Book Study:
A Complete History of Druggs
By
Cynthia Varady
San Jose State University
Prof. Elizabeth Wrenn-Estes
LIBR 280-03
April 23, 2010
Pomet’s Text and the Implications of Print Culture on Spreading Scientific Ideas
The Apothicairerie de Hôtel-Dieu-le-Comte
Introduction
Tucked away in Golden Gate Park’s Botanical Garden is a small library, the Helen Crocker Russell Library of Horticulture, catering to plant lovers, and historians alike (http://www.sfbotanicalgarden.org/library/index.html). Amongst the library’s collection of gardening tomes is a treasure trove of rare books. One such item, Pierre Pomet’s A Compleat History of Druggs (1712) can be found here. Originally printed in French as l’Histoire générale des Drogues (1694), it was later translated into English (1712, 1725, and 1735) and German (1717), substantially widening its readership (Sherman, 2004, p. 156). Initially intended as a medical encyclopedia of exotic botanicals, animals and minerals, the virtues of Pomet’s highly influential book go beyond enlightening its readers and serves to entertain as well (Philadelphia Rare Books, 2010, para. 13). Flipping though some of the 400 copper etched plates of strange and fantastical depictions of whales, fisheries and unicorns, it’s hard not to become lost in its pages . By applying imagination and fantasy to this scientific work, Pomet captured a larger portion of the market than preceding Materia Medica had; leisure time readers flocked to the History making it one of the most profitable and influential medical texts of its time (Sherman, 2004, p. 156).
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Figure 1
During his life, Pomet (1658-99) was driven by his passion for research and the development of medicinal remedies, especially those derived from exotic climes (Figure 1). A lifelong Parisian, Pomet owned La Barbe d’Or (The Gold Beard), a general store of sorts, catering to doctors and pharmacists, and frequently taught classes on herbology at the Jardin du Roi (Figure 2), now the Jardin des Plantes (Paris Botanical Garden) (Pornin, 2007, p. 2). However, before becoming a store owner and instructor, Pomet traveled extensively across Italy, England, Germany and Holland, collecting knowledge in the art of medicinal remedies and recipes (“Les Remedes Animaux,” para. 4). Pomet’s respectability as a druggist grew throughout France, and those in high places began to notice. Eventually Pomet was appointed Royal Physician to King Louis XIV of France. In 1694, with his fame as a physician well-known, Pomet published Histoire générale des drogues and overnight became a sort of celebrity (Philadelphia Rare Books, 2010, para. 12).
Figure 2
However publishing the History had its difficulties; several pages of notes and illustrations went missing which almost put an end to Pomet’s plans. When he did finally succeeded, Pomet’s work was seen as the most complete and respected in the field of biology at the time, earning the History its English adaptation (Pornin, 2007, p.2).
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Figure 3
Figure 4
Pamphleteer and satirist, Doctor Joseph Browne (1673–1721), has been identified as the translator of the History’s first English edition (Philadelphia Rare Books, 2010, para. 13; Sherman, 2004, p. 160). Unfortunately, Browne took great liberties with the History by borrowing extensively from two of Pomet’s contemporaries, Joseph Pitton de Tournefort (1656–1708) and Nicolas Lémery (1645–1715) (Philadelphia Rare Books, 2010, para. 12). Browne augmented Pomet’s original text so extensively, it was necessary to add Tournefort and Lémery to the title pages of both Volumes I and II as contributors of “what is further observable on the same subject” (Pomet, 1712, Title Page Volume I and II; Sherman, 2004, p. 156). In addition to the title pages, Browne inserted the name of the main contributor to the beginning of each entry for which he was responsible, clearly discerning the original text from its later additions (Figures 3, and 4).
Joseph Pitton de Tournefort
Figure 5
Well respected French botanist, physician and professor, Tournefort (Figure 5), is most noted for his classification of genus for plants. Originally destined for the clergy, after the death of his father, Tournefort was free to pursue his passions for botany (“Joseph Pitton de Tournefort,” 2010, para. 1). In 1683, he was appointed director of le Jardin du Roi (Rompel, 1912, para. 1). It as at this time that Tournefort was ordered by the King of France to travel Western Europe collecting specimens for study. Tournefort spent three years abroad exploring sections of Greece and Asia Minor (Chisholm, 1911, p. 106). Upon returning home in 1686, he was appointed Chief Botanist for King Louis XIV of France (“Materia Medica,” 2008, para. 6).
Figure 6
Originally beginning his career as a pharmacist in his hometown of Rouen, France, the French chemists, Lémery (Figure 6) is best known for being one of the first to develop hypotheses on acid-base chemistry (Chisholm, 1911, p. 410). Longing to learn more about the scientific arts, Lémery moved to Paris and became a chemistry student of Christopher Glacer, a noted pharmacist and chemist, and demonstrator at le Jardin du Roi. From here, Lémery moved to Montpellier and became a chemistry lecturer at the École Nationale Supérieure de Chimie de Montpellier. After some time, Lémery went back to Paris and opened a pharmacy of his own (Nicolas Lémery, 2010, para. 1).
Although no definitive documentation ties the three men together, their histories cross paths in more than one way. Therefore it is very likely that they knew one another, and perhaps even worked together, exchanging ideas on a regular basis, especially Pomet and Tournefort who were both professors at le Jardin du Roi and employed by King Louis XIV at the same time. Thus perhaps it isn’t that odd that these two individuals were used so extensively in Pomet’s History.
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Figure 7
Most visitors to London in the early 18th-century were taken aback by the noise and sheer number of people the city held (Figure 7). After the Great Fire in 1666 destroyed 80 percent of London (Figure 8), city designers scrambled to rebuild, employing less than satisfactory materials and techniques in their haste. The result was a majority of the city’s population living in squalor. The manner in which the rebuilding effort took place created a dark maze of isolated alleyways and streets, lending to a criminal element lurking in the shadows (18th Century London, 2010, para. 1).
Figure 8
Commercial districts weren’t much safer. Constructed with the same poor materials as residential areas, it was not uncommon to have a building collapse, trapping and killing people beneath its rubble. In addition, large wooden business signs suspended on heavy iron poles could be whipped around in the wind with such force that the entire business front could come crashing down, usually upon some unsuspecting passerby (18th Century London, 2010, para. 3).
Life expectancy in 18th-century London was lower than in other parts of England at this time due to inadequate sanitation and overcrowding. However these statistics are usually skewed by high rates of infant mortality with about 12 percent of children dying before the age of one. A man or woman who reached the age of 30 could expect to live another 29 years, attaining a median age of 59 (Travers, 2003, para. 5).
Many misconceptions circulated around health and hygiene in Europe during this ear, and London was no exception. Bathing was considered hazardous to one’s health and was avoided for as long as possible. Fresh air was also frowned upon, usually due to air born illnesses such as consumption. Most buildings were taxed based on the number of windows they contained, and in response, many landlords sealed them off, much to the detriment of the inhabitants (Travers, 2003, para. 18). Sanitation was also deplorable, with human waste and refuse running down the city streets in rivulets (18th Century London, 2010, para. 11).
With all the poor sanitation and hygiene occurring in 18th-century London, major epidemics surprisingly receded until 19th-century with the introduction of cholera as a result of the expansion of British Empire into India. Diseases such as smallpox and fever continued to be widespread throughout London, yet their impact was little felt on the population at large (Hardy, 1993, para. 1). Lung ailments were further aggravated by the burning of coal; the main fuel for heating homes and businesses (18th Century London, 2010, para. 13).
In addition to the smell of human waste running through the streets, death was also strong in the air. London graveyards employed the strategy of communal plots, or “poor holes”. These grave sites usually ran seven coffins deep and three to four wide, and were left open until completely filled (18th Century London, 2010, para. 14).
Figure 9
London residents needed some sort of outlet to take their minds off the filth which surrounded them, and their choices were vast and varied, providing something for even the most discerning mind. One could experience freak shows, hand-to-hand combat, and even purchase guidebooks providing the locations of brothels throughout the city. In 1711, Mrs. Salmon’s Fleet Street exhibition of waxworks (Figure 9) supplied filler when the real thing wasn’t available. For the more adventurous spectator, Bethlehem Royal Hospital (Bedlam), an asylum for the insane, was open to the public until 1770. Here a tourist could pay a small fee to wander the halls, poking fun at the patients for amusement. Yet, it was the grand spectacle of public displays of punishment that held the largest favor amongst the public (Figure 10). The most common of these punishments were that of floggings and the parading of criminals in shackles through the streets. The highlight, however, were executions. These were sometimes saved for public holidays, and on occasion, invitations were sent out in order to drum up attendance (18th Century London, 2010, para. 26).
Figure 10
Through the course of the 16th and 17th centuries, printing and paper production in London climbed. Literate institutions became more prominent in public life. By the 18th-century, all elementary school children were taught to read, however the ability to write wasn’t seen as important for the lower classes, and was not as prevalent. Scriptures provided many with a means of keeping up their reading skills, in addition, a dramatic leap in the number of cheap fiction books being produced slowly began to change the reasons people read; reading for pleasure began to take hold (Neuberg, 1969, pp. 44-45).
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Pomet’s Text and the Implications of Print Culture on Spreading Scientific Ideas
The translation of the History from its native French into English signifies a turning point in the transmission of scientific thought. According to Sherman (2004) Pomet’s work illustrates print culture’s effect on the dissemination of Enlightenment science (p. 156). Even though Pomet’s underscoring of the exotic went against the traditional style of British pharmacopeias of the time, it exemplifies how scientific texts could be marketed to “cross-over audiences” who were just as interested in the fantastic as they were in the practical use of medicines (Sherman, 2004, p. 156). Upon Pomet’s entry on elephants, he appears just as happy to invoke knowledge upon his readers as he does with entertaining them:
I shall not trouble myself to give an Account of all that has been writ upon this Subject. . . but only take Notice of some few Things that may be Entertaining to the Reader, if they afford him no further Instruction (as cited in Sherman, 2004).
Pomet hit upon a key marketing element; not only could one learn of the medicinal properties of exotic herbs and animals (the book’s main focus), but one could also indulge in the pleasure of reading about their environments and oddities. To this end, the History “illustrates the potential of Enlightenment science that was embodied in specialist publications to accommodate to a popular, commercially driven, cross-over market of pleasure driven readers” (Sherman, 2004, p. 156).
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The 1712 English edition of the History is rebound and contains both the first and second volumes. Unfortunately no information could be found on who the binder might have been or what methods and techniques were employed in process. The colophon measure 23 centimeters and is hardbound. In following American standards of book binding, it could be assumed that each quire is a quarto due to the text’s height (“Bookbinding,” 2010, para. 53). In addition, two end leaves, the product of the rebinding, are found at both the front and end of the book, and also serve as a pastedowns.
Figure 11
A catchword (Figure 11) appears at the bottom right margin of each page. The technique of using catchwords was much more common in earlier text, however the practice did prevail until the late 18th-century (“Catchwords,” 2010, para. 1).
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Publishers
Figure 12
Located at the bottom of both title pages, the reader will find a list of publishers responsible for the History (Figure 12). From a search preformed on the National Library of Australia, it appears Bonwicke, Goodwin, Walthoe, Wotton, and Manship, worked together on several other publications in fields ranging from herbalism, with the first English translation of Tournefort’s The Compleat Herbal (1716), to scriptures, poetry, maps, and philosophical works (http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/). The publisher and bookseller, Bonwicke consisted of a family business; Rebecca, Henry and their son James Bonwicke ran a book trade out of the Red Lion in St. Paul’s Churchyard between 1711 and 1725 (Figure 13). After her husband passed away, Rebecca Bonwicke ran the Red Lion with her son James. Benjamin Tooke, like the Bonwickes, traded books in St. Paul’s Churchyard out of his shop, La Duck. In addition to being a bookseller, Tooke was also a publisher, printer, and stationer (“The British Book Trade Index,” 2010).
Figure 13
Several of the publishers of the History traded and worked from various shops located on or near Fleet Street, whose name became synonymous with publishing in London (Figure 14). Named for the Fleet River which ran along the Medieval Wall of London at the eastern end of the street, Fleet Street began as the publishing hub of London with the Daily Courant (1702), London’s first regular newspaper. Along its west end, Temple Bar marked the London city limits (“Fleet Street,” 2010, para. 1 and 4). Amongst these publishers were Matthew Wotton, a bookseller running the Three Pigeons and the Three Daggers; William Freeman, bookseller, publisher, and printer, trading out of the Artichoke near St. Dunstan’s and the Devil’s Tavern between Fleet Street and Temple Bar; John Walthoe, bookbinder, stationary and seller, who traded from the Black Lion, La Chancery, Lincoln’s Inn, and St. John’s Head Tavern, all of which were located near Temple Bar and Fleet Street; and Timothy Goodwin, publisher and printer on Fleet Street as well (“The British Book Trade Index,” 2010).
Figure 14
As Fleet Street was the center of publishing in London, the Royal Exchange (Figure 15) was the center of commerce. The original Exchange was opened by Elizabeth I on January 23, 1571, and was later burned to the ground in by the Great Fire of London in 1666 and rebuilt in 1669 (“The Royal Exchange,” 2010, para. 2 and 3). Samuel Manship ran the Black Bull near the Royal Exchange and was a publisher and bookseller. John Nicholson owned the King’s Arms, later called the Queen’s Arms, in the Little Brittan district of London. He was a publisher, bookseller and stationary. Richard Parker, a bookseller and publisher, ran the Unicorn out of the Royal Exchange; and Ralph Smith, was a bookseller out of the Bible at the Royal Exchange (“The British Book Trade Index,” 2010).
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Figure 15
Both title pages expressly notifies of the History’s publishers and the location in which the printing took place (in London), but not as to who might be responsible for the actual printing. It is possible that the printer may have been one of the publishers, considering many of them were printers as well as stationeries, binders and book traders.
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The only use of color in the whole of the text is the rubrication on the title pages (Figures 16 and 17). Here the rubrics serve to highlight important features, such as the book’s focus on medicinal components dealing with their nomenclature, environment, and origin; the sciences involved in the History’s focus; and the 400 copper plates. The main author’s and contributing authors’ last names, along with the book’s place of publication are also highlighted by rubrication, however the added element of italics is also present. In addition, the book’s publishers, language of the text, and country from which King Charles III ruled over also appear in italics. The use of bold text appears in the title pages with regard to topics the book will be covering; vegetable, animal and mineral.
Figure 16
Figure 17
The main text of the History is formatted with double columns and places the illustrations close to the referring text (Philadelphia Rare Books, 2010, para. 15). The pagination is continuous, skipping leaf illustrations, which are numbered continuously throughout the text in their own right.
Figure 18
Several typographical elements decorate the opening of title pages (Figure 18). Each chapter of the History is labeled with an alternate title of the History; General History of Druggs. The use of alternating italics and caps in this substitute title serves to catch the eye of the reader. A pair of double lines separates the title heading from the announcement of the chapter or “book” number. Here the use of caps with evenly spaced letters (monotype) distinguishes the number of the chapter from the word “book”. Lastly, the name of the chapter is separated from the chapter or “book” number by a single vertical line. Similar to the alternate title of the History, here the use of caps coupled with italics, draws the eye of the reader to the topic at hand. In this case, flowers. Subsequent pages within each chapter follow the double column layout and carry an encyclopedic format of the entry in bold followed by the explanation of the entry.
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The History’s watermarks are that of a regular undulating pattern left behind by the wire tray used in production (Figure 19). Sadly, there is no discerning design of the paper’s producer.
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Figure 19
A roman typeface simply refers to a family of type composed of straight vertical lines. Traditionally, roman typefaces employed serifs (end strokes within letters) based upon the style of book hand used in ancient Rome (“Typeface,” 2010, para. 16). Additionally, roman is one of the three most popular western typefaces (the other two being italics and black letter or Gothic), and of the three, roman is the most widely used (“roman,” 2010, para. 1).
The origins of roman type can be traced back to Nicholas Jenson (1420-1480) when he produced his original roman design on the banks of Venice in 1470. Jenson together with Erhard Radolt (1486) and Francesco Griffo (1499) are recognized as the authoritative and classic designers of roman faces, setting the standards for the bulk of roman types that followed (“History of Western Typefaces,” 2010, para. 13).
According to Hlasta, (1950) type foundries traditionally were very lax about providing samples of typefaces they produced (p. v). The result is a difficulty in naming an individual font; however deciphering which family a typeface belongs to is a much easier task. Many fonts are designed from existing fonts in circulation, and carry distinguishing traits and characteristics that aid researchers in placing a family to the typeface with which they are concerned (Hlasta, 1950, p. 5).
It is clear that a form of roman typeface was used in the printing of the History. Further research has narrowed the scope to that of a variant of Garamond. However, an exhaustive exploration is not possible due to the lack of formal documentation by foundries, only an educated guess can be made with a margin or error.
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Figure 20
The slender and graceful French method reached its peak sophistication with the roman types attributed to the best-known personage of French typography – Claude Garamond (1480-1561) (“History of Western Typefaces,” 2010, para. 26). Born in France in 1480, Garamond (Figure 20) became the pupil of Simon de Colines who apprenticed him in the craft of punch cutting (cutting letter punches in steel) and Geoffroy Tory, who trained him in the art of type design (Figure 21). A true forward thinker, Garamond also introduced to the French language the apostrophe, cedilla, and the accent (“Claude Garamond,” 2010, para. 1; “Geoffroy Tory,” 2010, para. 1). Garamond also became the royal engraver for King Francis I of France and was commissioned to produce a Greek typeface known as the Grec du Roi (Hlasta, 1950, p. 76).
Figure 21
In 1561 Garamond passed away leaving little behind save for his foundry and types. His widow sold the types to the executor of the estate, Andre Wechel who relocated to Frankfurt and opened his own foundry. It is at this point, the Garamond tree begins to branch in three main directions. The first was when Wechel joined with the Egenolff-Bernet foundry and brought along with him the original Garamond punches, permitting the company to generate the true Garamond type. Another branch of the Garamond tree is attributed to Granjon who cut his own version of the Garamond type (Hlasta, 1950, p. 76).
The third branch of Garamond comes from the French designer, Jean Jannon in 1611. Short on materials and funds, Jannon, independently of Garamond, cut his own typeface that so resembled the original Garamond type from 1570 that much speculation surrounds the origins of modern Garamond fonts (Hlasta, 1950, p. 76).
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Figure 22
Classed as old style, Garamond types are easy to read and are generally considered pleasing to the eye. A neat, simple type, it shows the subtle differences between thin and thick letter strokes. Keeping with the simple elegance of roman typefaces, Garamond’s italics are not overly ornate and imply effortlessness (Hlasta, 1950, p. 77). A specimen of Garamond typeface released by the Egenolff-Bernet foundry in 1592 (Figure 22) illustrates a few key characteristic that distinguishes this roman font from its contemporaries. The sample demonstrate the connection of the upper stem arc of the tall lowercase S with that of the lowercase T, the stylized combination of the lowercase C and T, and the uppercase form of the letter W with full head serifs on all stems, along with the crossing of the second and third stems (e.g. S, line 1, word 4 in Figure 22 and Figure 23; C and T, line 5, word 1 in Figure 22 and Figure 24; W, line 8, word 2 in Figure 22, and 25).
Figure 23
Figure 24
Figure 25
The variation of Garamond used in the History also employs a swash tail on the italicized form Q (Figure 26); the uppercase T appears with head serifs that slant away from one another (Figure 27); the italics form of lowercase K has short, hooked terminal strokes and an elongated closed loop (Figure 28); and the lowercase form of the letter E occurring with a high crossbar to create a narrow loop (Figure 29) (Hlasta, 1950, p. 74).
Figure 30
Figure 29
Figure 28
Figure 27
Figure 26
An interesting shift develops after the History’s dedication; the font takes on characteristics of Granjon, a variant of Garamond. An example of this shift is visible with the form of the uppercase W. As illustrated in Figure 22 and 25, the W has crossed stems containing head serif on each of the four stems. However this structure is not seen in other sections of the History. In Figure 30, the uppercase W has a full head serif at the apex, and the second and third stems meet at the mean line (Hlasta, 1950, p. 13). Why the History’s printer chose to use a more pure form of Garamond in the dedication and then switch to a variant form closer to Granjon is unknown.
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Figure 31
Within the History, 400 copper engravings appear, most of which contain four plates per leaf (Figure 31) (Philadelphia Rare Books, 2010, para. 14). Contained within these illustrations are lifelike depictions of plants, roots, animals from both land and sea, and scenes of industry such as fisheries and tobacco farming (Figure 32). A great amount of skill was necessary to produce engravings, even for masters in the art. The detail each engraving holds lends to the magic the History presents to its readers, enthralling even the most educated medical mind of the 18th-century.
The History’s engravings are attributed to Jean Crepy (Crespy) (1660-1730), an active engraver during the latter part of the 17th-century to the early part of the 18th. Crepy specialized in cartography, and landscapes so his attuned eye lent well to the elements depicted throughout the History. In addition to being a family of engravers, (Crepy’s son Louis also took up the family trade) the Crepy family was one of the most active publishing companies in 18th-century Paris (Paulus Swane, para. 1).
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Figure 32
The technique of line engraving (engraved images printed on paper during the 18th and 19th centuries) was used primarily for commercial illustrations in magazines and books, and begins its history in 15th-century in Florence with goldsmiths (“Line Engraving,” 2010, para. 5). It has been suggested that goldsmiths began recording the designs they had engraved into their work leading to the technique’s use in printing (“Intaglio,” 2010, para. 6; “Old Master Print,” 2010, para. 42).
The method of producing a line etching is accomplished by carving or etching a series of lines into a hard plate, in the History’s case, copper, to generate a picture or illustration. Ink is then applied to the finished surface of the plate and the excess wiped away, leaving only the ink in the etched portion of the plate. A damp piece of paper is pressed against the plate’s surface, leaving the image behind (“Intaglio,” 2010, para. 2).
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The Apothicairerie de Hôtel-Dieu-le-Comte
Figure 33
About 100 miles outside of France in the town of Troyes, there stands the Hôtel-Dieu-le-Comte (Figure 33), an apothecary and hospital established in 1721. In 1958, the Hôtel was recognized as a historic landmark and converted into a museum. Today it is open to the public for a small fee, and is a destination for those interested in herbal remedies and medicine as well as art. Inside the Hôtel are built-in shelves (Figure 34) layered with rows of elaborately painted wooden boxes and cylinders for preserving herbal medicines. These beautifully illustrated scenes correspond to the containers’ contents(Pornin, 2007, p. 1).
Figure 34
Of the 400 copper etching appearing in the History, 300 appear on the Hôtel’s herb boxes (Figures 35 and 36). The artist, whose name, as with many, has been lost to time, reproduced the History’s engravings, adding the colors described by Pomet (Pornin, 2007, p. 1).
It is plain to see the influence the History had on the medical profession. Pomet’s text, and all associated with it (Crepy’s etchings), became synonymous with high quality and trustworthiness in the area of the healing arts, so much so in fact, that the pharmacist of the Hôtel had these famous illustrations adore his walls, providing a seal of approval for his product, and advertising his allegiance with this famous Materia Medica.
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Figure 36
Figure 35
The History’s authority as one of the leading pharmacopoeias was felt throughout Europe, changing the way countries like England thought and wrote about medicinal remedies. Pomet’s marriage between fantasy and fact opened up new avenues of knowledge and investigation to pastime readers as well as those familiar with the field of medicine. The History stands the test of time, enthralling those who flip through its animated tales of giant whales and stately unicorns today as it did with its first French publication in 1794. The History’s entertaining anecdotes, coupled with etchings so lifelike they appear more photographic that illustrative, seem to freeze rare and unique moment in the imagination of the writer, setting even the most staunch among us into daydreams of mysterious creatures dwelling in exotic, far off lands.
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