11
Iberian Paganism
Iberian Paganism: Goddess Spirituality in Spain and Portugal
Goddess Spirituality in Spain and Portugal and the
Quest for Authenticity
Anna Fedele
Introduction
On a warm autumn day in 2009 I was taking some pictures of the
small building in a suburb in Lisbon where I had been attending
workshops and rituals during my fieldwork about Goddess spirituality in Portugal. I had arrived too early for a workshop on the Sacred
Feminine and was using the occasion to take some pictures of the
spiritual centre and its surrounding neighbourhood. I became gradually aware that two elderly women I had passed on the street some
minutes before were watching me from a distance and talking animatedly. After some time a third, somewhat younger woman joined
their conversation, looked intently at me and then walked towards
me with a gentle smile on her face. Pointing towards the workshop
building, she asked me: ‘You are one of the folks of this house, aren’t
you?’ Somewhat puzzled I explained that I had arrived early for a
workshop and that as I liked the paintings on the walls of the centre
and also the surrounding area I was taking some pictures. Relieved
and triumphant, the woman exclaimed: ‘I knew it, I could tell from
the way you are dressed! And I told those two ladies, “She is one of
these girls from that house; they are peaceful people”’. While I was
self-consciously looking at my long skirt and the long shawl I had
resolved to wear for the occasion, the woman continued: ‘I know
them; one of the girls who leads this centre grew up in the neighbourhood; they do harmless activities, such as yoga and belly dancing;
they are very friendly’. After some small talk about my being Italian
240 ◆ Anna Fedele
and my Portuguese improving, the woman added that she was sorry
about the older women’s behaviour. She added that I had to understand that their neighbourhood was like a small village where everybody knows everybody and people worry about strangers, possible
robberies and foreign religious habits.
This ethnographic vignette offers a good example of the difficulties faced by groups practising forms of contemporary spirituality
not only in Portugal, but also in other countries of southern Europe
such as Spain or Italy where Catholicism is still considered the official
religion and new religious movements are easily labelled as dangerous sects.1 This chapter draws on fieldwork about the Goddess spirituality movement in Spain and Portugal to analyse the peculiarities
of Iberian Paganism.2 The tensions between local forms of Goddess
worship and Pagan traditions imported from the United States and
Britain are discussed. Taking as an example the case of the Goddess
Conference in Spain, I will argue that in order to be accepted by
Iberian Pagans these ‘Anglo-traditions’ need to be adapted through
a process of cultural and religious translation that takes into account
different factors, such as their Catholic background, their need for
secretiveness and their fear of criticism and even stigmatization.3
This adaptation process usually happens through local leaders
who act as cultural and religious mediators and transform Goddess
spirituality theories for their southern European public. An analysis
of their adapted theories and rituals and their criticism of imported
British and American Paganisms offers insights into processes of religious colonization and resistance at an historical moment when contemporary Pagan movements are gradually gaining increased public
visibility in mainland Europe, and yearly ‘Goddess Conferences’ are
being celebrated not only in Glastonbury (in the United Kingdom),
but also in Germany, Spain, Hungary, Sweden, the Netherlands,
Australia and Argentina.
The way in which the Goddess Conference package is transplanted from Britain to other countries offers a good example of
the way in which Pagans negotiate the tensions between local, cultural or national identities and wider, international and increasingly
globalized influences. There are constant efforts to construct forms
of Paganism that are perceived as indigenous and therefore authentic, but there is also the wish to connect with a wider, international
Pagan movement (see Bowman 2009; and Rountree 2010 and this
volume). This phenomenon is particularly interesting in the context
of traditionally Catholic countries such as Spain and Portugal, where
English is not widely spoken and there seems to be a well-developed
Iberian Paganism: Goddess Spirituality in Spain and Portugal ◆ 241
resistance towards what is often perceived as an Anglo-imperialism
that does not take into account local specificities. As will be discussed, this process of resistance is particularly evident among ‘heterodox’ Pagan groups that are loosely structured and do not identify
with a specific international Pagan tradition.
Iberian Paganism
As the religious historian Ronald Hutton has shown (1999), even
if most contemporary Pagans consider themselves as part of a revitalization process of pre-Christian nature religions, their beliefs
and practices are more recent and started to circulate in the 1960s
in Great Britain and North America. Contemporary Pagans tend to
criticize institutionalized religions, and particularly Christianity, as
patriarchal and misogynist and believe that the conceptualization of
the body as sinful has led members of Judaeo-Christian religions to
despise the material world and perceive their sexuality as sinful. This
rejection and denigration of body and matter is, according to Pagans,
one of the principal causes not only of the current ecological disaster,
but also of widespread sexual perversions such as child abuse and
the rape of women. In order to create a safer world and foster an
environmentally friendly attitude, Pagans advocate a sacralization of
the body and sexuality and a conceptualization of planet Earth as
inhabited by divine forces.
Pagans want to create non-hierarchical, gender-equal communities, based on a deep respect for nature and for each other’s beliefs and
choices. For analytical purposes contemporary Pagan movements
have sometimes been united by social scientists and religious historians under the umbrella term ‘Neopaganism’, but so far no consensus
about terminology has been reached. Movements considered under
the umbrella range from neo-shamanic groups revitalizing Native
American or other shamanic traditions,4 to groups that have been
described as part of a ‘feminist spirituality’ movement (Eller 1993),
to a variety of witchcraft groups, as well as contemporary Druids and
Isis fellowships.5
Not all social actors described by social scientists as Neopagans or
contemporary Pagans would necessarily call themselves ‘Pagans’ and
this is particularly the case in southern Europe (Fedele 2013b). Those
following Pagan theories and practices in Italy, Spain or Portugal do
not seem to share with their North American equivalents the need to
form associations (see Berger, Davie and Fokas 2008: 14); they often
242 ◆ Anna Fedele
do not belong to any religious organization and refuse to identify
with a precise religious movement.
My Iberian interlocutors had been brought up as Catholics and
many of them stated that they were not ‘religious’ but ‘spiritual’.6
They did not like the idea of joining an established religion again
and seemed thereby to follow a trend in contemporary religiosity
also common in North America and Europe (Heelas and Woodhead
2005; Berger, Davie and Fokas 2008: 14).7 The women and few men
I encountered during my fieldwork had been disappointed, and
sometimes even wounded (Fedele 2013a: 191–216), by what they
described as ‘the Church’ and therefore preferred the word ‘spirituality’ to ‘religion’ (Fedele 2009; Knibbe 2013; Fedele and Knibbe
2013). In fact, as can easily be deduced from the ethnographic
vignette that opens this chapter, many of my interlocutors preferred
to be secretive about their spiritual theories and practices. They
often felt watched and judged by their colleagues or neighbours and
found that their spirituality could be easily misunderstood by their
Catholic families and by the wider social environment. For all these
reasons my interlocutors preferred to describe themselves as part
of ‘Goddess spirituality’ rather than a religion called ‘Paganism’.
My latest findings show that my interlocutors’ fears were well
founded. Between 2011 and 2012 some spiritual leaders and groups
I studied in Italy and Spain were investigated by the police to determine whether they were sects and to make sure that their activities
were not related to Satanist rituals or did not include brainwashing
methods.
Workshops related to Goddess spirituality in Portugal and Spain
tend to be organized in an informal way (that is, having no legal visibility). Once the workshops start attracting a significant number of
people and gaining social visibility, the most common solution is to
create a non-profit organization. A good example of this constant
need for discretion is the group whose workshop I was about to
attend in the vignette that opens this chapter. It had a very general
name that did not reveal its relationship with religion or spirituality,
let alone Paganism. I will call it here: ‘international association fostering human creativity’. The group’s activities took place in an area
of Lisbon where people still have small gardens in their backyards,
know each other and stop to talk with neighbours on the street. The
members of the association were attentive not to upset the neighbourhood and tended to describe their activities with labels such as
‘yoga’ or ‘belly dancing’ that were more related to leisure and health
than spirituality.
Iberian Paganism: Goddess Spirituality in Spain and Portugal ◆ 243
I found that even though in Portugal there were some spiritual
leaders who openly stated their commitment to the international
Goddess movement and promoted their rituals and celebrations
online, other groups and solitary practitioners of Goddess spirituality
tended to be very protective, especially when promoting their events
or describing their associations. They tend to use neutral terms such
as ‘cultural association’ or ‘development seminar’, and it is only by
reading in detail the description of an event, visiting a group’s website
or participating in their activities that one can see how the contents
are clearly related to the Goddess movement.
In Spain I was mainly in touch with a women’s spirituality group
based in Barcelona that here will be called Goddess Wood (Fedele
2013a, 2013c, 2014a). It had been founded in 2002 by an Argentinean
woman in her early fifties called Dana and was one the largest and
fastest growing in Catalonia, and probably in the whole of Spain.
At the start of this fieldwork in 2004, Goddess Wood comprised up
to three hundred women from different areas of the Spanish state
who participated now and then in rituals or workshops organized
by Dana. A group of thirty to forty committed members regularly
attended the group’s activities. Goddess Wood had monthly gatherings for the celebration of each new moon and the most important ceremonies were the annual initiation ritual at the beginning of
February and the ‘pilgrimage of the blood’ (Fedele 2013a, 2014a)
organized every second summer. At the beginning, the group’s activities were organized in an informal way, but the group has grown
both in terms of participation and of social visibility and Dana has
therefore created a cultural association that gives a legal background
to the group. Goddess Wood members are spread all over Spain and
monthly gatherings to celebrate the new moon are regularly held by
local groups in a number of Spanish cities and towns.
Dana often observed that even though she enjoyed reading English
‘classics of Goddess spirituality’ such as Starhawk’s or Diane Stein’s
books, she did not feel at ease using terms such as ‘witch’ or ‘Pagan’.
She felt that the rituals they described could offer a starting point,
but needed to be adapted to the Iberian context. Talking about her
book project, Dana observed that there were English books about
the Goddess and that since the late 1990s Spanish authors had also
written about women’s spirituality, but she wanted to write about
the ‘Christian Goddess’. In her opinion women in Europe, especially those living in traditionally Catholic countries such as Spain,
could not and should not dismiss their ‘Christian cultural heritage’.
According to Dana, women with an important Christian background
244 ◆ Anna Fedele
in Europe and also in Latin America could reinterpret it and thereby
use it to create their own personal contact with the Goddess.8 While
refusing the negative concepts related to gender, corporeality and
sexuality they had received in childhood, the Iberian women I
encountered did not entirely refuse their Catholic background and
reinterpreted Christian figures such as Jesus, the Virgin Mary and
Mary Magdalene (Fedele 2013a). They found that Goddess spirituality allowed them to address problems related to sexuality and gender
that were considered taboo in the Catholic environment in which
they grew up.
Inversions of Christianity and the Importance
of Uncertainty
Since 2002 I have been researching the spread of contemporary spirituality in Italy, Spain and Portugal with a particular focus on Goddess
spirituality. For my doctoral dissertation I focused on pilgrimages to
Catholic shrines in France related to Saint Mary Magdalene or to
‘Black Madonnas’ (Fedele 2013a). Although their pilgrimage leaders
(from the United Kingdom, Italy and Argentina) had quite different spiritual backgrounds and approaches, the pilgrims I accompanied (coming from Spain, Italy, the United Kingdom and the United
States) shared spiritual ideas and practices related to contemporary
Paganism internationally, but also to contemporary spirituality
more generally, or what is often referred to as ‘New Age’ spirituality.9 My research was based on participant observation, informal
conversations, loosely structured interviews and the recollection of
life stories. I found that many of my interlocutors initially tended to
have a defensive attitude because they were conscious of common
critiques about their kind of religiosity as self-indulgent and consumerist. Because of this I believe that it is only through participant
observation, the recollection of life stories and in-depth, open interviews that social scientists can gain access to the complexities of contemporary spirituality (see Bender 2010).
As Marion Bowman observed in her long-term research about
‘integrative spirituality’ in Glastonbury (2009; see also Bowman
1993, 2004a, 2004b, 2005 and 2008), although they often fiercely
criticize Christian religion and established religions more generally,
Goddess spirituality practitioners incorporate many Christian and
especially Catholic elements. I found that Catholicism, with its many
saints, its emphasis on the cult of the Virgin Mary and its complex
Iberian Paganism: Goddess Spirituality in Spain and Portugal ◆ 245
rituals and colourful processions, is particularly apt for Pagan reinterpretations. In this context the Virgin Mary appears as the Goddess
disguised under Christian robes, and Black Madonnas appear as survivals of ancient Goddess figurines and ultimately as the representation of Mother Earth (Fedele 2013c). My interlocutors considered
Christian saints to be Christianized Pagan gods and goddesses; thus
female saints such as Mary Magdalene (Fedele 2013a) and Bridget10
(Bowman 2004a, 2007, 2009) appeared in this context respectively as
the equivalents of the Greek goddess Aphrodite and the Celtic Brigid
(or Brigit).
In the adaptation process of Christian sites, figures, rituals and
symbols I found that my interlocutors often used strategies of
re-volution, in the original sense of the term. They did not refuse
Christian elements in toto, but incorporated them into their ritual
practices, turning their meaning upside down. Just two examples:
Mary Magdalene is no longer a repentant prostitute turned into a
saint by Jesus’s intervention, but the sacred lover of Jesus helping
him in his difficult mission; menstrual blood, considered impure
and sinful, is sacralized by offering it to Mother Earth in a chalice,
thereby attaining a sort of ritual inversion of the Eucharist where
male blood is offered to a male God Father in the sky (Fedele 2013a:
145–90; 2014a).
Even if Goddess spirituality practitioners believe that they are
creating a spirituality that is radically different from, and often
directly opposed to, established religions of the past and present, a
close analysis of their theories and rituals shows that they have many
elements in common with other religious groups of the past and
present (Fedele and Knibbe 2013; Fedele 2013a, 2013c). An examination of recent and older anthropological studies of local Catholicism
(Christian 1972, 1981, 1996, 2011), historical analyses of Christianity
(Bynum 1987, 1991) and anthropological studies of other religious
groups (for example, Badone 1990; Lambek 1993) reveals that lived
religion (McGuire 2008), sometimes also described as ‘vernacular
religion’ (Primiano 1995; Bowman and Valk 2012) or ‘folk religion’
(Yoder 1974; Bowman 2004b), and its multiple and sometimes ambiguous interpretations are not so different from those of contemporary
spirituality. I believe with Bowman that when analysing contemporary Paganism, its crafted rituals and its ‘integrative spirituality’, we
should bear in mind that ‘although some scholars give the impression
that this is a particular feature of modern/post-modern “alternative”
spirituality, it is nothing new. This pragmatic, incorporative aspect
is common to “traditional” religion as well as to contemporary
246 ◆ Anna Fedele
spirituality, as countless ethnological studies have shown’ (Bowman
2009: 197). I would add that what is new is the explicit legitimization
of such an incorporative approach and the extent to which it is used
(see also Fedele and Knibbe 2013).
Following Élisabeth Claverie’s analysis of French pilgrims travelling to Medjugorje (2003) and influenced by French pragmatic sociologists, during my research I did not consider social actors to be
passive victims of their social or religious milieu or of the spiritual
theories and practices they had embraced. I believe they are equipped
to engage with the social and religious realities they encounter and
tend to be critical. Before accepting theories and rules, they find their
own ways to put them to test and this also happened in the case of
my interlocutors in Spain and Portugal. In my research I paid particular attention to the way in which spiritual practitioners accepted
or refused certain theories and the processes that led them to the
creation of their own spirituality.
Social scientists have often described religion as providing a
remedy for uncertainty and the anxieties related to it. In this context
uncertainty and doubt are regarded as undesirable and there has been
a tendency to emphasize religion’s capacity to offer a reassuring sense
of continuity and certainty. Little attention has been paid so far to
the role uncertainty plays in religious experiences.11 I found that my
southern European interlocutors saw doubts as allies rather than
as needing to be neutralized. In fact they were constantly encouraged by their spiritual leaders not to take anything for granted, to
put theories and spiritual practices to the test and see whether they
‘worked for them’ (Bell 1997; Fedele 2013a, 2014b). If they found
that a certain theory or ritual was not useful for their process of spiritual growth, they should feel free to dismiss it or adapt it in order to
make it work. In this context the capacity and willingness to challenge religious knowledge emerged as an ally in the face of dogmas
imposed from above that were considered typical of monotheistic,
patriarchal religions (Fedele 2014b).
These Iberians had managed to distance themselves from
the Catholic dogmas they had received from their families,
in the Catholic schools they had attended or more generally from
their Catholic milieu. Having embraced a (Goddess) spirituality they
perceived as opposed to (Catholic) religion, most were not willing to
risk becoming ‘religious’ again. Putting to the test theories and practices they found in books or learnt about in workshops was therefore
an important element in their defence against institutionalized and
potentially disempowering religions.
Iberian Paganism: Goddess Spirituality in Spain and Portugal ◆ 247
Given their resistance to dogmas and refusal to become involved
again in hierarchical and potentially controlling religious communities, their attitude towards Pagan theories and practices coming from
Britain and the United States is particularly interesting. As will be
discussed, they did not accept passively the rituals and ideas they
found in English books (or Spanish translations of Pagan literature
originally written in English), but evaluated whether they ‘worked
for them’ in their local contexts. In their quest for an authentic
Iberian Goddess tradition they often resisted what they perceived
as a sort of Anglo-imperialism and preferred Spanish authors and
spiritual leaders who did not simply follow established international
traditions, but crafted their own Iberian tradition taking existing
international traditions as sources of inspiration and blending them
with local pre-Christian elements along with Catholic elements.
The Goddess Conference in Spain
In February 2010 I participated in the Pantheacon, the most important Pagan meeting in the United States (Pantheacon 2013).12 There
I discovered that in autumn of the same year the first Goddess
Conference in Spain would be held in Madrid, and that it would be
modelled on the Goddess Conference in Glastonbury. Surprised and
curious, I contacted some of my informants in Spain only to find that
they did not know about this upcoming event. They did not seem
particularly interested and one of them commented rather sceptically
that this was probably ‘some big thing that was being organized by
disciples of Kathy Jones in Spain’.
Glastonbury is one of the most important centres of contemporary spirituality and also a traditional pilgrimage site for Catholics
and Anglicans (Prince and Riches 2000; Ivakhiv 2001; Bowman 1993,
2004a, 2005, 2007, 2008, 2009). The annual Glastonbury Goddess
Conference is a five-day event that was founded in 1996, and Kathy
Jones is probably the most important figure in the Goddess spirituality movement in Glastonbury and a central figure of the conference
(Jones 2000; Bowman 2009; Trulsson 2010; Goddess Conference
2013). Glastonbury is believed to be the physical site of the mythical
Avalon, described in Marion Zimmer Bradley’s novel The Mists of
Avalon (1983) as the home of the priestesses of the Goddess. There is
a training programme for priestesses and priests of Avalon that produces ritual celebrants schooled in what is commonly referred to as
‘the Glastonbury tradition’ or ‘the Avalon tradition’.
248 ◆ Anna Fedele
The Glastonbury Goddess Conference has been studied by
Marion Bowman and others (for example, Trulsson 2010) and it
would take too long here to describe it in detail. The following will
refer to those elements of the Glastonbury conference that have
influenced its Iberian equivalent. Bowman (2009) has also analysed
how the ‘Glastonbury Goddess package’, which is being transplanted
to different parts of Europe, is taking root in Hungary. The way in
which this package has been adapted to the Hungarian context has
many similarities with the Iberian case. However, in the Iberian case,
apart from the influence of Kathy Jones and her Goddess training
programme (‘the Avalon tradition’), there was also the intervention
of the ‘Reclaiming’ movement, which has Starhawk as its central
figure.13 This was the invitation I received by e-mail (on 20 February
2010) to the first Goddess Conference in Madrid to be held on 24–27
September 2010:
We have the pleasure to inform you, that we, a small Group of Priestesses and Priests of the Goddess, in union of two traditions – Avalon and
Celtic-Reclaiming, are preparing the first GODDESS CONFERENCE
in Madrid, Spain! This Conference has been happening for many years
in Glastonbury, England, nurtured by its founder Kathy Jones and the
Priestesses of Avalon, visited by hundreds of people each year. Speakers such as Starhawk from Reclaiming San Francisco or Anique Radiant
Heart from Australia have been attending for many years to encourage
and support the Wiccan tradition in its multiple ways.
We feel that the moment has come to reclaim the Goddess in Spain,
and so we got together as the weavers of the Spanish Goddess Conference.
We are pioneers venturing into the unknown, discovering treasures of
this land: its sacred places, the names of the ancient Goddesses honoured
in Hispania, traces of Her worship in old traditions. Little by little we
start to know that Madrid is a whole Goddess city; that our ancestral
Goddesses are eager to be found; to wake up [and come] to life again.
Several important elements of this first Iberian Goddess
Conference were directly related to its British equivalent:
•
•
The ritual celebration of each ancient local goddess was related to
a cardinal direction, a colour and a priestess (the goddesses associated with the Iberian peninsula in the first conference were Ama
Lur, Ataecina, Tanit, Belisama, Diana, Potnia Hippon, Noctiluca
and Cybeles).
A ‘Goddess procession’ with banners to important local sites
(in this case, the fountain of Cybeles situated at the heart of
Madrid).14
Iberian Paganism: Goddess Spirituality in Spain and Portugal ◆ 249
•
•
•
A ‘Goddess masked ball’.
Fringe events to be paid for separately.
The figures of the melissas (‘bees’ in Ancient Greek) as helpers
during the conference.
Continuity with the Glastonbury Goddess Conference tradition was granted by the presence of its founder, Kathy Jones, and
central figures connected with the Goddess Conference in Argentina
(Sandra Román) and Australia (Anique Radiant Heart). Other highprofile figures of the international Pagan movement who joined this
first occasion were Starhawk, Sally Pullinger, Steve Wilkes and Vicky
Noble. To further emphasize continuity with Glastonbury’s conference, Kathy Jones lit a ceremonial candle and ritually invoked the
power of the ‘flame of Avalon’ – and thereby the power of the Avalon
tradition – to ignite the ‘flame of Iberia’. With this ritual she wanted
to bring back to life the veneration of the Goddess in the Iberian
peninsula. She reminded conference participants that after this ritual
they all ‘carried inside themselves the flame of Avalon and of Iberia’;
they were now connected with both the Avalon and the Iberian traditions of Goddess worship.
When I asked my Portuguese interlocutors whether they would
attend the first Goddess Conference in Spain, many of them did not
know about it and once they had gathered information about it they all
at first commented that it was too expensive for them. Some added that
they felt that the conference organizers should also contact Portuguese
Pagans in some way; although on the conference website the organizers addressed the whole Iberian peninsula, as far as my interlocutors
knew, no direct contact had been made with Portuguese Pagans to see
whether they wanted to contribute. In the second year of the Iberian
conference, it became explicit that Portuguese Pagans were also invited
to identify with the conference through the goddess Iberia. One of the
speakers at the second conference in 2011 came from Portugal and she
described herself as having a special link with Glastonbury.
Iberia is a goddess who was ‘born’ during the first Goddess
Conference in Madrid and is a sort of Iberian equivalent of the
Roman goddess Britannia venerated in Glastonbury. The birth of
the goddess Iberia, representing the Iberian peninsula, also allowed
another feature of the Glastonbury conference to be incorporated:
the veneration of a different aspect of the fourfold Goddess (Maiden,
Lover, Mother, Crone) (c.f. Bowman 2009: 209). This emerged in
the announcement of the second Iberian conference, which was
celebrated on 7–10 July 2011:
250 ◆ Anna Fedele
IBERIA, THE MAIDEN
The Goddess of Iberia, born at the Goddess Conference last September,
has been maturing. Our baby girl is no longer asleep in the arms of the
Great Cosmic Mother. Our blessed girl is a free maiden, joyful and expressive. She runs through the fields, shaking the still sleeping earth with
her little feet. . . .
The Maid of Iberia was known by many names: The Gala Belisama
(clearly a cousin of the English Brigit), the Basque Ekhi (the healing
light of the mild winter sun), Carmenta (one of the Roman Matres, who
was in charge of receiving babies, oracles, edges and spells), the Greek
Aphrodite Phosphoros (Aphrodite, bringer of light), the Iberian Cabar
Sul (Matron Goddess of healing through water) amongst others. Like
Brigit of England, she had two common characteristics: healing through
the purification of fire and through the purification of the crystal-clear
waters, therefore at our Conference we will honour her and ourselves
with the purification of fire and water. They are all Divine expressions of
the girl that once lived in each one of us. All of them a Divine expression
of our inner child. They are all incarnated again as the children who are
in our lives now and therefore will be honoured at the Second Iberian
Goddess Conference, in early July in Madrid.
You are welcome to join us and share laughter, innocence and inspiration from the Maiden of Iberia.15
As we can see from this announcement there is a clear effort to find
common elements between Iberia and Brigit (or Brigid), the Celtic
goddess assimilated with the Christian Saint Bridget venerated in
Glastonbury. Something similar happened in the Hungarian case
analysed by Bowman (2009: 214).
In the third Iberian Goddess Conference the second aspect of the
fourfold Goddess was to be venerated, and the reference to Iberia the
Lover allowed the introduction of another feature of the Glastonbury
conference, the association of each aspect of the Goddess with
certain colours and the association of each conference with a prevalent colour (c.f. Bowman 2009: 210). This is the announcement of the
third Iberian conference, which was to be held on 27–30 September
2012:
Iberia the Maiden went out to dance to the world at the Second Iberian
Goddess Conference. Spinning joyfully She fell in love with the whole
creation, She fell in love with Herself reflected in the mountains, in the
valleys, in the rivers and the sea, in all creatures . . . So She became Iberia
the Lover.
Join us to celebrate the Third Iberian Goddess Conference in Madrid
from 27th to 30th September 2012. Please wear red, pink and fuchsia in
all possible shades to honour the fourfold Goddess of Love of our lands:
Iberian Paganism: Goddess Spirituality in Spain and Portugal ◆ 251
Iberia of the Birds, the Horses, the Snakes and the Crystalline Depths,
Iberia the Lover manifesting Self-Love, Sacred Pleasure, Pure Heart
Love, and Divine Love. (Conferencia de la Diosa 2013)
With every Iberian conference more elements of the Glastonbury
conference were incorporated. Gradually an Iberian mythology
was being created that also incorporated the Dama de Elche (Lady
of Elche), a polychrome stone bust discovered in 1897 near Elche
(Valencia, Spain) that has been at the centre of many controversies
about its authenticity and is a popular image in Spain. After the first
Iberian conference efforts were increasingly made to incorporate not
only priestesses from the (British) Avalon and (American) Reclaiming
traditions. In 2011 there was also a priestess from the Iberian tradition in the ceremonial équipe and several invited local speakers were
heterodox priestesses or spiritual leaders.
However, the Glastonbury package failed to properly take root
in Spain. In 2011 the organizers experienced a shortage of subscriptions and had to lower the price three weeks before the event so
as to allow those affected by the economic crisis to participate.16
This created discontent among those who had not been accorded a
similar discount the year before and those who had already paid the
full price for 2011. In 2012 the third Iberian Goddess Conference
was significantly more affordable, but nevertheless it had to be cancelled because of a ‘lack of subscriptions’.17 Those interested were
invited to participate in ‘the next one’ (Conferencia de la Diosa
2013).
Why Did the Goddess Conference Fail to Take Root
in Spain?
At the time of this writing, in November 2014, the Spanish website of
the conference no longer exists and there is no Goddess Conference
scheduled for 2014 in Madrid. What were the reasons that led to the
failure of this event? Why did the Glastonbury package not work
in Madrid? The reasons are surely manifold and the severe financial
crisis in southern Europe certainly was an important factor. However,
some other elements played an important role in this process.
As described above, the Iberian Goddess Conference was organized by a number of priestesses belonging to the Avalon tradition or
the Reclaiming tradition and they consciously modelled the event to
reproduce some of the main features of the Glastonbury conference.
252 ◆ Anna Fedele
The organizers made an effort to adapt the Glastonbury package to
the local context and announced that all Pagan groups of the Iberian
peninsula were invited to participate and that they aimed to include
all Pagan traditions.18 However, this may have been more complicated than they thought, and they failed to involve in the creation and
organization of the first Iberian conference other heterodox spiritual
leaders and priestesses who had been practising Goddess spirituality
all over Spain. The organizers of the first conference all belonged to
one of the two traditions related to the conference and indicated their
lineage in their biographical descriptions on the website (Conferencia
de la Diosa 2010). Some of my Spanish informants complained that
those from other local groups who wanted to participate and who
offered to contribute by celebrating a ritual were welcomed, but
unlike the invited celebrants they would not be paid for their ritual
performance and would have to pay a registration fee. They were
thereby considered on the same level as all other participants. This
created several misunderstandings and conflicts, additionally because
the price was considerable by Iberian standards and Iberians are not
so familiar with early-registration discounts.
As I have explained elsewhere, in Spain and Portugal the cost of
workshops and retreats tends to be quite inexpensive compared with
other European countries, and this often allows younger participants
or those with little income to attend at least some events (Fedele
2013a; see also Fedele and Knibbe 2013). The Glastonbury scheme
that involved the invitation of foreign guests such as Kathy Jones
and Starhawk implied that the subscriptions needed to be quite high
and that there was little space for negotiation about free entry or late
discounts. The salience of this problem became particularly evident
during the second Iberian conference when the organizers decided to
lower the prices for those with financial problems a few weeks before
the conference.
The lack of explicit involvement in the first Iberian conference
of heterodox but well-developed local women’s spirituality groups,
which in many cases had been practising Goddess spirituality since
the late 1990s, created a gap between the ‘vernacular’ Paganism and
a sort of ‘orthodox’ Paganism represented by the followers of the
Avalon tradition and Starhawk’s Reclaiming tradition. Although in
the second and third Iberian conferences some heterodox priestesses
and spiritual leaders were incorporated as speakers, many of my
interlocutors had felt disillusioned and decided not to attend.
Apart from economic issues and the problematic inclusion of heterodox Pagan groups, another element that in my opinion played
Iberian Paganism: Goddess Spirituality in Spain and Portugal ◆ 253
an important role in the failure of the transplantation process was
that few Catholic elements were incorporated. The official goddesses who were invoked did not include local virgins such as Our
Lady of Montserrat or Our Lady of Rocio (see Fedele 2013a) and
the conference leaders did not adapt the contents for an audience
that had a strong Catholic background. Although in later versions of
the Goddess Conference in Spain there were references to the Virgin
Mary and Mary Magdalene, considered Christianized versions of the
Goddess, the ‘Christian Goddess’ was not explicitly addressed or
worshipped.
Finally, an important factor was the resistance of my Iberian informants to accept theories and ritual rules perceived as imposed from
above. Both the Avalon and the Reclaiming traditions have gradually
become more crystallized in a set process and certain rituals that were
once freshly crafted now form part of an established tradition. Some
of my interlocutors had participated in the Glastonbury conference
and several had criticized the ‘rigidity’ of certain ceremonies. Some
said that they had even been reprimanded because they were doing
their own ritual gestures and procedures and were not following suit.
In their attempt to escape from the religious rules and dogmas they
had experienced as disempowering and sometimes painful during
their childhood and early adulthood as Catholics, these women perceived the Glastonbury package as too structured and constrictive.
Moreover it appeared to them as something imported and coming
‘from above’ that did not really reflect their own experiences of the
Goddess or the local specificities of their spirituality. They resisted
this process as a sort of Anglo-colonialism that forced them to follow
the rules of established traditions they did not really embrace and
which had not originated in their country.
Conclusion
Paganism is becoming increasingly represented and visible in mainland Europe and some international Pagan movements – Goddess
spirituality in this instance – have crystallized into established traditions such as the Avalon tradition and the Reclaiming tradition.
Pagans tend to describe their own spirituality as non-hierarchical and
gender equal in contrast with more established religions and with
what they see more generally as ‘religion’. However, power relationships are inherent within human relations and therefore also in religious groups. Even if Pagans try hard to protect individual freedom
254 ◆ Anna Fedele
and not to create a religion,19 in the creation of their own spirituality
they end up being inevitably caught up in power relations (Fedele
and Knibbe 2013). It is particularly interesting to observe processes
of religious colonization and resistance in a context in which religious power and established religions are described as negative, but
Christian figures, places and symbols are still considered as relevant
and powerful.
Due to their Catholic background Iberian practitioners of Goddess
spirituality seem to be particularly sensitive to issues of religious
domination and control, and are therefore particularly useful indicators of processes of resistance against an Anglo-imperialism within
international Paganism. Many of them refuse to be labelled – or to
label themselves – as Pagans or witches and prefer to create their own
Iberian Goddess spirituality combining Catholic and Pagan elements
rather than embracing established international Pagan traditions.
Through an analysis of the case of the Iberian Goddess Conference
it has been argued here that this ‘package’ (after Bowman 2009)
has so far failed to take root in the Iberian peninsula because many
Iberian Pagans have perceived it as something essentially imposed
from above, coming from abroad and divorced from local specificities. Although the organizers of the Iberian conference made efforts
to adapt the Goddess Conference package to the Iberian context,
including Iberian goddesses and Spanish places such as the fountain
of Cybeles in Madrid, they failed to involve from the beginning what
has been labelled here ‘heterodox’ Pagan groups – those which do
not belong to the Avalon or Reclaiming traditions. Moreover, they
only partially addressed the Catholic sensibilities and the economic
difficulties of their potential audience. Planned as a well-structured
event with ‘early-bird’ prices, fringe events to be paid for separately
and special guests from abroad, the Iberian Goddess Conference
looked radically different from the kind of loosely organized rituals I
had witnessed during my earlier fieldwork. Time will tell whether the
Goddess Conference will again be celebrated in Spain and eventually take root there. If this happens the organizers will have to invest
more effort in the process of cultural and religious translation so as
to allow Iberian participants to recognize the conference as reflecting the complex Catholic-Pagan spiritualities they have created for
themselves.
Iberian Paganism: Goddess Spirituality in Spain and Portugal ◆ 255
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Kathryn Rountree for her ongoing support and
her suggestions and Marion Bowman for providing useful references.
Notes
1 Although there is a growing religious diversity in Spain and Portugal
due to immigration and the increasing availability of religious alternatives, the general opinion in the media and among people generally is
that Portugal and Spain are still ‘Catholic countries’. See Mapril and
Llera Blanes (2013) for a discussion of religious diversity in southern
Europe.
2 The term ‘Iberian’ is used here to include Portuguese and Spaniards, and
also to respect the nationalist sensibilities of Catalan and Basque Pagans
who do not like to be labelled ‘Spanish’. As will be shown, the political
problems linked to local nationalisms in Spain led the organizers of the
Spanish Goddess Conference to refer to the ‘Iberian Peninsula’ rather
than to Spain. See the organizers’ comments in the interview at: http://
www.elblogalternativo.com/2010/08/22/la-diosa-en-espana-entrevista
mos- a- las- organizadoras- de- la- conferencia- de- la- diosa- en- madridsobre-este-evento-y-el-neopaganismo/ (accessed 20 June 2013).
3 It is particularly difficult to determine the number of those following
Pagan theories and practices in Spain and Portugal, because many may
still be nominally Catholics, baptize their children and marry in a church.
On the other hand there are also those who refuse to identify with any
established religion or with other social labels. These and other attitudes
make Goddess spirituality practitioners difficult to spot statistically.
4 In recent years there has been a debate about whether a variety of Native
Faith groups in Europe, especially central and eastern Europe, should
be included under the umbrella of ‘Neopaganism’. See, for instance,
Aitamurto and Simpson (2013).
5 For an early study of witchcraft among Londoners, see Luhrmann
(1989, 2001). For ethnographic or sociological studies of Neopagans
in the United States, see Berger (1999), Pike (2001), Magliocco (2001,
2004), Salomonsen (2002) and Berger et al. (2003). In Great Britain,
see Greenwood (2000); in Malta, Rountree (2010); in Australia, Hume
(1997); and in New Zealand, Rountree (2004). See Albanese (1990) for a
discussion of ‘nature religions’ in America. See also Harvey (1997) and
Pizza and Lewis (2008).
6 All citations come from personal interviews or informal conversations. The translations from Catalan, Spanish and Portuguese are mine.
256 ◆ Anna Fedele
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Pseudonyms have been used for the groups and persons described in this
text.
For a detailed discussion of the spirituality/religion dichotomy and the
methodological problems entailed in the use of these terms in the social
sciences, see Fedele and Knibbe (2013).
See also Fedele (2013b) where I refer to this conversation with Dana and
her book project.
See Wood (2007) for a detailed analysis of the problems related to the
term ‘New Age’. See also Sutcliffe and Bowman (2000).
Both Brigit and Bridget are used; here I use Bridget, the version that
Bowman uses.
The importance of uncertainty and doubt in vernacular religion is at the
centre of a special issue I coordinated with Élisabeth Claverie for Social
Compass (61(4), 2014).
For an ethnographic description of the Pantheacon, see, for instance,
Magliocco (2004).
See Salomonsen (2002) for a detailed analysis of the Reclaiming witches
in San Francisco.
To view videos of this procession in 2010, see: http://www.youtube.
com/user/meryetcrafts#p/u/2/xdSwPxcuKtg (accessed 17 June 2013)
and http://www.youtube.com/user/meryetcrafts#p/u/1/FBzpGhD7f4c
(accessed 17 June 2013).
E-mail announcement received 12 March 2011.
Originally the price was 200 euros for early registration and 280 euros
full price. The cost for those with economic problems was 150 euros.
E-mail announcement received 19 June 2011.
The price for early registration was 135 euros and the full price 165
euros. Http://www.conferenciadeladiosa.es/english.html (accessed 19
June 2013).
See the organizers’ comments at: http://www.elblogalternativo.com/2010/
08/22/la- diosa-en- espana- entrevistamos- a- las-organizadoras-de- laconferencia-de-la-diosa-en-madrid-sobre-este-evento-y-el-neopagan
ismo/ (accessed 19 June 2013).
Asa Trulsson (2013: 28) cites Kathy Jones saying, ‘I hope we are not
creating a religion. . . . All known religions have been patriarchal’.
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