PAPERS AND PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRD MEDIEVAL WORKSHOP IN RIJEKA Edited by KOSANA JOVANOVIĆ – SUZANA MILJAN FACULTY OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF RIJEKA Rijeka 2018 Publisher: FACULTY OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF RIJEKA Sveučilišna avenija 4 51 000 Rijeka For publisher: Prof. Ines Srdoč Konestra Peer-reviewers: Dr. Marija Karbić Prof. Mirjana Matijević Sokol Language editing: Dr. Iris Vidmar Graphic design: Lea Čeč ISBN: 978-953-7975-71-5 CIP record available in the University Library Rijeka digital catalog under number 140412079 Contents Preface Kosana Jovanović – Suzana Miljan 7 Part 1 Royalty, nobility and prelates: hierarchy and geography Márton Rózsa Families behind a plot. The political and social background of the Anemas conspiracy 11 Aranđel Smiljanić Titles and ranks of diplomats of the regional lords in Bosnia 29 Mišo Petrović Politicized religion. The “contested” prelates of Croatia, Dalmatia and Slavonia during the struggle for the throne of the Kingdom of Hungary (1382-1409) 37 Tomislav Matić Future Hungarian prelates at the University of Vienna during the 1430s 55 Maja Lukanc Anna of Celje (Cilli): in search of the overlooked Queen 69 Part 2 Interpreting the sources: archaeological, textual and contextual analysis Jana Škrgulja Symbols of power and ethnic identities in Late Antique Southern Pannonia and Dalmatia (the sixth century) 89 Andrej Janeš The archaeological approach and the need for medieval castle research 109 Kristina Judaš Scopes and limits of interpretation of magistrate’s attitude to violent crimes: examples from late medieval Gradec judicial records (1450- 131 1480) Ivan Missoni Expressions of physical and ecstatic love in the Passion of Our Saviour 147 Ivan Botica – Tomislav Galović Croatian Glagolitic notary service of Krk and Third notarial protocol of Jure Sormilić (1726-1734). How we have edited this edition? 165 List of contributors 180 Maja Lukanc Anna of Celje (Cilli): In search of the overlooked Queen In the last few decades Slovenian, German and Croatian scholars dedicated a decent amount of attention to the House of Celje, especially to the more visible members of the family but, surprisingly, completely overlooked Anna of Celje. The first reason may lie in remoteness of the sources, located mainly in Poland, where Anna spent most of her short life. The second reason lies in the two of her contemporaries, who overshadowed her – the Polish historiography paid more attention to Jagiełło’s first wife Jadwiga of Anjou, and in the Slovene historiography Anna stayed overshadowed by her slightly younger relative and triple queen, Barbara of Celje. This article aims to fill the gap in the research of Anna of Celje and offer some insight into the life of the overlooked Queen. In the first part it gives a short overview of the sources that deliver pieces of information on Anna of Celje. Later on, it highlights the so far overlooked testament, written by Hermann II of Celje (* ca. 1360; † 1435) in 1396, the only source on the period of Anna of Celje, which corrects some misinterpretations about her youth and role at the court in Celje. Final question in this article is whether the insignificant role ascribed to Anna in her political and administrative life is justified or based on premature assumptions due to the insufficient study and lack of sources. About the sources Anna of Celje only left a few traces; therefore, the sources about her life are rather scarce. Most of information is delivered by different chronicle writers, and Jan Długosz (* 1415; † 1480) is the most important one with his monumental work Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae (Annals or Chronicles of the Famous Kingdom of Poland).1 Długosz, being born just a year before Anna’s death, embraced the whole Polish history from its mythological roots to its contemporaneity in twelve volumes. 1  Jan Długosz, Annales seu cronicae incliti regni poloniae, Liber I-XII (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1964-2009). 69  Papers and Proceedings of the Third Medieval Workshop in Rijeka Anna is mentioned nineteen times in volumes ten and eleven. Długosz based his chronicles on numerous sources, but used them uncritically, making many chronological mistakes and content inaccuracies in the text.2 The case of Anna of Celje is only one such example. Another chronicle with information on Anna is Chronik des Landes Preussen (Prussian Chronicle), written by Johann von Posilge (* ca. 1340; † ca. 1405).3 Anna is mentioned three times, never by name, but always as grafen tochter von Czele. One of the notes is especially intriguing, since it expresses the author’s personal attitude towards the Queen of Poland. Anna is briefly mentioned also by Andreas of Regensburg (* ca. 1380; † 1442) in Cronica inedita de expeditionibus in Bohemiam contra Husistas haereticos (Hussite chronicle),4 while the most important narrative source for the history of Counts of Celje, Cronica der graffen von Cilli (Chronicle of the Cilli), does not refer to her by name, but only informs that she was given into marriage to the King of Kraków.5 Besides the chronicles, some information about Anna is given in different Polish and Prussian annals, such as Kalendarz Krakowski (Kraków Calendar),6 Rocznik miechowski (Annals of Miechów),7 Rocznik swietokrzyski (Annals of Swięty Krzyż)8 and Annalista Thorunesis (Annals of Toruń).9 Anna is mentioned by name in all of the mentioned works and the content of the notes refer to the most important events of her life – wedding, coronation, birth of her daughter and death. 2  More about Długosz: Heinrich Zeissberg, Die Polnische Geschichtsschreibung des Mittelalters (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1873). 3 Johann von Posilge, “Chronik des Landes Preussen,” in: Scriptores rerum Prussicarum: die Geschichtquellen der preußischen Vorzeit bis zum Untergange der Ordensherrschaft, vol. 3, ed. by Theodor Hirsch and Gottfried Ernst Wilhelm Strehlke and Max Pollux Töppen (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1866), 79-316. 4 The quotations from the chronicle referring to Anna of Celje can be found in: Janez Mlinar, Podoba Celjskih grofov v narativnih virih (Ljubljana: Filozofski fakultet Univerze v Ljubljani, 2005), 297. 5 Und darnach gab sein vetter, graff Hermann des obgemeldten graff Wilhelm tochter einem könig von Krakau zu einem gemahl, als vor gemelt ist worden. Franz Krones (ed.), Die Freien von Saneck und ihre Chronik als Grafen von Cilli (Graz: Leuschner und Lubensky, 1883), 73. Slovenian translation: Ludvik Modest Golia (ed.), Kronika grofov Celjskih (Maribor: Obzorja, 1972). 6 Many different redactions of the same source exist, for the needs of the present article the following ones are used: August Bielowski (ed.), “Kalendarz Krakowski (Calendarii Cracoviensis)”, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 2 (Lwów: Nakładem własnym, 1872); Zofi a Kozłowska- Budkowa (ed.), “Kalendarz katedry krakowskiej (Najdawniejsze roczniki krakowskie i kalendarz)”, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, s.n., vol. 5 (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe,  1978) (hereafter: KalKatKrak). 7  Zofi a  Kozłowska-Budkowa  (ed.),  “Rocznik  miechowski,”  in:  Studia Żródłoznawcze, vol. 5 (Warszawa: Poznań: Państwowe wydawnictwo naukowe, 1960) (hereafter: Rmiech). 8  Anna Rutkowska-Płachcińska (ed.), “Rocznik swiętokrzyski,” in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, s.n., vol. 12 (Kraków: Nakładem Polskiej Akademii Umieję tnoś ci, 1996) (hereafter: Rświęt). 9 “Annalista Thorunensis,” in: Scriptores Rerum Prussicarum, ed. by Theodor Hirsch, Gottfried Ernst Wilhelm Strehlke and Max Pollux Töppen (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1866), 57-316. 70 Maja Lukanc, Anna of Celje (Cilli): in search of the overlooked Queen The aforementioned narrative sources should be taken cum grano salis, since the social constellation and the system of values of the time ascribed to men greater importance than to women. Therefore, a woman played a side role in the narrative that was weaved around the key figure of the chroniclers’ interest – her spouse and her family of origin.10 Therefore, the pieces of information from chronicles and annals should be carefully compared among themselves and to the existing documentary sources – letters, charters, protocols and accounting books. The latter are not many; only two mandates issued by Anna and only ten letters from her personal correspondence remained.11 Three of the letters that Jagiełło addressed to his wife, as well as some others, only indirectly reporting about Anna, have been preserved.12 Letters from the correspondence on the Teutonic Order further contribute to understanding of the problem.13 Accounting books of Kraków, Kazimierz (two), Lwow and the royal court (two) also present very precious sources.14 They do not only give information on various events from Anna’s life and her itinerary but also on her escort and daily nutrition. 10 Rolanda Fugger Germadnik, “Podobe Barbare Celjske v slovenskem zgodovinopisju,” in: Ženske skozi zgodovino. Zbornik referatov 32. zborovanja slovenskih zgodovinarjev, ed. by Aleksander Žižek (Ljubljana: Zveza zgodovinskih društev Slovenije, 2004), 37-48, here 39. 11 Anna’s letters and issued charters can be found in following editions of sources: Emond Winkler (ed.), Elementa ad fontium editiones, t. II. (Rome, 1960) (hereafter Elementa); August Sokołowski  (ed.), Codex epistolaris saeculi decimi quinti, t. I, 1384–1444 (Kraków, 1876-1891) (hereafter CE); Graż yna  Klimecka,  Formularz ciechanowski: z historii tworzenia języka dokumentu polskiego wieków średnich (Warszawa: Biblioteka Narodowa, 1997); and in the article: Wojciech Świeboda,  “Tajemniczy list królowej Anny Cylejskiej w sprawie Mikołaja astrologa,” Studia Źródłoznawcze 48 (2010), 85-95. 12  Two  Jagiełło’s  letters  to  Anna  are  published  in  Elementa  and  one  in:  Theodor  Hirsch,  Gottfried Ernst Wilhelm Strehlke and Max Pollux Töppen (eds.), Scriptores rerum Prussicarum: die Geschichtquellen der preußischen Vorzeit bis zum Untergange der Ordensherrschaft, vol. 3 (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1866), 425-427 (hereinafter SRP). To other recipients but connected to Anna: Karol Górski (ed.), Liber folmularum Georgii,castri Cracoviensis notarii ca 1399–1415 = Formularz Jerzego pisarza grodzkiego krakowskiego  (Toruń :  Towarzystwo  Naukowe,  1950)  (hereafter Formularz Jerzego); Klimecka, Formularz, 61-64, 70-72. 13 Johannes Voigt (ed.), Codex diplomaticus Prussicus, vol. 6 (Königsberg: Bornträger, 1861) (hereafter CDP); Erich Joachim and Walther Hubatsch (eds.), Regesta historico-diplomatica Ordinis S. Mariae Theutonicorum, 1198–1525. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1948) (hereafter Regesta). 14 Adam Chmiel (ed.), Księgi radzieckie Kazimierskie 1369–1381 i 1385–1402 (Kraków: W druk. Uniw.  Jag.,  1932)  (hereafter  KKaz);  Franciszek  Piekosiń ski  and  Jó zef  Szujski  (eds.),  “Najstarsze  księgi  i  rachunki  miasta  Krakowa  od  r.  1300–1400,” in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica, s.n., vol. 4 (Kraków:  Nakl. Akademii  Umiejetnosci  Krakowskiej,  1878)  (hereafter  NKMK);  Stanisław  Krzyż anowski  (ed.),  Podwody kazimierskie 1407–1432  (Krakó w: Akademia  Umieję tnoś ci,  1913)  (hereafter PodwKaz); Aleksander Czołowski (ed.), “Ksiȩ ga przychodó w i rozchodó w miasta 1414– 1426,” in: Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa, t. II. in III.  (Lwów:  Gmina  kró l.  stoł.  miasta  Lwowa,  1905)  (hereafter PomLw); Hubert Wajs (ed.), Rachunki krolewskie z lat 1393–1395 i 1412. Rachunki podrzęctwa krakowskiego, rachunki stacji nowosądeckiej (Warszawa: Wydawn. DiG, 1993) (hereafter RK); Franciszek Piekosiń ski (ed.), Rachunki dworu króla Władysława Jagiełły i królowej Jadwigi z lat 1388 do 1420 (Kraków: Nakładem Polskiej Akademii Umieję tnoś ci, 1896) (hereafter Rach). 71  Papers and Proceedings of the Third Medieval Workshop in Rijeka Youth at the court in Celje Anna’s name first reached beyond borders of Celje in 1399 when Queen Jadwiga of Poland, the legitimate heiress of the Polish Kingdom, was dying. Her husband, Grand Duke of Lithuania Jagiełło, found himself in an uncomfortable situation since he had obtained the Crown through his marriage to Jadwiga and so the legitimacy of his rule was questioned. His dying spouse was also aware of this problem. In an effort to protect his throne and to keep the barely concluded Polish- Lithuanian Union, she, according to the reports of Posilge and Andreas of Regensburg, suggested Jagiełło on her deathbed to marry the only surviving descendant of the local Piast dynasty – Anna of Celje.15 The marriage of Anna and Jagiełło was not due to a prudent strategic action of the Counts of Celje but a combination of extremely favourable circumstances. The Counts of Celje were well aware of the importance of the noble blood (gem. Geblüt) and had started early to pave their way to enter the circles of the elite by skilfully concluding marriages. In the second generation after being conferred the title of counts, they managed to enter into elite circles by the marriage of Hermann I of Celje to Catherine of Bosnia, the daughter of Stephen II, Ban of Bosnia. His second daughter Elizabeth married King Louis of Anjou, who, after the death of the last Polish King Casimir III the Great from the Piast dynasty, also succeeded to the throne of Poland. Along with the Kingdom, Louis also became a guardian of Casimir’s two daughters, Anna and Jadwiga. In order to eliminate Anna as a possible competitor in succession to the Polish throne that he intended to give to his own daughter (the aforementioned Queen Jadwiga), he found William, the nephew of the Count Hermann I, the most suitable husband for the Piast Princess.16 The marriage between Anna of Poland (as she is known in the Slovene territory) and William of Celje was concluded before 6 April 15 Hedwigis igitur regina Poloniae dum mortem sibi vicinam sentiret et sine liberis esset, vocat ad se virum suum Wladislaum regem, rogans eum ut si subiret mortem temporalem, quatenus eam audire dignaretur in duobus, unum quod nullam aliam duceret uxorem quam filiam filiae regis Kasimiri quae desposata fuerat comiti in Zeyl, nomine Annam (Andreas of Regensburg, “Cronica inedita,” 297); ... die alde konigynne, des koniges tochter von Ungern, an irem totbette bat si eden koning Jegil erin herrin, das her die juncfrow des grefen tochter von Czele noch irem tode sulde nemen czu eynem wibe (Posilge, “Chronik,” 245). The terstimonial of Posilge was supposedly summarized in the annals of Długosz: … quod etiam Hedwigis regina e vita excessura assumendum rogaverat, connubium habitarum (Długosz, Annales: Liber X, 237); Jan Dą browski, Rozbiór krytyczny Annalium Poloniae Jana Długosza (Wrocław: Zakł Narodowy im. Ossoliń skich, 1961), 58. 16  Peter  Štih,  “Celjski  grofje,  vprašanje  njihove  deželnoknežje  oblasti  in  dežele  Celjske,”  in: Grafenauerjev zbornik,  ed.  by  Vincenc  Rajšp  (Ljubljana:  Slovenska  akademija  znanosti  in  umetnosti, Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU and Filozofska fakulteta 1996), 227-256. 72 Maja Lukanc, Anna of Celje (Cilli): in search of the overlooked Queen 1380. Upon this date, the testament of Elisabeth, the mother of Louis of Anjou, at the Buda Castle, only mentions one of the surviving daughters of Casimir III the Great.17 The record does not contain any name, but almost certainly does not refer to an elder Anna, who had already turned fourteen and thus exceeded the age limit of twelve years to marry, suggesting that at that time she already was in Celje.18 Her guardian, Louis of Anjou, gave her a dowry of 20,000 golden coins, the highest amount ever obtained by Counts of Celje from their wives. As a part of the dower, Anna received an estate in Metlika worth 19,200 golden coins as well as 10,000 golden coins as a morning gift.19 Anna of Poland and William only had one child – a daughter Anna. It is difficult to determine the exact year of her birth due to the lack of sources but the upper limit may be placed in the year 1380 (in the time after the marriage of her parents) and the lower limit is placed in the year 1388 (in 1400, at the time of the Polish proposal, there was no age limit to accept it, so Anna must have turned at least twelve years by then). Nothing is known about the youth of Anna of Celje. It can be assumed that her early years were spent at Celje’s court, together with the numerous children of Hermann II, William’s cousin. Not much is known about her education either. According to Długosz, she, surprisingly, only spoke German upon her arrival in Kraków,20 although many languages were spoken in the House of Celje. In addition to German, the nobility (especially men) had to sufficiently master the Slavic dialect of their surroundings for interaction with the lower strata. Additionally, the countesses who married into the family spoke at least Hungarian language and the Slavic dialect from the territory of the present-day Bosnia (Anna of Poland and Catherine of Bosnia). William and Hermann II were well aware of their descendants’ potential and therefore their children probably received education which, coupled by strategic marriages, enabled them smooth integration into the elite of nobility.21 William, Anna’s father, died in September 1392 in Vienna upon returning from the military expedition against the Ottomans. No later 17  Casimir III the Great was married four times. In his fi rst marriage to Aldona, a daughter of the  Grand Duke of Lithuania Gediminas, as well as in his second marriage to Hedwig of Sagan, the granddaughter of the same Duke, he became the father of two daughters, but in 1380 both daughters from his fi rst marriage were already dead. 18 ... item filie regis Polonie unum crinale. Oswald Balzer, Genealogia Piastów (Kraków: Avalon, 2005), 715-716. 19 SI AS ZL (Arhiv Republike Slovenije, zbirka listin, Ljubljana) 4327; SI AS ZL 4335; SI AS ZL 4384. 20 Et quoniam virgo prefata nullam linguam preter Almanicam noverat, ordinacione regia octo prope mensibus Cracowie, sub quibus Polonico imbuebatur idiomate, stetit. Długosz, Annales: Liber X, 238. 21  Maja Lukanc, “Ana Celjska: ogrodje za biografi jo,” graduation thesis (Ljubljana: University  of Ljubljana, 2015), 32-33. 73  Papers and Proceedings of the Third Medieval Workshop in Rijeka than two years afterwards, his widow, Anna of Poland, remarried and was stated as wife of Duke Ulrich von Teck in the document of September 1394. The charter is sealed with a nicely preserved Piast eagle, the only known example of Anna of Poland’s seal to this day. She moved to the castle of Teck in today’s Germany and thus left Celje and – surprisingly – Anna, her only daughter, in care of the senior of the family, Hermann II.22 Figure 1. The seal of Anna of Poland, Duchess of Teck. Inscription: S anna chvnig Kasimiri tochter von Polan herczogin zu tek (SI AS ZL 4384, 16 September 1394). Andlein in the testament of Hermann II of Celje Polish popular science writings often state that Anna only played an insignificant role in the House of Celje, based on a fact that she was still not promised in marriage to some suitable groom upon reaching the right age. The reason could have been the dowry payment – the senior of the family supposedly gave priority to his own daughters. The testament of Hermann II from 23 June 1396, thus by so far overlooked, offers a slightly different perspective. It is the only known source on Anna’s life in Celje and it gives a unique insight into the life at court in Celje.23 The senior of the family had had his last will put in writing just before leaving for the expedition against the Ottomans, which ended tragically for crusaders at Nicopolis. He chose his cousin Frederick of Ortenburg as the executor of will. In the case of Hermann’s death Frederick would have represented the Celje’s estates and become a guardian of his children as well as his protégé Anna until his eldest 22  Anna of Poland confi rms in this charter that Hermann II paid the greater part of the dowry  which consequently was not transferred to her daughter Anna. SI AS ZL 4384. 23 AT HHStA AUR (Haus- Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Allgemeine Urkundenreihe, Wien), 23 June 1396. 74 Maja Lukanc, Anna of Celje (Cilli): in search of the overlooked Queen son’s coming of age to overtake the inheritance.24 Hermann also ordered Frederick to take good care of his mother Catherine and to execute the concluded contract on marriage of his eldest son Frederick II to Elizabeth Frankapan. They had been promised to each other already in 1388 and eight years later, apparently, at least one of them had not reached the required age to marry.25 The following part is dedicated to Anna – Hermann affectionately called his protégé Andlein and ordered Frederick of Ortenburg to do his best to find her a suitable husband. What follows, are precise provisions of Anna’s dowry – he intended to give her 20,000 guilders, which was by that time the highest amount ever received by any of the countesses of Celje and brought into her future marriage. She was supposed to receive the amount in several parts: 10,000 guilders upon the marriage, with the remainder in the following five years, 2,000 guilders each year, under the provision of consummation of marriage. In addition, she was to marry in accordance with the regional law of Styria.26 Hermann II only gives brief instructions regarding the other children in his testament; they were to marry appropriate to their position – so relatively large part of his last will was dedicated precisely to his protegé Anna. It is possible to discern from the text that certain instructions regarding Anna’s future had already been given on the part of her father William (als da der vorg(enannte) ir was user lieber vet(er) selig(er) auch vormaln also geschaft hat) and that Hermann’s provisions were guided by them. At the same time, it needs to be considered that Anna was a daughter of the Polish princess and thus the descendant of Piast. 24 ... als lang untz das unsere Kind(er) zu ire(n) Jaren komen welher und(er) unseren Sůnn denn yed(er) eltist ist und wenn d(er)selb dieselb(en) vorg(e)n(anten) uns(er) herscheft und gesloss selb(er) innhalten gewaltig sein und aussrichten wil. AT HHStA AUR, 23 June 1396. In the light of this provision the question appears whether the broadly accepted assertion that Hermann’s eldest son Frederick was born right after their wedding, somewhere around a year 1378. In this case, he would have turned around eighteen years at the time the record was written and the remark on his needing to reach the suffi cient age would not have made any sense. 25 CKSL (Centralna kartoteka srednjeveških listin, Inštitut Milka Kosa, Ljubljana), 30 September 1388, s. I. 26 Wir schaff(en) auch das uns(er) Oheim von Ortenburg uns(ere) liebe můemen Andlein graf Wilhelms vo(n) cili uns(er)s lieb(e)n vet(er)n selig(e)n toch(er) beheyradten und si mit eine(m) mann aussrichten sol so er nach seinen trewn aller erberlichest und pest than und mag und sol man ir des ersten zehen taws(ent) guld(en) geb(e)n ze heyradgut und wenn es denn ze schulden komen ist und das si bei irem gemahel geleg(e)n hat so sol man ir darnach in den nagsten funf iaren alle iar zway taws(ent) guld(en) beczall(e)n und aussrichten damit ir zwaintzig taws(ent) guld(en) ze heyradgůt geuall(e)n sull(e)n und daru(m)b si auch gentzl(ich) aussgericht sol werden ynner den funf iaren nach dem und si bei geleg(e)n hat als das d(er) vorg(enannte) ir va(te)r uns(er) lieber vet(er) selig(er) auch vormaln also geschaft hat doch also daz man mit ir heyraten sol nach dem landsrechte(n) ze Stey(er) und sol auch das v(er)brift w(er)den ob das geschah das dieselb Andel unse(re) lieb mům(en) an leiberb(e)n abging des got nicht enwoll das denn uns(ere) erben dasselb heyradgüt wiss ze vinden waz des her wid(er) geuall(e)n sull nach dem landsrecht(e) ze Steyr. AT HHStA AUR, 23 June 1396. 75  Papers and Proceedings of the Third Medieval Workshop in Rijeka Hermann was certainly aware of this and set high ambitions for her marriage, evident from her high dowry. The contents of the testament thus indicate that Anna was firmly integrated into the House of Celje and was certainly not befallen by a role of a neglected step-daughter. It is not known whether Hermann II designed any marital plans for his protégé after returning from a battle and so there are no sources on Anna until the year 1400 when Polish envoys arrived at Celje’s court to ask for the hand of the granddaughter of Casimir III the Great on behalf of the kingo of Poland.27 The proposal and the prenuptial problem After the death of Louis of Anjou, the king of Hungary and Poland in 1382, Hungarian throne was occupied by his eldest daughter Mary. It was his youngest daughter Jadwiga who, after the two years of negotiations with the Polish nobility, became the Queen of Poland when she was only ten years old (actually crowned as rex Poloniae). Meanwhile, the Polish noblemen established a new alliance with the neighbouring Grand Duchy of Lithuania, especially because of their common enemy, the Teutonic Order. They proposed the pagan Grand Duke of Lithuania Jogaila, later baptized and known as Władysław II Jagiełło, to become the King of Poland. His marriage to Jadwiga followed immediately. This bond, concluded in 1386, was also a political alliance, connecting both ethnic groups for the next few centuries.28 In June 1399, Jadwiga gave birth to her first child, a daughter, but both of them died within a following month. Jagiełło found himself in a situation described at the beginning; his authority had been undermined. Not only he but also the Polish nobility and the Teutonic Order were well aware of this fact. According to Długosz, Jagiełło even prepared for his departure from the Kingdom, believing that Polish prelates and nobility would select a new king.29 His worries were most likely unfounded, as he had been ruling the Kingdom for thirteen years at that time and the Polish nobility did not want to break the newly established bond to Lithuania. Legitimating was, though unnecessary, certainly desired and thus Polish nobility as well as Jagiełło himself 27 Lukanc, “Ana Celjska,” 37. 28 Jerzy Lukowski and Hubert Zawadzki, A Concise History of Poland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 37-44; Norman Davies, God’s Playground: A History of Poland. Vol. 1: The Origins to 1795 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 90-95; Oskar Halecki, A History of Poland (London and Henley: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), 67; Aleksander Gieysztor et al., Zgodovina Poljske (Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije, 1982), 99. 29  Długosz, Annales: Liber X, 236-237. 76 Maja Lukanc, Anna of Celje (Cilli): in search of the overlooked Queen considered Anna of Celje an appropriate marital choice. She was not only a daughter of Casimir III the Great but also a direct successor to the Polish Crown on the mother’s side and, according to the sources, the contemporaries considered her a legitimate heir to the Polish throne.30 According to the correspondence between the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order and the Komtur in Vienna, the news of the Polish plans had already reached Vienna in 1399.31 It was not until the second half of 1400 that the Polish envoys arrived at Celje to make a marital proposal. Hermann II supposedly listened to the proposal in tears (audit and lacrimas, quas magnitude gaudii eliquabat), and his protégé was without hesitation promised in marriage to the Polish King.32 The wedding contract is not preserved, but by the merit of Długosz it is known that it was signed in the Polish town of Biecz. Eight Polish noblemen33 and seven envoys from Celje34 were present there. The year of its conclusion remains unknown; Długosz reported about 4 or 5 November 140035 and the same date is also indicated by the analysis of the documents of the Polish witnesses, conducted by Sikora.36 However, Pieradzka and Wdowiszewski set signing this contract in the year 1401 (same date),37 which can be also confirmed by the information on one 30 ... wend die selbe juncfrouwe von aldirs was geborn czur crone … (Posilge, “Chronik,” 245); ... nomine Annam, eo quod ipsa ex parte matris vera haeres esset regni Poloniae et super hoc peteret licentiam sedis apostolicae ... (Andreas of Regensburg, “Cronica inedita,” 297); ... sie meynen das die selbe dienechste erbling sey czum Riche czu Polen ... (CDP VI, 91). 31 CDP VI, 89-91. 32  Długosz, Annales: Liber X, 237. 33 Piotr Wysz (Petro Cracoviensi), Bishop of Kraków; Nikolaj Kurowski (Nicolao Wladislaviensi), Bishop of Włocławek; Jan s Tęczyna (Iohanne de Thanczin), Castellan of Kraków; Jan s Tarnowa (Iohanne de Tharnow), Duke of Sandomierz; Piotr Kmita (Petro Kmithe), Castellan of Lublin; Nikolaj  z  Michałowa  (Nicolao de Michalow), Castellan of Wojnicz; Klemens z Moskorzowa (Clemente de Moskorzow), vice-chancellor of the Crown; Žegota (Zegotha), fl ag-bearer of Krakó w.  Długosz refers to them by the titles they held in the time of negotiations, even though he also knew  them later, when they occupied higher positions of authority in the state. This is opposed to his common practice to refer to an individual by the title they have not held in the time of the described event and was only obtained later on. Długosz, Annales: Liber X, 238. 34 Ulrik Schenk, cup-bearer of Ostrowiec (Vlricus Schenkk de Osterwicz); Albert of Kozjak (Albertus de Kossyak); Friderik of Lindek (Fridericus Lindeker); Ludvik Sachs (Ludowigus Szachs); Konrad Verber (Conradus Perner); while I was unfortunately unable to identify the last two witnesses, Andreas Puxer and Niculaus Volker. Długosz, Annales: Liber X, 238. 35  It is necessary to point out that for some reason Długosz shifts one year back Anna’s arrival to  Kraków, her marriage as well as her coronation. It is therefore very likely that he repeated the same mistake also when making a date entry of her marital contract. 36  Franciszek  Sikora,  “W  sprawie  małżeństwa  Władysława  Jagiełły  z  Anną  Cylejską,”  In:  Personae colligationes facta,  ed.  by  Janucz  Bieniak,  93-103  (Toruně:  Zakład  Historii  Instytutu  Historii Pomocniczych Lesson i Archiwistyki w Toruniu UMK 1991), 93-98. Sikora proved on the basis of two Royal charters, issued 4 and 5 November 1400 that seven of the eight Polish witnesses were present in Biecz, in the time of Długosz’s reports on signing of the marital contract. 37 PSB (Polski Słownik Biograficzny) I, s. v. “Anna Cyllejska”; Zygmunt Wdowiszewski, Genealogia Jagiellónow (Warszawa: Pax, 1968), 66-67. 77  Papers and Proceedings of the Third Medieval Workshop in Rijeka of the envoys from Celje, Albert of Kozjak, who was present there in November 1400 and thus could not attend the event in Biecz.38 Due to the blood ties between the late Jadwiga and the future Queen Anna, a papal dispensation was needed to conclude the marriage. Both of them were great-granddaughters of King Władysław the Short and therefore second cousins. The pope issued it on April 23, 1401 and thus there were no obstacles to the marriage.39 Anna left Celje accompanied by her escorts and reached Kraków via Pannonian regions in approximately a month on July 16, 1401. According to the chronicles, she was given a solemn reception and the crowds of townspeople of Kraków enthusiastically welcomed the return of the Piast eagle to her home nest.40 Surprisingly, it was not until a half a year later that Jagiełło and Anna married. It is impossible to explain this delay from today’s perspective. According to Długosz, the wedding was supposedly postponed due to Anna’s inability to speak Polish. Somewhat later, Długosz adds that the king refused to marry the bride due to her lack of beauty.41 Even if the latter was true, it seems highly unlikely for Jagiełło to be willing to give up a useful political alliance, able to legitimize his position due to this. The external political circumstances that demanded Jagiełło’s attention also need to be considered – just at that time the uprisings against the Teutonic Order were taking place in Samogitia and there was a rebellion of the opposition against King Sigismund.42 Thus, the postponement of marriage was likely to be a combination of several different factors. If Jagiełło had actually wanted to break off their engagement, he would have to suffer unpleasant consequences; he would have to face the dissatisfaction of the Polish 38 In the supposed time of the signature of the marital contract only one of the Lords of Celje might be found in the charters from the today’s Slovenian territory. Albert of Kozjak bore a witness on  25  October  1400  in  Škofja  Loka  and  on  25  November  of  the  same  year  he  was  present  in  Radovljica. At that time he could therefore not have been, as described by Długosz and confi rmed  by Sikora, present in Poland. To the best of my knowledge, there is no existing charter dating back to autumn 1401 and proving the presence of any of the witnesses from Celje in Slovene lands. CKSL, 25 October 1400; CKSL, 24 November 1400; Lukanc, “Ana Celjska,” 45-50. 39  Irena  Sułkowska-Kuraś  and  Staniław  Kuraś  (eds.),  Bullarium Poloniae, t. III, 1378-1417 (Rome, 1988), nr. 753. 40  KalKatKrak, 156; Długosz, Annales: Liber X, 238; Anna’s arrival is also confi rmed by two  accounting books: NKMK, 265-267, 327-329; KKaz, 538. 41  Długosz, Annales: Liber X, 238. It can only be assumed what physical standards did Anna not fulfi l. However, any serious body defects need to be excluded as Anna could, according to the  accounting books, ride a horse on her subsequent journeys: Rach, 319, 449-450; RK, 161. 42  Stefan  M.  Kuczyń ski,  Król Jagiełło (Warszawa: Wydawn. Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej, 1985), 77-78; Zigmantas Kiaupa, Jūratė Kiaupienė and Albinas Kunevičius, The History of Lithuania Before 1795 (English edition) (Vilnius: Lithuanian Institute of History, 2000), 154; Grażyna Rutkowska,  “Itineraria żon króla Władysława Jagiełły«. Roczniki Historyczne, 64 (1998), 64; Jörg K. Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund: Herrscher an der Schwelle zur Neuzeit, 1368–1437 (München: Beck, 1996), 104-106. 78 Maja Lukanc, Anna of Celje (Cilli): in search of the overlooked Queen public and simultaneously he would have to give up the re-established ties to the Hungarian throne, made by the engagement of Sigismund of Luxembourg and Barbara of Celje; Jagiełło and Sigismund were namely both at first married to the sisters from the House of Anjou, Mary and Jadwiga, and after their deaths married the Countesses of Celje, Anna and Barbara – the ties of the Counts of Celje to the Polish Crown were certainly among the most decisive factors that contributed to the engagement between Sigismund and Barbara of Celje.43 Figure 2. The only preserved image of Anna of Celje (Vilniaus universiteto biblioteka)44 Marriage, coronation and birth of a daughter Anna and Jagiełło, as reported by several chronicles, finally concluded their marriage on January 29, 1402.45 The bride was no more than twenty-two years old, while the groom was twenty to thirty years older. The wedding date, as discerned from the two undated letters 43 Zawadzky even emphasizes this as the main reason for the engagement of Barbara to Sigismund. Max Zawadzky, Die Cillier und ihre Beziehungen zu Kaiser Sigmund und Koänig Albrecht, unpublished doctoral thesis (Halle: Philosophische Fakultät der Vereinigten Friedrichs- Universität Halle-Wittenberg, 1911), 16. 44 Decius Ludovicus Iodocus, De vetustatibus Polonorum liber I. De Jagellonum familia liber II. De Sigismundi (I) regis temporibus liber III (Krakow, Wietor Hieronim, 1521). 45 Posilge, “Chronik,” 245, 255; “Annalista Thorunensis,” 255; RMiech, 129-130. As well as Długosz, also the entry on the date of the wedding in the Annals of Swięty Krzyż is incorrectly set  into 1401: Rświęt, 83; Długosz, Annales: Liber X, 243-44. 79  Papers and Proceedings of the Third Medieval Workshop in Rijeka written by king regarding the marriage, was set by Jagiełło together with his noblemen and barons.46 According to Długosz, the ceremony was attended by many distinguished guests from different countries, the whole court gathered, and the celebration, accompanied by the knights tournaments, lasted for several days. This is also confirmed by the judicial notice in the Krakowian land register. The city council bestowed upon the royal couple a gift of two hundred marks, according to the Krakowian accounting book. Pipers were also hired to play at the marriage feast. After the end of the ceremony, Jagiełło honoured the departing guests with wonderful presents.47 No further details about the wedding are known. As the marriage contract is not preserved, it is not known how much dowry the queen brought to Kraków (according to the testament of Hermann II, the amount of at least 20,000 guilders can be assumed), nor how much she received as a morning gift. The latter was intended for her independent disposal, but, unfortunately, no trace on management of the property or possession has been preserved. Coronation of the new queen took place in a bit more than a year’s time after the wedding, on February 25, 1403.48 The ceremony was most likely attended also by the King Jagiełło, who, according to Długosz, actively participated in its organization. Anna was crowned in the Wawel Cathedral by the new archbishop of Gniezno, Mikołaj Kurowski.49 Bishops, princes and counts gathered at the coronation and for several days games were held in the honour of the event. According to Długosz, Anna’s mother, the daughter of Casimir III the Great, also responded to the invitation of Jagiełło and attended the coronation. Though impossible to prove by any additional sources, her presence would have additionally confirmed the Piast origin of the new queen. Anna accompanied her husband from the very beginning on his journeys, by which he maintained his power in the Kingdom. Almost every year she went on one or two long trips, most often to Red Ruthenia, occasionally also to Greater Poland. Their long-distance journeys were also accompanied by numerous short ones in the region of Lesser Poland, depending on how Jagiełło scheduled to do the rounds 46 Formularz Jerzego, nr. 18, 19. 47 Plank Terr. Crac. (Archiwum Narodowego w Krakowie: Terrestria Cracoviensia) 3a, 430-31; see also: Sikora, “W sprawie małżeństwa,” 99; Item pro honose dni Regis ad nupcias ducentas marcas; Item fistulatoribus dni Regis I mrc. ad honorem nupciarum, NKMK, 269; Długosz, Annales: Liber X, 243. 48  Długosz,  Annales: Liber X,  247;  RŚwięt,  83;  RMiech,  130.  In  the  Krakowian  accounting  book for the year 1403, frequently several expenses are recorded, consequently dated with circa coronacionem Regine: NKMK, 273, 335, 338; For more on coronation, see also in the judicial notice of Krakowian legal register: PL ANK Terr. Crac. 3b, 25; About the latter also: Sikora, “W sprawie małżeństwa,” 99. 49  Sikora, “W sprawie małżeństwa,” 96. 80 Maja Lukanc, Anna of Celje (Cilli): in search of the overlooked Queen of the political centres. Anna only rarely travelled alone; and some information about the travels is only given in the sources after her daughter was born and she usually made a trip to the premises, a day or two’s ride away from Kraków. The queen was always accompanied on her trips by the court, which, according to the precise assessments made by Rutkowska, comprised 45 souls on average.50 Anna and Jagiełło were only meeting briefly and shortly and their journeys to the final destination were mostly made separately. This could indicate a rather cold relationship between the spouses as there were no obstacles to making journeys together for Jagiełło and his third wife Elizabeth Granowska. Their marriage was occasionally also marked by the outbursts of jealousy. As it became evident that Anna was expecting a child in 1407, Jagiełło suspected her, according to Długosz, of adultery with two knights. However, the public defended Anna and Jagiełło was accused of recklessness, by which he disgraced his spouse.51 Two letters, written by Anna have been preserved in memory of this incident. She wrote them in self-defence and the texts express the distress in which the queen found herself.52 Political motives might have been present behind the accusations, but most likely the rumours were not turned against Anna; their goal was to cast doubts on Jagiełło’s paternity. However, similar suspicions had befallen two other spouses of Jagiełło and it seems that the king found it easy to believe that his wives were cheating on him due to his long absences and large age gaps.53 The first five years of marriage between Anna and Jagiełło did not yield a greatly desired child and the absence of a successor certainly implied that the members of dynasty must have put her under great pressure. Eventually, their only daughter was born to a couple on Palm Sunday on 8 April 1408 and the baby was named Jadwiga.54 Quite possibly, this was not Anna’s first pregnancy and the baby might have been born only after numerous miscarriages. Based on the letters, it seems that the birth of a child improved their relationship and most likely also positively influenced Anna’s position at court, since she had 50 Rutkowska, “Itineraria,” 84-97. Information on Anna’s travels are summarized according to the aforementioned itinerary. 51  Długosz, Annales: Liber X/XI, 17-18. 52 Elementa, nr. 40, 41. 53  Małgorzata  Duczmal,  Jogailaičiai biografijų žinynas  (Vilnius:  Mokslo  ir  enciklopedijų   leidybos centras, 2012), 363; Ewa Maleczyńska, Społeczeństwo polskie pierwszej połowy XV wieku wobec zagadnień zachodnich: (studia nad dynastyczną polityką Jagiellonów)  (Wrocław:  Nakł.  Wrocławskiego Towarzystwa Naukowego: Skład Głó wny w Księ garni J. Lacha, 1947), 52, 69. 54  Długosz, Annales: Liber X/XI, 23; “Annalista Thorunensis,” 290; RŚwięt, 83. Birth is reported  in the chronicles as well as in the Krakowian accounting book: NKMK, 279-282. 81  Papers and Proceedings of the Third Medieval Workshop in Rijeka proven that she could still provide the king with the desired heir to the throne.55 After eleven years of marriage, it finally became evident that the birth of a male successor would not happen. Thus, the five-year-old Princess Jadwiga was proclaimed heiress of the Kingdom of Poland in March 1413, which was certainly one of the most important events in the life of her mother Anna.56 Anna’s role in public life During the years of her reign, Anna witnessed many important events in Poland; among them also the victory of the United Polish- Lithuanian army against the Teutonic Order on July 15, 1410 between the villages of Grünwald and Tannenberg.57 Jagiełło’s wife was not his deputy in the wartime in similar fashion to the King Sigismund and the Queen Barbara at the end of 1412. Instead, the king authorised the archbishop of Gniezno, Mikołaj Kurowski to handle all his affairs.58 However, he sent Anna a letter reporting on their triumph, which represents and contains important information on the events at the Grünwald Battlefield.59 A few months before the battle, Hermann II of Celje came to Poland in the spirit of increased diplomatic activity. He led negotiations on behalf of Sigismund of Luxembourg in the matter of Polish-Prussian conflict.60 It seems that this was not his first diplomatic intervention in the Polish matters, since the note in the Krakowian accounting book gives evidence that Jagiełło had sent him a letter in 1405.61 Hermann 55  There are four letters linked to the birth of the child; two of them are most likely to be fi ctitious,  since one of them is about the birth of the male successor and the other one is about Anna’s tenth pregnancy – however, it is certainly likely, that at least the latter was to some extent inspired by true events. Original letters are to be found in: Elementa II, nr. 34, 35; Supposedly fi ctitious ones seen  in: Klimecka, Formularz ciechanowski, 61, 63-64. See: Lukanc, “Ana Celjska,” 67-71. 56  Edward  Raczyń ski  (ed.),  Kodeks dyplomatyczny Litwy  (Wrocław:  Nakładem  Zygmunta  Schlettera, 1845), 385-386. 57 For more on the battle, see: Stephen R. Turnbull, Tannenberg, 1410: disaster for the Teutonic Knights (Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2005), 20; Jučas Mečislovas, The Battle of Grunwald (Vilnius: National Museum Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania, 2009). 58   Długosz, Annales: Liber X/XI, 59. 59  According to Długosz, not only the Queen but also the Archbishop of Gniezno and the King’s  deputy  Mikołaj  Kurowski,  the  nobility,  who  maintained  the  Wawel  Castle,  the  University  of  Kraków, as well as the County of Kraków received the letters. At least one letter more, addressed to the Bishop of Poznań, must have been written, since it was together with the one intended for  Anna, the only one preserved. It would be wrong to assume that the aforementioned Jagiełło’s letter  to the Queen was a refl ection of a special affection (which is though possible), because the letters  were mostly used for the purpose of propaganda. SRP, 425-427; Długosz, Annales: Liber X/XI, 125. 60  Długosz, Annales: Liber X/XI, 49. 61 NKMK, 277. 82 Maja Lukanc, Anna of Celje (Cilli): in search of the overlooked Queen II of Celje personally visited Poland at least twice in 1412 while he was leading the negotiations, by which the king of Hungary wished to conclude an agreement with Jagiełło, who had strengthened his position in international affairs after his victory over the Teutonic Order.62 Both of the spouses of the sovereigns, Anna and Barbara of Celje, also took part in negotiations. On March 9, 1412 Anna responded to the invitation of Sigismund of Luxembourg and set out on a journey to the Kingdom of Hungary and met the Hungarian royal couple in Kežmarok;63 Sigismund presumably wanted to prepare everything for the negotiations to run smoothly by involving both queens and he might even have wanted to influence Jagiełło with the help of Barbara and Anna. This is also the only attested meeting of the two queens of the house of Celje, who most certainly were in contact, since Anna’s letter to Barbara has been extant.64 Most certainly it was not the only one the relatives exchanged. Based on the lack of sources to attest Anna’s political and administrative participation, the opinion prevailed that she had no special influence; neither on her husband nor on the political developments in the Kingdom. Anna’s entire extant correspondence consists of only ten letters and two mandates. Therefore, it is impossible to estimate whether the lack of sources was a consequence of her inactivity or the material was simply ravaged by time. Consequently, it is impossible to realistically evaluate Anna’s role and her impact in the public life of the Kingdom of Poland. Her function on the trips was representative as well as political, the latter due to her Piast origin, especially in the adjoined Polish territories of Red Ruthenia. She spent the rest of her time mostly in Kraków, where her presence strengthened the town’s position of a capital. She was, to some extent, focusing on raising her daughter, which is attested by one of her letters, spending time in the company of invited guests and taking part in religious ceremonies. Anna’s two coats-of-arms in the Krakowian church institutions also indicate that she was probably focusing on charity and religious foundations. Coats- of-arms of the counts of Celje can also be found on the eldest rector’s sceptre, indicating that the queen might have also been interested in the development of the re-established University of Kraków.65 Anna was often present at negotiations between Jagiełło and the Hungarian delegates and her blood ties to Queen Barbara of Hungary 62 Rach, 586; RK, 150-154; Hoensch, Kaiser Sigismund, 162. 63  Długosz, Annales: Liber X/XI, 190-191. 64 Klimecka, Formularz ciechanowski, 70. 65  Tomisław Giergiel and Jan Ptak, “The Heraldic Frieze Discovered in Sandomierz Cathedral,”  The Polish Heraldry Society Yearbook, new series, 10 (2011), 20-22. 83  Papers and Proceedings of the Third Medieval Workshop in Rijeka and Hermann II of Celje as Sigismund’s delegate played an important role in these meetings. Although Anna was not Jagiełło’s deputy during his absence in the time to the Battle of Grünwald, a tiny trace of her diplomatic activities has been preserved. She turned for help to the Pope, Sigismund of Luxembourg and Hermann II of Celje in the matter of a townsman of Kraków that had been taken captive in the Kingdom of Hungary.66 At the end of the same year, she turned to the Pope once again to justify the actions of the city council of Krakow in the case of a certain cleric Nicholas, who was accused of witchcraft.67 Anna also took part in the administrative activities of the Kingdom to a certain extent, shown by the two preserved mandates, regulating the administrative affairs of her subordinates, issued right before she left for the meeting with Barbara.68 If this image of a supposedly silent and passive queen is accepted, then an openly hostile observation about Anna, made by the Prussian chronicle writer the successor of Posilge, might be surprising. He blamed her as an opponent of the Teutonic Order for instigating the war between them on one side and Jagiełło and the entire Poland on the other. He concluded in satisfaction that she died soon after that and could no longer cause any further misfortunes to the Order.69 The reason for these adverse remarks on his part most likely lies in a letter, written by the queen and addressed to the Council of Constance. Thus, it was not only Hermann II and his two children, Frederick II and Queen Barbara of Hungary who participated at the Council; Anna’s voice was also present in writing. Her letter presented the Polish perspective on Christianization of Samogitia that she also witnessed herself while travelling in Lithuania in the winter of 1413/1414. She pointed out that her and Jagiełło were making great endeavours to strengthen and spread the Catholic religion among their population and estimated that their efforts were not sufficiently appreciated. She further added that her and the king had been happily married for twelve years and were 66  The two letters to Sigismund and to Hermann II were both published in: August Sokołowski  (ed.), Codex epistolaris saeculi decimi quinti, t. I, 1384-1444.  (Kraków:  Nakładem  Akademii  umieję tnoś ci,  1876-1891)  and  in:  Władisław  Sekńo  (ed.),  Piotr Wysz z Radolina i jego dzieło “Speculum aureum” (Warszawa: Inst. tomistyczny ojców dominikanów, 1995), nr. 32, 33. The letter to pope is still waiting for publication. 67 There is a doubt whether the letter had ever been sent, since there is no trace of seal on it. Besides that, it was found in Krakow. It seems quite possible it was only a template for the latter clean copy. More on the reasons for writing this letter and its content analysis in: Wojciech Świeboda, “Tajemniczy  list królowej Anny Cylejskiej w sprawie Mikołaja astrologa,” Studia Źródłoznawcze 48 (2010), 85-95. 68 Elementa II, nr. 2, 3. 69 Noch erim (Jadviga) tode nam her zcu wibe des graven tochter von Zcele; dy was weder den ordin und herte den konyng und dy Polen zcu dem krie; und sy vorstarb korczlich, sy hette anders mer ungeluckes gebruwin (Posilge, “Chronik,” 370). 84 Maja Lukanc, Anna of Celje (Cilli): in search of the overlooked Queen successfully reigning over the Kingdom of Poland. Therefore, she found the slanderous rumours that the Teutonic Order was spreading about her and Jagiełło even more surprising. Anna explained in the following that it was the Teutonic Order that was spreading horror through the newly Christianised population, setting fire to the newly built churches and bringing suffering and pain to the lands of Lithuania. Their swords killed everyone – children, elderly as well as the priests. Anna pointed out that these indescribable atrocities caused by the Teutonic Order had cast Christianity in a negative light and urged everyone present at the Council to take steps to change this.70 It is not known who this letter was delivered to in Constance and what impact it had. Polish point of view was represented at the Council by the rector of the Jagiellonian University, Paweł Włodkowic (Paulus Vladimiri)71 and the letter might have served him to prepare argumentation for the process but most certainly Anna’s harsh critique of the Teutonic Order sheds a light on her relations to the members of the Teutonic Order and explains the unfavourable remark made by the chronicle writer.72 An additional clue to Anna’s orientation against the Teutonic Order could be evident from the depiction of her coat of arms in the Sandomierz Cathedral, where they annually solemnly commemorated the victory over the greatest enemies of the Kingdom in the Battle of Grünwald.73 Anna thus played a certain role in the diplomatic activities connected to the Teutonic Order and the above mentioned letter to the Council in Constance represents the most important manifestation of her political presence. 70 Elementa II, nr. 57. 71 Eric Christiansen, The Northern Crusade (London and New York: Penguin Books, 1997), 221-231. 72 Lukanc, “Ana Celjska,” 96-98. 73 Anna’s coats-of-arms is a part of the heraldic frieze of nine coats of arms on the northern wall of the chancel. Seven of those coats of arms are also to be found in the Jagiełło’s seal of majesty, while  there were two additional ones in the frieze: the Double Cross of Jagiełło and the Stars of Celje. The  latter supposedly represents the authority of the Royal couple, and symbolizes the continuity of the dynasty (Anna’s coats-of-arms), as well as changes to the Polish throne (Jagiełło’s coats-of-arms).  Heraldic frieze in the sacral institution also indicates inclusion of the symbols of authority to the religious narrative of the paintings, the part of which it was. On the southern part of the chancel – opposite the heraldic frieze – there is a fresco with a motive of Apostolic Commission, which, however, does not match any of the other frescoes, dedicated to Mary. The victory of Grünwald was fought on 15 July on the very same day when the feast dispersio apostolorum (Apostolic Commission) was celebrated; therefore the presence of the aforementioned fresco assumingly proves that Sandomierz Cathedral was dedicated to the anniversary of the victory over the Teutonic Order,  which  could  be  further  confi rmed  through Anna’s  coat  of  arms.  Giergiel  and  Ptak,  “The  Heraldic  Frieze,”  3-38; Tomisław  Giergiel  and  Jan  Ptak,  “The  newly-discovered  heraldic  frieze  from the reign of Władysław Jagiełło,” Questiones Medii Aevi Novae 16 (2011), 365-384. 85  Papers and Proceedings of the Third Medieval Workshop in Rijeka Epilogue Anna of Celje died either on March 20 or 21, 1416 at 4 o’clock in the afternoon in the Castle in Kraków.74 At the time of death she must not have turned more than thirty-three years. Jagiełło declared public mourning and Anna was buried under the altar of Saint Dorothy in the Wawel Cathedral where fifteen years later also their daughter Jadwiga was buried.75 600 years later, contrary to Barbara of Celje or Veronica of Desinić, Anna of Celje has not been retained in the Slovenian historical memory by now. This is not surprising, as she left Celje as a young girl and never returned. Even though she was not present in the Slovene territory, she kept in touch to it to some extant through her contacts to Hermann II and Barbara. Her marriage to Jagiełło raised the reputation of the House of Celje and it was one of the decisive factors for the engagement between Sigismund of Luxembourg to Barbara, which re-established the ties between the Polish and Hungarian throne. The aforementioned connection enabled Hermann II to expand his diplomatic activity to the lands under the Polish Crown and thus further consolidated his position as an important ally of Sigismund. It is difficult to reconstruct Anna’s life to the desired extent because not enough traces have been preserved, but it can be concluded that the overlooked Queen certainly must have had a certain impact on both the rise of the Counts of Celje as well as on the life of the Polish Kingdom. She was given this power through her royal position as well as her own level of engagement which, either high or low, had to remain within the framework of the late medieval ideas about the general role of the queen. Therefore, the most essential to Anna’s influence was her noble origin, since it established a link between the Piasts and Jagiellonians, the past and the future of the Kingdom of Poland. 74  Długosz, Annales: Liber XI, 59; KalKatKrak, 917, 919; RŚwięt, 85-86. 75 Tadeusz Wojciechowski, Kościół katedralny w Krakowie  (Krakó w:  Nakł.  Akademii  Umieję tnoś ci, 1900), 64. 86