in New York about American women. Contributions to the symposium were later supposed to be turned into a book. Although Woolf was given freedom to write on any topic, Fischer suggested that American women who read hree Guineas were interested in the further elaboration on the theme of women and peace during wartime. At the same time, Daugherty also points out that Woolf s houghts was her last essay to appear in the United States during her life. See Beth Daugherty, he Transatlantic Virginia Woolf: Essaying an American Audience, Virginia Woolf Miscellany 76 (200Ś): Ś 11. 262 From Theory to Practice 2012 platform of resistance and action, one that would be understandable for British and American audiences alike.4 And she comes to some surprising conclusions. he essay rst engages the audience s atention by describing a curious sensation: comfortable sleep is being broken by deadly sounds of war during an aerial batle. he Germans were over this house and the night before that. fft is a queer experience, lying in the dark and listening to the zoom of a hornet, which may at any moment sting you to death. fft is a sound that interrupts cool and consecutive thinking about peace. Yet it is a sound far more than prayers and anthems that should compel one to think about peace.5 he air raid in the essay s title stands for the Batle of Britain. But Woolf s writing is more complicated than simply speaking against war. Woolf s essay can be read on two levels. On one level, it is a traditional anti-war piece. On another level, it is also a piece atacking the traditional concept of warfare, thus making a case for war. ffnstead of conventional anti-war rhetoric, urging women to join men in a common ght for peace, Woolf instead turns the atention of the audience inward, exposing the inadequacy of familiar, seemingly unshakable beliefs and concepts. Conventional rubrics, such as patriotism, nationalism, or the maters concerning women, Woolf argues, have become stale, no longer leading to more than just mere revenge and the perpetuation of the status quo. She shows that peace will need to be re-constructed from radically di erent building blocks. hus Woolf turns unexamined concepts of warfare upside down, inviting the audience on both sides of the Atlantic to revisit them again. Rhetorically, she rallies the audiences to take action by proposing that the batleground is our mind. Re-thinking war, in other words, will pose demands on our thinking, necessarily waking people from their metaphorical sleep. he target of Woolf s war is the tradition of war that is being perpetuated as an unexamined phenomenon lodged in people s minds and propagated by the media. For Woolf, perpetuating this tradition only perpetuates the unacceptable status quo. She laments: Every day they tell us that we are a free people, ghting to defend freedom. hat is the current that has whirled up the young airman up into the sky and keeps him circling there among the clouds. 6 Here Woolf implies that the repetitive clichés of public discourse are the very force that perpetuates war, the force that keeps [people] circling within the same mental space; it literally clouds their (in)sight. Such obfuscation of thinking happens primarily in the media. Woolf juxtaposes two piercing sounds of war, comparing the deadly hornets in the sky to those zooming in THE TfffflES, and blames the current of public speech that ows fast and furious and issues in a spate of words from the loudspeakers and the politicians. 7 he solidi ed tradition is thus responsible for the young airman being up in the sky and not fast asleep at home. 4. he theme of Woolf and war appears in many critical studies. See, for example, flaren ffi. ffievenback, Virginia Woolf and the Great War (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1ŚŚŚ); or fflark Hussey, ed., Virginia Woolf and War: Fiction, Reality, and Myth (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1ŚŚ2). 5. Woolf, houghts, 243. 6. Woolf, houghts, 244. 7. Woolf, houghts, 244. Věra Eliášová 263 Woolf constantly challenges the audience to ght with the mind, but this kind of ghting must be simultaneously directed against one s own mind.ř As a slogan for this kind of mental warfare, Woolf chooses the words of William Blake from his fierusalem, a part of his epic poem fflilton (1ř04). To his words of wisdom, ff will not cease from mental ght, Woolf adds her own: fflental ght means thinking against the current, not with it. Ś he essay abounds in examples of such a double-edged mental ght, one in which in order to combat tradition, the mind must ght itself. Since this ght is waged with the mind, against the mind, but also on the grounds of the mind, it must necessarily target language. he dismantling of the deeply ingrained structures of language and thinking, such as the binary between us and the enemy, constitutes a key strategy. he very rst sentence of the essay makes a good example of it. he essay starts with the designation of the Germans as an enemy. fft reads: he Germans were over this house last night and the night before that. Here they are again. 10 ffn this sentence, Woolf casts Germans as an enemy, destroying her home, ying over this house, destroying it from above. However, she does not hold to this construction of an enemy according to nationality. She urges her audience to doubt these categories that operate in our thinking as deeply ingrained binary oppositions and reject them. She asks, But what is the use of freeing the young Englishman if the young German and the young fftalian remain slavesŠ 11 his question debunks the traditional categories of war by questioning the concept of freedom predicated on the exclusivity of one group only, whose very identity as victors depends on di erentiating themselves from others, the losers, who are denied this prerogative of freedom. Woolf suggests that instead of looking at the Germans, the fftalians, or some other group to nd the enemies, we need to look at ourselves. ffn other words, it is our mindset that is the enemy. ffiiterary scholars have addressed the way Woolf recruits language for political purpose. For example, Victoria ffliddleton points to Woolf s subversive rhetoric.12 ffliddleton focuses on Woolf s other, more famous treatises, hree Guineas (1Ś3ř), one in which Woolf famously voices her stance against war, and also A Room of One s Own (1Ś2ř). She argues that Woolf ghts her own ght, the ght of the artist who contrasts a reductive and imperialistic view of language . . . with the free play of plural meanings. 13 By experimenting with these rhetorical ploys, ffliddleton argues, Woolf wants to reinterpret the meaning of words; to resist the lure of old myths, symbols, and slogans; and to rewrite old scripts of power. 14 ř. Ś. 10. 11. 12. Woolf, houghts, 244. Woolf, houghts, 244. Woolf, houghts, 243. Woolf, houghts, 24ř. Other critics have examined the relationship between Woolf s use of language. See, for example, fiudith Allen, Virginia Woolf and the Politics of Language (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010). 13. Victoria ffliddleton, hree Guineas: Subversion and Survival in the Professions, Twentieth Century Literature 2ř, no. 4 (1Śř2): 40ř. 14. ffliddleton, hree Guineas: Subversion and Survival in the Professions, 40Ś. 264 From Theory to Practice 2012 Obviously, Woolf s mental ght is deeply political.15 What needs to be emphasized, however, is that such a ght could hardly be e ective if it were not simultaneously creative. For Woolf, to re-write old scripts of power means to experiment with language, to play with words. She shows that creativity is not only a survival strategy, but ultimately it is the only strategy to create peace. ffn the following example, Woolf shows that in a state of darkness, whether she means the dark hour of the modern civilization, or the darkness of a room where people await the end of an air raid, the emotion of fear and of hate, deemed sterile, infertile, can be replaced by poetry.16 She writes: Since the room is dark it can create only from memory. fft reaches out to the memory of other Augusts in Bayreuth, listening to Wagner; in Rome, walking over the campagna; in ffiondon. Friends voices come back. Scraps of poetry return. Each of those thoughts, even in memory, was far more positive, reviving, healing and creative than the dull dread made of fear and hate.17 ffndeed, the essay abounds in war language employed in the service of peace. he meanings thus created oten take us by surprise. Woolf, for example, says that in order to make ideas e ective, we must be able to re them o . 1ř Here she transforms the connection between the verb and its object: ring o does not entail bullets but ideas. Or at another place, she says that it is our business to puncture gas bags and discover seeds of truth. 1Ś hus gas bags, as a means of protection, turn out to harm us instead; they cause mental death by protecting us against truth. For Woolf, as an artist, creativity is her weapon of choice. She makes clear that invoking the power of creativity is not only vital for anti-war activism, but the only possible way to uproot the tradition of war. Woolf believes that creativity is a way out of the stalemate because it is works both as an antidote to war as well as an alternative to living in a war-perpetuating mentality. She holds that if we are to compensate the young man for the loss of his gun, we must give him access to the creative feelings. We must make happiness. We must free him from the machine. We must bring him out of his prison into the open air. 20 Here Woolf s manifesto on creative power as a way to peace could end. However, it gets even more complicated. Woolf warns that the mind also encompasses nebulous, 15. Clearly, Woolf herself was not an apolitical persona as she was oten wrongfully perceived. See, for example, Beth Daugherty, he Transatlantic Virginia Woolf: Essaying an American Audience, Ś 11. Daugherty points out that although this view was upheld by ffieonard Woolf and uentin Bell, she was not perceived so by the American audience. Hermione ffiee, Woolf s biographer, agrees. She writes that Woolf s agenda has tended to be misunderstood and undervalued, stating as one of the reasons, Woolf s artistic means that were supposed to deliver her political message, apparent, for example, in hree Guineas, in which she devised a deliberately uid structure to undermine the rigid insistence on propaganda and polemic. Another reason ffiee nds in Woolf s self-presentation as an introverted person, rather withdrawn from the grand a airs of public life. See Hermione ffiee, Virginia Woolf (ffiondon: Chato and Windus, 1ŚŚ6), 6ř1. 16. Woolf, houghts, 247. 17. Woolf, houghts, 247. 1ř. Woolf, houghts, 243. 1Ś. Woolf, houghts, 244 45. 20. Woolf, houghts, 24ř. Věra Eliášová 265 hard-to-access regions. She talks about the subconscious mind. he tradition of war, unfortunately, is equally lodged in the conscious and unconscious minds, she implies, but the later is trickier because it involves feelings, emotions, even love harnessed in the service of war. Woolf s tone gets very decisive in her appeal to ght the subconscious mind: We must help the young Englishmen to root out from themselves the love of medals and decorations. We must create more honourable activities for those who try to conquer in themselves their ghting instinct, their subconscious Hitlerism. 21 Woolf had used the term subconscious Hitlerism previously in hree Guineas (1Ś3ř). Drawing on Freud, whose work she deemed inspiring, in houghts she further exposes the workings of the subconscious mind responsible for upholding the tradition of war.22 he deadlock between tradition and the subconscious mind will be hard to break, as Woolf fears. ffn this respect, she brings to the fore yet another sound (besides those generated by the media and the aerial batle). his sound, solidifying the old regimes of thinking, is the call of instincts: he young airman up in the sky is driven not only by the voices of loudspeakers; he is driven by a voice in himself ancient instincts, instincts fostered and cherished by education and tradition. ffs he to be blamed for those instinctsŠ 23 Uprooting these instincts, Woolf suspects, proves to be a Herculean task not only for the times of war, but also for the times ater. he same subconscious impulses, if heeded, will yield same emotions, and thus same problems: Othello s occupation will be gone. But he will remain Othello. 24 Woolf takes up this Herculean task.25 First, she exposes the boundary beyond which subconscious, irrational instincts blend with conscious, rational thinking. She delineates the border beyond which they become solidi ed, accepted as normal or natural. Woolf draws a surprising analogy, wondering whether it would be equally 21. Woolf, houghts, 245. 22. ffiee even suggests that Woolf s argument in hree Guineas of the latent Hitlerism in her own society had anticipated some of Freud s argument expressed in his Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1Ś21). ffiee, Virginia Woolf, 724. ffiee also states that Woolf extends her thinking on war into the realm of the relationship between daughters and fathers in the Victorian society: fft was nothing new for her to write about repression and inhibition, but one of Freud s e ects was to make her think more dramatically about the close relation of shame and servility to despotism. Here, she couldn t avoid a disturbing comparison between how she had responded to her father and the psychological e ects of Nazism. . . . Her reaction to Hitler shame, fear, helplessness, rage, a horror of passive acquiescence was made up of the same emotions she used to have for ffieslie. Freud con rmed the relationship she already felt between the daughter s emotion and the political emotion. ffiee, Virginia Woolf, 725. ffnterestingly, another prominent Woolf scholar, Susan fflerrill Squier, locates the impetus to the concept of subconscious Hitlerism in Woolf s early childhood, namely in an episode of ghting with her older brother, in which Woolf, as a child, remained passive, nding it impossible for a girl to deny man his role as dominator, victor. See Susan fflerrill Squier, Virginia Woolf and London: he Sexual Politics of the City (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1Śř5), 31. 23. Woolf, houghts, 246. 24. Woolf, houghts, 246. 25. ffn her interpretation of Woolf s last novel, Between the Acts (1Ś41), published ater her suicide, Squier sees Woolf losing faith in the positive outcome of the kind of mental ght she envisioned in houghts. Squier writes: ffn its nal scene we are drawn back to primeval time before there were cities, before there were roads to concede that human character is so instinct dominated that change is impossible and con ict inevitable. See Squier, Virginia Woolf and London, 1řř. 266 From Theory to Practice 2012 di cult for a man to give up these ancient instincts, to get rid of subconscious Hitlerism, as it would be for a woman to give up her maternal instincts. Woolf, certainly to the surprise of the audience, poses a bold question: Could we switch o the maternal instinct at the command of a table full of politiciansŠ 26 Her answer, even more surprisingly, is positive: But if it were necessary, for the sake of humanity, for the peace of the world, that childbearing should be restricted, the maternal instinct subdued, women would atempt it. 27 To this a rmative stand, she adds: fflen would help them. hey would honour them for their refusal to bear children. hey would give them other openings for their creative power. 2ř However, Woolf s conviction sounds rather suspicious. When using such an unequivocal tone, her goal, perhaps, was not to persuade but rather to doubt, to stir the audience from their comfort zone, to direct their atention to examine their own, heartfelt feelings toward motherhood. Perhaps Woolf s conviction is e ective precisely because she raises eyebrows, if not directly the audience s dissent. Regardless of her original intention, Woolf s stated conviction that motherhood could be given up on demand, should that be a way toward peace, certainly meets the concept of mental ght, which seems to be, primarily, an unsetling inquiry into the workings of one s own conscious and subconscious mind. hus Woolf s almost mater-of-fact statement on the disposability of maternal instincts exposes the very presence of unexamined feelings and a liations, be it the love of a child, or of medals and decorations, thus making the audience realize the di culty of ghting against such deep mental structures.2Ś Woolf s audacious rhetoric helps reveal what otherwise remains invisible because it seems familiar, normal or natural. She makes us see the complexity of the knot that ties together tradition, education, language, the conscious and the subconscious mind. ffn other words, Woolf sheds light on those markers within our minds that stake out the very terrain of our mental ght, to gauge the very batleground of it, and take account of strengths as well as weaknesses of our own powers. As stated, Woolf s essay targets the tradition of war that remains far from the reach of our critical, examining eye. ffn that territory of unexamined thoughts and instincts, we are as powerless as if we were asleep. ffn this respect, it is possible to read Woolf s central metaphor of sleep as one drawing atention to this lack of critical inquiry. But this metaphor may work on yet another level. Sleep is a fragile state; Woolf foregrounds this vulnerability, felt by many in the face of brute force, for the purpose of understanding its transformative potential. 26. 27. 2ř. 2Ś. Woolf, houghts, 246. Woolf, houghts, 247. Woolf, houghts, 247. Rachel Bowlby warns against a possible misreading of Woolf s argument. Bowlby claims that Woolf s words sound as though they are taking for granted natural distinctions in the inclinations and interests of the sexes. However, Bowlby reminds us that the point of the analogy is to say that the problem of why men make war is not one that can be dealt with simply, as though it were merely a mater of logical conviction or the removal of crude propaganda. Rachel Bowlby, Feminist Destinations and Further Essays on Virginia Woolf (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1ŚŚ7), 240. Věra Eliášová 267 ffloreover, her feat of empowering the seemingly powerless has a particular meaning for women, who are traditionally seen as lacking in the capacity to wage wars: Arms are not given to Englishwomen either to ght the enemy or to defend herself. 30 Besides lacking weapons, women are also excluded from the arena of politics: All the idea makers who are in a position to make ideas e ective are men. 31 At the same time, however, Woolf encourages women to re-examine their own self-image as powerless victims: hat is a thought that damps thinking, and encourages irresponsibility. Why not bury the head in the pillow, plug the ears, and cease this futile activity of ideamakingŠ 32 Woolf expands on the trope of vulnerability by invoking the traditional image of a powerless woman who must lie weaponless tonight in order to subvert it.33 She asks, How far can she ght for freedom without rearmsŠ 34 ffn Woolf s rendering, vulnerability needs to be understood as an essential means of ghting against the tradition of war. For example, she describes, fft is a queer experience, lying in the dark and listening to the zoom of a hornet which may at any moment sting you to death. 35 Here Woolf does not urge the sleepers to ght back, however, but to transform their vulnerable position into focused thinking: fft is a sound that interrupts cool and consecutive thinking about peace. Yet it is a sound far more than prayers and anthems that should compel one to think about peace. 36 fft can be said that the broken sleep directly turns sleepers into mental ghters. Woolf warns women that their mental ght, because of its inquisitive, inwardfocused direction, makes them be perceived as vulnerable. Any moment of self-inquiry, in which women pause and ght their own minds instead of ghting the enemy, may be ridiculed as private thinking or tea-table thinking that seems useless to the general public.37 However, Woolf wonders: Are we not stressing our disability because our ability exposes us perhaps to abuse, perhaps to contemptŠ 3ř And she goes on to argue that private, inward-focused, mental ght is the most e ective, albeit underestimated, weapon: Are we not leaving the young Englishman without a weapon that might be of value to him if we give up private thinking, tea-table thinking, because it seems uselessŠ 3Ś ffn this respect, Woolf claims that women s mental ght, no mater how vulnerable it makes them seem, is the only weapon to eradicate the tradition of war, to un-othelloize Othello. Woolf s essay ends in silence. he German plane zooming over the house at the beginning is now gone and the peaceful night returns. However, the desired peace, 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 3ř. 3Ś. Woolf, Woolf, Woolf, Woolf, Woolf, Woolf, Woolf, Woolf, Woolf, Woolf, houghts, houghts, houghts, houghts, houghts, houghts, houghts, houghts, houghts, houghts, 243. 244. 244. 243. 244. 243. 243. 244. 244. 244. 26ř From Theory to Practice 2012 restored ater the earspliting air-raid, is di erent in quality. here is a di erence, as Woolf implies, in peace on both sides of the Atlantic. ffn America, people s sleep is peaceful, not yet broken by the sounds of war. But these sounds are nevertheless approaching. Woolf adds her own voice to the deafening sounds of war the drones of planes, the buzzing voices of politicians, and subconscious calls of instincts. Woolf s voice is one that Americans can hear; it is a wake-up call that breaks their sleep, urging them to examine the tradition of war, and reminding them of the necessity to choose their own weapons. fff America is called on to ght Hitler in the public arena of the Second World War, Woolf s voice, instead, pleads with them to ght on a very di erent platform to inquire and introspect, to ght mentally in quiet, to ght ourselves. fft is a timeless message. Works Cited Allen, fiudith. Virginia Woolf and the Politics of Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010. Bowlby, Rachel. Feminist Destinations and Further Essays on Virginia Woolf. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1ŚŚ7. Daugherty, Beth. he Transatlantic Virginia Woolf: Essaying an American Audience. Virginia Woolf Miscellany 76 (200Ś): Ś 11. Freud, Sigmund. Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego. New York: Norton, 1Ś75. Hussey, fflark, ed. Virginia Woolf and War: Fiction, Reality, and Myth. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1ŚŚ2. ffiee, Hermione. Virginia Woolf. ffiondon: Chato and Windus, 1ŚŚ6. ffievenback, flaren ffi. Virginia Woolf and the Great War. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1ŚŚŚ. ffliddleton, Victoria. hree Guineas: Subversion and Survival in the Professions. Twentieth Century Literature 2ř, no. 4 (1Śř2): 405 17. Squier, Susan fflerrill. Virginia Woolf and London: he Sexual Politics of the City. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1Śř5. Woolf, Virginia. Between the Acts. Orlando: Harcourt Brace, 1Ś41. Woolf, Virginia. Friday, February 2, 1Ś40. ffn Virginia Woolf: A Writer s Diary, edited by ffieonard Woolf, 313. Orlando: Harcourt, 1Ś53. Woolf, Virginia. Notes on Peace in an Air Raid. ffn he Death of the Moth and Other Essays, 243 4ř. Orlando: Harcourt Brace fiovanovich, 1Ś74. Transnationality in Zadie Smith s White Teeth Hana Waisserová fflasaryk University, Faculty of Education, Department of English ffianguage and ffiiterature, Po íčí 7, 603 00 Brno, Czech Republic. Email: hana.waisserovašmail.muni.cz Abstract: Transnationality is a recent phenomenon, largely misunderstood as globalization, which is in turn oten limited to its merely economic sense. Zadie Smith s White Teeth (2000) explores transnational complexities beyond these limitations, re-inventing personalized meanings of ethnically and racially diverse transnationals in cosmopolitan suburban ffiondon. ffn her novel, Smith examines levels and shapes of cultural syncretism and focuses on the uidity of transnational identity. hrough bi-cultural identities, Smith examines the dynamics and modalities of cultural ows that propose to erase di erences. Smith seems to agree with Arjun Appadurai that transnational culture is shaped by bi-directional cultural ows and that such an exchange transgresses regional and national boundaries. Optimistic yet ironic, Smith documents the development of a new cosmopolitan era and in consequence shows how personal aspirations blur flwame Anthony Appiah s vision that warring factions will nally put aside their supposed di erences and recognize fundamental human values that transgress supposed di erences. fleywords: Zadie Smith; transnational literature; cultural ows; Arjun Appadurai; flwame Anthony Appiah; cosmopolitan era; cultural syncretism; flhaled Hosseini; cultural globalization Recently, transnationalism has become a subject of heated academic debates across. ffn particular, it provides literary studies with a new theoretical lingua franca that allows literary scholars to address, identify and evaluate extensive transgressions. he concept of transnationalism can be ambiguous or even contradictory. Nevertheless, it adequately frames emerging transnational texts, in which authors transgress and reimagine well-established ethnicized and racialized stereotypes, and also demolish the boundaries of the communal standing against the national, and the national against the global, the traditional against the modern, the eastern against the western. ffn another sense, it is important to examine globally-read transnational texts since these narratives expose and introduce new topics of global and regional connectivity, though the connections and topics may be perceived as subnational or sub-communal. Eventually, they become inter or intra-communal or even global.1 he phenomenon of transnationality and the cosmopolitan realm within narratives, such as in White Teeth by Zadie Smith, have become pregnant with new meanings of identity, inviting new culture and identity topics and pointing at new dynamics of transnational discourse. Smith seems to enter the current global cultural discourse by seeking answers to the following question: ffs the world now post-national (or post-racial) as suggested by global cultural discourseŠ She does so by developing her characters from various perspectives. Her protagonists show how it feels to be racially and gender-oppressed. ffn her view, transnationality does not really respect individual 1. See Ananta flumar Giri, Sociology and Beyond: Windows and Horizons (fiaipur: Rawat, 2012), 66 75. 270 From Theory to Practice 2012 agency in the large-scale ow of people, images, and cultural forces across borders. he meanings of her characters traits, actions, personal beliefs, and their sense of belonging can be understood through her characters interactions with other characters possessing multicultural sensitivity. Finally, Smith shows that one s identity is designed by multiplicities of culture that are constructed by family, gender, religion, age, and generation. hrough hybrid critical discourse,2 Smith portrays unifying (not isolating) trends, which are not necessarily declining in the global era. Furthermore, she seems to appreciate the enlightening spread of commodities, belief-systems, values, religions and ideologies, which contribute to the erasure of di erences around the world. When her transnational protagonists struggle to deal with their manifold identity, the unifying bond of their mutual kinship can be identi ed as a complex composite. ffn other words, Smith illustrates the pros and cons of the era of cultural globalization when powerful global / multinational cultural ows shape local cultures, and technological advancement transmits cultures over borders, erases boundaries, but also impose simpli ed uniform cultural codes, shared features and meanings.3 As portrayed in the novel, sharing cultural traits is positive, though counterproductive, and hardly egalitarian. Smith comments on the conditioned opportunities of sharing cultures that are not evenly strong, as illustrated by the example of the ffqbal twins upbringing. Smith is critical to the fact that western cultural hegemony imposes power relations and a biased truth on lesser cultures, and that the more powerful cultures seem to su ocate and transgress the lesser cultures or subcultures, which need to re-write their histories from a prescribed point of view. ffligrants, as represented by Smith s protagonists, tend to reveal some pessimism on the o cial cultural policies: the wicked lie that the past is always tense and the future, perfect. 4 Transnational texts, such as White Teeth or flhaled Hosseini s A housand Splendid Suns, present case studies or reports on the invisible communities as imagined by transnational authors themselves, and not by impersonal, powerful, global media. ffn these narratives, voices of insiders and their perspectives are taken seriously as ting illustrations, as they o er living, emotionally-charged, diverse snapshots. he transnational texts in question project dynamically-evolving issues and initiate crosscultural interactions, imaginary or real; popular texts thus shape global imagination of other cultures as read by global audiences. ffiast but not least, transnational ction ghts xenophobia and provincialism by creating space for transcultural dialogues among minority and majority / mainstream ethnicities. fft also allows minorities and majorities to connect, to share stories, emotions, feelings, and to bridge gaps. hese transnational texts demonstrate that literature can become a powerful means of crosscultural communication between signi cantly diverse groups. 2. See Homi fl. Bhabha, he Location of Culture (New York: Routledge, 1ŚŚ4). 3. See Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (fflinneapolis: University of fflinnesota Press, 1ŚŚ6), Ś0 10ř. 4. Zadie Smith, White Teeth (ffiondon: Penguin Books, 2001), 542. Hereater cited in the text. Hana Waisserová 271 Additionally, transnational authors because of their bi-cultural identities inspire and enable the other / minority / ethnic subjects to re-write themselves, while playing an active part in helping out others and the Other to de ne themselves. For example, in his global best-seller A housand Splendid Suns, Hosseini focuses on keeping dignity in war and spells out serious concerns for su ering women; his narrative stirs emotions for women su ering under patriarchal and religious dehumanizing traditions multiplied and disseminated during and in the wake of wartime. On the other hand, in White Teeth Zadie Smith seems to portray and negotiate these global or transnational cultural moments or processes with litle nostalgia. She seems to point at the migrants shortcomings, illusions, limits and burdens, and she presents the averted side of celebrated transnational experience as she narrates two family sagas of colorful individuals who cohabit the urban space of West ffiondon. hese several generations of ethnically-mixed ffiondoners have their roots in Bulgaria, fiamaica, fftaly, and Bangladesh. As her proud protagonists become caricatures of their own beliefs, they hardly avoid the destruction of their personal and cultural identities. To resist, the immigrants, as evidenced by ffrie, fantasize and create imaginary homelands: No ction, no myths, no lies, no tangled webs this is how ffrie imagined her homeland. Because homeland is one of the magical fantasy words like unicorn and soul and in nity that have now passed into language (40ř). he novel speaks in various tongues, it overcomes language di erences, it points at various belief-systems and value-systems, ways of life or religions. he book s protagonists experience cultural negotiations, uneasy merges, and cultural shocks. Oten, to paraphrase Aihwa Ong, they deal with peripatetic modes of lives: the novel speaks of entries, re-entries, and examines what is experienced when various ethnic groups confront their diverse experiences.5 his narrative is conducted across and between borders. Smith seems to stress that transnational experience allows one to comprehend more, to digest the di erence, and makes one a more critical citizen and, paradoxically, even a beter patriot. Also, she proposes that actions commited at various locations by a transnational, determine the personality and actions of the transnational progeny. ffn White Teeth, the father- gure, Samad ffqbal, meditates: Our children will be born of our actions. Our accidents will become their destinies. Oh, the actions will remain. fft is a simple mater of what you will do when the chips are down, my friend. When the fat lady is singing. When the walls are falling in and the sky is dark, and the ground is rumbling. ffn that moment our actions will de ne us. And it makes no di erence whether you are being watched by Allah, fiesus, Buddha, or whether you are not. On cold days a man can see his breath, on a hot day he can t. On both occasions, the man breathes. (103) ffn this understanding, the personal fates and personal narratives become forms of historical revisions; Samad argues for the importance of one s memories, histories, visions, testimonies, legends and re ections. ffn White Teeth, Smith shows how cultural negotiations become solid parts of the lives of two wartime friends, a Bangladeshi 5. See Aihwa Ong, Flexible Citizenship: he Cultural Logics of Transnationality (Durham: Duke University Press, 1ŚŚŚ), 20, 44. 272 From Theory to Practice 2012 and an Englishman, and their racially and ethnically-diverse families in ffiondon. Smith creates, discusses and interrelates both men s options, preferences, expectations and opinions across locations, communities and generations. She examines the advantages and disadvantages of interconnectedness in suburban ffiondon, showing how sharing or sheltering ideas and values of one culture with another may highlight or erase authenticity, di erences and traditions. Although many transnational authors seem to examine and criticize the cultural hegemony of the western Anglo-American world, Smith seems to go beyond discussions of the worldwide dominance of the said culture and is reaching down to the personal level. he meditative and moral Samad seems to be concerned with his identity wounds caused by his uprooting and relocation. He mediates on his hybrid identity: We are split people. For myself, half of me wishes to sit quietly with legs crossed, leting the things that are beyond my control wash over me. But the other half wants to ght a holy war. fiihad! . . . So ff do not know what it is you would like me to say. Truth and rmness is one suggestion, though there are many people you can ask if that answer does not satisfy. Personally, my hope lies in the last days. he prophet ffluhammad peace be upon Him! tells us that on the Day of Resurrection everyone will be struck unconscious. Deaf and dumb. No chitchat. Tongueless. And what a bloody relief that will be. (1ř3) Samad is comfortable neither with himself nor with the imposed British national identity. He seems to blame the past and the traditions, which determine his present state. He identi es with the split feeling of the rst generation of immigrants, who are not fully acculturated and accepted. ffn a pathetic and satirical manner, he narrows his meditation to his religious options as a way of rooting and anchoring. His cultural mediation leaves him wondering the following: how to discuss and defend the cultural logic of a particular human action in a particular place and time; how the modalities of one s identity are re ected in one s life story; how the cosmopolitan era allows one to overcome past di erences, to digest histories, to believe in the global happy union of all (or does it actually provoke the ever-lasting clash of cultures and subculturesŠ); how the migrant s story operates with possible cultural shits towards universal cosmopolitanism of global understanding; and within cultural globalization and cosmopolitan modernity, how can one, as a third-world-man and a British citizen, rely on the global aspirations of social changeŠ Samad might also say that his transnational experience makes him identify with the global culture, though his non-British ways are much in contrast with the western conduct throughout the book. Yet, he seems to be rather a positive immigrant (and less angry than his son fflillat), since his relocation allows for him the transmission of ideas, allows him to belong and in consequence bond with his English life-long friend Archie fiones among others. Ater all, Samad seems to bene t from his relocation and his particular worldly historical experience. On the other hand, feeling unsetled himself, he becomes clumsily manipulative about the life directions of his twin sons. Samad sends one of the twins, ten-year-old fflagid, to Bangladesh, where the son is expected to embrace the teachings of ffslam and allegedly true traditions and values. When the twins Hana Waisserová 273 become separated, both go beyond their father s expectations, disappointing Samad as a result. fflagid becomes an atheist, and the ffiondon-based, rebellious and wild fflillat joins a ffluslim sect that promises a coherent identity and touts extremism. ffronically, growing up surrounded by mass consumption and spreading materialism, fflillat turns to the religion of ffslam. he global impact, the re-shu e of fundamental values and religions overwhelms their relocated father. Being a transnational migrant herself, Smith projects interesting insights into the migrant mentality. ffn an interview for the Observer, Smith mentions she was keen not to be seen as a writer of baggy, generous, all-life-is-here novels meeting general and generic expectations. She remembers her childhood anxieties over living in Eurocentric England, where she felt constantly watched by the so-called white gaze, and judged: So my instinct as a child was always to over-compensate by trying to behave three times as well as every other child in the shop, so they knew ff wasn t going to take anything or hurt anyone. ff think that instinct has spilled over into my writing in some ways, which is not something ff like very much or want to continue. 6 She proposes that sometimes transnationals walk in circles of stereotypes and have a hard time nding their way out and re-imagining themselves, as if the stereotypes create a cage that imprisons and holds them. Transnationality with its labyrinthine nature opens up a space conducive to expressions and self-de nitions and liberates personal anxieties. Smith does not limit these fears to the common notion that western cultural hegemony in the era of globalization will ultimately result in the end of cultural diversity. Nor is she limited to a common stance that the spreading westernization (also known as Americanization) imposes the worldwide dominance of the American psyche that forces local cultures and subcultures to become hybridized and alienated. Smith is more concerned with o cial global messages, multiple faces of truth. She also explores mechanisms and personal strategies of survival, and alternative rooting, understanding that the transcultural experience is connected to the peripatetic mode of existence that becomes the norm in the global cosmopolitan era. ffn her novel, she contrasts ethnically and racially diverse wanderers, and she considers their cultural philosophies of nomadic lives. She writes: Because immigrants have always been particularly prone to repetition it s something to do with that experience of moving from West to East or East to West or from island to island. Even when you arrive, you re still going back and forth; your children are going round and round. here s no proper term for it original sin seems too harsh; maybe original trauma would be beter. (164) When thinking about the peripatetic existence, one could foreground and extend Arjun Appadurai s understanding of transnational culture as shaped by a bi-directional cultural ows exchange,7 yet Smith shows that most currents are accompanied by undercurrents or eddies. 6. Zeke Turner, Zadie Smith Takes Over New Books Column for Harper s fflagazine, New York Observer, September Ś, 2010, htp://observer.com/2010/0Ś/zadie-smith-takes-over-new-bookscolumn-for-emharpers-magazineem/. 7. See Appadurai, Modernity at Large, 30 37. 274 From Theory to Practice 2012 Similarly, Smith might be seen as leaning against flwame Anthony Appiah s suggestion that the transnational world will enter a new cosmopolitan era, whereby warring factions will nally set aside their supposed di erences and recognize the fundamental human values in a new era of global understanding.ř Smith reminds readers that particular experiences and conditions of belonging mater enormously and can, as a result, re-write global visions. She also seems to suggest that though literary discourses function within the so-called global borderless post-national eraŚ marked by uidity of cultural capital and the tension between national and personal histories, perceptions, identi cations and identities, they help the formation of additional questions that bring further complexities to light. ffn this sense, transnational globallyknown texts, such as White Teeth, narrate and shape dialogues between minorities and mainstream cultures, and challenge racial and ethnic stereotypes. Certainly, this process invites further discussions on the notions of multiculturalism, nation, communities, diaspora, ethnicity and race. ffn consequence, less visible communities make themselves visible.10 According to current European liberal theories, as evaluated by homas Faist, transnationalism is becoming a popular concept in modern academic and political discourse. fft is closely linked to diaspora, though they are uneasy dance partners.11 Regarding transnationalism, Faist appreciates its interdisciplinarity and bordercrossing a liations. Smith seems to be well aware of this, as her migrants discuss and comment on their belonging and particular geopolitical histories oten perhaps Samad meditates on the pathology of his transnational roots the most. Samad observes that the sins of the Eastern father shall be visited upon the Western sons (163) in a very physical sense, decoded in the westernized balding head, because he feels that one cannot escape their history any more than you yourself can lose your shadow (471). hough the narrative seems to stress that one is de ned by and cannot escape his or her roots, actual transnational experience can help explian the new transnational dislocated identity. As Smith shows, actual experience maters. ffn White Teeth, the ideological and political stances of Samad or Archie fiones initiate the chain of events that eventually impact their children, who strive to divert and challenge the personal and social expectations of their parents on them. he experience of the incoming generation is partially pre-destined, though on the other hand Smith shows how the impact of the environment and parents on personal formation becomes less important ř. See flwame Anthony Appiah, Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers (New York: Norton, 2006), 2Ś, 56. Ś. See Appadurai, Modernity at Large, 167 77. 10. Another example could be A housand Splendid Suns by Afghan-American author flhaled Hosseini, which raises consciousness of the tribal, communal, religious, and gendered cultural particularities across the turbulent Afghan history. Such a narrative provides a more powerful spell than other media; it invites global emotional involvement. See flhaled Hosseini, A housand Splendid Suns (New York: Riverhead, 2007). 11. See homas Faist, Diaspora and Transnationalism: What flind of Dance Partners, in Diaspora and Transnationalism: Concepts, heories and Methods, ed. Rainer Bauböck and homas Faist (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2010), 14 17. Hana Waisserová 275 than immediate experience, since the young generation privileges experience as a tool of truth. 12 Smith suggests that relocation and / or uprooting may result in cultural shock and trauma that survives in the family, and needs to be dealt with accordingly (as the twins did): A trauma is something one repeats and repeats, ater all, and this is the tragedy of the ffqbals that they can t help but reenact the dash they once made from one land to another, from one faith to another, from one brown mother country into the pale, freckled arms of an imperial sovereign (164). hus, the non-spiritual and hardto-tame fflillat becomes sensitive and susceptible to the moods of the unsetled second generations of migrants. Anger and trauma make the generation somewhat united, and they, not unlike fflillat, seek a platform that o ers a space to act, to speak about the cultural and generational anxieties despite the larger meaning of the platform. To this aim, fflillat joins the fleepers of the Eternal and Victorious ffslamic Nation (flEVffN), while scienti c and thoughtful fflagid refuses to join any ffluslim church, deeming church an unsatisfactory space that limits his imagination and life choices. ffn Smith s view, religions seem to be an obstinate and pathetic concept that hardly meets the needs of demanding young transnationals: fff religion is the opiate of the people, tradition is an even more sinister analgetic, simply because it rarely appears sinister. fff religion is a tight band, a throbbing vein, and a needle, tradition is a far homelier concoction: poppy seeds ground into tea; a sweet cocoa drink laced with cocaine; the kind of thing your grandmother might have made (1Śř). ffn examining communal institutions, such as church or families, communities are seen as organic systems permanently subjected to change, allowing for the rewriting of self from marginal perspectives. Correspondingly, in White Teeth characters narrate tales of ffiondon s regional and communal rapid transformations. Smith also reminds the readers that current moods initiated by the nancial crises and insecurity produce xenophobia and racism. She reminds that for some, an Easterner or an ethnic migrant to the West is always limited by a certain prejudice fed by the fears of the barbarian Easterners. hese phobias are encouraged by the growing extreme nationalism that builds the walls and cages for transnational migrants, and stops them from moving up from the periphery to the center. ffn White Teeth, Smith meditates on traits and assimilation rules, on what really makes an immigrant English, and why just being an immigrant provokes anger and hostility in some of the English white young men in the nationalist movements. ffmmigrants need not to ght back, but they are supposed to translate this nationalist aggression to resist it: fft makes an immigrant laugh to hear the fears of the nationalist, scared of infection, penetration, miscegenation, when this is small fry, peanuts, compared to what the immigrant fears dissolution, disappearance (334). Transnational writers tend oten to write from the personal perspective, opposing the so-called o cial version of cultural policies. hey also tend to write from presenttime positionalities, touching upon their personal histories, timely moods, as well as rewriting past historical memories, and dealing with their traumas. Nevertheless, they 12. flatharine Hodgkin and Susannah Radstone, ffntroduction: Contested Pasts, in Contested Pasts: he Politics of Memory, ed. flatharine Hodgkin and Susannah Radstone (ffiondon: Routledge, 2003), 5. 276 From Theory to Practice 2012 oten neglect and challenge dominant versions of local memory and history, or local cultural history. Smith reminds the cultural globalization enthusiasts about the actual personal meanings of the relocation to the West, of the burden of the psychological trauma of uprooting, of the rationale of the shortcomings of immigrants who idealize their imaginary homeland. She tells us that they (have) become stuck: they are unable to go back or go back and forth as they wish. ffn spite of the prevailing emphasis on their di erence, incoming transnational authors seem to become established and internalized in the Western literary canon rather quickly, perhaps partially due to their cosmopolitan, yet diverse stances that are distinguished by generational a liation. hough transculturalism seems a wide and complex concept that has been highly scrutinized, it may be said to work like a label in a similarly reductive way as world music. Transnational ethics, morals, worldliness and transcultural politics seem to be embraced by global audiences. Since identity politics has been a popular literary topic, transnational narratives of the relocated ethnicities are markedly popular as well.13 Correspondingly, the impacts of the transnational narratives and the vast critical interest are also due to the fact that the internationalization of Anglophone canon comes together with the presentday changes of global literary market. According to Rebecca Walkowitz,14 transnational novels are an emerging genre stimulated by historicity as well as by the conditions of the global literary marketplace. Eventually, Walkowitz atributes the change to the ourishing of migrant communities, and especially migrant writers, who tend to setle, write and publish from metropolitan world centers while challenging previous nationalist tones of migrant writing. ffn her writing, Smith discusses topics such as dislocation and relocation, and histories of transnational families. Comparing various histories of migration, she comments on global policies shaping migration and individual / collective fates, and anticipates psychological loads of deprivation of relocation in the context of the global crisis. Perhaps her novel works as a kind of prophecy revealing much of individual, national and other post-national identity politics. Her creative output and other current transnational literature with global reach initiate interdisciplinary discussions within humanities that shape the worldwide consciousness of a nation or community. Works Cited Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. fflinneapolis: University of fflinnesota Press, 1ŚŚ6. Appiah, flwame Anthony. Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. New York: Norton, 2006. Bhabha, Homi fl. he Location of Culture. New York: Routledge, 1ŚŚ4. 13. Well-established transnational authors include, among others, Hanif flureishi, fflonica Ali, Caryl Phillips, fihumpa ffiahiri, Edwidge Danticat, Aravind Adiga, and fliran Desai. 14. See Rebecca ffi. Walkowitz, Cosmopolitan Ethics: he Home and the World, in he Turn to Ethics, ed. fflarjorie Garber, Beatrice Hanssen, and Rebecca ffi. Walkowitz (New York: Routledge, 2000), 222 24. Hana Waisserová 277 Faist, homas. Diaspora and Transnationalism: What flind of Dance Partners. ffn Diaspora and Transnationalism: Concepts, heories and Methods, edited by Rainer Bauböck and homas Faist, Ś 34. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2010. Giri, Ananta flumar. Sociology and Beyond: Windows and Horizons. fiaipur: Rawat, 2012. Hodgkin, flatharine, and Susannah Radstone. ffntroduction: Contested Pasts. ffn Contested Pasts: he Politics of Memory, edited by flatharine Hodgkin and Susannah Radstone, 1 21. ffiondon: Routledge, 2003. Hosseini, flhaled. A housand Splendid Suns. New York: Riverhead, 2007. Ong, Aihwa. Flexible Citizenship: he Cultural Logics of Transnationality. Durham: Duke University Press, 1ŚŚŚ. Smith, Zadie. White Teeth. ffiondon: Penguin Books, 2001. Turner, Zeke. Zadie Smith Takes Over New Books Column for Harper s fflagazine. New York Observer, September Ś, 2010. htp://observer.com/2010/0Ś/zadie-smithtakes-over-new-books-column-for-emharpers-magazineem/. Walkowitz, Rebecca ffi. Cosmopolitan Ethics: he Home and the World. ffn he Turn to Ethics, edited by fflarjorie Garber, Beatrice Hanssen, and Rebecca ffi. Walkowitz, 221 30. New York: Routledge, 2000. Romeo and Juliet: The Deconstruction of Romance, or a Prefab Story ffvona fflišterová University of West Bohemia in Pilsen, Faculty of Philosophy and Arts, Department of English ffianguage and ffiiterature, Sedláčkova 15, 306 14 Plzeň, Czech Republic. Email: yvonneškaj.zcu.cz Abstract: ffn her work, Shakespeare and the Problem of Adaptation, fflargaret fiane flidnie considers adaptation as an evolving category [that] is closely tied to how the work modi es over time and from one reception space to another (200Ś, 5). Undoubtedly, adaptation can be addressed from various points of view, and assigned numerous de nitions, e.g., Hutcheon (2006) and flidnie (200Ś). Shakespearean drama represents a distinct intergenerational and intercultural medium that considerably shapes the discourse on adaptation. he aim of this article is to examine the production of Romeo and Juliet staged at the ffnternational Festival heatre in 2011. fft concludes by drawing a parallel between the modern Shakespearean adaptation and its progenitor in terms of the interpretive act of appropriation and transposition. fleywords: William Shakespeare; Romeo and Juliet; fi. fl. Tyl heatre; adaptation; reception; readerresponse theory Objectives and Hypotheses his article explores the production of Romeo and Juliet, a theatrical adaptation of Shakespeare s tragedy performed at the ffnternational Festival heatre in Pilsen in 2011. he production was directed by Anna Petr elková and made use of fii í fiosek s translation. Working with various interpretive lenses, this article explains both Romeo and fiuliet s desire to revolt against the narrow-mindedness of the surrounding world and their unfair loss in the struggle with the limiting reality of the outer world. Based on this brief recapitulation, three main hypotheses were formulated: Firstly, Shakespeare s tragedy provided a provocative framework for rethinking both the contours and the meanings of Romeo and fiuliet s transition to adulthood. Not only did the emphasis on the modern seting (a at in a uniform housing complex) add a new dimension to play, but it also contributed to a grotesque e ect in the representation of distorted world values. he seting undoubtedly created a clear illusion of the contemporary world understandable to Czech audiences through allusions to recent Czech reality. However, it may be also argued that the seting was, in fact, of secondary importance since the story might have happened anywhere, anytime, and to anyone. Secondly, the idea of interpreting Romeo and Juliet with gender-reversed roles for the Nurse and Prince Escalus added a speci c, though not erotically charged, avour to the production. Casting a male in the essentially female role of the Nurse may be seen as a partial return to the Elizabethan stage, or rather, as a challenge to a traditional interpretation of this role. Furthermore, the patern of gender-reversed roles served as a comic thread interwoven into the fundamentally tragic fabric. hirdly, music was a 2ř0 From Theory to Practice 2012 speci c and self-determining component of the production, which not only illustrated the atmosphere of a hostile neighbourhood in the anonymous block of ats, but also separated and re-united neighbouring families and family members. ffloreover, music can be seen as a form of leitmotif symbolising (and perhaps anticipating) the course of events and characterising particular protagonists. The Problem of Adaptation Prior to proving or refuting the aforementioned hypotheses, it is necessary to discuss and de ne the concept of adaptation. Webster s New World Dictionary de nes adaptation as a thing resulting from adapting [this play is an adaptation of a novel]. 1 hough general in nature, this de nition may function as a useful starting point for discussion. Undoubtedly, adaptation can be addressed from various points of view, and assigned numerous de nitions, which re ect di erent approaches and terminology. Naturally, the choice of a particular expression oten a priori indicates the presumable relation between the original and its adaptation. Walter Benjamin observed the way the aura and the authenticity of a work of art, its presence in time and space, its unique existence at the place where it happens to be were undermined by the act of reproduction.2 Ruby Cohn provided a detailed overview of adaptation terminology, ranging from abridgement to adaptation, transformation and version; however, nally setling on the eponymous notion o shoot, grasping, in her view, the relationship between the source (the Shakespearean stem) and its adaptation (o shoot).3 Apparently, the multidimensional character of adaptation disables any simple or simpli ed categorization. hus, a great many conceptually identical terms emerged. Charles fflarowitz suggested the alchemical term transmutation, which is not too far from Cohn s category of transformation.4 Richard Proudfoot used classical-sounding expressions rewriting and rereading to describe the transformation of Shakespearean canon for our purposes. 5 Clearly, the term adaptation is oten replaced by another expression with the same or similar content, such as transformation, o shoot, transmutation, rewriting, adumbration, etc., and re-theorized against di erent backgrounds. ffiinda Hutcheon observed that adaptation is repetition, but repetition without replication, with various possible intentions motivating the act of adaptation as for instance, desire to consume or erase the memory of the adapted text, question it, or simply pay homage to the original.6 Nonetheless, more important than the reasons for adaptation seem to be its complex characteristics as seen from di erent albeit interrelated perspectives. Here, Hutcheon s view of adaptation as both the process 1. Victoria Neufeldt and David B. Guralnik, eds., Webster s New World Dictionary of American English (New York: Prentice Hall, 1ŚŚ1), 15. 2. Walter Benjamin in Geo rey fflacnab, Searching for Stars: Stardom and Screen Acting in British Cinema (ffiondon: Cassell, 2000), 6. 3. Ruby Cohn, Modern Shakespeare O shoots (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1Ś76), 3 4. 4. Charles fflarowitz, Recycling Shakespeare (Basingstoke: fflacmillan Education, 1ŚŚ1), Ś. 5. Richard Proudfoot, Shakespeare: Text, Stage and Canon (ffiondon: Arden Shakespeare, 2001), 14. 6. ffiinda Hutcheon, A heory of Adaptation (Oxon: Routledge, 2006), 7. ffvona fflišterová 2ř1 and the product can be taken as axiomatic. First, adaptation may be perceived as an announced and extensive transposition of a particular work or works, which may involve a shit of genre, medium, frame, and consequently also context. Second, it refers to a process of creation, which contains both re-interpretation and recreation as well. hird, as seen through the prism of its reception, it functions as a form of intertextuality. 7 he concept of intertextuality, developed in France by Roland Barthes and fiulia flristeva, implies that all cultural productions are, in fact, an intertwined mixture of already existing cultural material.ř Barthes explained the relationship between a text and an intertext as interrelated and, in fact, identical. A similar link, dialogical in nature and set in a particular socio-historical context, may be observed between an original and an adaptation as well. Any text is an intertext; other texts are present in it, at varying levels, in more or less recognizable forms: the texts of the previous and surrounding cultures. Any text is a new tissue of past citations. Bits of codes, formulae, rhythmic models, fragments of social languages, etc., pass into the text and are redistributed within it, for there is always language before and around the text. . . . ffntertextuality, the condition of any text whatsoever, cannot of course be reduced to the problem of sources or in uences; the intertext is a general eld of anonymous formulae whose origin can scarcely be located; of unconscious or automatic quotations given without quotations marks.Ś Based on both the concept of intertextuality and Antoine Compagnon s theory of citation, Daniel Fischlin and fflark Fortier further de ned a work of adaptation, clari ed on the example of Heiner fflüller s amalgam of loosely connected quotes from and allusions to Shakespeare s Hamlet, he Hamletmachine, as an act, which touches the essence of the work of arts as a re-working of already existing cultural products.10 fft is, however, worth mentioning that each adaptation contains a plurality of meanings and perceptions, in which history is always present in various forms, intertextuality being one of them. ffn this context, Derrida s theory of iterability, as applied to adaptation, gains signi cant relevance. As he points out, iterability supposes a minimal remainder (as well as a minimum of idealization) in order that the identity of the selfsame be repeatable and identi able in, through, and even in view of its alteration. For the structure of iteration and this is another of its decisive traits implies both identity and di erence. 11 ffterability is conditioned by the context, in which a particular text is set. However, guratively speaking, every new act of writing / adapting enters a new context and results in a di erent form of aesthetic reception. Every re-contextualization thus inevitably leads to alteration and modi cation, regardless of the author s intention to maintain delity to the original. fflargaret fiane flidnie gives another detailed and substantial de nition of adaptation, which she perceives as an evolving category [that] 7. Hutcheon, A heory of Adaptation, 7 ř. ř. See Daniel Fischlin and fflark Fortier, eds., Adaptations of Shakespeare: A Critical Anthology of Plays from the Seventeenth Century to the Present (ffiondon: Routledge, 2000), 4. Ś. Roland Barthes in Daniel ffi. Bernardi, Star Trek and History (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1ŚŚř), 113. 10. See Fischlin and Fortier, Adaptations of Shakespeare, 4. 11. fiacques Derrida, Limited Inc (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1Śřř), 53. 2ř2 From Theory to Practice 2012 is closely tied to how the work modi es over time and from one reception space to another. 12 Having reached this stage of the discussion on adaptation, it is now time to recapitulate, clarify, and in part reformulate some of the most signi cant theses. Based on the aforementioned re ections, it is possible to assume that adaptation is developed from and in relation to the original, with which it exists in a symbiotic, albeit autonomous bond. An uneasy juxtaposition of their relationship creates a tension, which stems from both their connectedness and separateness and produces a unique fusion of qualities, derived from the self and the new. Every adaptation is set in its own speci c context and receives a di erent response from its audience / readers.13 ffn light of reader-response theory, it can even be argued that each adaptation given in the past is a re ection of both historically-conditioned atitudes and reactions to antecedent assessments.14 his duality then characterizes the history of interpretation in general. he individual work of art is thus set o from the previous readings (productions) and read (perceived) in accordance with the prevailing cultural code. Concerning drama, a theatrical production can thus function as a mirror in which social and political events are re ected. he concept of adaptation thereby emerges as a highly sophisticated process rooted in a given time period, while being simultaneously conditioned by the history of interpretation and the audience response. his brief discussion shows that there are di erent points of view in de ning and classifying adaptations, and many questions still remain unanswered. fft may be symbolically concluded with the words of Shakespearean scholar Graham Holderness, which are applicable not only to secrets of Shakespeare myth, but adaptations of Shakespeare as well: Shakespeare is, here, now, always, what is currently being made of him. 15 Romeo and Juliet at the ffnternational Festival Theatre A production of Romeo and Juliet was staged at the Alfa heatre on 16 September 2011. fft was performed by the Petr Bezruč theatre troupe under the direction of Anna Petr elková. he production was characterised by a number of innovative elements. he director transferred the con ict between two quarrelling families into a uniform block of ats. A clear reference to present life, underpinning the directorial strategy, was further emphasized by the use of numerous everyday items, including household equipment and appliances. A special role was assigned to multifunctional sectional furniture, which served both as a habitat as well as a locus communis of 12. fflargaret fiane flidnie, Shakespeare and the Problem of Adaptation (Oxon: Routledge, 200Ś), 5. 13. As the text primarily focuses on a theatre production, the di erence between audience response and reader response as well as the issue of the implied reader / audience is let aside. he analytical part of this article concerns this author s response and theatre reviews. 14. See Wolfgang ffser, Staging Politics: he Lasting Impact of Shakespeare s Historical Plays (New York: Columbia University Press, 1ŚŚ3), 2. 15. Graham Holderness, he Shakespeare Myth (fflanchester: fflanchester University Press, 1Śřř), xvi. ffvona fflišterová 2ř3 the protagonists. Concerning the rst function, the upper right hand cupboard was occupied by the youngest member of the Capulet family, fiuliet.16 Her presence was recognisable from wads of chewing gums stuck on the inside of the cabinet door. A wardrobe served Romeo and his companions as a music studio. Another wardrobe substituted for fiuliet s parents bedroom, in which they slept and relaxed in an upright position. Particular spaces contained both bare bulbs and cove lightings, which helped to set the mood of particular scenes through the use of yellow and red colours.17 Despite some design variations,1ř each space had more or less the same monotonous character. Overall, the purely prosaic, yet simultaneously puzzling and mysterious system of cupboards, shelves, drawers, wardrobes, and sliding doors, formed the layout of the at. ffiess important rooms, such as fiuliet s bedroom, were placed in the upper part of furniture, whereas the dominant space, the living room, was situated in the front part of the stage and furnished with easily movable purple footstools. he solidly real interior was further equipped with real objects, such as a vacuum cleaner, musical instruments, trays of sandwiches, chess pieces, baby monitors, a shovel, a stick, etc. However, what transformed the area into more de ned human space were its inhabitants. he at was a focal point of spatial, temporal and social rituals of everyday family life. he very rst moments of the production provided the audience with a well-informed view into the Capulet s and the fflontague s cultural stereotypes, such as spending time together watching TV, listening to brass band music and playing board games. However, the closeness of the two families, accompanied by malicious childish jokes, only fuelled their mutual animosity, which further continued to revolve around the issues of blame and responsibility. Notwithstanding that it originally started as an unimportant squabble (it is also conceivable that the mutual hatred had existed long before the crisis erupted), the dispute gradually degenerated into a tragic neighbourhood con ict. he seemingly innocent childish teasing turned into a serious quarrel at the point when both fathers began to ght each other. hough the dominant impression conveyed by the men was of advanced age and helplessness, at the moment of con ict they mobilised their strength to ght a life-or-death batle. Capulet and fflontague were dressed in the same old-fashioned tracksuits and jackets made of tele-shopping blankets, to considerable comic e ect.1Ś he director thereby managed to integrate humour into a de facto purely serious scene, foreshadowing the tragic consequences for the young members of both families. ffloreover, the audience was provided with concrete evidence of neighbourly animosity. Apparently, the families were not able to reach consensus without the intervention of the highest authority. 16. hough there seems no direct analogy between the location of fiuliet s room and her status of adolescent, it may be argued that given her age (and possibly her marriage connected with leaving home), she was given a less important space in the at (and possibly within the family hierarchy as well). he upper location of fiuliet s room also naturally met the needs of the balcony scene. fft is, however, worth mentioning that the role of fiuliet was rather physically demanding. 17. he red colour was used for Romeo and fiuliet s private, intimate moments and at night. 1ř. Romeo s music studio was covered with cardboard egg cartons in order to ensure beter soundproo ng. 1Ś. he audience responded to the dramatically presented ironic ght of the two fathers with amusement. 2ř4 From Theory to Practice 2012 However, Prince Escalus, the wise ruler of Verona, symbolising law and order, was, in compliance with temporal and spatial relocation, transformed into a gender-reversed gure of a caretaker, who functioned as an embodied deus ex machina.20 Not only did she hold the highest position in the social hierarchy (of the prefab), but she also represented a considerable threat to those who disobeyed her orders. fft seems evident that her intervention, certainly not the rst nor the last, made a fundamental di erence to what would have naturally remained unresolved. But in some respect, her interference into a neighbourhood squabble may also be perceived as a Pyrrhic victory, since it produced further emotional distress and mounting hatred. he female cast in the role of Prince Escalus, however, raised an important gender question. he gender-reversed roles of Prince Escalus and the Nurse naturally forced the audience to perceive the production in a new way.21 Crossing gender boundaries, the director rede ned the existing world and in part freed it from gender stereotypes. he production thus challenged the conventional perception of gender in the play. Generally, women were assigned more decisive and aggressive roles, whereas men slipped into less traditional, more caring and consensual positions. However, it would be wrong to assume that traditional gender stereotypes were completely eliminated through the gender swap. hey were communicated through the text of the play. he male actor playing the Nurse demonstrated warm and protective feelings, understanding, and charisma. Yet the masculine element echoed with a certain cacophony of otherness, making the assumed intimate closeness between the adolescent fiuliet and her foster mother less plausible. hough the discordance may be viewed as an intended comic e ect, it destroyed the concept of femininity and sexuality represented by fiuliet, her mother and the Nurse.22 ffn this respect, the textual femininity blurred with the physical masculinity, thus creating a speci c gender construct, which oscillated between female subordination and male dominance. he characters of Shakespeare s lovers have been examined and interpreted from various viewpoints. fiill ffi. ffievenson captured the essence and spirit of Shakespeare s play when she wrote, ffn an age of virtual realities Shakespeare s Romeo and Juliet can seem like a hologram. From one angle it seems to dramatize a love-story which transcends time and place. . . . Since the advent of modern psychology a third angle allows for a di erent construction formulated on change rather than absolutes. From this point of view Shakespeare traces a paradigm of adolescent behaviour. 23 20. he comic irony of her intervention was further enhanced by her appearance. Dressed in practical clothes, apparently intended for home wear, she gave the impression of a hard-working woman. ffn my view, there was a touch of su ering in her look as she walked in with a shovel, wearing knee-length elastic compression stockings, under which large varicose veins were painted. 21. See ffvona ffli terová, Angloamerické drama na plzeňských scénách (Plzeň: University of West Bohemia in Plzeň, forthcoming 2013), 262 63. 22. heresa D. flemp notes that fiuliet s sexuality is contrasted with that of her mother and her Nurse, which was in this case satirised by the male casting. heresa D. flemp, Women in the Age of Shakespeare (Santa Barbara: ABC-CffiffO, 2010), Ś2. 23. fiill ffi. ffievenson, ed., Shakespeare in Performance: Romeo and Juliet (fflanchester: fflanchester University Press, 200ř), 1. ffvona fflišterová 2ř5 Similarly, Anna Petr elková in her stage production of Romeo and Juliet put emphasis on romantic emotions of adolescents, including passion, love, jealousy, and despair. Given the accent on teenagers, the director looked critically at circumstances of their mental and physical development and their interaction with family environment as well. Having adopted the perspective of a well-informed observer, she managed to demonstrate how Romeo and fiuliet s lives were shaped by extrinsic factors. he central role in the process of their maturing was assigned to emotions and the family macrosystem, governing, at least initially, their decisions and wishes. he family control involved common daily situations as well as fundamental issues, dictating with whom their o spring may interact and the nature of these interactions. Shakespeare s lovers evinced the stubbornness and de ant vehemence of adolescents, for whom the suicide (or suicidal threat) may have been one possible response to the hostility and misunderstanding of the adult world. heir disobedience and obstinacy were balanced with their youth and charm. fiuliet atracted atention with her youthful determination, uncertainty and manifestation of inner emotional con icts. he portrayal of Romeo corresponded with R. Brigham ffiampert s characterization: Romeo matures before the audience s eyes throughout the drama progressing from a stereotypically melancholic, lovesick adolescent in the rst act to a more mature and devoted husband and lover by the play s midpoint. 24 First a pathetic admirer of Rosaline, and shortly aterwards a con dent ghter and rocker, passionately enamoured of fiuliet and tormented by moments of painful anxiety. he mood of the passionate love and family con ict was set by music, which represented a strong and self-determined component of the production. fflusic played a fundamental role in social interaction. fft was an important constituent of friendship (the Capulets and the fflontagues listened to songs together25 ), a signi cant part of the Capulets party26 (all family members, including the Nurse, played a musical instrument27 ), and a crucial element of Romeo s identity. Romeo s rock group (including fflercutio and Benvolio) enlivened the fading atmosphere of the party with a new musical style. Overall, the imaginative soundtrack included a wide scale of music genres, ranging from street organ playing to decadent jazz.2ř ffiive music and a number of drinks removed barriers and, in the early morning hours, helped establish a temporary, neighbourly and intergenerational armistice. Set and costume design provided a number of details, which highlighted the current location and civil character. he Capulet and fflontague parents resembled, at least at rst, rather geriatric ward patients than parents of teenagers. Also, Father ffiawrence went through a considerable de-formalization of personality. Even his out t gave the impression of an enthusiastic tourist or a street worker. 24. R. Brigham ffiampert, Romeo and Juliet: Advanced Placement Classroom (Waco: Prufrock, 200ř), 25. 25. fft is conceivable that it was a social ritual familiar to both families. 26. One of the major musical themes was Cereza Rosa (Cherry Blossoms), performed by mother Capulet in a trumpet solo. 27. fiuliet s indi erent dulcimer performance backed Tybalt s unsuccessful conjuring trick. 2ř. See Vojtěch Vary , Romeo a fiulie, ti věční spratci, Týden, fflarch 2ř, 2011, 6ř. 2ř6 From Theory to Practice 2012 As indicated by the reference to the tragic death of two young lovers in the Russian city of Frjazino, the story of Romeo and fiuliet could happen to any young people, whose parents pursue only their own interests, without taking note of their children s wishes. he directorial intention was thus to bring into view the reality of adolescence, love and death. he signi cance of Petr elková s adaptation lay in the fact that she went beyond personal and historical experience, and put emphasis on the lovers as contemporary adolescents. ffn the end, this stage interpretation of Romeo and Juliet, in which originality and controversy formed a speci c, convergent line, found sympathizers as well as detractors. Conclusion Romeo and Juliet shares a theme common to tragedy: love is powerful, but death triumphs. fft is one of the most favourite and frequently performed of Shakespeare s plays. fft centres on a romantic love a air, but, as Dieter fflehl observes, it leaves no doubt that romantic love can never be understood from an atitude of pragmatism and cautious doubt.2Ś he play has gone through various stage interpretations, stressing di erent aspects. he objectives of this article were twofold. First, adaptation theories were examined, with focus on the relationship between the original text and its stage adaptation. Furthermore, several issues concerning terminology of adaptation were discussed. his brief theoretical background provided a context for evaluating the twenty- rst century production of Romeo and Juliet presented in the later part of the article. he second objective was to examine the production of Romeo and Juliet staged at the ffnternational Festival heatre in Pilsen in 2011. fflore speci cally, it explored the hypothesis that the modern seting, shiting the story of romantic love from the fftalian Verona to a uniform prefabricated block of ats, lent the adaptation a new dimension, further enlivened by reversed gender roles of the Nurse and Prince Escalus. he impression of contemporaneousness, or rather recent past, was further enhanced by brass-band music, costumes made from quilts, o ered in tele-shopping advertisements in magazines and TV programs, etc. Atention was also paid to music, which represented a cornerstone of the production. Taken together, the director created a non-traditional, dynamic space of intergenerational and interpersonal relations, dominated by neighbourhood con icts and young love. he directorial intention and the modern seting can be thus read symbolically as a call for intergenerational and interpersonal understanding. ffloreover, it can be viewed as a search for constant values in an uncertain world. his article may be symbolically concluded with Peter Brook s words on the place of innovation in theatre: Each [production] was justi ed in its own time; each would be outrageous out of it. A production is only correct at the moment of its correctness, and only good at the moment of its success. ffn its beginning is its beginning, and at its end is its end. 30 2Ś. See Dieter fflehl, Shakespeare s Tragedies: An Introduction (Cambridge: Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge, 1ŚŚŚ), 27. 30. Peter Brook, Style in Shakespearean Production, in he Modern heatre: Readings and Documents, ed. Daniel Seltzer (Boston: ffiitle, Brown, 1Ś67), 256. ffvona fflišterová 2ř7 Works Cited Bernardi, Daniel ffi. Star Trek and History. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1ŚŚř. Brook, Peter. Style in Shakespearean Production. ffn he Modern heatre: Readings and Documents, edited by Daniel Seltzer, 24Ś 56. Boston: ffiitle, Brown, 1Ś67. Cohn, Ruby. Modern Shakespeare O shoots. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1Ś76. Derrida, fiacques. Limited Inc. 2nd ed. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1Śřř. Fischlin, Daniel, and fflark Fortier, eds. Adaptations of Shakespeare: A Critical Anthology of Plays from the Seventeenth Century to the Present. ffiondon: Routledge, 2000. Holderness, Graham. he Shakespeare Myth. fflanchester: fflanchester University Press, 1Śřř. Hutcheon, ffiinda. A heory of Adaptation. Oxon: Routledge, 2006. ffser, Wolfgang. Staging Politics: he Lasting Impact of Shakespeare s Historical Plays. New York: Columbia University Press, 1ŚŚ3. flemp, heresa D. Women in the Age of Shakespeare. Santa Barbara: ABC-CffiffO, 2010. flidnie, fflargaret fiane. Shakespeare and the Problem of Adaptation. Oxon: Routledge, 200Ś. ffiampert, R. Brigham. Romeo and Juliet: Advanced Placement Classroom. Waco: Prufrock, 200ř. ffievenson, fiill ffi., ed. Shakespeare in Performance: Romeo and Juliet. fflanchester, fflanchester University Press, 200ř. fflacnab, Geo rey. Searching for Stars: Stardom and Screen Acting in British Cinema. ffiondon: Cassell, 2000. fflarowitz, Charles. Recycling Shakespeare. Basingstoke: fflacmillan Education, 1ŚŚ1. fflehl, Dieter. Shakespeare s Tragedies: An Introduction. Cambridge: Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge, 1ŚŚŚ. ffli terová, ffvona. Angloamerické drama na plzeňských scénách. Plzeň: University of West Bohemia in Plzeň, forthcoming 2013. Neufeldt, Victoria, and David B. Guralnik, eds. Webster s New World Dictionary of American English. New York: Prentice Hall, 1ŚŚ1. Proudfoot, Richard. Shakespeare: Text, Stage and Canon. ffiondon: Arden Shakespeare, 2001. Vary , Vojtěch. Romeo a fiulie, ti věční spratci. Týden, fflarch 2ř, 2011, 6ř. The Phenomenon of Silence in the Postdramatic Oeuvre of Forced Entertainment in Theory and Practice fian Suk1 , Olga Neprašová2 1 University of Hradec flrálové, Faculty of Education, Department of English ffianguage and ffiiterature, Víta Nejedlého 573, 500 03 Hradec flrálové, Czech Republic. Email: jan.sukšuhk.cz 2 University of Hradec flrálové, Faculty of Education, Department of English ffianguage and ffiiterature, Víta Nejedlého 573, 500 03 Hradec flrálové, Czech Republic. Email: olga.neprasovašuhk.cz Abstract: Within Western performance practices since the late-twentieth century, the phenomenon of silence has played a seminal role. Post-fiohn Cagean, the understanding of silence as a space for spectators contemplations and perhaps the sheer potentiality of self-a rmation and realisation is oten contrasted with the recent penchant for emptiness, speechlessness, the art of the unseen, and the self-confessional de-framing strategies in the works of contemporary British ffiive artists such as Bobby Baker, Franko B and Tim Etchells. his paper suggests that violence representation is also intrinsic and somehow embedded in the recent boom of the so-called sublime drama, and that the spatial and temporal framing of state-of-the art British performance operates as a parergonal issue especially in the aesthetically driven postdramatic reading of the British ffiive artists. fleywords: silence; Forced Entertainment; Bloody Mess; performance; postdramatic theatre Words are very unnecessary . . . Enjoy the silence. Depeche fflode1 HAfflffiET: ff m fucked. he rest is fucking silence. Richard Curtis2 Silence as a thematic issue (nothingness and emptiness to include aesthetic modes or reading contemporary theatre) may be regarded as a common feature of the performance practices as well as popular culture of the late 1Śř0s and early Ś0s in Britain. he introductory lyrics by Depeche fflode, the iconic British band which became popular in the early 1ŚŚ0s, illustrate acutely the late scepticism of the word as well as the penchant for subliminal explorations of themes such as void, blankness and silence. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, silence refers to 1) a complete lack of noise or sound, 2) a situation when nobody is speaking, 3) a situation in which somebody refuses to talk about something or to answer a question, or 4) a situation when people do not communicate with each other by leter or telephone.3 Dealing with silence in 1. Depeche fflode, Enjoy the Silence, from Violator, 200Ś, 1ŚŚ0, by fflute Records, R21Ś.Ś5, compact disc., disc 1, track 6. 2. Richard Curtis, Skinhead Hamlet, in he Faber Book of Parodies, ed. Simon Bret (ffiondon: Faber and Faber, 1Śř4), 31ř. 3. Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed., 20 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1ŚřŚ), s.v. silence. 2Ś0 From Theory to Practice 2012 theatre, the most relevant issues within this study are connected to de nition 2. Yet, de nition 4 stands as an interesting paradox when considering the silent message of silence in art, because a work of art, albeit silent (or in silence), always communicates something. he phenomenon of silence operates in ve ways: 1) as sheer universal potentiality, 2) as a (post)traumatic political agent in order to silence or enforce political superiority, 3) as a rhetorical tool to structure the uterance, 4) as a commemorative device, and 5) as a manifestation of artistic omnipotence and vanguarding ignorance (revisiting 1). he present analysis aims to suggest how silence has become a leitmotif in Western art, most particularly in the recent performance tradition. he argument that silence signi es nothing, with the sheer fecundity of nothingness embedded within silence, is mirrored most notably in the question: is it still art, or is it lifeŠ he value of art, the sublime and the beauty of silence (as proposed by fiohn Cage4 ) shall be scrutinized using the sublime theatre poetic, aesthetics of failure in the oeuvre of Forced Entertainment, particularly their performance Bloody Mess. he theatrical heritage of Shakespeare within the British performance milieu is similarly bastardized, cannibalized and appropriated as demonstrated by the epigraph to this article. Such subversive hyperrealism was also inherently embedded in the contemporary theatre discourse of the 1ŚŚ0s. his paper argues that the Zen-like awareness of silence within the practice of everyday life can be paralleled with Forced Entertainment s exercises to enforce theatre-goer s awareness of theatre going. Seeming truisms and clichés have great potential in the spectator s acceptance and willingness, rit, vis-à-vis relationship, conspiracy of the senses; the copresence of performers and audience, the silent presencing of Forced Entertainment actors, their na theatricality 5 and trashy, tacky strategy makes a logical step in their stage implementation of mundane, violently-forced, sonorous silence. ffn other words, silence never achieved; controlled failure of vulnerable actors and violence of nonrepresentation. Exploring the works of iconoclasts and later focal gures of Western modern art fflarcel Duchamp and fiohn Cage, it is inevitable to embark upon the issue of silence as a manifestation of freedom, universality and potentiality. One case study locating Duchamp s oeuvre in terms of materiality and life-art dichotomy may be his famous 1Ś0Ś Air de Paris. his half-readymade piece consists of an ampule containing 50ccs of air allegedly from Paris.6 he mass-produced glass container lled with nothing 4. See fiohn Cage, A Year from Monday: New Lectures and Writings (ffiondon: Calder and Boyars, 1Ś6ř), 145 62. 5. Hugo Glendinning, Adrian Heath eld, and Tim Etchells ffntangibles, in Perform, Repeat, Record, ed. Adrian Heath eld and Amelia fiones (Bristol: ffntellect, 2012), 606. Adrian describes his recent interest in reciting parts of songs, and remarks on the soaring sweet voice transcending the limits of loneliness, and the clunky lyricism and na theatricality of the recitation of the late Elvis Presley, speci cally in his Are You ffionesome TonightŠ 6. fft was also fflarcel Duchamp who was arguably the rst to openly challenge the dichotomy of art and life in his famous claim: fff you wish, my art would be that of living: each second, each breath is a work which is inscribed nowhere, which is neither visual nor cerebral. fft s a sort of constant euphoria. See Pierre Cabanne, Dialogues with Marcel Duchamp (New York: Da Capo Press, 1Śř7), 72. fian Suk, Olga Neprašová 2Ś1 graspable, neither visible nor audible, underlines Duchamp s agency as an original conceptual artist rather than a cratsman producing visually beautiful works of art. he famous 4 33 , a composition in three movements by fiohn Cage, embodies a di erent experience of presence. For 4 minutes and 33 seconds, the performer sits at a piano doing nothing, therefore producing no music. 7 Duchamp s and Cage s pieces manifest the irony of the failure of retinal, haptic or aural content. Both pieces present nothing music-wise, or drama-wise, visuality-wise, arguably even art-wise if art is considered the product of physical labour. Yet both Duchamp and Cage created their pieces, albeit not manufactured or performed, aiming to create something universal and indeed metaphysical. Arguably the most signi cant contribution of Duchamp and later Cage to modern art was the shit from the retinal understanding of art to the conceptual and mental realization of art: both in the mind of an artist as well as the onlooker.ř Nevertheless, as fiohn Cage advocates, there is nothing such as silence, as there is always something that generates sounds for example a heartbeat and the coursing of the blood in one s head. he impossibility of escaping sonic experience applies equally to the overall perception of nothing, in other words, the empty space devoid of any action, since human senses still have something to perceive, even if experiencing intentionally and naturally, seemingly, vacuity. herefore, the atempts to achieve silence or impose nothingness onto the spectator, inevitably and naturally fails. Similarly, as Susan Sontag argues, silence can exist only in a cooked or non-literal sense. Ś fft is the spectator who makes the piece of art, by contemplating, realizing and, to put in Sontag s way, by cooking it. ffiike in music, as in rhetoric, silence creates a space and rhythm, designating something. Speci cally, the rits created by the silence in the ow of the show provide space. Both its rhythmical and imaginative aspect makes silence an intriguing element in theatre. Silence and nothingness, like in the pieces by Duchamp and Cage, create a mirror to re ect the spectators external features, as seen in the re exion of Duchamp s Air de Paris, or internal contemplation, as can be argued for Cage s work. Perhaps one of the early works of disappearing visually, yet accentuating the con uential synergy of spectators and authors energies, is a piece by Chris Burden. ffn his White Light, White Heat, Burden spent twenty-two days, from February ř to fflarch 1, 1Ś75, on a triangular platform erected two feet below the ceiling in the southeast corner of the gallery. ffiying and hiding, not seeing anyone and not having been seen by anyone, the artist s e ort manifests an anti-capitalist wasting of time in order to explore nothing 7. Witnessing an event such as silence itself is a transcendental, metaphysical experience. One such concert, + 4'33" Tribute to fiohn Cage, by Remix Ensamble took place at the Casa Da fflusica in Porto, Portugal on fflarch 23, 2010. ř. We open our eyes and ears, seeing life each day excellent as it is. his realisation no longer needs art, though without art it would have been di cult yoga, zazen, etc., to come by. Having this realisation we gather energies ours and the ones of nature in order to make this intolerable world endurable. fiohn Cage, Silence, quoted in Glendinning, Heath eld, and Etchells, ffntangibles, 615 (my italics). Originally printed in fiohn Cage, A Year from Monday: New Lectures and Writings (ffiondon: Calder and Boyars, 1Ś6ř), 146. Ś. Susan Sontag, he Aesthetics of Silence in Styles of Radical Will (New York: Picador USA, 2002), 10. 2Ś2 From Theory to Practice 2012 happening extrinsically, yet much happening intrinsically. Such an omnipotent gesture, the wasting of time, challenging the seriousness of the role of the audience, questioning the grand-narrative, are re ected as well in the following quote from Sontag: he function of art isn t to promote any speci c experience, except the state of being open to the multiplicity of experience which ends in practice by a decided stress on things usually considered trivial or unimportant. 10 Art s role is to enrich the everyday by highlighting its simplicity, by producing no grand gestures, in other words, doing seemingly nothing. Silence and nothingness is also equated with arresting time. Silence enables a possibility to come to the end of mental activity, a certain universal closure. Furthermore, Sontag points out that the artist is continually tempted to sever the dialogue he has with an audience, 11 and she underlines the possibility that the artist typically does not stop speaking but speaks in a manner that his audience cannot hear. his also implies the recognition of the artists tendency to eliminate art in favour of life. 12 Additionally, Burden s piece introduces the awareness of not only a spatial but also energetic relationship, which resonates between the performer and the audience. Similarly, in his well-known essay Art Which Can t Be Art, Allan flaprow claims that unless the identity (and thus the meaning) of what the artist does oscillates between ordinary, recognizable activity and the resonance of that activity in the larger human context, the activity itself reduces to conventional behaviour. Or if it is framed as art by a gallery, it reduces to conventional art. hus tooth brushing, as we normally do it, o ers no roads back to the real world either. But ordinary life performed as art / not art can charge the everyday with metaphoric power.13 As seen from flaprow s claim, the metaphoric power of the everyday performed as theatre can operate on the basis of several framing principles: 1) spatial framing (as suggested by flaprow, e.g., a gallery), 2) expressive framing (the conscious decision of the author / artists) or 3) pragmatic framing (of the spectator / critic). All principles may freely complement one another. Similarly, Erving Go man in his highly in uential Frame Analysis (1Ś74) explores the concept and implication of framing. For Go man, the frame is an organising principle for seting apart social events, especially those events that, like play or performance, take on a di erent relationship to normal life and normal responsibilities than the same or similar events would have as untransformed reality outside the con nes of the frame.14 10. Sontag, he Aesthetics of Silence, 25. 11. Sontag, he Aesthetics of Silence, 6. 12. Sontag argues that every era has to reinvent the project of spirituality for itself. he whole transition between the spiritual integrity of creative impulses and the distracting materiality of ordinary life throws many obstacles in the path of authentic sublimation. And, the concreteness of art appears as a trap. Art becomes the enemy of artists because it denies them the realization, the transcendence they desire. 13. Allan flaprow, Art Which Can t Be Art, in Essays on the Blurring of Art and Life, ed. fie flelley, rev. ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 220. 14. Erving Go man, Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1Ś74), 157. fian Suk, Olga Neprašová 2Ś3 ffn a theatrical context there is a clear spatial as well as temporal boundary, as set usually within a particular ambience (e.g., a stage or a venue) with a more or less conventionally agreeable duration (from several minutes to several hours). Duration in nothingness accentuates the duration as understood by Bergson as durée, the heterogeneous intermingling spectrum graspable through simple intuition by the imagination.15 hese question-provoking tendencies challenging the boundaries of art and non-art have conspicuously proliferated occidental art in a plethora of ways: in literature, one may speak of the rise in so-called conceptual writing such as that of flenneth Goldsmith, or verbatim drama, in which the authorial creative process does not lie in writing or constructing the text, but in selecting it. hus, the gesture of the artist mirrors the anti-capitalist artistic drive of zero production, wasting time, doing nothing, underlining what may later be called the ctrl-pastism of contemporary culture, or further, as fiohn Cage stressed, the manifestation of the displacement of artistic choice and abjuring the self as creative agent in the ego-driven culture.16 he perception of the dramatic action is itself a synesthetic experience per se, one which is absorbed by the whole body of the spectator; but it is the body and mind of the spectator that construct the drama reality through so-called oral eyes: mise en scène, or the visual and aural frame of the performance or in other words, parergon. ffn his La vériteé en peinture (he Truth in Painting, 1Ś7ř / 1Śř7), fiacques Derrida critiques flant s Critique of Judgment to argue against the belief in the intrinsic nature of the work of art. Derrida questions flant s presupposition of a universal value of beauty, which would inevitably assume a clear, delineated line between the inside and outside of the proper work of art. Unlike the frame, which flant wanted to suppress, Derrida shows that a distinction between inside and outside can never be fully atained. According to Derrida, the outside always comes into the inside in order to de ne itself as an inside (this shall be later applied to the life art theory). flant de nes the parerga as an ornament or supplement in contrast to the ergon (the work);17 Derrida clari es the de nition variously as frame and edge, understood as the absolute limit between what is considered to be inside the work and outside of it.1ř According to Derrida, the parergon functions without being a part of it yet without being absolutely extrinsic to it. 1Ś he parergon is never simply outside or inside but rather in the ambiguous space in between. his is also visually presented in the writen text on page, which Derrida purposely fragments by inserting frames designating the frame, however, framing only empty space on the page, as illustrated in Figure 1. 15. See Henri Bergson, he Creative Mind: An Introduction to Metaphysics, trans. fflabelle ffi. Andison (fflineola: Dover Publications, 2007), 165 6ř. 16. See Roger fflalbert, introduction to Every Day is a Good Day: he Visual Art of John Cage, by fiohn Cage (ffiondon: Hayward, 2010), Ś. 17. ffmmanuel flant, Religion within the Bounds of Bare Reason, trans. Werner S. Pluhar (ffndianapolis: Hacket, 200Ś), 53; flant s treatment of parergon is fully developed in his Critique of Judgement. 1ř. See fiacques Derrida, he Truth in Painting, trans. Geo Bennington and ffan fflcffieod (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1Śř7), 53. 1Ś. Derrida, he Truth in Painting, 55. 2Ś4 From Theory to Practice 2012 Figure 1: A representation of what fiacqes Derrida calls the Abyss and Satire of the Abyss. 20 hese parergons express Derrida s belief that they belong to the text and create a certain rhythm as well as create rits for the reader to substitute the void with their imaginative content, therefore constituting a part of the work as well. hus, the reader becomes a part of the book, and the spectator becomes a part of a theatrical spectacle. Naturally, the application of the parergon extends beyond the aesthetic to the dimension of theatre, time and space, here and now. his collapse of binaries, so indicative of Derrida, brings forward the question of the boundaries of theatre especially in a post-dramatic aesthetic sense. Postdramatic theatre, what is more, is a theatre of the present.21 ffts insistence on the non-illusionary and an accent of reality calls into question the make-believe nature of most dramatic and theatrical productions. Furthermore, postdramatic theatre challenges the issues of the identity of performers, highlighting non-acted elements here and now, which, in other words, is a characteristic of performance art and steers back to everyday life. What becomes one of its greatest contributions is the postdramatic challenging of the boundary between art and life, or performance and the everyday. Recently, the occidental art life dichotomy has been a subject of great scrutiny, not only in the mirror of its oriental rendering, but since the late 1Śř0s in British 20. See Derrida, he Truth in Painting, 17. 21. See Hans-hies ffiehmann, Postdramatic heatre, trans. flaren fiürs-fflunby (ffiondon: Routledge, 2006), 142. fian Suk, Olga Neprašová 2Ś5 drama, theatre and performance. Elzbieta Baranieckasuggests that British ffn-Yer-Face drama be read through a subliminal lens, hence the experience of sublime (as paradox) is disconcerting for the audience, much like experiences of terror, shock or extreme situations,22 generating chaos; the sublime drama fails in its representation of the other and puts this failure into representation, or, beter yet, has the audience experience this failure to grasp the other.23 According to Baraniecka, sublime drama as an expression of the postmodern zeitgeist represents the feelings of disillusionment with metanarratives on the one hand and, on the other, a greater openness towards the singular narratives of the other. 24 Further, she contends that the language in Sarah flane s 4.48 Psychosis has both a subliminal and parergonal quality. Words become parergonal as they become the site of the repeated interpretative violence of framing. Any such atempt at framing meaning fails and only exposes the lack of a xed signi ed behind the signi ers. 25 Similarly, when addressing the late 1Śř0s theatre in Britain, it is obvious that pervasive postmodern elements include ennui, banality, vagueness, the everyday, lowbrow, non-linearity and fragmented insigni cant themes in reaction to grandnarratives. ffiike the music of fiohn Cage or the dance of fflerce Cunningham, the British art scene is also preoccupied with the potentials of mundanity and the weariness of everyday life. herefore, the works of performers such as Bobby Baker, ffia Ribot and ffione Twin embrace the aesthetics of the art of invisible, unseen, failure of expectations as well as the gestural ignorance of their audiences. ffn relation to violence, silence is a great tool for expressing impossibility, trauma or guilt, as seen with the performance pieces of Franko B, notably Aktion 398 and I Miss You, in which in complete silence Franko o ers his wounded, mutilation-marked body for contemplation by the audiences individually in private one-to-one explorations, as in the case of the former, or in the later, on the catwalk as a form of fashion-show-gone-bad for a number of spectators and photographers. Silence and doing-nothing seems to operate as leitmotif in both highly visceral pieces. Several other examples of silence and nothingness in ffiive Art include the famous Le Dernier Spectacle (he ffiast Performance) by French choreographer fierome Bel. he performance consists of a sequence of etudes which is repeated with gentle alterations for four times. he opening etude for instance shows Bel s most famous choreography, fierome Bel performing fierome Bel, standing motionless for a couple of minutes, only timing his standing on stage. However, in the th repetition the scenes are made invisible, so that the audience must imagine / remember what was happening in the 22. 23. 24. 25. See Elzbieta Baraniecka, Sublime Drama: British heatre of the 1990s (Berlin: De Gruyter, forthcoming). See Baraniecka, Sublime Drama. Baraniecka, Sublime Drama. Elzbieta Baraniecka, Words that fflater : Between fflateriality and ffmmateriality of ffianguage in Sarah flane s 4.48 Psychosis, Journal of Contemporary Drama in English 1 (2013): 16ř. 2Ś6 From Theory to Practice 2012 previous parts before, since they can see only Bel with his assistant carrying a black cloth to make it impossible for them to see the performers.26 Unlike fierome Bel standing and doing nothing, Bobby Baker, another well-known ffiive Artist, in her Mad Gyms and Kitchens, which premiered in ffieeds in fiune 2012, presents a typically autobiographical monologue on well-being (in all possible meanings), cooking and mental sanity. What Baker does at the end of the spectacle, since she has devoted the entire performance to her own as-if- therapeutically selfinspective confession, is to invite all audience members to drink tea, eat biscuits and write / draw / paint / glue / cut their own well-being atributes, using materials provided by Baker. Such an open-ending allows the performance to naturally dissolve into the everyday, breeching the spatial boundaries of the venue as well as the time frame. his was particularly noticeable for one of the authors of this paper who, while drawing and sipping tea, noticed a couple of long-unseen friends-colleagues and consequently went for a drink with them. As a result, the performance remained without closure and un nished, subverting the horizons of expectations unseen, unmet, with the flantian parergon absent, with Derrida s understanding, being caught strangely in-between our evolving identities and fading memories. ffn similar fashion, the rest of this page is intentionally let blank so as to illustrate the in-between withoutness for the reader to ll up with their own imagination or ideas.27 26. For a detailed description and analysis, see Tim Etchells, fflore and fflore Clever Watch fflore and fflore Stupid, in Live: Art and Performance, ed. Adrian Heath eld, Gwen fiohn, Ceridwen ffiloyd-fflorgan, and Hugo Glendinning (ffiondon: Tate, 2004), 1Śř ŚŚ. 27. hanks to editors flatarína Nemčoková and Gregory fiason Bell for encouraging me to pursue this idea, and to Roman Tru ník, the series editor, for approving it. fian Suk, Olga Neprašová 2Ś7 ffiike rhetoric when performed badly, silence can sound o ensive. ffn theatrical strategies, such provocation can be elaborated into the strategy or creative atribute of a theatre group. Silence operates also as the expression of something inaudible, hidden, mysterious, or unwanted. Finally, silence can also be used as a gesture of commemoration, most frequently as a form of mourning. Along with being a probe into the creative process by testing the limits of the form, these two particular kinds of silence are the most pervasive subjects of Bloody Mess, a 2004 performance by Forced Entertainment. For Forced Entertainment, the foremost British experimental theatre ensemble to date, their provisional approach to theatre-making might be pigeonholed as devised theatre. he company s fundamentally provocative atitude of destructing the narrative and conventional modes of spectacle as well as its subversive approach to the audience, appropriation of performed material and atempts to integrate silence, emptiness, and nothing on stage seems nothing short of a logical step. Bloody Mess serves as a case study of silence in the company s oeuvre. As its title promises, the project presents far from linear story-telling and stage acting. ffn the company s words, the piece accentuates action or the choreographic, rather than the textual. 2ř fft is perhaps best described as a children s game gone-wrong or a strangely dystopian vaudeville. Eleven actors on stage present strangely rendered caricatures of themselves. Ater the initial line-up in which all actors introduce themselves, advising the audience what sort of a character they should be imagining when they look at the actors themselves, the actors chaotically start their bantering on stage. Rather than stories, their etudes might include a clown-brawl-duel, a drunk gorilla dgeting with a baby carriage, or an aged, drunk, exhausted semi-naked cheerleader. Ater about an hour and twenty minutes of performance time the silence scene comes to the fore. Davis and fierry standing naked among a mess of tinfoil, confeti and spilled beer on stage, manifest the desire to communicate silence. hey begin elaborating on di erent kinds of silence. Finally, ater about twenty minutes of this,2Ś they express the wish 2ř. Forced Entertainment, Bloody ffless ffnformation Pack, htp://www.forcedentertainment.com/page/ 3071/Bloody-ffless-Pack. 2Ś. he full list of silences follows: 1) being in the countryside during the night; 2) at a birthday party a 5-year-old girl when she closes her eyes before blowing out her birthday candles; 3) a crying baby ater crying really long when it stops; 4) waiting for the elevator nally the door is open and you ask people whether they are going down or up; 5) family to remember a special day when someone died and commemorate that person to think about that person and enjoy the really beautiful silence; 6) watching the TV and want to change the channel but you accidentally hit the mute buton; 7) a dinner party all having good time, one goes to the bathroom, he can listen that all having a good time, but when he comes back, suddenly they all get silent; ř) public space metro station, or there in the theatre with a lot of people, when everybody hears the policeman to yell out is that your bagŠ; Ś) silence in space an astronaut driting away from the spacecrat; 10) silences when the actor ater the play just gets dressed and runs in the foyer and asks his friends what do you think about this showŠ ; 11) family outing dad driving, kids singing, the car swerves o the motorway and dad is a bit shaken and asks if everybody is all right; 12) your father has Parkinson disease and he did something new and wants to tell you but ater a few sentences just blanks out; 13) a band has a new album and they are having the press conference and someone asks about the political content of their album and the frontman opens his mouth and it is a beautiful silence; 14) low point in your life God, could you just show me some signs that ff could have some hope to go onŠ ; 15) a family decides to turn o the life support 2Śř From Theory to Practice 2012 to perform ve minutes of beautiful silence. he problem appears which kind to choose. hen they conclude that people just can choose, or we can do everyone. he description of silence by the two actors is contrasted with its presentation. he naked performers summon silence as a coincidence of previous actions or events, as a counterpoint. heir method of performing, with one actor speaking and the others nearest just staring in exibly and the rest of the troupe just standing, lying, or dgeting discreetly around, foreshadows the inevitable failure of the scene. Two members of the company impersonating theatre techies constantly interfere, for example bringing a microphone and squabbling about the time measurement. he provocative, humorous, yet embarrassing scene outlines the typical feature of their oeuvre, life art. ffiife art is the spectating aesthetics of Forced Entertainment producing chaos, presencing rather shambolic incompleteness, accentuating the semi-voluntary contact with the audience accentuating the elements like coexistence or con ow; lling the stage with larger-than-life fragility, mortality. he acting of Forced Entertainment resembles amateurish vaudeville; the performers of Forced Entertainment are messing around rather than acting on stage, summoning sympathy rather than empathy. For Tim Etchells, the company s artistic director, the fundamental interest is not in the perfection of the spectacle as in mainstream venues or in politics,30 but the opposite: mistakes and weaknesses. hey are aware of language s inability to express silence or, on the other hand, they use phrases to shock each other, which make the silence itself. he spectators are let with space for imagination and contemplation. Finally, the actors in Bloody Mess never achieve the silence. fft stays forever absent. he unexecuted silence brings forth another signi cant motive in Forced Entertainment s work, which is their ability to fail. his failure is more than obvious when two protagonists are trying to keep the silence with the audience and in fact never accomplish their mission. hey take it very seriously, however, as does the interviewer Rob. Sara fiane Bailes describes their ability to fail as a condition from which everything began and to which everything returns. 31 Bailes thereby compares Forced Entertainment s approach to Becket s. She underlines their motivation, which comes from binding existential conundrums: the failure . . . to express rekindles the very desire to express. 32 he company understands the failure as not only a tragic, but oten or probably at the same time, ridiculous state of potentiality. he failure is not generated by the two central-protagonists but by the chaos produced by the rest of the supporting cast including the sta o ering music for the silence. Nor does Depeche machine are you sure you want to do thisŠ fflum s lying in a coma, two kids crying, and dad with his new girlfriend . . . and doctor makes just one litle click. Forced Entertainment, Bloody Mess, dir. Tim Etchells (ffiondon: Riverside Studios, 2004), DVD. 30. ffiike in the realm of politics avoiding the silence, or as Tim Etchells puts it, absence of error or the absence of terror. See Glendinning, Heath eld, and Etchells, ffntangibles, 606. For Forced Entertainment employing silence is driven by the opposite desire: to explore mistakes, exhaustion, the uneasiness of the performer projected onto the uncanny spectator. 31. Sara fiane Bailes, Performance heatre and the Poetics of Failure: Forced Entertainment, Goat Island, Elevator Repair Service (ffiondon: Routledge, 2011), 66. 32. Bailes, Performance heatre and the Poetics of Failure, 66. fian Suk, Olga Neprašová 2ŚŚ fflode achieve the silence, for ater telling the listener to enjoy the silence, they ll the created space with New Age synthesized music, altogether di erent from their usual o erings but certainly not silence.33 Tim Etchells purposefully admits the abovementioned disregard for whether the group is pigeonholed as experimental or not; in a recent interview he ridicules theatre theorizing and stresses the group s insouciance about pigeonholing and academia. hey see their work as a reaction to and perhaps a re ection of life.34 Also, Etchells s iconoclastic atitude might be well summed-up in a speech he recently delivered at the opening of the ffnternational Student Drama Festival in She eld on fiune 22, 2012. ffn the speech, Etchells highlighted reality, uniqueness, borrowings, copying, enjoying the creative process and the power of free poetic license. [T]he importance of staying free and real and live and now here has been a turn in [theŠ] Arts Council application process in which they are asking how can you help us to deliver our vision and that still shocks me, because, ff always thought and still believe for very good reason that it was, is, and should be, the other way around.35 hese arguments highlight the omnipresence of authorial presence in the work of Forced Entertainment. hus, silence and nothingness operate as a form of conscious provocation and an atempt to dislocate and relocate the status quo of contemporary theatre. Conclusion he audiences of Forced Entertainment voluntarily subscribe to being bored, manipulated, and forcefully abused. Forced Entertainment s atempts to restore absolute silence on stage naturally and inevitably fails, which is another of their creative strategies. heir atitude towards the essential question of the boundary between life and art, theatre and the everyday questions whether or not such a gesture as being silent is a performance. Here it can be both; if they seem not to care, it is perhaps their aim to make the audience want to. A parergonal treatment of performance could shed new light on the dichotomy between life and art. Both flaprow and Go man advocate the importance of framing as a chief principle of negotiating the boundaries between the intrinsic and extrinsic nature 33. See Gregory fiason Bell, e-mail message to author, fflay 21, 2013. 34. According to Etchells, their work contains the desire to express or to articulate what is happening in the world; it comes from the world rather than the desire to be experimental; ff don t really care if it is experimental or not (Video Riga ffiatvia). See Satori, Tims Ečelss: Esam padevu ies politiskajam runam, 2012, htp://satori.lv/raksts/47řř/Esam_padevusies_politiskajam_runam. 35. Tim Etchells ffSDF Opening, opening speech delivered at the ffnternational Student Drama Festival in She eld, fiune 22, 2012, htp://www.timetchells.com/notebook/june-2012/isdf-opening/. 300 From Theory to Practice 2012 of the work of art. As the paper suggests, considering Derrida s notion of parergon as a permeable quality that subverts designating principles of framing theory sheds new light onto performance theatre. he examples of Duchamp and Cage aim to highlight the extreme case of the artistic gesture: proposing silence and nothing as a work of art. ffn terms of contemporary theatre practices, the binary opposition between real and ctitious, art and the everyday, and theatre and life become blurred and nally collapse. he oeuvre of Forced Entertainment illustrated in the analysis of Bloody Mess demonstrates the contemporary trend of the provocative mock-realistic juxtaposition of personal biography onto the stage. he fundamental contribution of Forced Entertainment is not in bringing in the silence, but in the atempt to achieve it. Forced Entertainment s shows prove to be a process-driven spectator-oriented tour-de-force. he reason for their implementation of silence is clear: conscious artistic freedom. he question remains what e ect the performance has on the audience / spectator / witness: excitement, comicality, embarrassment, frustration and / or the violence of non-representation. Acknowledgement he research for this paper was generously supported and completed within the Speci c researched project 213ř, he Phenomenon of Silence in the Postdramatic Oeuvre of Forced Entertainment, funded by the Faculty of Education, University of Hradec flrálové. Works Cited B, Franko. Aktion 3Śř. ffn he Last Few Years. ffiondon: Artsadmin, 2001. Videocassete (VHS), 3:10 (71:00). B, Franko. ff ffliss You. ffn he Last Few Years. ffiondon: Artsadmin, 2001. Videocassete (VHS), 15:2ř (71:00). Bailes, Sara fiane. Performance heatre and the Poetics of Failure: Forced Entertainment, Goat Island, Elevator Repair Service. ffiondon: Routledge, 2011. Baker, Bobby. Mad Gyms and Kitchens (live performance). Directed by Bobby Baker. Performed fiune 2ř, 2012. ffieeds: Stagešleeds heatre. Baraniecka, Elzbieta. Sublime Drama: British heatre of the 1990s. Berlin: De Gruyter, forthcoming. Baraniecka, Elzbieta. Words that fflater : Between fflateriality and ffmmateriality of ffianguage in Sarah flane s 4.48 Psychosis. Journal of Contemporary Drama in English 1 (2013): 161 72. Bel, fierome. Le Dernier Spectacle. Recorded at the Tanz im August Festival, Berlin, August 1ŚŚŚ. France: fierome Bel, 2007. DVD. Bergson, Henri. he Creative Mind: An Introduction to Metaphysics. Translated by fflabelle ffi. Andison. fflineola: Dover Publication, 2007. Burden, Chris. White Light, White Heat (live performance). Performed February ř fflarch 1, 1Ś75. New York: Ronald Feldman Gallery. fian Suk, Olga Neprašová 301 Cabanne, Pierre. Dialogues with Marcel Duchamp. New York: Da Capo Press, 1Śř7. Cage, fiohn. A Year from Monday: New Lectures and Writings. ffiondon: Calder and Boyars, 1Ś6ř. Curtis, Richard. Skinhead Hamlet. ffn he Faber Book of Parodies, edited by Simon Bret, 316 20. ffiondon: Faber and Faber, 1Śř4. Depeche fflode. Enjoy the Silence. Violator. fflute Records R21Ś.Ś5, 200Ś, compact disc, disc 1. Originally released in 1ŚŚ0. Derrida, fiacques. he Truth in Painting. Translated by Geo Bennington and ffan fflcffieod. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1Śř7. Etchells, Tim. ffSDF Opening. Opening speech delivered at the ffnternational Student Drama Festival in She eld, fiune 22, 2012. htp://www.timetchells.com/notebook/june-2012/isdf-opening/. Etchells, Tim. fflore and fflore Clever Watch fflore and fflore Stupid. ffn Live: Art and Performance, edited by Adrian Heath eld, Gwen fiohn, Ceridwen ffiloyd-fflorgan, and Hugo Glendinning, 1Ś6 ŚŚ. ffiondon: Tate, 2004. Forced Entertainment. Bloody Mess. Directed by Tim Etchells. ffiondon: Riverside Studios, 2004. DVD. Forced Entertainment. Bloody ffless ffnformation Pack. 2004. htp://www.forcedentertainment.com/page/3071/Bloody-ffless-Pack. Glendinning, Hugo, Adrian Heath eld, and Tim Etchells. ffntangibles. ffn Perform, Repeat, Record, edited by Adrian Heath eld and Amelia fiones, 601 16. Bristol: ffntellect, 2012. Go man, Erving. Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1Ś74. flane, Sarah. 4.48 Psychosis. ffiondon: fflethuen Drama, 2001. flant, ffmmanuel. Critique of Judgment. Translated by Werner S. Pluhar. ffndianapolis: Hacket, 1Śř7. flant, ffmmanuel. Religion within the Bounds of Bare Reason. Translated by Werner S. Pluhar. ffndianapolis: Hacket, 200Ś. flaprow, Allan. Art Which Can t Be Art. ffn Essays on the Blurring of Art and Life, edited by fie flelley, 21Ś 22. Rev. ed. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003. ffiehmann, Hans-hies. Postdramatic heatre. Translated by flaren fiürs-fflunby. ffiondon: Routledge, 2006. fflalbert, Roger. ffntroduction to Every Day is a Good Day: he Visual Art of John Cage, by fiohn Cage, 7 14. ffiondon: Hayward, 2010. Oxford English Dictionary. 2nd ed. 20 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1ŚřŚ. Satori, Tims Ečelss: Esam padevu ies politiskajam runam. Video, 7:23. 2012. htp://satori.lv/raksts/47řř/Esam_padevusies_politiskajam_runam. Sontag, Susan. he Aesthetics of Silence. ffn Styles of Radical Will, 3 34. New York: Picador USA, 2002. Are Not Witches Always Old and PoorŠ : The Theory and Practice of Witchcraft in fioanna Baillie s Witchcraft Eva Čoupková fflasaryk University, Faculty of Science, ffianguage Centre, flotlá ská 2, 602 00 Brno, Czech Republic. Email: coupkovašsci.muni.cz Abstract: fioanna Baillie s play Witchcrat was published in the third volume of her Miscellaneous Plays (1ř36). he action of the play revolves around a Scotish witchcrat trial before the repeal of the Witchcrat Act in 1736. fft deals with false accusations of witchcrat in superstition-ridden Scotland. he play uses witchcrat as a device to explore the e ects of collective hysteria and of the individual s situation in relation to social and historical processes. Witchcrat is a term usually referring to human actions that are believed to in uence human or natural events through supernatural power. here are a number of recurring elements of witchcrat, i.e., performance of rituals, symbolic signi cance of objects, typical condition of a witch, etc. Baillie shows all these common features of witchcrat in her play in order to demonstrate how old, destitute and desperate female characters seek power, love and revenge, creating mass hysteria and paranoia in their accusers and the whole community. fleywords: witchcrat; stereotypes; power; rituals; women; revenge; fioanna Baillie his paper focuses on the stereotypes associated with witchcrat present in fioanna Baillie s play Witchcrat (1ř36), one of her Scotish dramas, and tries to demonstrate how she uses these stereotypes and for which purposes. Although the idea that certain people could perform harmful sorcery is extremely ancient, the full stereotype of European witchcrat that is, as fflichael D. Bailey argues, the idea of a diabolically organized and conspiratorial cult of male cent sorcerers whose aim was to harm faithful Christians and subvert the order of the Christian world developed quite late in the medieval period, appearing as late as the early- teenth century. he rise of the witch-craze was concurrent with the rise of Renaissance magic. Humanists believed in benevolent magic and propagated it, while theologians and jurists saw witchcrat as the worst of heresies. ffn the early teenth century tracts dealing with diabolical witchcrat began to appear. he invention of the printing press in the 1450s propagated the craze more rapidly. One of the most infamous of all late medieval treatises on witchcrat and witch-hunting, the Malleus Male carum, or Hammer of the Witches, by the Dominican inquisitors Heinrich flramer and fiacob Sprenger, was rst published in 14ř7. fft was reprinted in fourteen editions by 1520, becoming one of the most in uential of all early printed books.1 1. See fflichael David Bailey, Batling Demons: Witchcrat, Heresy and Reform in the Late Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003), 2. 304 From Theory to Practice 2012 fie rey B. Russell showed how witchcrat in the British ffsles di ered from continental witchcrat. here was no inquisition or Roman law, and it remained closer to sorcery with an emphasis on the negative power of the witch to hex. he rst statute against witchcrat was passed by Parliament in 1542 at the end of the reign of Henry Vffffff; then there was a new statute under Elizabeth ff in 1563, which gave the death penalty to witches. Witches were prosecuted under civil law, not ecclesiastical, and that is why English witches were hanged rather than burnt as was common on the continent. Continental ideas made their way to England through Scotland, whose fling fiames Vff was a proponent of the witch-craze. Ater his succession to the English throne in 1603 as fiames ff, a new statute was adopted in 1604 introducing pacts, devil-worship and other continental crimes. A period of severe prosecution of witches ensued. Towards the end of the seventeenth century belief in witches gradually declined. ffn 1736, a new statute repealed the previous ones, marking the end of the witch-craze, stating that no person should be prosecuted for witchcrat or sorcery.2 Baillie s play Witchcrat was published in the third volume of her Miscellaneous Plays in 1ř36 exactly one hundred years ater the repeal of the Witchcrat Act in 1736. As Christine A. Colón notes, Baillie grew up in the part of Scotland where the last witchcrat trial took place in 16Ś7, and she was perhaps familiar with the plight of the seven witches executed there.3 ffn 1ř36 the witch-craze was long over, but Romanticism helped revive the idea. Baillie was not the only writer interested in the topic. ffn 1ř30, Sir Walter Scot published Leters on Demonology and Witchcrat, which was e ective in reviving interest in this phenomenon. Baillie s Witchcrat was probably inspired by Scot s historical novel he Bride of Lammermoor (1ř1Ś), in which three poor, old women wish the Devil to contact them and make them serve him.4 hese three witches also comment on the action of the novel, a function which resembles Shakespeare s use of witches in Macbeth. One of the most powerful stereotypes associated with witchcrat is that of witches as women. Women dominated witchcrat in every period and in every region. flramer and Sprenger, the authors of the Malleus Male carum, showed strong misogyny when they gave reasons for the predominance of women in witchcrat: What else is a woman but a foe to friendship, an inescapable punishment, a necessary evil, a natural temptation, a desirable calamity, a domestic danger . . . women are intellectually like children . . . she is an imperfect animal, she always deceives . . . she is more carnal than a man, as is clear from her many carnal abominations . . . they search for, brood over, and in ict various vengeances, either by witchcrat, or by some other means . . . .5 2. See fie rey B. Russell, A History of Witchcrat: Sorcerers, Heretics and Pagans (ffiondon: hames and Hudson, 1Śř0). 3. See Christine A. Colón, introduction to Witchcrat, in Six Gothic Dramas, ed. Christine A. Colón (Chicago: Valancourt Books, 2007), xxxiii xxxvi. 4. See Colón, introduction to Witchcrat, xxxiv. 5. Heinrich flramer and fiacob Sprenger, Malleus Male carum, trans. fflontague Summers (ffiondon: fi. Rodker, 1Ś2ř), 43 46. uoted in fie rey B. Russell, A History of Witchcrat: Sorcerers, Heretics and Pagans (ffiondon: hames and Hudson, 1Śř0), 116. Eva Čoupková 305 ffn addition, women accused of witchcrat were usually poor, old, lonely, unmarried women or widows, abandoned by relatives and society in general. ffn Witchcrat, as in Macbeth or he Bride of Lamermoor, there are three typical witches, i.e., women ting this description. heir names are Elspy ffiow, fflary fflacmurren, and Grizeld Bane. hese names are telling, especially that of Grizeld Bane, because witches usually kept familiars dogs, cats and other creatures and Grizel was a typical name for a familiar, dating from the ffliddle Ages.6 hese three women are reputed witches in Renfrewshire in Scotland, where the action of the play develops, and various misfortunes are atributed to them. When the child of a local nobleman falls ill, the cause is immediately clear the girl has been bewitched. his idea of witches a icting children was typical, since child mortality was high in that period. he mother of the sick child speaks of the spectral visitation: he curtains of the bed began to shake as if touched by a hand, or the motion of some passing body. hen ff knew that they were dealing with my poor child, and ff had no power to break the spell of their witchcrat, for ff had no voice to speak . . . the ffiord s prayer was on my lips, but ff was unable to uter it.7 his was a common belief that either witches or their victims were unable to pray properly.ř Other calamities witches were blamed for are a bride breaking her leg just before the wedding or bad weather in icting damage on the crops. Witches are indeed poor lower class women, and speak Scotish dialect like all servants and atendants in the play, by which Baillie intended to indicate their inferior position in society. Grizeld claims that she can talk directly to Satan and use his power. fflary and Elspy follow her out on the moors on a stormy night. hey hope to receive power to be able to provide food for themselves and torment neighbours who have been cruel to them. fflary expressed this desire: Ay, the hatedanes will pay the cost, ff trow . . . hey refused us a han fu in our greatest need, but now it wull be our turn to ha fou sacks and baith cakes and kebbucks at command, while their aumery is bare (W, 34Ś). hey gather on the moor to hold a coven; Grizeld tries to invoke Satan and evil spirits to assist them, using the usual techniques, like repeating the ffiord s Prayer backwards. While the storm increases, creating a Gothic atmosphere with ashes of thunder and lightning, the witches hold hands moving in a circle, drawing a circle on the oor, and so on. But the magic does not work; evil spirits do not appear. here is only a solitary traveller who has lost his way in the storm and does no not look like Satan at all. Ater the unsuccessful coven the witches complain that they are still hungry and powerless but can think of no other means of improving their social status than witchcrat. As Colón suggests, here Baillie evidently criticizes the plight of lower class women who see that their sole chance is the in uence of spells and witchcrat as the only power available to them.Ś 6. See Russell, A History of Witchcrat, Ś2. 7. fioanna Baillie, Witchcrat, in Six Gothic Dramas, ed. Christine A. Colón (Chicago: Valancourt Books, 2007), 342. Hereater cited in the text as W. ř. See Russell, A History of Witchcrat, Ś2. Ś. See Christine A. Colón, Joanna Baillie and the Art of Moral In uence (New York: Peter ffiang, 200Ś), 132. 306 From Theory to Practice 2012 Witchcrat is used by middle and upper class women as well, and Baillie indicates that even if they are beter o than their poor fellow women, they are still inferior to men due to the lack of power or education; that is why they are also prone to superstitious beliefs. For example, lady Dungarren, mother of the sick girl, argues with her son Robert flennedy about witchcrat and superstition: hou art proud of the heathenish learning thou hast gleaned up at college, and will not believe what is writen in Scripture (W, 357). he only person who is partly successful in using witchcrat is the rich and beautiful lady Annabela, a relative of lady Dungarren. She loves Robert flennedy desperately, but is unable to bewitch him or gain his a ections, since he loves another. Annabela turns to Grizeld for advice on how to use her witchcrat to destroy Violet fflurrey, Robert s beloved. But Annabela is clever enough not to rely only on magic or spells to destroy Violet. ffnstead she fabricates evidence so that it seems that Violet is the witch who causes the litle girl s illness. She gets hold of a piece of Violet s gown and places it in the room where the litle girl is supposed to be visited by apparitions. Using this false evidence, Violet could be accused of witchcrat and removed by the community. Here the motif of witchcrat as revenge and the plight of its victims emerges, when Annabela claims: To be tormented by witchcrat is bad, but to be accused and punished for it is a misery so exquisite, that, to purchase it for an enemy, were worth a monarch s ransom (W, 373). Annabela is a di erent kind of a witch, but the most powerful of all the women in the play. Grizeld acknowledges it when she says that there is both wit and wickedness in thee to perfection (W, 3Ś1), and there is not a cloven foot, nor a horned head of them all, wickeder and bolder than thou art (W, 402). he victim of Annabela s scheme, Violet, is not a typical witch. She is not wealthy, but young and beautiful, and enjoys an excellent reputation among all her neighbours; many of them regret her fate and would be glad to help her. Some of them present typical absurd arguments: that some old unpopular widow can be wrongfully suspected, but for a girl with a good reputation, the evidence must be strong; or that if she is innocent, providence will save her. his does not happen Violet is not able to acquit herself of the charge of witchcrat. here is just one weak and clumsy atempt by her lover to arrange her escape from prison. he atempt fails there is instead additional strong evidence against Violet because she accidentally appears on the moor with her supposedly dead father at the moment when the three witches try to contact Satan. Finally, she is about to be burnt at the stake together with fflary, but as the crowds gather to see their execution, a trumpet sounds and a company of soldiers arrives to announce that the Witchcrat Act has been repealed by the fling. From that moment on no person can be punished for witchcrat. herefore salvation comes in the form of a deus ex machina, or purely by chance in fact. ffronically, the only person who dies due to this witchcrat trial is lady Annabela. She wants to watch both executions from a house overlooking the stake to enjoy her triumph, but is joined by Grizeld who apparently strangles her to sacri ce her to Satan who, as she says, must not return empty-handed, when a fair lady is to be had (W, 403). Eva Čoupková 307 here occurs no real witchcrat in the play. An o cer who arrives with soldiers recognizes in Grizeld a miserable woman whose husband was hanged for murder, at ffnverness, some years ago, and who thereupon became distracted. She was, when ff let the country, kept in close custody. But she has, no doubt, escaped from her keepers, who may not be very anxious to reclaim her. (W, 413) he message is that people do not have to fear witches, devils or other supernatural events, but rather their neighbours and relatives, who use witchcrat only as means of achieving their economic, political or personal aims. Even if Baillie concluded her play with a kind of happy ending, since only the cunning lady is punished, the reader feels that the innocent victims, Violet and fflary, were saved only accidentally. Had the soldiers arrived a couple of minutes later, their plight would have resembled that of thousands of real victims of the witch-craze. ffn her play Witchcrat Baillie clearly sees witch hunts as a social and psychological phenomenon. As Russell observes, many people resorted to witchcrat because it was easy to blame others for their misfortunes, to make some enemy within society responsible and accountable for their own failures.10 Baillie also shows that vulnerability of women regarding witchcrat is largely due to their inferior social position. Poor lower class women had no other chance of improving their lives, because society condemned them to starvation and isolation. Upper class women do not starve, but they are still frustrated by a lack of independence and control. hat is why witchcrat is directed against other women who seem to be beter o , either because they have enough to eat, or because they are just loved and seem to be happy. To conclude, it would be interesting to draw a parallel between Witchcrat and he Crucible (1Ś52) by Arthur ffliller. ffliller s well-known play is a dramatization of the Salem witch trials that took place in fflassachusets in 16Ś2. ffiike Baillie, ffliller was interested in the plight of the falsely accused and the idea of collective hysteria, the dangers stemming from social tensions and individual hostility. he principal character in ffliller s play, fiohn Proctor, expresses this atitude, when he claims: ffs the accuser always holy nowŠ . . . vengeance is walking Salem. 11 Witchcrat was never performed in Baillie s lifetime, a fact she perhaps regreted, because she intended her plays to be performed on the stage, not read as closet dramas. Fortunately, recent critical interest in her work has led to at least two stage productions of Witchcrat, one at the Finborough heatre in ffiondon in 2007, and the second at Concordia University in Canada in 2010. he play is evidently worth staging the critic fflichael Billington observed in his review in he Guardian, that while the play su ers from an excessive theatricality . . . . fft is robustly enjoyable, Walter Scot-style stu . 12 And since collective hysteria, social tensions and individual hostilities, as well 10. See Russell, A History of Witchcrat, 10Ś. 11. Arthur ffliller, he Crucible (New York: Penguin Books, 1Śř1), 77. 12. fflichael Billington, Witchcrat, Guardian, April 2ř, 200ř. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/stage/200ř/apr/ 2ř/theatre2. 30ř From Theory to Practice 2012 as negative atitudes to women, are still there, Baillie s play may interest the readers and spectators of our time. Works Cited Bailey, fflichael David. Batling Demons: Witchcrat, Heresy, and Reform in the Late Middle Ages. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003. Baillie, fioanna. Witchcrat. ffn Six Gothic Dramas, edited by Christine A. Colón, 33Ś 415. Chicago: Valancourt, 2007. Billington, fflichael. Witchcrat. Guardian, April 2ř, 200ř. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/stage/200ř/apr/2ř/theatre2. Colón, Christine A. ffntroduction to Six Gothic Dramas, by fioanna Baillie, edited by Christine A. Colón, vii xxxvi. Chicago: Valancourt Books, 2007. Colón, Christine A. Joanna Baillie and the Art of Moral In uence. New York: Peter ffiang, 200Ś. flramer, Heinrich, and fiacob Sprenger. Malleus Male carum. Translated by fflontague Summers. ffiondon: fi. Rodker, 1Ś2ř. ffliller, Arthur. he Crucible. New York: Penguin Books, 1Śř1. Russell, fie rey B. A History of Witchcrat: Sorcerers, Heretics and Pagans. ffiondon: hames and Hudson, 1Śř0. Scot, Walter. Leters on Demonology and Witchcrat. ffiondon: fiohn fflurray, 1ř30. Scot, Walter. he Bride of Lammermoor. ffiondon: Henry Frowde, 1Ś12. Country, City and in Between: Constructing Space in Twentieth-Century Scottish Fiction fflarkéta Gregorová Palacký University, Philosophical Faculty, Department of English and American Studies, fl í kovského 10, 771 ř0 Olomouc, Czech Republic. Email: marketa.gregorovašupol.cz Abstract: his paper examines the di erent approaches that twentieth-century Scotish ction writers take in constructing a national space in their works. he aim is to provide an overview of general tendencies through a classi cation based on the authors choice of seting and the mode of its presentation. he survey starts at the turn of the twentieth century, characterised by the vogue of the flailyard School and its idealised portrayals of tightly-knit communities in picturesque rural setings. Another major phase begins in the 1Ś20s and 30s, when the proletarian novel, depicting the plight of the working class in bleak urban setings, becomes the prominent genre. A recent kailyard avatar appears in the 1Śř0s and Ś0s in the form of Satanic flailyard, which reverses the original genre conventions by systematically foregrounding the ugly and the corrupt, whereas the earlier generations insisted on nding the beautiful and the virtuous. fleywords: Scotish literature; flailyard School; Urban flailyard; proletarian novel; Satanic flailyard By the end of the nineteenth century, Scotish literary tradition relied almost exclusively on the achievement of two isolated individuals: on the rustic dialect poetry of Robert Burns and on the historical regional ction of Walter Scot. fft seemed that the 1707 Act of Union, which joined the formerly autonomous kingdoms of Scotland and England to form Great Britain, deprived the Scots not only of political but also of literary sovereignty. Scotish literature lacked both unique and unifying characteristics to di erentiate it from the general English writing tradition and promote it to the status of a national literature on its own behalf. Only in the last decade of the nineteenth century did there arise a distinct group of speci cally Scotish writers who sought similar goals and used su ciently similar methods to earn the label of a national school or movement. hese writers continued the tradition established by Burns and Scot in employing the Scots dialect to elaborate on scenes of peasant life in speci c Scotish regions in past times. he deeply-rooted regionalism of this group, even parochialism in some of its adherents, is re ected in the term by which they are referred flailyard School the Scots word kailyard designating literally a cabbage patch in the back garden. Cairns Craig explains the Scotish writers penchant for regionalism as a direct outcome of the Union of 1707 and suggests that the value atributed to local identity developed precisely as the counterbalance to the powerful sense that Scotland was disappearing into a homogenous and universal English culture. 1 Accordingly, writings in the vein of the flailyard School noisily exhibit their Scotishness, be it in the 1. Cairns Craig, Scotland and the Regional Novel, in he Regional Novel in Britain and Ireland, 1800–1990, ed. fl. D. ffl. Snell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1ŚŚř), 222. 310 From Theory to Practice 2012 particulars, such as setings and characters, or in the general sentiments expressed. flailyard practitioners promote a self-contained Scotland consisting solely of large tracts of picturesque countryside populated by delightfully uncomplicated commoners whose simple pleasures and certainties are presented as particularly desirable when counterpoised against the confusions of England and the rest of the world. he term kailyard was originally coined for the purposes of literary criticism: in an article from 1řŚ5, fi. H. fflillar described the novelist fi. ffl. Barrie half-seriously, half-mockingly as the founder of a special and notable department in the parochial school of ction, . . . the Great flailyard fflovement. 2 hough at rst a neutral expression, the word kailyard developed pejorative connotations, and its current usage extends to cover any cultural manifestation that ostentatiously and tastelessly aunts its Scotishness. For the purpose of this paper, the term kailyard will not be treated as a qualitative label but will be de ned as a literary genre which observes a particular set of conventions. hese conventions comprise above all the already mentioned obligatory rural seting and the use of heavy dialect in dialogue exchanges of simple farmer or artisan character types. A piece of kailyard ction either follows an episodic structure or merely eshes out a formulaic plot, typically involving a poor boy s education in divinity and appointment to minister, church splits or everyday domestic a airs, such as courtships, births and burials. A minister or a schoolmaster serves as the narrator, who is nearly always omniscient and oten condescending. As ffloira Burgess puts it, the writer displays his characters, so pawky and quaint, with an air of amusement which he assumes his readers, comfortable in their own superiority, will share. 3 he stock characters of kailyard ction include the lad o pairts, that is, a prodigiously talented boy on a bursary; the stickit minister, referring to a failed clerical candidate; and a variety of humorously idiosyncratic locals. flailyard writings tend to err in excessive melodrama or in excessive sentimentality, exploiting the emotional appeal to the audience by dwelling on deathbed scenes and funeral processions on one hand or elaborating on improbably exaggerated love stories on the other. he former shortcoming a ects, for instance, fi. ffl. Barrie s A Window in hrums (1řřŚ), where an unworthy son fails to atend the successive deathbeds of his mother, father and sister, respectively; while the later pitfall is illustrated by Barrie s he Litle Minister (1řŚ1), where the unlikely love of a minister and a gypsy girl miraculously triumphs over adversity. Barrie s collection of short stories Auld Licht Idylls (1řřř) nevertheless proves to be a well-balanced exercise in kailyard ction and counts among the nest examples of this genre. he volume derives its title from Old ffiights, a puritanical faction of the Church of Scotland, whose community in the ctional litle town of hrums becomes the subject of the stories. he strictly religious townspeople and their limited concerns are treated in a gently mocking, yet not entirely una ectionate manner, as apparent in the following description: You could generally tell an Auld ffiicht in hrums when you passed him, 2. uoted in Andrew Nash, Kailyard and Scotish Literature (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2007), 12. 3. ffloira Burgess, he Glasgow Novel: A Complete Guide, 3rd ed. (Hamilton: Scotish ffiibrary Association, 1ŚŚŚ), 34. fflarkéta Gregorová 311 his dull vacant face wrinkled over a heavy wob. . . . When he met a friend they said, Ay, fieames, and Ay, Davit, and then could think of nothing else. 4 Some of the pieces included in the collection stand as simple sketches of a placid country life, whereas some others exploit irreverent humour to create exuberantly comic scenes. he story entitled he Auld ffiichts in Arms, to name but one, deals with a pety feud between hrums and the neighbouring parish of Tilliedrum, which culminates in a universal skirmish over the dead body of a hrums dweller, who wandered to Tilliedrum and thoughtlessly died there. 5 On the following Sabbath, the participants of the bloody but casualty-free confrontation are severely chastised from the pulpit by their obliging minister, on which the congregation, with most of their eyes bunged up, [bursts] into psalms of praise. 6 fi. ffl. Barrie earned the reputation of a chief proponent of the kailyard genre in his lifetime and found it di cult to distance himself from the limiting label. fflodern criticism however recognises the greater complexity and artistic value of his work, particularly in contrast to the rather reductive and schematic atempts of his likeminded contemporaries, such as S. R. Crocket s he Stickit Minister (1řŚ3) and ffan fflaclaren s Beside the Bonnie Brier Bush (1řŚ4). he flailyard School rst enjoyed an enormous popular as well as critical success, but as soon as its novelty wore o , the kailyarders came to be criticised, as Andrew Nash formulates it, for their tendency (implicitly or otherwise) to construct Scotishness in an escapist paradigm that had litle to do with the reality of contemporary Scotland. 7 flailyard writers oten deliberately assumed an air of realism and authenticity and by masquerading their products as truthful accounts of Scotish rural life, they contributed to disseminating restricting national myths and stereotypes. R. B. Cunninghame Graham, a contemporaneous commentator, complains about the received image of the Scotsman as a sentimental fool, a canting cheat, a grave sententious man, dressed in a stan o black , oppressed with the tremendous di culties of the jargon he is bound to speak, and above all weighted down with the responsibility of being Scotch. ř While the flailyard School ignored the existence of an industrialised Scotland and withdrew into a pastoral idyll, a parallel group of ction writers evolved who appropriated the genre conventions for urban setings. ffloira Burgess labels these writings retrospectively as Urban flailyard, which, besides the transfer from the country to the city seting, shares the atributes of the kailyard proper, including sentimentality, narrowness of vision, and the acceptance of a code of unshakeable assumptions regarding conventional conduct and belief. Ś Where the rural kailyard 4. 5. 6. 7. fi. ffl. Barrie, hrums, in Auld Licht Idylls (1řřř; New York: Caldwell, [1řŚ0]), 14. fi. ffl. Barrie, he Auld ffiichts in Arms, in Auld Licht Idylls, 116. Barrie, he Auld ffiichts in Arms, 115. Andrew Nash, he flailyard: Problem or ffllusionŠ, in Enlightenment, Britain and Empire (1707–1918), vol. 2 of he Edinburgh History of Scotish Literature, ed. ffan Brown (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007), 321. ř. uoted in Nash, Kailyard and Scotish Literature, 45. Ś. ffloira Burgess, Imagine a City: Glasgow in Fiction (Glendaruel: Argyll, 1ŚŚř), 6ř 6Ś. 312 From Theory to Practice 2012 focuses on the modest concerns of small farmers and weavers, the urban kailyard deals with poor but complacent tenement dwellers. As a rule, neither rural nor urban kailyard writings achieve any signi cant literary value, though in the later category fi. fi. Bell s Wee Macgreegor (1Ś02), a series of endearing sketches from a litle boy s uneventful life, remains enduringly popular. his book and its somewhat weaker sequels by the same author ful l the requirements on light kailyard ction in containing a cast of lowerclass characters, occasional harmless humour and an underlying moralistic element, but they bring a refreshing innovation to the genre in using a naive child s rather than an informed adult s perspective. he kailyard mode of literary expression largely exhausted its potential during the rst decade of the twentieth century and was succeeded by a more ambitious portrayal of the conditions of contemporary Scotland in the form of the proletarian ction of the 1Ś20s and 30s. he let-wing authors of this period ought to be credited for introducing topical issues into Scotish writing and for atempting a realistic treatment of their subject, even though the aesthetic intention is oten subordinated to didactic political purposes. A typical Scotish proletarian novel takes place in Glasgow, at that time the seat of the British heavy manufacturing industry in particular, the traditional shipbuilding on the River Clyde as much as the site of major labour unrest during the Great Depression. Out of the number of mostly mediocre novels focusing on the workers in Clydeside shipyards, George Blake s he Shipbuilders (1Ś35) and fiames Barke s Major Operation (1Ś36) still remain in print. A signi cant achievement in the eld of the depression novel dealing with the plight of the unemployed is presented by Dot Allan s Hunger March (1Ś34), set in a thinly veiled Glasgow in a single day. A recent reincarnation of the term kailyard in relation to a speci c mode of presenting space in Scotish ction occurred in the last decade of the twentieth century, in reference to the controversial works of ffrvine Welsh and similarly inclined writers of his generation. he commercial success of Welsh s Trainspoting (1ŚŚ3), a novel of a heroin youth subculture set in a seedy and murky Edinburgh, revived the notion of kailyard as a vulgar, low-brow market product. hese are precisely the atributes that Christopher Harvie criticises when he characterises Welsh as an author of books for people who don t read books and describes his writing as satanic or chemical generation kailyard.10 Unlike the original late-nineteenth-century flailyard School and to some extent Urban flailyard, Harvie s labels did not enter common usage; even though Welsh is oten grouped with ction writers like the Booker Prize winner fiames flelman or the less-well-known Agnes Owens, who share many of their methods and pursue similar ends. All of them are imaginatively and creatively linked to a particular locus Welsh to Edinburgh, and both flelman and Owens to Glasgow which they populate in their writing with lower-class, dialect-speaking characters. hese authors contribute with their portrayals of post-industrial cities to the postmodern plurality of 10. Christopher Harvie, Scotland and Nationalism: Scotish Society and Politics, 1707 to the Present, 4th ed. (ffiondon: Routledge, 2004), 220. fflarkéta Gregorová 313 visions, in which, as fflarie Odile Pitin-Hédon comments, the city becomes a city, or rather myriads of cities whose representations bear upon one another. 11 he issue of constructing an imaginative national space in literature seems particularly pertaining to Scotland, considering its status as a stateless nation. A people who lose their nationality create a legend to take its place, observes Edwin ffluir and continues: he reality of a nation s history lies in its continuity, and the present is its only guarantee. 12 Writers of the late-Victorian flailyard School responded to the literary heritage of Burns and Scot by perpetuating the legend of rurality and historicism. heir nostalgic idylls came to an end with the onset of problems atendant on industrialism and were promptly replaced by new atempts on the part of urban proletarian writers to come to terms with the contemporary bleak conditions of Scotland. A transition to a post-industrial society in the last two or three decades of the twentieth century opened up fresh ways of dealing with the rural and the urban alike, which include debunking defunct myths and discovering original atitudes to convey a powerful sense of a Scotish space without resorting to schematism and stereotyping. Works Cited Barrie, fi. ffl. Auld Licht Idylls. 1řřř. New York: Caldwell, [1řŚ0]. Burgess, ffloira. he Glasgow Novel: A Complete Guide. 3rd ed. Hamilton: Scotish ffiibrary Association, 1ŚŚŚ. Burgess, ffloira. Imagine a City: Glasgow in Fiction. Glendaruel: Argyll, 1ŚŚř. Craig, Cairns. Scotland and the Regional Novel. ffn he Regional Novel in Britain and Ireland, 1800–1990, edited by fl. D. ffl. Snell, 221 56. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1ŚŚř. Harvie, Christopher. Scotland and Nationalism: Scotish Society and Politics, 1707 to the Present. 4th ed. ffiondon: Routledge, 2004. ffluir, Edwin. Scot and Scotland: he Predicament of the Scotish Writer. ffiondon: Routledge, 1Ś36. Nash, Andrew. Kailyard and Scotish Literature. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2007. Nash, Andrew. he flailyard: Problem or ffllusionŠ ffn Enlightenment, Britain and Empire (1707–1918), vol. 2 of he Edinburgh History of Scotish Literature, edited by ffan Brown, 317 23. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007. Pitin-Hédon, fflarie Odile. Re-imagining the City: End of the Century Cultural Signs in the Novels of fflcfflvanney, Banks, Gray, Welsh, flelman, Owens and Rankin. ffn Modern Transformations: New Identities (from 1918), vol. 3 of he Edinburgh History of Scotish Literature, edited by ffan Brown, 253 61. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007. 11. fflarie Odile Pitin-Hédon, Re-imagining the City: End of the Century Cultural Signs in the Novels of fflcfflvanney, Banks, Gray, Welsh, flelman, Owens and Rankin, in Modern Transformations: New Identities (from 1918), vol. 3 of he Edinburgh History of Scotish Literature, ed. ffan Brown (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007), 254. fftalics in original. 12. Edwin ffluir, Scot and Scotland: he Predicament of the Scotish Writer (ffiondon: Routledge, 1Ś36), 160 61. fiamaica Revisited: Slave Narrative in Andrea ffievy s The Long Song Pavlína Flajšarová Palacký University, Philosophical Faculty, Department of English and American Studies, fl í kovského 10, 771 ř0 Olomouc, Czech Republic. Email: pavlina. ajsarovašupol.cz Abstract: ffle be a mulato, not a negro, claims fiuly, the protagonist of he Long Song (2010, 1Śř). With this novel, acclaimed British novelist Andrea ffievy pays tribute to her ancestors who lived as slaves on the sugar plantations in fiamaica. Against the backdrop of the black Baptist War that erupted in fiamaica in 1ř31, the 1ř3ř abolition of slavery in the British Empire and its atermath are discussed. Although the tradition of slave narratives is oten associated with American literary and social history, ffievy creates a neo-slave narrative that focuses on the issue of identity within the Caribbean. She explores the ethnic background of the individual characters in order to question the social hierarchy within the British Empire. fleywords: Caribbean literature; British literature; Andrea ffievy; he Long Song; slavery; slave narrative; neo-slave narrative; colonialism; postcolonialism; Scotland While the genre of classic slave narratives originated from the slave tra c in the triangular trade between Europe, Africa and the Americas, neo-slave narratives represent a twentieth-century phenomenon. Early slave narratives were recorded stories of enslaved Africans in former British colonies. fflany existed only in manuscript form. ffn the nineteenth century, as the abolitionist movement in America gained in importance, slave narratives became a popular genre of African American literature. ffn this era, white people functioned as recorders and as editors of the narratives. However, as Edwards and Dabydeen argue, literacy in English among black slaves, while encouraged by a few missionaries and sympathetic individuals, was ercely opposed by most planters and slave-owners, who feared that demands for emancipation would be encouraged and given a voice. 1 he fear of the white colonisers that slave literacy would cause rebellion was voiced as early as in the 1760s by William flnox, the provost-marshal of the British North American colony of Georgia, who warned that literacy would lead to a general insurrection of the Negroes and the massacre of their owners. 2 ffnspired by flnox s theory of the intellectual inferiority of black people, described in his racist pamphlets,3 British planters did not generally support the publication of slave narratives. 1. Paul Edwards and David Dabydeen, ffntroduction to Black Writers in Britain 1760–1890, ed. Paul Edwards and David Dabydeen (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1ŚŚ1), x. 2. uoted in Peter Fryer, Staying Power: he History of Black People in Britain (ffiondon: Pluto Press, 1Śř4), 154. 3. For a detailed study of flnox s views, see ffieland fi. Bellot, William Knox: he Life and hought of an Eighteenth-Century Imperialist (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1Ś77). 316 From Theory to Practice 2012 he early slave narratives mostly remained unpublished; however, those that did make it into print make the following classi cation possible. First, there were American tales of emancipation, such as the autobiographical A Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave (1ř45), Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1ř61) by Harriet fiacobs and the ctional Uncle Tom s Cabin (1ř52) by Harriet Beecher Stowe. he second category of slave narratives focuses on religious redemption and the spiritual life of slaves. Early examples of the second category include A Narrative of the Most Remarkable Particulars in the Life of James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, an African Prince (1772) and he Interesting Narrative and the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African (17řŚ). Early Caribbean slave narratives include he History of Mary Prince (1ř31), A Narrative of Events, since the First of August, 1834, by James Williams, an Apprenticed Labourer in Jamaica (1ř36), and Negro Slavery Described by a Negro: Being the Narrative of Ashton Warner, a Native of St. Vincent (1ř31). Set in a Caribbean context, such narratives are primarily concerned with detailing the experience of slavery and apprenticeship in the British West ffndian colonies. 4 Ater slavery was abolished in the British Empire (1ř33) and in the United States (1ř65), a new genre of neo-slave narratives emerged. he term neo-slave narrative was coined by Bernard W. Bell, who de nes such narratives as residually oral, modern narratives of escape from bondage to freedom. 5 Within the context of the Caribbean, the neo-slave narratives present ctional accounts of life during slavery writen by authors who did not experience slavery rsthand but who are usually the descendants of slaves. Apart from their imagination, these authors utilize oral histories and existing slave narratives to create novels about the heritage of slavery. ffn the neo-slave narratives, the focus shits from slavery and colonialism to the identity issues of the former slaves and their descendants. While in America the neo-slave narratives were continuously published during the post-abolitionist era, British Caribbean neo-slave narratives have been published only within the last three decades. fflaria ffiima explains that most of the theorizing on the neo-slave narrative has been done in the Americas. . . . [P]erhaps one of the reasons for this silence . . . is the unwillingness of the academic establishment to come to terms with that part of British history: Britain s Heart of Darkness. 6 herefore, the reassessment of slavery is the main focus of contemporary British Caribbean neo-slave ction. A typical recent Caribbean British neo-slave narrative is he Long Song (2010) by Andrea ffievy. While depicting the social and racial tensions between the British owner of a fiamaican plantation and his slaves, she explores elements that constitute the backbone of many North American slave narratives. For example, ffievy depicts the 4. Nicole N. Aljoe, Caribbean Slave Narratives: Creole in Form and Genre, Anthurium 2, no. 1 (2004). htp://anthurium.miami.edu/volume_2/issue_1/aljoe-slave.htm. 5. Bernard W. Bell, he Afro-American Novel and Its Tradition (Amherst: University of fflassachusets Press, 1Śř7), 2řŚ. 6. fflaria Helena ffiima, A Writen Song: Andrea ffievy s Neo-slave Narrative, in Special ffssue on Andrea ffievy, ed. Wendy flnepper, special issue, EnterText Ś (2012): 136. htp://www.brunel.ac.uk/__data/ assets/pdf_ le/000ř/1Śř053/10_ffiima_Writen-Song_FffNAffi.pdf. Pavlína Flajšarová 317 physical and emotional abuses of slavery, the quest of slaves for freedom and overt appeals of the protagonist to the audience. ffiima situates he Long Song into a broader context of neo-slave narratives whose authors have, according to fflaria Helena ffiima, atempted to recover elements of the narrative structure and thematic con guration of slave narratives. he widespread rewriting of the genre in the post-abolition era has served to re-a rm the historical value of the original slave narrative and reclaim the humanity of the enslaved by (re)imaging their subjectivity. 7 ffievy, however, ignores other traditional motifs in American slave narratives, such as slave auctions and the successful and unsuccessful atempts of slaves to escape. She emphasizes the reality of slavery and the post-slavery era by switching between the present and the past. However, she does not employ the ashback technique but rather utilizes various narrative perspectives: when the protagonist fiuly recollects the past, it is told from a third-person perspective; when she describes her current life, ffievy relates it by using an unreliable rst-person narrator. ffn addition, the narrator uses di erent levels of language, from Caribbean patois to formal Victorian English. he variety of language re ects the development of fiuly from her careless and naive youth to the wisdom of her adulthood. ffn line with the traditional slave narratives, ffievy frames her story with a preface and an aterword, writen by the character of homas flinsman, who, in the end, turns out to be a successful printer in fiamaica and the lost son of the main protagonist. He represents the new-age liberated slave and, moreover, he stands here for the literate person supporting the narrative of fiuly, an illiterate slave. fiuly con des in her mistress Caroline fflortimer that she is not able to record her story in writing: But me can t, missus, fiuly repeated, ffle can neither read, nor write. ř However, fiuly wants to maintain her right to tell her story, albeit with the help of flinsman, who writes it down. ffievy explains the choice of fiuly as narrator as an act of revisionist thinking about slavery in the Caribbean: here is an excellent body of scholarship, both in Britain and in the Caribbean, on the history of slavery. But there are very few surviving documents and artefacts that ff could nd where enslaved people speak of and for themselves. ffiitle writing or testimony has emerged that was not ltered at the time through a white understanding or serving a white narrative whether it be the apologists for slavery and the West ffndian planter classes, or their opponents, the abolitionist.Ś he Long Song mirrors the life of three generations of slaves who live on a sugar plantation in fiamaica. he typical fiamaican plantation had many slaves and was much larger and more distant from its neighbours than an American plantation. Stanley Engerman has documented that three-quarters of slaves in fiamaica were located on plantations of 50 or more slaves, whereas in the United States less than one-quarter of slaves were located on such plantations. 10 He also emphasises an important di erence 7. ř. Ś. 10. ffiima, A Writen Song, 135. Andrea ffievy, he Long Song (ffiondon: Headline Review, 2010), 207. Andrea ffievy, he Writing of he Long Song, in he Long Song (ffiondon: Headline Review, 2010), 40Ś. Stanley ffi. Engerman, Some Economic and Demographic Comparisons of Slavery in the United States and the British West ffndies, Economic History Review 2Ś, no. 2 (1Ś76): 265. 31ř From Theory to Practice 2012 in the way that American and Caribbean slaves could interact with white people: Slaves in the US had more extensive contact with white society in their daily lives. ffloreover, in the US, even in the South, the slaves were basically in a white society: even in those states with the heaviest concentrations of slaves, whites represented one-half of the population. ffn the West ffndies, the share of whites was generally on the order of 10%. 11 Whereas in the United States, landowners oten inhabited their plantations, Caribbean plantations were typically run in absentia by their British owners. ffn fact, Orlando Paterson has estimated that Ś0 percent of all the land under cultivation in fiamaica before emancipation was owned by absentees.12 Although the number of British plantation owners living permanently in the Caribbean was small, they constituted the upper class and did not mingle with the lower classes: white servants and black slaves. he ction of ffievy, a descendant of Scotish-fiewish-Caribbean immigrants to Britain, examines the strati cation of society during slavery in fiamaica. As she explains, the slavery part of her family history was a subject of much censorship: ffly family background was my rst source of inspiration . . . . When ff was growing up, my parents, who were from fiamaica, were at pains to distance themselves from every aspect of that slave ancestry. ffly mum would sooner say her family were slave owners than that they were once slaves. ffly parents couldn t or wouldn t tell me much about the history of where they came from. . . . A history which includes not only the slave population from West Africa, but people coming from all over the world . . . Clearly this all created a society that was considerably more complex than ff had appreciated.13 fiuly, the mixed-race protagonist of he Long Song, was born in fiamaica of a slave mother and a Scotish plantation overseer. As a consequence, she considers herself a mulato, not a negro, which in her opinion gives her a privileged social position over full-blooded black slaves. fiuly gets promoted from the slave hut to the luxurious great house, where she serves as a maid to the sister of the plantation owner. Tayari fiones emphasises that the caste system of the house and eld servants has been a mainstay of neo-slave narratives. 14 However, fiuly s promotion to the owner s house has its drawbacks as well just out of fancy, the overseer s sister, Caroline fflortimer, renames fiuly fflarguerite. 15 By this simple act she robs fiuly of her ancestral identity. he social hierarchy within the plantation society is obvious. Andrea Stuart argues that there was the social gulf between domestic slaves and those working in the eld. 16 fiuly considers herself at the top of the social hierarchy among the slaves and the blacks. ffn 11. Engerman, Some Economic and Demographic Comparisons of Slavery in the United States and the British West ffndies, 265. 12. See Orlando Paterson, he Sociology of Slavery: An Analysis of the Origins, Development and Structure of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica (Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1Ś6Ś), 37. 13. ffievy, he Writing of he Long Song, 40ř Ś. 14. Tayari fiones, review of he Long Song, by Andrea ffievy, Washington Post, fflay ř, 2010, htp://www. washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/07/AR2010050704řŚ1.html. 15. See ffievy, he Long Song, 41 and 55. 16. Andrea Stuart, review of he Long Song, by Andrea ffievy, Independent, February 5, 2010, htp://www. independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/the-long-song-by-andrea-levy-1řřŚ4řŚ.html. Pavlína Flajšarová 31Ś addition, her mulato origin enables her to relate to the white man s world as well. fiuly starts a relationship with Robert Goodwin, a Scotish newcomer who almost ignores the fact of fiuly s inferior racial background: he African stands rmly within the family of man. hey are living souls. God s children as sure as you or ff. 17 Yet Goodwin, as a clergyman, is horri ed by the fact that she is a child born out of wedlock. On another occasion, the mixed-blood origin of fiuly makes it possible for her to atend a Friday night assembly where only non-white people may dance, Now, ffliss fiuly, she said, you know me dances be just for coloured women. 1ř fiuly believes that her mulato status makes her belong to the coloured people in fiamaica. fiuly stands between class and race, being neither white nor black, neither a regular plantation slave nor a free citizen. She becomes the mediator between the plantation owners and the newly freed slaves. he signi cance of the slave as a navigator of plantation life is obvious when one considers the fact that fiamaica s enslaved population far outnumbered the English enslavers. . . . As a result, there is a constant shiting of power at the center of all the relationships on the plantation. 1Ś he Long Song exempli es a signi cant redistribution of power by the depiction of the Baptist War rebellion in 1ř31 in fiamaica. As the plantations were quite far apart and because of the lack of rapid communication methods, there was complete chaos in understanding what was happening on both sides (by the whites as well as the blacks). Yet fiuly disregards the larger historic signi cance of the event and rather focuses on personal pro t when, at the height of the protests, she is concerned about smuggling a botle of alcohol. he Baptist War changed the power structure within fiamaica and made the later emancipation of slaves possible. ffn the period between 1ř31 and 1ř33 when slavery was abolished, the plantation owners had to adjust to a new atitude towards the blacks as regards their social position. fiuly remembers how fflistress Caroline had to change her atitude towards the servants and slaves as the apprenticeship was nally forced upon our missus and all the planters of the Caribbean. . . . hough they [the ex-slaves] were still bound to the missus to work for six years without pay, . . . the slaves believed themselves to be actually free. hey refused to work no more than the forty hours a week now required of them by fling William and the law of England. No call to orderly conduct and obedience to all persons in authority had any e ect upon Caroline fflortimer s negroes. And forty hours a week was just not enough time to take o a sugar crop. No inducement, nor overseer, . . . could get her negroes to task any longer.20 As a consequence, Caroline fflortimer becomes enslaved by her former slaves: she was required to care for those negroes in the same way with lodging and food and clothing. . . . Sweet teeth in England just did not know the trouble she bore for them. 21 ffnstead of fiuly being in a subordinate position, it is now Caroline who literally has to beg fiuly to stay on but now in the position of a regular employee: 17. 1ř. 1Ś. 20. 21. ffievy, he Long Song, 216. ffievy, he Long Song, 241. fiones, review of he Long Song. ffievy, he Long Song, 202. ffievy, he Long Song, 203. 320 From Theory to Practice 2012 Are you no longer listening to me, fflargueriteŠ she said. Surely, missus, fiuly replied, but me just be t inking that me is now free. . . . But you would not leave me, would you, fflargueriteŠ 22 At this point, Caroline is reminded by a British gentleman to get accustomed to calling fflarguerite by her true name, by which she has to acknowledge her identity. hat is not her name, Caroline. Her name is ffliss fiuly. 23 However, fiuly is made conscious of her inferior position once again. ffn his capacity as a minister, Robert Goodwin preaches the gospel of mutual understanding and respect among people. Yet, in his personal life, he betrays fiuly, who he loves. He is not willing to acknowledge publicly that he is the partner of the negro girl and instead devises a humiliating plan to marry Caroline in order to be near fiuly and to avoid the anger of his father: He loved a negro girl. He loved fiuly. And to marry a negro . . . to marry a negro! Oh, who could countenance such an indecent proposalŠ Certainly not his father. To bring kindness to the negro, to minister to the negro, to pity the negro, was his father s dearest wish for him. But for his son to marry the negro that would surely kill him. 24 Robert believes that his plan is just and sincere: for it was to the injury of no one, and the advantage of all. 25 From the white point of view, neither Robert nor Caroline marries beneath themselves; but fiuly su ers from being shown again that she would never be the social equal of a white lady. he British class system transplanted into the colonies and practiced by the colonisers in fiamaica remained in place even ater the 1ř33 abolition of slavery in the British Empire. A good example of its application is the Christmas dinner organised by Caroline fflortimer. Although she does not have enough funds to maintain her class status, she insists on geting the best ingredients and o ering her guests as many courses as possible. he servants take advantage of this situation and make Caroline spend more money than necessary. For example, she complains how expensive the candles are and receives the following response from a black servant: fft is not that things be expensive, it is just that you cannot a ord them. 26 Caroline is thus humiliated by her former slave and she is also made aware of the fact that the British class system is slowly losing its traditional power. ffievy is not concerned with portraying the historic events on a large scale. Rather, through personal stories, she shows slavery in the Caribbean as a traumatic period. For example, the Baptist War ended in the leaders being hanged, and in spite of the fact that the slaves were granted their freedom, their victory also meant that they had to take care of themselves. here is a sharp contrast between the slaves taking pride in being free and the harsh reality of the necessity of making a living as they are paid for their work only if the harvest is good. On the one hand, the freed slaves would argue with 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. ffievy, he Long Song, 210 11. ffievy, he Long Song, 2ř3. ffievy, he Long Song, 27ř. ffievy, he Long Song, 27Ś. ffievy, he Long Song, 7ř. Pavlína Flajšarová 321 their former owners about the limits of their employment: We no longer slaves and we work what suits. 27 On the other hand, they have nowhere to go and therefore the former slaves became more dependent on their ex-master than ever before. hey soon realise that they are charged such a horrendous rent for an acre of land as to shout in the end: Slavery. Slavery has just returned. 2ř As Eberstadt put it, the freed slaves end up as starving castaways squating on barren ground. 2Ś Consequently, their spiritual needs may have been satis ed by the enforcement of abolition, and yet their living conditions and standards of life became much worse than in the slavery period. ffn he Long Song, ffievy rediscovers the history of black people in the British Empire, with a special focus on the Caribbean. As a brilliant chronicler of the much-troubled relations in the Caribbean, the author shows that writing a neo-slave narrative may function as a therapy for coming to terms with the slave heritage. Being a mulato, fiuly bridges both the white and coloured societies and serves as an interpreter for both cultures. Although she repeatedly su ers from racial discrimination, she believes that abolition marks a new start in the relationships of all people in fiamaica. ffievy s he Long Song therefore contributes signi cantly to the re-evaluation of the black presence in Great Britain and in the Caribbean. Acknowledgement he initial research for this paper was conducted as a part of a research scholarship at Oxford University and the University of Warwick, United flingdom, funded by a Development Project entitled Support of Academics of Philosophical Faculty, Palacký University in Olomouc, Czech Republic. Conference participation and the core research for this paper were funded by the ESF project ffiiterature and Film without Borders: Dislocation and Relocation in Pluralist Space, grant registration number CZ.1.07 / 2.3.00 / 20.0150, co- nanced by the state budget of the Czech Republic and the European Social Fund. Works Cited Aljoe, Nicole N. Caribbean Slave Narratives: Creole in Form and Genre. Anthurium 2, no. 1 (2004). htp://anthurium.miami.edu/volume_2/issue_1/aljoe-slave.htm. Bell, Bernard W. he Afro-American Novel and Its Tradition. Amherst: University of fflassachusets Press, 1Śř7. Bellot, ffieland fi. William Knox: he Life and hought of an Eighteenth-Century Imperialist. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1Ś77. Eberstadt, Fernanda. When fiamaica ffiost ffts Chains. Review of he Long Song, by Andrea ffievy. New York Times, fflay 7, 2010. htp://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/0Ś/books/review/Eberstadt-t.html?_r=0. 27. ffievy, he Long Song, 302. 2ř. ffievy, he Long Song, 311. 2Ś. Fernanda Eberstadt, When fiamaica ffiost ffts Chains, review of he Long Song, by Andrea ffievy, New York Times, fflay 7, 2010, htp://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/0Ś/books/review/Eberstadt-t.html?_r=0. 322 From Theory to Practice 2012 Edwards, Paul, and David Dabydeen. ffntroduction to Black Writers in Britain, 1760–1890, edited by Paul Edwards and David Dabydeen, ix xv. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1ŚŚ1. Engerman, Stanley ffi. Some Economic and Demographic Comparisons of Slavery in the United States and the British West ffndies. Economic History Review 2Ś, no. 2 (1Ś76): 25ř 75. Fryer, Peter. Staying Power: he History of Black People in Britain. ffiondon: Pluto Press, 1Śř4. fiones, Tayari. Review of he Long Song, by Andrea ffievy. Washington Post, fflay ř, 2010. htp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/07/ AR2010050704řŚ1.html. ffievy, Andrea. he Long Song. ffiondon: Headline Review, 2010. ffievy, Andrea. he Writing of he Long Song. ffn he Long Song, 405 16. ffiondon: Headline Review, 2010. ffiima, fflaria Helena. A Writen Song: Andrea ffievy s Neo-slave Narrative. ffn Special issue on Andrea ffievy, edited by Wendy flnepper, special issue. EnterText Ś (2012): 135 53. htp://www.brunel.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_ le/000ř/1Śř053/10_ffiima_ Writen-Song_FffNAffi.pdf. Paterson, Orlando. he Sociology of Slavery: An Analysis of the Origins, Development and Structure of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica. Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1Ś6Ś. Stuart, Andrea. Review of he Long Song, by Andrea ffievy. Independent, February 5, 2010. htp://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/the-longsong-by-andrea-levy-1řřŚ4řŚ.html. Too ffluch, Too OftenŠ The Glass Ceiling of Dub Poetry in Benjamin Zephaniah s Too Black, Too Strong Bartosz Wójcik fflaria Curie Skłodowska University in ffiublin, Faculty of Humanities, English Department, Pl. ffl. Curie-Skłodowskiej 4a, 20-031 ffiublin, Poland. Email: be.wojcikšgmail.com Abstract: ffn Too Black, Too Strong (2001), his most recent collection of verse, Benjamin Zephaniah construes and constructs poetry as a vehicle of historicity and contextualisation, and as a means of resistance against past imperialism, present neo-colonialism as well as hyper-consumerism. However, the book also features elements that point to his limited if palpable divergence from the classic and nowadays worn-out dub poetic paradigm of which he has been a practitioner for the last three decades. With a view to showcasing this qualitative change in Zephaniah s writing, this article focuses on the key themes of Too Black, Too Strong, construed as a collective if limited portrait of the U.fl. of the late 1ŚŚ0s and early 2000s, a country steeped in uid modernity. fleywords: dub poetry; post-dub; Afro-Caribbean; Black British; self-re exivity; reggae; Bob fflarley; protest; intertextuality As his three decades of poetic activity proves, Benjamin Zephaniah has transitioned from a revolutionary Rastafarian to a religious pluralist, from a dub poet angry by default to a dub-inspired poet angered by token democratisation of the post-industrial society, from preaching to the converted progressives to reaching international fame and, in consequence, aiming to persuade swing voters. His disdain for the brutality of capitalism is grounded in his socio-historical consciousness with which his poems are su used, ranging from the European scramble for Africa to the dichotomy of the Cold War era to the miniature, diminutive realm of personal life-politics and consumer choices of the 1ŚŚ0s and beyond.1 Undoubtedly, however, one phenomenon is constantly prominent in Zephaniah s poetry his textual struggle for equality of rights and opportunities at once both motivates and delimits [his] writing, 2 causing many of his interventionist verses to either verge on a repetitive exercise in dub poetic style or to stay within their author s artistic comfort zone. Ater all, his is pop poetry, albeit lled with classical vituperation and progressive if half-baked ideas. Not unlike his other books, in Too Black, Too Strong (2001), his most recent collection of verse, the writer still treats poetry as a safeguard against formated news bulletins and the politics of the belly, 3 understood as past imperialism and present neocolonialism / consumerism. However, the book also showcases his modest move away 1. Zygmunt Bauman, Liquid Modernity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), 52. 2. Rajeev S. Patke, Postcolonial Poetry in English (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 15Ś. 3. fiohn Parker and Richard Rathbone, African History: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 143. 324 From Theory to Practice 2012 from dub poetic righteous excess and / or rigour towards self-re exivity, building up to an admission of exhaustion from which his brand of literary dub seems to have been su ering. Alluding to a scornful remark atributed to Napoleon who allegedly disdained Britons as a nation of shopkeepers, 4 Zephaniah in What Am ff Going On AboutŠ, his essayistic introduction to Too Black, Too Strong, conceptualises the United flingdom the book s thematic axis as a wonderful place (Ś), lionising it on the basis of his own career as probably one of the places that can take an angry, illiterate, uneducated, ex-hustler, rebellious Rastafarian and give him the opportunity to represent the country (12). Simultaneously, however, he acknowledges that the very country that he cherishes (14) rife with perennial tribulations such as, according to the Commission for Racial Equality, 130 000 racist atacks . . . in the year 2000 (10) and chronicallyinstitutionalised pro ling: you are ve times more likely to be stopped and searched by the police if you are African-Caribbean (10). hus, the foreword, composed so that the reader over[stood] the political landscape these poems are writen in (12), foreshadows Zephaniah s return to the militancy and outspokenness that made him famous in the early 1Śř0s. 5 Containing poems writen between the years 1ŚŚ7 and 2000 (6), Too Black, Too Strong is a collection which unremitingly represents all those that are treated Black by the united white states (13) and re ects Zephaniah s newly re-ignited communal, democratic impulse. 6 he title of the book alludes to fflalcolm X s fflessage to the Grass Roots (1Ś63). ffn his speech, in accordance with Black Power ideology, the African-American emphasises the impending perils of ethno-cultural deracination, which he illustrates by drawing on a metaphor of black co ee the avour and strength of which are diluted through the addition of white cream. ffn his book, Zephaniah spotlights particular judicial inquiries that whitewash crimes commited against the said blackened minorities, as in Appeal Dismissed, a poem about a Polish refugee sent home because rape was not considered by the judge to be torture. 7 To Zephaniah, who constructs the monologic text as the judge s conclusive speech, the trial is an inquest hijacked by legalese which becomes the major obstacle to the female victim s compensation: You are what ff would call a credible witness, / But ff have no reason to believe that your persecution was o cial (27). ffn consequence, the verdict constitutes a display of contemptible jurisprudential misconduct and an intrinsic failure of the appellate court: You were not raped because of your dark skin / You were not raped because of your gypsy tongue, / You were raped because you are a woman / And rape is one of the things that can happen to / A woman . . . / So go home / And take your exceptional circumstances with you (27). 4. Benjamin Zephaniah, Too Black, Too Strong (Tarset: Bloodaxe, 2001), Ś. Hereater cited in the text. 5. Eric Doumerc, Benjamin Zephaniah, Kunapipi 26, no. 1 (2004): 136. 6. Dave Haslam, Adventures on the Wheels of Steel: he Rise of the Superstar DJs (ffiondon: Fourth Estate, 2001), 20ř. 7. flate flellaway, Dread Poet s Society, Observer, November 4, 2001, htp://www.guardian.co.uk/books/ 2001/nov/04/poetry. ction. Bartosz Wójcik 325 Other poems that stem from the writer s residency and his a liation with the radical barristers of 14 Took s Court, headed by fflichael fflans eld QC, scourge of miscarriages of justice, ř include the topical To Ricky Reel, a tribute to the Sikh student whose body was found oating in the hames in October 1ŚŚ7 Ś and whose unresolved case has been a source of acute embarrassment to the ffiondon force as it trie[d] to repair its reputation following the Stephen ffiawrence inquiry. 10 Unsurprisingly, ffiawrence s 1ŚŚ3 murder is also the subject of one of Zephaniah s courtroom texts. All of these protest poems, regardless of whether set against the political landscape of Britain (iv) or taking place abroad, seem propelled by the philosophy of remembrance, epitomised by one verse of Biko the Greatness, a literary salute to South African Steve Biko yet another fatal victim of worldwide racist abuse: nobody dies until they re forgoten (67). For that mater alone, in Too Black, Too Strong Zephaniah acts as, to borrow Billy Bragg s phrase, a progressive patriot and holds fellow Britons (as well as humanity at large) accountable for anti-democratic extremism, as in Derry Sunday, which commemorates the casualties of the Bogside fflassacre of fianuary 30, 1Ś72. he poem, writen during the establishment of the Bloody Sunday ffnquiry (1ŚŚř), which was founded to resolve the legal and factual inconsistencies regarding the lethal shootings in Derry, Northern ffreland, does not present Zephaniah s speaker as an arbiter but a voice of conscience, an echo of a claimant whose case is pending three decades too long. Remembrance serves as a prophylactic and a means of civic education. ffn he Woman Has to Die, its speaker a reader of a newspaper recalls the events that culminated in the so-called honourable killing of a female in Pakistan s Baluchistan: here is no photo of her smile / . . . She would have made a lovely bride / But strange love visited her heart, / A strange love from another tribe (32). fflade aghast at the patriarchal appropriation of ffslam and jurisprudence that theologically legitimates the killing of any daughter who disobeys her fundamentalist father s request, Zephaniah makes his speaker calmly judge the licide that indisputably was incentivised by misquote[d] floranic phrases (32). he full extent of both subjectivity- and autonomy-denial that the late woman was put through since her infancy is revealed in the nal verses, as it transpires that [t]he only photo of dis child / Was her corpse / ffn the daily paper (32). Her postmortem photography, to evoke Sontag, furnish[es] evidence, 11 being a token of absence, 12 and a sign of before-death rejection. Although the young Pakistani was a family member, she, as a woman, was not crucial enough to be photographed and immortalised while alive. ř. fflarcel Berlins, Poetic fiustice, Guardian, November 20, 2000, htp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2000/ nov/20/law.poetry. Ś. Simon Rogers, Stephen ffiawrence Was Not the Only One: fflichael fflenson and Ricky Reel, Guardian, fianuary 2Ś, 1ŚŚŚ, htp://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/1ŚŚŚ/jan/2Ś/lawrence.ukcrime1. 10. Terri fiudd, Ricky Reel Witnesses Pressured by Race Campaigns, Independent, November 5, 1ŚŚŚ, htp:// www.independent.co.uk/news/ricky-reel-witnesses-pressured-by-race-campaigns-112350Ś.html. 11. Susan Sontag, On Photography (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001), 5. 12. Sontag, On Photography, 16. 326 From Theory to Practice 2012 Apart from writing his dub protests inspired by legal maters, in Too Black, Too Strong Zephaniah operates a politics of identity devoted to marking the forgoten in the national imaginary. 13 fflemory plays a crucial role in he fflen from fiamaica Are Setling Down, which traces the post-war migration of the Windrush generation from the West ffndies to the Ufl. he title of the poem refers to the headline of Peter Fryer s 1Ś4ř newspaper report, which, as explained by Zephaniah in he Empire Comes Back his preparatory article preceding the text proper, was an update on the progress being made by the passengers of the ship (36). Typical of the times, the journalist overlooked the fact that not all of the passengers on the Windrush were fiamaican, and not all were men (36). All of them, however, did contribute to the creation of the mosaic of diasporas 14 that typify among others the present-day Ufl. Exhortative apostrophising the current generation that the writer concludes his poem with: An if you are happily towing de line / Be aware of de price your ancestors have paid (40) situates he fflen . . . as a war memorial, not a nostalgia-drenched keepsake. he poem is a product of the memory war waged by the poet against the trinketisation of history; its biter conclusion warns that the contemporary mediasaturated culture allows for no pre-given unmediated reality, 15 for no representational oblivion: But in-between lines you ll still read in de papers / he men from fiamaica are setling down (40). Consequently, media literacy, as Zephaniah suggests in he fflen from fiamaica, is a progressive citizen s duty, being no lesser an obligation than the necessity of dusting o the past and peeling back the detritus of historical forgetfulness. ffloreover, typical of Zephaniah, the past re-emerges in a signi cant number of poems included in Too Black, Too Strong. For instance, in Bought and Sold, the writer focuses on the orders of chivalry given to Black artists by the Ufl, a country which has never dealt with its own legacy of slavery (14). To him, the Order of the British Empire, which he himself rejected, likening the recipients of similar awards to the artists who broke the boycot of [apartheid] South Africa, 16 is an example of a colonial retention, a holdover with which Britain, this bloodstained, stolen empire rewards . . . self-defeating (16) Black subjects: he empire strikes back and waves / Tamed warriors bow on parades, / When they have done what they ve been told / hey get their OBEs (15). he emasculating phrase tamed warriors (15) is a jeering invocation of forsaken African mythology that once underpinned the socio-cultural activities of Zephaniah s generation: ffloney and prestige, he goes on to argue, buy compliance, as the honoured poet avoids controversy. 17 13. fflay fioseph, Nomadic Identities: he Performance of Citizenship (fflinneapolis: University of fflinnesota Press, 1ŚŚŚ), Ś6. 14. Zygmunt Bauman, Kultura w Płynnej Nowoczesności (Warsaw: Agora and Narodowy ffnstytut Audiowizualny, 2011), 101. ffly translation. 15. Bill Ashcrot, Gareth Gri ths, and Helen Ti n, he Empire Writes Back: heory and Practice in PostColonial Literatures (ffiondon: Routledge, 2003), Ś0. 16. Simon fiones, Dread Right, hird Way 2ř, no. 5 (2005): 1Ś. 17. Fiona Tolan, New Directions: Writing Post 1990 (ffiondon: York, 2010), 115. Bartosz Wójcik 327 Poems such as Bought and Sold and he Race ffndustry, the later of which states that to promote racial equality has become merely a means of personal promotion for a new generation of government careerists, 1ř show that Zephaniah s assimilation into mainstream literary culture has not tempered his outspoken voice. 1Ś Simultaneously, however, they also nd him in the trenches of Black British dub poetry, tired, having exhausted the majority of the possibilities o ered by the form. Artistically, his brand of dub poetry becomes even more stretched at the seams when he returns to his intertextual ventures. First of all, as before, Zephaniah rides de riddims of easily identi able poems, staple literary works comprising school curricula, such as his What fff in the mould of flipling s fff. 20 Zephaniah s reggaematic version does not travesty the original penned by the author of Gunga Din but retains the form of direct address as well as the fliplingesque advocacy of moderation and self-restraint, modernising the content to be pertinent to the context of Cruel-Britannia, i.e., postffiabour Cool Britannia: fff you can make one heap of all your savings / And risk buying a small house and a plot . . . / fff you can speak the truth to common people / Or walk with flings and ueens and live no lie (17). here are, however, critics who hold his riddim-driven versions in high regard. To Arana s mind, Zephaniah s own his Be he Worst, which extends the message of the much-anthologised his Be he Verse by Philip ffiarkin, aptly spoofs crude abuse of your mum and dad so as to indict those lords and priests who historically have ruined more than just you. 21 ffn his version, Zephaniah aunts his most in-yer-face mode: hey fuck you up, those lords and priests. / hey really mean to, and they do. / hey ll themselves at highbrow feasts / And only leave the crumbs for you (30). To a less kind mind, however, his Be he Worst seems derivative, though righteously indignant. he Bob fflarley-inspired ff Neva Shot De Sheri , being a poetic remix, follows a disparate and a more satisfying scenario. fft is a dramatic monologue delivered posthumously by one of the Black males professionally done (41) by police o cers: Word on TV is, / Twaz a precautionary measure (41). As the public enquiry is yet to be under way, the poem reverses the roles played by the characters of fflarley s ff Shot the Sheri and, as is Zephaniah s desire, accuses the shitstem (system): ff shot the sheri , but ff swear it was in self defense . . . ff, ff shot the sheri , but ff didn t shoot no deputy22 De sheri shot ff an me An den he shot me deputy. (44) By manifestly choosing the lyrics of fflarley to be his focal point of reference in ff Neva Shot, Zephaniah manages to impart a poly-vocal message. First of all, he has 1ř. 1Ś. 20. 21. William fflay, Postwar Literature: 1950 to 1990 (ffiondon: York, 2010), 210. fflay, Postwar Literature, 210. Rudyard flipling, he Collected Poems of Rudyard Kipling (Ware: Wordsworth, 1ŚŚ4), 605. R. Victoria Arana, Contemporary Black British Poetry, in he Facts on File Companion to British Poetry: 1900 to the Present, ed. fiames Persoon and Robert R. Watson (New York: Facts on File, 200Ś), Ś0. 22. Bob fflarley and the Wailers, ff Shot the Sheri , Burnin , ffsland Records 54ř řŚ4-2, compact disc, (1Ś73) 2001. 32ř From Theory to Practice 2012 revealed himself as one who appears to still share consistent belief in the ameliorative power of popular song. 23 Second of all, Zephaniah stresses the revolutionary nature of the reggae icon s artistic output, which challenges fflarley s being canonized as the non-threatening emasculated singer of lilting love songs. 24 hird of all, ff Neva Shot, as an overtly referential poem, may be viewed as an uno cial sequel and / or fan ction as well as a thank-you note sent posthumously to the man who, as Zephaniah claims, responded to his teenage leters, encouraging the youngster to pursue his literary goals.25 Finally, there is his further dethronement of Presley and whitened, neutered rock for which he, as implied in Zephaniah s Nu Blue Suede Shoes, stands: ffle nu hav nu blue suede shoes / But me really want fe rock / . . . ff won t dance wid de government / Dem don t care bout me (7ř). Here, his act of musical militancy transforms the lexeme rock, turning the noun rock construed as a genre of music and its connotative passive sensory involvement 26 into the verb, a performative mode of (a) fiamaican dancehall and its heightened level of participation. 27 his is, as Cooper observes, the politics of noise . . . recognised as a profoundly malicious cry to upset the existing social order. 2ř ffnterestingly, not unlike fflarley who in Bad Card 2Ś strives to sound his message of civil disobedience ina rub-a-dub style, 30 Zephaniah in Nu Blue Suede Shoes strategises a duplicate reggae-grounded plan: ffle nu own de high street Dis is not my club All ff want is just a litle Heavy rub a dub. (7ř) Buoyed by reggae, by a music of protest and political and religious energy, 31 Zephaniah s disadvantaged if empowered speaker exercises anti-establishment derision, arrogantly and clearly ironically asking the powers that be for the permission to overthrow the government: No privilege / ffle nar inherit wealth . . . / Der is music in me heart / So please will you excuse me / fff my shoes are not so smart, / Please will you excuse me / While ff tear de state apart (7Ś). Still, in spite of the poet s continued literary and otherwise support for the misrepresented and victimised, his social resilience reaches its limits, as voiced in he One fflinutes of Silence. ffts speaker Zephaniah s alter ego, empathetic as he is, feels 23. fleith Cameron, Billy Bragg s Volume 1, Mojo 14Ś (April 2006): 114. 24. Carolyn Cooper, ffiyrical Gun ffletaphor and Role Play in fiamaican Dancehall Culture, Massachusets Review 35, no. 3/4 (1ŚŚ4): 42Ś. 25. Richard Williams, Bob fflarley s Funeral, 21 fflay 1Śř1: A Day of fiamaican History, Observer, fflay 24, 2011, htp://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2011/apr/24/bob-marley-funeral-richard-williams. 26. fiim ffliller, quoted in Will Straw, Characterizing Rock fflusic Culture: he Case of Heavy ffletal, in he Cultural Studies Reader, 2nd ed, ed. Simon During (ffiondon: Routledge, 1ŚŚŚ), 455. 27. Sonjah Stanley Niaah, DanceHall: From Slave Ship to Gheto (Otawa: University of Otawa Press, 2010), 5Ś. 2ř. Carolyn Cooper, Noises in the Blood: Orality, Gender, and the Vulgar Body of Jamaican Popular Culture (Oxford: fflacfflillan Caribbean, 1ŚŚ3), 5. 2Ś. Bob fflarley and the Wailers, Bad Card, Uprising, ffsland Records 54ř Ś02-2, compact disc, (1Śř0) 2001. 30. Cooper, Noises in the Blood, 5. 31. flwame Dawes, Natural Mysticism: Towards a New Reggae Aesthetic (ffieeds: Peepal Tree, 1ŚŚŚ), 134. Bartosz Wójcik 32Ś a degree of inadequacy and impotency as a torrent of con icting emotions that he experiences disturbs the ritual quietude. hese seeming 60 seconds of stillness, repeated whenever a racist murder is commited ff ve spent hours / Standing for minutes (71), do not imbue him with tranquility. On the contrary, as Zephaniah s irately lachrymose mourner observes, composure is a rare luxury, out of the grief-stricken persona s reach. Simultaneously, however, silence makes peace impossible as it is also a form of cowardly suppression of truth: Ricky Reel / Stephen ffiawrence / And / Brian Douglas / fflake silence very di cult for me. / ff know they did not go silently, / ff know that we have come to dis / Because too many people are staying silent (70). His is restlessness, guilt and lack of adult agency all of which are expressed via a school-age metaphor of culpability: ff ve spent so much time standing in silence, / fft reminds me of being in trouble / ffn the headmaster s o ce, / Waiting for the judgement (71). Unable to e ciently overrun the culture of cruelty (70) to which the tragically deceased fell victim, he engages himself in a symbolic e ort of commemoration, something akin to a perfunctory nod, that, on the one hand, brings him closer to eschatology yet, on the other, points to the futility of silent tributes, rendering them a counter-productive activity, a waste of time: ff seem to have spent a lifetime / hinking about death (71). ffn addition, this cross-questioning strain of he One fflinutes of Silence turns the livid valediction of a protest poem into a meta-elegy, a rant-like meditation on the validity of means of remembrance, commiseration and resistance. he text announces that we inhabit an era of broadband cosmo-politanism, 32 and that modernity is too uid to be analysed and responded to by means of classic dub poetic tools. Arguably, he One fflinutes of Silence may also be read as an authorial footnote to Zephaniah s own commited literature, which self-re exively articulates the poet s disappointment with the repetitiveness of vocal opposition and / or the persistence of oppression. He has reached the glass ceiling of articulation, unable to wake dis sleepy nation (6Ś) the nation that regards both acts of violence and acts of artistic resistance too hot for cool Britannia (6Ś). he poet may still be duly commited, yet his repetitive poetry ceases to be engaging. He is a loudmouth, his verse is still. His sense of alienation is even more overtly expressed in Naked, one of the key texts of the collection: Dis is me blowing my lonely black trumpet (4Ś). On the other hand, however, the words may be interpreted as an assertion of autonomy. ffloreover, Naked, as do Zephaniah s least formulaic poems, operates through the testing of human and ethnic interstices, 33 keeping not only a check on the government but primarily checking the empathy and multilateralism of his target audience. Hence, the poet chooses to play devil s advocate, challenging the liberal atitudes of his 32. Arana, Contemporary Black British Poetry, Ś0. 33. ffiaurenz Volkman, he uest for ffdentity in Benjamin Zephaniah s Poetry, in Embracing the Other: Addressing Xenophobia in the New Literatures in English, ed. Dunja ffl. fflohr (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1ŚŚ4), 260. 330 From Theory to Practice 2012 Guardian-reading 34 enthusiasts, whom he ironically apostrophises while they are waiting to be touched with as / many versions of the truth as . . . [they] / can conjure up in [thei]r turned o / mind (47). he thorny issue of the viability of writing, its purpose and its comprehensibility, returns in Translate, one of the last poems in Too Black, Too Strong. he self-questioning text points to almost insurmountable communication barriers, intermitently built and broken by the recycling and co-existence of diverse aesthetic conventions in the age of [f]luid modernity 35 : Sometimes ff wanda Why ff and ff A try so hard fe get Overstood . . . Sometimes ff wanda Who will translate Dis Fe de inglishŠ (ř3) Here, dis stu (ř3) is the sum total of the poet s life-long experience, followed in an alliterative fashion by its integral constituents: African and Rastafarian sensibilities, the spiritual and the bodily as well as the folk lore of dub reggae. he poem s speaker doubts whether he is still capable of reaching out to the dual English, i.e., the English-speaking public and the English as a common substitute for Britishness. 36 His quandary, it appears, is founded upon his immersion in a modernity that is no longer rigid, recognizably condensed 37 or noticeably systemic 3ř and which also problematises Zephaniah s expected dissent, highlighting his conceptual schematism. Valid as his idealistic progressivism 3Ś endlessly voiced in Too Black, Too Strong may be, it seemingly fails, despite the poet s invading the blank page with . . . endless aerodynamic pen (4ř), to be translated well enough in(to) the 2000s. A diachronic reading of Zephaniah s volumes, culminated in Too Black, Too Strong, shows that frequently in his oeuvre Rastafarian overstanding is dwarfed by overstatement. Poems such as Translate are, one hopes, his confession of this fact. As such, they are a testament to the self-re exive exhaustion of the dub-driven paradigm for which his poetry is notorious. 34. Bram Gieben, Benjamin Zephaniah the People s ffiaureate Goes Digital, Skinny, fflay 16, 2006, htp:// www.theskinny.co.uk/clubs/features/42400-benjamin_zephaniah_peoples_laureate_goes_digital. 35. Bauman, Liquid Modernity, 120. 36. David fflorley and flevin Robins, ffntroduction to How British ffs fftŠ Geographies of ffdentity, in British Cultural Studies: Geography, Nationality, and Identity, ed. David fflorley and flevin Robins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 24. 37. Bauman, Liquid Modernity, 25. 3ř. Bauman, Liquid Modernity, 25. 3Ś. George ffiako , Don t hink of an Elephant! Know Your Values and Frame the Debate (White River fiunction: Chelsea Green, 2004), 4Ś. Bartosz Wójcik 331 Works Cited Arana, R. Victoria. Contemporary Black British Poetry. ffn he Facts on File Companion to British Poetry: 1900 to the Present, edited by fiames Persoon and Robert R. Watson, řŚ Ś2. New York: Facts on File, 200Ś. Ashcrot, Bill, Gareth Gri ths, and Helen Ti n. he Empire Writes Back: heory and Practice in Post-Colonial Literatures. ffiondon: Routledge, 2003. Bauman, Zygmunt. Kultura w Płynnej Nowoczesności. Warsaw: Agora and Narodowy ffnstytut Audiowizualny, 2011. Bauman, Zygmunt. Liquid Modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000. Berlins, fflarcel. Poetic fiustice. Guardian, November 20, 2000. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2000/nov/20/law.poetry. Bob fflarley and the Wailers. Bad Card. Uprising. ffsland Records 54ř Ś02-2, 2001, compact disc. Originally released in 1Śř0. Bob fflarley and the Wailers. ff Shot the Sheri . Burnin . ffsland Records 54ř řŚ4-2, 2001, compact disc. Originally released in 1Ś73. Cameron, fleith. Billy Bragg s Volume 1. Mojo 14Ś (April 2006): 114. Cooper, Carolyn. ffiyrical Gun ffletaphor and Role Play in fiamaican Dancehall Culture. Massachusets Review 35, no. 3/4 (1ŚŚ4): 42Ś 47. Cooper, Carolyn. Noises in the Blood: Orality, Gender, and the Vulgar Body of Jamaican Popular Culture. Oxford: fflacfflillan Caribbean, 1ŚŚ3. Dawes, flwame. Natural Mysticism: Towards a New Reggae Aesthetic. ffieeds: Peepal Tree, 1ŚŚŚ. Doumerc, Eric. Benjamin Zephaniah. Kunapipi 26, no. 1 (2004): 136 37. Gieben, Bram. Benjamin Zephaniah the People s ffiaureate Goes Digital. Skinny, fflay 16, 2006. htp://www.theskinny.co.uk/clubs/features/42400-benjamin_ zephaniah_peoples_laureate_goes_digital. Haslam, Dave. Adventures on the Wheels of Steel: he Rise of the Superstar DJs. ffiondon: Fourth Estate, 2001. fiones, Simon. Dread Right. hird Way 2ř, no. 5 (2005): 16 20. fioseph, fflay. Nomadic Identities: he Performance of Citizenship. fflinneapolis: University of fflinnesota Press, 1ŚŚŚ. fiudd, Terri. Ricky Reel Witnesses Pressured by Race Campaigns. Independent, November 5, 1ŚŚŚ. htp://www.independent.co.uk/news/ricky-reel-witnessespressured-by-race-campaigns-112350Ś.html. flellaway, flate. Dread Poet s Society. Observer, November 4, 2001. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2001/nov/04/poetry. ction. flipling, Rudyard. he Collected Poems of Rudyard Kipling. Ware: Wordsworth, 1ŚŚ4. ffiako , George. Don t hink of an Elephant! Know Your Values and Frame the Debate. White River fiunction: Chelsea Green, 2004. fflay, William. Postwar Literature: 1950 to 1990. ffiondon: York, 2010. 332 From Theory to Practice 2012 fflorley, David, and flevin Robins. ffntroduction to How British ffs fftŠ Geographies of ffdentity. ffn British Cultural Studies: Geography, Nationality, and Identity, edited by David fflorley and flevin Robins, 1Ś 26. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Parker, fiohn, and Richard Rathbone. African History: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Patke, Rajeev S. Postcolonial Poetry in English. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Rogers, Simon. Stephen ffiawrence Was Not the Only One: fflichael fflenson and Ricky Reel. Guardian, fianuary 2Ś, 1ŚŚŚ. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/1ŚŚŚ/jan/2Ś/lawrence.ukcrime1. Sontag, Susan. On Photography. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001. Stanley Niaah, Sonjah. DanceHall: From Slave Ship to Gheto. Otawa: University of Otawa Press, 2010. Straw, Will. Characterizing Rock fflusic Culture: he Case of Heavy ffletal. ffn he Cultural Studies Reader, 2nd ed, edited by Simon During, 451 61. ffiondon: Routledge, 1ŚŚŚ. Tolan, Fiona. New Directions: Writing Post 1990. ffiondon: York, 2010. Volkman, ffiaurenz. he uest for ffdentity in Benjamin Zephaniah s Poetry. ffn Embracing the Other: Addressing Xenophobia in the New Literatures in English, edited by Dunja ffl. fflohr, 245 66. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1ŚŚ4. Williams, Richard. Bob fflarley s Funeral, 21 fflay 1Śř1: A Day of fiamaican History. Observer, fflay 24, 2011. htp://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2011/apr/24/bobmarley-funeral-richard-williams. Zephaniah, Benjamin. Too Black, Too Strong. Tarset: Bloodaxe, 2001. Czech Translations of Old and ffliddle English Poetry Bohuslav fflánek University of Hradec flrálové, Faculty of Education, Department of English ffianguage and ffiiterature, Víta Nejedlého 573, 500 03 Hradec flrálové, Czech Republic. Email: bohuslav.manekšuhk.cz Abstract: Following a brief survey of the rst atempts to translate Old English and ffliddle English poetry in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this paper surveys Czech translations of these texts published since the 1Ś10s in books and anthologies. he choice of texts selected for translation is discussed as well as the approaches of Czech translators, in particular the way they cope with the rendering of English medieval alliterative accentual verse into contemporary Czech. heir solutions are brie y compared with the techniques used by contemporary English and American translators rendering these texts into fflodern English. he process of introducing this literature to Czech readers may be generally characterized as the development from short informative digests to artistic translations of either complete or abridged texts. fleywords: Old English poetry; ffliddle English Poetry; Czech translations; translations into fflodern English; translation techniques; mimetic translation One recent trend in Czech translation is the translations of Old English and ffliddle English poetry, primarily from the original languages, not via fflodern English versions. With regard to di erent historical periods and prosodic systems, translators have to cope with considerable requirements concerning both content and form. Prior to analyzing their approaches, a brief outline of the situation in the nineteenth century is needed. ffn the period of the Czech National Revival and in the second half of the nineteenth century only a small number of texts and pieces of information concerning medieval English literature were published in literary journals, anthologies and encyclopaedias. ffn the third volume of fiosef Bojislav Pichl s (1ř13 1řřř) anthology Společenský krasořečník český [Czech Social Declaimer] of 1ř53, which is a representative selection from Czech translations published in the period of the National Revival, the Earl of Surrey and Walter Raleigh are the earliest authors translated. he selection is chronological and opens with Ossian s poems, but they are presented as writings by fiames fflacpherson. ffn the course of the nineteenth century, several medieval ballads and their pre-Romantic and Romantic imitations by David fflallet, homas Percy, Oliver Goldsmith and Walter Scot were published by Bohuslav Tablic (176Ś 1ř32), Vojtěch Nejedlý (1772 1ř44), Simeon flarel fflacháček (17ŚŚ 1ř46), fiosef Hollmann (1ř02 1ř50), Franti ek ffiadislav Čelakovský (17ŚŚ 1ř52), his son ffiadislav Čelakovský (1ř34 1Ś02) and fiosef Václav Sládek (1Ś45 1Ś12). ffiadislav uis (1ř46 1Ś13) then published the rst annotated anthology in 1Ś00. A relatively extensive article on English literature by Václav Zelený (1ř25 1ř75) in the magazine Obzor [Horizon] (1ř55) begins with Chaucer. Short pieces of information on, e.g., Beowulf, Caedmon, Chaucer, and fi. Gower are scatered in Slovník naučný [Encyclopedia] 334 From Theory to Practice 2012 (1ř60 1ř74), writen by Edmund B etislav flaizl (1ř36 1Ś00), fiiljí Vratislav fiahn (1ř3ř 1Ś02) and probably fiakub fflalý (1ř11 1řř5). A relatively extensive and informed survey of the beginning of English drama was published by fiulius Zeyer (1ř41 1Ś01) in Lumír (1ř75). Some data were included in Franti ek Věnceslav fie ábek s (1ř36 1řŚ3) Stará doba romantického básnictví [he Old Age of Romantic Writing] (1řř3). A more detailed survey of English medieval literature is found in the Ilustrované dějiny literatury v eobecné [ffllustrated History of General ffiiterature] (1řř1) by Václav Petrů (1ř41 1Ś06), a compilation including, e.g., the prose translation of Caedmon s Hymn from its ffiatin version (quoted below).1 Václav Emanuel fflourek s (1ř46 1Ś11) Přehled dějin literatury anglické [An Outline of History of English ffiiterature] (1řŚ0) and his entries for Otův slovník naučný [Oto s Encyclopedia] (1řřř 1Ś0Ś) are predominantly purely factual, presenting names of authors and titles of works.2 he development of translations in the 20th century can be characterized as e orts to cope with both the content and form of the original. he turning point is the excerpts translated by Vilém fflathesius (1řř2 1Ś45), the founder of modern Czech English studies, within his Dějiny literatury anglické [History of English ffiiterature ff, ffff] (1Ś10, 1Ś15, respectively) and his other scholarly studies. He was followed by other literary historians, ffiadislav Cejp (1Ś10 1Ś5Ś)3 and Zdeněk St íbrný (*1Ś22).4 he rst annotated anthology serving as a textbook was compiled and translated by Zdeněk fflenhard (*1Ś30).5 As demonstrated by fii í ffievý (1Ś26 1Ś67), since the period of the National Revival Czech translation theory and practice have strongly valued, emphasized and even required mimetic translations also from the typologically di erent prosodic systems, and Czech translators have developed conventions for coping with them. Old English poetry is writen in the so-called accentual or alliterative verse. fft employs a long line of varying length divided by a caesura into two balanced half-lines, each of which includes usually two stressed syllables and a variable number of unstressed syllables. hree or at least two of the four stressed syllables alliterate. According to ffievý, it is the simplest technique of the purely accentual alliterative verses used in the oldest poetry of Germanic nations. ffn Czech translations, for ffievý it is important to preserve four cores of meaning expressed by falling speech bars and emphasized by alliteration. 6 ffievý refuses to sacri ce alliteration, a choice which Emil Walter (1řŚ0 1Ś64) defends as suitable in the Aterward to his translation of he Edda.7 Also the latest translations and theoretical statements of fian Čermák and fflartin Pokorný follow ffievý s intentions, 1. Václav Petrů, Ilustrované dějiny literatury v eobecné (Plzeň: V. Steinhauser, 1řř1), 2:21 22. 2. See Bohuslav fflánek, P eklady anglické a americké poezie v období ffláje, část ffff: Bibliogra e p ekladů 17ř5 1ř72 (doctoral dissertation, Univerzita flarlova, 1Śř4), 7 105. 3. ffiadislav Cejp, Metody středověké alegorie a Langlandův Petr Oráč (Praha: Státní pedagogické nakladatelství, 1Ś61). 4. Zdeněk St íbrný, Dějiny anglické literatury, 2 vols. (Praha: Academia, 1Śř7). 5. Zdeněk fflenhard, Star í anglická literatura (Praha: Univerzita flarlova, 1ŚŚ5). 6. fii í ffievý, Umění překladu, 2nd ed. (Praha: Panorama, 1Śř3), 242, 255 5ř. ffly translation. 7. Emil Walter, trans., Edda: Bohatýrské písně (Praha: Evropský literární klub, 1Ś42), 161. Bohuslav fflánek 335 i.e., the creation of a strong middle pause marked by a blank space in print, and the use of a smaller or larger number of unstressed syllables, i.e., shorter or longer words to accelerate or decelerate the ow of the verse. ff quote fflartin Pokorný: he rst half-line represents the movement of a diastole, which gathers and organizes the thematic material of the verse. he second half-line is a systole: the third accent, which maintains the common structure, sends out energy to the whole song, whereas the fourth, not alliterating one, provides the relief necessary for the explosion in the following verse.ř he progress towards the most faithful rendering of the aesthetic and formal qualities of the original, e.g., kennings, alliteration, rhythm and ow of the lines can be demonstrated using the translations of Caedmon s Hymn and the following extracts from Beowulf, Geo rey Chaucer s he Canterbury Tales, and William ffiangland s Piers the Ploughman. Chvalme nyní původu í e nebeské, moc stvo itelovu a radu jeho, skutky otce slávy, jak učinil, věčný pán, ka dého zázraku počátek. Nejprve stvo il dětem lidským nebe za st echu, stvo itel svatý, pak učinil zem[,] strá ce pokolení lidského v emohoucí.Ś Oslavujme nyní nebes ochránce, Tvůrcovu moc a jeho my lenku, dílo velebného Otce, jak on divu ka dému, věčný Vládce, začátek vymezil. On nejd ív nebesa stvo il, st echu synům lidským, svatý Stvo itel; zemi potom, ochránce zástupů, věčný Vládce, vytvo il zase, půdu pro lidi, v emohoucí Pán.10 Oslavujme nyní nebes ochránce, Tvůrcovu moc a jeho moudrý ád, vzne ené dílo Otce. fiak věčný vládce ka dému divu počátek dal. To On nejd ív nebesa napjal, st echu synům lidským, svatý Bůh. Zemi pak zalo il zase, ochránce lidí, věčný vládce, půdu pro lidi, mocný Pán.11 Vilém fflathesius in his History of English Literature II published in 1Ś15 translated several specimens from Troilus and Creseyde originally writen in the Chaucerian stanza (rhyme royal, ababbcc) into unrhymed lines,12 but Zdeněk Hron in his translation of the poem published in 2001 managed to use the rhyme royal.13 fflathesius also ř. fflartin Pokorný, Swutol Sang Scopes fiasný zpěv pěvcův, in Duch můj byl iv, ed. fian Čermák (Praha: flruh moderních lologů, 1ŚŚŚ), ř5. ffly translation. Ś. Václav Petrů, Ilustrované dějiny literatury v eobecné, 2:21 22. 10. Vilém fflathesius, Dějiny literatury anglické v hlavních jejích proudech a představitelích: I, Doba anglosaská (Praha: G. Voleský, 1Ś10), ř7. 11. fflenhard, Star í anglická literatura, 30. 12. Vilém fflathesius, Dějiny literatury anglické v hlavních jejích proudech a představitelích: II, Zápas o národnost (Praha: G. Voleský, 1Ś15), 202, 203. 13. Geo rey Chaucer, Troilus a Kriseida, trans. Zdeněk Hron (Praha: BB art, 2001). 336 From Theory to Practice 2012 used unrhymed verse in his translation of two of Chaucer s he Canterbury Tales and medieval ballads (1Ś15).14 He defended his approach as follows: he translation maintains the metre and rhythm of the original lines, but uses unrhymed verses instead of couplets. As can be demonstrated in the majority of Czech rhymed translations, the reason is that considerations of rhyme make it nearly impossible to casually and uently translate the stylistic subtleties characteristic of the original. Chaucer s masterful and nely graded style is really more important for the colour of his work than his rhyme.15 fldy duben záplavou svých vlahých de ťů b eznovým suchem do ko enu vnikne a ka dé vlákno vykoupe v té vláze, z nich silou plodivou se rodí květy, kdy také Zefyr líbezným svým dechem v lese i v poli v ude popo ene výhonky k ehoučké a mladé slunce v souhvězdí skopce proběhne svou půlku . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16 fflathesius used the same approach, i.e., unrhymed lines instead of the xed form of the rhymed ballad stanza when translating several medieval ballads to illustrate his views in his scholarly paper entitled Problém anglických lidových balad [he Problem of English Folk Ballads, 1Ś15]. On the basis of Francis fiames Child s collections, from which he translated his selections, the paper discussed numerous theories about the genre. One of the selections was the ballad he Hunting of the Cheviot (also called Chevy Chase, Child No. 162 ). Percy z Northumberlandu Bohem se za ekl, e v horách cheviotských bude honiti ve t ech dnech na vzdory statečnému Douglasu a v em, kdo s ním byli. Nejtučněj í jeleny ve v em Cheviotu pobít a odnést chtěl. Na mou věru , ekl zas statečný Douglas, té honbě zabráním, budu-li s to. 17 he faults he criticized in earlier nineteenth-century translations can be illustrated by an extract from the same ballad translated by ffiadislav Čelakovský in 1ř55. Z Northumberlandu Percy Slib nebi učiní, e v Cheviatských horách Chce honit po t i dni, Statnému Duglasu na vzdor, ff v em, kdo p i něm dlí. 14. Vilém fflathesius, Problém anglických lidových balad, Věstník České akademie císaře Franti ka Josefa pro vědy, slovesnost a umění 24, no. 6 (1Ś15): 245 71; 24, no. 7 (1Ś15): 327 42. 15. Geo rey Chaucer, Výbor z Canterburských povídek Geofreye Chaucera, trans. Vilém fflathesius (Praha: fian ffiaichter, 1Ś27), 62. ffly translation. 16. Chaucer, Výbor z Canterburských povídek, Ś. 17. Hon na horách cheviotských, in Vilém fflathesius, Problém anglických lidových balad, 24Ś. Bohuslav fflánek 337 Tam srnce nejtučněj í včil e zabiv, odvleče jim. Na mou česť, na to statný Duglas dí, To mu bohdá p ekazím.1ř Both translations, in all probability are based on the text rst printed in homas Percy s Reliques of Ancient English Poetry (1765). he Persè owt o Northombarlonde, and a vowe to God mayd he, hat he wold hunte in the mountayns o Chyviat within days thre, ffn the magger of doughtè Dogles, and all that ever with him be. he fatiste hartes in all Cheviat he sayd he wold kill, and cary them away: Be my feth, sayd the dougheti Doglas agayn, ff wyll let that hontyng yf that ff may. 1Ś Franti ek Vrba s (1Ś20 1Śř5) versions of he Canterbury Tales (1Ś41, 1Ś53, 1Ś56, 1Ś70) are all rhymed, demonstrating both the progress in the translator s art and the strong general trend toward mimetic translation. fldy duben sladké záplavy své vhání po suchu b eznovém a do ko ání a ka dé vlákno vlahou vykoupe tu, je silou plodivou je z ídlem květů; kdy také Zefyr v líbezném svém vání výhonky ně né k vzrůstu popohání v lese i v poli, a kdy mladé slunce půl dráhy projde ve znamení skopce, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20 fldy duben vniká v umných p epr kách a do ko ání pod b eznový prach a vlahou lázní v ka dém vláknu vznítí plodivou sílu, z které pučí kvítí, a kdy i Zefýr v lesíku a stráni líbezným dechem k růstu popohání výhonky ně né a kdy jaré slunce na dráze Skopcem dorazilo k půlce, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .21 ffievý s rules are fully implemented in recent Czech translations, e.g., in Sen o kří i [he Dream of the Rood, trans. fi. Čermák] (2005),22 Chaucer s Sen o rytíři [he Book of the 1ř. ffiadislav Čelakovský, trans., Hon Cheviatský, Časopis muzea království českého 2Ś, no. 2 (1ř55): 207 11. 1Ś. Francis fiames Child, English and Scotish Ballads (Boston: ffiitle, Brown and Company, 1ř60), 7:2Ś; homas Percy, Reliques of Ancient English Poetry (1765; ffiondon: fi. ffl. Dent, 1Ś32), 1:67. 20. Geo rey Chaucer, Canterburské povídky, trans. Franti ek Vrba (Praha: Dru stevní práce, 1Ś41), 5. 21. Geo rey Chaucer, Canterburské povídky, trans. Franti ek Vrba (Praha: Odeon, 1Ś70), 7. 22. fian Čermák, trans., Sen o kří i (Praha: fiitro, 2005). 33ř From Theory to Practice 2012 Duchess, trans. ffl. Pokorný] (2007)23 and the large selection of Old English poetry and prose translated by fian Čermák s team (200Ś).24 Dialects of Old English are practically a foreign language for contemporary native speakers of English, something like Old Church Slavonic for Czechs, so English and American translators have to solve similar problems when translating the Old Germanic accentual metre into contemporary English accentual syllabic metre. North, Crystal and Allard have formulated the quandary as follows: all translators su er from the fact that modern English verse does not carry the same semantic charge with the same symmetry and within the same tightly compacted space. 25 Both the contemporary Czech and English languages make it possible to use alliteration for more than three syllables in a line, and also sound gures, i.e., the repetition of certain consonants or vowels are employed as a kind of skeleton. Contemporary Czech translators also emphasize the caesura graphically by a long blank space. Archaisms then suggest the time interval from the past. As can be seen in the extracts, the practice of contemporary English and American translators is analogical, and the Czech mimetic approach is sometimes even more strict. Stoupal tu stě í královského rodu syn po p íkrých skalách, pě inách úzkých, těsných stezkách, tajemnými cestami, p es srázné útesy, útulky oblud.26 Zdolal pak rek rodu vzne eného srázná skaliska soutěsky, kudy jen jeden prosmykne se, neblahé prostory, p íkré ostrohy nad doupaty p í er.27 hen the man of noble lineage let Heorot far behind, followed narrow tracks, string-thing paths over steep, rocky slopes remote parts with beetling crags and many lakes where water-demons lived. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2ř So the noble prince proceeded undismayed up fells and screes, along narrow footpaths and ways where they were forced into single le, ledges on cli s above lairs of water-monsters.2Ś 23. Geo rey Chaucer, Sen o rytíři, trans. fflartin Pokorný (Praha: fiitro, 2007). 24. fian Čermák, ed., Jako kdy dvoranou proletí pták: Antologie nejstar í anglické poezie a prózy, 700–1100 (Praha: Triáda, 200Ś). 25. Richard North, David Crystal, and fioe Allard, Why Read Old English ffiiteratureŠ, in Beowulf & Other Stories: A New Introduction to Old English, Old Icelandic and Anglo-Norman Literatures, ed. Richard North and fioe Allard (Harlow: Pearson ffiongman, 2007), 23. 26. Bēowulf, in fflathesius, Dějiny literatury anglické, ff, 16 (ffff. 140ř 11). 27. fian Čermák, trans., Béowulf (Praha: Torst, 2003), 130 (ffff. 140ř 11). 2ř. flevin Crossley-Holland, trans., Beowulf, in he Anglo-Saxon World: An Anthology, ed. flevin CrossleyHolland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1Śř4), 10Ś (ffff. 140ř 12). 2Ś. Seamus Heaney, trans., Beowulf (ffiondon: Faber and Faber, 1ŚŚŚ), 46 (ffff. 140ř 11). Bohuslav fflánek 33Ś he same approach is employed for the translation of ffliddle English alliterative verse, as can be seen in this extract from William ffiangland s Piers the Ploughman. V letní době, kdy slunce mile h álo, v hrubý jsem se oblékl at, jako bych ovčák byl; v oděvu poustevníka nesvatého činy do světa jsem se vydal, abych divy sly el.30 Svitlo světlé léto, Slibně h álo slunce, Od eným atem oděn, fiak ovčákem bych byl, fflěl jsem hrubý at mnicha, fflálo svatého díla, Daleko do světa el jsem Divy a zázraky hledat.31 ffn a summer season, when sot was the sun, ff clad myself humbly, clothed like a shepherd, ffn habit like a hermit unholy of works, And went wide in this world, wonders to hear.32 Nevertheless, occasionally a very di erent approach is encountered. For his version of Beowulf, David Breeden has selected what has been called organic or content-derivative form, by which the original is treated very freely and the text is given a new shape: some passages are omited, free verse is used, etc. He has justi ed his approach as follows: he following is not a line-by-line translation of the original poem. Rather, ff have atempted to recreate the poem as a contemporary poet would write it, a practice assumed in the oral tradition. Paradoxically, however, this translation is truer to the original than many scholarly works. . . . his is not an exact translation of the poem but rather a new version, close to the original but a poem in its own right.33 One night, ater a beer party, the Danes setled in the hall for sleep; they knew no sorrows. he evil creature, grim and hungry, grabbed thirty warriors and went home laughing.34 As can be seen in comparison with standard English and Czech translations (Seamus Heaney and fian Čermák, respectively) in six short lines Breeden summarizes eighteen long lines of the original, limiting the poetic diction to a few adjectives. So, ater nightfall, Grendel set out for the loty house, to see how the Ring-Danes were setling into it ater their drink, ... 30. William ffiangland, Vidění o Petru Oráči, Prolog, in Dějiny literatury anglické v hlavních jejích proudech a představitelích: II, Zápas o národnost, by Vilém fflathesius (Praha: G. Voleský, 1Ś15), 154 (v. 1 6). 31. William ffiangland, Vidění Vilémovo o Petru Oráči, Prolog, in Metody středověké alegorie a Langlandův Petr Oráč, by ffiadislav Cejp (Praha: Státní pedagogické nakladatelství, 1Ś61), 57 (v. 1 6). 32. William ffiangland, he Vision Concerning Piers Plowman, in Medieval English Verse and Prose in Modernized Versions, ed. Roger Sherman ffioomis and Rudolph Willard (New York: Appleton-CenturyCrots, 1Ś4ř), 2Ś4. 33. David Breeden, Beowulf: A Note on Translation, Beowulf, 2013, htp://www.lone-star.net/literature/ beowulf/breeden.htm. 34. David Breeden, trans., Boewulf, 1ŚŚř, htp://www.lone-star.net/literature/beowulf/beowulf1.htm. 340 From Theory to Practice 2012 greedy and grim, he grabbed thirty men from their resting places and rushed to his lair, ushed up and in amed from the raid, blundering back with the butchered corpses.35 fldy snesla se noc, Grendel namí il k hrdému domu, odhodlán zvědět, jak vede se Dánům, kdy dop áli si piva; ... Zlomocná bytost, hnána zu ivou, lačnou zá tí, chvatně zchystala se a spících zchvátila t icatero mu ů. Pak táhla zas pryč, plesajíc nad lupem, nazpět k p íbytku, s mnoha mrtvými k domovu mí ila.36 To make Old English poetry more atractive to contemporary readers, similar nonacademic approaches have been adopted by some contemporary poets contributing to the anthology he Word Exchange.37 Another method of making long medieval compositions more accessible to modern readers is a combination of verse and prose, i.e., the replacement of several passages by short summaries of the action. his is, for instance, the case of Zdeněk Hron s translation of Chaucer s Troilus and Creseyde (2001)3ř or fflichal Bare s Sir Orfeo (2001, early-thirteenth century)3Ś and the nal version of Franti ek Vrba s he Canterbury Tales (1Ś70). fflodern editors of fftalian classics have also used this method, e.g., fftalo Calvino for Orlando Furioso by ffiodovico Ariosto (1474 1533)40 and Alfredo Giuliani for Gerusalemme liberata by Torquato Tasso (1544 15Ś5); these editions are available also in Czech translations.41 English translators also oten use unrhymed lines, blank verse or free verse, and prose, in particular for translations of long medieval poems from foreign languages. Harry W. Robbins (1řř3 1Ś54) rendered the Old French Romance of the Rose (Le Roman de la Rose, thirteenth century) by Guillaume de ffiorris and fiean de ffleun in blank verse42 , and the latest version translated by Frances Horgan is in prose.43 Beowulf also exists in prose versions, e.g., the translation by E. Talbot Donaldson or S. A. fi. Bradley. Recently also Peter Ackroyd has translated and adapted he Canterbury Tales into prose.44 here are 35. Seamus Heaney, trans., Beowulf (ffiondon: Faber and Faber, 1ŚŚŚ), 6 (ffff. 115 17, 130 33). 36. fian Čermák, trans., Béowulf (Praha: Torst, 2003), 6ř (ffff. 115 17, 12ř 33). 37. Greg Delanty and fflichael fflato, eds., he Word Exchange: Anglo-Saxon Poems in Translation (New York: Norton, 2011). 3ř. Geo rey Chaucer, Troilus a Kriseida, trans. Zdeněk Hron (Praha: BB art, 2001). 3Ś. fflichal Bare , trans., Sir Orfeo, in Dary krásných stromů: Výbor překladů ze staroanglické a středoanglické poezie, ed. fflariana Housková, fflilo flomanec, and fian Čermák (Praha: flruh moderních lologů, 2001), Ś7 115. 40. ffiodovico Ariosto, Zuřivý Roland, trans. fiaroslav Pokorný (Praha: Odeon, 1Ś74). 41. Torquato Tasso, Osvobozený Jeruzalém, trans. fiaroslav Pokorný (Praha: Odeon, 1Śř0). 42. Guillaume de ffiorris and fiean de ffleun, he Romance of the Rose, trans. Harry W. Robbins (New York: E. P. Duton, 1Ś62). 43. Guillaume de ffiorris and fiean de ffleun, he Romance of the Rose, trans. Frances Horgan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 200ř). 44. E. Talbot Donaldson, trans., Beowulf (ffiondon: ffiongmans, 1Ś67); S. A. fi. Bradley, trans., Beowulf, in Anglo-Saxon Poetry: An Anthology of Old English Poems, ed. S. A. fi. Bradley (ffiondon: fi. ffl. Dent, 1Śř2), Bohuslav fflánek 341 also simpli ed and shortened versions for children. ffn Czech is Robert Nye s (*1Ś3Ś) Béowulf and Eleanor Farjeon s (1řř1 1Ś65) bowdlerized version of he Canterbury Tales, removing erotic and scatological motifs.45 ffn conclusion, the process of introducing medieval English literature to Czech readers can be generally characterized as the development from short informative digests to artistic translations of complete texts or abridged versions, which nevertheless seek to suggest or preserve the principal qualities of the originals. Works Cited Ariosto, ffiodovico. Zuřivý Roland. Translated by fiaroslav Pokorný. Praha: Odeon, 1Ś74. Bare , fflichal, trans. Sir Orfeo. ffn Dary krásných stromů: Výbor překladů ze staroanglické a středoanglické poezie, edited by fflariana Housková, fflilo flomanec, and fian Čermák, Ś7 115. Praha: flruh moderních lologů, 2001. Bradley, S. A. fi., trans. Beowulf. ffn Anglo-Saxon Poetry: An Anthology of Old English Poems, translated and edited by S. A. fi. Bradley, 40ř Ś4. ffiondon: fi. ffl. Dent, 1Śř2. Breeden, David, trans. Beowulf. 1ŚŚř. htp://www.lone-star.net/literature/beowulf/ Breeden, David. Beowulf: A Note on Translation. Beowulf. 2013. htp://www.lone-star.net/literature/beowulf/breeden.htm. Cejp, ffiadislav. Metody středověké alegorie a Langlandův Petr Oráč. Praha: Státní pedagogické nakladatelství, 1Ś61. Chaucer, Geo rey. Canterburské povídky. Translated by Franti ek Vrba. Praha: Dru stevní práce, 1Ś41. Chaucer, Geo rey. Canterburské povídky. Translated by Franti ek Vrba. 2nd ed. Praha: SNflffiHU, 1Ś53. Chaucer, Geo rey. Canterburské povídky. Translated by Franti ek Vrba. 3rd ed. Praha: Na e vojsko, 1Ś56. Chaucer, Geo rey. Canterburské povídky. Translated by Franti ek Vrba. 4th ed. Praha: Odeon, 1Ś70. Chaucer, Geo rey. Canterburské povídky. Translated by Franti ek Vrba. 5th ed. Praha: Academia 200Ś. Chaucer, Geo rey. he Canterbury Tales. Translated and adapted by Peter Ackroyd. ffiondon: Penguin Books, 200Ś. Chaucer, Geo rey. Sen o rytíři. Translated by fflartin Pokorný. Praha: fiitro, 2007. Chaucer, Geo rey. Troilus a Kriseida. Translated by Zdeněk Hron. Praha: BB art, 2001. Chaucer, Geo rey. Výbor z Canterburských povídek Geofreye Chaucera. Translated by Vilém fflathesius. Praha: fian ffiaichter, 1Ś27. 40ř Ś4; Geo rey Chaucer, he Canterbury Tales, trans. and adopted by Peter Ackroyd (ffiondon: Penguin Books, 200Ś). 45. Robert Nye, Béowulf, trans. Petr Onufer and fflartin Pokorný (Praha: Plus, 2011); Geo rey Chaucer and Eleanor Farjeon, Canterburské povídky, trans. Hana Skoumalová (Praha: Albatros, 1Ś76); Eleanor Farjeon, Tales from Chaucer Re-told (ffiondon: Oxford University Press, 1Ś5Ś). 342 From Theory to Practice 2012 Chaucer, Geo ery, and Eleanor Farjeon. Canterburské povídky. Translated by Hana Skoumalová. Praha: Albatros, 1Ś76. Child, Francis fiames. English and Scotish Ballads. Vol. 7. Boston: ffiitle, Brown and Company, 1ř66. Crossley-Holland, flevin, trans. Beowulf. ffn he Anglo-Saxon World: An Anthology, edited by flevin Crossley-Holland, 74 154. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1Śř4. Čelakovský, ffiadislav, trans. Hon Cheviatský. Časopis muzea království českého 2Ś, no. 2 (1ř55): 207 11. Čermák, fian, trans. Béowulf. Praha: Torst, 2003. Čermák, fian, ed. Jako kdy dvoranou proletí pták: Antologie nejstar í anglické poezie a prózy, 700–1100. Praha: Triáda, 200Ś. Čermák, fian, trans. Sen o kří i. Praha: fiitro, 2005. Delanty, Greg, and fflichael fflato, eds. he Word Exchange: Anglo-Saxon Poems in Translation. New York: Norton, 2011. de ffiorris, Guillaume, and fiean de ffleun. he Romance of the Rose. Translated by Harry W. Robbins. New York: E. P. Duton, 1Ś62. de ffiorris, Guillaume, and fiean de ffleun. he Romance of the Rose. Translated by Frances Horgan. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 200ř. Donaldson, E. Talbot, trans. Beowulf. ffiondon: ffiongmans, 1Ś67. Farjeon, Eleanor. Tales from Chaucer Re-told. ffiondon: Oxford University Press, 1Ś5Ś. Heaney, Seamus, trans. Beowulf. ffiondon: Faber and Faber, 1ŚŚŚ. ffiangland, William. Vidění o Petru Oráči, Prolog. ffn Dějiny literatury anglické v hlavních jejích proudech a představitelích: II, Zápas o národnost, by Vilém fflathesius. Praha: G. Voleský, 1Ś15. ffiangland, William. Vidění Vilémovo o Petru Oráči, Prolog. ffn Metody středověké alegorie a Langlandův Petr Oráč, by ffiadislav Cejp. Praha: Státní pedagogické nakladatelství, 1Ś61. ffiangland, William. he Vision Concerning Piers Plowman. ffn Medieval English Verse and Prose in Modernized Versions, edited by Roger Sherman ffioomis and Rudolph Willard. New York: Appleton-Century-Crots, 1Ś4ř. ffievý, fii í. Uměni překladu. 2nd ed. Praha: Panorama, 1Śř3. fflánek, Bohuslav. Překlady anglické a americké poezie v období Máje, část II: Bibliogra e překladů 1785–1872. Doctoral dissertation, Univerzita flarlova, 1Śř4. fflathesius, Vilém. Dějiny literatury anglické v hlavních jejích proudech a představitelích: I, Doba anglosaská. Praha: G. Voleský, 1Ś10. fflathesius, Vilém. Dějiny literatury anglické v hlavních jejích proudech a představitelích: II, Zápas o národnost. Praha: G. Voleský, 1Ś15. fflathesius, Vilém. Problém anglických lidových balad. Věstník České akademie císaře Franti ka Josefa pro vědy, slovesnost a umění 24, no. 6 (1Ś15): 245 71; no. 7 (1Ś15): 327 42. fflenhard, Zdeněk. Star í anglická literatura. Praha: Univerzita flarlova, 1ŚŚ5. Bohuslav fflánek 343 North, Richard, David Crystal, and fioe Allard. Why Read Old English ffiiteratureŠ ffn Beowulf & Other Stories: A New Introduction to Old English, Old Icelandic and Anglo-Norman Literatures, edited by Richard North and fioe Allard, 1 37. Harlow: Pearson ffiongman, 2007. Nye, Robert. Béowulf. Translated by Petr Onufer and fflartin Pokorný. Praha: Plus, 2011. Percy, homas. Reliques of Ancient English Poetry. [1765]. 2 vols. ffiondon: fi. ffl. Dent, 1Ś32. Petrů, Václav. Ilustrované dějiny literatury v eobecné. Vol. 2. Plzeň: V. Steinhauser, 1řř1. Pokorný, fflartin. Swutol Sang Scopes fiasný zpěv pěvcův. ffn Duch můj byl iv, edited by fian Čermák, ř3 řř. Praha: flruh moderních lologů, 1ŚŚŚ. St íbrný, Zdeněk. Dějiny anglické literatury. 2 vols. Praha: Academia, 1Śř7. Tasso, Torquato. Osvobozený Jeruzalém. Translated by fiaroslav Pokorný. Praha: Odeon, 1Śř0. Walter, Emil, trans. Edda: Bohatýrské písně. Praha: Evropský literární klub, 1Ś42. Název: From heory to Practice 2012: Proceedings of the Fourth ffnternational Conference on Anglophone Studies September 5 6, 2012 Tomas Bata University in Zlín, Czech Republic Edito i: Gregory fiason Bell flatarína Nemčoková Bartosz Wójcik Edice: Zlín Proceedings in Humanities, sv. 4 Vydavatel: Univerzita Tomá e Bati ve Zlíně Nám. T. G. fflasaryka 5555, 760 01 Zlín Vydání: první Vy lo: 2013 Tisk: Tribun EU s.r.o., Cejl 32, 602 00 Brno ffSBN Ś7ř-ř0-7454-276-3 ffSSN 1ř05-ŚřŚŚ