Catholic Influences on Lutheran Sacred Music in Saxony from Heinrich Schütz to J. S. Bach University of Cambridge Music Tripos, Part II Submitted: May 2020 Candidate Number: 2565K Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................... 2 The State of Lutheran Sacred Music at the Start of the Seventeenth Century The Political and Religious Landscape of Saxony at the Time of Heinrich Schütz’s First Compositions ........ 5 The Changing Position of Sacred Music in Saxony during Heinrich Schütz’s Lifetime ................................. 8 The Thirty Years’ War and Beyond ........................................................................................................... 10 The Influx of Italian Musicians and Music into Saxony The Patronage of Italian Musicians in Dresden by Elector Johann Georg II ................................................ 13 Reactions to the Increasing Catholicisation of Lutheran Sacred Music ........................................................ 16 The Normalisation of Opposition to Catholic Tropes within Lutheran Sacred Music ................................... 17 J. S. Bach and the State of Lutheran Sacred Music by 1750 Parody from Heinrich Schütz to J. S. Bach................................................................................................. 21 J. S. Bach: The Culmination of the Baroque? ............................................................................................. 29 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................................... 33 Appendices .................................................................................................................................................... 35 Bibliography.................................................................................................................................................. 39 1 Abstract Musical borrowing in the early modern period has been widely investigated, with papers on the subject by scholars ranging from Franklin Zimmerman to Stephen Rose. However, only limited attention has been given to the fact that a great deal of musical borrowing in this period crossed denominational divides. Mary Frandsen has considered this to a certain extent, but her study of seventeenth-century Dresden focuses on the roles of Italian musicians at court, rather than the wider web of Catholic influences that impacted upon Lutheran composers. This paper will analyse how changing political and religious priorities meant that Lutheran composers like Heinrich Schütz and J. S. Bach could repurpose Catholic musical models despite the context of inter-denominational conflict and the legacy left by Johann Walter and Martin Luther, who had sought to create a distinctive Lutheran musical style. To do this, I will draw on scholarship from across the humanities, including literature by art historian Bridget Heal and musicologist Bettina Varwig, creating a holistic assessment of this repertory that will look at sociological, religious and musical factors. This will culminate in an analysis of Bach's Tilge, Höchster, meine Sünden: his largely neglected arrangement of Pergolesi's Stabat mater. 2 Introduction Throughout the early modern period, Saxony was a key centre for the creation of Lutheran sacred music. Saxony had been a spiritual home for Lutheranism since the early sixteenth century due to the importance of Wittenberg as the starting point of the Lutheran Reformation. Despite early conflict between the different branches of the ruling Wettin family in Ducal and Electoral Saxony, after the Wittenberg Capitulation in 1547, most of Saxony was unified as a Protestant territory under Elector Moritz of Saxony (see Appendix 1).1 This unification is especially pertinent because it was achieved by Moritz through an alliance with the Catholic Holy Roman Emperor Charles V against the Schmalkaldic League, 2 a group formed to defend Protestant states and towns against the Holy Roman Empire.3 This set a precedent of cross-denominational alliances and cultural exchange within Saxony spanning the early modern period. For example, Moritz went on to rebuild his Dresden castle as an Italianate Palace after a 1550 trip to Northern Italy.4 Moreover, by the end of the sixteenth century, there was widespread cultural exchange between the Medici and Wettin families,5 and Elector Johann Georg I would later pursue an alliance with the Holy Roman Emperor.6 As a result, musical culture in Saxony cannot be understood simply as Lutheran; instead, it must be construed as the result of a rich web of cross-denominational influences. 1 Jeffrey S. Sposato, “Leipzig, Saxony, and Lutheran Orthodoxy,” in Leipzig After Bach: Church and Concert Life in a German City (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018), 25. 2 Ibid. 3 Gordon Campbell, “Schmalkaldic League,” in The Oxford Dictionary of the Renaissance, last modified 2003, https://www.oxfordreference.com. 4 Bridget Heal, A Magnificent Faith: Art and Identity in Lutheran Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 201. 5 6 Ibid. Bettina Varwig, Histories of Heinrich Schütz. Musical Performance and Reception (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 13. 3 This dissertation studies the various Catholic influences on Lutheran sacred music in the period roughly bookended by the working lives of Heinrich Schütz and Johann Sebastian Bach (circa 1600–1750). During these years, Catholic musical tropes, mainly from Italian sources, were slowly assimilated by composers living in Saxony. By incorporating an analysis of such tropes into a study of musical borrowing, this essay moves away from earlier scholarship presented by figures such as Hans-Joachim Schulze and Charles Carroll, whose writings on borrowing generally focus on analyses of parodies and transcriptions. The development of Lutheran sacred music is explored in three key sections within the dissertation. The first examines the state of Lutheran sacred music at the start of the seventeenth century. This includes a consideration both of the political and religious landscape of Saxony at the turn of the century and of the changing position and function of music during Schütz’s lifetime. Lutheranism in Saxony was, in some ways, far more Catholic than in other Lutheran centres within Germany, although a number of the Saxon Electors sought to safeguard the music of the early Lutheran Church. This section also surveys the role of Gabrieli and the “Italian style” in shaping Schütz’s musical output, questioning the received opinion that the widespread impact of the Thirty Years’ War created the sociological shifts that enabled Italian music to become a commodity in Saxony. The second part continues this consideration of the influx of Catholic music into Saxony, focusing on the patronage of Italian musicians by Elector Johann Georg II, alongside the reaction to this influx.7 This begins with an examination of how Elector Johann Georg II saturated the musical life of the Dresden court with Catholic Italian musicians such as Vincenzo Albrici and Giuseppe Peranda. These musicians were put in a hugely difficult 7 See Appendix 2 for a full list of Saxon Electors within this period. 4 position as Catholics in a region ruled by a Lutheran.8 Indeed, although they were paid great sums of money to live and work in Dresden, the city council and consistory continually forced the Elector to assert the primacy of the Lutheran Church throughout this period, limiting access to Catholic worship within Dresden. Albrici and Peranda’s links to fashionable Roman composers made them valuable to the Elector, but their prominence also contributed to a wider backlash from many Lutheran theologians and even Saxon secular bodies, who argued that fashionable music should have no place within the Lutheran Church. The picture that emerges is one in which Lutheran sacred music became increasingly diverse within the early modern period. Indeed, clear divisions seem to have arisen between those who were concerned about the encroachment of Catholic practices into Lutheranism, and the rulers of Saxony, who had no such qualms. The final section covers J. S. Bach and the wider state of Lutheran sacred music by 1750. This provides a more traditional angle on parody and musical borrowing, looking at Ich danke dem Herrn, SWV 34 and Tilge, Höchster meine Sünden, BWV 1083, both of which are based on Catholic models. Through a comparative analysis of these two works, we can see that while there are striking similarities on a superficial level, there is also a clear shift in function from one to the other, which is indicative of the rising importance of novelty within the early modern period: Schütz used parody as emulation, whilst Bach seems to have used it as a practical tool. A holistic analysis of Catholic influences on Lutheran sacred music within the early modern period thus has the potential to demonstrate not only that Catholic styles and models were frequently used in Saxony, but also how this usage changed between 1600 and 1750 due to societal, economic and political factors. 8 Following the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, many European states recognised the Peace of Augsburg of 1555, where the principle of “cuius regio eius religio” was asserted. This principle meant that the religion of a given area was dictated by its ruler. While the Peace also theoretically guaranteed private worship rights, this did not always take place. 5 The State of Lutheran Sacred Music at the Start of the Seventeenth Century The Political and Religious Landscape of Saxony at the Time of Heinrich Schütz’s First Compositions By the end of the sixteenth century, Saxony was in a state of cultural, religious and musical flux. The continuing importance of cross-denominational ties in Saxony can be seen from a number of sources, ranging from political allegiances to the general practices of Lutheran churches in the region. As has already been mentioned, the Lutheran Saxon Electors’ allegiances with Catholic rulers can be traced back to Elector Moritz’s alliance with Holy Roman Emperor Charles V during the Schmalkaldic War. Moritz followed this crossdenominational alliance by aligning himself with a collection of Protestant princes and the Catholic King Henri II of France in a successful campaign against the Holy Roman Emperor: a move which ultimately led to the Peace of Augsburg in 1555.9 From the 1570s, the Electors of Saxony styled Dresden as the “Florence on the Elbe”, in partnership with the Medici family, with aspects of Italian style soon reaching the city as figures such as the sculptor Giovanni Maria Nosseni presided over the “Italianisation of Dresden”.10 At the same time as this top-down Italianisation and modernisation of Electoral buildings, many rural areas retained vestiges of pre-Reformation worship: widespread iconoclasm had generally been avoided, leaving many altar paintings, which continued to be used as by the laity as stimuli for worship.11 The rationale behind the retention of such items seems to have been practical 9 Gordon Campbell, “Maurice of Saxony,” in The Oxford Dictionary of the Renaissance, last modified 2003, https://www.oxfordreference.com. 10 11 Heal, A Magnificent Faith, 201. Susan C. Karant Nunn, The Reformation of Ritual – An Interpretation of Early Modern Germany (London: Routledge, 1997), 191. 6 rather than theological: a set of 1614 church orders for Holstein cited by Bettina Varwig state that “changing the ceremonies... often causes much unrest and bothersome conflict”.12 Musicians in Saxony held immensely varied roles within this wider cultural context, depending on where they were based and who employed them. Sacred music had been important to Lutheranism since the beginning of the Reformation. Early Lutheran composers such as Johann Walter had created simple German motets built around a cantus firmus, based on the idea that music could have a catechetical function.13 Walter’s collection of such motets Eyn geystlich Gesangk Buchleyn proved to be popular, with editions printed in at least 1524, 1525, 1537, 1544 and 1551.14 Despite this initial attempt to create a homogeneous Lutheran musical style, in the latter half of the sixteenth century, there was a growing disconnection between the sacred music performed at court and that produced by town musicians. Within the courts, Lutheran composers incorporated the latest Catholic styles, catering to the relatively fickle tastes of the Electors. Outside the courts, town musicians were generally forced to retain earlier styles. This retention was largely achieved through the 1580 Saxon Kirchenordnung, which stipulated both that cantors should not perform their own music or any music that included any dance rhythms or secular tunes.15 Such reverence for early Lutheran sacred music, and the subsequent desire to suppress new compositions, continued into the seventeenth century, with Saxon musical scholars such as Christoph Frick stating that Luther “put the sum of holy Christian doctrine into psalms and hymns decorated with lovely 12 Varwig, Histories of Heinrich Schütz, 27. 13 Robin Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2017), 37. 14 Johann Walter, Eyn geystlich Gesangk Buchleyn, ed. Otto Kade (Berlin, 1878). 15 Stephen Rose, Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach. Musical Performance and Reception (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 165. 7 and charming melodies”.16 The Mansfeld Kirchenordnung, also from 1580, lamented that many of Luther’s psalms had fallen out of use.17 Such edicts and tracts suggest that Saxon musicians had already begun to move away from the music of the early Lutheran Church by the early seventeenth century, hence the rising conservative reaction. However, the situation seems to have been even more complex than this: there was a huge variation in musical quality and availability from the cities to the villages of Saxony throughout the sixteenth century.18 In practice, this meant that even though there existed edicts asserting that churches should use the music of composers such as Walter or Josquin des Prez, many rural or poorer churches had little or no polyphony. It also seems that there was only a limited exchange of music between the courts and the wider population during this period. Stephen Rose’s analysis of the contracts of Kapellmeisters from the electoral court in Dresden has shown that, from 1568, most of these Kapellmeisters were forbidden from circulating their music beyond the court.19 Whilst this seems to have been due to a desire to ensure that the court’s music remained exclusive, rather than due to fears over the consequences of disseminating Catholic-influenced music, it did mean that the circulation of new sacred music was generally constricted during these years.20 Thus, despite the apparent modernisation and Italianisation of Dresden, many Saxon churches either made use of polyphony written between 1480 and 1550 or had no polyphony at all. Indeed, some areas seemingly even continued to hold services dominated by devotion around pre-Reformation 16 Christoph Frick, Music-Büchlein Oder Nützlicher Bericht Von dem Uhrsprunge, Gebrauche und Erhaltung Christlicher Music (Lüneburg: Stern, 1631); facs. (Leipzig: Zentralantiquariat der DDR, 1976), 21-2, trans. in Varwig, Histories of Heinrich Schütz, 31. 17 Joseph Herl, Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism: Choir, Congregation and Three Centuries of Conflict (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 107. 18 This issue is considered in greater depth in: Herl, Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism. 19 Rose, Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach, 123. 20 Ibid., 169. 8 images, usually without music. It seems, therefore, that while the Saxon Electors maintained close relations with the Catholic French Kings, Holy Roman Emperors and Grand Dukes of Tuscany, the general populace’s exposure to the cultural exchange resulting from these allegiances varied hugely from church to church and region to region. The Changing Position of Sacred Music in Saxony during Heinrich Schütz’s Lifetime Catholic music had a large impact upon a select body of new sacred music produced in Saxony during Schütz’s lifetime, as court composers were able to bypass the restrictions placed on new sacred music in other areas. Schütz was such an important figure at the start of the seventeenth century because he was able to print large volumes of his compositions after he was granted imperial printing privileges in 1637.21 While recognising this importance, it is also necessary to remember that composers such as Johannes Eccard and Leonhard Lechner had already written music that drew inspiration from across confessional boundaries before him, meaning that he was in no way unique.22 Indeed, as has been already touched upon, the influx of the Italian baroque style into Germany was already well underway by the start of the seventeenth century. Notably, the Landgrave Moritz of Hesse-Kassel, who initially sponsored Schütz’s musical education, had a large library including contemporary musical works from both England and Italy.23 Schütz was exposed to Catholic sacred music from a relatively young age, when he was sent to study with Giovanni Gabrieli in Venice, one of the foremost musical cities of the 21 Ibid., 95. 22 Chester L. Alwes, “Choral Music in Germany from Hassler to Buxtehude,” in A History of Western Choral Music, Volume 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 194-5. 23 Ibid., 196. 9 time.24 Schütz’s early output (SWV 1–19) consists of five-part madrigals written to Italian texts, a reflection of Gabrieli’s focus on vocal writing within his teaching.25 While these madrigals are apprentice works, Schütz’s time in Venice seems to have had an important influence upon his wider sacred music: he later described his 1619 Psalmen Davids, SWV 22–47 as “various German psalms in the Italian style in which I was diligently instructed by my dear and world-famous teacher, Giovanni Gabrieli”.26 This “Italian style” permeates much of Schütz’s early music, which encompasses a number of famous Venetian polychoral tropes. Schütz assimilated these tropes into works such as Veni sancte spiritus, which makes use of four choirs in a style reminiscent of works such as Gabrieli’s own Omnes gentes, plaudite manibus. Gabrieli’s style is greatly different from that of Walter or Josquin, with its focus on the creation of an imposing sacred sound, rather than any effort to elucidate the text, thus conflicting with Luther’s writings against the act of singing “without understanding”.27 However, these theological issues seem to have had little traction in the Dresden court at the start of the seventeenth century: for example, a new organ was installed in the court chapel in 1612 to fill the chapel with the greatest possible sound.28 Around this time, other composers such as Johann Hermann Schein and Samuel Scheidt also made use of elements of the Venetian style, using polychoral textures to create grandiose sacred music.29 This encroachment of Catholic grandeur into Lutheran sacred music seems to have become increasingly prevalent during the first half of the seventeenth 24 Hans Joachim Moser, Heinrich Schütz: A Short Account of His Life and Works (London: Faber, 1967), 33. 25 Ibid., 34. 26 Heinrich Schütz, Psalmen Davids (Dresden, 1619), Cantus 1 part-book, dedication. 27 Martin Luther, Luther’s Works Volume 53, Liturgy and Hymns, ed. Helmut T. Lehmann, trans. Ulrich S. Leupold (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979), 38. 28 Varwig, Histories of Heinrich Schütz, 32. 29 Herl, Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism, 117. 10 century, despite the edicts forbidding new music. Indeed, around this time, many church authorities stopped discouraging new music, instead, encouraging the laity to purchase religious books, which provided a guide to worship and devotion within complex services.30 All of these factors suggest that Lutheran sacred music was already greatly divided by the time of the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648), with several composers incorporating stylistic features associated with Catholicism into their music, some abiding by the 1580 Saxon Kirchenordnung, and many areas continuing to use little or no sacred polyphony. The Thirty Years’ War and Beyond Any analysis of this period has to consider the vast changes that took place around and because of the Thirty Years’ War. Saxony was greatly affected by the events of the War: it spent nearly two decades as the focal point of fighting, culminating in the occupation of Leipzig by the Swedes until 1650.31 During the war, the overall population of Germany declined by about a third.32 Bettina Varwig has stated that the War brought about an important shift in the culture of early modern Europe, arguing that the widespread journalistic covering of war for the first time created a culture in which the reality of the present became far more entrenched in contemporary life.33 She writes that this combined with the increasing availability of printed music, which came about as more publishing licences began to be granted to composers, to create a musical culture where the past and the present were clearly differentiated.34 Varwig’s 30 Ibid., 52. 31 Sposato, “Leipzig, Saxony, and Lutheran Orthodoxy,” 30. 32 Heal, A Magnificent Faith, 191. 33 Varwig, Histories of Heinrich Schütz, 173. 34 Ibid. 180. 11 reading is supported by contemporary writings such as those by the theorist Marco Scacchi, who stated in 1649 that the “modern style is more pleasing and better than the ancient”.35 This idea of a cultural shift due to the War is a notable feature of recent critical literature on the culture of early seventeenth-century Saxony. For Bridget Heal, the period following the War was dominated by the creation of new art, and the importation of new styles from Italy, as rulers sought to display and consolidate their power after a period of such upheaval.36 Similarly, Stephen Rose argues that musical life after the War increasingly focused on courts, with theatricality and virtuosity valued over craft, hence the eventual replacement of Schütz in Dresden by Italians such as Giuseppe Peranda and Vincenzo Albrici.37 When taken together, the analyses presented by Varwig, Heal and Rose suggest that the Thirty Years’ War had an important role in the Catholicisation of Lutheran sacred music; they argue that the concept of modernity and striving for novelty can be traced back to this period, thus explaining why old Lutheran precedents were abandoned within seventeenthcentury music. A note of caution should be introduced at this point, however: while the level of importation of Italianate styles into the German courts certainly increased, especially in the Saxon Elector’s court at Dresden, this process can be traced as far back as the sixteenth century, as has already been noted above. Furthermore, the output of printed music halved in the 1630s, failing to recover to pre-war levels even by the end of the century.38 This meant that any changes only had a limited overall effect on Saxony because they could not filter into the wider mercantile and professional classes; rulers could afford to import musicians 35 Marco Scacchi, Breve discorso sopra la musica moderna (Warsaw: Elert, 1649), ed. and trans. in Claude Palisca, Studies in the History of Italian Music and Music Theory (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 114-115. 36 Heal, A Magnificent Faith, 192. 37 Rose, Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach, 8. 38 Ibid., 9. 12 and music from Italy, but the scarcity of printed music meant that the wider population had only limited access to it. While the Thirty Years’ War thus seems to have intensified the pursuit of novelty within Saxony, leading to a greater influx of Italianate styles by the middle of the seventeenth century, this marked the continuation of an older process, rather than a completely new development. Notably, the effect of this influx was still limited in mid-century Saxony because the vast reduction in musical printing meant that it became harder to disseminate new works, even if the 1580 Saxon Kirchenordnung was only loosely abided by at this point. 13 The Influx of Italian Musicians and Music into Saxony The Patronage of Italian Musicians in Dresden by Elector Johann Georg II Under Elector Johann Georg II, many Catholic Italian musicians came into prominent positions within the musical life of the Dresden court. During this period, the Elector oversaw a shift in the sacred music of the court, with the introduction of foreign musicians as the court’s Kapellmeisters.39 While this shift marks a key moment in the musical history of Dresden, it does not represent a dramatic turning point in the approach of the Saxon Electors towards music. Mary Frandsen has argued that the importing of Roman musicians was due to “an obsession with courtly representation and image creation” and “a desire to keep pace with developments in Vienna and Munich”.40 While this is undoubtedly true, we have to remember once again that these were not new concerns: the quest for musical novelty can be traced back to the start of the seventeenth century at least.41 As the previous chapter showed, what does seem to have changed is that the Thirty Years’ War brought the issue of novelty into greater focus, leading rulers to seek distance from the divisions associated with the first half of the century. While the practice of occasionally appointing Italian musicians to German courts was not entirely new, the appointment of Italian, rather than German-born, musicians as the court’s Kapellmeisters represents a notable development.42 Two of the Italian musicians to become Kapellmeisters in Dresden were Giuseppe Peranda and Vincenzo Albrici, who both 39 Mary Frandsen, Crossing Confessional Boundaries: The Patronage of Italian Sacred Music in Seventeenth-Century Dresden (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 3. 40 Ibid., 5. 41 See the end of the previous chapter. 42 Frandsen, Crossing Confessional Boundaries, 7. 14 arrived in Dresden in circa 1655/6.43 These musicians brought a shift in compositional style to the Dresden court, writing in a manner more closely aligned with Carissimi and the Roman school, thus moving music at court away from the Venetian-inflected style of Schütz and his contemporaries. Catholic composers writing directly for a Lutheran audience soon became, in the eyes of some, a more questionable state of affairs than Lutheran composers interpolating Italian features into their music. Furthermore, we must not forget the huge differences between an early modern Lutheran court aligning itself with Venice and Rome: the former was far closer geographically and had more historic connections with Saxony, whilst the latter was the home of the Pope and the Roman Catholic Church. At this time, the Roman composer Giacomo Carissimi was perhaps the best-known musician in Europe due to the vast dissemination of his music. Within France, his music was championed by his pupil Marc-Antoine Charpentier, and by 1680, Carissimi’s music was even being reprinted within English collections, such as Playford’s Scelta Di Canzonette Italiane.44 Carissimi’s position as the Maestro di Capella at the Collegio Germanico e Hungarico in Rome also meant that his music could be widely disseminated within Germany because of frequent contact with German-speaking priests and officials, who took his music with them when they went to German-speaking regions.45 The appointment of Albrici at the Dresden court seems to have been part of an effort to bring the Roman style to Dresden, as Albrici had studied under Carissimi whilst in Rome. 43 Mary Frandsen, “Allies in the Cause of Italian Music: Schütz, Prince Johann Georg II and Musical Politics in Dresden,” Journal of the Royal Musical Association 125:1 (2000): 4. See also: Wolfram Steude and Mary Frandsen, “Peranda [Perandi, Perande], Giuseppe,” Grove Music Online, last modified 2001, https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com. 44 45 A. Godbid and John Playford, Scelta Di Canzonette Italiane (London, 1679). Andrew V. Jones, “Carissimi, Giacomo,” Grove Music Online, last modified 2001, https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com. 15 Moreover, he continued to work in the mould of Carissimi following his arrival in Dresden.46 Albrici’s Amo te, laudo te exhibits some of the key stylistic tropes employed by these Dresden-based composers at the time. This piece is written for two high voices, two cornettini and continuo (spinet, bassoon and organ). Here, the key feature linking Albrici’s musical style to that of Carissimi is the text-setting. Indeed, throughout, the two voices are employed in a style very similar to that used by Carissimi in a work such as Immensus coeli conditor (a duet for two sopranos and continuo). Within Amo te, laudo te the word-setting is largely syllabic, with occasional extended melisma on words such as “delectabilis” in the Cantus 1 part (see Example 1); this is comparable to a similar melisma on “Angeli” in Carissimi’s piece (see Example 2). The two pieces also use metre similarly, moving between A time and ’: within the A time, both works use a more declamatory style; within the ’, both are far more dance-like, incorporating syncopation in the continuo parts. These similarities affirm the reasons why Johann Georg hired composers like Albrici and Peranda: he wanted Italian composers to write in the popular style of the day in his court, worrying far more about the importance of stylistic novelty than about theological integrity. Example 1 Amo te, laudo te (Cantus 1) Example 2 Immensus coeli conditor (Soprano 1) 46 Mary Frandsen, “Albrici [Alberici, Albrizi], Vincenzo,” Grove Music Online, last modified 2001, https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com. 16 Reactions to the Increasing Catholicisation of Lutheran Sacred Music While Elector Johann Georg II did not worry about this importation of Catholic musicians, a number of important institutions within Saxony voiced fears about the presence of such a large Catholic contingent within the city. The Peace of Westphalia and the end of the Thirty Years’ War in 1648 may have all but concluded manifest denominational warfare within Europe, but this by no means ended all conflict between Catholics and Lutherans. Indeed, there continued to be widespread social hostility towards those from non-dominant religions across Germany due to the lasting effect of the principle of “cuius regio eius religio”.47 Within Dresden, this hostility rose within the latter half of the seventeenth century because Elector Johann Georg II struggled to reconcile his predilection for Italian musicians with the practical need for these Catholics to have somewhere to worship. It seems that the Elector had very little concern for the theological differences between Lutheranism and Catholicism and was equally happy to deal with members of either denomination. Examples of this include the fact that in 1647 he invited the Catholic Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III to be a godparent to his son;48 he gave up his claim to Erfurt, thus allowing the city to become Catholic under the Archbishop-Elector of Mainz;49 and he allowed Catholics in Leipzig to use the Barfüßer Kirche for worship.50 Despite this, the Elector issued an edict in 1661 ordering his subjects to return to the traditional Lutheran faith based on the teachings codified in the Augsburg Confession.51 However, the edict seems to have had little effect, and by 1668, the High Consistory of Dresden was frustrated enough to 47 Duane J. Corpis, Crossing the Boundaries of Belief – Geographies of Religious Conversion in Southern Germany, 1648–1800 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2014), 6. 48 Frandsen, Crossing Confessional Boundaries, 76. 49 Ibid., 84. 50 Ibid., 85. 51 Sposato, “Leipzig, Saxony, and Lutheran Orthodoxy,” 33. 17 write to him, saying that “scores of people drive, ride, and walk to the Mass unabashedly... daily still the room is filled indiscriminately with foreigners and locals”.52 Very little was done until 1673, when the theological faculties in Wittenberg and Leipzig requested that he prohibit the celebration of the Roman Catholic Mass, which he eventually did under immense pressure.53 And yet, by the end of 1679, a report by the city council indicated that Catholic Mass was held throughout the week with up to two hundred attendees.54 This long-running feud between the religious institutions of Saxony, the Elector, and the region’s Catholic population shows how problematic the blurred lines between Italian and Catholic became during this period. The Elector’s desire to stay stylistically up to date with the latest Italianate trends was seen as jeopardising the integrity of Saxony as a Lutheran state due to the influx of Catholic musicians, who were needed to create this new style. The insistency and frequency of these complaints do seem to mark a departure point from the first half of the century, where there had been far less dissent towards Schütz’s music. Indeed, Schütz’s assimilation of Gabrieli’s style seems to have been understood as generally Italianate, while the employment of Italian musicians was more problematic due to their attendance of Catholic Mass. The Normalisation of Opposition to Catholic Tropes within Lutheran Sacred Music Throughout the latter half of the seventeenth century, theological opposition to the adoption of Catholic tropes within Lutheran sacred music grew in tandem with the rising Pietist movement, comprehensively eclipsing the relatively rare complaints from the first half of the 52 Gottfried Berniger et al., Dresden High Consistory to Johann Georg II, letter, trans. Mary Frandsen (Dresden, 1668). 53 54 Frandsen, Crossing Confessional Boundaries, 93-4. Siegfried Seifert, Niedergang und Wiederaufstieg der katholischen Kirche in Sachsen 1517–1773 (Leipzig: St. Benno-Verlag, 1964), 117. 18 seventeenth century. Although opposition to Catholic tropes within Lutheran sacred music seemingly never caused as much conflict as the saturation of Dresden’s musical life with Catholic musicians, it had an important role in isolating the Dresden Electors from the culture of the rest of Saxony. The ensuing conflict reached a peak at the end of the century, when the new Elector, Frederich August I, furthered this isolation by converting to Catholicism. Distrust of new Italianate musical styles can be found in some sources from around the middle of the seventeenth century, where more conservative areas sought to re-establish control over the musical output of their cantors because of a lax imposition of the 1580 Saxon Kirchenordnung. For example, Stephen Rose has discovered a case from Delitzsch in 1643 where the cantor Christoph Schultze was reprimanded for an alleged use of Italian music, which he vehemently denied, saying that he was neither able to read nor sing Italian.55 Later in the century, the theologian Theophilus Großgebauer attacked the use of organs, instrumental music and choral polyphony, arguing that these were part of a deliberate plot by the papacy to silence the gospels, thus equating grandeur in music with Catholicism.56 Other theological figures, including Johannes Muscovius and Christian Gerber, similarly criticised the state of music in Saxony, respectively disagreeing with the use of Latin music and with excessively ornate music.57 These theoretical criticisms of the state of Lutheran Sacred music were echoed by wider secular bodies: in 1661, an edict issued in Halle urged a return to the teaching and performing of “solemn and highly esteemed compositions... by Josquin, Senfl, Gualtero, Orlando and others”.58 Such dissatisfaction with the state of Lutheran sacred music in Saxony by the latter half of the seventeenth century demonstrates how movement away 55 Rose, Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach, 170-1. 56 Theophilus Großgebauer, Wächterstimme auß dem verwüsteten Zion (Frankfurt/Main, 1661), 227-8. 57 Herl, Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism, 119-20. 58 Leges scholae Hallensis (Halle, 1661), transcribed in Reinhold Vormbaum, Die evangelischen Schulordnungen des 17 (Gütersloh, 1863). Translation by the Author. 19 from the musical principles laid out by Luther and Walter eventually came to cause notable disquiet. These issues seem to have become especially pertinent at the end of the century due to the wider rise of Pietism within Lutheran society. This movement emphasised a return to the idea of personal piety, distancing itself from the institutions of religion.59 Because of this, Pietist theologians frequently distrusted contemporary Lutheran polyphony. Joachim Justus Breithaupt, for example, argued that music, which was in his eyes but an adornment to the liturgical service, had become subject to abuse.60 Pietism seems to have been a largely reactionary force, criticising the Lutheran Church for abandoning its original values and moving away from the teachings of Luther. Pertinently, both of these criticisms can be directly applied to the changes in Lutheran sacred music from around 1530 to 1700. Despite the rising power and importance of Pietism within Saxony, as has been shown, the Saxon Electors distanced themselves from the movement. The extent of this distancing can be seen from the decision of Elector Frederich August I to defy nearly two hundred years of Lutheranism in Saxony by converting to Catholicism in 1697 to obtain the Polish crown. The fact that the Elector felt able to do this, even given the huge hostility towards Catholicism within Saxony, shows how little academic discourse affected the Electors. Seemingly, they felt no pressure to conform individually to the principles enforced upon the majority of the population. The conversion of Frederich August I created a constitutional crisis, limiting the Elector’s religious power within Saxony enormously; it took until 1707 for there to be a Catholic worship space for the Elector in Dresden, with Catholic court members gathering in 59 “Pietism” in The Concise Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, ed. E.A. Livingstone, last modified 2013, https://www.oxfordreference.com. 60 Herl, Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism, 125. 20 the private chapel of the Holy Roman Emperor’s ambassador during these years.61 Moreover, the Elector was not able to exert “cuius regio, eius religio” over his subjects, instead nominally retaining his right over the Lutheran churches, although they soon came to be governed by prominent Lutherans within his government.62 And yet, Dresden became far more cross-denominational in the early eighteenth century: the number of Catholics within the city grew from between 1,000 and 4,000 at the start of the eighteenth century to around 22,920 by 1743.63 It seems, therefore, that by the start of the eighteenth century, Saxony was more divided than ever on the principles of religion. Indeed, a widespread backlash against the encroachment of Catholic styles into Lutheran sacred music meant that in certain areas, such as Halle, musicians no doubt did revert to earlier styles, moving away from the Venetian and Roman inflexions of seventeenth-century Saxon polyphony. However, the Electors seemingly felt little need to oblige the calls from Pietists to do the same. While Elector Johann Georg II made nominal attempts to placate the Dresden Consistory and town council, Elector Frederich August I refused to do this, instead, converting to Catholicism and overseeing a further influx of Catholics into the region. This conversion has to be seen as the natural outcome of a period in which Catholicism had a huge effect on the Saxon Electors: the spiritual and cultural life of the court was saturated with Catholic artists and musicians, whose influence most likely moved the Electors further away from their Lutheran roots. 61 Kristina Friedrichs, “Court Chapels in Saxony between 1697 and 1733: Augustus II the Strong between Catholicism and Protestantism,” Acta Poloniae Historica 116, no. 116 (2018): 104. 62 Robin Leaver, “Bach’s Mass: ‘Catholic’ or ‘Lutheran’?” in Exploring Bach's B-Minor Mass, ed. Yo Tomita, Robin A. Leaver, and Jan Smaczny (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 27. 63 Sposato, “Leipzig, Saxony, and Lutheran Orthodoxy,” 45. 21 J. S. Bach and the State of Lutheran Sacred Music by 1750 Parody from Heinrich Schütz to J. S. Bach While the majority of the musical analysis presented thus far has considered borrowing in a broad stylistic sense, it is worth noting that musical parody also crossed confessional boundaries. Indeed, both Schütz and Bach took works by Catholic composers and reworked them into pieces intended for performance within Lutheran services. This chapter focuses on Schütz’s Ich danke dem Herrn, SWV 34, which cites Gabrieli’s madrigal Lieto godea, and Bach’s Tilge, Höchster, meine Sünden, BWV 1083, an arrangement of Giovanni Battista Pergolesi’s Stabat mater. While Schütz’s parody is emulatory, Bach’s seems to have been far more practical: he created a work without a specific liturgical context that could be used in several settings. This change in purpose highlights the rising importance of novelty and modernity within the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, showing how Schütz and Bach had very different relationships with the Catholic source material on which they drew. Parody and borrowing are highly prevalent within the history of European music, dating back to the extensive creation of parody masses throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. On the surface, parody seems to have been at odds with the rising early modern principles of individuality and authorship. Indeed, from the 1550s onwards, single-composer publications rose in frequency, replacing the earlier collections of various composers by printers like Georg Rhau.64 The growing idea of musical individuality hinted at in this development was further defined in the seventeenth century, as can be seen in the remarks of author Johann Beer (1655–1700), who observed that “by listening one can precisely distinguish whether a piece is by this or that author”.65 Alongside this concept of musical 64 65 Rose, Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach, 6. Johann Beer, “Schola phonologia,” Modern edition in: Johann Beer, Sämtliche Werke, vol. 12/ii, ed. Michael Heinemann (Bern: Peter Lang, 2005), 193, trans. in Rose, Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach, 112. 22 authorship, there continued to be a craftsman-like sense that composers should take the principles laid out by their teachers and use these as a starting point for their own works. This can be seen from the remarks of Gallus Dressler (circa 1533–1580), who argued that “beginners should choose for themselves a composer to imitate”, showing how the idea of developing earlier musical models and moulding them into one’s own style remained hugely important in early modern compositional practices.66 This was the cultural environment in which Schütz operated when writing Ich danke dem Herrn.67 This work is an example of a young composer taking “a composer to imitate” as a form of aemulatio (emulation). The sense of emulation can be seen from the fact that Schütz demonstrably marked the words “Imitatione sopra: Lieto godea. Canzone di Gio. Gabrieli” above the final section of the motet, thereby acknowledging the debt that this section owed to his teacher’s model (see Appendix 3). Schütz’s treatment of Gabrieli’s original is not a simple transcription of the music with a German text but rather a relatively extensive re-arrangement. Unlike Lieto godea, which is for two choirs throughout, Schütz instead begins with an instrumental sinfonia, before the voices enter in b.74. In an attempt to outdo the original model, Schütz uses the enlarged forces of two vocal choirs, two instrumental choirs and continuo. The work is transposed down a fifth, creating richer textures than the Gabrieli. The overall compass used by Schütz is also far larger when considered across all four choirs. The vocal writing remains based on the original until it reaches the words “godea sedendo” (see Examples 3 and 4), where the harmony that underpins Gabrieli’s homophonic motif is ornamented with scalic rising movement in the bass and a 4-3 suspension in the top line from b.75. Many of Schütz’s other amendments to 66 Gallus Dressler, Praecepta musicae poeticae, ed. Robert Forgács (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2007), 190-191. Translation by the Author. 67 Heinrich Schütz, Ich danke dem Herrn, SWV 34, score, ed, Sabine Cassola, 2012, accessed 10 February 2020, http://www.cpdl.org. All bar numbers are taken from this modern edition. 23 Example 3 Lieto godea (Full score) Example 4 Ich danke dem Herrn (Choirs 3, 4 and Continuo) 24 his model are to resolve text-setting issues, creating an idiomatic relationship between music and the German text. For example, Schütz presents a heavily altered version of the original words “Amor volando” from b.80, changing the stress of the original cadence point so that the tonic chord arrives on a strong rather than a weak beat, which allows the word “immerdar” to scan better. From b.86, Schütz completely ignores his model, creating a new cadence in the final bars of the work. Schütz thus took Gabrieli’s original and stripped it of many of its surface features, leaving behind a basic harmonic framework and the motivic ideas on “Lieto godea” and “Amor volando”. Such a treatment of Gabrieli’s original materials shows the emulatory aspects within Schütz’s approach to parody: Schütz took the model of his teacher, using it as a vehicle through which he could impart his own ideas on a grander scale. This approach ascribes both to Dressler’s idea of learning through borrowing and to Beer’s idea of individuality in music; it is this sense of emulation that defines the motet, rather than its origins in a work written by a Catholic composer. Indeed, as mentioned before, at the start of the seventeenth century there seem to have been very few qualms about composers taking such models and applying them to Lutheran works. Instead, this work would have been seen as an example of an early work by a young composer paying homage to his teacher, rather than as a work which posed theological issues due to its cross-denominational origins. While aspects of the idea of emulation may have continued into the eighteenth century, the desire for novelty and invention in music seems to have become more important by this point. Indeed, it is this desire for constantly new music which seems to have encouraged composers to turn to parody in the later seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Stephen Rose argues that a desire for novelty can be seen throughout Germany by this point, with many town councils regarding church music as a fashionable adornment to be consumed 25 and then discarded.68 There is much to support the accuracy of this reading not only within Germany but also across Europe. Franklin Zimmerman points out that English composers of the time were faced with short deadlines, which forced them to borrow to produce enough music to stay afloat commercially.69 Moreover, even a preliminary glance at George Frideric Handel’s output shows how widely he borrowed at the start of the eighteenth century: sections of the duet Quel fior che all’alba ride, HWV 192 were incorporated into the duets “His yoke is easy” and “And He shall purify” within Messiah, HWV 56, for example. Handel’s borrowings from other composers are so extensive that he has been labelled the “great arranger” by Andrew Porter.70 Dieterich Buxtehude’s parodies include the sacred cantata Erfreue dich, Erde!, BuxWV 26, which is a parody of his secular cantata Schlagt, Künstler, die Pauken und Saiten, BuxWV 122. In Leipzig, where Bach lived and worked for most of his life, the pressure to create new music for the Thomaskirche had been established even by 1665, as the Thomaskantor of the time, Sebastian Knüpfer, wrote a cycle containing a new piece for each Sunday in the church year.71 Within Bach’s output, there are a huge number of parodies. Indeed, he reworked music by a number of other composers, such as in the Sanctus, BWV 241, which is taken from J. C. Kerll’s Missa superba, or the Sanctus, BWV 239, which is based on the Gloria from Antonio Caldara’s Missa Providentiae; and music from his own works, such as in the short masses, BWV 233-6, which are mostly parodies of earlier cantata movements. Such a large output of parodies from this period demonstrates how the principles defining musical borrowing changed from 1600 to 1750: the desire for new music meant that parodies came to 68 Rose, Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach, 177. 69 Franklin Zimmerman, “Musical Borrowings in the English Baroque,” The Musical Quarterly 52, no. 4 (1966): 485. 70 Ellen T. Harris, “Integrity and Improvisation in the Music of Handel,” The Journal of Musicology 8, no. 3 (1990): 302. 71 Rose, Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach, 174. 26 be created out of necessity, rather than as apprentice works or as works in the tradition of emulation. It is within this context, rather than that of emulation, that Tilge, Höchster meine Sünden has to be understood. Tilge, Höchster has survived in two sources, a continuo-vocal score and a set of parts. The title of the continuo-vocal score immediately undermines any sense of emulation within the work, as it was originally inscribed as “Motetto a due Voci, 3 Aromenti e Coni”, with the words “di G. B. Pergolesi” only added later in different handwriting to that of the original inscription (see Appendix 4). The lack of an initial reference to the original immediately suggests that Bach did not see its creation as an act of honouring Pergolesi. The text used for Tilge, Höchster is a rhymed version of Psalm 51, rather than the Stabat mater sequence, which would not have been appropriate within a Lutheran context.72 Due to the change in text, the third to last and penultimate movements are switched. This is because the final text before the Amen, “Let your Zion blossom ever, build again the fallen bulwark, henceforth offer we with joy, henceforth is your praise resounding, henceforth then to you are pleasing offerings that from justice rise”, would not have fitted with the original penultimate movement in F minor. Many of the other changes within Bach’s version are in a similar vein: Bach reworks sections where the words and music do not fit together in their new form, just as Schütz does. For example, in the second movement, the original soprano top Gs are replaced with a far more verbose line (See Examples 5 and 6). This is required due to the removal of the thrust of the sword piercing Mary’s heart in the Stabat mater text, which creates a sense of wordpainting in Pergolesi’s original. Moreover, the final Amen is repeated in F major, strengthening the sense of hope that comes at the end of the psalm. Other changes include the use of an extended orchestration: Bach added ripieno violin parts along with a more 72 Lutheran dogma generally precludes Marian worship. 27 independent viola part, which serves to thicken the work’s contrapuntal texture throughout. He also made Pergolesi’s counterpoint stricter to conform to his own norms, as in the tenth movement, where the vocal parts are turned into two-part polyphony, rather than disconnected individual statements. Example 5 Stabat mater, Cuius animam gementem (Soprano) Example 6 Tilge, Höchster, meine Sünden, Satz 2: Versus 2 (Soprano) Tilge, Höchster is thus edited very specifically: Bach brought particular differences in Pergolesi’s style into accord with his own, rather than undergoing a wholesale reworking as is found in Schütz’s Ich danke dem Herrn. While Bach’s choice of model is initially surprising, given the stylistic differences between his works and those of more galant composers, it seems that it was chosen partially due to the criticisms levied at him by contemporary scholars such as J. A. Scheibe, who famously attacked Bach’s style as being turgid and heavy in a 1737 article.73 By creating a parody of Pergolesi’s Stabat mater, Bach was able both to appease such critics and create a work which could be used in a variety of liturgical settings due to the ubiquitous nature of its Psalm 51 text. 73 Christoph Wolff and Walter Emery, “Bach, Johann Sebastian,” Grove Music Online, last modified 2001, https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com. 28 This largely practical reading of Tilge, Höchster goes against much of the scholarship on the work, which has claimed that Bach had a special affinity for Pergolesi’s music and the galant style at the end of his life. Indeed, Chiara Bertoglio has argued that Bach arranged the Stabat mater out of an affinity for Pergolesi’s music because of the arrangement’s apparent lack of specific liturgical function.74 There are several problems with this reading. Firstly, if Bach had such an affinity for Pergolesi’s style, then he probably would not have reworked Pergolesi’s writing for inner voices, which he systematically brought into line with his own stylistic principles. Moreover, the fact that Tilge, Höchster did not have a specific liturgical function made it an especially useful work to a composer and cantor like Bach: it could be used within a variety of contexts, rather than just on a specific Sunday. Indeed, the existence of an original set of parts for the work shows that it was not just a personal project for Bach but a practical work that was performed and used within a Lutheran context.75 The parody process, therefore, underwent many changes from Schütz to J. S. Bach. Whilst both composers felt free to use models by Catholic Italian composers, changing them into works that could be used in the Lutheran Church, the purpose behind their parodies appears to have been vastly different. Importantly, neither composer seems to have encountered widespread opposition to their incorporation of music by Catholic composers into their own works for the Lutheran Church. As has been mentioned in the first section of this essay, in Schütz’s case this seems to have been a non-starter: as a court composer to the Saxon Electors, he faced no consequences for incorporating such themes into his music. However, Bach’s main role was as the Thomaskantor in Leipzig, and he was thus 74 Chiara Bertoglio, “The Mother, the Sinners, and the Cross: Pergolesi's Stabat Mater and Bach's Tilge, Höchster,” Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 27, no. 4 (2018): 466. 75 Further evidence of Bach being a practical borrower can be seen from Der Gerechte kömmt um, which appears to be an arrangement by Bach of a work by his predecessor as Thomaskantor, Johann Kuhnau. Due to this link, such an arrangement would appear to be ripe for emulation. And yet, the manuscript D-B Mus.ms.8155, which includes Der Gerechte kömmt um, contains no reference to Kuhnau. 29 accountable to the wider population. While there were frequent criticisms of Lutheran composers, including Bach, for such behaviour, he seems to have been able to incorporate some aspects of Italian Catholic music, as long as his works fulfilled the required liturgical functions. Remarkably, Bach was even criticised for not following the Italian galant idiom closely enough by scholars such as the aforementioned Scheibe. Pietist tracts attacking complex sacred music continued to carry some influence in certain areas, but seemingly, Italian composers resident in Saxony were more consistently problematic due to the necessity for them to have a place to worship, rather than due to the Catholic nature of their music. Indeed, the only kind of Italian music which seems to have been consistently deemed anathema to Lutheran beliefs was opera, which was widely considered to be a Catholic creation and thus open to relentless ecclesiastical criticism at this time.76 J. S. Bach: The Culmination of the Baroque? The relative freedom enjoyed by Bach thus suggests that Lutheran composers by 1750 were free to adopt features of Catholic music if they so wished, kept in check by theologians and critics, who were also free to write about and criticise composers and their use of various idioms. However, such a reading is too simplistic: we have to remember that while Bach has become a symbolic figurehead for Lutheran sacred music from the baroque period, at the time he was just one of many hundreds of musicians operating within Saxony. Indeed, all of these musicians composed and worked under different conditions, faced different pressures from their employers and the local laity, and had different personal tastes. Because of this, Bach’s life and music present us with a fascinating case study, but they cannot be seen as representative of eighteenth-century Leipzig and certainly not representative of eighteenth- 76 Helen M. Greenwald and Jesse Rosenberg, “Religion,” in The Oxford Handbook of Opera, last modified 2014, https://www.oxfordhandbooks.com. 30 century Saxony, despite the cult-like adoration of Bach that has been created since the Bach revival. The idea that J. S. Bach can be seen as the culmination of the baroque period seems to stem from the Bach revival at the start of the nineteenth century, when his music was rediscovered and re-evaluated in northern Germany. Within the eighteenth century, his reputation was unremarkable, and his music failed to spread throughout Europe in the manner of composers such as Carissimi. Charles Burney’s 1789 account on the history of music fails to mention the music of J. S. Bach, instead, focusing on the composers Johann Klemme and Reinhard Keiser when discussing Saxon music.77 Bach’s 1730 memorandum “Short but Most Necessary Draft for a Well-Appointed Church Music, with Certain Modest Reflections on the Decline of the Same” shows the conflict in Leipzig between his aims for Lutheran sacred music, which leaned towards the splendour of the Dresden court, and those of the Leipzig town council, which were far less grandiose.78 This memorandum shows us that Bach’s music cannot even be taken as representative of Lutheran sacred music in Leipzig at the time. Such an unassuming contemporary reception displays how important the nationalistic Bach revival of the nineteenth century has been in shaping our modern perception of his music. This clouding of Bach’s reception history through German nationalism can be seen in the works of the Bach scholar Johann Forkel, who wrote in 1802 that Bach’s “works are a priceless national patrimony; no other nation possesses a treasure comparable to it”.79 Unlike the narrative that is assumed by this later reception, Bach’s music was in no way representative of Lutheran sacred music in Saxony in the first half of the eighteenth 77 Charles Burney, A General History of Music: From the Earliest Ages to the Present Period, modern edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 580. 78 Robert L. Marshall, “Bach the Progressive: Observations on his Later Works,” The Musical Quarterly 62, no. 3 (1976): 317. 79 Johann Nikolaus Forkel, Über Johann Sebastian Bachs Leben, Kunst, und Kunstwerke, trans. Charles Terry (London, 1920), XXV. 31 century. For example, Johann Anastasius’ Geistreiches Gesangbuch of 1704 was reprinted nineteen times through 1759, with the second edition of 1705 containing 785 hymn texts (generally without music) alongside 195 hymns, 100 of which were appearing for the first time.80 Such a large number of print runs within around fifty years indicates how vastly popular Lutheran hymns became due to the influence of Pietism. At the same time, the Catholic Dresden court employed twelve trumpeters and two kettledrummers, four oboists, three or four bassoonists, two or three flautists and a total of at least thirty instrumentalists.81 Certain Lutheran churches like the Neukirche in Leipzig followed this lead, creating musical spectacles firmly rooted in the principles of baroque grandeur.82 These examples all show how diverse music was in Saxony by 1750 and thus how any consideration of Lutheran sacred music within this period must be careful not to over-emphasise the contemporary importance of Bach. At the same time, Bach’s music does present us with an important case study when examining the lives and experiences of early modern musicians in Saxony. This is because of the nineteenth-century effort to preserve details of his life and work, including his original scores and belongings. Indeed, we know a great deal more about him than many of his contemporaries. For example, we know that at the auditions for the position of Thomaskantor in Leipzig in 1722–23, Bach presented his own cantatas as part of the audition process, choosing to use Jesus nahm zu sich die Zwölfe, BWV 22 and Du wahrer Gott und Davids Sohn, BWV 23.83 The evocation of contemporary Italianate styles through the large oboe 80 Dianne Marie McMullen, The Geistreiches Gesangbuch of Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen (1670–1739): A German Pietist Hymnal (Ph. D. thesis, University of Michigan, 1987), 32, 36. 81 Janice B. Stockigt, “The Court of Saxony-Dresden,” in Music at German Courts, 1715–1760: Changing Artistic Priorities, ed. Samantha Owens et al. (Boydell & Brewer, 2011), 20, 23, 25. 82 Hans-Joachim Schulze and Daniel R. Melamed, “The Parody Process in Bach's Music: An Old Problem Reconsidered,” Bach 20, no. 1 (1989): 9. 83 Rose, Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach, 184-5. 32 obbligato in Jesus nahm zu sich die Zwölfe, BWV 22, along with the use of the Lutheran chorales Christ, der einig Gotts Sohn and Christe, du Lamm Gottes shows Bach’s concern to show his ability to synthesise both contemporary Catholic and traditional Lutheran idioms within his audition pieces. Moreover, Robin Leaver’s investigation into Bach’s personal Bible has shown that Bach inscribed 1 Chronicles 25 with a commentary showing that he believed that this passage, which describes the use of music within temple worship, served as proof that sacred music was instituted by God.84 These observations are important because they demonstrate that Bach was both pragmatic and devoutly Lutheran: he was both able to combine a range of styles within his music to appeal to his future employer, and personally read and analyse the Bible in a manner which certainly seems to conform to the Lutheran idea of sola scriptora. We can thus see even within Bach himself how complicated the state of Catholic influences of Lutheran sacred music was by 1750: not only were there different factions and churches abiding by different principles, but even individual musicians seemingly had to deal with several opposing influences and pressures when composing. By this point, Catholic influences on Lutheran sacred music in Saxony were certainly not ubiquitous, and neither does the music of Bach represent the norm for the region at this time. Instead, we have to understand the complexity of early modern Saxony, where the Electors were scarcely able to control what happened within their own court, and they were certainly not able to create a standardised Lutheran musical style. 84 Robin Leaver, J. S. Bach and Scripture: Glosses from the Calov Bible Commentary (St. Louis: Concordia, 1985), 93-6. 33 Conclusion Lutheran sacred music was deeply intertwined with Catholic music and composers throughout the early modern period, especially from circa 1600 to 1750. While the reasons behind such links changed throughout these years, a substantial proportion of Lutheran sacred music continued to draw on Catholic styles, even under fierce theological criticism. Rather than simply charting the evolving relationship between Catholic and Lutheran sacred music in Saxony, this dissertation has instead focused on providing an alternative approach to studying early modern music, where the importance of a holistic analysis cannot be stressed enough. While authors such as Bettina Varwig and Stephen Rose have produced hugely insightful studies of this period, both have concentrated on quite specific areas: Varwig’s research is generally focused on Schütz’s life and reception, while Rose’s centres around the issue of authorship in the early modern world. Instead, this dissertation has taken a conventional structure and shown the benefits of a broad frame of reference: any analysis which focuses on a very specific issue or time-frame risks over-emphasising the agency of individual events over slower-moving change. For example, when considering Schütz, we have to realise that he was not the only German composer drawing on Italian tropes at the time and nor was he considered special in his day – Albrici and Peranda soon earned far more than him and were valued more highly at the Saxon court. Moreover, when analysing inter-denominational conflict and angst in Saxony we have to consider what actually changed – while there were a large number of tracts attacking the influx of Catholic musicians and tropes into Lutheran sacred music, the Saxon Electors seem to have paid very little attention to this, refusing to bow to academic pressures. Finally, when studying Bach, we should not place him on a pedestal but instead, understand the benefits of the vast body of scholarship on his life and work, whilst also acknowledging 34 that he in no way represents any norm – his music cannot even be considered representative of compositional practices in early modern Leipzig. It seems curious that cross-denominational relationships in music are often underexamined by musicologists because an analysis of early modern music through this lens leads to a number of fascinating, and unexpected, discoveries. Rather than considering Catholic and Lutheran sacred music separately, we can instead see how the calls of theologians for a strict denominational identity were only partially followed; instead, music often acted as a bridge between different groups, creating common ground amidst political and religious turmoil. Indeed, Schütz’s studies with Gabrieli took place only a few years before the start of the Thirty Years’ War, and he later visited Monteverdi in Venice in 1628, during the War. Moreover, while Elector Johann Georg II may not have had the noblest motives in bringing Catholic musicians to Saxony, his actions normalised the presence of Catholics at the Dresden court during his lifetime. Notably, he never removed Albrici or Peranda from their posts, despite the protests from the city council and consistory. Finally, in Pergolesi’s Stabat mater and Bach’s Tilge Höchster meine Sünden, we have the skeletal form of a work which may have been composed for a Catholic confraternity but was later put to use at the Thomaskirche in Leipzig. This shows once more how music could cross religious divides in the early modern world in a way scarcely found in other contexts. 35 Appendix 1 Map of the Electorate of Saxony after the 1547 Wittenberg Capitulation. Originally printed in Sposato, “Leipzig, Saxony, and Lutheran Orthodoxy.” 36 Appendix 2 Electors of Saxony from 1547–1763 Name (Life Dates) Moritz (1521–1553) August I (1526–1586) Christian I (1560–1591) Christian II (1583–1611) Johann Georg I (1585–1656) Johann Georg II (1613–1680) Johann Georg III (1647–1691) Johann Georg IV (1668–1694) Friedrich August I (1670–1733) Friedrich August II (1696–1763) Reign Relation with Predecessor 1547–1553 – 1553–1586 Brother of the previous 1586–1591 Son of the previous 1591–1611 Son of the previous 1611–1656 Brother of the previous 1656–1680 Son of the previous 1680–1691 Son of the previous 1691–1694 Son of the previous 1694–1733 Brother of the previous 1733–1763 Son of the previous 37 Appendix 3 Heinrich Schütz, Ich danke den Herrn, Cantus I part-book, page two, in Psalmen Davids sampt etlichen Moteten und Concerten (Dresden, 1619). 38 Appendix 4 Johann Sebastian Bach, Tilge, Höchster, meine Sünden, keyboard-vocal score, opening page (Leipzig, c.1745). 39 Bibliography Albrici, Vincenzo. Amo te, laudo te. Score, copied by Gustaf Düben, c.1675. Accessed 20 March 2020. http://imslp.org. Alwes, Chester L. “Choral Music in Germany from Hassler to Buxtehude.” In A History of Western Choral Music, Volume 1. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Bach, Johann Sebastian. Du wahrer Gott und Davids Sohn, BWV 23. Kassel: Bärenreiter Verlag, 1992. ———. Jesus nahm zu sich die Zwölfe, BWV 22. Kassel: Bärenreiter Verlag, 1992. ———. Sanctus, BWV 239. Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel, 1862. ———. Sanctus, BWV 241. Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel, 1894. ———. Tilge, Höchster, meine Sünden, BWV 1083. Score, Leipzig, c.1745. Accessed 10 March 2020. http://imslp.org. ———. Tilge, Höchster, meine Sünden, BWV 1083. Stuttgart: Carus-Verlag, 1992. Beer, Johann. “Schola phonologia.” Modern edition in: Johann Beer. Sämtliche Werke, vol. 12/ii, edited by Michael Heinemann. Bern: Peter Lang, 2005. Translated in Stephen Rose. Musical Authorship from Schütz to Bach. Musical Performance and Reception. 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