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1
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THE HISTORIANS'
HISTORY
OF THE WORLD
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RANKE
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Title-page designed ano ehgraveo
er Tiffany & Co, new yorr
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Pl'Jil.ir i.iijhaky
237020B
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Mc^actv^ i'^LcLT^eil tbhA StW^L
Copybight, 1904, 1907
BY HENBY SMITH WILLIAMS
ALL BIGHTS U8BEYKB
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VOLUME XIV
THE NETHERLANDS (CONCLUDED); THE GERMANIC
EMPIRE
43X 30 3
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I
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Contributors, and Editorial Revisers
Prof. Adolf Erman, University of Berlin.
Ftot . Joseph Hal6vy, College of France.
Prof. Thomas K. Cheyne, Oxford University.
Pfcof. Andrew 0. McLaughlin, XJniTersity of Chicago.
Prof. David H. Mailer, University of Vienna.
Prof. Alfred Rambaud, University of Paris.
Oapt F. Brinkley, Tokio.
Prof. Ednard Meyer, University of Berlin.
Dr. James T. Shotwell, Columbia University.
Pfcof. Theodor Ndldeke, University of Strasburg.
Prof. Albert B. Hart, Harvard University.
Dr. Paul Brdnnle, Royal Asiatic Society.
Dr. James Gairdner, C.B., London.
Ptof. Ulrich von Wilamowita MSllendorff, University of Berlin.
Prof. H. Marczali, University of Budapest
Dr. G. W. Botsford, Columbia University.
Prof. Julius Wellhausen, University of Gdttingen.
Prof. Franz R. von Kronee, University of Graa.
Prof. Wilhelm Soltau, Zabern University.
Prof. R. W. Sogers, Drew Theological Seminary.
Prot A. Vambfiry, University of Budapest
Prof. Otto Hirschfeld, University of Berlin.
Dr. Frederick Robertson Jones, Bryn Mawr College.
Baron Bernardo di San Severino Quaranta, London.
Dr. John P. Peters, New York.
Prof. Adolph Harnack, University of Berlin.
Dr. A. S. Rappoport, School of Oriental Languages, Paris.
Prof. Hermann Diels, University of Berlin.
Prof. C. W. C. Oman, Oxford University.
Prof. W. L. Fleming, Louisiana State University.
Prof. I. Goldziher, University of Budapest.
Print* invuumud stat*. Prof . R. Koser, University of Berlin.
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CONTENTS
VOLUME XIV
THE NETHERLANDS
CHAPTER XVI
PAG*
Holland from 1722 to 1815 1
Danger to the dikes, 2. War with France, 2. William IV declared stadholder,
3. Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 5. The regencies of Anne and Ernst of Brunswick, 6.
Holland during the American revolution, 8. Treaty of Utrecht broken, 9. England
declares war, 10. Loss of the Dutch colonies and commerce, 11. Party quarrels, 12.
The revolution of 1785-1787, 12. The French Revolution, 15. The French conquest,
16. The flight of the stadholder, 19. The Batavian republic, 20. Louis Bonaparte's
account of his accession, 23. Reign of Louis Bonaparte, 24. Absorption of Holland
in the French empire, 24. The continental system, 25. The revolution of 1813, 26.
Holland and Belgium united, 28. Holland's part in the great alliance, 29. Consoli-
dation of the Netherlands, 30.
CHAPTER XVII
Belgium from 1648 to 1815 32
France in control, 33. Belgium the battle-ground of Europe, 33. Condition of
the country, 35. The army, 36. The arts, 37. Belgium becomes "The Austrian
Netherlands," 38. Spoliation and ruin of Belgium, 39. The war of the Austrian
succession, 40. Beneficial result of Maria Theresa's reign, 42. Joseph II and his
attempts at reform, 43. The Brabantine revolution of 1787-1789, 44. Belgium dur-
ing the French revolution, 46.
CHAPTER XVni
Belgium singe 1815 48
Belgian discontent, 49. Imitation of the French revolution of 1830, 50. The
Belgians secure independence, 53. Leopold I, king of the Belgians, 54. Leopold
H and the socialist advance, 56. Division in liberal party — advance of socialism, 56.
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CHAPTER XIX
faoi
Holland since 1815 59
The ministries of Thorhecke, 61. De Amicis on court life in Holland, 63. Last
years of William III, 63. A new constitution ; and a regency, 65. Accession of
Queen Wilhelmina, 66.
Brief Reference-List of Authorities bt Chapters 68
A General Bibliography of the History of the Netherlands . . 71
A Chronological Summary of the History of the Netherlands . . 75
PAET XVIII. THE HISTORY OF THE GERMANIC
EMPIRES
BOOK I. THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
CHAPTER I
The Hohenstaufens (1125-1190 a.d.) .... 89
Lothair II, 90. Conrad HI, von Hohenstaufen, 90. The crusade of Conrad the
Third, 93. Accession of Frederick Barharossa, 95. Frederick in Rome, 97. The sec-
ond visit to Italy, 99. War against the Italian cities, 100. The formation of the
Lombard League, 101. Defection of Henry the Lion, 102. Frederick again in Italy,
103. The Peace of Constance, 106. Barharossa's crusade and death, 106.
CHAPTER n
The Last of the Hohenstaufens (1190-1273 a.d.) . . .110
Henry VI, 110. The war in Sicily, 111. Civil wars for the crown, 112. Otto
excommunicated, 113. Frederick II, 113. The emperor gains Jerusalem, 114.
Frederick returns to Europe, 115. Rival monarchs : Henry Raspe and William of
Holland, 117. Minor wars and the Prussian crusade, 118 Frederick's extraordinary
mind, 120. Estimates of Frederick, 121. Conrad the Fourth, 124. Manfred, 124.
William of Holland, 126. Conradin, 128. Disintegration of imperial power, 130.
CHAPTER in
A Review of the Empire (1125-1273 a.d.) .... 13*
The German constitution, 132. The electoral college, 135. The cities, 138. Con-
dition of the common people, 140. Barbarism of the period, 141. The art and litera-
ture of the period, 144. Famous tales, 145.
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CONTENTS ix
CHAPTER IV
FA.QX
The Readjustment of Germany (1273-1347 a.d.) .' . .148
Rudolf of Habsburg, 149. The Chronicle of Kolmar, 150. The battle of March-
feld, 155. The administration of Rudolf, 156. Personal traits of Rudolf, 157. Adol-
phus of Nassau, 158. Albert I, 160. Imperial aggressions, 162. The chronicle con-
cerning John the Parricide, 163. Henry VII, the Luxemburger, 165. Henry is crowned
emperor, and dies in Italy, 166. Civil broils, 167. Rivalry of Habsburg and Wit-
telsbach, 169. Ludwig of Bavaria and Frederick of Austria, 169. The battle of
Muhldorf , 171. New dissensions, 172. The reign of Ludwig the Bavarian, 173. The
Electoral League, 175. The death of Ludwig ; his character and policy, 177.
CHAPTER V
Charles IV to Sigismund in (1346-1437 a.d.) . . .179
The domestic policy of Charles IV, 180. The Golden Bull, 181. The condition
of Germany under Charles, 184. The Hansa, 186. The Swabian League, 188. The
growing power of cities, 188. Wenceslaus, 191. Civil wars, 193. Rupert, 194.
The Church and Bohemia, 195. Race conflict in Bohemia, 197. The doctrines of
Huss, 199. Sigismund chosen emperor, 199. The trial of Huss, 202. Renewal of
the trial, 204. The death of Huss, 205. Dissolution of the council, 207. Social dis-
content, 207. Ecclesiastical interference, 208. Sigismund's invasion of Bohemia,
210. Condition of Germany during Sigismund's reign, 211. Germany and the
council of Bale, 212. The coronation of Sigismund, 212. Civil war and battle of
Iipan, 213. Death of Sigismund, 213. Hohenzollern and Habsburg, 214.
CHAPTER VI
Albert II, Frederick III, and Maximilian I (1438-1519 a.d.) . 216
Frederick HI, 218. Frederick's misgovernment in Germany, 220. The revival
of Habsburg power, 221. Grunbeck's description of Frederick's old age, 222. Death
of Frederick, 226. Ranke on the altered character of the empire, 227. The domi-
nance of papal authority, 228. State of Germany in the middle of the fifteenth cen-
tury, 230. The cities, 232. Private warfare, 234. The reign of Maximilian I, 237.
The diet of Cologne, 240. The separation of Switzerland, 241. Other wars, 242.
Ranke's estimate of Maximilian, 245.
CHAPTER VII
Charles V and the Reformation (1519-1546 a.d.) . . . 248
The appearance of Martin Luther, 252. Luther's own account of Tetzel and his
indulgences, 252. A modern view of Tetzel (Lea), 253. Luther rouses opposition,
254. Luther becomes a heretic, 255. Luther defies excommunication and proceeds
to Worms, 256. Luther at the Wartburg, 257. Luther's power increases, 259. The
peasants' revolt, 259. Luther's marriage, 264. Religious leagues and the diet of
Spires, 266. New diet of Speier (1529 a.d.) and the name u Protestants," 266. Con-
ference of Marburg, 267. The trend of political events ; the Augsburg confession,
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268. The Augsburg confession, 269. Ferdinand chosen King of the Romans, 270.
The spread of Protestantism ; the Anabaptists, 271. External affairs of Charles V,
273. Internal condition of Germany, 277. The new Penal Code of 1532, 279. The
emperor and the Smalkaldic League, 281. The death of Luther, 284. Luther's limi-
tations, 284. Luther's personality, 285. Luther and his Protestant biographers, 286.
Critical views of Luther, 287. Luther's genius, 287.
CHAPTER VIII
A Dissolving Empire (1546-1618 a.d.) . . . .289
Maurice of Saxony, 291. The Smalkaldic War opens, 294. Surrender of the
cities, 297. The battle of Muhlberg, 299. The fate of the elector of Saxony, 300.
The council removes from Trent, 304. The •' Interim," 305. The elector Maurice
deserts the emperor, 308. The Treaty of Passau, 311. Paul IV, 313. Russian ag-
gressions, 314. The abdication and death of Charles V, 315. Ferdinand I, 316.
Maximilian II, 318. Rudolf II, 320. The Protestant League, 322. The Catholic
League, 324. The house of Habsburg, 326. Conflict between Rudolf and Matthias,
827. Matthias emperor, 327.
CHAPTER IX
The Thirty Years' War (1618-1648 a.d.) . . .829
The war in Bohemia and the Palatinate, 331. The power of the Habsburgs
threatened, 332. Restoration of the Roman Catholic religion, 334. The outlawed
elector palatine and his champions, 335. Successes of Tilly, 336. Maximilian's
record, 337. Imperial victories and foreign interference, 338. The rise of Wallen-
stein, 339. The death of Mansfeld, 341. Wallenstein's power, 341. The edict of
restitution, 343. The dismissal of Wallenstein, 344. Gustavus Adolphus, 346. The
capture of Magdeburg described by Schiller, 349. Tilly meets Gustavus, 352. Battle
of Breitenfeld, or Leipsic, 353. The siege of Nuremberg, 355. The withdrawal of
Gustavus Adolphus, 356. The battle of Lutzen (November 16th, 1632), 357. The
death of Gustavus Adolphus, 358. The renewed attack, 359. The death of Pappen-
heim; Wallenstein retreats, 360. The war continues, 362. Wallenstein murdered,
364. The battle of Nordlingen, 365. The Peace of Prague, 367. The defeat of the
French, 369. Death of Ferdinand II, 370. Accession of Ferdinand III, 372. The
Treaty of Hamburg, 373. Victories of Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar, 374. Capture of
Laufenburg, 375. Siege of Breisach, 376. The treachery of France, 378. The death
of Bernhard, 379. Last ten years of the Thirty Years' War, 379. Torstenson suc-
ceeds Baner, 380. Wrangel succeeds Torstenson, 381. The Peace of Westphalia,
CHAPTER X
Neither Holy, nor Roman, nor Empire (1648-1748 a.d.)' . .386
Death of Ferdinand IH, 390. The Great Elector, 391. Ill-treatment of the
imperial cities, 393. The loss of Strasburg, 394. A disgraceful peace, 395. Vienna
besieged by the Turks, 396. French depredations, 398. The League of Augsburg,
399. The Peace of Ryswick, 402. German princes on foreign thrones, 403. Out-
break of the war of the Spanish succession, 405. Louis XIV and Prince Eugene, 406.
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The alliance of England, Holland, and Austria, 408. Battles of Donau worth and
Blenheim, 409. Death of Leopold I ; accession of Joseph I, 410. Marlborough in
the Netherlands; Eugene in Italy, 411. Further successes of Eugene and Marlbor-
ough, 414. Recall of Marlborough ; accession of Charles VI, 415. The Peace of
Utrecht, 416. The Barrier Treaty, 417. Eugene's campaign against the Turks, 419.
Capture of Belgrade ; Peace of Passarowitz, 421. Charles VI and the new political
equilibrium, 422. Death of Charles VI ; accession of Maria Theresa, 424. The attack
on Maria Theresa's heritage, 425. The war of the Austrian succession, 426. The
first Sileaian war, 427. Maria Theresa calls the Hungarians to arms, 428. The Peace
of Breslau, 431. The general war continues, 431. The second Silesian war, 432.
The allies in Italy, 432. The French in Germany and Belgium, 433. The Peace of
Aachen ; changes wrought by the war, 434.
CHAPTER XI
The Later Years of Maria Theresa (1748-1780 a.d.) . . 436
The Treaty of Versailles, 437. The Seven Years' War, 441. The campaign of
1756, 441. The campaign of 1757, 441. The campaign of 1758, 442. The campaign
of 1759, 443. The campaign of 1760, 443. The last campaign (1761-1762), 444. The
result and significance of the Seven Years 9 War, 444. Joseph II as co-regent, 447.
Joseph H attempts reforms, 449. The first partition of Poland, 452. Belgrade, Bos-
nia, and Servia, 453. Provisions made by the Treaty of Partition, 455. Maria
Theresa and religion, 456. The dissolution of the Jesuits, 456. Austria and the
Bavarian succession, 458. The Potato War, 459. The Peace of Teschen, 460. The
close of Maria Theresa's reign, 461. Estimates of Maria Theresa, 461.
CHAPTER XH
Joseph the Enlightened (1780-1790 a.d.) . . . .466
The tolerance edict, 466. Protestantism in Bohemia, 468. The Jews, 469. Joseph
the man, 470. Joseph the administrator, 472. Joseph's ecclesiastical policy, 474.
The resistance of the Austrian Netherlands, 475. The "Joyous Entry," 477. The
emperor returns from the Crimea, 480. The resistance of Hungary, 482. Joseph's
visit to Catherine, 485. Victories over the Turks, 487. Revolt of the Austrian
Netherlands, 488. Concessions to Hungary, 488. Death of Joseph II, 489.
. CHAPTER XHI
The Fall of the Empire (1790-1806 a.d.) . . . .491
The Treaty of Reichenbach, 492. The Porte, 494. Pacification of Hungary and
Belgium, 497. Political state of Austrian dominions on Leopold's accession, 498.
Leopold H. conciliates the provinces, 500. Leopold and the French Revolution,
502. The foreign policy of Leopold H, 504. Accession of Francis n, 505. France
declares war on Austria, 506. Thugut's policy of expansion, 508. Campaigns of
1794, 508. The defection of Prussia, 509. The third partition of Poland, 510.
Campaigns of 1795 and 1796, 511. The first campaign of the archduke Charles, 513.
Personalities and cliques in the nineties, 515. Personal traits of Archduke Charles,
516. Public sentiment in Austria, 519. The archduke Charles in Italy, 520. The
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Peace of Campo-Formio (October 17th, 1797), 523. The peace congress at Rastatt, 524.
The Rastatt murder, 525. Rhine and Italian campaigns of 1798 and 1799, 527.
Bernadotte's tricolour, 528. The Tyrol and Italy, 530. Dissension among the allies.
531. Two imperial titles, 533. The third coalition against France, 536. The battle
of Austerlitz (December 2nd, 1805), 537. The Peace of Presburg (December 26th,
1805), 538. Francis II abdicates the imperial crown, 538.
Brief Reference-List of Authorities by Chapters 540
BOOK H. THE EMPIRE OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
Introduction 548
The Austrian retrospect, 543. The Hungarian retrospect, 548.
CHAPTER I
Shaking off the Napoleonic Yoke (1806-1815 a.d.) . . 551
The archduke Charles and army reform, 552. The campaign of 1809 begins,
553. The battle of Essling, or Gross- Aspern (May 21st-22nd, 1809), 553. Battle of
Wagram (July 5th-6th, 1809), 555. The decay of patriotism in Austria (October,
1809), 556. Treaty of Schonbrunn, or Vienna (October, 1809), 558. Metternich and
the significance of the Peace of Schdnbrunn, 560. Napoleon marries an Austrian
archduchess, 561. The struggle in the Tyrol, 562. State bankruptcy, 564. Increasing
aggressions of Napoleon, 568. Austria in the Russian campaign of 1812, 569. The
War of Liberation, and Austria's armed intervention, 570. The defeat of the allies
at Lutzen, 572. The congress of Prague, 574. The allies under Austrian leadership,
574. The battle of Dresden (August 26th-27th, 1813), 575. Battle of Leipsic, or
Battle of the Nations, 576. Austrian successes in Italy; the overthrow of Napoleon,
576. The congress of Vienna, 577. The war with Napoleon renewed, 579. The final
overthrow of Napoleon, 580. The new Austria, and the German Confederation, 580.
Metternich's policy, 582.
CHAPTER H
From the Peace of Paris to the March Revolution (1815-1848 a.d.) 585
The Neapolitan and Sardinian revolts, 587. The events of 1821-1832, 588. The
fate of Napoleon H, 589. The destruction of the government of Parma, 592. Progress
under Francis I, 594. The growth of nationalities, 596. Government by the Staats-
konferenz, 598. The old machine and the new times, 598. War in the Levant, 598.
Metternich's oriental policy, 599. The revolt in Galicia, 601. The prelude to the
revolution of 1848, 603. The Legal and Political Literary Club, 605. Baron Andrian's
pamphlet, 607. The estimates of Bohemia and Lower Austria in the forties, 608.
The growth of opposition in Hungary, 609. The transformation of the Hungarian
opposition, 611. Louis Kossuth, 613. The death of the archduke Joseph, 616. The
storm draws near, 617. The revolution of February and the Viennese statesmen, 619.
The beginnings of concession, 620. The March revolution, 622. The students 9
petition, 622. The thirteenth of March, 623. The mob, 625. The retirement of
Metternich, 627. The grant of a constitution, 628. A separate government granted
to Hungary, 629. The flight of Metternich, 629. Character and end of the March
revolution, 631. A contemporary estimate, 631. Lohner's estimate, 632.
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CHAPTER in
Reaction and Revolt (1848-1860 a.d.) . 636
The revolution at its height, 636. The " Fundamental Law of the Empire," 638.
The flight of the emperor (May 1848), 639. Suppression of the Prague revolution
(June, 1848), 639. Radetzky saves Lombardo-Venetia, 641. The battle of Custozza
(July, 1848), 644. The Viennese revolution suppressed, 646. The battle of Schwechat,
647. The rehabilitation, 648. The Hungarian war, 651. The Hungarian defeat at
Kapolna, 663. Hungarian successes (February-June, 1849), 664. Kossuth proclaims
Hungary independent (April 14th, 1849), 656. The Russians aid Austria, 666.
Gttrgey surrenders at Vilagos (August, 1849), 657. The punishment of Hungary, 668.
Radetzky's campaign against Sardinia, 668. Battle of Novara, 659.
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CHAPTER XVI
HOLLAND FROM 1722 TO 1815
During a period of thirty years following the Treaty of Utrecht, the
republic enjoyed the unaccustomed blessing of profound peace. While the
discontents of the Austrian Netherlands on the subject of the Barrier-Treaty
were in debate, the quadruple alliance was formed between Holland, England,
France, and the emperor for reciprocal aid against all enemies, foreign and
domestic. It was in virtue of this treaty that the pretender to the English
throne received orders to remove from France; and the states-general about
the same time arrested the Swedish ambassador, Baron von Gortz, whose
intrigues excited some suspicion.
The death of Louis XIV had once more changed the political system of
Europe; and the commencement of the eighteenth century was fertile in
negotiations and alliances in which we have at present but little direct interest.
The rights of the republic were in all instances respected; and Holland did
not cease to be considered as a power of the first distinction and consequence.
The establishment of an East India company at Ostend, by the emperor
Charles VI, in 1722, was the principal cause of disquiet to the United rrov-
inces, and the most likely to lead to a rupture. But, by the Treaty of Hanover
in 1726, the rights of Holland resulting from the Treaty of Munster were
guaranteed; and in consequence the emperor abolished the company of his
creation, by the Treaty of Seville in 1729, and that of Vienna in 1731.
The peace which now reigned in Europe allowed the United Provinces to
direct their whole efforts towards the reform of those internal abuses resulting
from feudality and fanaticism. Confiscations were reversed, and property
was secured throughout the republic. It received into its protection the
persecuted sectarians of France, Germany, and Hungary; and the tolerant
wisdom which it exercised in these measures gives the best assurance of its
justice and prudence in one of a contrary nature, forming a solitary exception
to them. This was the expulsion of the Jesuits, whose dangerous and
U4- H. W. — VOL. XIV. B 1
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2 THE HISTOEY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1782-1747 JL.D.J
destructive doctrines had been long a warrant for this salutary example to
the Protestant states of Europe.^
DANGER TO THE DIKES
About this time the destruction of a large portion, at least, of the wealthy
and populous provinces of Holland and Zealand, which Louis XIV, in the
zenith of his power, had been unable to effect, was well nigh brought about
by a very tiny agent. The dikes, which for three centuries had been formed
of beams and pile-work, were discovered in 1732 in Walcheren and North
Holland to be in a state of complete decay, in consequence of the attacks
of the small marine worm called the Pholas, supposed to have been brought
in the ships from the East and West Indies. This insect, by means of the
horny shell of its head, furnished with a sharp edge like a saw, is able to
hollow out the hardest wood, and even stone, and had been for some time
committing its destructive ravages unperceived. The dread that the storms
of winter would arrive while the dikes were thus incapable of resistance, and
the country be overwhelmed by the sea, was so great in the minds of all men
that public prayers were offered up in the churches to the Almighty to avert
the evil. Their alarms, however, proved groundless; and the danger to
which they had been exposed was, by the ingenuity and industry of the
people, productive of a permanent benefit; since it gave rise to the discovery
of a mode of covering the pile-work with a facing of earth, and flint and granite
stones, which not only protected it from the worm, but rendered the dike
firmer against the assaults of the waves.
About this time the long-pending suit between the King of Prussia and
the Prince of Orange-Nassau, concerning the inheritance of William III, was
compromised; the cession of the principality of Orange made to the King of
France at the Peace of Utrecht was confirmed, the prince being at liberty to
give the name of Orange to any one of his estates, and continue to bear the
title and arms of that principality.
The peace of Europe was once more disturbed in 1733. Poland, Germany,
France, and Spain were all embarked in the new war. Holland and England
stood aloof; and another family alliance of great consequence drew still
closer than ever the bonds of union between them. The young prince of
Orange, who in 1728 had been elected stadholder of Groningen and Gelder-
land, in addition to that of Friesland which had been enjoyed by his father,
had in the year 1734 married the princess Anne, daughter of George II of
England; and by thus adding to the consideration of the house of Nassau
had opened a field for the recovery of all its old distinctions/*
WAR WITH FRANCE
In 1743 the states joined England in supporting the claims of Maria
Theresa*, queen of Hungary, and fell consequently into complications with
France, which invaded the barrier country. In 1744 they granted a subsidy
in money and put twenty thousand men in the field, and became a member
of the quadruple alliance with Austria, England, and Saxony. In 1745 the
provinces took their part in the rout of Fontenoy, after which Marshal Saxe
overran the Austrian Netherlands, while England and Holland were alike
paralysed by the Jacobite rising in Scotland. The states lost every barrier-
town, and lay defenceless before the French, who in 1747 entered Dutch
Flanders and made an easy conquest.
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HOLLAND FROM 1722 TO 1815 3
[1747 AJ>.]
WILLIAM IV DECLARED STADHOLDER (1747)
And now the Orange party, supported by English aid, began to lift its
head. The provinces had fallen so low that all men began to wsh for a
dictator. Accordingly Prince William Charles Henry Friso was proclaimed
stadholder, captain and admiral-general of Zealand, at Terveer, under the
title of William IV. The movement thus begun spread like wildfire; all
Zealand accepted him with enthusiasm, and Holland was not far behind;
even at Amsterdam and the Hague the popular feeling was too strong to be
resisted, and the government had to give way. William IV became captain
and admiral-general of the whole union, and stadholder of the seven provinces;
a little later these offices were declared hereditary in both male and female
lines.**
This change, completed within a week, was unattended by bloodshed;
and the prince of Orange, having been proclaimed by the towns separately,
was unanimously declared by the states of Holland, " in consideration of the
troubled state of affairs, and in order, by the blessing of God, to deliver the
country from the difficult and dangerous situation in which it is placed,
stadholder, captain and admiral-general of the province." ^ The Orange flag
was hoisted on all the public buildings in the voting towns, and the event
was celebrated with bell-ringing, illuminations, the discharge of artillery,
and every demonstration of the most extravagant joy.
The manner in which the prince received the notification of his appoint-
ment contributed much to confirm the good opinion entertained of him, by
a large number of the inhabitants of the United Provinces. He declared
that he congratulated himself on his advancement, which appeared to tend
to the honour of God, and the welfare of his beloved country; and that it
gave him the greatest satisfaction to reflect that it had pleased the Almighty
to permit a work whereon he appeared to have set his seal, to be concluded
as it began, without being defiled by a single drop of blood. He immediately,
on the invitation of the states, repaired to the Hague, where, on his arrival,
he found himself already appointed captain and admiral-general of the union.
Utrecht and Overyssel quickly followed the example of Holland and Zealand;
and thus William IV became stadholder of all the seven provinces — a dignity
never yet enjoyed by any of his predecessors.
This resolution was followed by the more important one which wholly
deprived the states of their ancient dignity and lustre, and left the constitution
of the United Provinces a republic in little else but the name. The states of
Holland now took the lead in passing the decree that the offices of stadholder,
captain, and admiral-general should be continued in the direct heirs of the
prince of Orange forever, in the male and female line, professing the reformed
religion, as taught in the churches of the United Provinces; except in case, as
regarded male heirs, they should become possessed of royal or electoral dignity.
If the succession devolved on a female, she was to exercise the office of stad-
holder under the name of governess, and to enjoy likewise those of captain and
admiral-general, with a sitting in the council of state and the colleges of the
admiralty, and to be empowered to name an efficient commander of the troops
in time of war; she was bound not to marry but with the consent of the states
— otherwise her issue was ineligible to inherit. During the minority of the
stadholder, the provinces were to be governed by the mother of the infant.
The hereditary stadholderate was soon after conferred by the states of the other
provinces on William, with the same authority as it had been held by William
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4 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1747 A.D.]
HI, except in Friesland and Groningen, where this measure was not carried
till a subsequent period.
In this revolution we may remark the effects of the strong natural bias by
-which the populace of Holland, in common with that of every nation in every
age, has constantly been inclined towards the government of a single head.
Here, as ever, the advocates of a more liberal constitution were found among
the wealthy, the educated, and the reflecting portion of the community; and
it was upon this comparatively small class of persons that the states and
municipal governments had to rely chiefly for support; the majority having
been induced to acquiesce in the existing order of things, only m proportion
as they enjoyed personal ease and happiness under it. No sooner, therefore,
did the hour of adversity and privation arrive, than the municipal governments
found numbers and physical strength arrayed against them; while their sole
arm of defence lay in the schuttery, or burgher-guard, which, though nomi-
nally under their command, was composed, in so large a proportion, of a class of
persons favourable to the opposite party as to render it, if not hostile, at best
little to be depended on. Accordingly, on the first appearance of actual force
or violence, the municipal governments, destitute of all means of resisting
such, at once and necessarily fell; and this serves to account, as well for the
rapidity with which changes were affected in Holland as for the. absence of
bloodshed which usually marked their progress.
We have already had occasion to observe on the anomalies existing in the
office of stadholder, as combined with those of captain and admiral-general.
Still more striking did these anomalies become when functions so important
and multifarious as to be duly fulfilled by none but a man of mature age and
experience, and possessed of more than common skill in military and political
affairs, were liable to fall into the hands of a female or an infant: and when no
provision was made to prevent an authority which, if administered unfaith-
fully, might be used to the destruction of the liberties of the nation; and if
inefficiently, involved danger to its very existence, from coming into the pos-
session of a tyrant, a madman, or an idiot.
Another capital error into which the states had allowed themselves to bo
hurried by the violence of popular commotion was that, with the virtually royal
authority they conferred on their minister, they permitted him, also, many of
the insignia of royalty. As captain-general, he issued the " patents" or orders
of march to the troops, and the soldiers took an oath of obedience to him, as
well as to the states; in his name were pronounced the sentences of the courts-
martial, which he annulled or modified at his pleasure; his arms were on the
military standards; he alone received the salute; he was constantly sur-
rounded by a military guard. The stadholder and his family were prayed for
in the churches; his birthday was celebrated with public rejoicing; he received
every morning from the president of the states-general an account of the mat-
ters to be deliberated in that assembly, and from the pensionary of Holland
the like, with regard to the states of the provinces; and a particular gate at the
Hague, leading to the court-house, was reserved for him and his family,
through which the members of the states themselves never ventured to pass.
Thus the name and right of sovereignty alone remained with the states; the
power and dignities were lodged in their subjects. Hence arose a perpetual and
dangerous confusion in the public mind as to which was, in fact, the sovereign.
The soldiery, especially the foreign troops, were accustomed to look up to
him alone as their real master, who had the distribution of offices, and rewards
and punishments at his disposal, and to whom they saw military honours paid;
and were inclined to obey him! rather than the states to whom they really
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HOLLAND FEOM 1722 TO 1815 5
p?47-1743 A.D.]
belonged. The captain-general had thus the power of turning the forces of the
state against the state itself, and subjugating it with its own army. The popu-
lace also readily adopted the error of imagining that he who was adorned with
the outward trappings enjoyed the reality of sovereignty, and were led to con-
sider every instance of its exercise on the part of the states as an assumption of
powers which did not belong to them, and to resent such as an injury com-
mitted against their lawful ruler; while foreign nations, falling into the same
mistake, were apt to look on the attempts made at different times to restrain
the exorbitant authority of the stadholder not as a withdrawal by the sov-
ereign of powers from a subject that had become dangerous to the state, but as
acts of rebellion and encroachments on a legitimate prerogative, royal in every-
thing but the name. On such occasions, therefore, the cause of the stadholder
became the common cause of kings ; and
the neighbouring monarchs were always
found ready to assist him in crushing
his opponents, and regaining all the
privileges he claimed, no matter how
unconstitutional, or however glaringly
usurped.
It was the expressed opinion of
one of the wisest of their statesmen,
the pensionary Slingelandt, that the
abuses then existing in the constitu-
tion would, if suffered to continue, tend
to give the stadholder absolute power;
and that they ought to be reformed
either by substituting a majority or
two-thirds in the states, in place of
the unanimity required in public meas-
ures; or by entering into an amicable
treaty with the prince of Orange to con-
fer on him the stadholderate, with strict William iv <mi-i76i>
limitations for the security of public lib-
erty. Had the passions and prejudices of the opponents of the prince been less
strong, or could they have resolved to sacrifice their party spirit to the welfare
of their country so far as to follow this advice, they might have found in the
office of stadholder a source of benefit and a principle of stability to the con-
stitution.
That some such modification of the government had long been absolutely
requisite to the prosperity and happiness of the United Provinces was a fact
beyond all question. Selfish, luxurious, and intent upon gain, as the Dutch
had become, it was impossible to deny that they were no longer fitted for the
difficult task of sustaining a free constitution; that the labour, watchfulness,
and self-denial it requires had now grown irksome to them; that they no
longer considered what kind of government was most conducive to virtue, to
the strength and glory of their country, or most likely to transmit liberty and
happiness to their posterity, but what would procure for them the largest
shire of security and ease in the acquisition or enjoyment of their wealths
TREATY OF ATX-LA-CHAPELLE
The ^ear 1748 saw the termination of the brilliant campaigns of Louis XV
during his bloody war of eight years' continuance. The Treaty of Aix-la-
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6 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1748-1759 A.D.]
Chapelle (Aachen), definitively signed on the 18th of October, put an end to
hostilities: Maria Theresa was established in her rights and power; and Europe
saw a fair balance of the nations, which gave promise of security and peace.
But the United Provinces, when scarcely recovering from struggles which had
so checked their prosperity, were employed in new and universal grief and
anxiety by the death of their young stadholder, which happened at the Hague,
October 13th, 1751. l His son, William V, aged but three years and a half,
succeeded him, under the guardianship of his mother, Anne of England,
daughter of George II, a princess represented to be of a proud and ambitious
temper, who immediately assumed a high tone of authority in the state. 6
THE REGENCIES OF ANNE AND ERNST OF BRUNSWICK
The princess Anne, daughter of Geoige II of England, retained the dignity
of hereditary stadholder from the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle till her death in
1759; from this period Ludwig Ernst of Brunswick, who had been associated
with her in the government since 1748 as guardian of her son William V,
remained by virtue of this guardianship at the head of the war department by
sea and land. The duties of the stadholder devolved upon the states of the
separate provinces. By this means the aristocratic republican party in Hol-
land, called the patriotic party, obtained a very considerable increase of influ-
ence, particularly in the province of Holland, where Amsterdam exceeded all
the other towns in influence, both in the provincial parliaments and in the
states-general. In Amsterdam public opinion was decidedly against the gov-
ernment, for two reasons: the old anti-Orange party, called the Louvestein
party, still existed there; and besides, it was observed with grief, in Amster-
dam as well as elsewhere, that commerce and trade, navigation and naval
power, were passing from Holland to England, and the government was blamed
for what was merely the effect of circumstances. All ranks, however, were
discontented with the prince of Brunswick and his partiality towards England.
Even before the death of the widow of William IV, many discussions had
arisen between the states and Duke Ludwig Ernst: since 1759 these discus-
sions had never ceased. The English, during Anne's lifetime, had taken
advantage of that princess's relation to the king of England, and of the neglect
of the Dutch navy, which was partly caused by Anne's confidence in the
friendship of England and partly by the eternal dissensions with particular
provinces, to restrict the commerce of Holland, and to extend their own power
at sea. They even violated the express treaties by which the right of the
Dutch to neutral trade was recognised, immediately after the commencement
of the Seven Years' War between them and the French in America. They
declared all commerce with the French West Indies illegal, ship-timber and
other materials for ship-building contraband, and in the year 1756 alone cap-
tured fifty-six Dutch ships which had violated the laws so arbitrarily laid
[' His benevolence, liberality, affability, and placable though choleric temper, rendered him
greatly beloved ; and it was thought, and perhaps justly, that if he had taken all the advantage
he might have done of the popular feeling in his favour, at the time of his elevation to the
stadholderate, he would have been able to obtain an absolute authority. But he constantly
showed himself averse to the adoption of any violent or illegal measures to this effect ; and,
according to Cerisier, on one of his courtiers remarking upon his moderation, and that any other
prince would seize the opportunity of manifesting his resentment against his opponents,
" Resentment ! " he answered quickly, "I have none, except against those who offer me such
counsel." His zeal for the welfare of his country, though not always tempered with judgment,
and still more rarely guided by penetration in the choice of his ministers, was deep and sincere.
Accordingly, the memory of none of their stadholders, except Frederick Henry and William I
was ever cherished by the Dutch with so great or so well-deserved affection. ]
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HOLLAND FEOM 1722 TO 1815 7
[1750-1778 A.D.]
down. In the year 1758 the Dutch merchants represented to the states-
general, that during the short period since the commencement of the war
between the French and English they had lost upwards of twelve millions of
florins.
Duke Ludwig Ernst might certainly have made better preparations and
have acted with greater energy. This was so much the more the duty of a
captain and admiral-general, as actual naval combats took place whenever
the Dutch men-of-war which were conveying the merchant-vessels fell in
with English cruisers or men-of-war. It was computed that, up to the date
of the Peace of Paris, at least a dozen Dutch ships in each year were adjudged
to be fair prizes by the English admiralty court, according to the one-sided
English law.
After the end of the Seven Years' War, or rather, since the death of the
princess Anne (1759), the internal dissensions in the Netherlands had been
very much increased by the personal character of the duke and his anti-
republican tendencies. Ludwig Ernst, who was conceited and fond of
power, increased the natural incapacity of the young prince by the kind of
education which he caused to be given to him and made him dependent on
himself by means of a secret and consequently illegal and unconstitutional
agreement. He was unable indeed to conceal from the knowledge of his
numerous enemies this act, to which he caused his ward to subscribe on his
coming of age, although its actual contents were not discovered till a con-
siderable time afterwards.
When the prince attained his majority in 1766 he had a powerful party
against him, as well in the states-general as in the parliaments of the several
provinces: the magistrates of the powerful towns had almost all become
anti-Orange during the administration of Ludwig Ernst; the young prince
therefore believed himself to be utterly helpless without the assistance of
the duke, and was confirmed in this opinion by Prussia and England. This
was the motive for the step which the prince took at the duke's instigation
— the entirely unwarrantable step of subjecting himself and his free state
to a foreign prince in order to retain the latter near his person. He drew
up and subscribed to an agreement (Acte van Consulentschap), according to
which he bound himself to follow the advice of his ex-guardian in all state
affairs. The only persons who knew of this agreement were the pensionary
of the council (minister of foreign affairs), the English ambassador, and two
chiefs of the Orange party: the others only guessed that such a contract
might exist.
Under these circumstances the result was such as might have been expected;
even the wisest and most reasonable propositions of the duke met with opposi-
tion in the separate states, where the aristocratic party had the majority,
whilst the lower classes were entirely devoted to the prince. As early as
1767 the duke wished to take measures to prevent the increasing loss of trade,
but was unable to succeed in his attempt; he endeavoured in 1769, 1770,
and 1771 to increase the naval and military force, at least as much as might
be necessary in order to retain everything in its then position, and to strengthen
the garrisons in the strongholds on the Belgian frontier; but each time he was
prevented by the pedlar spirit and little-mindedness of the states.
In 1773, when it was perceived that Spain, as well as France, was not only
making great preparations at sea, but was even creating an entirely new naval
force, equal to that of England in the number of ships of the line, the province
of Holland was desirous that its naval force also should be strengthened,
but at the same time resisted such a proposal of the government.
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8 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1778-1779 AJ>J
HOLLAND DURING THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
Because the English were aware that the Dutch were entirely unable
to fit out either a land or a sea force, or even to be of the same opinion con-
cerning any energetic measure, inasmuch as the Orange party and tne patriots
mutually distrusted each other, they allowed themselves not only to disturb
the Dutch timber trade, which ought to have been free according to the law
of nations, but also to violate express treaties with Holland. Notwithstand-
ing the advantages allowed to the Dutch over other nations by the treaty
of 1674, which the Peace of Utrecht had confirmed, the English enforced
their right of search with violence and by force of arms in the midst of peace.
The government and its partisans, consisting principally of the inhabitants
of some provinces, such as Zealand and Gelderland, where the prince had
large possessions, and of the Dutch nobility, were favourable to the English;
the Dutch towns, on the other hand, and particularly Amsterdam, were
inclined to a treaty with France and to the support of the American colonies
then in revolt. The prince in 1767 had married the niece of King Frederick
II of Prussia and the sister of his successor, Frederick William II; this princess
soon began to interfere in public affairs, because the prince was phlegmatic,
lazy, and helpless, and apparently always looked to England for support.
The influence of the princess was most felt in the states-general, and the
governments of several of the cities and provinces acted oftener on this
account in opposition to the government of the county.
The English were thus furnished with an opportunity of complaining,
that the province of Holland had given Paul Jones an asylum in the Texel,
that the Dutch island of St. Eustatius in the West Indies had become a
regular market for the North American trade, that an English frigate had
been taken almost under the guns of the island, and that English prizes were
sold there. 1
When the English coasts were threatened by the French and Spanish
fleets, the Dutch would not agree to their demand for a loan of the Scotch
Guards, which the prince would willingly have granted. This refusal particu-
larly displeased the English, because the pensionary of the province of Hol-
land and the two burgomasters of Amsterdam were known to be declared
republicans and friends of the French. The Amsterdam merchants were also
at this time intimately connected with the Americans, and however ill the
democratic Franklin might consider it his duty to speak of the plebeian aris-
tocracy of Holland, they had favoured the loans which the Americans had
raised on French security. The English therefore annoyed the Dutch in
many ways; they totally destroyed their timber trade, on the pretence that
timber might be used as building materials for ships of war, and hindered
their communication with the French West Indies by force. The Dutch,
on the other hand, to please the French, gave orders to all their ships to
avoid touching at Gibraltar, in order that the English there might not be
provided with supplies by means of Dutch vessels.
Whilst everything had the appearance of England being at silent feud
with Amsterdam and the province of Holland, but on the best understanding
1 It wiU be seen from Franklin's letters that whilst he was in Paris his official correspond*
ence went by way of St. Eustatius and Holland, as soon as war had been declared between
France and England. The whole conduct of the Dutch and their relation to the other powers
is very justly delineated by Franklin/ in a few words, in a letter of the 18th of June, 1780:
"Holland, offended by fresh insults from England, is arming vigorously. That nation has
madly brought itself into the greatest distress, and has not a friend in the world."
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HOLLAND FROM 1722 TO 1815 9
[1780 a J>.]
with the hereditary stadholder and the states-general, a circumstance hap-
pened, the necessary consequence of which was the interruption of the friendly
relation between the stadholder and the English, although the Dutch, on
account of the bad condition of their fleet and army, could not venture to
declare war. The Dutch rear-admiral Bylandt (Schvut by Nacht), with three
ships of the line and some frigates, was convoying a Dutch merchant fleet
destined for the Mediterranean; this fleet was joined, without Bylandt's
consent however, or any promise of protection on his part, by some ships
laden with building timber, or timber which the English considered as such
and liable to search, because they were conveying materials to the enemy.
The English captain, Fielding, with a small squadron, was ordered to follow
the vessels under Bylandt's convoy, to search them, and to capture all such
as should be laden with marine stores or with timber for ship-building.
He came up with the fleet in January, 1780. Bylandt, however, properly
refused to suffer the vessels to be searched, and only yielded when the Eng-
lish, who far exceeded him in numbers, actually fired upon them; he then
struck his flag, as if he had been captured during a war, and followed the
English squadron with his whole fleet, as if war had been actually declared
and commenced by them. He remained in the harbour whither they were
conducted as a prisoner of war, until he received further commands from
his government.
TREATY OF UTRECHT BROKEN
This circumstance gave rise to a violent diplomatic contest — an inter-
change of notes full of bitter reproaches and complaints on both sides; until
the English, who would gladly have been long since relieved of the treaty of
1674, and of the clause in the Peace of Utrecht which was so entirely opposed
to their naval law, declared that, if the Dutch did not comply with what
was required of them within a period of three weeks, they (the English)
would no longer consider themselves bound by particular treaties. When
the demands of the English were afterwards discussed in the states-general,
all the provinces except Zealand voted against compliance, and a declaration
of war was then expected; this, however, the English ministry did not yet
consider advisable. They wished merely to gain time; they did not wish
immediately to have a third war upon their hands, but to prevent the states,
miserly and vacillating as they knew them to be, from adopting the proposal
of the stadholder, that preparations should be immediately made, and at
the same time to prevent the party of the stadholder from entering forthwith
into the neutral alliance proposed by Russia; they therefore gave hopes of
the continuance of peace, but in reality pursued a hostile course of action.
The English first formally declared null and void the Treaty of Utrecht with
the Netherlands — by means of which the latter had a right to particular
advantages — in a statement made by them to the states-general; and then
issued a proclamation to the English people corresponding to the statement.
The Dutch rightly looked upon this one-sided abolition of maritime rights
which had existed for more than a hundred years as an act of injustice, pro-
ceeding rather from commercial jealousy than from political enmity, the
intention of which was entirely to suppress the Dutch trade and to deprive
the United Provinces of all the advantages of their neutrality; they deter-
mined, therefore, at least to arm.
The government required the states to furnish them with means for
raising the land army to about fifty thousand or sixty thousand men, and
for building fifty or sixty new ships of war to strengthen their fleet; and long
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10 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1780-1781 A.D.]
discussions and much contention were the consequences of this demand. At
length, after much squabbling and a great deal of bargaining, the demand
was entirely refused as regarded the land army, and only thirty-two ships
were allowed to be built. The patriotic party was therefore fully as negligent
and slothful, out of reliance on the French, as that of the house of Orange
was from confidence in England.
It was not until the 20th of November, 1780, that the Dutch resolved
to join the armed neutrality; the English therefore had time enough to fur-
nish the empress with a tolerable pretext for refusing the Dutch signature
to her treaty, which thus became of very little consequence to them.
ENGLAND DECLARES WAR (1780)
According to the extraordinary constitution of the republic, which con-
sisted of provinces united but in most things entirely independent of the
common government, a province or a city could conclude separate treaties
with any foreign state without communicating with the general government
on the subject; and this had been done by the city of Amsterdam in 1778.
The burgomasters of Amsterdam, and particularly the pensionary of the
province of Holland, were in favour of a very close connection with France.
In 1778, when the French concluded a treaty with the new republic, the
pensionary of Amsterdam was also agreed with the congress as to the articles
of a commercial treaty. We see from Franklin's letters that other cities
hastily applied to him in the hope of being enabled to conclude similar separate
treaties with America. When everything was arranged, the American con-
gress committed the duty of formally concluding the treaty with the city of
Amsterdam to one of its ex-presidents (Laurens) ; his departure was however
delayed in the year 1779, and took place in 1780. The English, however,
captured the ship on board of which he was, and succeeded in recovering his
papers, which he had torn and thrown overboard; he and his despatches
were brought to England on the 8th of October.
Laurens was treated very severely in England, and his imprisonment in
the Tower was very strict.
The English ministry communicated to the government of the hereditary
stadholder the papers which had been found on Laurens. They demanded
an explanation from the province of Holland and from the city of Amster-
dam; and, on their attempting to justify their proceeding by appealing to
the nature of the constitution, plainly signified their dissatisfaction. As the
English wished for a pretext for declaring war, their ambassador was instructed
to demand that the pensionary of Holland and the burgomasters of the city
of Amsterdam should be actually punished; and this he did in a threatening
note. According to the constitution of Holland, the satisfaction which the
English demanded could not be given them. The English then declared war
against the United Provinces on the 20th of December, 1780.
The Dutch, in the year 1781, experienced the consequences of their divi-
sions, their narrow policy, their cautiousness, and their avarice, which had
hindered them from affording to their government the means of acting with
energy immediately after the commencement of the war. The French, on
the other hand, helped the Dutch again to their property, without being
bound to them by any treaty, and restored to them what had been taken
from them by the English. As to the English, in this war also they remained
true to a custom which had afforded matter for reproach against them in
every war during the eighteenth century. They gave permission and issued
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HOLLAND FROM 1722 TO 1815 11
[1781-1783 A.D.]
commands to capture the enemy's ships long before the declaration of war.
Before the English declaration of war arrived at the Hague, therefore, the
merchant-vessels of the unsuspecting Dutch had been captured wherever they
were met with; so that, from the 20th of December, 1780, on which day war
was declared, till the end of January, 1781, two hundred Dutch ships were
captured, the value of which was estimated at 15,000,000 florins.
LOSS OF THE DUTCH COLONIES AND COMMERCE
The English ministry had long determined to destroy that d6p6t of the
Dutch in the West Indies which was at the same time the regular port for
the North American trade, by the capture of St. Eustatius; on the same day,
therefore, on which war was declared, a swift-sailing frigate was despatched
to Rodney with orders to put this plan immediately into execution. When
Rodney received this order he was lying off Barbados, and he immediately
sailed towards Martinique as if to seek out the French: he appeared suddenly
before St. Eustatius on the 3rd of February, 1781, where the inhabitants had
no intimation of the breaking out of the war, and where consequently not the
slightest preparations for defence had been made by the miserable Dutch
government, at the head of which was Ludwig Ernst. No opposition was
even attempted; the island, which resembled one immense magazine, was
immediately given up. Two hundred and fifty ships and a frigate, which
were lying in the harbour, were captured; sixty others under the convoy of
a frigate attempted to save themselves by flight; but Rodney sailed after
them and captured them all, together with the ship of war which was con-
voying them.
The Dutch settlements on the coast of the continent of South America,
the principal of which was Surinam, which surrendered immediately without
being summoned so to do, had to thank the unanimous disapprobation which
had been the consequence of Rodney's behaviour in St. Eustatius, for being
treated with more leniency. From this moment, the seven united provinces
entirely disappeared from the number of those states which had any authority
or influence m Europe; they became dependent on the favour of foreign
states, because they were driven out of their East Indian possessions after
having given up all their West Indian settlements without attempting any
opposition. In the East Indies, one settlement, one fortress, one island
after another was taken from them; their merchant-vessels dared not show
themselves anywhere; their fleet was useless, and even their trade with the
Baltic was obliged to be given up, because their ports were watched by
English vessels.
The Dutch at this time laid the blame of the losses which they had suffered
in the East Indies, and of the bad condition of their shipping, entirely upon
their government, and the partiality evinced by it for the English. The
displeasure against the duke of Brunswick, who, as a stranger, was more
blamed than he would otherwise have been, was afterwards very much
increased by the complaints made by the brave commanders of the fleet
which was opposed to the English at the entrance of the Baltic, in respect
to the very bad condition of their ships, and to the promotion of officers,
not according to merit but favour. The trade with the East and West
Indies was almost entirely annihilated, and even in the Baltic the Dutch
were obliged to trade under false colours; so that, while in the year 1780,
2,058 Dutch ships passed through the Sound — in the year 1782 only six.
About the same time the East India Company, to which Holland was indebted
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IS THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1781-1786 AJK
for much of its splendour, was very much broken up; the Dutch possessions
on the west coast of Africa were lost, and Ceylon and the Cape of Good Hope
were only rescued by the French admiral Suffren, who was gaining glory in
the eastern seas whilst Grasse was being defeated in the West Indies by .the
English admirals.
PARTY QUARRELS
The divisions in the Netherlands, which began to show themselves in the
last years of the war, served as the forerunners of the revolution which broke
out immediately after the peace, and foreign nations treated the Dutch in
an indifferent or contemptuous manner, because the latter were too weak to
be able to resent such treatment; the French alone did everything in their
power to connect the republican party closely with France.
The quarrel between the patriots and the party of the prince, which had
begun before the declaration of war, continued with equal violence after
the commencement of the war itself. The states had wished before the begin-
ning of the war to unite with France; the government did not wish to
break entirely with England. The stadholder demanded money for the
land army: the states, on the other hand, required ships to be built; their
progress was retarded, however, by the machinations of the stadholder.
After the commencement of the war a complete division was effected. The
city of Amsterdam in May, 1781, even went so far as publicly to express
their want of confidence in the prince, and more particularly in Duke Ludwig
Ernst, of whom the prince said that, notwithstanding the clamours of the
opposite party, he honoured him as if he were his father.
From this time forward the two parties, the Orange party and that of
the patriots, were to be considered as at open war.0
Almost the whole of those colonies, the remnants of prodigious power
acquired by such incalculable instances of enterprise and courage, had been
one by one assailed and taken. But this did not suffice for the satisfaction
of English objects in the prosecution of the war. It was also resolved to
deprive Holland of the Baltic trade. A squadron of seven vessels, commanded
by Sir Hyde Parker, was encountered on the Doggerbank by a squadron of
Dutch ships of the same force under Admiral Zoutman. An action of four
hours was maintained with all the ancient courage which made so many of
the memorable sea-fights between Tromp, De Kuyter, Blake, and Monk
drawn battles. A storm separated the combatants, and saved the honour
of each; for both had suffered alike, and victory had belonged to neither.
The peace of 1784 terminated this short, but, to Holland, fatal war; the
two latter years of which had been, in the petty warfare of privateering,
most disastrous to the commerce of the republic. Negapatam on the Coro-
mandel coast, and the free navigation of the Indian seas, were ceded to Eng-
land, who occupied the other various colonies taken during the war.
THE REVOLUTION OF 1785-1787
Opinion was now rapidly opening out to that spirit of intense inquiry
which arose in France, and threatened to sweep before it not only all that
was corrupt, but everything that tended to corruption. It is in the very
essence of all kinds of power to have that tendency, and, if not checked by
salutary means, to reach that end. But the reformers of the last century,
new in the desperate practice of revolutions, seeing its necessity, but ignorant
of its nature, neither did nor could place bounds to the careering wmrlwind
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HOLLAND FBOM 1722 TO 1815 13
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that they raised. The well-meant but intemperate changes essayed by
Joseph II in Belgium had a considerable share in the development of free
principles, although they at first seemed only to excite the resistance of bigotry
and strengthen tne growth of superstition. Holland was always alive to
those feelings of resistance to established authority which characterise repub-
lican opinions; and the general discontent at the result of the war with Eng-
land gave a good excuse. 1 The stadholder saw clearly the storm which was
gathering, and which menaced his power. Anxious for the present, and
uncertain for the future, he listened to tne sugjgestions of England ; and resolved
to secure and extend by foreign force the rights of which he risked the loss
from domestic faction.
In the divisions which were now loudly proclaimed among the states, in
favour of or opposed to the house of Orange, the people, despising all new
theories which they did not comprehend, took open part with the family
so closely connected with every practical feeling of good which their country
had yet known. The states of Holland soon proceeded to measures of violence.
Resolved, in 1786, to limit the power of the stadholder, they deprived him
of the command of the garrison of the Hague, and of all the other troops
of the province; and, shortly afterwards, declared him removed from all
his employments. The violent disputes and vehement discussions consequent
upon this measure, throughout the republic, announced an inevitable com-
motion. The advance of a Prussian army towards the frontiers inflamed
the passions of one party, and strengthened the confidence of the other.
An incident which now happened brought about the crisis even sooner
than was expected. The princess of Orange in 1787 left her palace at Loo to
repair to the Hague; and, travelling with great simplicity and slightly attended,
she was arrested and detained by a military post on the frontiers of the
province of Holland. The neighbouring magistrates of the town of Woesden
refused her permission to continue her journey, and forced her to return
to Loo under such surveillance as was usual with a prisoner of state.
The stadholder and the English ambassador loudly complained of this out-
rage. The complaint was answered by the immediate advance of the duke
of Brunswick, with twenty thousand Prussian soldiers. Some demonstrations
of resistance were made by the astonished party whose outrageous conduct
had provoked the measure; but in three weeks' time the whole of the republic
was in perfect obedience to the authority of the stadholder, who resumed all
his functions as chief magistrate, with the additional influence which was
sure to result from a vain attempt to reduce his former power .^
There is much political truth in the humorous description given by
Burke of these events. " A chivalrous king, hearing that a princess had been
affronted, takes his lance, assembles his knights, and determines to do her
justice. He sets out instantly with his knights in quest of adventures, and
carries all before him, achieving wonders in the cause of the injured princess.
This reminded him of the ancient story of a princess Latona who, haying
been insulted by a nation like the Dutch, appealed to Jupiter for satisfaction,
when the god in revenge for her wrongs turned the nation that affronted her
into a nation of frogs, and left them to live among dikes and waters. Although
the king of Prussia had, professedly, set out merely to obtain adequate satis-
faction for the injury done his sister, his army by accident took Utrecht,
possessed themselves of Amsterdam, restored the stadholder and the former
[» A commission of the statesrgeneral reported that the defences of the country had been
purposely ruined and the appeals of officers ignored by the stadholder, whose first remark after
the battle of Doggerbank was ; " I hope the English have sustained no loss."]
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14 THE HISTOEY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1787 a.b.1
government, and all this at a stroke and by the bye." (Speech in the debate
on the Hessian subsidy.) Nothing, indeed, but the weakness of Holland
— her utter inability to attract the attention of other nations to her cause
by the strenuous defence or reclamation of her rights, could have blinded
their eyes to the nature of the interference of England and Prussia in the
domestic affairs of that country. In direct violation of the law of nations
and the principles of justice, they had forced a sovereign [i.e. the states-
general] to reinstate a minister [i.e. the stadholder] whom, whether on good
grounds or not, that sovereign conceived to have betrayed his trust, and
had worked out the entire destruction of a constitution with which they could
have had no possible right to meddle. Yet scarce a voice was heard in remon-
strance or appeal against the aggression. Even the whigs of England,
dazzled by the influence their court had by such means gained over so impor-
tant an ally, forgot their usual zeal for the liberty and independence of nations;
and, though they found some faults in the detail of the measures pursued,
united in applauding their tendency.
The revolution had, to all appearance, annihilated the patriots as a party.
The most considerate members had fled the country; 1 and the remainder,
mistrustful of each other, and fallen into the contempt of the nation at large,
ventured not to offer the slightest opposition to the proceedings of their
adversaries.
An oath to support the constitution as at present established was imposed
not only on all public officers but even on members of the lowest order of
guilds. Still further security for the existing order of things was sought
m an alliance with Prussia and England, whereby both these powers became
guarantors for the preservation of the stadholderate according to the act
of 1747; these two powers, moreover, by a separate treaty, somewhat novel
in the history of nations, binding themselves mutually to a similar guarantee.
So great a change had the public mind undergone, that England, whom three
years before scarcely any dared mention except in terms of animosity, now
governed the councils of the United Provinces with undisputed sway; the
ambassador, Sir James Harris, mingled himself in all the affairs of state,
and on his appearance in public was received with marks of distinction
little inferior to those paid to the stadholder himself.
The influence of France, on the other hand, was now wholly annihilated.
In a late declaration made to the court of England, Louis had disclaimed
having ever had any intention of interfering in the affairs of the United
Provinces. This act ; which savoured, it was thought, as much of pusillanimity
as of infidelity, inspired the patriots in the United Provinces with a hatred
and contempt of France scarcely less than had formerly actuated the
Orangists.
Thus deprived of the aid, or even the intercession, of any foreign poten-
tate, and exposed defenceless to the vengeance of their adversaries, backed
by the power of England and Prussia, the unhappy patriots were constrained
to drink to the very dregs of the bitter cup of humiliation. Not a drop of
blood, however, was shed on the scaffold, a very few only being condemned
to death, and in their case the sentence was commuted to that of perpetual
exile.
Among the minor vexations to which the patriots had to submit, not the
least, perhaps, was the necessity of wearing the Orange badge, which no
person, of whatever sex or country, dared appear without. An Italian officer
1 The number of emigrants and exiles who quitted the United Provinces in this and the
following year was reckoned at 42,394.
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HOLLAND FEOM 1722 TO 1815 15
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was actually expelled from Amsterdam for refusing obedience to this singular
mandate; and a woman was imprisoned for two years, and banished, for
having indulged in some expression of ridicule on the subject.
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
As regarded its foreign politics, the Dutch nation at this period, under
the entire sway of England and Prussia, made no greater figure than if it had
been a province of one of those kingdoms. Out of complaisance to the latter
power, the states secretly assisted the people of the Austrian Netherlands,
though under constant professions of neutrality, in the formidable revolt
which the attempts of the emperor Joseph to introduce a more liberal system of
civil and religious government had raised against him; and became nominally
a party to the treaty which, in consequence of a change of policy in the Prussian
court, was concluded with Leopold II, successor of Joseph, and the Nether-
land provinces, whereby the latter were annexed to the hereditary dominions
of the house of Austria, under the guarantee of Holland, England, and Prussia.
Further than this the United Provinces appeared to interest themselves
little in the affairs of neighbouring nations; or even in the course of those
mighty events which at this time drew towards France the contemplation
and wonder of Europe. Well pleased to behold the humiliation of a power
they detested, the Dutch government viewed with indifference the first attacks
made by the French people on the throne and monarchical institutions of
the country. They received the notification of the king's acceptance of the
constitution forced upon him in 1789, which that unhappy monarch had
neither the firmness to refuse nor the integrity to abide by. They kept
studiously aloof from the confederacy entered into at Pillnitz by the sover-
eigns of Austria and Prussia for the purpose of obtaining the restoration of
the king of France to his rights, and which drew from the national assembly
of France the declaration of war against the former power; they received
in silence the invitation of even the king of Prussia himself to become a party
to the league formed against the present administration of France by the
sovereigns of Prussia, Austria, Russia, Sardinia, Savoy, and the papal see;
and beheld with apparent indifference the march of the allied army of 180,000
men under the duke of Brunswick towards the frontiers of that kingdom.
But though exempt from participation in these acts, the Dutch were none
the less sufferers by their pernicious consequences. The king of England
having withdrawn his ambassador from Paris on the arrest of the king and
royal family, the states found themselves obliged, however reluctantly, to
assume a hostile attitude towards France by following his example; while the
subjugation, soon after, of nearly the whole of the Austrian Netherlands, the
consequence of the brilliant victory obtained over the Austrian army in 1792
at Jemmapes by Dumouriez, appeared likely to produce a more immediate
cause of quarrel.
On the reduction of the town of Antwerp by the French general Labour-
donnaie, the citadel still holding out, two armed schooners were sent against it,
with orders from Dumouriez to sail down the Schelde. The emperor, anxious
to obtain co-operation in opposing the progress of the French arms in the
Netherlands, exhorted the states to take the speediest and most energetic
measures to resist so palpable an infraction of treaties and violation of their
neutrality. Great Britain, unable hitherto to find a pretext for the war she
was eager to commence, laboured diligently to invite the states to hostilities,
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16 THE HISTOEY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1798 A.D.]
wherein she might bear a part as their ally, and declared her resolution of sup-
porting them in the assertion of their rights when required. 1 But the death
of Louis XVI on the scaffold in 1793, the expulsion of the French ambassador
from the court of London, and the consequent declaration of war by the
national convention against the king of England and the stadholder; the
acquiescence of the stadholder in all the measures, and his constant deference
to the counsels of the court of England, justified the national convention in
treating him as a dependent of that power. Accordingly it was to him, as
such, and not to the states — a politic distinction of which the convention
afterwards found the value — that the manifesto was addressed, declaring the
inhabitants of the United Provinces released from the oath they had been
forced to take to the stadholderal government in 1788, and that all such as
pretended to be bound by it were enemies of the French people and to be
treated with all the rigour of the laws of war.
The states-general issued at once a counter-declaration, in the form of a
letter to the states of the provinces, couched in terms of mingled contempt,
derision, and aversion, both of the persons and principles of the party by which
France was at that time governed ; while the stadholder, nearly at the same
moment, published a manifesto calculated to arouse the people to a strenuous
defence of their country. Preparations were immediately commenced with
great activity.
THE FRENCH CONQUEST
Whether the Dutch emigrants had possessed the national convention with
an erroneous idea of the strength and disposition of the malcontents in the
United Provinces, or whether the result of the Prussian invasion six years
before had inspired the French with a profound and not wholly undeserved
contempt of the military prowess of the Dutch nation, the army sent under
the general Dumouriez to achieve the conquest of the provinces appeared
absolutely inadequate to the occasion. In the proclamation by which his
approach was preceded, the French commander had declared that he was
about to enter Holland with sixty thousand men, to assist the Batavians in
breaking the chains laid upon them by the tyranny of the house of Orange.
But he advanced toward the confines with an army no more than 13,700
strong, among whom were 2,000 Dutch and Belgian emigrants, and with a
ridiculously small train of artillery, consisting of only four twelve-pounders,
and about thirty-six smaller pieces.
With so small a force at his command, Dumouriez was conscious that his
only hope of success was in celerity, and in taking advantage of the feeling of
dismay he had so dexterously inspired. The event justified his sagacity;
since Breda, though defended on all sides by water and morasses, well fortified
and provided, surrendered February 24th, 1793, the day after his summons.
The magazines of Breda supplied Dumouriez with the material of which he
stood so much in need.
The loss of Gertruydenberg, followed by that of Klundert, excited the
» If we call to mind the events of a few years before, it affords a striking instance how
greatly the ideas of justice among nations are modified by considerations of their own interest,
to behold the emperor now insisting upon the religious observation of a treaty which his prede-
cessor, Joseph II, had so unscrupulously set at naught ; France asserting that the privilege of
closing the Schelde, which had been preserved to the Dutch at that time chiefly by her inter-
ference, was contrary to the natural and universal rights of mankind ; and England, who then
viewed the whole question with the most profound indifference, now ready to make it a cause
of proclaiming war on behalf of her ally.
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HOLLAND FBOM 1722 TO 1815 17
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most vivid anxiety for the safety of Dordrecht, which was in some degree
relieved by the appearance of a reinforcement of vessels from England,
together with a body of two thousand four hundred troops under the duke of
York.
The revolutionary tribunal now governed France in all its terrible strength.
With the absolute disposal of the lives, the property, and the actions of
twenty-four millions of men, who submitted in the utter helplessness of fear
, to its sway, it was enabled to bring a mass of force into the field Buch as had
never, under the most powerful monarchs, yet been seen, and to oppose an
army to its enemies on every side. And, while the power of coercion in filling
the ranks of the defenders of France was unlimited, its exercise was scarcely
necessary. The French, who at Paris appeared a nation of bloodthirsty
tyrants or trembling cowards, on the frontier were a people of heroes ana
patriots. While horror and execration rested upon the names of Danton,
Robespierre, and Marat, honour and victory followed the standards of Jour-
dan, Pichegru, Moreau, and K16ber. Instead of gaining a foot of ground on
the enemy^ frontier, the allies lost a considerable portion of what they had
before possessed.
The Dutch in this campaign lost above eight thousand men in killed,
wounded ; and prisoners; and tne expenses had been far above what the pres-
ent condition of the United Provinces was able to bear. The states of Hol-
land, in answer to the extraordinary petition of " the state of war," had con-
tributed nearly 3,000,000 guilders, besides 200,000 for the expenses of the
camp, and 900,000 for the maritime defence of the state. An additional sum
of 3,500,000 was also voted for the equipment of ten ships of the line and ten
frigates; 600,000 for the supply of the magazines, and 1,200,000 for the fortifi-
cations. A tax of a fiftieth had been imposed; but this was found so far from
sufficient that the states were obliged to have recourse to the mischievous and
uncertain expedient of a lottery for 1,000,000 guilders. Yet it is remarkable
that, in the midst of its embarrassments, the province of Holland did not cease
to supply funds to foreign nations. A loan of 5,000,000 guilders was this year
raised for the king of Prussia, and the American congress sold to the Dutch
two millions of acres situate in the state of New York for 3,750,000 guilders.
The campaign of 1794 was Kttle less than a series of conquests on the side
of the French. Moreau took Sluys by siege. Pichegru routed the duke of
York, and took Cr&vecceur and Bois-le-Duc. Maestricht was reduced by
K16ber. Venlo submitted to Laurens, and' the English yielded Nimeguen.
But notwithstanding these successes, the invaders found the most formi-
dable obstacles opposed to their further progress. The passage of the rivers,
defended by powerful batteries and large bodies of troops, appeared next to
an impossibility. Nearly the whole country before them was under water.
The hereditary prince in person superintended the cutting of the dikes.
But, though England did not want for zeal and activity in her behalf, the
troops she furnished, ill-organised and wretchedly commanded, appeared to
serve no other purpose than to abandon one by one every position they had
taken up; and, totally destitute of discipline, were an object of terror to the
inhabitants and contempt to their enemies. "Their conduct on their retreat
from Nimeguen," says a writer in the Nederlandsche Jaarboek, strongly fav-
ourable to that nation and the Orange party, "was marked by the most law-
less pillage, the most odious licentiousness, and detestable cruelties; so that
the inhabitants of the places they passed through would far rather trust to the
mercy of the invading enemy than to such allies and defenders." The prohi-
bitions issued by the duke of York were found wholly inefficient to restrain
H. W. — YOI*XIV. O
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18 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1794 A.B.]
these excesses; and even the pensionary Van de Spiegel * himself began to
doubt whether it were not preferable to make a separate peace with France
upon such conditions as they could obtain, than await an issue dependent upon
the assistance of such coadjutors.
The severities exercised by the Orange party after the revolution of 1787
had effectually awed the patriots into silence; but the progress of the French
was hailed by them as the approaching era of the realisation of their cherished
dreams of liberty; and they were inclined rather to welcome them as deliverers
than repel them as invaders. The policy of the court of England, moreover,
in forcing upon the stadholder measures calculated to provoke the hostility
of the convention, had unconsciously forwarded their views; since, the declara-
tion of war being issued against him personally, the patriots readily persuaded
themselves that they might, without incurring tne imputation of treason
against their country, unite with the invaders, not as her enemies but as
auxiliaries in the overthrow of her tyrant.
Accordingly they had for some time begtin to assemble in- small meetings,
held under the name of "reading societies. As these in *a "short time became
numerous, there being no less than sixty in Haarlem alone, it' was thought
advisable to organise two central committees,, the one to keep up a corre-
spondence with their representatives in the French camp, with tne revolu-
tionary committee at Antwerp, and with the different societies in the prov-
inces; while the other undertook to thwart all such plans and measures as
might contribute to the efficiency of the present government, and to adopt
every suitable and prudent means of arousing the enthusiasm of the people m
favour of liberty. The efforts of the first attracted, for a considerable inter-
val, but little notice. The results of the agency of the other were soon per-
ceived, though the cause as yet lay hidden, in the opposition offered to all
levies of money voted by the states, in the mistrust inspired of the govern-
ment, and the denunciation of its measures as injurious to the commonwealth.
While their deputies were at the French camp, the revolutionary committee
of Amsterdam continued in full activity. Magazines of arms were collected
in different places; a small naval force was raised to protect the harbours,
especially that of Amsterdam; the Jews to the number of forty thousand were
bought off with heavy sums from the party of the stadholder, with the view
of embarrassing the money transactions of the government; and the troops
in the garrisons were tampered with, not altogether without success.
The government already entertained suspicions of some lurking mischief,
and had ceased to quarter any garrisons in the more doubtful places; all
assemblies, under whatever pretext, were forbidden unless by permission
previously obtained, and were then to be held with open doors. The arrest
of some of the members of the revolutionary committee spread consternation
and dismay through the whole party. They sent pressing invitations to
the French army to hasten their march, though the communication was
now become extremely difficult, the states of Holland having issued an edict
prohibiting any person under penalty of death from passing the boundaries
without a passport from themselves, the council of state, or the stadholder.
Ere long, nature herself declared as a champion of the invaders.
1 Writing to the registrar Fagel, in London, Van de Spiegel, in a letter quoted by Wage-
naar,* observes that " the prince is enraged at what he had witnessed, whicn surpassed the
bounds of imagination ; that the English were accustomed to answer to the complaints of the
inhabitants, that they would be sure to be plundered by the Carmagnoles, and it was better they
should forestall them." In a subsequent letter to the ambassadors sent to Paris with proposals
of peace, he says, " Be assured that no English influence governs here ; and that the nation
has obtained in this country so bad a reputation that a century will not efface the impression."
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THE FLIGHT OF THE STADHOLDER (1704)
In the month of December, harbingers began to appear of the severity of
the winter emphatically called by the people of the United Provinces the
French winter." With anguish and despair, the inhabitants (such at least
as were not in league with the enemy) beheld the daily increase of ice in the
rivers and land waters, which soon, instead of a formidable and almost insur-
mountable barrier, offered to the French, as to the barbarian Franks above
twelve centuries before, an easy passage into the heart of the country, and
firm fields of battle for the evolutions of their troops. On this eventful change
of circumstances Pichegru immediately formed the plan of a general attack.
Daendels was commanded to resume under new and favouring auspices hia
twice foiled attempt to penetrate into Holland by way of the Bommel. The
result was now proportionably different. The attacks of the other division
of the invading army were equally successful.
The province of Utrecht was abandoned as untenable; since the inundated
line of the Greb, before an impenetrable barrier, opposed since the frost not
the slightest obstacle to the advance of the enemy. The ice, also, afforded
a smooth and easy passage to Dordrecht, the ancient capital of Holland,
which was filled with fugitives from different parts of the country; in vain
were incessant efforts used to keep it broken, the intense cold of the night
as constantly destroying the labours of the day. Terror, confusion, and
despair took possession of the city and the whole province.
The announcement by the stadholder to the states-general and the states
of Holland of his intention to quit the Hague followed; and, having taken
a melancholy leave of the states, he set out, accompanied by his sons, for
Scheveningen, whence the princess and her daughter had already sailed
some hours before. The fishing smack in which he was to embark being at
some distance from the shore, he was about to wade into the water, when,
Bentinck exclaiming to the people, "Will you allow your prince to leave
you thus?" they immediately hoisted him on their shoulders and bore him
to the vessel. The next day he landed at Harwich. His departure from
the Hague was immediately followed by that of the ambassadors from the
courts of London, Berlin, Madrid, Turin, and Hanover.
Meanwhile, the general Daendels, impatient at the delay of the long-
promised and expected revolution at Amsterdam, had, on the day of his
arrival at Utrecht, sent to admonish the revolutionary committee to all
possible speed in the accomplishment of that work, in order that they might,
on his approach, be in a condition to treat with the French as friends and
brothers, instead of conquerors. Early on the following morning the tree
of liberty was planted on the Dam; and while the people were performing
their dance around it, the council were summoned to the guildhall for the
last time. They were then informed that, " the sun of freedom having now
dawned upon the Batavian horizon," the former government of the city
was superseded by the revolutionary committee, which would conduct the
administration of affairs till a regular constitution was established, and com-
manded to return to their homes in the quality of simple burghers.
On the 22nd of January, 1795, generals Pichegru and Moreau made their
entry into the Hague, already revolutionised. 1 The patriot party every-
1 On Pichegru's quitting the Hague, in the month of March ensuing, to take the command
of the army of the Rhine, an annuity of 10,000 guilders was, according to Wagenaar,* settled
on him \jj the states-general as the reward of his services.
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to THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1794 JLD.]
where received the invaders with open arms as friends and deliverers, "frater-
nising," as it was called in the jargon of the day, with the French soldiers;
J)ubhc feasts and rejoicings were held to celebrate the event; the tree of
iberty was planted in nearly every town.
THE BATAVIAN REPUBLIC
Immediately on the completion of the revolution in the towns of Holland,
they, in obedience to the summons of the central revolutionary committee,
sent deputies to the Hague for the purpose of framing a new constitution.
At this assembly, 1 the sovereignty of the people and the "rights of man"
were formally acknowledged; and the ancient representative constitution
of Holland, which had now subsisted with but slight alteration for six hundred
years, and had withstood the successive shocks of the revolt from Spain, of
long wars, and of civil dissensions, was annihilated at one stroke.
It was decreed that every individual of the male sex, and of mature age,
should have a vote in the election of representatives, the states, as formerly
constituted, being forever abolished; as were likewise the dignities of stad-
holder and captain and admiral-general. The villages of the open country,
which had formerly been considered as represented in the states by the nobles,
now obtained the right of sending representatives of their own. Thus com-
posed, the assembly took the name of the "provisional representatives of
the people of Holland." The council and chamber of finance were also
abolished, and three committees, of "military affairs," of "general welfare/'
and of " finance," wer§ formed in their stead. The pensionary Van de Spiegel
was deprived of his offices, and a few days after he 'and William van
BentincK were arrested, their papers were seized, and they were condemned
to imprisonment in the castle of Woerden.
The first business of the new assembly of representatives of Holland was
to bring forward a proposal in the states-general that they should acknowl-
edge the rights and sovereignty of the people; release the inhabitants of
the United Provinces from their oath to the stadholder and the old constitu-
tion; and send ministers to Paris to offer to the convention an alliance on
reasonable conditions, as between two equal and independent nations. The
states-general complied with all these demands; they did not, however,
change their title of "high and mighty lords"; the reformers being content
to indulge "that whim and prejudice" on account of their relations with
foreign states; neither did the constitution of the body itself undergo any
other alteration than that their votes were sometimes taken individually
instead of by provinces, and that the date of their edicts bore, in addition to
the year of Christ, that of "Batavian liberty," and were headed with the
watch-cry of the revolutionists, "equality, liberty, and fraternity."
With respect to all the other parts of the constitution of the United
Provinces, however, the patriots, under the guidance, or rather coercion, of
the representatives of the French Republic at the Hague, proceeded rapidly
and unsparingly in the work of demolition. The beneficial provisions, the
essential principles, and the most valued privileges fell equally with the most
antiquated abuses and mischievous corruptions beneath the scythe.
The hereditary nobility was abolished, and their domains were applied
to the public service; the use of escutcheons and other ornaments of heraldry
was prohibited, together with the wearing of liveries; all remnants of feudal
1 The president was Peter Paulus, who, on the revolution of 1787, had been deprived of
his office of fiscal advocate to the admiralty of the Maas.
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HOLLAND FROM 1722 TO 1815 SI
[1794 AJ).]
customs, where any such remained, were abolished; and county tolls, staple
rights, and special commercial privileges were abrogated. The penal laws
existing against the marriage of political and military officers with Catholics
were revoked; and the religious ceremony of marriage was declared unneces-
sary. The synods were no longer to be held at the public expense; the hatch-
ments were removed from the churches; and even the pews were not per-
mitted to remain, as being inconsistent with the present notions of equality.
All the gallows and whipping-posts in the country were destroyed, on
the ground that they were derogatory to the dignity of mankind, and monu-
ments of ancient barbarism. Happily, the punishment of torture, which
still subsisted in some parts of Gelderland, shared in the general annihilation.
This sudden sweepmg away of every relic of their constitution, of every
trace of their nationality, excited grief and dismay among all but the more
zealous and hot-headed of the patriot party; of whom the great majority
had never contemplated more than the reformation of the constitution in
such a manner as might render it suitable, as they thought, to the improved
condition of society and the more extended and varied necessities of the
body politic. The entire and fearful awakening from the dream in which
their own reckless frenzy had steeped their senses rapidly followed. They
found that those whom they had hailed as deliverers were become their
oppressors, with a tyranny of which the barbarous times they so severely
reprobated had given them no idea.
They dared not make the slightest political movement except at the
impulse of their new masters, the French representatives; at their bidding
they were forced to lay an embargo on all the vessels of England in their
ports, an act of which the consequence was a declaration of war by that
country, and the loss of all their most valuable colonies, which fell an easy
prey to her arms; their commerce, and more especially their fisheries, were
laid under such restrictions as it pleased the invaders to impose; who took
possession, moreover, of all their harbours, their strong towns and magazines,
and exacted an oath from the military and naval forces to undertake nothing
against the republic of France.
To other vexations was added the burden of the French troops quartered
in the towns, often of the smallest and poorest provinces, and whose inhabi-
tants were, by the severity of the winter, the floods which followed it, and
the consequent scarcity, left with hardly the means of subsistence. The
demands of the army for provisions, clothing, horses, forage, and fuel were
absolutely insatiable l ; nor did the consideration that the unhappy provinces
of Gelderland and Overyssel were already reduced to the extremity of misery
by the above causes and the pillage of the English army on its retreat, produce
any mitigation of their treatment.
But a grievance far more deeply felt than these was the constraint the
Dutch were under to receive as current the worthless paper money which
the convention had issued under the name of "assignats," in the beginning
of the war. This measure, enforced amidst professions of the most profound
veneration for the rights of property, was accompanied by the seizure and
appropriation by the French representatives of the effects of the stadholder
(which, as the states justly remonstrated, he possessed not in the quality of
stadholder but that of citizen), and, among the rest, his valuable museum
' The states-general were required, according to Wagenaer,* to deliver in one month
200,000 quintals of wheat ; 75,000,000 lbs. of hay ; 2,000,000 lbs. of straw ; 50,000,000 lbs. of
oats ; 150,000 pairs of shoes ; 20,000 pairs of stockings ; 20,000 cloth coats and vests ; 40,000
pairs of breeches ; 150,000 shirts ; and 50,000 caps, and, within two months, 12,000 oxen.
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22 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1795-1798 A.D.]
and gallery of paintings.' His demesnes were sequestrated by the represen-
tative assemblies of the provinces where they were situated, in order to pre-
serve them from the hands of the French.
Acts of such a nature inspired the Dutch with no unreasonable doubts
as to the intention of the national convention really to respect that inde-
pendence which, on the entrance of the French army into the United Provinces,
they had solemiily promised to uphold. In order to satisfy themselves on
this point, the ambassadors (Jacob Blauw and Caspar Meyer) they sent to
Paris for the purpose of concluding the treaty of amity and commerce were
provided with instructions to obtain, if possible, an express acknowledgment
of the independence of the Dutch Republic. The ambassadors, on their
arrival, were refused admittance in that quality, and informed by the abb6
SieySs, member of the "committee of public safety," that the question of
indemnity to France, for the expenses she had incurred in liberating the
United Provinces, must precede that of the acknowledgment of their inde-
pendence. This indemnity, as it was termed, amounted to no less than a
subsidy of 100,000,000 guilders, with the like sum by way of loan at 2\ or 3
gT cent. The provinces were in no condition to yield any such subsidies,
olland had, since the revolution of 1787, furnished 80,000,000 guilders in
extraordinary expenses only, and, precisely at this juncture, was obliged to
have recourse to the expedient of requiring all the inhabitants to deliver their
gold and silver plate to be melted into money. The navigation of the Rhine,
Maas, and Schelde was to be declared free to both nations.
In the treaty which the abb6 Sieyfis now repaired to the Hague for the
purpose of concluding (May 16th, 1795), France engaged to restore to the
United Provinces all their territories except Dutch Flanders as far as the
Hond, Maestricht, and Venlo, with the land south of the latter town. The
Tepublic was also reinstated in the possession of her naval force and arsenals.
The Dutch received, with festivals and acclamations of joy, a peace
which, while it recognised in imposing terms the independence and sov-
ereignty of the " Batavian Republic," rendered the sovereignty a jest and
the independence an illusion. Deprived of the power of making foreign
alliances, of the authority over their own troops — since the government was
obliged to consult the French general on every movement, and the army
itself, composed of more than half French soldiers, was remodelled in a manner
analogous to that of the invaders — with a military force ready to punish or
crush the slightest attempt at opposition to the behests (or "admonitions,"
as they were termed) of the representatives of the French people, who still
continued at the Hague, the Dutch Republic was now become virtually a
province of France.
The nominal government of the states-general was superseded in the fol-
lowing year by the equally shadowy authority of a national convention. This
again gave place in 1798 to the so-called " constituent assembly of the Batavian
people," and an executive directory. After a struggling existence of scarce
four months, the constituent assembly was violently dissolved, and sub-
stituted by "chambers of representatives." This government proving as
1 They restored to the states-general, according to Wagenaar,* with much pomp of circum-
stance and self-gratulation on their own magnanimity and generosity, the sword of De Ruyter,
Admiral Tromp's baton of command, the wooden cup in which the "gueux" pledged the first
health to each other, with the wooden bowl into which each of the confederate nobility had, on
that occasion, driven a nail as a token of their union and firmness in the cause ; and a piece of
ordnance given by a Javanese sovereign as an acknowledgment of fealty to the states. The
states, as though they could rise from the degradation of the present on the memory of the
past, received these glorious relics with a transport of joy and gratitude.
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HOLLAND FBOM 1722 TO 1815 S3
[1799-1806 A-d.]
utterly inefficient as its predecessors, it was at length found necessary to
recur in some measure to the traces of the ancient constitution, by instituting
new legislative bodies, termed the eight provincial and one central commis-
sions, bearing a resemblance to the states of the provinces and states-general.
These different and quickly succeeding governments agreed but in one
point, that of laying merciless imposts on the people. Commerce, navigation,
trade, and manufactures fell into rapid decay. Flood, famine, disease, and
the invasion of their territory by the hostile troops of England and Russia
filled up the measure of their woes. The Peace of Amiens afforded them but
a short respite. Not content with forcing the Dutch to take part in the
renewed war against England, Napoleon, now the first consul of France,
manifested at the same time his insolent contempt towards them, by investing
their own ambassador at his court, Schimmelpennick (1805), with the sole
government of their state, and a power scarcely less than monarchical, under
the title of pensionary — a suitable preliminary to the species of mock royalty
he, in the next year, conferred on his brother Louis. c
louis bonaparte's account of his accession
A deputation from Holland arrived in Paris towards the spring of 1806.
Couriers were despatched and instructions commanded, and after four months
of negotiation a treaty was concluded, by which royalty was established in
Holland, and founded on constitutional laws. Louis 1 was not invited to
these negotiations. From observations without any character of authen-
ticity, which were made to him, he learned that the conferences had reference
to himself.
The members of the deputation at length waited on him, informed him
of all that had taken place, and endeavoured to induce him to accept the
dignity. They assured him that the nation gave him the preference. He
did what he could to avoid expatriation; his brother answered that he took
the alarm too soon; but the Dutch deputies themselves informed him of the
progress of the negotiations. Seeing the decisive hour approach, he deter-
mined on an obstinate refusal, when they came to announce to him the death
of the old stadholder. His brother explained himself more openly, and gave
him to understand that, if he were not consulted in this affair, it was because
a subject could not refuse to obey. Louis reflected that he might be con-
strained by force; that, as the emperor was absolutely determined on the
subject, what had happened to Joseph would in all probability happen to
himself. Joseph, on account of his having refused the kingdom of Italy,
was then at Naples. However, Louis made a last attempt. He wrote to
his brother that he felt the necessity of the removal of the brothers of the
emperor from France, but begged he would grant him the government of
Genoa or Piedmont. His brother refused, and in a few days Prince Talley-
rand, then minister for foreign affairs, repaired to St. Leu, and read aloud to
Louis and Hortense the treaty and constitution which had just been adopted.
This interview took place on Tuesday, the 3rd of June, 1806. Prince Talley-
rand announced that on the Thursday following the king of Holland would
be proclaimed.
The existence of Louis in France became every day more insupportable.
Without domestic comfort; without tranquillity; mute in the council; having
no military occupation; seeing his functions m this respect confined to the
[> This book, by Louis Bonaparte, is written in the third person.]
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24 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1806-1810 A.D.]
introduction of officers, for the purpose of administering the oath to them,
and visiting the military school from time to time; leaving evident marks
of disfavour, and few persons daring to visit him — he felt himself in a state
of constraint and moral excitement which he could not have any longer
supported if events had not torn him from his position. "In Holland/' he
said to himself, " interests of various kinds, matters of necessity, and public
affairs will wholly occupy me. I shall bestow on my country all the affection
which I cannot display in my own family. I shall thus perhaps gradually
recover from my physical and moral depression.' '
The 5th of June, 1806, was the day fixed for the proclamation of Louis
as king of Holland. 1 '
REIGN OF LOUIS BONAPARTE
The character of Louis Bonaparte was gentle and amiable, his manners
easy and affable. He entered on his new rank with the best intentions
towards the country which he was sent to reign over; and though he felt
acutely when the people refused him marks of respect and applause, which
was frequently the case, his temper was not soured, and he conceived no.
resentment. He endeavoured to merit popularity; and though his power
was scanty, his efforts were not wholly unsuccessful. He laboured to revive
the ruined trade which he knew to be the staple of Dutch prosperity: but the
measures springing from this praiseworthy motive were totally opposed to the
policy of Napoleon; and in proportion as Louis made friends and partisans
among his subjects, he excited bitter enmity in his imperial brother.
Louis was so averse to the continental system, or exclusion of British
manufactures, that during his short reign every facility was given to his sub-
jects to elude it, even in defiance of the orders conveyed to him from Paris
through the medium of the French ambassador at the Hague. He imposed
no restraints on public opinion, nor would he establish the odious system of
espionage cherished by the French police: but he was fickle in his purposes,
and prodigal in his expenses. The profuseness of his expenditure was very
offensive to the Dutch notions of respectability in matters of private finance,
and injurious to the existing state of the public means.
The tyranny of Napoleon became soon quite insupportable to him; so
much so that it is believed that, had the ill-fated English expedition to Wal-
cheren in 1809 succeeded, and the army advanced into the country, he would
have declared war against France. After an ineffectual struggle of more than
three years, he chose rather to abdicate his throne than retain it under the
degrading conditions of proconsulate subserviency. This measure excited con-
siderable regret, and much esteem for the man who preferred the retirement
of private life to the meanness of regal slavery. But Louis left a galling
memento of misplaced magnificence, in an increase of 90,000,000 florins (about
£9,000,000) to the alreaay oppressive amount of the national debt of the
country.
ABSORPTION OF HOLLAND IN THE FRENCH EMPIRE
The annexation of Holland to the French Empire was immediately pro-
nounced by Napoleon. Two thirds of the national debt were abolished, the
conscription law was introduced, and the Berlin and Milan decrees against the
introduction of British manufactures were rigidly enforced.
The nature of the evils inflicted on the Dutch people by this annexation
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HOLLAND FEOM 1722 TO 1815 35
(1810-1813 a. d.]
and its consequences demands a somewhat minute examination. Previous to
it all that part of the territory of the former United Provinces had been ceded
to France. The kingdom of Holland consisted of the departments of the
Zuyder Zee, the mouths of the Maas, the Upper Yssel, the mouths of the
Yssel, Friesland, and the Western and Eastern Ems; and the population of
the whole did not exceed 1,800,000 souls. When Louis abdicated his throne,
he left a military and naval force of 18,000 men, who were immediately taken
into the service of France; and in three years and a half after that event this
number was increased to 50,000, by the operation of the French naval and
military code: thus about a thirty-sixth part of the whole population was
employed in arms.
The conscription laws now began to be executed with the greatest of rigour;
and though the strictest justice and impartiality were observed in the ballot
and other details of this most oppressive measure, yet it has been calculated
that, on an average, nearly one half of the male population of the age of
twenty years was annually taken off. The conscripts were told that their
service was not to extend beyond the term of five years; but as few instances
occurred of a French soldier being discharged without his being declared unfit
for service, it was always considered in Holland that the service of a con-
script was tantamount to an obligation during life.
The various taxes were laid on and levied m the most oppressive manner:
those on land usually amounting to 25, and those on houses to 30 per cent.
of the clear annual rent. Other direct taxes were levied on persons and
movable property, and all were regulated on a scale of almost intolerable
severity. The whole sum annually obtained from Holland by these means
amounted to about 30,000,000 florins (or 3,000,000 pounds sterling), being
at the rate of about £1 13s 4d from every soul inhabiting the country.
The Continental System
The operation of what was called the continental system created an excess
of misery in Holland only to be understood by those who witnessed its lamen-
table results. In other countries, Belgium for instance, where great manu-
factories existed, the loss of maritime communication was compensated by
the exclusion of English goods.
The few licenses granted to the Dutch were clogged with duties so exorbi-
tant as to make them useless; the duties on one ship which entered the Maas,
loaded with sugar and coffee, amounting to about £50,000. At the same time
every means was used to crush the remnant of Dutch commerce and sacrificfe
the country to France. The Dutch troops were clothed and armed from
French manufactories; the frontiers were opened to the introduction of
French commodities duty free; and the Dutch manufacturer undersold in
his own market.
The population of Amsterdam was reduced from 220,000 souls to 190,000,
of which a fourth part derived their whole subsistence from charitable institu-
tions, whilst another fourth part received partial succour from the same
sources. At Haarlem, where the population had been chiefly employed in
bleaching and preparing linen made in Brabant, whole streets were levelled
with the ground, and more than five hundred houses destroyed. At the Hague,
at Delft, and in other towns, many inhabitants had been induced to pull down
their houses, from inability to keep them in repair or pay the taxes. The
preservation of the dikes, requiring an annual expense of £600,000, was every-
where neglected. The sea inundated the country, and threatened to resume
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96 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1813 A.D.]
its ancient dominion. No object of ambition, no source of professional wealth
or distinction, remained to which a Hollander could aspire. None could vol-
untarily enter the army or navy to fight for the worst enemy of Holland. The
clergy were not provided with a decent competency. The ancient laws of the
country, so dear to its pride and its prejudices, were replaced by the Code
NapoUon; so that old practitioners had to recommence their studies, and
young men were disgusted with the drudgery of learning a system which was
universally pronounced unfit for a commercial country.
THE REVOLUTION OF 1813
Those who have considered the events noted in this history for the last two
hundred years, and followed the fluctuations of public opinion depending on
prosperity or misfortune, will have anticipated that, in the present calamitous
state of the country, all eyes were turned towards the family whose memory
was revived by every pang of slavery, and associated with every throb for
freedom. The presence of the prince of Orange, William VI, who had, on the
death of his father in 1806, succeeded to the title, though he had lost the
revenues of his ancient house, and the re-establishment of the connection with
England were now the general desire.
The empire was attacked at all points after 1812. The French troops in
Holland were drawn off to reinforce the armies in distant directions; and the
whole military force in that country scarcely exceeded 10,000 men. The
advance of tne combined armies towards the frontiers became generally
known.
Count Styrum, Repelaer de Jonge, Van Hogendorp, Vander Duyn van
Maasdam, and Changuion, were the chiefs of the intrepid junta which planned
and executed the bold measures of enfranchisement, and drew up the outlines
of the constitution which was afterwards enlarged and ratified. Their first
movements at the Hague in 1813 were totally unsupported by foreign aid.
At the head of a force, which courtesy and policy called an army, of three
hundred national guards badly armed, fifty citizens carrying fowling-pieces,
fifty soldiers of the old Dutch guard, four hundred auxiliary citizens armed
with pikes, and a cavalry force of twenty young men, the confederates boldly
proclaimed the prince of Orange, on the 17th of November, 1813, in their open
village of the Hague and in the teeth of a French force of full ten thousand
men, occupying every fortress in the country.
The only hope of the confederates was from the British government, and
the combined armies then acting in the north of Europe. But many days
were to be lingered through before troops could be embarked, and make their
way from England in the teeth of the easterly winds then prevailing; while a
few Cossacks, hovering on the confines of Holland, gave the only evidence of
the proximity of the allied forces.
In this crisis it was most fortunate that the French prefect at the Hague,
Stassart, had stolen away on the earliest alarm; and the French garrison, of
four hundred chasseurs, aided by one hundred well-armed custom-house offi-
cers under the command of General Bouvier des ficlats, caught the contagious
fears of the civil functionary. This force had retired to the old palace — a
building in the centre of the town, the d6pot of all the arms and ammunition
then at the Hague, and, from its position, capable of some defence. But the
Sneral and his garrison soon felt a complete panic from the bold attitude of
Hint Styrum, who made the most of his little means, and kept up, during the
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HOLLAND FROM 1722 TO 1815 «7
[1818 A.D.]
night, a prodigious clatter by his twenty horsemen; sentinels challenging,
amidst incessant singing and shouting; cries of "Oranje boven! Vivat
Oranje!' 1 and clamorous patrols of the excited citizens. At an early hour on
the 18th, the French general demanded terms, and obtained permission to
retire on Gorkum, his garrison being escorted as far as the village of Ryswick
by the twenty cavaliers who composed the whole mounted force of the patriots.
Unceasing efforts were now made to remedy the want of arms and men.
A quantity of pikes were rudely made and distributed to the volunteers who
crowded in; and numerous fishing boats were despatched in different direc-
tions to inform the British cruisers
of the passing events. An individual
named Pronck, an inhabitant of
Schevening, a village of the coast,
rendered great services in this way,
from his influence among the sailors
and fishermen in the neighbourhood.
The confederates spared no ex-
ertion to increase the confidence of
the people, under many contradic-
tory and disheartening contingencies.
An officer who had been despatched
for advice and information to Baron
Bentinck, at Zwolle, who was in
communication with the allies, re-
turned with the discouraging news
that General Billow had orders not
to pass the Yssel, the allies having
decided not to advance into Holland
beyond the line of that river. A
meeting of the ancient regents of
the Hague was convoked by the
proclamation of the confederates,
*>*A 4-^lr ^lo AA «* 4-1** k^nct *f T7"o** Gate of Houoomont Chateau, Centre of the
and took place at the house Of Van BattIjB of Waterloo, defended by Dutch
Hogendorp, the ancient residence of and Hanoverians
the De Witts. The wary magis-
trates absolutely refused all co-operation in the daring measures of the con-
federates, who had now the whole responsibility on their heads, with little to
cheer them on in their perilous career but their own resolute hearts.
Some days of intense anxiety now elapsed, and various incidents occurred
to keep up the general excitement.
The appearance of three hundred Cossacks, detached from the Russian
armies beyond the Yssel, prevailed over the hesitation of Amsterdam and the
other towns, and they at length declared for the prince of Orange.
The Dutch displayed great ability in the transmission of fake intelligence
to the enemy. November 27th, 1813, Fagel arrived from England with a
letter from the prince of Orange, announcing his immediate coming; and,
finally, the disembarkation of two hundred English marines, on the 29th, was
followed the next day by the landing of the prince, whose impatience to throw
himself into the open arms of his country made him spurn every notion of risk
and every reproach for rashness. He was received with indescribable enthu-
siasm. As the people everywhere proclaimed William I sovereign prince, it
was proposed that he should everywhere assume that title.
The 2nd of December, the prince made his entry into Amsterdam. He
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*8 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1818-1814 AJ>.]
went forward borne on the enthusiastic greetings of his fellow-countrymen, and
meeting their confidence by a full measure of magnanimity.
Within four months, an army of twenty-five thousand men was raised ; and
in the midst of financial, judicial, and commercial arrangements, the grand
object of the constitution was calmly and seriously debated. A committee,
consisting of fourteen persons of the first importance in the several provinces,
furnished the result of three months' labours in the plan of a political code,
which was immediately printed and published for the consideration of the
people at large. Twelve hundred names were next chosen from among the
most respectable householders in the different towns and provinces, including
persons of every religious persuasion, whether Jews or Christians. A special
commission was then formed, who selected from this number six hundred
names; and every housekeeper was called on to give his vote for or against
their election. A large majority of the six hundred notables thus chosen met
at Amsterdam, on the 28th of March, 1814. The following day they assembled
with an immense concourse of people, in the great church, which was splen-
didly fitted up for the occasion; and then and there the prince, in an impress-
ive speech, solemnly offered the constitution for acceptance or rejection.
Only one day more elapsed before the new sovereign was solemnly inaugu-
rated, and took the oath prescribed by the constitution — "I swear that first
and above all things I will maintain the constitution of the United Nether-
lands, and that I will promote, to the utmost of my power, the independence
of the state, and the liberty and prosperity of its inhabitants." In the elo-
quent simplicity of this pledge, the Dutch nation found an ample guarantee
for their freedom and happiness.
While Holland thus resumed its place among free nations, and France
was restored to the Bourbons by the abdication of Napoleon, the allied armies
had taken possession of and occupied the remainder of the Low Countries,
or those provinces distinguished by the name of Belgium (but then still form-
ing departments of the French empire).
HOLLAND AND BELGIUM UNITED (1814)
The Treaty of Paris (May 30th, 1814) stipulated by its sixth article that
" Holland, placed under the sovereignty of the house of Orange, should receive
an increase of territory." In this was explained the primitive notion of the
creation of the kingdom of the Netherlands, based on the necessity of aug-
menting the power of a nation which was destined to turn the balance between
France and Germany. The following month witnessed the execution of the
Treaty of London, which prescribed the precise nature of the projected
increase.
It was wholly decided, without subjecting the question to the approbation
of Belgium, that that country and Holland should form one united state;
and the rules of government in the chief branches of its administration were
completely fixed.
The inhabitants of Belgium, accustomed to foreign domination, were little
shocked by the fact of the allied powers having disposed of their fate without
consulting their wishes. But they were not so indifferent to the double
discovery of finding themselves the subjects of a Dutch and a Protestant
king. The countries had hitherto had but little community of interests
with each other; and they formed elements so utterly discordant as to afford
but slight hope that they would speedily coalesce.
The prince of Orange arrived at Brussels in the month of August, 1814,
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HOLLAND FROM 1722 TO 1815 €9
[1815 aj>.]
and his first effort was to gain the hearts and the confidence of the people,
though he saw the nobles and the higher orders of the inferior classes (with
the exception of the merchants) intriguing all around him for the re-establish-
ment of the Austrian power. Petitions on this subject were printed and
distributed.
As soon as the moment came for promulgating the decision of the sovereign
powers as to the actual extent of the new kingdom — that is to say, in the
month of February, 1815 — the whole plan was made public; and a com-
mission, consisting of twenty-seven members, Dutch and Belgian, was formed,
to consider the modifications necessary in the fundamental law of Holland,
in pursuance of the stipulation of the Treaty of London. After due delibera-
tion these modifications were formed, and the great political pact was com-
pleted for the final acceptance of the king and people.
The news of the elevation of William I to the throne was received in the
Dutch provinces with great joy, in as far as it concerned him personally;
but a joy considerably tempered by doubt and jealousy, as regarded their
junction with a country sufficiently large to counterbalance Holland, oppose
interests to interests, and people to people.
In Belgium the formation of the new monarchy excited the most lively
sensation. The manufacturers, great and small, saw the ruin of monopoly
staring them in the face. The whole people took fright at the weight of the
Dutch debt, which was considerably greater than that of Belgium.
It was in this state of public feeling that intelligence was received, in
March, 1815, of the reappearance in France of the emperor Napoleon.
Holland's part in the great alliance
The flight of Louis XVIII from Paris was the sure signal to the kingdom
of the Netherlands, in which he took refuge, that it was about to become the
scene of another contest for the life or death of despotism. The national
force was soon in the field, under the command of the prince of Orange, the
king's eldest son, and heir apparent to the throne for which he now prepared
to fight. His brother, Prince Frederick, commanded a division under him.
The English army, under the duke of Wellington, occupied Brussels and the
various cantonments in its neighbourhood; and the Prussians, commanded
by Prince Bliicher,^were in readiness to co-operate with their allies on the
first movements of the invaders.
Napoleon, hurrying from Paris to strike some rapid and decisive blow,
passed the Sambre on the 15th of June, at the head of the French army
150,000 strong, driving the Prussians before him beyond Charleroi and back
on the plain of Fleurus with some loss. On the 16th was fought the bloody
battle of Ligny, in which the Prussians sustained a decided defeat. On the
same day the British advanced position at Quatre-Bras, and the corps d'armte
commanded by the prince of Orange, were fiercely attacked by Marshal Ney;
a battalion of Belgian infantry and a brigade of horse artillery having been
engaged in a skirmish the preceding evening at Frasnes with the French
advanced troops.
The affair of Quatre-Bras was sustained with admirable firmness by the
allied English and Netherland forces, against an enemy superior in numbers,
and commanded by one of the best generals in France. The prince of Orange,
with only nine thousand men, maintained his position till three o'clock in
the afternoon, despite the continual attacks of Marshal Ney, who commanded
the left of the French army, consisting of 43,000 men.
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80 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1815 A.D.]
We abstain from entering on details of the battle of Waterloo [already
described in the history of France, Vol. XII]. Various opinions have gone
forth as to the conduct of the Belgian troops on this memorable occasion.
Isolated instances were possibly found, among a mass of several thousands,
of that nervous weakness which neither the noblest incitements nor the
finest examples can conquer. Raw troops might here and there have shrunk
from attacks the most desperate on record; * but the official reports of its
loss, 2,058 men killed and 1,936 wounded, prove indelibly that the troops
of the Netherlands had share in the honour of the day.
The victory was cemented by the blood of the prince of Orange, who
stood the brunt of the fight with his soldiers. His conduct was conformable
to the character of his whole race, and to his own reputation during a long
series of service with the British army in the Spanisn peninsula. He stood
bravely at the head of his troops during the murderous conflict; or, like
Wellington, in whose school he was formed and whose example was beside
him, rode from rank to
rank and column to col-
umn, inspiring his men by
the proofs of his untiring
courage.
On the occasion of one
peculiarly desperate
charge, the prince, hurried
on by his ardour, was
actually in the midst of
the French, and was in the
greatest danger; when a
The Mound op thb Lion, raised on thb Battle-field Belgian battalion rushed
of Waterloo forward, and, after a fierce
struggle, repulsed the en-
emy and disengaged the prince. In the impulse of his admiration and grati-
tude, he tore from his breast one of those decorations gained by his own con-
duct on some preceding occasion, and flung it among the battalion, calling
out, "Take it, take it, my lads! you have all earned it!" Th^s decoration was
immediately grappled for, and tied to the regimental standard, amidst loud
shouts of "Long live the prince !"
A short time afterwards, and just half an hour before that terrible charge
of the whole line which decided the victory, the prince was struck by a
musket-ball in the left shoulder. He was carried from the field, and con-
veyed that evening to Brussels, in the same cart with one of his wounded
aides-de-camp, supported by another, and displaying throughout as much
indifference to pain as he had previously shown contempt of danger.
CONSOLIDATION OF THE NETHERLANDS
The battle of Waterloo consolidated the kingdom of the Netherlands.
The wound of the prince of Orange was, perhaps, one of the most fortunate
[* Alison gives various instances of this unsteadiness, especially the following incident :
" The brigade of Belgians of Perponcher's division formed tne first line of infantry ; thev,
however, speedily gave way before the enemy were within half musket-shot, at the mere sight
of the formidable mass of the French columns. Such was the indignation felt in the British
ranks at this conduct of the Belgians, that they could with difficulty be prevented from giving
them a volley as they hurried through to the rear." The total Belgian loss, however, of the
five days, June 15th-19th, he puts at 4,088 men (not including officers) killed and wounded.]
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HOLLAND FEOM 1722 TO 1815 81
[1816 A.D.]
that was ever received by an individual, or sympathised in by a nation. To
a warlike people, wavering in their allegiance, this evidence of the prince's
valour acted like a talisman against disaffection. The organisation of the
kingdom was immediately proceeded on. The commission, charged with
the revision of the fundamental law, and the modification required by the
increase of territory, presented its report on the 31st of July, 1815. The
.inauguration of the king took place at Brussels on the 21st of September, in
J>resence of the stettesrgeneral; and the ceremony received additional interest
rom the appearance of the sovereign, supported by his two sons, who had
so valiantly fought, for the^ rights -he now swore to maintain — the heir to the
crown yet bearing his wounded arm in a scarf, and showing in his countenance
the marks of recent suffering.**
At this point of the short-lived union of the Low Countries into one state
under one monarch, it will be well to pause for a brief review of the history
of the southern provinces, which we have thus far somewhat neglected for
the sake of the more independent struggles of Holland and the other northern
provinces/*
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CHAPTER XVII
BELGIUM FROM 1648 TO 1815
The treaty concluded between Spain and Holland at the end of the Eighty
Years' War, in 1648, left Belgium no other enemy than France; and the
struggle seemed less unequal, thanks to the assistance brought by the arch-
dukeLeopold. Besides a regular army, raised in Germany, he had with him
a numerous body of Croats who proved themselves as daring as they were
fierce. Duke Charles of Lorraine, driven out of his estates by France, had
led into Belgium and sold to the king the experienced troops formerly in his
service. Fresh soldiers had just arrived over sea from Spain at the same
time with cavalry from Brandenburg. It was with this imposing force that
the archduke obtained several advantages over the French in the year 1647.
He recaptured several towns from them and was already threatening the
frontier when the famous prince of Cond6 gave him battle at Lens and com-
pletely defeated him (1648). Ypfes had fallen into the hands of the French
a few months before; Lens and Furnes met the same fate. In the following
year Leopold retook Ypres, but his troops experienced a fresh reverse in the
vicinity of Valenciennes. CondS and Leuze were lost,
Richelieu's government had raised France to a degree of strength and
unity that must make her arms in the future almost irresistible, and there
was only too much reason for the United Provinces to become alarmed at
the rapid progress of that power. From that moment even the existence
of the Spanish Netherlands was constantly endangered by the growth of the
French monarchy, until the whole of Europe took up arms against the con-
quering nation.
Thus the successes of the archduke did not respond to the expectations
he had aroused. All of his foreign force raised with great difficulty for the
protection of Belgium was powerless to defend the country, while its pillaging
nearly ruined it. The Lorrainers, who had long subsisted on rapine, and the
Croats, whom Europe regarded as brigands, inspired less terror m the enemy
than they did in the unhappy country folk. The Spaniards, although subject
to severe discipline, displayed no less lawlessness when they could escape the
surveillance of their officers. The Walloon regiments alone, braver than they
were numerous, were anything but a scourge to the country.
The troubles, however, that overtook France in the war of the Fronde
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BELGIUM FEOM 1648 TO 1815 33
permitted Leopold for a time to regain the upper hand. He made himself
master of nearly all the places the enemy had captured during the last few
years." But in 1656 Cardinal Mazarin, who was directing French affairs,
secured an alliance with England — then under Cromwell's rule. This put
an end to the archduke's career and he returned to Germany a short time
after .(1656). His successor was Don John of Austria, the king of Spain's
natural son.
Don John, young and without experience in war, might have had a guide
in the prince of Cond6, who had taken up arms against his country rather
than bow the knee to Mazarin. But although this great captain might have
saved Valenciennes and Cambray, the Spanish generals could not bring
themselves to take his orders and dissuaded the governor from following his
advice. They succeeded only too well. The Anglo-French army, having
arrived under the celebrated Turenne to besiege Dunkirk (1658), the young
prince marched against them when it was too late, gave battle at an inoppor-
tune moment, and was completely defeated in spite of Condi's heroic efforts.
Dunkirk, Gravelines, Oudenarde, Menin, and Ypres fell in succession into the
power of the conqueror, whose soldiers ravaged almost the whole of Flanders.
FRANCE IN CONTROL (1659)
Don John left for Madrid in discouragement the following year, while
Philip TV made overtures of peace to Mazarin. A treaty was signed Novem-
ber 7th, 1659, between France and Spain. The young king Louis XIV
married the Spanish infanta and received, as dowry and indemnity for the
rights which this princess renounced, almost the entire county of Artois,
Gravelines, Bourbourg, and St. Venant in Flanders, Landrecies, Avesnes, and
Le Quesnoi in Hainault, Philippeville and Mariembourg in the province of
Namur, and Montm6dy in Luxemburg. Dunkirk remained in the hands of
the English, to whom Turenne had turned it over. Such were the conditions
of the Peace of the Pyrenees, whose consequences were destined to be almost
as grave as those of the Peace of Minister.
BELGIUM THE BATTLE-GROUND OF EUROPE
From this moment Belgium, regarded by France as a prey and feebly
supported by ruined Spain, Decame the arena of the campaigns of Louis XIV.
A detailed account of these campaigns belongs more to the history of Europe
than to that of Belgium, since the Belgians, governed by foreigners, and not
even having a flag to call their own, seemed only to be spectators of their
country's invasion and the struggles of neighbouring powers. Political life
had ceased for the suffering nation. The towns shut themselves up in the
interests of internal peace and domestic affairs; but, far from making
efforts for their defence, they bent under the storm and it might be said that
they sought now only inaction and immobility.
Philip IV having died in 1666, Louis XIV claimed that Brabant now
belonged to him by right of "devolution" (by this name was called a custom
established in some parts of the province by virtue of which the children of
a first marriage could not be disinherited in favour of those of a second union).
Armed with this slight pretext, but having collected sufficient forces to inspire
terror, Louis caused Hainault and Flanders to be invaded, and occupied
Almost the whole of the latter province (1667). Nor did he stop until he
saw England, Holland, and Sweden leagued against him (1668). The Treaty
H. W. — VOL.XIV. D
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84 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[166S-1684A.D.]
of Aix-la-Chapelle, which he then arranged, gave him Charleroi, Binche,
Ath.Douai, Tournay, Lille, Oudenarde, Courtrai, Fumes, and Bergues.
This haughty prince was nevertheless wounded by the boldness and success
with which Holland had opposed his plans of conquest. He worked to win
over England and Sweden, and when he felt sure of their alliance he marched
against the United Provinces, this time attacked on all sides. The invaders
encountered scarcely any obstacle but that of the elements. The Dutch,
seeing themselves too weak, threw open the dikes and inundated a portion
of their country (1672). But the empire and Spain became uneasy at the
progress of France; Louis XIV, violating Belgian territory, had covered it
with troops which had already fallen upon Maastricht (1673). The count
of Monterey, the governor-general, declared war upon France in the name of
Charles II of Spain on the 16th of October, and put himself in communication
with the Dutch and imperial forces, which were collected opposite Venlo
and Bonn. Thereupon Louis XIV quitted the offensive for a moment. He
had just been abandoned by England and Sweden, but he had in his power
almost all the strongholds which commanded the Maas, the Sambre, and
the Schelde. It was in this direction that he established his army, and the
unhappy Belgian provinces once more became for a long time a theatre of
battles.
William III, prince cf Orange, was in command of the allied troops;
those of France had Cond6 for a leader. After a battle at Seneffe (in the
north of Hainault), the result cf which was uncertain, the French took up
positions on both sides of the Sambre, covering their own frontier while they
occupied that of Belgium(1674). False rumours soon spread among the allies
and paralysed their strength. The enemy took advantage of this to seize
Huy and Dinant, and Tirlemont and St. Trond shortly afterward (1675).
Cond6, Bouchain, and Aire met the same fate a year later. In 1677 Valen-
ciennes, Cambray, and St. Omer surrendered one after the other; the prince
of Orange was defeated at the battle of Cassel by the duke of Orleans, and
compelled later on to raise the siege of Charleroi. Finally, in the following
year, the French monarch himself took part in the campaign, andTbesieged
and took Ghent and Ypres. By this time England, Denmark, and all the
German princes were preparing to unite their forces against the conqueror,
whose progress had become too alarming; Louis, as well served by his diplo-
mats as by his generals, evaded the storm by treating with Spain and Holland.
He laid easy terms before these two powers, and peace was finally concluded
at Nimeguen on September 17th, 1678 ; but it was rather an armistice than
a true peace, and the king's ambition was far from being satisfied, although
he had torn a few more snreds from Hainault and Flanders.
In truth, as soon as. the allies had separated, Louis established at Metz a
chambre des r&unions which declared, in defiance of the preceding treaty, the
town of Virton, the county of Chiny in Luxemburg, and some seigniorial
estates in the province of Namur escheated to the crown of France. These
harmful decisions were tolerated, in order f/* avoid a fresh rupture. The
chambre des reunions also advanced some pretended claim to the ancient
county of Alost and imperial Flanders; and French troops, suddenly descend-
ing upon Belgium, occupied West Flanders, bombarded Oudenarde, invaded
the whole of the southern frontier and besieged Luxemburg, which was
compelled to surrender (1684). Such was the weakness of the Spanish
cabinet that it gave in again and purchased a twenty years' truce at the
S'ce of Luxemburg, Beaumont, Bouvines. and Chimav (Treaty of Ratisbon) .
e emperor Leopold, attacked himself by the Turks who were besieging
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BELGIUM FROM 1648 TO 1815 35
fl68&-1807 A. D.]
Vienna, could not think of lending the Belgians assistance, and Holland waa
still suffering from the disasters of the invasion.
However, the course of events was changed when William III ascended
the throne of England, from which he had driven his father-in-law
James II (1688-89). All the smothered hatred against Louis XIV was
kindled almost at once, and the French monarch saw Germany, Holland,
England, Savoy, and Spain united against him. It was in Brabant that the
mam army, composed of the Germans, Dutch, English, and some Spanish
and Walloon regiments, assembled.
The prince of Waldeck, who commanded it, drove the enemy out of the
Flemish provinces, but Hainault
and the valley of the Sambre un-
derwent all the horrors of war.
France's prodigious efforts still
assured her the superiority in
arms. William, who had come
himself to take the general com-
mand, was beaten at Fleurus and
later at Steenkerke (near Halle)
by Marshal Luxemburg, and
could relieve neither Mons nor
Namur, which Louis besieged and
captured almost before his eyes
(1691-92). But finally the re-
sources of France commenced to
be exhausted, while her adver-
saries made new sacrifices.
Maximilian, the elector of Ba-
varia, was appointed governor of
the Spanish Netherlands in 1692.
More fortunate than his prede-
cessors, he drew large sums of
money from the royal treasury
and the Belgian provinces. Wil-
liam obtained an army of fifty-six
thousand men from the English
parliament (Maximilian had only
twenty-eight thousand in all),
and the Dutch increased their
forces in like manner. Luxemburg began to lose his advantage, and although
the victory of Neerwinden (near Landen) and the capture of Charleroi still
assured him the honours of the campaign, the allies were enabled a little
later to capture Huy and Namur (1694-95), and Louis felt the necessity of
making peace. It was at Ryswick near the Hague that the negotiators met,
and the treaty which they finally signed in 1697 gave Luxemburg back to
Belgium, together with the county of Chiny, and Charleroi, Ath, Mons, and
Courtrai.
Status of Rubens, Place Vbrte, Antwerp: th»
Cathedral, Notre Dame, in the Distance
CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY
It was almost a triumph, but it had cost very dear. More than two
hundred thousand foreign soldiers had swarmed over Belgium for the past
eight years, and with the exception of a portion of Brabant all the provinces
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86 THE HISTOBY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1688-1697 A.D.J
had been despoiled from year to year by the enemy. The besieged and cap-
tured cities were not the only ones that had suffered. All had been threatened
and had had to put themselves in a state of defence. In West Flanders the
country had been flooded; elsewhere the peasants took refuge in the fortified
towns. The genius of the famous Vauban for multiplying methods of de-
struction had made the war more dreadful than ever for these cities hitherto
impregnable. His artillery laid them low under a storm of shot and shell
"which nothing could resist. It was thus, in order to force the allies to raise
the siege of Namur, in 1695, that Marshal de Villeroi went to Brussels, and
turning his batteries upon the town destroyed four thousand houses in two
days. They were riddled -with cannon ball, burned by red-hot bullets, or
enveloped in the burning of adjacent buildings.
The Army
The bad administration of the Spanish governors paralysed what strength
and resources still were left to the country. A contemporary writer. Field-
marshal M6rode, & whose testimony is incontestable, paints the condition of
the Belgian troops in these words: "We had in the Low Countries eighteen
wretched infantry regiments and fourteen of cavalry and dragoons, which
all together did not amount to six thousand beggars or robbers, who had
never been properly clothed and for whom pay could not be found. These
troops were very fortunate if in a year they received four months' pay. Under
the administration of the elector of Bavaria they secured scarcely two. The
cavalrymen existed only by acting as highwaymen in bands on the roads,
stopping coaches, public and private vehicles, and foot travellers, to rob
them, or at least to demand alms, pistol in hand. No one could go from one
town to another without meeting them/'
However, these soldiers, so neglected, and reduced to so deplorable a
condition, performed miracles when brought face to face with tne enemy.
Numerical weakness was the sole cause of their reverses and the small honour
maintained by their flag. Whatever may have been the impoverishment of the
country, more able management would still have found the means necessary for
its defence. For indeed did not the French administration, a few years later,
raise thirty-nine thousand infantrymen and five thousand cavalrymen " well
clothed, armed, mounted and equipped" in Belgium? But the Spanish
government, lacking in energy and intelligence, did not know how to make
use of the people's money any more than it knew how to turn their courage
to account.
Besides this, it was due to the incapacity and jealousy of the foreign gov-
ernors that the best Belgian officers were not given any commands. Indeed
they scarcely deigned to entrust the native noblemen with a few of the subordi-
nate posts, and if Belgium may still cite glorious names for this period, it is
because her children found more appreciation abroad than at home. Among
those who distinguished themselves in the wars of Germany the famous
Tserclaes, count of Tilly, who became generalissimo of the imperial forces
(1630), and for a moment counterbalanced the fortune of Gustavus Adolphus,
must be mentioned. After him, history still makes mention of the celebrated
but unfortunate General Ernst von Mansfeld, and especially Johann von Werth
(Jean de Weert) who from a simple soldier raised himself to the command
of armies (1640). Thus did Belgian genius and valour show themselves
outside the country's limits, while within all energy seemed crushed under a
restless and oppressive dominion.
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BELGIUM FROM 1648 TO 1815 37
[1693-1702 A.D.]
THE ARTS
The fine arts themselves were extinguished in the midst cf public suffering.
The great school of Rubens had disappeared. Some genre painters after the
style of Adrian Brouwer and Teniers the Elder were still sharing their masters'
renown, but they left no disciples. Antoine van der Meulen, who excelled
as a painter of battle scenes, had placed himself at the service of Louis XIV,
together with the engravers Edelinck and Warin. A host of other artists
carried their talent to Italy and Germany, for there was no longer any career
for them in Belgium.
The elector, Maximilian of Bavaria, invested with the government of the
Netherlands since 1692, made every attempt after the Peace of Ryswick to
give to the country a measure of prosperity and to his court a show of magnifi-
cence. He was a prince of generous character, who loved splendour and the
arts, and who understood the necessity for reviving trade and industry.
But scarcely had the nation begun to breathe again after all its woes, when
a new quarrel between Europe and Louis XIV sprang up.
The eighteenth century opened gloomily for Belgium. The war had
dealt a final blow to the country's prosperity — to her very existence even;
but the future threatened to develop greater evils. It was not without a
sort of sinister presentiment that the provincial estates recognised the young
heir to Charles II. "We have sacrificed to the late king our lives and our
property," said those of Brabant and Flanders; "we shall sacrifice them
again to his successor." The general government remained with the elector
of Bavaria, who placed French garrisons in all the towns, while the Dutch
soldiers, who had remained, up to the present, as allies in the cities of Luxem-
burg, Namur, Charleroi, Mons, Ath, Oudenarde, Courtrai, and Nieuport,
withdrew to their frontier (February, 1701). But in the following month
England and Holland advanced claim to occupy eleven fortresses in Belgium
to serve as a barrier to the second of thosepowers. (They were Nieuport,
Ostend, Damme, Dendermonde, Mons, Charleroi, Namur, Luxemburg,
Stevensweert, Venlo, and Roermond.) Thus the country's strongholds were
destined to protect a foreign nation.
The refusal of Louis XIV armed Germany, Savoy, and Portugal against
him as well as the two states mentioned above. All these powers united to
drive Philip of Anjou from the Spanish throne and replace him with a prince
of the Austrian house.
William III, who had been the prime mover of this league, died before
war was declared; but the celebrated John Churchill, duke of Marlborough,
took the command of the allied forces in the Netherlands, and this great
soldier's genius obtained the mastery over the French monarch's fortune.
He was able to hold in check the marquis de Boufflers, to whom Louis had
assigned the defence of the Belgian provinces; and the Dutch obtained
possession, one after the other, of Venlo, Roermond, and the well-fortified
Stevensweert, while the English army, which covered the operations of the
Dutch, made its way into the country around Ltege, seized that town, and
took its citadel by assault (1702). Joseph Clement of Bavaria, who then
occupied the episcopal see, had taken sides with France. He now found him-
self deprived of his estates for the whole course of the war, when an imperial
commission directed the affairs of the principality.
In the succeeding years the chances of war seemed more equal. The
French had received fresh recruits, and Marshal de Villeroi was following
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38 THE HISTOBY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1704-1714 A.D.]
Marlborough's movements step by step. The latter thereupon turned
abruptly towards Germany, where the imperial troops were being worsted,
and joining them on the banks of the Danube he gained a decisive victory
near Hochstadt (battle of Blenheim) in 1704. Returning to Belgium after
this great success, he could not, for a long time, entice Villeroi into giving
him cattle; but finally obtained a new triumph on the day of Ramillies
(May 26th, 1706).
BELGIUM BECOMES "THE AUSTRIAN NETHERLANDS" (1706)
The battle of Ramillies placed Flanders and Brabant in the hands of the
allies. These two provinces ceased to recognise Philip of Anjou as sovereign
and took oath of fidelity to his rival Charles of Austria (called Charles III as
king of Spain and afterwards Charles VI as emperor). Ostend, Dendermonde,
Menin, and Ath, which the French garrisons tried to defend, were besieged
and captured. The Walloons and other Belgians in the service of Spain
abandoned the army of Louis XIV almost to a man, and passed over to the
standard of the new king. The government of the Belgian provinces was
committed to a state council composed of native-born citizens. Belgium
was lost to the house of France.
The war, however, continued with great fury. Marlborough was joined
by Prince Eugene of Savoy at the head of a large body of imperial troops,
while the French army also received substantial reinforcement. But fortune
remained faithful to the allies; they took Lille, Tournay, and Mons, and when
Marshal Villars tried to regain the latter place they won a bloody battle from
him at Malplaquet, near St. Guilain (September 11th, 1709). In spite of the
courage still shown by the French soldiers, each day found them more at a
disadvantage.
Louis XIV sued for peace. His propositions were at first rejected, but
in 1711 there was a change in the English ministry and the new administration,
actuated by pacific intentions, accepted the monarch's proposals. In this
way England detached herself from the alliance and at the same time Villars
repulsed Prince Eugene, abandoned by Marlborough's successor. On the
other hand Charles of Austria had just been called to the imperial throne by
the death of his elder brother, and after this event the occupation of the
Spanish throne by this prince would have seriously deranged the balance of
power in Europe. Negotiations were thereupon entered into, and the con-
gress of Utrecht finally re-established general peace for a long time (1713).
The emperor alone refused at first to agree to the conditions devised in the
congress, but he did not delay to adopt tnem himself in the Treaty of Rastatt
(1714).
The articles of the Peace of Utrecht had for their basis the partition of the
Spanish monarchy. Philip V (duke of Anjou) retained Spain and her colonies.
Charles VI (the emperor) received the kingdom of Naples, the duchy of Milan,
and Belgium. It was an arrangement that lacked neither wisdom nor advan-
tage, but as far as Belgium was concerned the articles were particularly
iniquitous. The Spanish Netherlands had been given to the house of Austria
only on odious conditions. Of all the conquests of Louis XIV only Tournay,
Menin, Furnes, Dixmude, and Ypres were restored; while in the north, Venlo
and a part of Gelderland, of which they had always remained in possession,
were taken away from them. The stipulation of the Treaty of Minister in
regard to the closing of the Schelde was renewed. An annual tax of 1,250,000
florins for the benefit of the United Provinces was imposed by means of
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BELGIUM FBOM 1648 TO 1815 39
[1715 A.D.]
subsidies and under penalty of exaction by military force. But worst of all
was the obligation to turn over the most important fortresses of the country
to the Dutch, to serve them as a barrier. England and Holland were to
remain in possession of the Belgian provinces until the emperor had settled
this point to their satisfaction. They asked for Namur, Tournay, Menin,
Fumes, Warneton, and Ypres. Half the garrison of Dendermcnde was to
be composed of troops in the pay of the United Provinces (1715).
Such was this Barrier Treaty — a work of tyranny and spoliation hitherto
unexampled. The whole of Belgium was roused to indignation on learning
to what a state of vassalage she was destined; but her resentment was power-
less. The fatal decree had been pronounced by Europe; and blame could be
imputed neither to Spain, which was destitute, nor to the emperor, who had
obtained the provinces only upon these severe conditions, nor to the powers
who had sacrificed in their own interests those of a foreign nation. Complaints
were made to Charles VI; he recognised the justice of them and declared
that he himself had foreseen "the difficulties ,, of the treaty, but that the
"very delicate conjunctures and the situation of affairs" had compelled him
to subscribe to them. The tone of his reply was affectionate and his inten-
tions were truly paternal; but his efforts to obtain some concession from the
Dutch had but indifferent success, and the Barrier Treaty was modified only
in its less important points.
SPOLIATION AND RUIN OF BELGIUM
In the interior, hardships and suffering were extreme. To be sure, there
existed some trade between Belgium and Spain, and the latter power with its
vast colonies still obtained from Belgian workshops the cloth and arms for
the rich inhabitants of the New World; the manufacture of linens, of which
the country produced both the raw material and the workmen, still held its
own, and the laces which the large towns supplied to the whole of Europe were
also a means of livelihood for a numerous class of the population. But herewith
ended industrial activity. After the Peace of Ryswick the governor-general
(Maximilian of Bavaria), alarmed at the utter ruin of the other branches of
commerce, thought that he ought to consult the states of all the provinces as to
the means of remedy (1699).
Two only were found: the exclusion of foreign merchandise; and the
re-establishment of marine navigation, " by means of a canal to float vessels
of large tonnage, " putting Ostend in communication with Brussels, Maestricht,
and Antwerp, and replacing, so to speak, the Schelde, lost to Belgian com-
merce. Maximilian forbade the importation of cloth and spun wool, as well
as cotton and silk material, and seriously studied the project of the great canal.
But war soon broke out, and the entry of the allies into Belgium put an end
to these tardy measures.
The English and Dutch, who had practical control of almost the entire
country for ten years, used their power in the interest of their own trade and
manufactures to the detriment of those of the Belgians. They flooded the
towns with foreign merchants, while the difficulty of existing conditions
completed the rum of the Belgian workshops and factories. This last blow
was so keenly felt that, in spite of the old national antipathies, there was
formed in the country a large party in favour of France. The harm, that
Louis XIV had done to Belgium, the scorn that his grandson's ministers had
exhibited for the rights of the provinces during their short administration by
levying arbitrary taxes and banishing whomsoever they pleased, the inevitable
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40 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1715-1740 A.D.]
loss of all political independence — none of these wrongs prevented numbers
of the inhabitants from believing that French dominion would at least put
an end to the invasions of foreign armies, reopen perhaps the avenues of
trade, and protect them against odious rivalries.
In the majority of the large towns the people showed themselves disposed
to tumult and riot. This was the result of poverty and humiliation. The
very splendour of the traditions of the past made the present degradation
seem more bitter. The absence of a regular system of government, during
the occupation of the country by troops of the maritime powers, had also
relaxed all the ties of statehood; for the council assembled at Brussels had
but a shadow of temporary power, and as a general thing each locality had,
so to speak, to govern itself. Considering all these causes of disorder and
social dissolution, all the scourges that war brought in its train, it is perhaps
astonishing that the national character could have survived this melancholy
epoch without corruption and disgrace/ 5
Troubles were excited in the Austrian Netherlands in the year 1716 by
the exactions of the marquis of Pri6, a Piedmontese who represented Prince
Eugene of Savoy, the governor-general, during his defence of Hungary against
the Turks. His exactions occasioned tumults in Brussels, Mecnlin, and
other cities, but the inexorable Prte, favoured by the support of the emperor
Charles VI, crushed the defenders of municipal liberty .«
In 1722 a commercial company was formed at Ostend by Charles VI,
but this was sacrificed in 1731 to the jealousy of the Dutch, who contended
that by the treaty of Minister the inhabitants of the Spanish Netherlands
were specifically forbidden to engage in the trade with tne Indies. Answer
was made that the Belgians were no longer Spanish and that the restriction
was contrary to the law of nature and of nations. But England also feared
the Belgian invasion of the Indian trade, and the disbandment of the com-
pany was agreed on in a treaty between the emperor and Great Britain signed
at Vienna 1731, Holland taking no part in the treaty.
THE WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION (1731-1748)
The marquis of Pri6 had been recalled by the emperor, and the arch-
duchess Maria Elizabeth, Charles' sister, had come to take up the reins of
government (1725). She was a princess of sweet and benevolent character,
who succeeded in making the Belgians love her but whose administration
was entirely lacking in vigour. She collected few taxes, but the finances
remained in disorder, the towns in debt, and trade in a languishing condition.
Agriculture alone, thanks to the return of peace, was able to reassume its
former prosperity. All traces of past misfortune were so well effaced in the
rural districts, by the labour and intelligence of the farmers, that there at
least was witnessed the renascence of Belgium's old-time opulence. But
Charles VI, who had no son, saw the succession ill-assured to his daughter
Maria Theresa.
In vain did he try to forestall all dispute on the subject by a special regula-
tion which was called the Pragmatic Sanction. The majority of the European
powers did indeed consent to recognise the princess's rights to her father's
possessions; but no sooner had the latter breathed his last than the storm
broke, and the young empress saw herself attacked by the king of Prussia
(Frederick II), who took Silesia from her; by the elector of Bavaria, who
claimed the empire; and by France, which upheld the elector, in the hope of
weakening the Austrian house. Nevertheless the war did not yet extend
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BELGIUM FROM 1648 TO 1815 41
[1740-1748 A.D.]
to the Belgian provinces, whose neutrality France from the first respected
in order not to offend the maritime powers. It seemed moreover that a
single campaign would suffice to overwhelm Maria Theresa, who was lacking
in troops, generals, and money. But the daughter of Charles VT was not to
be discouraged by her first reverses; and, putting her confidence in the
justice of her cause and the love of her subjects, she succeeded in arming
the war-like population of Hungary in her behalf.
England and Holland haa become interested in the empress' danger.
In the Belgian fortresses sixteen thousand English replaced the Dutch troops,
which were sent to Germany. Thereupon the French changed their careful
tactics in the Low Countries. Louis XV, at the head of a formidable army,
entered West Flanders and took Menin and Ypres (1744) ; but he was obliged
to hasten to the help of
Alsace, attacked by the
Austrians, and an Anglo-
Dutch army reinforced
by some Belgian troops
invaded in its turn the
frontiers of France. Nev-
ertheless, the campaigns
that followed were all to
the advantage of France,
whose armies were under
the command of the cele-
brated Marshal Saxe. In
1745 they took Tournay
and defeated the entire
allied forces at Fontenoy
(near Antoing). A por-
tion of Hainault and the
whole of Flanders was Palace of the Count of Flanders, Brussels
the price of the victory.
In 1746 the remainder of the Austrian Netherlands, except Luxemburg, fell
into the power of France.
The diocese of Ltege now became the principal theatre of war. An imperial
army which had hastened to the support of the Dutch was beaten at Rocoux
(near LiSge), and the year after the victory of Lawfeld near Tongres main-
tained the French in possession of all their conquests. Bergen-op-Zoom
was taken and the same fate befell Maestricht in 1748. Abusing the rights
the strength of their arms had given them, Marshal Saxe and the intendant
of &6chelles crushed the invaded provinces under heavy contributions; they
went so far as to demand of the clergy, at one single time, one sixth of the
value of all their property.
This accounts for the spontaneous expression of keen joy when, in 1748,
the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle restored Belgium to Maria Theresa. The
French withdrew the following year, and Duke Charles of Lorraine, the
empress' brother-in-law, arrived to take control of the government.
This prince had been appointed governor-general upon the death of Maria
Elizabeth (1741), but the war detained him a long time in Germany, where
he distinguished himself in fighting against Frederick II. His noble and
loyal character, his affability, his frankness, his inexhaustible goodness
endeared him to the Belgians, among whom he had since resided. The affairs
of the country were in the greatest disorder, the revenues of the state
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42 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1749-1798 ▲ J>.]
insufficient for its needs, the provinces in debt; the whole government was par-
alysed. But the skill of the count of Cobenzl, appointed minister plenipoten-
tiary and directory of internal affairs, raised resources little by little, while
the affection of the people levelled the obstacles against which tne sovereign's
power had broken itself. If the minister's efforts to reorganise the govern-
ment and reform abuses appeared sometimes to exceed the just limits of
his authority, and struck at times at honoured customs, the empress' modera-
tion and dufce Charles' conservative spirit impressed a character of moderation
and slowness upon the execution of his plans. Thus the gradual change that
took place in the administration from this time on was free from all agitation
and perturbation, and it was likewise by degrees that the young sovereign
learned to understand the importance of this part of her possessions.
BENEFICIAL RESULT OF MARIA THERESA'S REION
Maria Theresa had thought for a moment of ceding the Netherlands to a
prince of the Spanish house, the infante-duke of Parma; and there was nothing
extraordinary in this idea, since up to the present time the possession of these
provinces had been nothing but a burden to Austria. But a new war broke
out between the empress and the king of Prussia (1757), and the Belgians
came forward at once with twelve thousand soldiers and 16,000,000 florins,
independent of the immense sums which the Antwerp capitalists lent to the
imperial treasury. Sacrifices of every kind were made up to the very close
of the war (1763), and brought the German ministers to realise the great
value of a possession which hitherto had not been half appreciated. The
empress was touched by the marks of devotion which the Belgian provinces
showered upon her, and from that moment she displayed the liveliest solici-
tude for their prosperity.
There was much to be done to raise Belgium from the state of depression
and inertia into which the disasters of the past had plunged her. The nation
had ceased to be rich; and, while it remained hard-working, while it endeav-
oured to make up by economy for the loss of opulence, it must be admitted
that the energy that accomplishes great ends seemed extinguished together
with the intellectual progress that prepares them. Arts and letters had almost
disappeared. Continued depression had brought about a sort of indifference
— a hfelessness under the influence of which the nobility and vigour of the
national character were to some degree effaced. Nations pass through phases
of torpor that, like moments of sleep, succeed excessive fatigue.
The renascence of Belgium began under Maria Theresa. Not content
with re-establishing order in the government, with doubling the revenues of
the country, which soon reached 16,000,000 florins, with encouraging every
effort in agriculture and industry, she attempted to assure the progress of
civilisation, established colleges m the principal cities, a military school at
Antwerp, and an academy at Brussels She honoured the fine arts, and
apolauded the zeal of Charles of Lorraine in their protection. Severe towards
some abuses which would have harmed the church and religion, she set an
example of respect for sacred things and exercised as much influence over
her subjects by her virtues as by her great wisdom. Thus she became the
object of veneration and boundless love, and the last twenty years of her
reign have been regarded, with truth, as the happiest period in the memory
of the Belgians.
Although separated from the rest of Belgium, the diocese of Ltege enjoyed
the same tranquillity after having experienced the same agitation. John
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BELGIUM FEOM 1648 TO 1815 43
{1^64-1780 AJ>.]
Theodore of Bavaria, who had governed that province from 1744 to 1763,
was the brother of Maria Theresa's rival for the empire, to whose party ties
of blood had bound him; but he proved himself in his internal administration
a wise and peaceful prince. It was the same with his successors, under whom
the commerce and industry of the Ltegeois regained their activity, while the
nation rejoiced untroubled in a liberty henceforth exempt from all peril.
Thus the different provinces of the Catholic Low Countries simultaneously
regained a part of their old-time prosperity. This state of things was pro-
longed during the whole of the reign of the empress, who was able to main-
tain peace in Europe and to make foreign powers respect the sceptre which
protected her subjects. She attained an advanced age without ceasing
to hold the reins of her vast empire, and preserved to her last day her zeal
for the well-being of her people, and an authority founded on the union of
power and virtue. This great princess and Charles of Lorraine expired the
same year (1780), both mourned for by the Belgians, to whom this double
loss seemed to presage the end of their happiness. -
JOSEPH II AND HIS ATTEMPTS AT REFORM (1780)
The child that Maria Theresa had brought in her arms before the Hunga-
rian diet, in 1741, had become a man; he had been associated with her in the
g>vernment since 1765, and succeeded his mother under the title of Joseph II.
e visited Belgium in 1781, but he only remained there a short time. He
appeared to carry away a false idea of the national character, yet he never-
theless at that time made projects favourable to the independence of the prov-
inces. The Barrier Treaty was still in force, although it had not been con-
firmed by that of Aix-la-Chapelle, but the United Provinces, being engaged in a
naval war with England, were not in condition to support another struggle.
The emperor ordered the demolition of all the Belgian fortresses, and those
occupied by foreign garrisons were the first to suffer; the garrisons retired with-
out resistance. He next proclaimed the freedom of the Schelde, and by his
command a brig, fitted out at Antwerp, sailed down to the sea, braving the
forts and the Dutch cruisers. But scarcely had the ship, which was flying
the imperial flag, arrived before Saf tingen, when it was stopped by the batteries
and fell into the hands of those who were guarding the channel (1783).
Joseph thereupon made mighty threats, which alarmed the whole of
Europe. A war between the Empire and Holland was anticipated; for the
United Provinces would have braved everything rather than free Antwerp
and let Belgian commerce revive. They had already seen in the preceding-
years (1781-1784) the port of Ostend suddenly attain a flourishing condition
on account of the neutrality and freedom it enjoyed during the naval war.
The right to use the Schelde might revive Antwerp, and that city's natural
advantages excited the jealousy and uneasiness of a trading people. But
Joseph II, as inconstant as he was precipitate, soon ceased to maintain his
righteous claims and contented himself with the sum of 6,000,000 florins
which Holland sacrificed in order to retain its privilege.
After having thus given up the completion of Belgium's liberation, the
emperor thought for a time of exchanging the country for the electorate of
Bavaria, which bordered upon his German possessions. But when the pro-
ject fell through, he directed the impatient activity of his mind to a plan of
general reorganisation of the countries subject to his sway. c
Disgusted by the despotism exercised by the clergy of Belgium, Joseph
commenced his reign by measures that at once roused a desperate spirit of
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44 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1787-1780 A.D.]
hostility in the priesthood, and soon spread among the bigoted mass of the
people. Miscalculating his own power, and undervaluing that of the priests,
the emperor issued decrees and edicts with a sweeping violence that shocked
every prejudice and roused every passion perilous to the country. Toleration
to the Protestants, emancipation of the clergy from the papal yoke, reforma-
tion in the system of theological instruction were among the wholesale meas-
ures of the emperor's enthusiasm, so imprudently attempted and so virulently
opposed. 6
The minds of the people had scarcely recovered from the first sensations
of surprise when new edicts appeared (January, 1787). One abolished the
existing tribunals and the seigniorial, ecclesiastical, and academic judges, and
substituted a judicial organisation based on the principle of unity; the other
united in one body the various councils connected with the government, and
submitted to the imperial approval the choice of permanent deputations (the
colleges of the estates-deputies). Two months afterwards a final decree
divided the country into nme districts, whose administration was confided to
intendants who were to replace all the old provincial authorities. This
was a complete upheaval, to which it would be difficult to find a parallel
unless we go back to the most violent revolutionary crises.
The Brabantine Revolution of 1787-1789
The estates complained; the people did more: they armed themselves.
If the edicts had been put into execution the struggle would have begun at
once.
Maria Christina of Austria, sister of Joseph II, and Duke Albert of Saxe-
Teschen, whom she had married, had been living in Brussels, in the quality of
governors^general, since 1781. The popular excitement terrified them, and
they provisionally suspended the execution of the decrees. The emperor at
first blamed them for this condescension, but when a deputation of the estates
presented itself, in obedience to his command, and he realised the degree of
firmness exhibited by the Belgians, he yielded in the majority of the disputed
points, and persisted only in the edict relating to the clergy (August, 1787).
The people reioiced in this partial victory, and preparations for resistance
disappeared; but the opening of the general seminary at Louvain still kept
alive a little flame of discontent.
This last germ of irritation could not but grow when the diocesan semi-
naries were closed in spite of the bishops, and the University of Louvain
suspended on account of its opposition to the new institution whose doctrines
it condemned. In 1788 the Hainault estates refused all subsidies; the emperor
broke them, declared their privileges forfeited, and caused the arrest of some
of the members. In Brabant, the third estate alone had made the
same refusal; the monarch demanded the provisional suppression of the
order, the concession of a perpetual subsidy, and the establishment of the
new judicial organisation. Upon the Assembly's negative response, an
imperial diploma broke and annulled the "joyeuse-entree," that is to say*
the fundamental pact which bound the people to the sovereign (June, 1789).
Joseph declared that he could rule the country by force and as a conquest;
later he wrote to the general who was directing the movements of the military,
"that the more or less of blood shed to settle matters was not a matter for
consideration and that the soldiers would be recompensed the same as if they
had fought against the Turks." Strange blindness in a prince who made no
scruple of violating the most sacred ideas of justice and humanity, not through
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BELGIUM FBOM 1648 TO 1815 45
violence and barbarism, but because he believed himself more enlightened
than his subjects.
Resistance was not long in coming. There had been formed at Breda a
colony of Belgian AnigrSs tolerated by the Dutch government, and still full
of resentment towards Joseph II. This colony soon collected two or three
thousand volunteers whose command was confided to Colonel van der Mersch
of Menia, an old officer of proves valour. He entered Brabant with his feeble
troops, encountered the Austrian division charged with guarding the frontier,
was able to allure it to the little town of Turnhout, where he placed himself
advantageously, and seconded by the efforts of the burghers he achieved
a complete victory (October 26th, 1789).
This was the signal for insurrection throughout the whole of Belgium. A
column of volunteers arrived at Ghent, and supported by the people, attacked
the garrison of the town and soon made themselves masters of the citadel.
The whole of Flanders drove the Austrians out. The people of Brussels
attacked them in the streets and forced them to See. Mons fell into the
hands of its citizens in the same manner. On the 11th of January, 1789,
the deputies of all the provinces situated north of the Maas, assembled at
Brussels, proclaimed the independence of the United Belgian States.
Joseph II, already ill, did not long survive the news (February 20th).
" It is your country that has killed me," he said to the prince de Ligne; " what
a humiliation for me!" The unhappy sovereign had forgotten how he him-
self had wounded the people whose institutions he hoped by one word to
overthrow.
Nevertheless the Brabantine Revolution (such is the name that history
has given it) was not to enjoy a long existence. It was a flash of enthusiasm
in a nation faithful to its old laws and to the spirit of its ancestors; but in
following this impulse they returned to a past already become impossible.
The march of time changes the social order; and, half a centuiy after
Joseph's death, the Belgianspossessed none of the old institutions for which
their fathers had fought. Their memory commands respect, but their day
has passed.
The movement could not continue, in the sense in which it had been
conceived. The man whose opinions best represented those of the country
— Henry van der Noot, formerly an advocate of Brussels, who had put
himself at the head of the committee at Breda — had been all-powerful in
overthrowing the emperor; but when he became the chief of the government
he did nothing. An already powerful party turned its glance towards the
future, desiring certain innovations, the majority of which are in operation
to-day. But tne advocate Vonck, who was its leader, and the brave Van der
Mersch, who supported him, were powerless to overcome the profound antip-
athy inspired in the nation by the principles and example of the French
Revolution which, then in progress, nad already shaken the old social order
to its very foundations. The house of Austria also had its partisans, in whom
the memory of Maria Theresa's virtues inspired a sincere attachment to her
sons. These adherents did not succeed in getting the people to listen, even
when their much-regretted flag was raised.
The Austrians withdrew to the right bank of the Maas. Van der Mersch
took up his position opposite to them at Namur, and in the neighbouring
townships. But his troops, although numerous, had but an imperfect organi-
sation. Instead of occupying himself exclusively with instructing and disci-
plining them. Van der Merscn wished to make his army a support to Vonck's
party, and his officers soon showed themselves disposed to lay down the law
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46 THE HISTOEY OF THE NETHEELANDS
[178&-1792 A.D.]
to the estates. The latter thereupon gave the command of the force to a
Prussian officer, General Schonfeld, while Van der Mersch was arrested and
sent to the citadel at Antwerp.
But Schonfeld, who seems to have been the agent of a foreign power,
made no use whatever of the forces under his orders, and moreover ne chilled
their enthusiasm by his coldness. The Maas continued to separate the troops
of the two nations. The Belgians did not even try to unite with the Li6geois,
at that moment in revolt against their bishop (1789), because on the occasion
of the games established at Spa he had refused to extend to the new estab-
lishments the privilege of taking part in them.
The congress had flattered itself that it would be able to obtain the support
of Prussia, of England, and, above all, of Holland. It was a vain hope; but
Van der Noot and the majority of the estates could not seek elsewhere the
salvation of their cause: they were unwilling to place their country's fate in
the hands of a warlike people, and, on the other hand, they had committed
the mistake of rejecting the peace propositions of the emperor Leopold II,
Joseph's brother. The courts with which they solicited an alliance left them
in their delusion up to the very moment when an imperial army was on the
march. Then the congress was advised to submit.
In the spring of the following year the Austrians, under the leadership of
Bender, re-entered the provinces from which they had been driven. Schonfeld
abandoned his soldiers, who managed their retreat towards Flanders with
less disorder than might have been expected; the members of the congress
dispersed — some leaving the country, the others returning to their houses.
The imperial troops re-established, m passing, the bishop of Ltege in the
principality. Of all the great movements which had agitated Belgium,
nothing remained but disaffection for the imperial house and indifference to
threatened dangers.
BELGIUM DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1792)
In fact, while Counts Mercy, Argenteau, and Metternich, named one after
the other minister plenipotentiary to the Austrian Netherlands, were strug-
gling to revive in the provinces their old-time spirit of obedience and devotion,
the French Revolution reached its height, and prepared Europe for a more
bloody upheaval than any that had preceded. Leopold, although he had
foreseen the war, was not to witness it, death having removed him at the age
of forty-five, in 1792; but Francis II, who succeeded him, had scarcely
mounted the throne when hostilities commenced. Spectators in the fight
which was to decide their fate, the Belgians took scarcely any part in it;
and perhaps this neutrality of a people formerly so devoted to Austria was
a great weight in the balance. For Belgium became the field upon which
the hostile powers long fought, with chances so nearly equal that the support
and concurrence of a faithful people might have changed the outcome of the
war.
The first actions were of little consequence, and the imperial troops gained
some advantage. Two divisions of the enemy left Lille and Valenciennes at
the same time and advanced upon Tournay and Mons (April, 1792). The
plan of the French was to prevent the union of the Austrian troops, and
suddenly overpower them; but a panic of terror seized upon their soldiers
at the sight of the German outposts, and the two columns dispersed without
fighting. An attempt of General Luckner upon Courtrai was likewise repulsed
with ease. In the month of October Duke Albert of Saxe-Teschen, who had
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BELGIUM FROM 1648 TO 1815 47
[1TW-1815 a.d.]
reassumed the government of Belgium, marched upon Lille with fifteen
thousand men and bombarded the town during six days. But shortly after
this empty demonstration the French attacked, on their side, the troops
which were covering Hainault. Two brave Belgian generals, Clerfayt and
Beaulieu, commanded this corps, twenty thousand strong. Forty thousand
of the enemy under Dumouriez attacked them at Jemmapes, near Mons,
(November 6th,) and forced them to retire after a stubborn fight.
Then the French army penetrated into the heart of Belgium, while the
Austrians retired behind the Maas. Dumouriez entered Brussels the 14th,
and Lifige on the 28th of the same month. He was received in the first of
these cities without opposition; in the second, amid the acclamations of the
people.
The Austrian army, which had retreated to the right bank of the Maas,
soon received large reinforcements there; and, commanded by the prince of
Coburg, took the offensive in the ensuing campaign, drove the French from
Limburg and the country around Li&ge, defeated Dumouriez at Neerwinden
(near Landen), reconquered the whole of Belgium, and took Valenciennes
(March- July, 1793). Nothing now stopped the victorious march of the
allied troops (for the English and Dutch had joined the imperial forces),
until the duke of York was detached with a considerable army to besiege
the town of Dunkirk, which England was desirous of possessing. This mis-
take, in separating the two wings of the army, gave superiority to the enemy,
who was able to make them give way one after the other. They might have
been cut off by a bold attack of the French upon Menin, had not the brave
Beaulieu won a decided advantage before the town (September 15th).
Nevertheless, the duke of York was forced to raise the siege of Dunkirk,
and the prince of Cobui-g that of Maubeuge. Thus the career of the victors
was arrested. The neutrality of the Prussians finally permitted France to
place new forces on the banks of the Sambre. Charleroi was taken, June
26th, 1794, and the prince of Coburg, who marched to the assistance of that
place, was at some disadvantage in a general battle fought the next day on
the famous plain of Fleurus. Thereupon the allies abandoned Belgium
again, and it was occupied by the French as a conquered country s
The Treaty of Campo-Formio (1797) and the subsequent Treaty of Lun6-
ville (1801) confirmed the conquerors in the possession of the country, and
Belgium became an integral part of France, being governed on the same foot-
ing, receiving the Code Napolion, and sharing in the fortunes of the republic
and the empire, as described in an earlier volume.
After the fall of Napoleon and the conclusion of the first Peace of Paris
(30th of May, 1814), Belgium was for some months ruled by an Austrian
governor-general, after which, as we have seen in the last chapter, it was
united with Holland under Prince William Frederick of Nassau, who took
the title of king of the Netherlands (March 23rd, 1815). The congress of
Vienna (Majr 31st, 1815) determined the relations and fixed the boundaries
of the new kingdom; and the new constitution was promulgated on the 24th
of August following, the king taking the oath (September 27th) at Brussels./
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CHAPTER XVIII
BELGIUM SINCE 1815
The influences of the French Revolution of 1830 were first felt in the
adjoining country of Belgium. For the last decade no little inflammable
material had collected there, and an explosion had long been prophesied. In
order to have a stronger bulwark against the encroachments of France in the
north, the congress of Vienna had decreed that southern Belgium should be
united with northern Holland as an increase of territory under the house of
Orange. In this way the hegemony of Holland was recognised, while Bel-
gium was viewed as a sort of tributary province and treated accordingly;
this, in spite of the fact that two-thirds of the population belonged to Belgium
and only one-third to Holland. For more tnan two centuries each of these
two countries had been independent of the other, with the exception of a few
years under the Napoleonic rule. Belgium remained first under Spanish,
later under Austrian dominion; Holland, while yet a young republic, rose
to a maritime power of the first rank and ruled over an enormous colonial
territory. In the humanities and the art of painting she had been the rival
of Germany and Italy.
Added to these differences of their past career were other antagonistic
principles, of religion as well as language. Belgium is Roman Catholic, and
the language of cultured society as well as of business is French, although
two-thirds of the population of the north speak Flemish, which is closely
related to the Dutch language; in Holland, however, Calvinism took root
very earlv and the language of the country is a Germanic dialect. In his
hatred of everything French, King William strove to restrict the use of the
French language more and more, which was very inconvenient in the south-
ern provinces, especially in the law courts and in the army.
The Belgian clergy was very reluctant to submit to a Protestant govern-
ment and felt its very existence menaced when the king wished to place the
whole school system, this domain of hierarchy, under the supervision of the
government. The curriculums of the Belgian schools, colleges, and univer-
sities were greatly advanced, and in 1825 a college of philosophy was estab-
lished at Louvain, which everyone was obliged to attend who wished to enter
an episcopal seminary. It was expected that this seasonable institution would
act as a barrier to the excesses of ultramontanism. The challenge was
accepted. Although ultramontanism had a great influence over the people,
the government had nothing to fear if the liberal elements were in its favour.
But these also were antagonised by abolishment of trial by jury, by disci-
48
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BELGIUM SINCE 1815 40
[1825-1890 A.D.]
plining officers of justice of the opposition, by restricting the liberty of the
press, 1 and by the decided refusal to propose a law for the responsibility of
ministers.
As neither the clericals nor the liberals could achieve any advantage alone,
the result was the unnatural combination of these two great parties. The
clericals assisted the liberals in the agitations for freedom of the press; the
liberals worked with the clericals in their efforts to obtain freedom of instruc-
tion, by means of which the clergy hoped to regain control of all public edu-
cation.
BELGIAN DISCONTENT
These grievances might have been settled in the states-general. But here
also the Belgians were at a disadvantage; for, in spite of their large majority
•f population, they had no more delegates than the Hollanders — fifty-five for
eacn state. While the Dutch delegates stood like a solid phalanx, the Bel-
gians, not being so united, and some of them having been drawn to the side
of the government, could accomplish nothing.
Another cause for disagreement between the two states was their material
interests, although the king from self-interest did all he could to further indus-
trial enterprises. 3 Belgium was made to share the enormous debt of Holland,
and was burdened with unaccustomed taxes (for instance on bread and meat)
in order to discharge it. This last-named tax exasperated the populace in
the highest degree, and in consequence the opposition succeeded in 1829 in
electing delegates to the states-general, who were nearly all liberals. The
king on his journey through the Belgian cities, where he was joyfully wel-
comed, allowed himself to be deceived as to the real sentiment of the country,
just as Charles X did in Alsace. At the reception of the civic authorities in
Lidge he declared that he knew now what to think of the ostensible grie-
vances, and that he saw in them only the designs of a few who had their own
separate interests to advance — " such behaviour was simply infamous ! " At
once an order was formed in Flanders, the home of the clericals, whose mem-
bers wore a medal with the inscription " Fiddles jusqu'i Tinfamie " — alluding
to the motto of the Genevese of 1566: " Faithful unto beggary ! " The excite-
ment was heightened by a message to the states-general of December 11th,
1829, which clearly betrayed the absolutism of the king, and by a circular of
the minister of justice, Van Maanen, and the minister of the interior to all their
subordinates, ordering them to give at once a formal declaration of their assent
to the principles of the message. The Dutch were jubilant over the blow
which had been struck against the Belgians. The latter in the press pro-
tested against the manifesto of despotism against liberty, and placed Van
[' The newspapers, having reopened their attacks against Dutch supremacy, were piti-
lessly prosecuted in all the provinces at Brussels, Liege, Ghent, Tournay, etc. Nothing was
spoken of but the lawsuits against the opposition papers, both Catholic and liberal. On the
other hand, the ministerial papers also continued with renewed race their insults and calumnies
against the members of the opposition in the states-general and against the unionists.— Juste.*]
[* If the political situation was an anxious one, the material prosperity of the country on
the contrary bore witness to the immense progress made in the reign of William I. One might
be proud of calling oneself a citizen of this truly flourishing kingdom, which was so rich and
inspired such noble sympathy abroad. The population had increased in 1829 to the number of
more than six millions of inhabitants (Holland, 2,314,087 ; Belgium, 3,921,082). When he
opened the session of the states-general of 1827-28, the king had remarked the flourishing
condition of commerce and industry : "Our commerce," he said, "is increasing prosperously.
Our naval constructions are developing favourably. Agriculture continues to improve. The
exploitation of mines is beginning actively. Manufactures achieve continual progress and
make a successful stand against foreign competition both in European markets and in other
parts of the world." — Juste. b ]
H. W. — VOL. XIV. ■
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50 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1880 A.D.J
Maanen, the soul of the ministry, on a par with Polignac. There were even
then hints of a separation of Belgium from Holland and a separate constitu-
tion and administration of the country.
What did it avail that the government, in order to curry favour with the
Belgian opposition, now made a few concessions in regard to the grievances
of the language and the press, and abolished the college of Louvain! Its
true character had
been only too
clearly shown and
been made more
unpopular than
before by its dis-
missal of . officials
and punishment of
authors; among
the latter was De
Potter, who had
suggested the for-
mation of a con-
federacy in order
that all the mem-
bers thereof might
be secure from all
violent measures.
He was arrested
and sentenced, in
April, 1830, to
Mus£e Plantin-Morbtub, Aotwbrp, a Famous Printing U&tab- eight years of ex-
LISHMBNT DATING FROM THB MIDDLE OF THB SIXTEENTH JJ e JJardlV aiTlVed
CENTURY, NOW A MU8BUM ^ ' A^^p^e
on his journey to Lausanne, he was informed of the events of the July week in
Paris, went to France, and, settling in Paris, put himself into communication
with his friends in Brussels.
IMITATION OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830
The desire to rid Belgium of an anti-national government, after the example
of France, was very obvious, and it was hoped that the July monarchy and
the enthusiasm of the French people * might oe depended upon. De Potter's
most intimate friend, Gendebien, went to Paris, in order to arrange for a union
of his native country with France and to offer a Belgian contingent in the con-
test for the Rhine boundaries. But Louis Philippe had no desire to risk the
throne he had just mounted by a 'war of conquest, and refused the offer.
Thereupon Gendebien and his friends tried to arouse popular demonstration
in order to force France to occupy Belgium, in case Prussia should aid Hol-
land. They were quite open in their undertaking, even going so far as to
advertise by posters: "Monday, fireworks; Tuesday, illumination; Wednes-
day, revolution! "
Meanwhile what course did the officials pursue in order to calm the excite-
[* The duke of Wellington said too truly to M. Decazes in 1819 : " Sad experience has
shown you that no nation in the world can be tranquil if France is not so ! From the
authentic testimony of a contemporary, an eye-witness, we learn that the news of the revolu-
tion against Charles X had been received in Brussels with the greatest interest.— Jubtb.*]
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BELGIUM SINCE 1815 51
[1880 A.D.]
ment ? On August 25th, 1830, they permitted the presentation at Brussels
of the opera La Muette de Portici — which glorifies tne rebellion of the Nea-
politans against Spanish rule, led by the fisherman Masaniello. Every allu-
sion to domestic affairs was applauded to the echo; and in the streets outside,
crowds of the lower classes snouted, " Hurrah for De Potter, down with Van
Maanen! "
At the close of the opera the crowds [crying " Imitons les Parisiens ! "]
attacked the residences of the ministerial editor Libri and of Van Maanen. One
was totally wrecked, the other burned to the ground. During the night
all shops where weapons were for sale were plundered; the work of destruc-
tion was continued on the 26th, the tricolour of Brabant raised on the city
hall, and the royal arms demolished. On the increase of this rioting among
the lowest classes the citizens arose, formed a civic guard, suppressed the
anarchy, arranged for a meeting of the most prominent men on the 28th of
August, and decided to send a deputation to the king asking him to change
the prevailing system of government, to dismiss his cabinet, and to call at once
a meeting of the states-general.
The uprising spread quickly over the whole country, was successful every-
where, and. only a very few fortresses were able to withstand it. But the king,
like Charles and Polignac, had no idea of making concessions, until Belgium
should be subdued once more. He sent his eldest son, the prince of Orange,
to Brussels, to study the real state of affairs; and his second son, Prince Fred-
erick, to Antwerp, to raise troops. At the same time he called the states-
general to the Hague for an extraordinary session on September 13th. His
plan was to prolong the situation in this way and occupy Brussels in the
meantime. He declared to the deputation that he could not be driven by
force to dismiss Van Maanen.
On August 31st the two princes, arriving with the troops at Vilvorde, two
hours' distance from Brussels, summoned Baron Hoogvorst, commander of
the citizen guard, to their headquarters, in order to confer with him on the
restoration of the royal authority. Hoogvorst invited Orange to come to
Brussels without troops; the latter, however, insisted on the entry of the
troops and the restoration of the regal emblems. When Hoogvorst brought
hack this answer to Brussels it caused tremendous excitement: a universal
clamour for weapons arose, women and children took part in the work, car-
tridges were manufactured, missiles placed in the houses, and more than fifty
barricades erected in the streets. At the same time the prince was notified
by a second deputation that the acceptance of his terms was out of the ques-
tion. The prince finally yielded, and rode alone on September 1st through
the densely crowded streets of the city, while the cry of " Long live liberty!
Down with Van Maanen! " saluted his ears.
He appointed a committee to discuss the best methods as to an arrange-
ment for an understanding between the government and the citizens, and this
committee informed him that the only means was the legislative and admin-
istrative separation of Belgium from Holland, the establishment of a Belgian
special ministry, and a personal union of the two countries similar to that of
Sweden and Norway.
The prince promised to lay their wishes before his father and to support
them, and returned to the Hague. The garrison of Brussels also left and
joined the troops of Prince Frederick. But the king, deluded by the idea that
the great powers would certainly not allow their own creation to be over-
thrown, and that England above all could not refuse to aid him, would not
accede to the representations of his son and a few of his ministers; he did, to
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52
THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1890 A.D.]
be sure, dismiss Van Maanen, but he tried to pacify the impatient ones by a
proclamation regarding the probable decisions of the states-general, and
emphasised again the maintenance of the real union and the continuance of
legitimate methods.
The situation was made worse by the attitude of the Dutch. They were
more royal than the king himself, and thus urged on the quarrel between the
two nationalities. In the Dutch papers it was said that rebel blood was not
fraternal blood; the time for nego-
tiations had passed : therefore, " War
to rebels and assassins! "
The states-general opened on
September 13th. The speech from
the throne was verv indefinite about
the separation of Belgium and Hol-
land. The Dutch delegates had noth-
ing but force of arms to suggest.
Although it had been possible
before the opening of the states-gen-
eral to establish on September 11th a
committee of safety, "for the pres-
ervation of the dynasty and publio
order," totally different forces as-
sumed control on receipt of the news
from the Hague. Hordes of revo-
lutionists and unemployed labourers
came from the other cities of Belgium
and from Paris, resolved to fight out
the old quarrel in the streets of
Brussels. On the 20th of Septem-
ber they took possession of the city
hall, disarmed the citizen guard,
drove out the committee of safety,
and restored to the populace the
power which had passed from them
to the citizens on August 27th.
Even the Belgian representatives now implored the king to employ force
of arms against this dominion of the working class. Prince Frederick was
commanded to advance from Vilvorde against Brussels. He issued a proc-
lamation in which he promised general amnesty, but threatened " the ring-
leaders of these much too criminal actions" with heavy punishment. He
appeared on September 23rd before Brussels with 10,300 troops and twenty-
six cannon, achieved a few trifling advantages in the beginning, entered the
city, but encountered such serious obstacles in the barricades and the firing
from the houses that he withdrew to the park. On the 26th, as his greatly
fatigued troops were being surrounded and attacked on all sides, and as
ammunition was giving out also, he was forced to retreat to Vilvorde. Among
those who led the arrangements for defence in these strenuous days may be
especially mentioned the brave sub-lieutenant Pletinckx and the Spaniard
Juan van Halen.
The object of the revolution was decided with this battle, at the cost of
much bloodshed. The idea of a personal union did not suffice, the dynasty
of Orange was no longer possible; only a complete severance of Belgium from
Holland, only the establishment of an independent state could now satisfy
Flemish Villaob Girl (1830)
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BELGIUM SINCE 1815 53
P890A.D.]
the Belgian people, whether of high or low degree. The provisional govern-
ment, in which a seat was given to De Potter, who returned on September
20th, laboured with this end in view. With the news of the victory, victory
itself spread all over Belgium; the Dutch garrisons and officials were driven
out. The Belgian troops, relieved of their oath by the provisional govern-
ment, went over to the people, only the cities of Luxemburg, Venlo, Mae-
stricht, and Antwerp remaining in the power of the Dutch.
The Dutch government now yielded at last. The states-general on Sep-
tember 28th declared in favour of a separate administration of Belgium; the
king gave his sanction on October 4th, and sent the prince of Orange to Ant-
werp. The latter announced the separation of the two countries, proclaimed
liberty of education and unconditional amnesty, and even offered to place
himself at the head of the movement and acknowledge the resolutions of the
Belgian congress. As his father, however, disapproved of these arbitrary
measures, at the same time seeking to arouse civil war in Belgium, the son was
also regarded with suspicion, and his proposals were rejected; whereupon he
went to London, where the delegates of the great powers were just then
assembling for a conference.
Not long after this, about eight thousand volunteers under the French
general Mellinet advanced upon Antwerp. Two officers who had distinguished
themselves in the park combats, Niellon and Kessels, were assigned to him as
commanders; the former had lately been the director of a children's theatre,
the latter had travelled about the country exhibiting the skeleton of a whale.
Fortune favoured them in the theatre of war also. The Dutch troops were
driven out* of the city of Antwerp, and General Chass6 was obliged to with-
draw into the citadel. From here, when the Belgians were preparing to attack
him, he bombarded the city with all his batteries for several hours, destroying
more than two hundred houses and setting fire to merchandise to the value of
several millions. Venlo also fell into the hands of the Belgians; so that now
only Maestricht, Luxemburg, and the citadel of Antwerp were in the power
of the Dutch.
THE BELGIANS SECURE INDEPENDENCE
The independence of Belgium was already an established fact. The truce
proposed by the London conference * and the boundary line as it existed before
the union of the two states were accepted by the provisional government and
the national congress convened on November 10th decreed the perpetual
exclusion of the house of Orange. The political constellations were favour-
able to the Belgians; since, of the Eastern powers usually so eager to inter-
vene, Russia was wholly occupied with the suppression of the Polish revolu-
tion, and Austria had to keep watch on Italy. From the Western powers,
moreover, there was nothing to fear; a more liberal tendency prevailed in
[* Talleyrand said, in reference to this treaty, that "England and France were two gen-
darmes who forcibly intervened to prevent a duel " ; political consequences, also, of the stran-
gest and most unexpected kind, followed the alliance, and the prodigy was presented to the
astonished world of an English fleet and a French army combining to wrest the great fortress
of Antwerp, which Napoleon had erected for the subjugation of England, from its lawful
sovereign, and to restore it to revolutionary influence and the sway of the tricolour flag.
Antwerp was the point whence, for centuries, the independence of Great Britain had been most
seriously menaced. It is one of the most extraordinary circumstances recorded in history that,
after having twice over, as the fruit of the victories of Marlborough and Wellington, wrested
this great and menacing fortress from France, and after having been fully taught by her invet-
erate enemy its paramount importance, England should have entered into a compact with France
for its restoration to the dependant of that power, and rendered it again the advanced work of
the tricolour flag!— Alison.*]
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54 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1880-1881 A.D.]
England since the fall of Wellington, and Louis Philippe was so little able to
Eroceed against Belgium that he declared, on the contrary, that he would
rook no intervention there.
Thus the Belgians became masters in their own house. On the question
of the future form of government, De Potter, who had republican views,
withdrew from the majority and retired into private life. The congress
declared itself in favour of a constitutional monarchy by 174 votes; only
thirteen were in favour of a republic. On February 13th the constitution,
based on the sovereignty of the people, and establishing a senate and house
of representatives, was unanimously adopted by the congress. More difficulty
was encountered on the question of boundaries, which the London conference
decided against Belgium in its protocol of January 20th, after having already,
on December 20th, 1830, decided in favour of the separation between Belgium
and Holland. The grand duchy of Luxemburg, which King William had
received on relinquishing his hereditary domains, was to be left to Holland.
Against this decision the Belgians protested, on the plea that the people of
Luxemburg had risen with them against King William, and desired union
with Belgium, not Holland. The outcome of this dispute depended in a
large measure on the selection of the new king.
The crown was first offered to the second son of Louis Philippe, the count
of Nemours. His father, rightly foreseeing that the other powers would
never consent to such an aggrandisement of French influence, declined the
offer, and now the duke of Leuchtenberg, a son of the former viceroy Eug&ne
seemed to have the best prospects. But this grandson of Napoleon was such
an unwelcome neighbour to Louis Philippe that he strained every nerve to
defeat his election, and withdrew his objections to the choice of his son. On
February 13th, the duke de Nemours was elected king by a small majority.
But Louis Philippe for the second time declined the Belgian crown. His prin-
cipal object had been attained by the defeat of the Leuchtenberg prince, and
he knew that the London conference had decided against his son.
A new choice was necessary, and it could not have been a better one. It
fell, on June 4th, upon Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, who had brilliantly
distinguished himself in the wars for freedom. In 1816 he had married the
daughter of the prince regent of England; she died the following year, but he
continued to reside in England. 1 Through the marriage of his sister with the
duke of Kent, he was the uncle of Princess Victoria, the future queen of Eng-
land. He had refused the crown of Greece in 1830, but now accepted that of
Belgium, after the congress liad accepted the new decision of the London con-
ference of June 26th (the eighteen articles), that the Luxemburg question
should remain in statu quo for the present, to be definitely decided at some
future time. He made his entry into Brussels on July 21st, took the oath of
fealty to the constitution, and was proclaimed king of the Belgians.
Hardly had the new king begun a tour of the country when the Dutch
troops, more than seventy thousand men, entered Belgium on August 2nd,
defeated the Belgian army at Hasselt and Louvain, ana threatened Brussels.
Leopold called upon England and France for aid. A French army came into
Belgium, and an English fleet took position on the coast of Holland. The
Dutch were obliged to retreat; but with the assistance of the Eastern pow-
[ l August 9th, 1831, lie married Princess Louise Marie, the daughter of Louis Philippe of
France.]
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BELGIUM SINCE 1815 55
(1881-1865 jld.]
ers, which had remembered the Holy Alliance after the suppression of the
Polish rebellion, they obtained a revision of the London protocol (October
6th) according to which (in the protocol of the twenty-four articles) not the
whole of Luxemburg was to fall to Belgium; though the western portion with
165,000 inhabitants, mostly Walloons, was to be united with Belgium, the east-
ern or German part, with 170,000 inhabitants, was to be restored to the king
of Holland, who had always re-
tained possession of the fortress of
Luxemburg. As a compensation he
was also to have several districts
of Limburg, to be taken from Bel-
gium, and also 8,400,000 gulden,
which Belgium was to pay annu-
ally to Holland as her share of the
national debt of the Netherlands.
When King William was not yet
satisfied and refused to sign his ac-
ceptance of the terms, an Anglo-
French fleet blockaded the Dutch
coast, and a French army under
Marshal Gerard crossed the Belgian
frontier, on November 15th, 1832,
to seize the citadel of Antwerp.
It was still occupied by the gallant
General Chass6 with the Dutch
garrison. After holding out one
month, he was obliged to surrender
the citadel on December 23rd; it
was at once occupied by Belgian
troops. 1 Chassl and the garrison
were taken to France as prisoners-
of-war, and not released until the
following year, when King William
consented at least to the prelim-
inary treatV Of May 21st, 1833. Cloth Hall, Ghent (built 1886)
The unedifying quarrel was de-
cided, finally, only by the London treaty of April 19th, 1839, when William
at last accepted the twenty-four articles, and permitted the free navigation of
the Schelde.
Belgium was able to develop materially as well as intellectually under the
government of Leopold I, who married in 1832 Princess Louise of Orleans,
the oldest daughter of Louis Philippe. The union of the clericals and the lib-
erals, having served its purpose, soon changed into decided disunion and was
dissolved. Both parties sought for the majority in the house of representa-
tives, hoping thus to retain control of the ministry. Leopold, the model
constitutional king, under whom, rather than under his father-in-law, the con-
stitution was a reality, left them free to act. He was at the helm always, in
the most difficult times, even after the February revolution and under the
Napoleonism so eager for annexation, and guided the ship of state with
prudence and discretion. On his death, on December 10th, 1865, the whole
country mourned him truly and deeply.**
[* The siege of the citadel of Antwerp, in a military point of view, is one of the most
memorable of which the annals of Europe make mention. —Alison. ]
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56 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1865-1886 aj>.]
LBOPOLD II AND THE SOCIALIST ADVANCE (1865)
A glorious reign was ended; Leopold had not only consolidated the inde-
pendence of Belgium, but he had been the active promoter of her prosperity.
The country had not attained perfection, but under the reign of this, the
first national king, enormous and unhoped-for progress had been made.
The inauguration of Leopold II took place December 17th. The repre-
sentatives of the powers were present, and the proceedings were marked with
a solemnity which took its significance more from the patriotic enthusiasm
of the people than from the pomp of a court. Saluting the assembly, the king
pronounced with clear and steady voice the constitutional oath: " I swear to
observe the constitution and the
laws of the Belgians, to maintain
the national independence and
the integrity of the national ter-
ritory.^
DIVISION IN LIBERAL PARTY —
ADVANCE OF SOCIALISM
The Franco-Prussian War of
1870 caused alarm in both Holland
and Belgium. Belgium feared
again becoming a battle-ground
for contending nations. This fear
was not realised, however, as the
powers recognised her as neutral,
thus leaving Belgium at liberty to
resume her internal political dis-
putes.
Muller<* in speaking of this
period sums up the condition of
Belgium in these words: "The
Leopold ii (1835-) principal interest of Belgian his-
tory during the years 1876-81
lies in the battle there waged between liberal ideas and ultramontane big-
otry." Constant disputes occurred, and when the liberals, after a victory m
the two houses, proceeded to introduce measures for free education and
the exclusion of religious teaching in the schools, the bitterness of the Cath-
olic party became so great that the life of the king was threatened. Now
began again that ever-recurring struggle between conservatism and progress.
In a country dominated as Belgium had been by the clergy, this struggle was
necessarily a severe one. For a long time the supremacy of the clergy over
the masses made the number of scholars in the Catholic schools exceed that
of the state schools by some two hundred thousand. A definite issue to this
question was prevented by a division of the liberal party; this division was
caused by the franchise reform. The period from 1884-94 is known as " the
bourgeois regime," one of the most disturbed periods of the nineteenth cen-
tury. The socialist element now comes forward and the next few years are
characterised by strikes and discord everywhere. March 18th, 1886, a socialist
uprising at Ltege on the anniversary of the Paris commune spread swiftly; and
thousands of workmen went on strike, demanding higher wages and the power
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BELGIUM SINCE 1815 57
[1886-1908 a.d.]
to vote. The insurrection was suppressed by force, but the result was increased
determination to revise the constitution.
Years of debate were embittered by inability to construct a majority
among those agreeing upon enlarged suffrage, but disagreeing as to whether
it should be qualified or universal. At length, in 1890, an unfavourable vote
having quashed various reform bills, fifty thousand workmen struck and vio-
lence reigned at Brussels and elsewhere. Quiet was restored by promise of
compromise in 1893. The right to vote for representatives to the chamber
was granted to every man of twenty-five years, and the right to vote for
senators to every man of thirty, while the Catholics secured the privilege of
two, sometimes three votes to an individual possessing certain educational or
property qualifications. This brought the number of votes for representa-
tives up from 140,000 to 2,085,000. In
1894 the Catholics secured an increased
majority over the liberals, though the so-
cialists obtained a solid representation;
the conditions of the suffrage being most
vividly shown by the fact that while the
Catholics received 900,000 votes, the so-
cialists 350,000, and the liberals 450,000,
yet their respective representations were:
in the senate, 71 Catholics, 29 liberals, and
two socialists; in the chamber, 104 Catho-
lics, 28 socialists, and 20 liberal progress-
ists. Opposition to such disproportion led
to constant efforts at reform, culminating in
riots in 1899, on the occasion of an act still
further strengthening the Catholic hold.
The riots led to the government's
withdrawal of this measure, and a substitu-
tion by which the Catholics in 1900 elected
to the senate 58 members, the liberals and
radicals 39, and the socialists 5; while in
the chamber there were 85 Catholics, 33 belfry op Bruges, commenced 1282 and
liberals, and 33 socialists. In 1901 the completed a century later
liberals, radicals, and socialists combined
against the system of " plural universal suffrage," which gives to some citi-
zens more than one vote, and which, in the words of a radical leader, "enables
the clerical party to crush the bourgeoise in towns and industrial centres and
places in an unfair minority the bulk of the working classes." In the follow-
ing year violent demonstrations were made against the system and were only
put down after considerable blood had been shed. As yet the agitation has
not accomplished its object, nor have the opposition succeeded in forcing the
government to do away with the practice of allowing men of wealth to evade
military service by the payment of money; but in the election of 1904 the
clericals lost some seats, and in May, 1906, still more. Their downfall
appears to be only a question of time. The chief leaders of the clericals have
been Malou, whose ministry was last in power in 1884, and the conservative
Beernaert, who has of late years found a rival in the strongly clerical Woeste.
The socialists find their greatest strength among the working classes.
Like others of the European powers, Belgium is interested in the develop-
ment of Africa, particularly of that part which is known as the Congo Free
State. The beginnings of this state date back to the formation in 1876 by
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58 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1875-1008 A.D.]
Leopold II., with the cooperation of leading African explorers and the ap-
proval of European governments, of an association for promoting exploration
and colonisation in the Congo basin. Under the auspices of the association
much exploring work was done by Henry M. Stanley and others, and treaties
were made with native chiefs through which territorial rights were acquired
over a vast area. After some years the Congo International Association, as
the society was then called, sought and received recognition as an indepen-
dent state. In 1884-85 an international onference, summoned for the pur-
pose, constituted and defined the new state, and in consideration of his in-
terest and activity conferred the sovereignty upon Leopold II. The state
was also declared perpetually neutral, freedom of trade was established, and
rules were laid down for the protection of the natives and for the suppression
of the slave-trade. By a later convention made in 1890 Belgium, to which
Leopold had willed all his sovereign rights in the state, was authorized to
annex the state at any time after June 3, 1901. When the time for annexa-
tion came, however, the Belgian government, after considerable discussion,
instead of annexing the Free State at once, merely reaffirmed the optional
right of annexation at some future time. Two years later charees of selfish
extortion and of terrible cruelty toward the natives on the part oithe Belgian
officials attracted widespread attention, and it appears that some of the
charges were well founded. Late in 1907 the English premier gave warning
that the condition of affairs in the Congo could not be tolerated much
longer. At the same time it is unquestionably true that the condition of
the people has been greatly improved since 1885 and that much has been
done toward stamping out the horrors of the slave-trade. The state will
probably in time be annexed to Belgium, and the subject is again under
consideration.
At home the Flemish language and influence have been greatly revived.
Of the 6,693,548 inhabitants in 1900, 2,882,005 spoke Flemish only, and
2,574,805 spoke French only; while 54 per cent, could speak Flemish, and 52
per cent, could speak French. In 1873 Flemish obtained recognition in the
law courts, and has since taken a place of equal official usage with French,
which had been the official language since the fifteenth century.
In 1900 the king presented his private estates to the Belgian nation to be
preserved and used as public parks. The queen's death occurred in 1902.
Shortly after that event King Leopold was shot at by an Italian anarchist
while driving through Brussels. The present king having three daughters,
the inheritance devolves on Prince Albert, second son of the count of Flanders,
brother of the king. The heir presumptive married the duchess Elizabeth
of Bavaria, on October 2nd, 1900, and in November, 1901, a son was born *
Of the present state of the country its historian Leclfere has written: Bel-
gium of the present day affords a picture of a rapid and general transforma-
tion. Politically it is becoming a democracy, economically, thanks to the
development without, it is one of the wealthiest and most energetic nations of
Europe. Its economic progress has determined its political transformation.
Situated at the meeting-point of three great civilisations, whose influence it
at once feels and assimilates, Belgium is becoming more and more a microcosm
of Europe, an active laboratory of political, economic, and social experiences./
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CHAPTER XIX
HOLLAND SINCE 1815
The final separation of the kingdom of the Netherlands into the kingdoms
of Holland and of Belgium has already been described. It was not formally
and entirely consummated until 1839. The next year William I abdicated
in favour of his eldest son, and three years later his death occurred in Berlin,
where he had retired. His abdication was not a matter of regret to the Dutch
people, as, during the nine years pending the treaty of separation, his actions,
totally lacking as they were in dignity, had put him in disfavour both with the
Dutch and the Belgians. The accession of his son, who was inaugurated as
William II, was therefore a happy change for the people. This prince, cos-
mopolitan in his education and having a soldier's record, won the love of his
people. He made a decided change for the better in the finances of the
country, improved the commerce and added to its freedom, by his concessions
to the revolutionary fever which in 1848 spread from France throughout
Europe.©
When King William II died at Breda, in March, 1849, a remarkable prince
of Orange had passed away — a man of singular purpose and force of character.
A born soldier, he had developed, upon Wellington's battle-fields in the penin-
sula, in the Pyrenees, and around Waterloo, some rare tactical gifts, and a
personal valour which commanded the admiration and the lifelong friendship
of the Iron Duke himself; and he enjoyed a popularity, both in Holland and
in Belgium, which survived even after the Belgians had risen against the
unwise and intolerant rule of King William I, which the narrow-minded con-
gress of Vienna had imposed upon them.
But the second King William of Holland was not a politician. He showed
his lack of political wisdom in acting diametrically against the positive instruc-
tions of his royal father, who had sent him to the south with a mission which
he openly ignored by issuing 9, manifesto to the Belgians in which he pro-
fessed to recognise their independence. ' The king immediately repudiated
that manifesto, which, without adding to his son's popularity in the southern
Netherlands, seriously jeopardised his prestige and prospects in the north.
Indeed, the wrath of the Dutch people, then highly incensed at what they
59
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60 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1840-1847 a.©.]
branded as Belgian treason, became so violent that it was publicly proposed
•to exclude him from the throne. Nor was his conduct in London, whither
his father sent him on another political mission, which proved as futile as his
previous errand to obtain the hand of Princess Charlotte had been, calculated
to regain for him the hold he had lost upon his future Dutch subjects. Not
even the brilliant military campaign which he undertook in Belgium at the
head of the Dutch army could, fruitless as it turned out to be, entirely restore
confidence in him. So when King William II as-
1 ~ A At ^ of Holland on the abdication of
his position could hardly be called
ure.
Igium had, it is true, at last been
3re or less beneficial settlement of
abroad was perhaps more than
>y threatening internal complica-
tes had become disordered, if not
ence of the Belgian troubles; taxes
ncreasing, and with them popular
gust against a regime whicn failed
lat the flimsy reforms, grudgingly
vere wholly unavailing to stem the
1 feelinjg which set in stronger and
'ul year 1848 approached. A wise
j ruler would not have resisted the
or a thorough remodelling of Hol-
i upon an enlightened basis so
am II did. But he was a soldier,
not a statesman. Married to
Anna Paulovna, aRussian grand-
duchess, he seemed to have aban-
doned the liberal traditions of his
predecessors and of his people
for the autocratic tendencies of
Muscovite rule.
For eight years the king
withstood the efforts of the
Dutch reform party, who in Jan
Rudolf Thorbecke, the foremost
statesman of Holland in the
nineteenth century — and "too
great a man for so small a coun-
old house, dort try " (as a British statesman is
said to have characterised him)
— had found a leader and a soul. Already in 1844 Thorbecke, with eight
other members of the Dutch chamber, had elaborated a reform bill. Thor-
becke, a student, afterwards a professor in the law faculty of Leyden Univer-
sity, was strongly supported by the vast mass of his educated ana enlightened
countrymen, then mostly unrepresented in the legislature. Yet for a time all
his endeavours were baffled by the powerful court party, and Thorbecke even
failed to obtain re-election as a member of the second chamber in 1846. His
time, however, was coming rapidly. In 1847 serious riots occurred at various
places, even at the Hague, and notably at Groningen. The king at last saw
the danger of further delay, and, prompted maybe by the warnings of coming
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HOLLAND SINCE 1815 61
crisis all over Europe, he promised reforms when opening the states-general
in the autumn of the same year.
There is no doubt that this timely resolve warded off from Holland the
threatening revolution which had broken out in neighbouring states. In
March, 1848, a royal commission was appointed to elaborate a new constitu-
tion. 1 Of that royal commission Thorbecke was much more than a member.
The commission was virtually his commission, and the project it presented to
the king, his life-work. Its main features having been fully discussed and
accepted beforehand, its progress was swift. In October following it became
law, and an interim cabinet was appointed to carry out its provisions.
THE MINISTRIES OF THORBECKE
The preponderance of Thorbecke in Dutch political life during the latter
half of the nineteenth century was such that the modern history of the
Netherlands may be safely divided into two periods — the Thorbecke period,
and the period after Thorbecke's death. The first Thorbecke ministry,
formed as the natural outcome of the triumph of his efforts and principles,
lasted only till 1853, but was marked by extraordinary activity. During that,
comparatively speaking, brief period many fundamental laws were passed for
which the constitution had already provided: such as a new electoral law; a
law to regulate the responsibility of ministers; another, to settle the rights
and duties of provincial governments and councils, and of communal govern-
ments and councils, together establishing, in large measure, a complete system
of decentralisation — thus practically introducing a kind of local government
in Holland half a century before it was attempted in Great Britain, but within
well-defined limits and safeguards; an act to regulate the rights and duties
of Dutch citizenship; another, to settle the parliamentary prerogative of
inquiry; etc.
In Van Bosse, Thorbecke had secured the services of an able and energetic
minister of finance, who raised the state credit, abolished several irksome and
oppressive taxes, and established free trade, Holland being the only conti-
nental state that afterwards remained faithful in the main to free-trade prin-
ciples. The postal and telegraph services were reorganised, and the great
work of draining the Haarlem Lake was completed. The first Thorbecke
cabinet came to an untimely end in 1853, in consequence of what was called
" the April movement," because it had originated in that month. Article 165
of the constitution had recognised, in a country where there was no state
church, the equality of all religious bodies, subject to governmental control.
The pope and the militant clerical party in Holland perceived in that article
an opportunity to re-establish in the Low Countries the ancient bishoprics of
Utrecht, Haarlem, Bois-le-Duc, Breda, and Roermond, the bishop of Utrecht
becoming an archbishop. This measure — coupled, it must be confessed, with
some unfortunate reflections on Dutch Protestantism by the pope, in his
decree on that occasion — revived all the anti-Catholic prejudices of former
days. Some political enemies of Thorbecke, who could not forgive him his
triumphs, were not loth to fan the flames, and a veritable no-popery storm
[' By it Holland received all the immunities of a free government, and her inhabitants
came to enjoy nearly the same rights and liberties as those of Great Britain. All traces of the
aristocratic privileges retained by the constitution of 1815 were swept away. All citizens
were, without distinction of rank or creed, made eligible to all employments ; the king's person
was declared inviolable, but his ministers responsible. The provisions contained all the ele-
ments of real freedom, and made as large concessions to democracy as were consistent with its
existence. — Alison.*]
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62
THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[185&-1867 A.D.J
swept over the country, which Thorbecke resisted but could not withstand,
he himself being accused of treasonable " papism." For several years to come
Thorbecke was compelled to relinquish the active duties of leadership, and
not until 1862 did he regain it. Tne intervening years form a sort of inter-
regnum in modern Dutch history.
Four cabinets followed each other at about equal intervals, the most
important among them being the ministry of Dr. Justinus van der Brugghen.
It was during his premiership in 1867 that the Primary Education Law was
passed, which established neutral (non-sectarian) state schools, and after-
wards largely became the pattern of similar legislation in foreign countries,
notably of the Education Act of
1870 in England. The Dutch law,
however, did not as yet provide
for compulsory education.
The subsequent cabinet of
Dr. van Hall carried, in 1860, a
most important law, directing the
construction of a vast system of
state railways, connecting the
already existing private lines, and
involving the building of very
costly bridges over the broad
rivers in the south. That the
Dutch chambers adopted the prin-
ciple of state railways in 1860 was
largely due to Thorbecke's influen-
tial advocacy. By 1872 the whole
first network of Dutch state rail-
ways was at last completed. It is
noteworthy that the cost of build-
ing them was almost entirely fur-
nished by the surplus funds ac-
cruing annually (up to the year
1877) from the administration of
the Dutch East Indies under the " culture system." Consequently the Dutch
state railways are the only ones in existence not burdened with debt. The
state, however, did not undertake their working. This was entrusted to a
private company, the state merely receiving a share in the net profits.
Thorbecke came back to power in January, 1862. His second term of office
was marked by the same reforming energy as the first. In the four years that
it lasted Thorbecke had the Secondary Education Act passed (1863), com-
pleting the work of 1857; contributed to the legislation oy virtue of which
the great canalisation works at Amsterdam and Rotterdam were sanctioned
(1863); carried his bill emancipating upwards of thirty thousand slaves in
the Dutch West Indies, at the cost of 10,000,000 guilders in compensation,
paid by the state.
Heemskerk, the leader of the conservative party, was Thorbecke's great
antagonist, the two Dutch statesmen playing in the political arena parts
somewhat resembling those of Gladstone and Disraeli in England. Heems-
kerk, who died in 1880, and who stood three times at the head of affairs, was
a politician of talent, though of less calibre and moral fibre than Dr. van
Hall, his greater predecessor, and his reactionary tendencies and views found
favour at court. There is little doubt that the king's proposal, in 1867, to
DOMB OF THE DORT MU8EUM
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HOLLAND SINCE 1815 G3
[1807-1874 A.D.]
transfer Luxemburg to France, if it did not emanate from Heemskerk, had
his warm approval. It was none the less dangerous, especially as it came
after Koniggratz, which had settled the German question in a manner not
at all favourable to Napoleonic ambitions.
Queen Sophie belonged to the most unflinching and ablest opponents of
Bismarck's policy. She corresponded much with Napoleon III, and wrote
articles in the Revue des Deux Mondes against it. In 1871, after the sacking
of the Tuileries, among many documents discovered were a large number of
the queen's letters to Napoleon. Some were subsequently published, and
demonstrate that she repeatedly warned him against the designs and arma-
ments of Prussia. Says Lord Malmesburyfc : "The queen was a very clever
woman, and knew all the affairs of Europe better than most ministers." d
A picturesque view of court life and relations is given by De Amicis, who
visited Holland in 1874.
DE AaMCIS ON COURT LIFE IN HOLLAND
In Holland the king is considered more as a stadholder than as a king ; he
represents, as has said the duke of Aosta, the smallest possible quantity of
kingship: the sentiment of the Dutch is less that of devotion to the royal
family than affection for that house of Orange which partook equally of their
triumphs and their reverses, and lived during three centuries their peculiar
life. The country at bottom is republican, and its monarchy is a sort of
crown-presidency: the king discourses at banquets and public festivals; he
rejoices in a certain reputation as orator because he improvises his speeches
and because he speaks with a clear voice and a soldierly eloquence which incites
the people to enthusiasm. The hereditary prince, William of Orange, a stu-
dent at the University of Leyden, passed the public examination and obtained
the degree of doctor of law. Prince Alexander, the younger son, studied at
the same university; he is a member of a students' club and invites his pro-
fessors and fellow-students to dine with him. At the Hague Prince William
frequents the cafes, entertains his neighbours, and promenades the streets
with the young men of his acquaintance; in the Bois the cjueen seats herself
on a bench beside a poor woman. In this people, republican by nature and
tradition, there is not to be discovered the slightest trace of an element desir-
ing a republic. On the contrary, they love and venerate their king, and at
festivals given in his honour they take the horses from his carnage and
oblige everyone to wear an orange cockade in homage to the name of Orange ;
at ordinary times they occupy themselves only with their affairs and their
families. «
LAST YEARS OF WILLIAM III
The dangers foreshadowed or undergone in 1866-67 were accentuated four
years later, during the Franco-German complications, ending in the downfall
of the French empire. The Fock cabinet succeeded in keeping the Nether-
lands outside the war arena. The king sent for Thorbecke again in January,
1871, in this instance for the third and last time. He succeeded in forming
another ministry, but he was no longer the Thorbecke of yore. At any rate,
before Thorbecke died, in June, 1872, he must have been conscious that his
death might mean the partial disruption of the party he had created, as well
as the shattering of the edifice he had been instrumental in building up. His
cabinet did not survive for long under the leadership of his successor, Dr.
Geertsema, and finally disappeared in August, 1874, after having had its
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THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
[1879-1880 A.D.]
Income Tax Bill rejected. Its most important measures had been the further
extension of state railways in Holland (1873) and her colonies, the abolition
of differential import duties in the Dutch East Indies, and the transference of
the remaining Dutch portion of the Gold Coast to the British government for
a sum of money and certain British " concessions " in the Eastern Archipelago.
This transaction, which shortly afterwards resulted, on the one hand, in the
Ashanti expedition, and on the other in the disastrous war of the Dutch
against the Achinese, 1 had
been one of the many wea-
pons used by the opposi-
tion against Thorbecke.
Queen Sophie died at
the Hague in June, 1877.
As far as the Dutch royal
family were concerned, the
effect of Queen Sophie's
decease was absolutely dis-
astrous. The quarrels be-
tween the king and the
prince of Orange, who had
inherited the wit and the
mind of his royal mother,
and who if he had lived
might have proved one of
the most distinguished of
his race, became aggravated
when the wife and the
mother was no longer there
to conciliate and pacify.
Father and son parted,
never to see each other
again.
It is at least probable
that the departure of the
prince of Orange for Paris,
and the unlikelihood of his
return to Holland during
the lifetime of his father,
may have had as much bearing on the king's decision to remarry as the cir-
cumstance that his second son Alexander, who succeeded to the title and pre-
sumptive rights of the prince of Orange after the decease of his elder brother,
but who died in 1884, was then in very bad health. The direct Nassau line
was threatened unless King William were to marry again and had further
issue. His bride was Princess Emma of Waldeck-Pyrmont, and by the
[ l Holland had assumed a protectorate over the whole of Sumatra, and taken over Eng-
land 8 claims as well. War was now declared against the sultan of the Malayan state of
Achin, situated at the northwest extremity of the island of Sumatra, under the pretext of
Sutting an end to piracy and the slave trade. General van Swieten took command of an expe-
ttion of about twelve thousand men, landed in Achin in December, 1878, defeating the enemy
in several encounters, surrounded the fortified palace of the sultan, called the Kraton, and
opened a bombardment. The sultan fled from the palace and withdrew into the interior of the
country ; Van Swieten took possession of the palace on January 24th, 1874. He forced the
tributary states of Achin to submit to Dutch supremacy. The state of Achin was incorporated
with the Dutch colonial possessions, and a strong garrison left behind when the expedition
returned home. — MClleb/]
Thb Church of St. Lawrence, or Grootb Kerk,
Rotterdam, consecrated in 1477
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HOLLAND SINCE 1815 65
[1880-1897 a.d.]
marriage King William consolidated his popularity. Popular rejoicings greeted
the birth, on the last day of August, 1880, of a princess who received the
name of Wilhelmina Sophia Freaerika and the title " princess of Orange."
a new institution; and a regency
The revision of the old constitution, which had been prepared by a royal
commission, proved an even more arduous and more laborious task than that
of the penal code. The new Grondwet, or Fundamental Law, came into force
in 1887. The oath to be taken by each king or queen on ascending the throne is
given in the Fundamental Law, and shows that the regal rights in Holland
are conferred by special contract between the people and the crown, and not
inherited of divine right. According to the third chapter, the states-general
represent the whole people, being divided into a first and second chamber, the
former consisting of fifty, the latter of one hundred members — Amsterdam
returning nine, Rotterdam five, the Hague three, Groningen and Utrecht two
each. This was an important addition of strength, the old second chamber
having had at most eignty members, one for every forty-five thousand of the
inhabitants. The basis of the franchise was at the same time materially
altered and much enlarged, the effect being to add some two hundred thou-
sand male voters of the age of twenty-three to the electorate, the rights of
the latter being afterwards settled in a special statute.
The necessity of the new constitution had already been demonstrated early
in 1889, when the king's alarming condition, physical and mental, had com-
pelled the appointment of a regent. The king growing steadily worse, and
the end, to all appearances, rapidly approaching, a further bill was introduced
and passed, appointing Queen Emma regent of the Netherlands during the
minority of the princess of Orange, a council of guardians for the latter being
also nominated. On the 23rd of November, 1890, King William died.
Van Houten's bill, which abolished the scrutin de liste, introduced the
lodger franchise, and virtually made every male citizen capable of supporting
himself and family a qualified voter, passed the second chamber in June, 1896,
and the first chamber in the following September. It was the most far-reach-
ing electoral reform yet attempted in the Low Countries, as it not only largely
increased the number of voters, but extended the suffrage to social strata
hitherto deprived of all franchise rights.
In the concluding years of the nineteenth century the ministerial efforts in
Holland, under the influence of Dr. N. G. Pierson, formerly president of the
Netherlands Bank, and a distinguished professor of political economy, mainly
consisted of financial and labour legislation.
So far as f oreign relations since 1880 are concerned, these have been cordial
with Germany, neither the opinions of some Germans that Holland ought to
be annexed or acquired, nor the efforts of isolated Dutchmen to bring about a
federation with Germany, finding much favour. The scheme, however, of
many enthusiasts for a Zollverein, or even for a political federation, between
Holland and Belgium has not yet taken practical shape. With England rela-
tions were not always of an entirely amicable nature. 1
The policy of Holland in support of the policy of the United States, which
proposed great reforms in maritime law, has always tended towards minimis-
[* This was due particularly to the attitude of the Netherlands toward the South African
War. Early in 1902 Dr. Kuyper visited London, and subsequently it was announced that the
offer of the Dutch government to facilitate the cessation of hostilities had been rejected by
Great Britain.]
b. w.— vouxiv. w
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66 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
[1898-1001 A.D.)
ing the risks of international strife by substituting the pacific adjustment of
disputes for the arbitrament of the sword. That policy culminated in 1899
in the peace conference of the Hague and the formation of a permanent inter-
national court of arbitration, Holland taking a prominent part in both.
ACCESSION OF QUEEN WILHELMINA (1898)
The young queen attained her majority in 1898, and was solemnly en-
throned in the so-called New Church in Amsterdam, taking her oath of
fidelity to the constitution in the presence of the states-general on September
6th. In October, 1900, the announcement that the young sovereign was
betrothed to Duke Henry of Mecklen-
burg-Schwerin, a Prussian officer of the
guard, four years her senior, was well
received. The approval of the states-
general, prescribed by the constitution,
was therefore readily obtained, and the
marriage was solemnised with great
pomp in the Great Church at the Hague
on the 7th of February, 1901, Duke
Henry having been created a prince and
a general in the Dutch army tor the oc-
casion, under the title of Prince Henry
of the Netherlands, thus reviving
the popular title of a popular prince,
King William's brother, which threat-
ened to be extinguished with his
demise in 1879. The prince con-
sort proved, however, a great dis-
appointment; by his misbehaviour and
by his ill treatment of his young wife
he quickly gained for himself the
hatred and contempt of the whole
Dutch people.
Amongst the last achievements of
the Pierson cabinet were the enact-
ment of compulsory education (1900) and the introduction of obligatory
military service consequent upon the reorganisation of the Dutch army (1901).
The June elections of 1901 resulted in the overthrow of the liberal party,
which had held almost uninterrupted control of the government for over two
decades. For some time all the conservative anti-liberal parties, the ultra-
Protestants (or anti-revolutionists), the Catholics, and the historical Christians
had been drawing together. In Dr. Abraham Kuyper, the recognised head of
the ultra-Protestants, they found a leader who could unite all factions. At
the same time a serious split in the liberal ranks made their success possible.
The liberal democrats advocated a revision of the constitution with a view to
the early adoption of universal suffrage. To this programme the moderate lib-
erals objected, refusing all revision on the ground that the time for electoral
reform was inopportune. The socialists, hitherto supporters of the liberal
candidates and programme, determined for the first time to act by themselves.
After a heated campaign, the elections both to the second chamber and to the
provincial estates, which chose the members of the first chamber of the states-
general, were carried by the conservative coalition. The second chamber was
WILHELMINA (1880-)
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HOLLAND SINCE 1815 67
[1901-1908 A.D.]
found to be composed of 58 conservatives and 42 liberals, including with the
latter 7 socialist members — a clear anti-liberal majority of 16 votes. After
the provincial estates had chosen the new members of the upper chamber, it
was found, however, that the liberals retained a small majority. The liberal
ministry of Pierson forthwith resigned, and Kuyper with some difficulty suc-
ceeded in organising a ministry from the various groups of the anti-liberal
coalition. The liberal majority in the upper chamber refrained for a long
time from opposing the new government, but in 1904 they ventured to do so;
the upper chamber was then dissolved, and a new one was chosen in which
the ministerialists had a decided majority. In June of the following year,
however, the elections for the second chamber resulted in an anti-ministerial-
istic victory, and on July 3d the Kuyper ministry resigned. Party divisions
among the victors prevented any successful combination for some weeks, but
in August Dr. T. H. de Meester managed to form a ministry, which lasted
until February, 1907, when it resigned as a result of the defeat in the First.
Chamber of a measure providing for the abolition of the long-service term
of the militia after the completion of the first period of training. The legis-
lative program of the new ministry, as outlined in the meeting of the States
General in September, included the improvement of coast defences, the par-
tial draining of the Zuyder Zee, workingmen's insurance, and reform of the
electoral system.
Since 1850 much progress has been made in material development
The population, which stood at only three millions in 1849, had advanced to
almost five and one-half millions by January, 1904. In the provinces of
North and South Holland the population had indeed almost doubled in half a
century. The population of Amsterdam, the Hague, and Utrecht more than
doubled, whilst that of Rotterdam shot up from 90,000 to 357,000 in 1903.
The imports for home consumption, which were valued at £15.052,012 in
1849, had grown to £189,000,000 in 1903; the exports of home produce having
increased in the same period from £10,634,128 to £162,500,000.
This commendable progress is in part due to the fact that during this long;
period the kingdom has, with the exception of troublesome native revolts in
some of the colonies, been at peace with the world; in part to the fact that it
alone among all the countries of continental Europe has consistently upheld
the principles of free trade.*
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BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS
(The letter ° is reserved for Editorial Matter.)
Inteoduction
b John Lothrop Motley, The Rise of the Dutch Republic. — * Julius Cssar, Commentarii
de Bello Qallico. — d Tacitus, Be Moribus et Populie OermanicB. — « James E. Thoeold Rogers,
The Story of Holland.— /Ammianus Marcbllinus, Rerum Gestarum libri XXXI.— f G. Dottin,
article on " La Religion dee Oauloie " in La Revue de Vhistoire dee Religions, Paris, 1898.
— * Alexandre Bertrand, Nos Origines, Part 4 ; La Religion dee Oauloie; Lee Druides et
le Druidiame. — * Tacitus, Historic and Annates. — 'Zosimus, 'Irropla via. — *C. M. Da ties,
The History of Holland and the Dutch Nation. — * Procopius, 'ItrropuAw 4w pifiXolt 6kt&.
— m Hugo Grottos (De Groot), Annates et histories de rebus belgicis. — n P. J. Blok, Qeschied-
e*is van het nederlandsche Yolk.
Chapter I. The First Counts of Holland
*Meli8 Stoke, Rijmkronik. — «P. J. Blok, op. cit. — d J. Beka, Chronicoh episcoporutn
Ultrajectensium et comttum Hollandue. — « Barlandus (or Baarlandt), Over de Graven van
Holland; Over debisschoppen van Utrecht. — f Jacob de Meter, Rerum Flandricarum Annates.
— Buchelius, annotations to the Chronicon of Beka. — * Jan Wagenaar, Vaterlandsche His-
toric. — * Matthew Paris, Historia major. — 'Gulielmus Procurator, continuation of the
Annates Egmundani. — * C. M. Da vies, op. cit
Chapter II. Early History of Belgium and Flanders
h Julius Cjcsar op. cit. — « Corneous Tacitus, op. cit. — <*Th. Juste, Histoire de Belgique.
— « Ammianus Marcbllinus, op. cit. — /A. G. B. Schayes, Les Pays- Bos avant et durant la
domination Romaine. — *L. A. Warnkonig and P. A. F. Gerard, Histoire des Carolingiens.
— * P. J. Blok, op. cit. — *H. Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique. — * H. G. Moke, Histoire de la
Belgique. — * Keryijn de Lettbnhove, Histoire de Flanare. — l L. A. Warnkonig, History
of the Jurisprudence and State of Flanders. — m J. Michelet, History of France, (translated
by W. K. Kelly.) — "Giovanni Villani, Cronica Fiorentina. — ° Jacob de Meyer, op. cit.
— p Sir John Froissart, Chronicles (translated by Thos. Johnes).
Chapter III. Holland under the Houses of Hainault and Bavabia
•
*P. J. Blok, op. cit. — "Mblis Stoke, op. cit. — d J. de Meyer, op. cit. — 'Gultelmus
Procurator, op. <*7.— fQ. M. Da vies, op. cit. — Franz von L5her, Jakobda von Bayern
und ihre Zeit. — *Hugo Grottos (or de Groot, Annates et histories de rebus belgicis. — *K.
Th. Wenzelburger, Oeschichte der Niederlande. — ^Pbtrus Suffridus, De Fnsiorum an-
tiquitate et origins (1590); De scriptoribus Frisim (1598). — *Jan Gerbrandszoon (John of
Levden), Chronicon HoUandice.—iJ. Beka, op. c*7. — m SiR John Froissart, op. cit. —
* Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Chronicles (translated by Thos. Johnes).
Chapter IV. The Netherlands under Burgundy and the Empire
b A. de Barante, Histoire des dues de Bourgoane. — « Henri Martin, Histoire de France.
— d T. C. Grattan, The History of the Netherlands. — «K. Th. Wenzelburger, op. cit.—fC.
M. Da vies, op. cit. — o Philip de Comines, Mimoires. — *E. de Monstrelet, op. cit. — <Pon-
tus Heuterus, Rerum Burgundicarum libri VI. — J P. J. Blok, op. cit. — *J. It. Motley, op.
cit. — ' Badovaro (in L. P. Gachard's Relations des Ambassadeurs VSnitiens sur Charles V et
Philippe II). — m W. Robertson, History of the Reign of Charles V. — * Edward Armstrong,
The Emperor Charles V. — o Hugo Grotius (de Groot), op. cit.
68
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BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY CHAPTERS 69
Chapter V. Philip II and Spanish Oppression
b J. C. P. von Schiller, Revolt of the Netherlands, (translated by A. J. W. Morrison). —
♦Hugo Grotius (Db Groot), op. cit. — d 3. L. Motley, op. cil. — «P. J. Blok, op. cit.
— /C. M. Da vies, op. cit. — f T. C. Grattan, op. cit. — h Famianus Strada, Be Bello Btlgico.
— *Luis Cabrera de Cordova, Filipe Segundo, Hey de Espana. — 'Renon de France,
f'istoire des cause* de la disunion, revoltes, et alterations des Pays-Bos. — *L. P. Gachard,
tudeset notices historiaues. — l Jacob van Wesenbeke, La description de Vest at, succis et
occurrences advenus au Pais-Bas au faict de la religion (in 1566). — W P. Bor, Oorsproongk
begin ends vervolg der Nederlandsche oorlogen. — W J. F. C. Le Petit, Grande Chronique,
ancienne et moderns. — ° E. van Meteren, Belgische of Nederlantsche Historic. — p L. J. J. van
der Vynct, Troubles des Pays-Bos.— q Pontus Payen, Memoires. — r F. van der Haer, Be
initiis tumultum Belgicorum. — a J. A. de Thou, Eistoria mei temporis. — *Guido Benti-
voouo, Belle Guerre di Fiandra. — «P. C. Hooft, Nederlandsche Eistorien. — * J. W. Bubgon,
Life and Times of Sir Thomas Gresham.
Chapter VI. Alva
h Dinoman Versteeg, The Sea Beggars. Liberators of Holland from the Yoke of Spain.
— • Pierre de Brantome, Vies des Grands Capilaines Etrangers. — d J. L. Motley, op. cit. —
•Guido Bentivoolio, op. cit.—fG. Grobn van Prinsterer, Archives. — o¥. Vow Schiller,
op. cit. — * Famianus Strada, op. cit. — ir T. C. Grattan, op. cit.— J P. J. Blok, op. cit.—
* H. G. Moke, op. cit. — » P. Bor, op. cit. — «• E. van Meteren, op. cit. — » L. P. Gachard, op.
cit.
Chapter VII. Progress towards Union (1578-1579)
*J. L. Motley, op. cit. — C C. M. Da vies, op. cit. — d H. G. Moke, op. cit. — *W. J. Hop
cit. — »P. J. Blok, op. cit. — ° Pierre de Brantome, Vie des Eommes Hlustres et grands capi-
tainesfranpais.—PT. C. Grattan, op. cit.— «L. P. Gachard, Correspondance de GuiUaume
le TacUurne. — r RoBAULX de Soumoy, Memoires de FridSric PerrenoC — • Alexander Young,
History of the Netherlands.
Chapter VIII. The Last Tears of William the Silent (1579-1584)
&Th. Juste, op. cit. — °U. G. Moke, op. cit. — d F. Strada, op. c#.— «P. Bor, op. cit.
— fV. Hooft, op. dt.—e'E. van Meteren, op. cit.— h J. L. Motley, op. cit.—*?. J. Blok,
op. cit. — JGuido Bentivoolio, op. cit. — *Luis Cabrera db Cordova, op. cit. — *Everbard
van Reyd, Historic der Nederlanteschen oovlogen begin ende vortgaanck. — *• J. B. de Tassis,
Commentarii (in Hornck van Pependrecht's Analecta).— W T. C. Grattan, op. cit.
Chapter IX. The Republic Established (1584-1598)
* Duplessis-Mornay, Mimoires et Correspondance — e John Lothrop Motley, History
of the United Netherlands.— d T. C. Grattan, op. cit. — «C. M. Da vies, op. cit. — /J. Bruce,
Leicester's Correspondence. — o John Lothrop Motley, The Life and Death of John of Borne-
veldt, Advocate of Eolland. — *P. Bor, op. cit. —* Famianus Strada, op. cit. — 'Lord Brooke,
Life of Sir Philip Sidney. — * James Anthony Froude, Eistory of England. — iHugo
Grotius (db Groot), op. cit. — m P. J. Blok, op. cit. — * E. van Meteren, op. cit. — ° G. Benti-
voolio, op. cit.
Chapter X. The Sway of Olden-Barneveld (1598-1609)
*J. L. Motley, United Netherlands.— e C M. Da vies, op. cit.—* Henry Haestens, La
NouveUe Troie ou Memorable Eistorie du Siege d"Ostende.— e AKQELO Gallucci, Be Bello
Btlgico. — /E. van Meteren, op. cit. — *T. C. Grattan, op. cit. — h P. J. Blok, op. cit.
— 'Pierre Jeannin, Negotiations.— J J. L. Motley, The Life and Death of John of borne-
veldt.
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70 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
Chapter XL Prince Maurice in Power
*Sir Ralph Winwood, Memorials. — «C. M. Da vies, op. cit. — * J. L. Motley, Life and
Death of Barneveldt.—'Y. J. Blok, op. cit. — /T. C. Grattan, op. cit.— ? Gerard Brandt,
Historic der Reformatie. — *JAx Waoenaar, op. cit.— <T. B. Macaulay, History of Eng*
land.— JR. Pruin, Tien Jaren.
Chapter XII. The End of the Eighty Years' War
&T. C. Grattan, op. cit. — ° A. M. Cerisier, Tableau des Provinces Unies. — <*C. M.
Davies, op. cit. — 'Hugo Grotius (de Groot), Annates. — /P. Bor, op. cit.—o James B.
Thorold Kooers, Holland.
Chapter XIII. Science, Literature, and Art in the Netherlands
* F. C Schlosser, Weltgeschichte. — ° J. L. Motley, Life and Death of John Barneveldt. —
* Edmund Gosse, article on Literature of Holland in the Encyclopedia Britannica. — « Sir J.
Mackintosh, Miscellaneous Works. — / H. A. Taine, Philosophic de Vart dans les Pays-Bos. —
all. G. Moke, Les SpHendeurs de Vart en Belgique. — *Eugb5ne Fromentin, Les maUres
d 1 Autrefois.— ill ark Pattison, article on Grotius in Encyclopedia Britannica.
Chapter XIV. The De Witts and the War with England
*T. C. Grattan, History of the Netherlands.— c 0. M. Davies, History of Holland and the
Dutch. — d J. R. Green, A Short History of the English People. — 'J. France Bright, History
of England. — /S. R. Gardiner, Students* History of England. — o A. Richer, Vies des plus
ciUbres marine. — * Marquis de Pomponne, Mimotres. — *F. P. G. Guizot, Histoire de France.
Chapter XV. William III and the War with France (1672-1722)
b T. C. Grattan, op. cit. — <>C. M. Davies, op. cit. — <*A. Richer, op. cit. — «Wm. Coxbv
Memoirs of the Duke of Marlborough.
Chapter XVI. Holland from 1722 to 1815
*T. C. Grattan, op. cit.—«0. M. Davies, op. cit.—*Q. W. Kitchin, article on Holland
in the Encyclopedia Britannica. — • A. M. Cerisier, op. cit. — /Benjamin Franklin, Works.
— aF. C. Schlosser, History of the Eighteenth Century. — h J. Wagenaar, op. cit. — « Louis
Buonaparte, Historical Documents of Holland. — J A. Alison, History of Europe.
Chapter XVII. Belgium from 1648 to 1815
*J. P. E. Msrode, Memoires. — *H. G. Moke, Histoire de la Belgique. — d Alexander
Young, History of the Netherlands.— «T. C. Grattan, op. cit.— /David Kay, article on
Belgium in the Encyclopedia Britannica.
Chapter XVIII. Belgium since 1815
*Th. Juste, La Revolution Beige de 1880. — "A. Alison, op. cit. — d WiLHELM Mullbr,
Politische Geschichteder Neuesten Zeit. — *Th. Juste, Histoire ae la Belgique. — /L. Lecl&re,
article on Belgian History in the Encyclopaedia Britannica.
Chapter XIX. Holland since 1815
b Lord Malmesbury, Memoirs, — • A. Alison, op. cit. — d H. Tiedemann, article on Holland
in the new volumes of the Encyclopedia Britannica. — • Edmondodb Amicis, L'Olanda— / Wil-
HELM MiJLLER, op. Cit.
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A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE HISTORY OF THE
NETHERLANDS
BASED ON THE WORKS QUOTED, CITED, OR CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION OF THE
PRESENT HISTORY; WITH CRITICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Amloli, E. de, Holland and Its People (1880). — Annalei Mosellani. — Annalei Rodenses. —
Annales Xantenses. — Achery, L. d\ Spicilegium, Paris, 1724. — Arend, J. P., Algemeene
geschiedenis der Vaderlands, Amsterdam, 1855. — Armstrong, E. A., The Emperor Charles V,
London, 1902.
Baarlandt (or Barlandus), Adriaan van, Over de Graven van Holland ; Over de bisschoppen
van Utrecht. — Baerle, E. van, Rerum per octennium in Brasilia et alibi nnper gestarum,
Amsterdam, 1645. — Bartals, A., Flandres et la revolution. — Baudart, W., Memorien, Arnhem,
1624, 2 vols. — Banding, D., De induciis belli Belgici libri III, Amsterdam, 1616. — Bavay, C.
de, Dn regime de la presse sons l'ancien gouvernment des Pays-Bas. — Beka(Bacanus), Johannes,
Chronicon episcopornm Ultraiectensium et comitum Hollandise, 1898, Utrecht, 1648.
John de Beka, Flemish chronicler, was born at Bois-le-Duc in the beginning of the four-
teenth century. He entered the abbey of Egmont and there consecrated several years to the
direction of a history of the bishops of Utrecht, which is still consulted. He was the greatest
chronicler of his day.
Benthroglio, Guido, Delle guerre di Fiandra, Cologne, 1688, 8 vols.; Relation!, Venice,
1633. — Berchem, W. de, De nobili principatu gelrie, Hague, 1870. — Bertrand, Alexandre,
Nos Origines, Paris, 1889-1897. — Blok, P. J., Eene Hollandsche stad onder de Bourgonisch Oos-
tenrijksche heerschappij, Hague, 1884; Eene Hollandsche stad in de Middeleeuwen, Hague,
1883 ; Geschiedenis van net nederlandsche volk, Groningen, 1892 ; History of the People of the
Netherlands, translated by Oscar Bierstadt and Ruth Putnam, New York, 1898.
Petrus Johannes Blok, was born in Helder in 1855. After studying in Leyden he became
Srofessor of history at Groningen in 1884 ; was afterwards appointed professor of Dutch history
i the University of Leyden and instructor in history to Queen Wilhelmina. His writings are
principallv studies of the social and political history of the Netherlands during the Middle Ages.
He is professedly a pupil of Fruin, but his style bears no comparison with that of the master,
being too frequently colorless, hasty, and oblivious of the niceties of the national language.
On the other hand his conscientious fairness is particularly refreshing after the deluge of parti-
san literature poured hot from Orange-Klaut, Calvinistic, and " liberal " sources.
Bomelins, H., Bellum Trajectinum, 1525. — Bor, P. C, Oorsprongk, begin ende vervolg
der Nederlantscher oorlogen, Amsterdam, 1679. — Brandt, G. , Histoire der Reformatie, Amster-
dam, 1660-1704, 4 vols.— Brill, W. G., Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, Leyden, 1863; Over
Nederlands herstel, Leyden, 1863, — Brink, R. C. B., van den, Het Nederlandsch Rijksarchief,
71
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7* BIBLIOGRAPHY OP THE NETHERLANDS
Hague, 1857. — Brace, J. , Correspondence of Leycester during his Government in the Low Coun-
tries, London, 1844. — Brayssel, E. van, Histoire du commerce et de la marine en Belgique. —
Burgundius, W., Historia Belgica, Ingolstadt, 1629. —Butler, C, Life of Grotius, London, 1826.
Caesar, J., De hello gallico. — Oampana, C, Delia guerra fatta per difesa de religione.—
Oarnero, A., Historia de las guerras civiles, 1559-1699, 1612. — darolua, J., Commentarii. -^
Ohastellaln, G., Chronique, Brussels, 1888. — Ohoart, P., Lettres et Negociations, Leyden,
1846. — Ohytraeus, D., Chronicon Saxonise, Leipsic, 1599; Continuatio historica, Leipsic, 1599.
— Oominet, Ph. de, Memoires, 1855. — Cordova, Cabrera de, Felipe Segundo, Madrid, 1619.
Davies, C. M., History of Holland and the Dutch, London, 1851, 8 vols. — Desroches, J. , His*
toire ancienne des Pays-Bas, 1787. — Dottin, G., "La Religion des Gaulois," in Revue de This-
toire des Religions, Paris, 1898. — Duaseldor^ F. van, " Annales," in Werken Hist. Gen., 1894.
— Dynter, E. von, Chronica nobilissimorum ducum Lotharingiae et Brabantia? ac regum Fran-
corum, 1854.
Bmmtas, U., Historia nostri temporis ; Guilielmus Lodovicus Comes Nassovius, Groningen,
1732.
France, Renon de, Histoire des causes de la disunion, revoltes, et alterations des Pays-
Bas, 1886. — Fresinga, R., Memorien, 1584. — Froissart, J., Chroniques de Flandres, Paris,
1869. — Fruin. R., Tien Jaren uit den 80 iarigen oorlog, Hague, 1888 ; Geschiedenis der staats*
intellingen in Nederland, Hague, 1901 ; Verspreide geschriften, Hague, 1900.
Robert Fruin, one of the most eminent historical writers of the Netherlands and professor
of Dutch history at the university of Leyden, was born in Rotterdam, November 14th, 1823,
and died in January, 1899, after a brief illness. Unfortunately none of his works has been
translated : this places him beyond the reach of the student unfamiliar with the Dutch language;
and yet a thorough treatment of Dutch history is impossible without some knowledge of the
250 monographs left by Fruin on history in all its branches — military, political, social, finan-
cial, economical, ecclesiastical, and religious. " It is true Professor Fruin founded no school/'
says one of his biographers ; " he ne\er tried to make others adopt his line. His one aim was
to arouse love for his subject and to give a worthy example of devotion and unselfish perform-
ance of the duty in hand. He never urged his own opinions, never made propaganda for cer»
tain principles of instruction. His aim was to present the pros and cons, to collect data whereby
we might give judgment ; and to this watchword he remained true."
Gachard, L. P. (ed.), Actes des fitats Generaux, Brussels, 1849-1866 ; Correspondance de
Guillaume le Taciturne, Brussels, 1847-1866, 6 vols. ; Correspondance de Phillipe II sur les
affaires des Pays-Bas, Brussels, 1848, 5 vols. ; Correspondance de Marguerite d' Autriche avec
Philippe II, Brussels, 1864, 8 vols. ; Etudes et notices historiques, 8 vols. — Oalluoci, T., M6-
moires, 1786. — Oeldenhauer, G., Vita Philippi a Burgundia, 1529. — Gerbrandaoon-J., Chron-
icon Egmundanum ; Chronicon Holland!©, Antwerp, 1620. — Gerlache, E. C. de, Histoire du
royaume des Pays-Bas, Brussels, 1875, 8 vols. — Glay, E. le, Histoire des comtes de Flandres.
— O-rattan. T. C, History of the Netherlands, London, 1830. — Groot, H. de, Annales et Historia
de rebus Belgicis, Amsterdam, 1657; Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum, et Longobardorum,
1654 ; Obsidio Grollae, Amsterdam, 1629 ; Parallelon Rerum Publicarum, Haarlem, 1801-1808 ;
Respubiica Holland!® et urbes, 1630.
Hugo de Groot (Grotius so called), jurisconsult, diplomat, and Dutch historian, was born at
Delft, April 10th, 1588, and died at Rostock, August 28th, 1645. At the age of eight he com-
posed meritorious Latin verses ; at twelve he was a student at the university of Leyden. He
took the degree of doctor of law and entered upon a career as advocate, quitting it in 1603
when the United Provinces appointed him historiographer. In 1618 he formed one of a deputa-
tion to the court of England, where his name became widely esteemed. During the religious
wrangles in which Olden-Barneveld forfeited his life, Grotius was condemned to life imprison-
ment but was enabled bv the ingenuity of his wife to escape to Paris, where he put forth the
remarkable De jure belli et pacis, which established his reputation throughout Europe. He
was offered the post of Swedish ambassador to France, but Richelieu's ill will prevented his
succeeding there, and he obtained his recall. After taking leave of the Swedish court he was
shipwrecked near Dantzic. He never recovered from the exposure, dying upon his arrival at
Rostock.
Guise, J. de, Annales Hannoni®, 1890. — Ouyon, F. de, Memoires, 1858. — Giuatiniani,
P., Delle guerre di Fiandra, 1609.
Haer. Moris van der, De initiis tumultuum Belgicorum, Duaci, 1587 ; Les Chastelains de
Lille, 1611. — Heda, Wilhelmus, Chronique, 1642. — Heelu, J. t Rijmkroniik, Brussels, 1886. —
Hemricourt, J. de, Miroir des Nobles et Werre d'Awans et de Waroux, 1791. — Herberghen.
H. van, Coup d'ceil sur le royaume des Pays-Bas. — Heuter, P., Rerum burgundicarum libri
VI, 1689. — Hoosem, Johannes, Historia) et res gesta? pontificum Leodiensium. — Holxwarth,
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WITH CRITICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES 7S
Abfallder, Niederlande, Schaffhausen, 1865. — Hooft, C. P., Memorienen Adviezen, Utrecht,
1871. — Hooft, P. C, Nederlandsche Historien, Amsterdam, 1642-1654, 2 vols. — Hoppers, J.,
Recueil et memorial des troubles des Pays-Bas. — Hugoerse, M. de la, M6moires. — Huygens,
C, De terris coelistibus, earumque ornatu, conjecture, Groningen, 1892; Memoires, Hague,
1888. — Huyter, P. de, Berum Burgundicarum fibri sex ; Re rum Belgicarum libri quindetim,
Antwerp, 1508.
Isselt, Michael ab, Historia belli civilis Coloniensis ; Historia sui temporis, Cologne, 1602 ;
liercurius Gallo-Belgicus, Cologne, 1592.
Jonckbloet, W. J. A. (ed.), Les romans de la Charrette, Hague, 1850 ; Roman van Earel
den Orooten, Leyden, 1844. — Jottrand, L., La question Fiamande. Brussels, 1875. — Juste,
Theodore, Histoire des Beiges, Paris, 1894, 8 vols. ; Histoire de la Revolution Pays-Bas, Brus-
sels, 1860, 4 vols. ; La Revolution Beige, Brussels, 1872, 8 vols.
Theodore Juste, Belgian historian, was born at Brussels, January 11th, 1818 ; died at the
same place In 1888. In 1859 he was appointed instructor in general history to the military
schools. He was the most prolific among the historians of his country, but his work, both in
matter and manner, is very unequal. Here he gives himself up entirely to generalities, there
he gets lost in infinite details. He makes laudable endeavours to remain impartial, but frequently
succeeds only in being impassive. Yet it must not be forgotten that Juste, more than any
other Netherlandish writer, has given enormous impetus to the national taste for history in the
Netherlands.
Kalfi, J., Onze banken van leening, 1849. — Keverberg, M. de, Du Royaume des Pays-Bas,
1834. — Khevenhiller, F. von, Annales Ferdinandei, Leipsic, 1640.
LalaJng, E. de, Memoires, 1583. — Leo, H., Zwolf Bucher Niederlandischer Geschichten,
Halle, 1^2. — LetUnhove, Kervijn de, Les Huguenots et les Gueux, Bruges, 188&-1885,
6 vols.
Maerlant, J. van, Spieghel Historiael (1288), Leyden, 1784-1785, Amsterdam, 1812. —
March*. O. de la, Memoires, 1851. — Mark, R. de la, Memoires, 1758. — Meerbeeck, A. van,
Chronycke, Antwerp, 1620. — Memoires sur l'histoire de Belgique et des Pays-Bas (pub. by
Belgian Government). — Mendooa, Bernardine de, Commentaries, Paris, 1591, — Meteren,
Histoire de la Belgique, Ghent, 1848 ; Mceurs des Belies, 1849, 2 vols. — Mondoucetj C. de,
Lettres et Negodations, Paris, 1891, 2 vols. — Monstrelet, E, de, Chronique, Paris, 1857-1862,
6 vols. — Monumenta, German!®, 1875. — Mornay, Duplessis, Memoires, Paris, 1824, 12 vols.
— Motley, J. L., History of the United Netherlands, New York, 1879, 4 vols. ; Rise of the
Dutch Republic, New York, 1879, 8 vols. ; Life and Death of John of Barneveld, New York,
1874
John Lolhrop Motley was born April 15th, 1814, at Dorchester, Mass. ; was graduated at
Harvard, and after a period of European travel returned to study law In America, where he
was ultimately admitted to the bar. In 1841 he was made secretary of legation to the Russian
mission ; but resigned in a few months, having definitely resolved on a literary career. He
spent years In the laborious investigation of the archives preserved at Berlin, Dresden, Brus-
sels, and the Hague, and his historical works are everywhere recognised as painstaking and
scholarly ; embodying an enormous amount of original research, with full attention to the char-
acter of the actors and strict fidelity to the details of the stirring scenes which he depicts.
From a literary point of view Motley is perhaps the most brilliant of American historical writ-
ers ; but while all acknowledge his superiority as a stylist, and his influence In instigating the
Dutch scholars to the development of their own resources, a number of modern historians eon*
sider him more brilliant than trustworthy, declaring that he was not without partisanship, and
that he cultivated his imagination to the detriment of his historical perception. But such
criticism is made of every great chronicler, and on the whole America has no historian of
superior dignity. The last volumes of the History of the United Netherlands were published
in 1868, at which time the author held the post of United States minister at Vienna. Ill health
interfered seriously with the continuation of his literary labors towards the close of his career,
and on the 29th of May, 1877, he died at Kingston Russell House near Dorchester, England.
Mailer, P. L. (ed.), Documents, 1889. — Mailer, S., Mare Clausum; Documents; Bella
Campestria.
NJjhofl; I. A., Gedenkwaardigheden uit de geschiedenis van Gelderland, 1888. — Nuyena,
A, Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche beroerten der 16de eeuw Amsterdam, 1865-70, 4 vols. —
Olden-Barnev-eld, J. van, Gedenkstukken, Hague, lQQO. — Out-goutsch Chronycxken.
Author unknown, Amsterdam, 1668.
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74 BIBLIOGRAPHY OP THE NETHERLANDS
Paridaens, F., Souvenirs nationaux. — Pay en, Pontus, Memoires. — Petit, J. F. le, Grande
chronique ancienne et moderne, Dordrecht, 1601, 2 vols. ; Nederlandts Ghemeenebeste, Arnhem,
1615. — Plot, C. (ed.), Chroniques de Brabant et de Flandre, 1879 ; Histoire de Louvain. —
Pirenne, H., Geschichte Belgiens, Gotha, 1899-1902. — Polain, M. L., Histoire de l'ancien
pays de Lifce, 1866. — Potter. M. de, Souvenirs Personnels. — Praet, J. van, Histoire de la
Flandre.— Rreecott, W. H., Philip II, Philadelphia, 1891, 3 vols. — Prinaterer, Groen van,
Geschiedenis van het Vaderland, Ley den, 1846 ; Archives ou Correspondance ineaite de la
Maison Orange-Nassau. — Procurator (Gulielmus), Continuation Annales Egmundani to 1832.
Ram, P. F. X. de, Collection des chroniques beiges, 1858. — Rapaaet, Histoire des Stats
feneraux. — Reiflfenberg, F. A., Monuments pour servir ft l'histoire de Namur, Hainaut, etc.,
827-1830. — Renard, M., Histoire politique et militaire de la Belgique. — Reyd, E. van, His-
toric der Nederlantschen oorlogen begin ende voortganck Arnhem, 1626 ; Oonsprong en voort-
ffang van de Nederlandsche oorlogen, Arnhem, 1626, Amsterdam, 1647-1665. — Reyggraberch,
J., Cronycke van Zeelandt, 1551. — Rioust, M. N. f Du pouvoir des princes sur les Eglises de
leurs Etats. — Rogers, J. E. Thorold, Holland, Boston, 1894.— ifc>ya2 Chronicles of Cologne.
Schayes, A. G. B., Histoire de Tarchitecture en Belgique, 1880 ; Les Pays-Bas avant et
durant la domination Romaine, 1884. — Schiller, J. C. Fr. von, History of the Bevolt of the
Netherlands, (trans, by A. J. W. Morrison, New York, 1860). — Scribanius, C, Veridicus Bel-
gicus, Antwerp, 1624. — Seversen, J., Divisiekronick. — Stoke, Melis, Rijmkronijk, Amsterdam,
1591, Leyden, 1772.
Melts Stoke, a Dutch writer of rhymed chronicles, lived at Utrecht during the latter years
of the thirteenth century and the beginning of the fourteenth. He was a scribe and attache"
to Count Floris V. Little is known of his history. He published a rhymed chronicle treating
of events in Holland from 885 to 1805, which was printed for the first time at Amsterdam,
in 1591. Small confidence can be placed in the actuality of events recorded in this chroni-
cle, and the commentaries added by Huydecoper to his edition of 1772 are equally open to doubt.
The versification, well sustained throughout, is musical but devoid of rhetorical ornament,
adhering to simple narrative. The early part is brief, often obscure ; but with the beginning
of the reign of Floris V, the details become fuller, and the description graphic and vigorous.
Strada, Famianus, De bello belgico decades du», Rome, 1682, 2 vols. — Suffridua, P., De
Frisiorum antiquitate et origine, 1590 ; De scriptoribus Friste, 1598.
Tacitus, P. G, Germania. — Taxis, J. B., Commentarii. — Teylingen, A. van, Opkomste
der Nederlantsche beroerten, Mttnster, 1642. — Thaborita, P., Historic van Vriesland, 1828. —
Thorbeoke, J. R., Historische Schetsen, 1872.— TJaarda, W., Chronicorum Frisiae libri III,
Leeuw, 1850 — Trigland, J., Eerkelijke Geschiedenissen, Leyden, 1650. — Trithemina, J.,
Chronicon Belgicum Magnum, Berlin, 1887. — Trosee, Het Verraad van George de Lalaing,
Bois-le-Duc, 1894. — Turenne, H. de la Tour, Memoires, 1756.
Uyttenbogaert, J., Eerkelicke Historic, 1646.
Vara, Francis, Commentaries, Cambridge, 1657. — Vervou, F. van, Aanteekeningen ter St.
Gen ; Eenige gedenkwaardige geschiedenissen, 1841. — Vynckt, L. J. J. van der, Troubles des
Pays-Bas, Brussels, 1765.
Waddington, A., R^publiaue des Provinces Unies, 1897. — Wagenaar, J., Vaderlandsche
Historic, Amsterdam, 1749, 2 vols.; Onmiddellijk vervolg, Amsterdam, 1788, 8 vols. —
Wargny, M. de, Esquisses historiques de la revolution de la Belgique. — Warnkoanlg, L.
A., Flandrische Staats-und Rechtsgeschichte, Tubingen, 1835 ; Warnkoanlg, L. U., and Ger-
ard, P. A. F., Histoire des Carolingiens, Brussels, 1862. — Wenielburger, Geschichte der Nie-
derlande, Gotha, 1879, 2 vols. — weaenbeke, J. de, Correspondance avec le Prince d 'Orange,
Utrecht, 1896. — Williams, Roger, Memoires, 1864. — Wind, S. de, Bijzonderheden uit de
geschiedenis van het strafrecht in de Nederlanden, 1827. — winaem, P. van, Chronique ofte
Historische Gescjiedenissen van Friesland, Francker, 1622 ; Historiarum per Frisiam Gestarum
libri quatuor, Leeuwarden, 1629, 2 vols.
Teats, J., Growth and Vicissitudes of Commerce, 1789. — Young, A,, History of the Nether-
lands, Boston, 1884.
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A CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY OF THE HISTORY OF
THE NETHERLANDS
PERIOD OF ROMAN, FRANKISH, AND SAXON INVASIONS
(28 b.c-848 a.d.)
B.C. 15 Gallia Belgica becomes a separate province under an imperial governor.
A.D. 28-47 Roman conquest of Frisians.
70 Claudius Civilis, the " Mithridates of the West," unites Celts and Teutons in a vain effort
to expel the Romans from Gaul.
280 The Franks (Ripuarians) occupy the country.
858 The Franks are given Toxandria.
406 The Franks aid Rome to defeat the barbarians.
420 The Salians from Dispargum (or Disiburg) win at Cambray.
451 The Franks take part in the battle of Chilons against the Huns.
481-511 Clovis in power. The Saxons move in.
622-82 Dagobert I founds the first Christian church.
692 Pepin of Heristal conquers King Radbod.
695 Willibrod the first bishop.
700 Independent dukedoms arise, Brabant the chief.
719 Radbod dies.
754 Charles Martel conquers Radbod's son Poppo.
755 St. Boniface killed by the Frisians.
785 Charlemagne crushes Frisians and Saxons.
843 Treaty of Verdun divides up the Netherlands.
EARLY HISTORY OF HAINAULT
During Caesar's time this county is inhabited by the Nervii, and does not get its name
until the seventh century. In the eleventh the Baldwins of Flanders are its rulers under
'the title "Count of Flanders and Hainault." Hainault continues with Flanders until
it falls to the house of Burgundy in 1436.
EARLY HISTORY OF BRABANT
Godfrey the Bearded, first count of Brabant, flourishes in the early part of the twelfth
century. His great-grandson, Henry (I) the Warrior,
1190 changes the title of count for that of duke.
1235 Henry (II) the Magnanimous succeeds.
1348 Henry (HI) the Debonair.
1261 His heir is set aside by John (I) the Victorious, his brother.
1288 Henry of Luxemburg killed at the battle of Woeringen.
1404 Brabant is united with Flanders.
1480 The duchy passes to the house of Burgundy.
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76 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
EARLY HISTORY OF GELDERLAND
Batavians and Chamavians, Saxons and Franks, mingle in the original population of
Gelderland. There seems to be no logical connection between the line of counts
governing under the Carlovingian kings and that of which Count Otto (end of the
tenth century) is a representative.
1096 A charter signed by Gerhard of Gelderland. Gerhard IX took to wife Ermgard of
Zutphen.
1181 Their son Henry becomes ruler over both inheritances.
1182 Otto I, his son, succeeds.
1207 Death of Otto ; succession of Gerhard UL
1229 Death of Gerhard ; succession of Otto U.
1271 Reinald I succeeds, and during his reign Limburg is seized by Brabant.
1326 Reinald II follows and is made " duke " of Gelderland.
1339 Reinald III succeeds ; quarrels with his brother Edward.
1871 Death of Reinald. Contest between rival factions.
1378 A decision in favour of William, nephew of the late duke.
1402 He dies and is succeeded by his son Reinald IV, who dies childless.
1423 Arnold, his grand-nephew, succeeds. Civil war between him and his son Adolphus.
Charles the Bold of Burgundy, purchases the duchy from Arnold.
1478 Arnold dies and Charles of Burgundy is established as duke of Gelderland.
EARLY HISTORY OF FRIESLAND
The history of the Frisians is largely legendary, until a.d. 28, when we hear of them as
at strife with the Romans.
689 Battle of Dorstadt. Radbod is driven from West Friesland ; but returns to defeat
Charles Martel. He is succeeded by Aldegild II, who is also driven out of West
Friesland by the Franks.
,754 Poppo, last independent prince of the Frisians, defeated by Charles Martel. Charle-
magne grants the Frisians many concessions. During his reign their country is divided
into West, Middle, and East Frisia.
848 Treaty of Verdun again chances the boundaries.
880 The whole country is reunited with Germany.
911 Frisia adheres to Conrad, king of the East, while Lorraine follows Charles king of the
West. The history of West Frisia is gradually merged with that of Holland, Dirk I.
first count of Holland, being the son of Gerulf , count of Frisia.
EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS
864 Baldwin Forester or Iron Arm, marries the daughter of Charles the Bald, and is
acknowledged by him as governor of the countship of Flanders ; he dies in
878 and is succeeded by his son Baldwin the Bald.
' 918 Death of Baldwin and succession of his son Arnold, during whose reign the first weavers
and fullers of Ghent are established.
989 Baldwin IV, son of Arnold, succeeds and adds to his realm Valenciennes, Walcheren, and
the islands of Zealand.
1086 His son, Baldwin V, succeeds.
1067 Baldwin VI succeeds and brings Hainault into the control of Flanders. . _^
1098 Succession of Robert II, the crusader. His death and the death of his son, Baldwin VH,
in
1119 end the old line of Flemish counts, and the power falls to Charles the Good of Denmark.
1127 He is assassinated by the merchants of Bruges, who are in revenge tortured to death by
the people. Six claimants dispute the throne, the nobility electing William of Nor*
mandy. He is opposed by Count Thierry of Alsace, who overthrows and kills him and
who in
1128 is acknowledged legitimate ruler. Rise of the Belgium communes.
1168 Thierry dies, leaving his crown to his son Philip of Alsace.
1191 His brother-in-law, Baldwin of Hainault, succeeds and yields extensive territories to
France.
1195 Succession of Baldwin IX, who leaves the government to his brother Philip and goes to
found the Latin Empire at Constantinople.
1214 Battle of Bouvines.
1279 In default of heirs, Hainault goes to John of Avennes, and Flanders to Ouy de Dampierre*
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CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY 77
1888 Battle of Woeringen.
1897 Pope Boniface VIII called to arbitrate between Guy and the French king.
1800 Gut and his sons imprisoned by Philip of France.
1801 Phfflp confiscates Flanders.
1803 The " Bruges Matins/' during which three thousand two hundred French are massacred.
Battle of Courtrai (battle of the Spurs).
1806 Death of Guy in prison and release of his son Robert of Blthune upon his signing a con-
tract detrimental to Flanders.
1888 Death of the old count at the age of eighty-two. He is succeeded by his grandson, Louis
of Nereis or of Orecy. The communes defeated at Cassel.
1886 The peace between France and England broken and the Flemish provinces dragged anew
into a European war. Jacob van Artevelde puts himself at the head of the people.
1846 He is beset and murdered upon his return from a journey to Bruges.
1846 Death of Count Louis on the field of Crecy. His sixteen-year-old son Louis of Male suc-
ceeds.
1857 The duke of Brabant cedes Antwerp and Mechlin to Louis.
1869 Lille, Douai, Blthune, Hesdin, and Orchies ceded by France.
1888 Battle of Roosebeke.
1884 Death of Louis, last of the house of Dampierre. With Philip of Burgundy, his son-in-
law, was to begin a new order of things.
1404 Death of Philip. Succession of John of Burgundy (the Fearless).
1481 Assassination of John. Accession of Philip, his son.
THE COUNTS OF HOLLAND (848-1299)
Charles the Simple bestows Esmond and its dependencies on Dirk I, who dies in or about
088 and is succeeded by his son ZMrk EL who is in turn succeeded in
988 by his son Arnold. Arnold is killed in battle in
998 and is succeeded by his twelve-year-old son Dirk m, with Luitgarde as regent.
1010 Last Norman invasion of the Netherlands.
1015 Dirk builds and fortifies Dordrecht.
1089 Death of Dirk III and succession of Dirk IV. who in
1049 is assassinated. He is succeeded by his brother, Ploria L
1061 Death of Floris. Succeeded by his infant son under guardianship of Gertrude of Saxony,
who in
1068 marries Robert of Flanders and confers on him the government of the country during her
son's minority.
1091 Death of Dirk V | succession of Floris ZX, the Fat.
1181 Death of Floris ; succession of Dirk VI, a child under the guardianship of his mother
Petronella, who continues the struggle against Germany.
1125 End of the enmity between the emperors of Germany and the counts of Holland, upon the
election of Lothair to the throne of Germany.
1157 Death of Dirk VI ; succession of Floris UL
1165 Philip of Flanders defeats and captures Count Floris.
1167 He is released and reinstated.
1170 Holland swept by a great flood.
1187 Flori s dep arts for the Crusades and dies of a pestilence.
1191 Dirk VII succeeds. He engages in disastrous wars.
THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
1808 Death of Dirk. His daughter Ada succeeds ; William, the dead count's brother, succeeds
in replacing Ada.
1214 William participates in the defeat at Bouvines.
1317 He sets sail for the Holy Land, but goes to the assistance of Portugal, besieges Damietta,
and returns to Holland, dying
1824 Floris IV, aged twelve years, succeeds his father.
1885 He Is slain by the count de Clermont. His son, William II, under the governorship of
his brother Otto HI, bishop of Utrecht, succeeds.
1248 William is crowned king of Germany.
1256 He is killed in battle against the Frieslanders ; and Floris V, then an infant, succeeds
under the governorship of his uncle Floris.
1296 Floris is murdered, and his son John I, a minor, succeeds under a divided regency.
1290 Death of the last of the counts of Holland. The count of Hainault recognised as the heir
tinder the title of John IL
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78 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
THE HOUSE OF HAINAULT (1299-1856)
THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY
1808 Zealand ceded to Flanders.
1804 The count abdicates in favour of his son William, and dies. His son succeeds as William
m.
1823 Flanders releases Holland from homage for the Zealand islands.
1887 Succession of William IV.
1845 He declares war against Utrecht, and later against the Frieslanders, by whom he is
defeated and killed. His sister Margaret succeeds. She is recalled to Bavaria and
leaves the administration to her second son William.
1849 Dissensions arising between mother and son, two parties are formed, that of William
being known as the " cods," that of Margaret as the " hooks." The struggle ends
1854 with an agreement by which William retains Holland, Zealand, and Friesland under the
title of William V, while Margaret receives a pension and the possession of Hainault.
1859 Albert, the count's younger brother, assumes the government upon evidence of William's
hopeless insanity.
1379 Death of the mad count.
THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
1404 Death of Count Albert ; succession of his son William VI j violent altercations between:
the cod and the hook parties. Hollanders lose Friesland.
1417 Death of William, and succession of his daughter Jacqueline, whose claim is disputed by
her paternal uncle John of Bavaria until his death by poison.
1425 He having named Philip of Burgundy as rightful successor, the latter keeps up the war
against the countess, and succeeds in wresting from her, by the Reconciliation of Delft,
1428 the administration of all her states.
1484 Complete abdication and
1486 death of Jacqueline, leaving her territories to the undisputed possession of Philip duke-
of Burgundy.
THE NETHERLANDS UNDER THE HOUSE OF BURGUNDY (1486-1498)
Philip of Burgundy, after purchasing the title of the duchess of Luxemburg to her estate*
now governs over an area about equal to that of the existing kingdoms of Holland and
Belgium.
1486 Philip declares war against England.
1440 The Dutch and Flemings capture Hanseatic fleet ; twelve years' truce declared.
1467 Succession of Charles the Bold, who has already held for some time the office of stad-
holder-general of Holland.
1468 Alliance with Edward IV of England against France.
1476 Charles defeated by the Swiss at the battle of Morat.
1477 Battle of Nancy. Charles loses both the battle and his life, leaving all his powers to his
eighteen-year-old daughter Mary. The congress meets at Ghent, February 8rd, and
the result of its deliberations is the formal grant, on February 11th, by the duchesa
Mary, of the " Great Privilege." August 18th of the same year she marries I
son of the emperor of Germany, and dies.
1482 Maximilian is imprisoned at Bruges.
THE NETHERLANDS UNDER THE EMPIRE (1498-1609)
1498 Maximilian succeeds to the imperial throne, and in
1494 appoints his son Philip the Fair to the governorship of the Netherlands.
THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
Lilian n
1510 War with the Hanseatic towns.
1606 Death of Philip. Maximilian names his daughter Margaret governante.
"' * Hans *
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CHRONOLOGICAL STJMMABY 79
1515 Charles, havingattained his fifteenth year, is inaugurated duke of Brabant and count of
Flanders and Holland.
1519 Election of Charles V to the empire.
1527 The bishop of Utrecht cedes to the emperor the whole of his temporal power.
1528 The duke of Oelderland lays down his arms.
1529 Peace of Cambray.
1540 Ghent severely punished for rebellion.
1548 Acquisition of Friesland and Oelderland by Charles.
1555 Charles abdicates at Brussels ; Philip II succeeds.
1559 Philip sails for Spain. Margaret, duchess of Parma, a regent.
1562 Conspiracy for the overthrow of Granvella, the king's overseer in the Netherlands. The
regent joins her voice to the protests sent to Philip. Granvella removed.
1564 Wigele is appointed in his stead. Fresh indignities are perpetrated and Philip proclaims
the furious decree of the council of Trent.
1566 Establishment of the Inquisition in the Netherlands. Certain dissenting noblemen meet
at the baths of Spa, and the foundations for the Compromise of February are laid. The
image-breaking riot and the sack of the Antwerp cathedral follow.
Alva's Reign of Terror (1567-1578)
1567 The prince of Orange retires into Germany, and the confederacy is dispersed. Alva sets
out to conquer by force of arms. Arrest of Egmont and Horn. Philip establishes the
bloody '• council of Troubles."
1568 Philip signs the death-warrant of all the Netherlanders as heretics. Execution of Egmont
and Horn. The prince of Orange opens his campaign.
1572 The Sea Beggars take Briel. Nearly all the important cities raise the standard of the
deliverer. Louis of Nassau takes Mons, which is later recovered by the Spaniards.
The states-general assemble at Dordrecht July 15th.
1573 The siege of Haarlem. Decline of Alva's fortunes. He is recalled December 15th and
Bequesens takes his place.
William of Orange Triumphant (1574-1584)
1574 Spanish fleet is defeated off Middelburg by Boisot. Middelburg after two years' siege
yields to the patriots. Spaniards leave off siege of Leyden. Avila defeats and kills
Louis of Nassau at Mooker Heath. His soldiers mutiny and take Antwerp as security
for three years' back pay. Spaniards resume siege of Leyden. Boisot defeats Spanish
fleet near Antwerp. Orange has the dikes broken to let the sea round Leyden. Boisot
appears before Leyden with a fleet. Spaniards besiege Zieriksee. Leyden relieved.
The dikes are rebuilt. The university of Leyden founded in commemoration.
1575 Holland and Zealand form an alliance.
1576 Requesens dies. Zieriksee surrenders. Spanish mutineers seize Alost ; seize council.
The patriots hold a congress at Ghent. Spaniards by using women as shields take
Maestricht. Spanish mutineers sack and destroy Antwerp. "The Spanish Fury,"
November 4th. Don John of Austria replaces Requesens. The congress signs the
" Pacification of Ghent," an alliance against Spain ; all the provinces accept it.
1577 Union of Brussels signed. Don John signs " the Perpetual Edict." William of Orange
enters Brussels and is made governor or ruward.
1578 The states make an alliance with England. Alessandro of Parma crushes patriot army at
Gembloux. Don John dies and is succeeded by Alessandro of Parma.
1579 Patriots sign the Union of Utrecht. Parma besieges Maestricht.
THE FOUNDATION OF THE REPUBLIC
1579 Egniont's son taken as a traitor. Parma sacks Maestricht. Hembyze seizes the govern-
ment of Ghent. Orange restores order. Renneberg sells Mechlin to Spain.
1580 The provinces declare independence. The states of Holland offer sovereignty to Orange.
Patriots routed at Hardenberg Heath. Philip offers a reward for the assassination of
William of Orange.
1581 William of Orange accepts temporarily the sovereignty of the provinces. Renneberg's
troops defeated" He dies. The act of Abjuration and Declaration of Independence
published. Five of the provinces elect the duke of Alencon and Anjou ; two elect
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80 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
Orange. The seven unite against Spain. Anjou forces Parma to retire from Cambray.
Parma takes Tournay.
1582 Anion is inaugurated at Antwerp. Orange wounded by an assassin. Parma takes
Oudenarde. Orange accepts full sovereignty of Holland under a constitution, ''The
Great Privilege of the Lady Mary."
1588 Anjou's plot to seize Antwerp fails.
1584 Two attempts made on Orange's life. Anjou dies. William of Orange killed by an
assassin.
Partial Independence (1584-1609)
1584 Maurice of Orange succeeds his father.
1585 Parma takes Antwerp after a year of siege. Deputies offer sovereignty to France and
England. Elizabeth declines, but sends troops under Leicester.
1586 Spaniards beaten near Zutphen. Sir Philip Sidney killed.
1587 Leicester recalled because of his unpopularity.
1588 The Dutch greatly hamper the Spanish armada.
1589 English garrison surrenders Gertruydenberg to Parma.
1591 Maurice takes Breda, Zutphen, Nimeguen, etc.
1592 Parma dies.
1598 Maurice takes Gertruydenberg.
1594 Maurice takes Groningen, last Spanish stronghold. Archduke Ernest succeeds Parma.
Two attempts on Maurice's life fail.
1595 Archduke Ernest dies ; succeeded by Fuentes, who takes Cambray and is replaced by
Archduke Albert, who wins battles against France. The Dutch make explorations,
and colonise.
1596 Dutch and English fleet sacks Cadiz. Dutch form the India Company.
1597 Maurice defeats Spaniards at Turnhout and takes many cities.
1598 French and Spanish war ended by Treaty of Vervins. Philip II cedes the Netherlands
and Burgundy to Albert and Isabella. Albert crowned at Brussels. Philip II dies.
1599 Maurice takes Bommel. Spanish troops mutiny.
1600 Maurice defeats Albert ana Mendoza near Nieuport.
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
1601 Maurice takes Rheinberg, but fails before Bois-le-Duc. Albert begins a three yean' siege
of Ostend.
1604 Maurice takes Sluys.
1605 A Dutch fleet defeats the Spanish and pursues them into Dover. Spinola takes towns in
Overyssel and defeats Maurice at Ruhrort. The Dutch defeat a Spanish fleet off Mala-
bar.
1606 Dutch fleet routed off Cape St. Vincent.
1607 Dutch fleet under Heemskerk defeat Spaniards at Gibraltar. Spaniards make proposals
of peace.
1608 Congress at the Hague.
1609 Twelve years Treaty of Antwerp signed. Spain recognises Holland's independence.
Complete Independence (1609-1648)
1610 War between CI eves and Julich. Maurice takes Julich and ends the war. Arminius dies,
leaving fierce religious dissensions, taking shape of two parties, Remonstrants and
Counter-remonstrants.
1616 The towns held as security by England bought back.
1617 Riots at Amsterdam and the Hague. Maurice seizes Briel and overthrows
1618 government of Nimeguen, arrests Barneveld, Grotius, etc. ; deposes many town-govern-
ments. Synod of Dordrecht meets.
1619 Expels remonstrants; tries and condemns Barneveld, who is executed. Grotius imprisoned
for life. Thirty Tears' War begins.
1620 Persecution of remonstrants.
1621 Grotius escapes from prison. Twelve-years truce ends. War with Spain begins.
1622 Spinola takes Julich by siege, but is repulsed atJ3ergenH>p»Zoom
1628 Plot to assassinate Maurice fails.
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CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY 81
1684 Treaty with France and England. Dutch build New Amsterdam (New York) in America.
1836 Maurice dies and is succeeded by his brother Frederick Henry. The Spaniards take
Breda.
1927 Frederick Henry takes Groenlo. Piet Heyn defeats Spanish fleet.
1628 Piet Heyn takes Spanish treasure fleet near Havana.
1629 Piet Heyn killed while capturing Dunkirk pirates. Frederick besieges Bois-le-Duc, and
takes it. Part of Holland flooded to frustrate the Spaniards.
1680 Dutch victories in the West Indies.
1681 Frederick Henry besieges Dunkirk, but is recalled. Dutch fleet wins near Tholen.
Frederick's three-year-old son declared his successor as stadholder. Grotius returns
and is rebanished.
1632 Frederick besieges Maastricht, and beats off Pappenheim at Meerssen ; Maastricht and
Limburg surrender. Spain makes overtures of peace.
1684 Dutch found colony at Curacao. Alliance made with France.
1685 French allies win at Avein.
1687 Spaniards take Venlo and Roermond. Frederick takes Breda. Dutch defeat Portuguese
in Brazil. The era of tulipo-mania.
1688 Frederick takes Calloo and Verrebroek, but is defeated at Liefkenshoek and Geldern.
1689 Van Tromp defeats the Spaniards in the Downs.
1640 Dutch win at Nassau. Lose at Moervaert.
1641 Frederick's son married to princess royal of England.
1643 Dutch win a skirmish at Bergen-op-Zoom.
1647 Frederick Henry dies ; succeeded by his son William IL
1648 Peace proclaimed with Spain, which acknowledges complete independence of the United
Provinces, in the Treaty of Monster.
Entanglements in European Politics (1648-1715)
The French overrun Spanish Netherlands.
1649 English parliament's ambassador to Holland assassinated.
1650 Prince William arrests Admiral de Witt, but is forced to release him. Contest between
prince and the states ends in the prince being frustrated at Amsterdam. He dies and
is succeeded by his son William m.
1651 The " great assembly " meets. English parliament passes the Navigation Act and seizes
Dutch ships.
1653 War with England begins by an encounter between Blake and Tromp off Dover. Tromp
succeeded by De Ruyter, who defeats Ayscue off Plymouth, and fights Blake and
Ayscue. Blake fights De Ruyter off Kent. Van Galen defeats the English near Leg-
horn in Mediterranean. Tromp, reinstated, defeats Blake off Goodwin Sands.
1653 Tromp in three days' battle with superior force saves his convoy. Tromp defeated by
Monk off Nieuport. Tromp fights drawn battle with Monk off Scheveningen. Holland
proposes peace, and forms an alliance with Denmark.
1654 Disadvantageous peace made with England and prince of Orange excluded from stadhol-
dership. Dutch driven out of Brazil.
1655 War between Denmark and Sweden.
1656 Dutch raise siege of Dantzic. Don John of Austria governor of Spanish Netherlands.
Brief naval war with French privateers.
1657 Sweden and Denmark at war. Dutch defeat Swedish fleet in the Sound.
1659 Dutch aid in capture of Nyborg. Dutch crush Algerine pirates. Treaty of the Pyrenees
gives Louis XXV large parts of Spanish Netherlands.
1660 Dutch blockade Swedish fleet in Landskrona. Peace arranged. Charles II of England
restored and welcomed in Holland. Act of exclusion against Orange repealed.
1663 Treaty with Brazil. Charles I's judges delivered to England.
1664 English take many Dutch possessions. De Ruyter captures English ships and forts in
the West Indies. Charles II seizes one hundred and thirty Dutch vessels and lays an
embargo.
1665 England declares war. Opdam defeated and killed in naval battle off Lowestoft. Tromp
in command, superseded by De Ruyter. De Witt takes command. Bishop Galen of
Munster declares war and invades the United Provinces. Louis XIV of France sends
troops to aid the Provinces.
1666 Peace with Munster arranged. France declares war on England. De Ruyter and Tromp
defeat Monk and Prince Rupert in a great naval battle off the North Foreland. Monk
defeats De Ruyter near Ostend. English burn 160 Dutch merchantmen in the Vlie.
1667 Peace conference fails. De Ruyter takes Sheerness and burns it. De Ruyter burns Eng-
lish war-ships at Chatham. De Ruyter enters the Thames and retires. Peace witn
England. Louis XIV invades the Spanish Netherlands, which ask aid of the United
Provinces. The Perpetual Edict passed.
H. W.— VOL. XIV. O
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82 THE HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS
1668 Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle.
1660 Charles II treacherously joins France in a plot to crush the United Provinces.
1671 Charles tries to force Holland to insult the flag.
1672 The states-general appoint William, prince of Orange, captain-general. English under
Holmes attack Dutch Smyrna fleet without warning, and are repulsed. England and
France declare war on the states-general. French army invades Holland and takes
various cities. Amsterdam opens the dikes. De Ruyter defeats English fleet in the
battle of Southwold Bay (Solebay). Perpetual Edict revoked; Orange made stadholder.
The De Witts massacred by populace. Elector of Brandenburg and emperor of Ger-
many join the United Provinces. Duke of Luxemburg aids the Provinces.
1673 Bishops of Munster and Cologne defeated at Groningen and retire. Tromp and De Ruyter
defeat English and French. De Ruyter defeats English fleet. De Ruyter defeats Eng-
lish and French invading fleet in the Texel. The French take Maastricht. Orange
recaptures Naarden.
1674 England makes peace with Holland. Bishops of Munster and Cologne make peace. The
French capture cities. Orange fights a drawn battle at Seneffe with Conde ; then takes
Grave and Huy. De Ruyter repulsed at Martinique. Tromp lands on Belle-lie.
1675 Conde* takes Dinant, Huy, and Limburg.
1676 Orange fails to take Maastricht. De Ruyter fights two naval battles with the French and
is killed in the second. Orange deposes government of Middelburg.
1677 Orange defeated at St. Omer and Cassel. Orange besieges Charleroi but is repulsed.
Orange marries Mary, daughter of James duke of York (James II of England).
1678 Peace with France signed at Nimeguen. Orange, in spite of peace, attacks French at
Mons.
1681 Louis XIV breaks the peace ; Orange raises a confederacy against him.
1684 The French take Luxemburg.
1685 Orange aids in Monmouth's invasion of England.
1686 League of Augsburg formed against France.
1688 William of Orange hinds in England.
1689 William and Mary proclaimed sovereigns of England. Louis XIV declares war.
1690 Dutch under Waldeck defeated at Fleurus. Dutch and English fleets beaten at Beachy
Head.
1691 Mons taken by the French. Waldeck beaten at Leuze.
1692 Dutch and English fleets defeat French at La Hogue. Maximilian of Bavaria governor
of Spanish Netherlands.
1693 French win at Furnes and Dixmude, Maeetricht, Huy, Neerwinden, Charleroi ; and lose at
Landen. Dutch fleets defeated at Cape St. Vincent.
1694 Dutch and English fleets bombard French coast.
1695 Queen Mary dies. William takes Namur by siege.
1697 William takes Ath. French capture Dutch fleet. Treaty of Ryswick signed.
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
1701 Dutch garrisons made prisoners by the French. William dies.
1702 War declared against France. Duke of Marlborough commands allied troops and gains
many victories.
1708 Marlborough takes Bonn. Obdam loses at Eckeren. Deputies of the states-general pre-
vent Marlborough attacking the French in their lines between the Mehaigne and Maas,
1704 Marlborough wins many battles, including Blenheim. Dutch and English take Gibraltar.
1706 Marlborough wins at Ramillies.
1708 French defeated in many battles. Louis XIV's proposals of peace rejected.
1709 Marlborough takes Tournay, Malplaquet, Mons. Barrier treaty with England proposed.
1712 England leaves the alliance. The Dutch take Le Quesnoy. The allies are beaten at
Denain, Douai, Le Quesnoy and Bouchain.
1718 Treaty of Utrecht provides against French claims on the Spanish (now Austrian) Nether*
lands.
1715 Satisfactory Barrier Treaty made with France.
A Republic Again (1715-1794)
1716-19 Financial panics.
1718 Mississippi and South Sea bubbles.
1720 Insurrection in Brussels secures privileges.
1722 William Charles Henry Friso of Orange-Nassau made stadholder of Gelderlaad.
1725-7 Treaties of Vienna and Hanover.
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CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY 83
1781 Ostend Company abolished.
1781-82 Religions disputes. A sea- worm threatens to ruin the dikes.
1783 Prince of Orange-Nassau marries English princess-royal.
1735-89 The states involved in English-Spanish war.
1740 The Dutch massacre Batavians (in East Indies).
1742 The states involved in English-French war.
1744 The states join the Quadruple Alliance. French win at Menin and Ypres,
1745 Tournay, Fontenoy, and take many cities.
1747 French invade the states. William of Orange-Nassau made stadholder as William IV.
French take Bergen-op-Zoom after siege. The states make the stadholdership heredi-
tary.
1748 Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle.
1751 William IV dies. Is succeeded by his son William V, a minor, with Anne of England as
regent.
1756 The states avow neutrality in Seven Years' War.
1757 Austrian Netherlands take part.
1765 The emperor Joseph II succeeds Maria Theresa.
1766 William V of age. Encounters with England, who claims right of search.
1779 Admiral Bylandt humiliated by English commodore.
1780 England forces war.
1781 English capture St. Eustatius ; are repulsed in naval battle of Doggerbank*
1782 Holland recognises the independence of the United States of America.
1783 The " Schuttery " reorganised. Joseph II interferes and takes the barrier towns.
1784 His ship is refused the passage of the Schelde, and he threatens war. Duke Ludwig of
Brunswick, commander of the troops, forced to resign and retire.
1785 Joseph II proposes peace and a treaty is made.
1786 The states of Holland remove the stadholder from various militarv offices.
1787 The free corps displaces members of town-governments favourable to Orange. Encoun-
ters between troops of the states of Holland and those of the stadholder. The princess
of Orange arrested on her way to the Hague. Joseph II arouses opposition in Belgium
by edicts. He also interferes in and invades Holland. Various cities surrender or are
abandoned. The states of Holland restore the stadholder to his office. Amsterdam
taken by siege. The stadholdership again made hereditary.
1789 Joseph II annuls the Joyeuse Entrie and produces revolution in Brabant, where he is
defeated at Turnhout, Ghent, Brussels, Mons.
1790 The United States of Belgium declare independence, which they maintain for only a year.
1792 The states-general withdraw their ambassador from France on account of the arrest of
Louis XVt The French invade Belgium.
Effects of the French Revolution
1798 The French take Breda and various cities.
1794 French victory of Fleurus drives Austrians from Netherlands. Pichegru takes Sluys by
siege, also Bois-le-Duc, Maestricht.
1795 The stadholder abandons Holland. The patriots welcome the French and establish a new
government as the Batavian Republic.
THE BATAVIAN REPUBLIC (1797-1806)
1797 English defeat Dutch fleet under De Winter off Camperdown. Treaty of Campo-Formio
gives Belgium to the French.
1798 A constituent assembly organised.
1799 The Dutch fleet surrenders in the Texel. Allies endeavour to reinstate the stadholder,
but are defeated near Bergen.
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
1801 Treaty of Luneville confirms French possession of Luneville.
1805 Batavian Republic given a new constitution and Sohimmelpenninok made grand PflnBJ OB -
ary.
1806 Napoleon makes Holland a kingdom under his brother Louis*
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84 THE HISTORY OP THE NETHERLANDS
1809 English fail in effort to invade Walcheren.
1810 Louis abdicates. Napoleon annexes Holland to his empire. Decay of Dutch prosperity
and Napoleon's fall prepare public for the plot to restore the house of Orange.
1813 Uprising against the French succeeds. The prince of Orange, son of William V, lands.
William of Orange is proclaimed sovereign prince as William L
THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS
1814 A constitution drawn up and accepted. Orange takes the oath. The allies establish
the Austrian baron Vincent, as governor of Belgium. The allies, by treaty of Paris,
annex Belgium to Holland under William of Orange as governor-general.
1815 Amalgamation of Holland and Belgium completed. Napoleon returns to France. English
and Dutch (under William Prince of Orange, son of William I) defeated at Quatre-lfras
by Ney. Dutch under Orange take part at Waterloo. Commission to reorganise the
kingdom reports. William I inaugurated at Brussels. Belgium, being Catholic, and of
greater population, grows restive under Protestants' and Dutch monopoly of govern-
ment and suppression of priests.
1827 The king signs a concordat with the pope. The king banishes malcontents.
Belgium Obtains Independence (1830)
1880 French Revolution excites the Belgians. Riots in Brussels spread to the other cities.
The heir-apparent promises reforms. States-general at the Hague adopt delay, and
troops move on Brussels. The Dutch occupy part of Brussels but retreat before the
opposition. Provisional government declares Belgium independent. Congress at Brus-
sels proclaims independence. London conference dissevers kingdom of Holland. Dutch
troops shut up in Antwerp citadel.
1831 Duke de Nemours (son of French king) chosen king of Belgium ; his father declines for
him. De Chokier chosen regent. Duke Leopold of Saxe-Coburg elected king. The
Dutch defeat the Belgians at Louvain. The French send an army, and Orange con-
sents to an armistice. Treaty proposed by the powers accepted by Belgians, but refused
by the Dutch.
1832 Leopold marries daughter of the French king. England and France combine to cow
Holland. French besiege and take Antwerp. French army returns to France.
1888 Convention with Holland signed.
1884 Riots in Brussels against supporters of Orange.
1889 Treaty with Holland signed.
HOLLAND (1839-1906)
1840 William I abdicates for his son William n.
1843 William I dies.
1848 French Revolution leads to demand for a new constitution ; granted April 17th.
1849 William II dies ; is succeeded by William m.
1861 Great flood.
1863 Slavery ended in Dutch West Indies.
1865 Two canals begun.
1867 Disputes with Germany over Luxemburg.
1869 International exposition at Amsterdam.
1871 Possessions in Guinea ceded to England.
1872 Thorbecke dies.
1873-79 War in Sumatra with sultan of Achin ends successfully.
1882 Disputes over commercial treaty with France. New war in Sumatra ends in victory.
1887 Revised constitution in force.
1889 During illness of the king, the queen nominated regent.
1890 The king recovers ; declared incapacitated, and the queen made regent. William III
dies, and is succeeded by his daughter Wilhelmina under regency. Duke of Nassau
made grand duke of Luxemburg.
1892 Labour riots.
1894 Insurrection in Dutch East Indies put down.
1896-98 Severe fighting in Dutch East Indies.
1898 Conscription bill passed. Queen Wilhelmina crowned.
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CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY 85
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
1901 Queen Wilhelraina marries Duke Henry of Mecklenburg-Schwerin.
1905 Fall of the Kuyper ministry. Dr. T. H. de Meester forms a new one
1907 The de Meester ministry resigns. Electoral reform promised.
BELGIUM (1842-1906)
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
1842 Educational bill passed over clerical opposition.
1846 Liberal congress at Brussels.
1847 Liberals win elections and form cabinet.
1848 French Revolution causes slight uneasiness. The king's offer to resign declined. Elec-
toral reforms passed. Attempted invasions from France fail. Financial panics.
1862-54 Liberals lose power.
1863 Army increased to one hundred thousand men.
1857 Clerical disputes over charities and Liberal gains.
1860 Octrois abolished.
1863 Schelde declared open.
1865 Leopold I dies, and is succeeded by his son Leopold IL
1869 Crown-prince dies. Belgium protected from France by England. Political riots forctf
resignation of ministry. *
1872-76 Religious riots against Catholics.
1874 Van de Weyer dies.
1878 Catholics lose at elections.
1880 Liberals win against Catholics. Disputo with the Vatican.
1883 Bill for parliamentary reform passed.
1884 Clerics win elections, but passing a reactionary education bill are defeated.
1885 The king declared king of the Kongo Free State. Exposition at Antwerp.
1885-87 Riots among miners.
1892 Universal suffrage rejected for household suffrage. Heavy and continued strikes and
riots.
1894 Exposition at Antwerp. Electoral reform bill passed.
Treaty with England concerning Kongo Free State.
1895 Disputes over educational bills.
1897 Flemish made official language.
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
1901 Military bill reduces time of compulsory service. The government postpones the annexa-
tion of the Congo Free State.
1903 Charges of terrible cruelty made against Belgian officials in the Free State.
1906 Elections result in decrease of clerical majority in the Chamber from twenty to twelve.
1907 King Leopold opens the new port of Zeebrugge, the sea terminus of the Bruges ship canal.
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PART XVIII
THE HISTORY OF THE GERMANIC
EMPIRES
BASED CHIEFLY UPON THE FOLLOWING AUTHORITIES
.ENEAS SYLVIUS, A. VON ARNETH, A. BEER, K. BIEDERMANN, H. BLUM, T.
CARLYLE, CHRONICLES OF OOLMAR, R. OOMYN, W. COXE, M. CREIGHTON,
H. DELBROCK, E. DULLER, K. FISCHER, H. T. FLATHE, FREDERICK
II, B. GEBHARDT, J. K. L. GIESELER, A. GINDELY, K. R. HAGEN-
BACH, J. W. HEADLAM. O. KAMMEL, F. KOHLRAUSCH, R. KOSER, F. X. VON
KRONES, K. LAMPRECHT, J. MAJLlTH, H. MARNALI, W. MENZEL, D.
MtfLLER, W. ONCKEN, W. PIERSON, J. D. E. PREUSS, H. PRUTZ, L. VON
RANEE, H. VON SYBEL, H. VON TBEITSCHKE, G. WAITZ, A. WOLF
TOGETHER WITH A REVIEW OF
THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF AUSTRIA IN THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY
BY
FRANZ X. VON KRONES
A STUDY OF
THE INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT OF HUNGARY IN THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY
BY
H. MARCZALI
AND A CHARACTERISATION OF
THE DEVELOPMENT OF GERMANY FROM 1740 TO 1840
BY
REINHOLD KOSER
WITH ADDITIONAL CITATIONS FROM
A. ALISON, E. ASHLEY, L. ASSELINE, H. BAUMGARTEN, E. BERNER, T. VON
BERNHARDI, A. BISSETT, W. BLOS, A. BOSSERT, J. BRYCE, K. BULLE, R.
CHELARD, CHRONICLE OF HEINRICH THE DEAF, CHRONICON THURINGI-
CUM, K. VON CLAUSEWITZ, OONRADUS, E. CSUDAY, G. DROYSEN, J.
G. DROYSEN, K. DRYANDER, S. A. DUNHAM, F. EBERTY, J. G.
EOCARD, J. P. ECKERMANN, F. EHRENBERG, K. EISNER, G...
ELLINGER, J. EMMER, W. ERNST, G. G. GERVINUS, F. GIEHNE, J. GRUNBECK,
C. GRttNHAGEN, K. HAGEN, H. HALLAM, C. HARDWICKE, K. HARTMANN,
W. VON HASSELL, L. HAUSSER, A. H. L. HEEREN, H. HEINE, E. F.
HENDERSON, O. HENNE-AM-RHYN, J. L. A. HUILLARD-BREHOLLES,
A. JXGER, O. JXGER, J. JANSSEN, W. KELLY, F. KEYM, F. C.
KHEVENHILLER, A. KLEINSCHMIDT, F. VON KOPPEN, B. VON
KUGLER, H. LANGWERTH VON SIMMERN, F. LASSALLE. H. LAUBE, E. LAVISSE,
H. C. LEA, G. V. LECHLER, L. LEGER, G. G. LEIBNITZ, C. T. LEWIS, T.
LINDNER, S. MALASPINA, MARIOTTI, MATTHEW DE PARIS, MATTHIAS OF
NEUENBURG, J. H. MERLE IVAUBIGNE, H. MEYNERT, P. DE MLADE-
NOWICH, G. I. DE MONTBEL, W. MILLER, B. G. NIEBUHR, F.
PALACKY, C. T. PERTHES, J. S. PUTTER, F. VON RAUMER,
P. F. REICHENSPERGER, E. REIMANN, H. RESCHAUER, H. M.
RICHTER, B. ROGGE, W. ROGGE, C. SABINA, A. SCHAFER,
P. 8CHAFF, J. SCHERR, J. C. F. VON SCHILLER, A. W. VON SCHLEGEL, F. VON
8CHLEGEL, A SCHMIDT, K. SCHMIDT, J. SIME, A SPRINGER, W. STRANTZ,
R. G. E. (ST. RENfi) TAILLANDIER, B. TAYLOR, D. TIHEBAULT, E. tttTE-
RODT ZU SCHARFFENBERG, E. VEHSE, J. VON VICTRING, A. VON
VIVENOT, E. W. G. WACHSMUTH, G. WEBER, J. B. WEISS, K.
WERNER, E. WERTHEIMER, J. V. WIDMANN, H. WIERMANN,
WILLIAM I, J. WINTER, K. VON WINTERFELD, J. G. A.
WIRTH, A. WITZSCHEL, E. ZELLER
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BOOK I
THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
CHAPTER I
THE HOHENSTAUFENS 1
[1125-1190 A.D.]
After the extinction of the Franconian dynasty, a moment had again
arrived when the German princes, if they were desirous of becoming inde-
pendent and sovereign rulers, were not obliged to place a new emperor above
themselves; but such a thought was foreign to their minds, and they pre-
ferred paying homage to one whom they had exalted to the highest step of
honour, rather than behold Germany divided into numerous petty kingdoms.
Accordingly in 1125 the German tribes again encamped on the banks of
the Rhine, in the vicinity of Mainz, and ten princes selected from each of the
four principal families, viz., Saxony, Franconia, Bavaria, and Swabia, assem-
bled in Mainz for the first election. Three princes only were proposed: Duke
Frederick of Swabia (the mighty and courageous Honenstaufen), Lothair of
Saxony, and Leopold of Austria. The two Tatter on their knees, and almost
in tears, entreated that they might be spared the infliction of such a heavy
burden, whilst Frederick, in his proud mind, ambitiously thought that the
crown could be destined for none other but himself; and such feeling of pre-
tension indeed was too visibly expressed in his countenance. Adalbert, the
archbishop of Mainz, however, who was himself not well inclined towards
the Hohenstaufens, put to all three the question: " Whether each was willing
and ready to yield and swear allegiance to him that should be elected ?
The two former answered in the affirmative; but Frederick hesitated and
left the assembly, under the excuse that he must take counsel of his friends.
The princes were all indignant at this conduct, and the archbishop persuaded
them at length to make choice of Lothair of Saxony, although against his
own will.
[ a We take up the story of the Holy Roman Empire where we left it in Volume VTL]
89 xiv
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90 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1125-1188 A.D.]
LOTHAIR n (1125-1137 A.D.)
But hostilities soon broke out between the two powerful Hohenstaufen
dukes, Frederick of Swabia and Conrad of Franconia; and during nearly the
entire reign of the new king, the beautiful lands of Swabia, Franconia, and
Alsace were laid waste and destroyed, until at last both the dukes found
themselves compelled to bow before the imperial authority. In this dispute
the emperor Lothair, in order to strengthen his party, had recourse to means
which produced agitation and dissension, and continued to do so for more
than a hundred years afterwards. He gave his only daughter Gertrude in
marriage to Henry the Proud, the powerful duke of Bavaria (of the Guelfs),
and gave him, besides Bavaria, the duchy of Saxony likewise. This is the
first instance of two dukedoms being governed by one person. Nay, with the
acquiescence of the pope, and under the condition that after Henry's death
they were to become the property of the Roman church, he even invested
him with the valuable hereditary possessions of Matilda in Italy, as a fief, so
that the duke's authority extended from the Elbe to far beyond the Alps,
being much more powerful than even that of the emperor himself; for besides
his patrimonial lands in Swabia and Bavaria, he had likewise inherited from
his mother the moiety of the great ancestral possessions in Saxony, and in
addition to all this his consort now brought him the entire lands of Suplin-
burg, Nordheim, and old Brunswick.
Thus the foundation was laid at this period for the subsequent jealousy,
so destructive to Germany and Italy, between the Guelfs and Hohenstaufens
— the latter being called Waiblingers from their castle Waiblingen on the
Hems (styled by the Italians Ghibeflini) — and the faction-names of the Guelfs
and Ghihellines henceforward continued for centuries to resound from Mount
Etna and Vesuvius to the coasts of the North and the Baltic seas. Lothair's
reign became so shaken and troubled, partly by the dispute of the Hohen-
staufens and partly by the Italian campaigns, that but very few, if any, of
the great hopes he had at first excited by his chivalric, wise, and pious char-
acter were realised. *
During his second and rather successful campaign in Italy [against Conrad,
the anti-pope Anacletus, and Roger II of Sicily, resulting in his being crowned
as emperor by Pope Innocent II], Lothair was seized with an illness, and died
on his return, in the village of Breitenwang, between the rivers Inn and Lech,
in the wildest part of the Tyrolese mountains. His body was conveyed to
and interred in the monastery of Konigslutter, in Saxony, founded by himself fi
CONRAD III, VON HOHENSTAUFEN (1138-1152 A.D.)
The great struggle between church and state, the pope and the emperor,
had now commenced, and centuries were to pass away before its termina-
tion. On the one side stood the pope, supported by France and by an
un-German faction in Germany, which up to this period had been the Saxon
one, but, since Saxony had fallen to the Bavarian Welf, was denominated
the faction of the Welfs, or, as they were called in Italy, Guelfs. On the
other side stood the emperor, who, besides defending the prerogatives of
the state against the encroachments of the church, sought more especially to
P On one of his Italian visits he paid homage to the pope in such abject manner that the
pope nad a painting made of the scene, and wrote beneath it the words, "The king is made
the vassal of the pope " (Bex homo fit papa). Frederick Barbarossa later destroyed it]
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THE HOHENSTAUFENS 91
[1188-1146 aj>.]
uphold the interests and honour of the German nation against the Italians
and the French, in pursuance of which he was but too often treacherously
abandoned by his own party in Germany. After the extinction of the Salic
dynasty and the short reign of Lothair, the Hohenstaufens mounted the
throne, on which they long sat, and, naming their race after the allod of
Waiblingen in the Remsthal, which they had inherited from the last of the
Salic emperors, the name of the Waiblinger, or in Italian, Ghibellini, was
gradually fixed upon the imperial faction.
The election of a successor to the throne was appointed to take place at
Mainz (1138 a.d.); the Waiblinger, however, anticipated the Guelfs, in the
most unheard of manner, and proclaimed Conrad von Hohenstaufen emperor
at Coblenz. Handsome in his person, and replete with life and vigour, of
undaunted and well-tried valour, Conrad stood superior to all the princes of
his time, and seemed by nature fitted for command. His election was, more-
over, favoured by the decease of Adalbert of Mainz, and by the dread with
which the princes of the empire beheld the rising power of the Guelfs, which
it was Conrad's first aim to break. His faint-hearted opponent, staggered
by his unexpected attack, delivered up the crown jewels; the Saxons, and
even Lothair s widow, submitted to him; but, on his demanding from Henry
the cession of Saxonv, under pretence of the illegal union of two duchies
under one chief, the cfuke rebelled, and was put under the ban of the empire,
Bavaria was given to Leopold of Austria, and Saxony to Albert the Bear.
The ancient feud was instantly renewed (1139 a.d.). The Guelfs pos-
sessed numerous allods and fiefs in Swabia and Bavaria, which, supported
by Welf, Henry's brother, defended the cause of their liqge, whilst Henry
himself carried on the struggle in Saxony. Conrad von Zahringen, at the
same time, rose in favour of the Guelfs, and the emperor, sending against him
his nephew, Frederick Barbarossa (the son of Frederick the One-eyed), who
succeeded in getting possession of Zurich, took the field in person, and
invaded the lands of the Guelfs.
It was in 1141, when besieging Welf in Weinsberg, that the Germans for
the first time changed their war cry, " Kyrie eleison" for the party cries of
"The Welf/" "The Waiblinger/" After enduring a long seige, Welf was
compelled to surrender, Conrad granting free egress to the women, with
whatever they were able to carry. The duchess, accordingly, took her hus-
band, Welf, on her shoulders, and all the women of the city following her
example, they proceeded out of the city gates, to the great astonishment of
the emperor, who, struck with admiration at this act of heroism, permitted
the garrison to withdraw, exclaiming to those who attempted to dissuade
him, "An emperor keeps his word ! " * The feud was put an end to by the
deaths of Henry and Leopold, who, amongst other places, had destroyed
Ratisbon. The son of the former, Henry the Lion, received Saxony, which
Albrecht was, consequently, compelled to cede; in return for which, Bran-
denburg, which had formerly, like Thuringia, been annexed to the duchy of
Saxony, was declared independent. Leopold's brother, Henry Jasomirgott, a
surname he derived from his motto, 2 married the widow of Henry the Proud,
the mother of Henry the Lion, and became duke of Bavaria. Welf, the only
malcontent, leagued with Bela, king of Hungary, and Roger of Naples, and
continued to carry on a p>etty feud. Leopold was defeated (1146 a.d.) by
the Hungarians on the Leitha. In the same year, Conrad made an unsuc-
1 According to the oldest chroniclers, St. Panteleon (Eccard o) and the Chron. Weingart,
Leibnitius,<* Welf and his duchess were at that time not at Weinsberg.
* Or rather from his common oath, •• Ja so mir Gtott helfe."
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9* THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1146 A.D.}
cessful inroad into Poland, for the purpose of restoringHhe duke, Wladislaw,
who had been expelled by his subjects on account of his German wife, who
continually incited him against his brothers, and treated the Poles with
contempt.
About this time the religious enthusiasm, which the Crusades had so
greatly tended to rouse, rapidly spread; the German prophets, nevertheless,
found a greater number of followers in France than in Germany. Ulrich of
Ratisbon became the reformer of the celebrated monastery of Cluny, the
pride of the monkish world, and the pattern after which all other monasteries
formed, or rather reformed themselves. St. Bruno of Cologne founded the
severe order of the Carthusians, who bound themselves by the strictest vow
completely to renounce the world; and Norbert of Xanten, 1 the equally strict
order of the Premonstrants, in the wild vale of Pr6montr6. Whilst these
pious Germans promulgated to the mountaineers of France the doctrine of
worshipping God in solitude, Count Hugo von Blankenburg, a Saxon, the
abbot of the convent of St. Victor, in Paris, known as Hugh de St. Victor
(1140), formed this doctrine into an ingenious philosophical system, and
invented scientific mysticism, or divine mysteries, which were further ampli-
fied by Honorius of Augst near B&te (Augustodunensis), and by Rupert,
abbot of Deutz, near Cologne. With these three fathers of mysticism, who
gave utterance to the spirit with which the Middle Ages were so deeply
imbued, was associated Hildegard, countess von Sponheim, and abbess of
Bingen, who was the oracle of the pope and of the emperor. She died at a
great age (1198 a.d.). She and her sister Elisabeth had visions, during which
they appeared to be influenced by a sort of poetical inspiration. Whilst the
Germans were thus buried in poetical mysticism, the French and Italians con-
structed a new system of scholastic divinity, the result of a comparison of
the doctrines of the ancient Greek philosophers, for instance, those of Aris-
totle, with the received tenets of the church, all whose ordinances were
defended by philosophical subtleties, which the free-thinkers laboured to con-
fute. Abefard, the freedom of whose opinions was quickly adopted by the
heretics (Ketzer, Katharer, purifiers) in Germany, flourished at this period in
France. He was the most celebrated among the free-thinkers of his times.
The Roman church endeavoured from the commencement to divide the
heretics into different sects, and to give them different names, as if they, in
opposition to the united church, could merely have confused and contra-
dictory notions. But the heretics were, from the commencement, extremely
simple, and their views aimed at nothing less than the restoration of Chris-
tianity in its original purity; they exhibited genuine piety, not merely the
mock devotion of church ceremonies; real brotherly love in Christ, not the
slavish subordination in which the laity was held by the despotic priesthood,
whose moral corruption unfitted them for the sacred office they filled. This
was the doctrine taught by Tanchelin at Antwerp and at Bonn, and for which,
he was put to death, his conversion having been vainly attempted by St.
1 A knight in the army of the emperor Henry IV, who was converted bv a stroke of light-
ning, which struck him from his horse. Other celebrated enthusiasts of this age were Eber-
hard, brother to Count Adolf von Altena, and Mark, who was outlawed by Lothair as a partisan
of the Hohenstau/en, and being struck on the forehead with a battle-axe whilst fighting with
the count of Limburg, instantly changed his opinions, and fled, disguised as a serf, to franco,
where he was afterwards discovered as a swineherd. In the country around Treves, Rochelin
the hermit dwelt for fourteen years naked in the forest. The countess Ida von Toggenburg-
attained still greater celebrity in Switzerland. A raven flew away with her wedding ring,
which was found and worn by a huntsman. The count, perceiving the ring, believed his wife*
to be unfaithful to him, and cast her from a window down a precipice, one escaped unhurt
and lived long after in seclusion.
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THE HOHENSTAUFENS 9S
X1146 A.D.]
Norbert, who had been presented with the archbishopric of Magdeburg
(1126).
This heresy afterwards took a political character in Italy. The Romans,
who had long struggled against their chains, revolted against Innocentius II,
who had entered into an offensive alliance against them with their ancient
enemy, the neighbouring town of Tivoli. In the heat of the insurrection,
Arnold of Brescia, a monk, the disciple of Abelard, promulgated his heretical
doctrines, which threatened to hurl the tiara from the pontiffs brow. This
man preached a universal reform, the reduction of the cnurch to its primitive
state of simplicity and poverty, and the restoration in the state of the free-
dom and equality of the ancient Grecian and Roman republics, at the same
time that St. Bernard was raising a crusade, in which the religious enthusiasm
of the age was carried to its highest pitch; and thus did the adverse opinions
of so many centuries meet, as it were, in the persons of these two men. Arnold
expelled the pope from Rome, and restorea the ancient republican form of
government. A Roman, Jordanus, was elected consul.
The pope, Eugenius III, after vainly entreating assistance from Conrad
III, who was sufficiently acquainted with Italy to be well aware of the futility
of an expedition to Rome, fled into France, to St. Bernard, in order to aid
him in the more important scheme of raising a general crusade. He returned
to Rome, whence he contrived to expel Arnold, in 1149. Heresy also spread
throughout Switzerland. Arnold of Brescia resided for some time at Constance
and Zurich. The shepherds of Schwyz carried on a long dispute with the
insolent abbot of Einsiedeln, who attempted to deprive them of a pasturage,
the ancient free inheritance of their fathers, in defence of which they were
aided by the neighbouring herdsmen of Uri and Unterwalden, and although,
in 1144, excommunicated by the abbot, by the bishop of Constance, and put
under the ban of the empire by the nobility, they refused to yield (being
probably infected with Arnold's free and bold opinions), and, for eleven
years, asserted their independence, without the priests or nobles venturing to
attack them in their mountain strongholds; a foretoken of the Swiss confed-
eration of more modern times.
The Crusade of Conrad the Third (1147 a.d.)
The bad state of affairs in the East, meanwhile, necessitated another
crusade. The crown of Jerusalem had passed from the house of Lorraine to
that of Anjou. The settlers in the Holy Land chiefly consisted of French,
who, merely intent upon plunder and conquest, neglected the cause of
religion. They had, moreover, married Arabian and Turkish women, and
their descendants, the Pullanes, devoid of their fathers' energy, and inherit-
ing the soft effeminacy of their mothers, were educated amid the intrigues of
Eastern harems.
The fall of Edessa filled the whole of Christendom with consternation, and
the loss of the Holy Sepulchre was everywhere prognosticated. The pope,
Eugenius IU, a haughty and ambitious man, formed the scheme of assem-
bling the emperor, the kings, and princes of Europe beneath the banner of the
church, and of placing himself as a shepherd at their head. St. Bernard
travelled through France, emulating his predecessor, Peter the Hermit, in the
warmth of his appeal to the people. On the Rhine, a priest named Radulf
again incited the people against the Jews, who were assassinated in great
numbers in almost all the Rhenish cities. St. Bernard, on his arrival in Ger-
many, opposed Radulf, whom he compelled to return to his convent, and,
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94 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIEE
[1146-1147 A.D.]
aided by St. Hildegard, the Velleda of the times, persuaded multitudes to
follow the crusade. The people, in their enthusiasm, tore his clothes off, in
order to sew the pieces on their shoulders in the form of a cross. At Frank-
f ort-on-the-Main he was so closely pressed that the emperor was obliged to
carry him away from his admirers like a child on his arm. At first Conrad
was unwilling to visit the Holy Land, on account of the unsettled state of
his authority in Germany, but he was forced to yield to circumstances, and,
whilst presiding over the diet at Spires, was presented with the cross by
St. Bernard, the sign of his vow.
Henry the Lion, Albert the Bear, all the Saxon nobility, and Conrad von
ZShringen, who had no inclination to accompany
the emperor to the Holy Land, turned their
arms, aided by their Danish allies, against the
pagan Wends. Henry the Lion, after making
peace with the Wendish chief Niclot, contentea
himself with the destruction of the pagan tem-
ples at Rhetra and Oldenburg. He invested
the bishop Vicelin with the latter place, bestow-
ing it upon him in fee, as if he united in his own
person the prerogatives of both the emperor and
the pope. He also invested the count Henry
with Katzeburg, after compelling Pribislaw,
another Wendish prince, who was less warlike
than Niclot, to surrender his lands. Albert the
Bear took Brandenburg, which was desperately
defended by Jatzco, one of Pribislaw's nephews,
by storm; and the whole of the territory be-
neath his jurisdiction took henceforth the name
of Brandenburg.
In the spring of 1147 Conrad III assem-
bled an immense multitude at Ratisbon, and
marched them along the Danube into Greece,
where, notwithstanding the friendly reception
of the emperor Manuel, many untoward events
took place. On reaching Asia Minor, the army
divided, Otto von Freysingen marching to the
left along the sea-coast whilst the emperor led
the main force inland. The scarcity of provisions
a twelfth century Crusader caused great suffering to both armies; the Greeks
on their approach fled into the fortified towns,
and the starving pilgrims were merely able to procure scanty and sometimes
poisoned food at an enormous price. The Greeks even confess that the
emperor Manuel permitted them to sell poisoned flour. It was no unusual
practice for them to take the gold offered in exchange for their provisions by
the honest Germans, and to run off without giving anything in return. Con-
rad, nevertheless, continued to push on, but was treacherously led by the
Greek guides into a Turkish ambuscade. The petty princes of Asia Minor
combined against the Germans, and Conrad's army, after wandering for
three days without food amid the pathless mountains around Iconium, was
suddenly attacked and routed by the Turks. The horrors of this dreadful
day, October 26th, 1147, were still further increased by an eclipse of the sun.
Conrad, who had received two severe arrow wounds, now attempted to
rescue the remainder of his army from their perilous situation by an orderly
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THE HOHEXSTAUFENS 96
[1147-1152 A.D.]
retreat, but the brave Count Bernard von Plotzke, who brought up the rear,
was deprived of the whole of his men by the arrows of their Turkish pursuers.
Otto von Freysingen reached Antioch with the remnant of his weakened
forces, whilst the Germans who marched under Conrad, and the French
under Louis, merely found their way to Adalia on the sea-coast, a desolate
abode, where hunger and pestilence alone awaited them. The leaders went
by sea to Antioch. The common soldiery were, for the greater part, starved
to death.
Edessa being irreparably lest, it was concerted in a council, held by all
the princes present, that an expedition should be undertaken against Damas-
cus, which, it was further agreed, should be bestowed upon Count Thierry
of Flanders, who had just arrived; and, after paying their devotions at the
Holy Sepulchre, the whole body of the pilgrims took the field, and a brilliant
victory was gained at Rabna, Conrad and his Germans forcing their way
through the retreating French, and falling with irresistible fury on the now
panic-stricken enemy. Conrad is said to have cut a Turk so completely asun-
der at one blow, that his head, arms, and the upper part of his body fell to
the ground. The Pullanes, jealous of the fortune of the count of Flanders,
now prince of Damascus, were easily bribed by the Turks to betray the pil-
grims, whom they persuaded to abandon their safe position, and then broke
their plighted word; upon which the emperor Conrad, and Louis of France,
justly enraged at their treachery, raised the siege of Damascus and returned
to their respective dominions. And thus was another brilliant enterprise
doomed to terminate in shame and dishonour.
Welf , who had hurried home before the rest of the pilgrims, had again
conspired, with Roger of Naples, against Conrad; and Henry the Lion,
deeming the moment favourable, on account of the recent discomfiture of the
emperor, openly claimed Bavaria as his own. Conrad hastened back to
Germany and Henry held a diet at Speier. His son Henry, who had
already been crowned king of Germany, reduced Welf to submission, but
shortly afterwards expired in the bloom of youth. The emperor did not
long survive him; he died at Bamberg (according to popular report, of
?oison administered to him by Roger), when on the point of invading
oland for the purpose of replacing Wladislaw on the throne (1152 a.d.).
The double eagle was introduced by him into the arms of the empire. It
was taken from those of the Greek emperor, by whom it was borne as the
symbol of the ancient Eastern and Western Roman Empires.
ACCESSION OF FREDERICK BARBAROSSA (1152 A.D.)
The claim of Frederick, Conrad's nephew, to the crown, was received
without opposition. The jealous vassals of the empire seemed under the
influence of a charm. Even the insolent Guelfs bent in lowly submission.
There was little union between the heads of this inimical and illustrious
house, Welf the elder of Upper Swabia, and Henry the Lion of Saxony, the
latter of whom was, moreover, at variance with his stepfather, Henry of
Babenberg, who withheld from him his paternal inheritance, Bavaria. In
1152 Frederick was elected emperor at Fmnkfort-on-the-Main; and crowned
with ancient solemnity at Aachen. This election was the first that took place
in the presence of the city delegates. Frederick publicly swore to increase
justice, to curb wrong, to protect and extend the empire. On quitting the
cathedral; a vassal threw himself at his feet in the hope of obtaining pardon
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96
THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIEE
[1163 A.D.]
on this solemn occasion for his guilt, but the emperor, mindful of his oath,
refused to practise mercy instead of justice.
Frederick was remarkable for the handsome and manly appearance, and
the genuine German cast of countenance, which distinguished the whole of
the Hohenstaufen family, and conduced to their popularity. Shortly cropped
fair hair, curling closely over a broad and massive forehead, blue eyes witn a
quick and penetrating glance, and well-curved lips that lent an expression of
benevolence to his fine features, a fair white skin, a well-formed and muscular
person, combined with perfect
simplicity in dress and manners,
present a pleasing portrait of
this noble cnevalier. His beard,
that inclined to red, gained for
him the Italian sobriquet of
Barbarossa. Ever mindful of
the greatness of his destiny.
Frederick was at once firm and
persevering, a deep politician
and a wise statesman. To guar-
antee the internal unity and the
external security of the state,
was his preponderating idea;
and regardless of the animosity
with which the German princes
secretly sought to undermine
the imperial authority he di-
rected his principal forces
against his most dangerous en-
emy, the pope, and rightly con-
cluded that he alone could over-
come him in Italy. Those who
charge him with having neg-
lected the affairs of Germany,
and with having devoted him-
self entirely to those of Italy, on
the grounds that he would have
acted more wisely had he con-
fined himself to Germany, for-
get the times in which he lived.
The pope would never have
suffered him to remain at peace
in Germany, he would ever have
stirred up fresh enemies around him, and Frederick had no other choice than,
as a good general, to carry on the war in his adversary's territory, and to
direct his whole force against the enemy's centre. The peaceful government of
Germany was alone to be secured by the imposition of shackles on the pope.
By giving the crown of Denmark in fee to Sweyn, Frederick at once
terminated the strife between him and his two brothers, Canute and Valde-
mar, and secured the northern frontier of the empire. The allegiance of
Henry the Lion being confirmed by a promise of the duchy of Bavaria in
reversion, he unceremoniously dismissed the papal legates, who interfered in
the election of the bishops, and assembled a powerful army, with the intention
of quickly following in their footsteps. When he was encamped on the Boden-
A Polish Nobleman, Twelfth Century
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THE HOHENSTAUFENS 97
[U5B-11M A.D.]
see, the ancient cents or cantons of Schwyz, Uri, and Unterwalden marched
under the banner of the count of Lenzburg, their governor, to do him feudal
service in the field.
Whilst the emperor was assembling his forces at Constance, ambassadors
from toe city of Lodi threw themselves at his feet, complaining of the oppres-
sion of their city by Milan, whose inhabitants affected tne papal party. Fred-
erick commanded the Milanese to make restitution to their neighbours, but
thev tore his letter in sign of contempt. He afterwards crossed the Alps,
and, planting the standard of the empire in the vale of Roncaglia, near
Piacenza (1154 a.d.), summoned all the Italian vassals to do their bounden
service as royal bodyguard, and declared all who refused to appear to have
forfeited their fiefs. The Ghibellines obeyed the summons; the Guelfs treated
it with contempt. Milan sent an open defiance, but Frederick, too prudent
to attempt by force the subjugation of this well-fortified and densely popu-
lated city, sought to weaken ner by gradually occupying the towns with
which she was in league. The importance of the cities in upper Italy had
been greatly increasea by the Crusades, by the consequent extension of their
commercial relations with the East, and also by the absence of the ruling
family since the reign of the countess Matilda; the warlike nobility of the
country had, moreover, assumed the right of citizenship in the cities. The
richest commercial cities were Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, whilst Milan, situated
in the heart of Lombardy, was far superior to them all in military power, and
had become the focus of the papal faction. The cities of Rosate, Cairo, Asti
fell one after another into the hands of the victorious emperor, who, in order
to strike terror into his opponents, reduced the strongly fortified city of
Tortona, which had long resisted the siege, to ashes, and levelled the ground
on which it had stood. At Pavia he seized the iron crown of Lombardy, and
entered into a negotiation with the pope, Adrian IV, for the performance of
the ceremony of coronation. Rome was still convulsed by two rival factions,
one in favour of the pope, the other composed of the heretical republican dis-
ciples of Arnold of Brescia.
FREDERICK IN ROME (1155 A.D.)
The dread with which the success and popularity of Arnold impressed
the pope, rendered him more docile towards the emperor, who little foresaw
of what a powerful weapon he voluntarily deprived himself, by persecuting
Arnold, a man as truly great as he was unfortunate, instead of aiding him
to the utmost in carrying out his plans for the complete reformation of the
church. When the ambassadors from the citizens of Rome entered his
presence, and spoke to him of ancient Roman virtue, he replied to them
contemptuously, " Ancient Rome and ancient Roman virtue no longer dwell
with you, her effeminate and perfidious children, but with us, her hardy and
true-hearted sons." The enthusiasm created by Arnold of Brescia appeared
to him merely an Italian comedy, the contemptible shadow of a temporal
republic, instead of, as in fact it was, the germ of a great ecclesiastical reform.
He, consequently, permitted Arnold's execution, and this luckless reformer
was hanged and then burned at sunrise before the gates of the city, to whose
inhabitants he had preached religious and civil liberty (1155).
Rome trembled before the emperor. The pope solemnly placed the
crown upon his brow in the church of St. Peter, and the emperor, in return,
held his stirrup, an action the symbolical interpretation of which signified
that spiritual power could not retain its empire without the aid of the tem-
' B. W. — TOL. XIT. H
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98 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1156-1157 A.D.]
poraJ. Frederick also caused the picture representing Lothair's acceptance
of the crown in fee from the pope, which was publicly exhibited in the
Lateran, to be burned, and expressed his displeasure at the artful method by
which the church falsely sought to extend her authority, in the following
remarkable words: "God has raised the church by means of the state; the
church, nevertheless, will overthrow the state. She has commenced by paint-
ing, and from painting has proceeded to writing. Writing will gain the
mastery over all, if we permit it. Efface your pictures and retake your docu-
ments, that peace may be preserved between the state and the church."
The Romans, in the meantime, unable to forget their long-hoped-for
republic, were maddened by rage, and the ceremony of the coronation was
scarcely over when an insurrection broke out, and Frederick, whose horse
fell beneath him, was alone* saved by the courage of Henry the Lion. A
horrid tumult, in which multitudes were butchered, ensued, but was finally
quelled by the Germans. In order to punish the insolence of the Normans,
Frederick took the field against William, the son of Roger; but his army
being wasted by pestilence, he was forced to retreat througn his enemies, who
in different places barricaded his path. Spoleto was reduced to ashes for
refusing the customary contribution (Jodrum). The passage of the Etsch
was defended by the Veronese, whom he evaded by the rapidity of his move-
ments, and the pass through the mountains being guarded by a fortress,
it was carried by storm by Otto von Wittelsbach, his bravest adherent, who
reached it over almost inaccessible rocks, and the Veronese nobles, captured
within its walls, were condemned to hang each other.
On his return (1156 a.d.) the emperor held a diet at Ratisbon, in which
he rewarded Henry the Lion for the succour he had afforded him during
the Italian campaign with the duchy of Saxony. Henry Jasomirgott was
compensated with the duchy of Austria, which remained henceforth inde-
pendent of Bavaria. Welf was confirmed in the duchy of Tuscany; Frederick
von Rotenburg was created duke of Swabia, the emperor disdaining the
title of duke in addition to his own; Berthold von Zahringen was compelled
to resign the government of Burgundy, which his father Conrad had held.
This province presented a scene of the direst anarchy. Its affairs had been
almost entirely neglected by the emperor, and the difference between the
language spoken by the inhabitants and that of Germany, had gradually
estranged them from the Germans, a circumstance of which the Frencn
monarchs took advantage in order to gain over the Burgundian nobles,
whom they occasionally supported against Germany.
It was just at this conjuncture that William, count of Burgundy (Franche
Comt6), imprisoned Beatrice, the only child of his brother, Count Reinhold, in
a tower, and deprived her of her rich inheritance. The emperor, mindful of
the fidelity with which her father had served him in a time of need, hastened
to procure her liberation, and to raise her as his empress to the throne, which
her beauty, talents, and virtues were well fitted to adorn. The marriage was
celebrated at Wurzburg. Five sons were the fruit of their happy union.
The whole province of Burgundy (of whose fidelity she was the pledge, and
which is traversed by the Rhone) swore fealty to the emperor at Besangon.
In 1157, assisted by Henry the Lion and by Bohemia, he opened a cam-
paign against Poland, and compelled Boleslaw, the king of that country,
once more to recognise the supremacy of the German Empire, and barefoot,
his naked sword hanging around his neck, to take the oath of fealty; after
which, the royal dignity was bestowed by the emperor upon his obedient
vassal, Wladislaw of Bohemia.
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THE HOHENSTAUFENS 99
[1157-1168 A.D.]
The feuds so common throughout Germany were suspended by force; as
an example to deter others, he condemned the count palatine Hermann, who
persisted in carrying on a feud with the archbishop of Mainz, to carry a dog,
a disgrace so bitterly felt by the haughty vassal, that he withdrew into a
monastery. The Palatinate was bestowed upon Conrad, the emperor's
brother. The introduction of the different orders and customs of chivalry,
and the warlike notions inculcated by the Crusades, had greatly tended to
foster the natural predilection. of the Germans, the love of arms, and there
were many knights who supported themselves solely by robbery and petty
feuds, or, as it was called, by the stirrup. Their castles were mere robbers'
nests, whence they attacked and carried off their private enemies or wealthy
travellers, the higher church dignitaries and merchants, whom they com-
pelled to pay a ransom. Frederick destroyed a considerable number of these
strongholds.
THE SECOND VISIT TO ITALY (1158 A.D.)
It is about this period that the oppression under which the peasantry
groaned comes under our notice. The magnificence and luxury introduced
from the East, and the formation of different orders of nobility, had multi-
plied the necessities of life, and consequently had increased the rent of land
and feudal taxes. Numbers of the peasants claimed the right of burghership
in the towns as Ausburger, absentees, or PfaMbiirger, citizens dwelling in the
suburbs; and by thus placing themselves under the protection of the cities,
occasioned numerous feuds between them and the provincial nobility, who
refused to give up their serfs. Some of the princes protected the peasantry,
and became in consequence extremely popular. The landgraf Ludwig of
Thuringia was long ignorant of the misconduct of his nobility. One day
having wandered from the track when pursuing the chase, he took shelter
for the night in the house of a smith at Ruhla, without discovering his rank
to his host. The next morning the smith set to work at his forge, and, as
he beat the iron, exclaimed, "Become hard, Luz! Become hard, Luz!" and,
on being demanded his meaning by the landgraf, replied, that "he meant
that the landgraf ought to become hard as iron towards the nobles." The
hint was not thrown away upon his listener, Ludwig henceforward adding to
his own power by freeing the peasants from the heavy yoke imposed upon
them by the nobility. The nobles made a brave defence in the battle of
Naumburg, but were finally defeated, and yoked in turn by fours in a plough,
which the landgraf guided with his own hand, and with which he ploughed
up a field, still known as the Adelacker (the nobles' acre). Ludwig received
thence the sobriquet of " the Iron." His corpse was borne from Naum-
burg to Reinhartsbrunn, a distance of ten miles, on the shoulders of the
nobility.
The policy pursued by the emperor was imitated by several of the princes,
who sought to keep their vassals in check by means of the cities. Henry
the Lion bestowed great privileges on his provincial towns, Liibeck, Bruns-
wick, etc. Berthold von Zahnngen, who, in 1113, founded Freiburg im-
Breisgau, followed his example. Albert the Bear sought to ameliorate the
condition of his Slavonic frontier, by draining and cultivating the marshes,
and by bringing numerous colonists from the Netherlands, whence came the
name of Fleming that is still given to the frontier tracts of country filled with
dikes and marshes, more especially in the vicinity of Magdeburg.
Having thus given peace to Germany and extended his empire, the emperor
was once more at leisure to form his plans upon Italy, where the pope had
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100 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1158-1150 A.D.]
again ventured to mention the empire as a gift bestowed bv him upon the
emperor, who no sooner menaced him than he declared that he had intended
to say bonum factum not feudum. In 1158, Frederick crossed the Alps, pre-
ceded by his zealous adherent, the valiant Otto von Wittelsbach, who every-
where spread the terror of his name. The Milanese, who, in revenge, had
laid the cities of Lodi and Crema in ruins, opposed the emperor at Cassano
and were defeated. He, nevertheless, treated Milan with great lenity, on
her surrender in the autumn.
Frederick, true to his policy of legally regulating the affairs of the country
as a prince of peace, not as a powerful conqueror, convoked a diet of the
native princes of Lombardy in the fields of Roncaglia, where the great feuda-
tories of Italy appeared in person. The cities were each represented by two
consuls. Frederick, in common with the rest of his contemporaries, acted
upon the idea of the intimate connection of the German Empire with that of
Rome, and therefore discovered no hesitation in reviving all the ancient
privileges, which were, in fact, more conformable with his policy, no mention
being made of hierarchical power in the old Roman law, which merely pro-
pounded the temporal and unlimited authority of the emperor, and thus
provided him with a powerful weapon not only against the pope, but also
against his unruly vassals, with which he willingly armed himself.
The new Italian code, delivered by the diet held at Roncaglia, was founded
partly on the German, partly on the Roman legislation. It was decided that
all the royal dues usurped by the dukes, markgrafs, and townships should
relapse to the crown, and that the nomination of all princes and counts, as
well as city consuls, was invalid unless confirmed by the emperor. This was
an old German prerogative. It was further resolved that the great fiefs
should be inalienable and indivisible, in order to put an end to the feuds
caused by their conferment and division. The universities were endowed
with additional privileges. A general tax, a most unpopular novelty, was
deduced from the Roman law, and now for the first time imposed. When
Otto von Wittelsbach attempted to enforce this tax on the Milanese, an
insurrection ensued, and he was driven out of the city; and, at the same
time, the majority of the cities declared against the deputies, their represen-
tatives at the diet, who had been chiefly induced to vote with the emperor
by the hope of being confirmed by him in their consulates. Adrian I V also
protested against the diet. Henry the Lion then attempted to negotiate
matters; the cardinals sent to him for that purpose being seized and
imprisoned in the Tyrol by the lawless counts of Eppan, Henry, in his right
as duke of Bavaria, punished them by destroying their castles. On the
decease of Adrian, in 1159, there was a schism among the cardinals, the
Ghibellines electing Victor IV, the Guelfs, Alexander III. [The latter was
a zealous and ardent prelate of very much the same character as Hildebrand.
Public opinion supported him in the church, and both England and France
recognised him. He laid Frederick under the ban, and assisted with every
means in his power the Italian cities in their desperate struggle with the
emperor.]
WAR AGAINST THE ITALIAN CITIES
Frederick's first attack was directed against the cities, his nearest and
most dangerous foes. After a dreadful siege, such as no German had ever
yet been doomed to stand, he took Crema, the ally of Milan (1160 a.d.).
Four times without success did the enraged Milanese secretly attempt his
assassination. Milan defied him, and, during the winter, when most of the
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THE HOHENSTAUFENS 101
[1160-1166 A.D.]
German princes returned as usual to the other side of the Alps, the Milanese
defeated him during an inroad into the province of Carnaro. In the spring
of 1161, strong reinforcements arrived from Germany, and the siege began
with increased fury, the emperor swearing that his head should not again
wear the crown until he had rased Milan to the ground. The contest lasted
a whole year without intermission, and terminated on the 6th of March, 1162,
in the capitulation of the proud city, which hunger alone had forced to yield.
The starved citizens marched out of the city in sackcloth, ropes around
their necks, tapers in their hands, and the nobles with their naked swords
hanging around their necks. In this state they remained some time exposed
to the heavy rain, until the emperor, who was at table, came forth and saw
them deliver up tneir weapons and badges of honour, whilst their palladium,
a tall tree bearing a cross, was cut down with a German axe. He then ordered
a part of the city wall to be thrown down, and rode through the opening
into the city. He contented himself, notwithstanding, with the total de-
struction of all the walls, towers, and fortifications; the city and the lives
of the inhabitants were spared. A considerable booty was gained by pillage.
Frederick henceforth ruled Italy with a rod of iron. He created Reinhold,
the austere archbishop of Cologne and count of Dassel, archchancellor and
regent of Italy, and gave him subordinate officers, who filled the country
with rapine and oppression. The extortion thus practised was known as
little as it had been enjoined by the emperor, the intention of whose regulations
was merely the enforcement of strict justice and the maintenance of order;
the unhappy results, however, fell upon his head.
During the absence of the emperor, feuds had broken out anew in Ger-
many. These disturbances hastened his return.
The emperor's attention was now recalled to Italy. The pope, Victor,
expired in 1164. The recognition of Alexander III by the emperor remained
dubious. This pope, a man of energy and cunning, had withdrawn to Genoa,
and thence to France, where he sought to form a league against the emperor,
in which he was encouraged by the republics of Venice and Genoa, which
began to view with dread the supremacy of the emperor in Italy. A recon-
ciliation would indubitably have been proposed by Frederick, had not Henry,
king of England, exactly at that juncture, declared against Alexander, with
whom he was at variance concerning some ecclesiastical affairs, and Henry
the Lion, being that monarch's son-in-law, and the alliance with the Guelfs
being of greater moment to the emperor than the reconciliation with the
pope, he recognised the new pope, Paschal III, and invited him to Germany,
where, in 1165, he canonised Cnarlemagne at Aachen.
THE FORMATION OF THE LOMBARD LEAGUE (1167 A.D.)
This decision on the part of the emperor put the finishing stroke to Alex-
ander's projects. The insolent behaviour of the Germans had naturally ex-
cited the hatred of the Italians. Pagano, the governor of Padua, committed
violence on the beautiful Speronella Dalesmani. The governors were Italians,
but the horrors they perpetrated were countenanced by the Germans. The
confiscated estates were entered by these men in the Book of Pain, as it
was called. The rape of the beautiful Paduan was the signal for open revolt.
The Germans, although few in number, successfully defended their lives,
but were unable to hinder Alexander's triumphal entry into Rome, 1165 a.d.,
and the interdict laid upon the emperor. Notwithstanding this, they main-
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102 THE HOLY SOMAN EMPIEE
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tained their ground and continued their attacks upon the pope. The Lom-
bards in upper Italy, meanwhile, remained masters of the neld. On the 7th
of April, 1167, the league between the cities of Lombardy was established,
and Milan was rebuilt on a handsome scale, and more strongly fortified, the
women giving all their jewels to the churches that had been plundered of
their decorations by the Germans.
In the same year, the emperor undertook his third expedition against
Rome, and invested Paschal with the tiara [being in return crowned at Rome
a second time as emperor]. But before he could attack the cities, his fine
army was almost entirely swept away by a pestilence. At Pisa, the emperor
threw his glove into the air as he pronounced the whole of the Lombard
League under the ban of the empire. He then retreated with the remainder
of his army beyond the Alps. On being closely pursued, he ordered the host-
ages that accompanied his retreat to be hanged on the trees on the roadside.
In Susa he narrowly escaped failing into the hands of the Italians; the knight
Hermann von Siebeneichen, who had placed himself in the emperor's red,
whilst the latter fled under cover of the night, being seized in his stead.
DEFECTION OF HENRY THE LION
As long as the good understanding between the Ghibellines and the Gtielfs
subsisted, Henry the Lion lent his aid to the emperor during his Italian
expeditions, and was, in return, allowed the free exercise of his authority
in the north of Germany, where, although already possessed of Saxony and
Bavaria, he ceaselessly endeavoured to extend his dominion by the utter
annihilation of the unfortunate Wends or Slavs. The aged and brave prince,
Niclot, was treacherously induced to quit his castle of Werle, and assassinated.
His son, Wratislaw, was granted a petty territory, but becoming suspected,
was thrown into prison. His second son, Pribislaw, and his ally, Kasimir,
prince of Pomerania, placed themselves at the head of the Wends, who fought
with all the energy of despair, and gained a glorious victory over the Saxons
at Demmin (1164 a.d.); upon which Henry the Lion invaded the country,
hanged the unfortunate Wratislaw, and was on the point of laying the land
waste by fire and sword, when a similar attempt was made on his northern
frontier by the Danes. In order to protect himself from their attacks, he
concluded peace with the Wends, deeming himself more secure in the vicinity
of the petty Wendish princes than in that of the powerful Danish monarch.
In Denmark the dispute between the three brothers still continued.
Henry invaded Denmark, and compelled the proud Waldemar, with whom
he held a conference on the bridge of the Eider, to give up to him half of the
treasures gained in the pillage of Ancona, and to accept of him as colleague
in the government of Rugen.
The aged Welf died at Memmingen, where, surrounded by boon com-
panions, he held a luxurious court, squandered his revenues, and loaded
himself with debt (1169 a.d.). For weeks at a time the whole of the Swabian
and Bavarian nobility would feast and dance on the Lechf eld near Augsburg,
at the expense of Welf, who at length became blind. Henry the Lion had
never assisted him ; the emperor's treasury, on the contrary, was ever open
to him, and as he left no issue, he bequeathed his Swabian allods and the
lands of the countess Matilda in Italy to his benefactor. The loss of the
Guelflc inheritance estranged Henry the Lion from the emperor, and he lost
no opportunity of seeking for revenge.
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THE HOHENSTAUFENS 10S
[1109-1175 a.d.]
The Italians treated the election of Calixtus III by the Ghibellines with
indifference, and remained firm in their allegiance to Alexander III, in whose
honour they erected the formidable fortress of Alessandria, as a bulwark
against the Germans. Christian of Mainz, the only imperialist who still
kept the field in Italy, again vainly besieged Ancona. The emperor, whose
arrival in Italy was urgently implored, was detained in Germany by his mistrust
of Henry the Lion, who, in order to furnish
himself with a pretext for refusing his assist-
ance in the intended campaign without
coming to an open breach, undertook a
pilgrimage to Jerusalem (1171 a.d.) ; whence,
after performing his devotions at the Holy
Sepulchre, without unsheathing his sword in
its defence, he returned to his native country.
During his stay in the Holy Land, the papal
partisans in the East, who at an earlier
period had treacherously refused their assist-
ance to Conrad, the Ghibelline, loaded Henry
with attentions on account of his Guelfic
origin. This crusade has been adorned in
the legends of the time with manifold
wonders. On his return, he caused a lion,
the symbol of power, carved in stone, to be
placed in the market-place at Brunswick
(1172 a.d.); an occurrence that gave rise to
the fable of the faithful lion, by which he
is said to have been accompanied during his
pilgrimage.
FREDERICK AGAIN IN ITALY (1174 A.D.)
At length, in 1174, Frederick Barbarossa
persuaded the sullen duke to perform his
duty in the field, and for the fifth time
crossed the Alps. A terrible revenge was Italian knight of the twelfth
taken upon Susa, which was burned to the century
ground. Alessandria withstood the siege. The military science of the age,
every ruse de guerre, was exhausted by both the besiegers and the besieged,
and the whole of the winter was fruitlessly expended without any signal
success on either side. The Lombard League meanwhile assembled an
immense army in order to oppose Frederick in the open field, whilst treason
threatened him on another side.
The Venetians also embraced the papal party, and defeated Ulrich, the
patriarch of Aquileia, who held Carniola m fee of the empire. Henry
also at length acted with open disloyalty, and declared to the emperor, who
lay sick at Chiavenna, on the Lake of Como, his intention of abandoning him;
and, unshaken by Frederick's exhortation in the name of duty and honour to
renounce his perfidious plans, offered to provide him with money on condi-
tion of receiving considerable additions to his power in Germany, and the
free imperial town of Goslar in gift. These unjust demands were steadily
refused by Frederick, who, embracing the Guelf 's knees, entreated him, as
the honour of the empire was at stake, not to abandon him in the hour of
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104 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1175-1177 A/D.J
need before the eyes of the enemy, with the flower of the army. At this
scene, Jordanus Truchsess, the Guelf 's vassal, laughed and said, " Duke, the
crown, which you now behold at your feet, will ere long shine upon your
brow"; to which one of the emperor's retainers replied, "I should rather
fear that the crown might gain the ascendency." The emperor was at length
raised by the beautiful empress, Beatrice, who said to him, " God will help
you, when at some future tune you remember this day, and the Guelf 's inso-
lence." The Guelf withdrew with all his vassals.
Frederick, reduced to the alternative of either following his insolent
vassal, or of exposing himself and his weakened forces to total destruction
by remaining in his present position, courageously resolved to abide the
hazard, and to await the arrival of fresh reinforcements from Germany; the
Lombards, however, saw their advantage, and attacked him at Legnano, on
the 29th of May, 1176. The Swabians (the southern Germans still remain-
ing true to their allegiance) fought with all the courage of despair, but
Berthold von Zahringen was taken prisoner, the emperor's horse fell in the
thickest of the fight, his banner was won by the " legion of death," a chosen
Lombard troop, and he was given up as dead. He escaped almost by miracle,
whilst his little army was entirely overwhelmed.
In this necessity the emperor had recourse to subtlety, and ingeniously
contrived to produce disunion among his opponents. Evading the Lombard
League, he opened a negotiation with Venice and with the pope, to whom he
offered to make atonement; nor were his proposals rejected, the pope hoping
to turn the momentary distress of the emperor to advantage, by negotiating
terms before the arrival of the reinforcements, which he Foresaw would be
sent to his assistance from Germany, and Venice being blinded by her jeal-
ousy of the rising power of the cities of Lombardy. An interview took place
at Venice, when peace was concluded between Frederick and Alexander III
(1177 a.d.). Guelfic historiographers relate that on the emperor's kissing
the pope's feet, the latter placed his foot on Frederick's neck, uttering these
words of holy writ, "Thou shalt tread upon the adder and the lion"; to
which Frederick replied, "Not unto thee, but unto St. Peter be this honour!"
The letters of the pope that relate to these times are silent in regard to this
occurrence, whilst there are many proofs, on the other hand, tnat several
conversations took place between the pope and the emperor, each of whom
treated the other with respect and esteem, as the most intelligent men of
their age.
It is true, however, that the emperor sacrificed Calixtus, and that he
bestowed upon the Lombard cities the privilege of electing their own consuls;
but it is also true that these concessions on the emperor's part were balanced
by those made by the pope, who released the emperor from the interdict, and
confirmed all the powerful archbishops and bishops, the staunch adherents of
the emperor, in their dignities, thus relieving him from any apprehension on
the side of the church, the most dangerous rival of his temporal power. The
story of the humiliation of Barbarossa by the pope has been preserved at
Venice by inscriptions and paintings, and another story equally fabulous has
also been handed down in Italy by means of a popular festival. It is said
that Otto, the emperor's son, attacked Venice by sea, but was defeated, and
brought a prisoner to the city; and that in order to perpetuate the memory
of this victory, the pope, Alexander, bestowed upon the doge the privilege
of making an annual excursion into the sea, in a magnificently decorated
ship, the Bucentaur, solemnly to espouse the sea by casting a ring into her
bosom, thus metaphorically asserting the rule of the city of Venice over the
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THE HOHENSTAUFENS 105
[U7O-1180A.D.]
waves. This festival continued for several centuries, but its historical origin
is unknown.
Archbishop Wichmann, whose lands he had laid waste, besieged him,
dammed up the little river Bever, and directed its waters, which had col-
lected for several months, into the town, which was quickly flooded. The
citizens took refuge beneath the roofs of the houses until the water had dis-
appeared, and refused to surrender. Shortly before this, Bernard had set
fire to the heath on which the archbishop had pitched his camp.
The death of Albert the Bear, in 1170, and the partition of Branden-
burg between his sons Otto and Bernard, diminished the number of Henry's
dangerous rivals in the north. The insolence with which the neighbouring
bishops, who relied upon the emperor for aid, opposed him, particularly
Reinhold, archbishop of Cologne, Wichmann of Magdeburg, and the bishops
of Halberstadt and Minister, nevertheless, kept him fully occupied. Unin-
timidated by the influence and power of these "bald-pates," as he scornfully
termed them, he boldly attacked them in return, and gained possession of
Halberstadt, when Bishop Ulrich died in consequence of the ill-treatment
he received, and a thousand persons were burned alive in the cathedral.
On the emperor's return from Italy, he summoned the Lion to appear
before the supreme tribunal, and on the third public summons being unat-
tended, pronounced him under the ban of the empire. The bald-pates tri-
umphed. All his ancient foes, all those who hoped to rise by his fall, joined
the Ghibelline faction against the last of the Guelfs, to whose cause Saxony
alone adhered. The Lion, driven to bay, proved himself worthy of his name,
and almost obliterated the stain upon his honour, the treason of which he had
been guilty, by his valorous feats. Aided by his faithful adherents and
vassals, he gained a decisive victory on the Halerfeld, 1180 a.d. He main-
tained the contest for three years, but his suspicion and pride at length
estranged from him the vassals by whom he had been so long upheld, and he
was closely besieged by the emperor in Stade, where he was abandoned by
all except Bernard von der Lippe (who, after the remarkable defence of
Haldersleben had been forced to quit his country and his connections), and
the city of Liibeck, which refused to surrender to the emperor, until com-
manded to so do by its benefactor, the Lion.
Henry, seeing that all was lost, sent Ludwig, landgraf of Thuringia,
whom he had restored to liberty, to sue for peace, and threw himself at the
emperor's feet at Erfurt. Frederick no sooner saw his treacherous vassal at
his feet, than, with a generous recollection of their former days of friendship,
he raised him from his knees, and affectionately embracing him, shed tears
of joy at their reconciliation; but, sensible of the danger of permitting the
existence of the great duchies, he remained inflexible in his determination to
crush the power of the Guelfs, by treating Bavaria and Saxony as he had
formerly Franconia and Lorraine. Their partition was resolved upon, and
Henry was merely permitted to retain Brunswick. Bavaria was given to the
trusty Otto von Wittelsbach, in whose family it has ever since remained.
And for the better security of this new order of things, Henry the Lion was
exiled for three years. On his way to England, accompanied merely by a
small retinue, the citizens of Bardowiek, his own town, closed the gates
against him, and treated him with every mark of indignity.
Bohemia met with severe treatment at the hands of the emperor. The
aged Wenceslaus had secretly intrigued with the Italians, and, without obtain-
ing the consent of the emperor, had proclaimed his son, Frederick, his suc-
cessor on the throne. Barbarossa deposed both father and son, and bestowed
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106 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1180-1185 A.D.]
the crown on one of their relatives, whom he released for that purpose from
prison; but this prince proving equally unruly and hostile, he deprived him
of his crown, which he restored to Frederick on payment of a sum of money
(1180 A.D.).
THE PEACE OF CONSTANCE (1183 A.D.)
Barbarossa granted the greatest privileges to the cities, with the intention
of still further diminishing the power of the great vassals; and it is, conse-
quently, to him that a number of the most considerable cities are indebted
for their complete affranchisement, and for their elevation to the rank of free
imperial cities under the immediate protection of the crown.
On the death of Pope Alexander, Frederick preserved good relations with
his successor Urban, and concluded a fresh treaty of peace and amity at
Constance with Lombardy, to which, although it still remained annexed to
the empire, he granted the privilege of electing its own governors and of
forming alliances.
The Whitsuntide holidays were celebrated at Mainz, in 1184, with
unwonted magnificence. Forty thousand knights, the most lovely women,
and the most distinguished bards in the empire here surrounded Frederick
Barbarossa, who seemed now to have attained the summit of his power;
and the splendour that was displayed on this occasion was long celebrated
in song. The emperor's five sons, Henry his successor on the throne, Frederick
duke of Swabia, Conrad duke of Franconia, Otto duke of Burgundy, and the
youthful Philip were present. A violent storm that arose in the night, and
overthrew the tents in this encampment of pleasure, was, however, regarded
as an omen of future ill.
In the following year the emperor carried a great project into execution.
The difficulty he had experienced in keeping the cities of Lombardy in check,
and notwithstanding the endeavours of the archbishop Christian, in retain-
ing the papal dominions without the possession of lower Italy, drew his
attention thither, and he succeeded in obtaining the hand of Constanza,
the daughter and heiress of Roger the Norman, king of Apulia, and Sicily, 1
1185 a.d. But scarcely had he crossed the Alps, when Knud, the new king
of Denmark, infringed the treaty, and, uniting his forces with those of Jari-
mar of Riigen, gained a naval victory over Boleslaw of Pomerania, whom he
compelled to do him homage. The princess of Mecklenburg, Niclot, the son
of Wratislaw, and Borwin, the son of Priczlaw, met with a similar fate. The
emperor, whom the affairs of Italy fully occupied, deferred his revenge; but
his son Frederick, Ludwig III of Thuringia and a Thuringian count, Sieg-
fried, sent back their brides, the three daughters of Knud, to Denmark.
BARBAROSSA'S CRUSADE AND DEATH
The situation of the Christians in the East became gradually more per-
plexing. The treachery practised by the Greeks and the Pullanes during
file last crusade towards the emperors, Conrad III, and Louis VII, gradually
met with its fitting reward, although the disputes that arose among the
Mohammedans were at first in their favour. Zenki the Great had been
succeeded by his son Nurad-din, who was opposed by the Egyptian caliphs,
1 He said, " Italy, like the eel, even when held fast by the head, the tail, and the middle,
stiU threatens to slip from our clutches."
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THE HOHENSTAUFENS
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[1186-1188 A.D.]
and whose son was deprived of his throne by a new aspirant, named Saladin,
who, uniting Syria and Egypt beneath his rule, subdued the Assassins, the
most dangerous enemies ofthe sultans, and attacked the weak and demoral-
ised Christians, whose strength had been spent in intestine feuds.
Henry the Lion, who visited Jerusalem in 1171, might have saved Egypt,
but merely contented himself with paying his devotions at the sepulchre,
and returned home without
drawing his sword against
the infidels. The other
troops of pilgrims that ar-
rived singly and few in
number were utterly power-
less. Jerusalem was for
some time valiantly de-
fended by the queen Sibylla,
but finally surrendered. A
German knight greatly dis-
tinguished himself during
this siege, by the valour
with which he resisted the
Turks when storming the
city. The Christians were
granted a free exit; Saladin
beholding them from a lofty
throne, as they quitted the
city in mournful procession,
October 30th, 1187. All
the churches, that of the
Holy Sepulchre alone ex-
cepted, were reconverted
into mosques. And thus
was Jerusalem lost by the
incapacity of her French
rulers, and the whole of Palestine would inevitably have again fallen a prey
to the Turks, had not Conrad of Montferrat, the son of the captive marquis,
encouraged the trembling citizens of Tyre to make head against Saladin.
William, bishop of T^re, the most noted of the historians of his times,
instantly hastened into the west for the purpose of demanding assistance.
The pious emperor, then in his seventieth year, joyfully took up the cross
for the second time, and with him his son, Frederick of Swabia, and the
flower of German chivalry — in all, one hundred thousand men. Barbarossa,
after sending a solemn declaration of war to Saladin, broke up his camp,
1188 a.d., met with a friendly reception from Bela, king of Hungary, held
a magnificent tournament at Belgrade, hanged all the Servians, whose robber
bands harassed him on his march, that fell into his hands, as common thieves,
and advanced into the plains of Rumelia. The Greek emperor, Isaac, who
was on friendly terms with him, and had promised to furnish his army with
provisions, broke his word, and, besides countenancing the hostility with
which the crusaders were treated by his subjects, threw the count von Diez,
whom Frederick sent to him, into prison. Barbarossa, upon this, gave his
soldiery license to plunder, and the beautiful country was speedily laid waste.
The Cumanians, Isaac's mercenaries, fled before the Germans, who revenged
the assassination of some pilgrims by destroying the city of Manicava, and
Armour or thb Twrltth and Thirtbjwth Cbnturirb
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108 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIEE
[U8&-ngoA.D.]
by putting four thousand of th§ inhabitants to the sword. The large citv
of rhilippopolis, where the sick and wounded Germans who had been left
there had been mercilessly slaughtered by the inhabitants, shared the same
fate. These acts of retributive justice performed, Barbarossa advanced
against Constantinople, where Isaac, in order to secure his capital from
destruction, placed his whole fleet at his disposal. The crusaders no sooner
reached Asia Minor, than the Greeks recommenced their former treacherous
practices, and the sultan of Iconium, who, through jealousy of SaladuTs
Eower, had entered into a friendly alliance with the emperor, also attacked
im.
Barbarossa defeated all their attempts. On one occasion, he concealed the
flower of his troops in a large tent, the gift of the Hungarian queen, and pre-
tended to fly before the Turks, who no sooner commenced pillaging the aban-
doned camp, than the knights rushed forth and cut them down. A Turkish
prisoner who was driven in chains in advance of the army, in order to serve
as guide, sacrificed his life for the sake of misleading the Christians amid
the pathless mountains, where, starving with hunger, tormented by thirst,
foot-weary and faint, they were suddenly attacked on every side. Stones
were rolled upon their heads as they advanced through the narrow gorge,
and the young duke of Swabia narrowly escaped, his helmet being struck off
his head. Peace was now offered by the Turks on payment of a large sum
of money; to this the emperor replied by sending them a small silver coin,
which they were at liberty to divide amongst themselves, and pushing boldly
forward beat off the enemy.
The suffering of the army rapidly increased; water was nowhere to be
discovered, and they were reduced to the necessity of drinking the blood
of their horses. The aged emperor encouraged his troops by his words, and
was answered by the Swabians, who raised their native war-song. His son,
Frederick, hastened forwards with half of the army, again defeated the
Turks, and fought his way to Iconium, entered the city with the retreating
enemy, put all the inhabitants to the sword, and gained an immense booty.
Barbarossa was meanwhile surrounded by the sultan's army. His soldiers
were almost worn out with fatigue and hunger. The aged emperor, believ-
ing his son lost, burst into tears. All wept around him; when suddenly
rising he exclaimed, "Christ still lives, Christ conquers!" and heading his
chivalry in the assault, they attacked the enemy and gained a complete
victory, Ten thousand Turks were slain. Several fell beneath the hand of
Barbarossa himself, who emulated in his old age the deeds of his youth.
Iconium, where plenty awaited them, was at length reached.
After recruiting here, they continued their march as far as the little
river Calicadnus (Seleph), in Cilicia, where the road happening to be blocked
up with beasts of burden, the impatient old emperor, instead of waiting,
attempted to cross the stream on horseback, 1 and was carried away by the
current. His body was recovered, and borne by his sorrowing army to
Antioch, where it was entombed in St. Peter's church (1190).
The news of the death of their great emperor was received with incredulity
by the Germans, whose dreamy hope of being one day ruled by a dynasty
of mighty sovereigns, who should unite a peaceful world beneath their sway,
at length almost identified itself with that of Barbarossa's return and gave
rise to legendary tales, which still record the popular feeling of the times.
In a deep rocky cleft, in the Kyffhauser Berg, on the golden meadow of
[ l According to some stories he was bathing in the stream.]
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THE HOHENSTAUFENS 109
P190A.D.]
Thuringia, still sleeps this great and noble emperor: his head resting on his
arm, he sits by a granite block, through which his red beard has grown in
the lapse of time; but when the ravens no longer fly around the mountain,
he will awake and restore the golden age to the expectant world. Accord-
ing to another legend, the emperor sits, wrapped in sleep, in the Untersberg,
near Salzburg; and when the dead pear tree on the Walserfeld, which has
been cut down three times but ever grows anew, blossoms, he will come forth,
hang his shield on the tree, and commence a tremendous battle, in which
the whole world will join, and the g od shall overcome the wicked. The
attachment which the Germans bore to this emperor is apparent in the action
of one solitary individual, Conrad von Boppard, who bestowed a large estate
on the monastery of Schonau, on condition of masses being read forever for
the repose of the soul of his departed sovereign. The little church on the
Hohenstaufen, to which it wa- Barbarossa's custom to descend from the castle
in order to hear mass, still stands, °nd over the walled-up doors may be read
the words, "Hie transidat Ccesar" ' Excellent portraits of Frederick and
Beatrice may still be seen to the right of the door of the church at Welzheim,
which was founded by their son Philip. But the great palace, 710 feet in
length, which he built at Gelnhausen, in honour of the beautiful Gela, who
is said to have been the mistress of his youthful affections, and who renounced
him against his will and took the veil, in order not to be an obstacle in his
glorious career, lies in ruins/
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THE LAST OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS
[1190-1273 A.D.]
HENRY VI
Frederick's eldest son, Henry, who during his father's life was named
his successor, and who in his absenee had been invested with the govern-
ment of the empire, was not dissimilar from his father in the power of his
mind, in chivalnc bearing, and in grand ideas and plans; but his disposition
was extremely partial and severe, often cruel; and, in order to execute great
ambitious projects, he betrayed feelings of a very mercenary nature. This
was displayed in an occurrence which has not done him much honour. King
Richard Coeur de Lion, of England, when in Palestine had at the siege of
Acre a dispute with Duke Leopold of Austria; inasmuch as the Germans,
after the city was taken, were encamped on one of its quarters, Duke Leo-
Eold caused the German banner to be raised upon a tower, like those of the
ings of England and France. But the proud Richard of England caused it
to be torn down, and it was trampled in the mud by the English.
This was an affront to the whole German army, and certainly deserved
immediate and severe punishment. But the revenge which the duke and
the emperor Henry took afterwards upon the king was of the most treacherous
and ignoble character. Richard, upon his return from Palestine in 1192,
was cast by a storm upon the Italian coast near Aquileia, and wished to
continue his route through Germany; but, although he had disguised him-
self as a pilgrim, he was recognised in Vienna by his expensive style of living
and by the imprudence of his servant. He was seized and delivered up to
Duke Leopold, who had previously returned, and by whom he was surrendered
to the emperor Henry. The noble, chivalric king of England, and brother-
in-law of Henry the Lion, was jiow detained at Trifels, in close confinement,
above a year, until he was formally brought before the assembly of German
princes at Hagenau, as a criminal, and defended himself; nor was he liberated
and allowed to return to his kingdom until the English had paid a ransom
of a million of dollars — for that period an immense sum. In thus proceeding
against Richard, Henry had, it is true, acted in conformity with the ancient
110
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THE LAST OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS 111
[1190-1195 A.D.]
rights of the imperial dignity, according to which the emperor was authorised
to cite before him all the kings of Christendom, and sit in judgment over
them. But the manner in which he acted in this case was degrading, and
unworthy of any ruling power.
The emperor concluded with Henry the Lion, who after his return from
England had produced fresh wars, a permanent treaty of peace, and by the
marriage which took place between the duke's son, Henry the Slender, and
Agnes, princess palatine and niece of Frederick I, the reconciliation of these
distinguished houses was confirmed. 6
THE WAR IN SICILY (1193 A.D.)
The departure of the emperor Frederick for the Holy Land had been
immediately followed by the death of William II, king of Sicily. Henry VI
laid claim to the kingdom of Sicily, in virtue of his marriage to Constanza;
but the German name was odious to the people, and the pretensions of a bas-
tard prevailed over the right of the legitimate heiress. Tancred, count of
Lecce, mounted the throne of his grandfather.
Henry crossed the Alps for the double purpose of obtaining the imperial
crown and reducing the usurper of Sicily. Henry and Constanza were
crowned by Pope Celestine III in St. Peter's (1191). The German forces
received but little resistance until they arrived at the gates of Naples. Whilst
that city held out against the invaders, Henry beheld his troops and captains
swept off by disease; retreat became necessary. The death of the eldest
son of King Tancred was soon afterwards followed by that of the afflicted
father. To Tancred succeeded his second son, William III (1193), whose
tender age invited Henry once more to attempt the reduction of Sicily.
With the assistance of Pisa and Genoa, he obtained an easy conquest of the
Italian provinces; and passing over to the island, became master of Messina,
Palermo, and other principal cities. The widow of Tancred, with the young
king and princesses, submitted to the conqueror on the promise of obtaining
for herself the county of Lecce, and for her son the principality of Tarentum.
The hapless William knelt before the emperor, and resigned the sceptre of
the Normans to the house of Swabia (1195).
But no sooner was Henry secure of the prize than he gave way to the
ferocity of his nature; and signalised the brutality of his mind by violating
the repose of the dead, and inflicting the most shocking cruelties on the living.
The sepulchres of Tancred and his son were broken open, their bodies stripped
of the last trappings of royalty; and under pretence of a conspiracy the young
William was arrested and inhumanly mutilated and blinded, and with his
mother and sisters doomed to hopeless captivity in Germany. The merciless
emperor appeared intent upon the destruction of the Normans; and the
sympathy of Constanza was awakened by the groans of her fellow country-
men. Satiated at length with the blood and spoils of his new subjects, Henry
departed for his native land; and the Sicilians beheld with grief and indigna-
tion the treasures of the realm transported from the island to Germany . c
He not only conveyed away the gold and silver, together with all the costly
ornaments of the ancient Norman kings, to such an extent that 160 animals
were loaded therewith and proceeded with them to the castle of Trifels on
the Rhine, but he caused the eyes of the grandees who had rebelled to be
put out, and as an insult to their misfortunes and in mockery of their efforts
to get possession of the throne and wear the crown, he placed them upon
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112 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1195-1200 A.D.]
seats of red-hot iron, and fastened upon their heads crowns formed also of
burning iron. The rest of their accomplices were, it is true, so much terrified
thereby that they vowed allegiance ; but this submission did not come from
their hearts, and Henry's successor paid severely for his cruelties.
He meditated the most important plans, which, had they been accom-
plished, would have given to the whole empire a completely different form.
Among the rest he offered to render the fiefs of the German princes heredi-
tary, promised to renounce all imperial claims to the property left by bishops
and the rest of the clergy; in return for which, however, he desired the imperial
throne to be made likewise hereditary in his family. He even promised to
unite Naples and Sicily wholly with the empire. Many princes voluntarily
agreed to these propositions, which appeared advantageous to them; some
of the greater ones, however, refused, and as the pope likewise withheld his
consent, Henry was obliged to defer the execution of his great projects to a
more convenient time. Affairs now called him again to Sicily, and there
he suddenly died in 1197, in the thirty-third year of his age, and at the moment
when he contemplated the conquest of the Greek Empire, by which to
prepare and secure a successful issue to the Crusades. 1
CIVIL WARS FOR THE CROWN (1197-1212 A.D.)
His son Frederick was but just eight years old, and the two parties in
Germany, the Hohenstaufens and the Guelfs, became again so strongly
divided that the one side chose as emperor Philip, Henry's orother, and the
other Otto, the second son of Henry the Lion, a prince distinguished for his
strength and valour, and thus Germany had again two sovereigns at once.
Through this unfortunate division of parties the empire became for the
space of more than ten years the scene of devastation, robbery, and murder, and
lx)th princes, who were equally endowed with good qualities, could do noth-
ing for the country; on the contrary, in the endeavours made by each to gain
over the pope to himself, they yielded to the subtle Innocent III, under
whom the papacy attained its highest grade of power, many of their privileges.
Otto IV even acknowledged the pope's claim of authority to bestow the
empire as he might appoint, and called himself in his letters to the pope a
Roman king by the grace of God and the pope. For which concession, and
because he was a Guelf, Innocent protected him with all his power; and
when Philip, in 1208, was assassinated at Bamberg by Otto of Wittelsbach
(a nephew of him to whom Frederick I had given the duchy of Bavaria),
in revenge because he would not give him his daughter in marriage as he had
promised, Otto IV was universally acknowledged as emperor and solemnly
crowned at Rome. 6
But before the pope consented to bestow the imperial crown, he obtained
from the emperor-elect his signature to a written capitulation, which shook
his authority in ecclesiastical affairs to the foundation. Not content with
extorting an oath of obedience to the holy see and the defence of its privi-
leges, Innocent hereby bound the emperor to correct all abuses in the choice
of the German prelates; to permit the elections to be conducted according
to the ordinances of the church; and to throw no obstacle in the way of
appeals to Rome. In this capitulation, the first of its kind, the greatest
care was taken that all should be general and undefined; so that it was
1 Henry's tomb, at Palermo, was opened after nearly six -hundred years, and the body
found well preserved.
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THE LAST OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS 113
P2WM215 A.D.]
admirably adapted to assist the popes in their future encroachments on
the imperial prerogative. Otto moreover undertook to resign to the church
an important source of revenue, the property of deceased prelates and the
income of the see during a vacancy, which had hitherto been claimed by
the successors of Charlemagne.
OTTO EXCOMMUNICATED (1210 A.D.)
Immediately after the coronation, the long-cherished antipathy of the
Romans to the Germans broke out into open conflict; and the new emperor,
after the destruction of many of his followers, withdrew in dudgeon from
Rome. Between the pope and emperor all oaths were forgotten; the dis-
turbed state of Apulia invited Otto to its invasion; and he soon became
master of the greater part of the southern provinces of Italy. But whilst
the German monarch was lured to these distant conquests, his own ruin was
in 'preparation at home. The south was sacred ground to Innocent; since
the empress Constanza had, in her last moments, made him the guardian of her
infant son, Frederick, the heir to the crown of Sicily. He had already expe-
rienced the greatest difficulties in tranquillising the Sicilian kingdom; and
finding the emperor deaf to his admonitions, Innocent sent forth his thunders,
by which Otto was declared to be deposed from the empire, and all his sub-
jects absolved from their allegiance. Otto learned with dismay that the
princes and prelates of Germany were rapidly falling off from a monarch
whose brow was blasted by the thunderbolt of God's vicar; and he recog-
nised his enemy Philip of France fanning the flame in his dominions.
Frederick, the son of the emperor Henry VI and of Constanza, princess
of Sicily, had barely attained his eighteenth year when he was summoned to
the throne of Germany. He was cordially welcomed by the German princes
who had invited him; he soon afterwards, in a conference with the dauphin,
established a league with France, and was crowned with great splendour at
Aachen, in 1215.
Meanwhile the affairs of Otto were fast hastening to a crisis. Supported
by John, king of England, the duke of Brabant, and the count of Flanders,
he met and engaged with the French army at Bouvines, 1214; and after a
desperate battle received a complete overthrow. Thus oppressed by the
spiritual arms of Innocent and the superior fortune of Philip, ne withdrew to
his castle at Hartzburg in Brunswick; where not very long afterwards he
peacefully terminated his life (1218) , c
FREDERICK II (1215 A.D.)
The emperor Frederick II, the grandson of Frederick I, by his heroism,
firmness of will, and boldness of spirit, and combining with this majesty of
character both mildness and grace, was worthy of his noble family, so that
the impression of his personal greatness remained long after his demise. In
addition to which, he was a friend of art and science, and was himself a
poet, sentiment, animation, and euphony breathing in all his works. His
bold and searching glance dwelt especially upon the follies of his age, and
he frequently lashed them with bitter ridicule; whilst, on the contrary, he
saw in everyone, whence or of whatsoever faith he might be, merely the man,
and honoured him as such if he found him so worthy.
H. W. — VOL. XIV. I
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114 THE HOLY EOMAN EMPIRE
[1215-1228 A.D.]
And yet this emperor executed but little that was great; his best powers
were consumed in the renewed contest between the imperial and papal
authority which never had more ruinous consequences than under his reign,
and Germany in particular found but little reason to rejoice in its sovereign,
for his views, even beyond all the other Hohenstaufens, were directed to
Italy. By birth and education more an Italian than a German, he was
particularly attached to his beautiful inheritance of the Two Sicilies, and in
Germany, thus neglected, the irresponsible dominion of the vassals took
still deeper root; whilst, on the other hand, in France the royal power, by
withdrawing considerable fiefs, commenced preparing its victory over the
feudal system.
There were also three grand causes which served to excite the popes
against Frederick. In the first place, they could not endure that besides
northern Italy he should possess Sicily and Naples, and was thus enabled to
Eress upon their state from two sides; secondly, they were indignant because
e would not yield to them unconditionally the great privileges which the
weak Otto IV had ceded to them; but, thirdly, what most excited their
anger was that, in the heat of their dispute, he frequently turned the sharp-
ness of his sarcasm against them and endeavoured to make them both ridicu-
lous and contemptible. The story of his rivalry with the popes is more fully
told under the history of the papacy and of the crusades.
THE EMPEROR GAINS JERUSALEM (1230 A.D.)
The commencement of the schism, however, arose from a particular
circumstance. Frederick, at his coronation in Aachen, had spontaneously
engaged to undertake a crusade for the deliverance of Jerusalem, and this
Eromise he renewed when he was crowned emperor at Rome in 1220. 1 But
e now found in his Italian inheritance, as well as in the opposition shown
by the Lombard cities, which, after the death of Frederick I had again become
arrogant, so much to do that he was continually obliged to require from
the pope renewed delays. The peaceful and just Honorius III granted
them to him; and there existed between him and the emperor a friendly
feeling, and even a mutual feeling of respect. But with the passionate
Gregory IX the old dispute between the spiritual and temporal power soon
again broke forth, and Gregory strongly urged the crusade. In the year
1227 Frederick actually sailed with a fleet, but returned after a few days,
under the pretext of illness, and the whole expedition ending in nothing,
Gregory became irritated, and without listening to or admitting even the
emperor's excuses, excommunicated him, for he maintained his sickness
was a fiction.
In order to contradict these charges by salient facts, the emperor actually
went the ensuing year to Palestine. But upon this the pope censured him
even more strongly than before, declaring anyone under excommunication
to be an unfit instrument for the service of God. And in order that Fred-
erick might accomplish nothing great in the Holy Land, he sent thither
commands that neither the clergy there nor the orders of knight-
hood should have community with nim; nay, he himself even caused his
troops to make an incursion into Frederick's Italian lands and conquered a
portion of Apulia.
[■ Two years later his son Henry was crowned king of the Romans at Aacnen.]
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THE LAST OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS 115
[1228-1287 a.d.1
But Frederick, in the meantime, speedily brought the war in Palestine
to a successful termination. The sultan of Egypt, Kameel, partly through
the great fame which the imperial sovereignty enjoyed in the East, and
partly from personal esteem for Frederick (but weakened principally by
family dissensions), concluded with him a truce for ten years, and gave up
Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Nazareth. The emperor then entered the Holy
City and visited the grave, but the patriarchs of Jerusalem and the priests,
obedient to the commands of the pope, would celebrate no religious service
in his presence. Notwithstanding this, he performed his devotions, and in
the presence of his nobles crowned himself with the crown of the kings of
Jerusalem: a right he had acquired by his marriage with Yolande, the
daughter of King John of Jerusalem; after which he returned quickly to
Italy. His presence speedily repaired all that was lost, and the pope saw
himself obliged, in 1230, to conclude a peace and remove the ban of excom-
munication.
FREDERICK RETURN8 TO EUROPE
A tranquil moment seemed now to present itself in Frederick's life, but
fate attacked him from another side. His own son, Henry, whom he had
left in Germany as imperial viceroy, rebelled against him, excited, probably,
by ambition and evil counsellors. Frederick returned to Germany, and
with a bleeding heart he was obliged to overpower his own son by force,
take him prisoner, and place him in confinement in Apulia, where, seven
years afterwards, he died.
Upon this occasion Frederick held, in 1235, a grand diet at Mainz, where
sixty-four princes and about twelve thousand nobles and knights were present.
Here written laws were made relative to the peace of the country, and other
regulations adopted, which showed the empire the prudence of its emperor.
Before the diet assembled, he celebrated at Worms his espousal with his
second consort, the English princess Isabella. The imperial bride was
received upon the frontiers by a splendid suite of nobles and knights; in
all the cities through which she passed the clergy met her, accompanied by
choirs of sacred music, and the cheerful peals of the church-bells; and in
Cologne, the streets of which were superbly decorated, she was received
by ten thousand citizens on horseback, in rich clothing and arms. Carriages
with organs, their wheels and horses concealed by purple coverings, caused
an harmonious music to resound, and throughout the whole night choirs of
maidens serenaded beneath the windows of the emperor's bride. At the
marriage in Worms, four kings, eleven dukes, and thirty counts and mark-
grafs were present. Frederick made the most costly presents to the English
ambassador; and, among the rest, he sent rich gifts of curiosities from the
East to the king of England, as well as three leopards, the leopards being
included in the English coat of arms. *>
The sister of Frederick II, duke of Austria, had been married to Henry,
the rebellious son of the emperor, and the young duke participated in the
revolt of his brother. His delinquency had hitherto remained unpunished;
but his rapacious disposition and odious excesses rendered him generally
obnoxious to the German princes and to his own immediate subjects. The
emperor was therefore inauced to visit Germany; and having vainly sum-
moned Duke Frederick to a diet held at Augsburg, declared his estates
forfeited, and immediately took possession of Austria (1237). At Speier the
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116 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1387-1341 AJX]
emperor caused his second son, Conrad, to be elected king of the Romans;
and then again returned to the reduction of Lombardy. c
Frederick speedily, with the assistance of his valiant leader, the knight
Ezzelino da Romano, conquered several of the allied cities, and so beat the
Milanese in 1237 at Cortenuova that they would willingly have humbled
themselves if he had granted only moderate conditions. But, unwarned by
the example of his grandfather, he required them to submit at discretion;
whilst the citizens, remembering earlier times, preferred dying under their
shields, rather, they said, than by the rope, famine, or fire, and from this
period commenced m reality the misfortunes of Frederick's life. According
to the statement made by one of our writers, "he lost the favour of many
men by his implacable severity." His old enemy also, Gregory IX, again
rose up against him, joined henceforth the confederation of the cities, and
excommunicated him a second time. Indeed, the enmity of both parties
went so far, and degenerated so much into personal animosity, that the pope,
comparing the emperor, in a letter to the other princes,." to that apocalyptic
monster rising from the sea,
which was full of blasphemous
names, and in colour chequered
like a leopard," Frederick im-
mediately replied with another
passage from Scripture: "An-
other Ved horse arose from the
sea, and he who sat thereon took
Eeace from the earth, so that the
ving should kill each other."
But in that age there existed
one great authority which oper-
ated powerfully on the side of
the pope, and fought against
Frederick — this was the power
of " public opinion." The pope
now cast upon the emperor the
heavy charge that he was a de-
spiser of religion and of tjie holy
church, and was inclined to the
infidelity of the Saracens (the
fact that Frederick had em-
ployed, in the war with the
Lombards, ten thousand Sara-
cens, appeared to justify this
charge); and although the em-
Eror several times, both ver-
ily and in writing, solemnly
^*- declared that he was a true
A Knight in Thirteenth Century Armour Christian, and as such wished to
lire and die: nay, although he
was formally examined in religion by several bishops, and caused a testimony
of his orthodoxy to be published, this accusation of the pope still found belief
amongst most men. In addition to this, Frederick's rash and capricious wit had
too often thoughtlessly attacked sacred subjects; whilst his life also was not
Eure and blameless, but stained with the excesses of sensuality. Accordingly
e sank more and more in general estimation, and it was this that embit-
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THE LAST OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS 117
[1341-1340 A.D.]
tered the latter period of his life, and at length entirely consumed him with
vexation.
Gregory IX, who died in 1241, at the age of nearly one hundred years,
was succeeded by Innocent IV, who was a still more violent enemy of the
emperor than even Gregory had been. As Frederick still continued to be
powerful in Italy, and threatened him even in Rome itself, the pope retired
to Genoa, and thence to Lyons, in France. There he renewed, in 1245, in a
laige council the ban against the emperor, although the latter offered himself
in peace and friendship, and was willing to remove all points of complaint,
whilst, in addition to all this, his ambassador, Thaddeus of Suessa, pleaded
most powerfully for his lord. Indeed, the pope went so far as solemnly to
pronounce the deposition of the emperor from all his states and dignities. *
RIVAL MONARCHS: HENRY RASPE AND WILLIAM OF HOLLAND
When the excommunication was circulated in Germany, many of the
spiritual princes took advantage of the excitement produced thereby and
elected, in 1246, at Wurzburg, the landgraf, Henry Raspe of Thuringia, as
rival emperor. The latter, however, could gain no absolute authority and
died the following year. As Frederick, however, still remained in Italy,
entangled in constant wars, the ecclesiastical princes elected another sov-
ereign, Count William of Holland, a youth twenty years of age, who, in
order that he might become the head of the order of knighthood, was forth-
with solemnly promoted from his inferior rank of squire to that of knight.
The greatest confusion now existed in Germany as well as in Italy. " After
the emperor Frederick was excommunicated," says an ancient historian, " the
robbers congratulated themselves, and rejoiced at the opportunities for pillage
now presented to them. The ploughshares were transformed into swords,
and the scythes into lances. Everyone supplied himself with steel and flint
in order to be able to produce fire and spread incendiarism instantly."
In Italy the war continued uninterruptedly and without any decisive
result, especially with the Lombard cities. The imperial arms were often
successful, but the spirit of the emperor was bowed down, and at last his
good fortune occasionally deserted him. In the year 1249 his own son,
Enzio, whom he had made king of Sardinia, and of all his sons the most
chivalric and handsome, was taken prisoner by the Bolognese in an unsuc-
cessful combat near Fossalta. The irritated citizens refused all offers of
ransom for the emperor's son, and condemned him to perpetual imprisonment,
in which he continued for two-and-twenty years, and survived all the sons
and grandsons of Frederick, who perished every one by poison, the sword,
or the axe of the executioner.
Exclusive of the bitter grief caused by his son's misfortune, the emperor,
in his last years, was afflicted with the additional pain and mortification of
finding his long-tried friend and chancellor, Petrus de Vinea, to whom he
had confided the most important affairs of his empire, charged with the
crime of attempting to take the life of his master by poison. Matthew
of Paris,** at least, relates as certain that the physician De Vinea handed
to the emperor a poisonous beverage as a medicine, which the latter, having
had his suspicions excited, did not drink. The chancellor was thrown into
prison and deprived of his eyesight, when he committed suicide by dashing
his head against the wall. Whether De Vinea was guilty, or whether appear-
ances which he could not remove, were alone against him is not to be decided,
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118 THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIRE
(1241-1250 A.D.]
owing to the insufficiency of the information handed down to us. The
emperor, however, did not long survive this painful event; he died in 1250,
in the arms of his son Manfred, at the castle of Fiorentino, in the fifty-sixth
year of his age.
His death produced great confusion in Italy, and still greater dissension
in Germany. In the latter country two emperors again stood opposed to
«each other, throne against throne; the Hohenstaufen party acknowledging
and upholding Conrad, Frederick's son, in opposition to Wifliam of Holland,
the former having already, during his father's life, been elected king of the
Romans.
But before we relate the history of these two rival emperors, it will be
useful and interesting to cast our glance at the countries in the east and
northeastern parts of Germany.
MINOR WARS AND THE PRUSSIAN CRUSADE
Europe was about this time threatened by a terrible enemy from the East,
equally as dreadful as the Huns were in earlier times. This enemy consisted
of the Mongolians, who ever since the year 1206, under Jenghiz Khan, had
continued to ravage Asia, and led by him had advanced as far as Moravia
and Silesia. In the year 1241 they gained a great battle near Liegnitz over
the Silesians, under the command of Henry II of Liegnitz, who himself fell
chivalrously fighting at the head of his troops; but by the valour with which
he disputed the victory with the enemy, he destroyed the desire they had
previously indulged in of penetrating further westward, as they now turned
towards Hungary. Thus, by his own death, Henry the Pious saved Europe;
and ujxm the same spot (Wahlstatt) where, on the 26th of August, 1813,
the action called the battle of Katzbach was so victoriously fought.
In this emergency Frederick well felt what his duty was as first Christian
prince, and very urgently pressed the other kings for their immediate assist-
ance against the common enemy; but at this moment the general disorder
was too great, and his appeal for aid remained without any effect. As regards
Silesia and Hungary the incursion of the Mongolians produced this result,
that many German peasants migrated to the deserted and depopulated
districts, and henceforward lower Silesia became, indeed, more a German
than a Slavonic country. Other neighbouring countries also were about
this period occupied and populated by the Germans, consisting of the coasts
of the Baltic, Prussia, Livonia, Esthonia, and Courland. As early as at
the end of the twelfth century, Meinhard, a canon of the monastery of
Legeberg, built a church at Exkalle (in the vicinity of the present Riga),
where, shortly afterwards, Pope Clement III founded a bishopric, and from
this central point the diffusion of Christianity extended in that district. But
temporal force soon mixed itself in these spiritual and peaceful exertions;
the resistance of the heathen Livonians induced Pope Celestine III to cause a
crusade to be preached against them, and speedily a multitude of men from
the north of Germany stormed towards these parts. A spiritual order of
knighthood was formed under the name of the knights of the sword, and
ynth the Christian doctrines the dominion of this order was by degrees extended
over Livonia, Esthonia, and Courland. The natives who remained after the
sanguinary battles of this exterminating war were reduced to oppressive
slavery, which was for the first time moderated in our own age by the emperor
Alexander.
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THE LAST OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS 119
P**-1278aj>.]
In Prussia also the sword established at the same time with Christianity
the German dominion and superiority. About the year 1208 a monk of the
monastery of Kolwitz, in Pomerania, of the name of Christian, crossed the
Vistula, and preached Christianity to the heathen Pmssians. But when
the pope made him a bishop, and wished +"
establish a formal hierarchal government, th
rose in contest against him, in which t
knights of the sword, together with Du
Henry the Bearded of Breslau and ma
warriors of the neighbouring lands, imme
ately marched forth and gave warlike i
to the new bishop. But little was acco
plished until the latter, upon the advice
Duke Henry, summoned to his assistance t
knights of the Teutonic order, which h
originated in an institution of north G
many. Accordingly, in the year 1229, th
first grand master, Hermann von Salza, w
not more than twenty-eight knights and c
hundred squires and attendants, advanced
Prussia; he proceeded in his work cautiou
by establishing fortified places, among wh
Thorn, on the Vistula, serving, as it were,
the entrance gate of the country, was the fii
and Kulm, Marienwerder, Elbing, Brau
berg, and others speedily followed. T
dominion of the Teutonic order was spn
even in Livonia, as the knights of the
sword, after a severe defeat by the Livo-
nians, in 1273, were received in it; and in
1255, upon the advice of Ottocar of Bo-
hemia, who had made a crusade against
the Prussians, in which Rudolf of Habs-
burg joined, the present metropolis of the
country was founded, and in honour of him was called Konigsberg. The
cities around soon flourished again, and the peasants found themselves in a
happier situation than their Livonian neighbours, for their services and
imposts were rendered more moderate, and absolute slavery was only experi-
enced by a few individuals as a punishment for their defection.
When we add to this the various emigrations which had commenced
much earlier, populating the Vandal countries as well as Brandenburg,
Mecklenburg, and Pomerania, and take into consideration the many flour-
ishing cities which were built there by German citizens, we may be inclined
to style the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as the epoch of the migration
of the Germans towards the northeast, the same as that of the fourth and
fifth centuries after Christ is called the period of migration towards the west
and south. Indeed, if we reckon the hundreds of thousands *rhich Germany
at the same period sent with the Crusades to the East, together with those
sent with the Hohenstaufen emperors to Italy, we must really feel astonished
at the population which that vast country produced, and assuredly cannot
join with many other historians in calling a period presenting, like this, so
much vigour and activity of life an epoch of absolute misery, servitude,
and desolation.
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120 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1250 A.D.]
Had the emperor Frederick rightly known the strength of Germany, and
had he understood how to avail himself of the means to render it still more
powerful by union, the whole of the east and north of Europe might then
nave become annexed to that country. But his eyes were turned exclusively
upon Italy, and there he fruitlessly sacrificed all his strength.
Frederick's extraordinary mind
If after contemplating the stormy phases which convulsed this emperor's
life, we turn our observation to his noble qualities, his acute and sensitive
feeling for all that was beautiful and grand, and, above all, to what he did
for science and enlightenment generally in Naples, his hereditary land, we feel
penetrated with profound regret when we find that all this, like a transitory
apparition, passed away without any lasting trace; but more especially
are we pained to witness how he neglected to reign with affection and devo-
tion over his German subjects. Since Charlemagne and Alfred of England
no potentate had existed who loved and promoted civilisation in its broadest
sense so much as Frederick II. At his court, the same as at that of Charle-
magne, were assembled the noblest and most intellectual minds of that age;
through them he caused a multitude of Greek works, and in particular those
of Aristotle, to be translated from the Arabic into Latin.
He collected for that period a very considerable library, partly by
researches made in his own states, partly during his stay in Syria, and through
his alliance with the Arab princes. Besides, he did not retain these treasures
jealously and covetously for himself, but imparted them to others; as, for
instance, he presented the works of Aristotle to the University of Bologna,
although that city was inimically disposed towards him, to which he added
the following address: "Science must go hand in hand with government,
legislation, and the pursuits of war, because these, otherwise subjected to
the allurements of the world and to ignorance, either sink into indolence,
or else, if unchecked, stray beyond all sanctioned limits. Wherefore, from
youth upwards we have sought and loved science, whereby the soul of man
becomes enlightened and strengthened, and without which his life is deprived
of all regulation and innate freedom. Now that the noble possession of science
is not diminished by being imparted, but, on the contrary, grows thereby
still more fruitful, we accordingly will not conceal the produce of much exer-
tion, but will only consider our own possessions as truly delightful when we
shall have imparted so great a benefit to others. But none have a greater
right to them than those great men who, from the original ancient and rich
sources, have derived new streams, and thereby supply the thirsty with a
sweet and healthy refreshment. Wherefore, receive these works as a present
from your friend, the emperor."
A splendid monument of his noble mind and genius is presented in his
code of laws for his hereditary kingdom of Naples and Sicily, and which he
caused to be composed chiefly by retrus de Vinea. According to the plan
of a truly great legislator, he was not influenced by the idea of creating some-
thing entirely new, but he built upon the basis of what already existed,
adapted whatsoever to him appeared good and necessary for his main object,
and so formed a work which gave him as ruler the necessary power to estab-
lish a firm foundation for the welfare of his people. Unfortunately the
convulsions of his later reign and the following periods never allowed this
grand work fully to develop its results.
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THE LAST OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS 121
[1260 A.D.]
Frederick himself possessed a knowledge unusual, and acquired by few
men of his time. He understood Greek, Latin, Italian, French, German,
and Arabic. Amongst the sciences he loved chiefly natural history, and
proved himself a master in that science by a work he composed upon the art
of hawking; for it not only displays the most perfect ana thorough investi-
gation into the mode of life, nourishment, diseases, and the whole nature of
falcons, but dwells also upon their construction generally, both internally
and externally. This desire after a fundamental knowledge in natural
science had the happiest influence, especially upon the medical sciences.
Physicians were obliged to study anatomy before everything else; they
were referred to the enthusiastic application of Hippocrates and Galen, and
not allowed to practise their profession until they had received from the
faculty at Salerno or Naples a satisfactory and honourable certificate; besides
which, they were obliged to pass an examination before the imperial chamber,
formed of a committee of members competent in the science.
The emperor founded the University of Naples in 1224, and he consider-
ably improved and enlarged the medical school at Salerno. At both places
also, through his zeal, were formed the first collections of art, which, unfor-
tunately, in the tumults of the following ages, were eventually destroyed.
Of Frederick II it is related, as was already stated of Charlemagne, that
the eastern princes emulated each other in sending him artistic works as
signs of friendship. Amongst the rest, the sultan of Egypt presented him
with an extraordinary tent, in which a sun and moon revolved, moved by
invisible agents, and showed the hours of the day and night in just and
exact relation.
At the court of the emperor there were often contests in science and
art, and victorious wreaths bestowed, in which scenes Frederick shone as a
poet, and invented and practised many difficult measures of verse. His
chief judge, Petrus de Vinea, the composer of the code of laws, wrote also the
first sonnet extant in Italian. Minds, in fact, developed themselves, and were
in full action in the vicinity and presence of the great emperor, and there
they commanded full scope for all their powers.
His own personal merit was so distinguished and universally recognised,
that he was enabled to collect around him the most celebrated men of the age
without feeling any jealousy towards them — always a proof of true great-
ness. His most violent enemies even could not withhold from him their
admiration of his great qualities. His exterior also was both commanding
and prepossessing. Like his grandfather he was fair, but not so tall
although well and strongly formed, and very skilful in all warlike and cor-
poreal exercises. His forehead, nose, and mouth bore the impression of that
delicate and yet firm character which we admire in the works of the Greeks,
and name after them; and his eye generally expressed the most serene
cheerfulness, but on important and serious occasions it indicated gravity and
severity. Thus, in general, the happy conjunction of mildness with serious-
ness was, throughout his life, the distinguishing feature of this emperor.*
ESTIMATES OF FREDERICK
James Bryce sums up Frederick as follows:
"Upon the events of that terrific strife, for which emperor and pope
girded themselves up for the last time, the narrative of Frederick IPs career,
with its romantic adventures, its sad picture of marvellous powers lost on an
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122 THE HOLY BOMAff EMPIEE '
[1250 A.D.]
age not ripe for them, blasted as by a curse in the moment of victory, it is
not necessary, were it even possible, here to enlarge. That conflict did
indeed determine the fortunes of the German, kingdom no less than of the
republics of Italy, but it was upon Italian ground that it was fought out and
it is to Italian history that its details belong. So too of Frederick himself.
Out of the long array of the Germanic successors of Charles, he is, with Otto
III, the only one who comes before us with a genius and a frame of character
that are not those of a Northman or a Teuton. There dwelt in him, it is
true, all the energy and knightly valour of his father Henry and his grand-
father Barbarossa. But along with these, and changing their direction,
were other gifts, inherited perhaps from his Italian mother and fostered
by his education among the orange-groves of Palermo — a love of luxury
and beauty, an intellect refined, subtle, philosophical.
"Through the mist of calumny and fable it is but dimly that the truth
of the man can be discerned, and the outlines that appear, serve to quicken
rather than appease the curiosity with which we regard one of the most
extraordinary personages in history. A sensualist, yet also a warrior and a
Eolitician, a profound lawgiver and an impassioned poet; in his youth fired
y crusading fervour, in latter life persecuting heretics while himself accused
of blasphemy and unbelief; of winning manners and ardently beloved by
his followers, but with the stain of more than one cruel deed upon his name,
he was the marvel of his own generation, and succeeding ages looked back
with awe, not unmingled with pity, upon the inscrutable figure of the last
emperor who had braved all the terrors of the church and died beneath her
ban, the last who had ruled from the sands of the ocean to the shores of the
Sicilian Sea. But while they pitied they condemned. The undying hatred
of the papacy threw round his memory a lurid light; him and him alone of
all the imperial line, Dante, the worshipper of the empire, must- perforce
deliver to the flames of hell."* 1
T. F. Henderson, who calls him "the most remarkable figure of the
Middle Ages," gives the following estimate of him:
The general contemporary opmion regarding Frederick II is expressed in
the words stupor mundi [the amazement of the world]; and whatever amount
either of approbation or censure may be bestowed upon his career, wonder
and perplexity are the predominant sentiments which its contemplation
even yet awakens. It was not merely that his mental endowments were
exceptionally great, but that, owing to his mingled German and Italian
blood, the various influences to which he was subjected in his early years,
the strange times in which he lived, and the events with which destiny had
connected him, his character was exhibited in such multiform aspects and in
such an individual and peculiar light that in history we look in vain for his
parallel. As to the nature of his religious faith, there are no data for arriving
at a certain conclusion. The theory of M. Huillard-Br6holles0 that he
wished to unite with the functions of emperor those of a spiritual pontiff,
and aspired to be the founder of a new religion, is a conjecture insufficiently
supported by the isolated facts and statements and the general consideration
on which it is made to rest.
Indeed, the character of Frederick seems to have been widely removed
from that of a religious enthusiast; and at every critical period of his life
he was urged to danng and adventurous projects, rather by external circum-
stances than by either the promptings of ambition or the consciousness of
1 Qud entro I lo aeeondo Federico.— Inferno, Canto X.
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THE LAST OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS 123
[1250 A.D.]
divine commission. On any theory his enactments in reference to religion
are, however, somewhat enigmatical. His persecution of heretics may not
have been entirely due to a desire to vindicate his orthodoxy before his
Christian subjects; but although his ideas regarding freedom of conscience
were either inconsistent or hampered in their action by a regard to expe-
diency, his toleration of the Jews equally with the Mohammedans prevents
our ascribing his toleration of the latter either to secret sympathy with that
form of faith or wholly to political considerations. He was in all probability
a believer in astrology, and he shared in many of the other superstitious
ideas of his time. But there is no indication that he dreaded any other than
temporal consequences from the ban of the church; and if certain features
of the Christian system had perhaps an attraction for him, yet both from
his reported jests and serious conversation it is evident that his Christian
belief, if he possessed one, bore little resemblance to that current in his age.
In the extravagant accusa-
tions of cruelty, perfidy, and /^^ s
licentiousness with which the * ~)
church has assailed his memory * ^ / m \ _
there is some nucleus of truth; " % ~ %A ~^
but a candid judgment will i
arrive at the conclusion that '
few exposed to such pernicious
influences have shown such a
decided preference for goodness ^ ^^
and truth, and that there have '%
been almost none who against * ,
such immense difficulties had -^»
wrought to such wise purpose
in behalf of human progress and
enlightenment, or have fought
such a resolute and advanta-
geous battle in behalf of spirit-
ual freedom. In this contest he
was not an immediate victor;
and indeed the dissolution of the
imperial power in Italy which
followed his death must be
chiefly traced to the fact that
his policy was governed by prin-
ciples too much in advance of
his age. But although the bene-
ficial results of his reign are not
at a first glance so palpable and
undeniable as some of its inju- Amnm . A „ w «w*. ~- o. T .,™~ „. ~„. T
,, . e % German Woman or Quality or the Thihtunth
nous results, yet so far was he cbntury
from being a mere untimely pre-
cursor of the new era which dawned in Europe more than two centuries after
his death, that, perhaps in a greater degree than any other, he was instru-
mental in hastening its arrival, both by sowing the first seeds of the Renais-
sance in Italy, and by giving to the old system of things a shock which was
felt throughout Europe, and continued to work silently long after.
After the death of Frederick the followers of Abbot Joachim continued
to assert that he was still alive, and even attempted to personate him. The
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134 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1250-1264 A.D.]
superstition that the emperor continued to haunt the castle of Kyffhauser, at
one time thought to refer to Frederick Barbarossa, has now been shown to
have its origin in the tradition that Frederick II still lived after he had ceased
to exercise the functions of emperor./
The news of the emperor's death was received with exultation by the
pontiff- "Let the heavens rejoice, and let the earth be glad." With insolent
triumph he wrote to the city of Naples, declaring that he took her forthwith
into his possession, and that she should never again be under the control of
a temporal sovereign. He also declared the Hohenstaufens to have forfeited
their right upon Apulia and Sicily, and even upon Swabia. [He offered
the crown first to Richard, earl of Cornwall, then to Charlesr of Anjou, but
both declined.] The Alemannic princes made a lavish use of the freedom
from all restraint granted to them by the pope. The Alpine nobles became
equally lawless.
The imperial cause was sustained in upper Italy by Ezzelino, in lower
Italy by Manfred. This prince, Enzio's rival in talent, valour, and beauty,
was a son of the emperor by his mistress Bianca Lancia, whom he afterwards
married. Born and educated in Italy, he was the idol of his countrymen,
and as prince of Tarentum was by no means a despicable antagonist to the
pope.
CONRAD THE FOURTH (1250-1254 A.D.)
Conrad IV, Frederick's eldest son and successor, everywhere driven from
the field in Germany, took refuge in Italy, and, trusting that his father's
death had conciliated the pope, offered in his necessity to submit to any con-
ditions he might impose, if he were recognised emperor by him. His advances
were treated with silent contempt. Manfred, with a truly noble and fraternal
spirit, ceded the sovereignty of Italy to his brother, whom he aided by both
word and deed. In 1253 the royal brothers captured Capua and Naples,
where Conrad placed a bridle in the mouth of an antique colossal horse's
head, the emblem of the city.
The terrible fate that pursued the imperial family was not to be averted
by success. Their younger brother, Henry, the son of Isabella of England,
to whom the throne of Sicily had been destined by his father, suddenly expired,
and in 1254 his fate was shared by Conrad in his twenty-sixth year. Their
deaths were ascribed to poison, said by the Guelfs to have been administered
by Conrad to Henry, and by Manfred to Conrad. The crime was, neverthe-
less, indubitably committed bv the papal faction, the pope and the Guelfs
being solely interested in the destruction of the Hohenstaufens.
MANFRED (1254-1266 A.D.)
Manfred's rule in Italy was certainly secured to him by the death of
his legitimate brothers, but on the other hand it deprived him of all hope
of aid from Germany; and his total inability unaided to oppose the pope
was evident immediately after Conrad's death, when he made terms witn the
pontiff, to whom he ceded the whole of lower Italy, Tarentum alone excepted.
He was, nevertheless, speedily necessitated again to take up arms against
the lieutenant of the pope, and was driven by suspicion of a design against his
life to make a last and desperate defence. The German mercenaries at Nocera
under the command of the markgraf von Hochberg, and the Moors who had
served under the emperor Frederick, flocked beneath his banner, and on
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THE LAST OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS 125
[1354-1266 a.d.]
the death of the pontiff (1254), who. expired on the anniversary of the death
of Frederick II, affairs suddenly changed. The cardinals elected Alexander
IV, who was powerless against Manfred's party; and the son of Conrad IV,
the young duke Conradin of Swabia, whose minority was passed in obscurity
at the court of his uncle of Bavaria, being unable to assert his claim to the
crown of Apulia, 1 the hopes of the Ghibellines of lower Italy naturally centred
in Manfred, who was unanimously proclaimed king by his faithful vassals,
and crowned at Palermo (1258).
In upper Italy the affairs of the Ghibellines wore a contrary aspect.
Ezzelino, after making a desperate defence at Cassano, was defeated, wounded,
and taken prisoner. He died of his wounds (1259), scornfully rejecting to
the last all spiritual aid. His more gentle brother, Alberich, after seeing
his wife and children cruelly butchered, was dragged to death at a horse's
tail. The rest of the Ghibelline chiefs met with an equally wretched fate.
These horrible scenes of bloodshed worked so forcibly upon the feelings of
even the hardened Italians, that numbers arrayed themselves in sackcloth,
and did penance at the grave of Alberich. This circumstance gave rise to
the sect of the Flagellants, who ran through the streets lamenting, praying,
preaching repentance, and wounding themselves and others with bloody
stripes, in order to atone for the sins of the world.
It was in the course of this year that Manfred solemnised his second
nuptials, with Helena, the daughter of Michael of iEtolia and Cyprus, who
was then in her seventeenth year, and famed for her extraordinary loveliness.
The uncommon beauty of the bridal pair, and the charms of their court,
which, as in Frederick's time, was composed of the most distinguished bards
and the most beautiful women, were such as to justify the expression used
by a poet of the times, "Paradise has once more appeared upon earth."
Manfred, like his father and his brother Enzio, was himself a minnesinger.
His marriage with Helena had gained for him the alliance of Greece, and
the union of Constanza, his daughter by a former marriage, with Pedro of
Aragon, confirmed his amity with Spain. He was now enabled to send aid
to the distressed Ghibellines in Lombardy (1260). They were again vic-
torious at Montaperto, and the gallant Pallavicini became his lieutenant in
upper Italy. The pope was compelled to flee from Rome to Viterbo. The
city of Manfredonia, so named after its founder, Manfred, was built at this
period.
The Guelfs, alarmed at Manfred's increasing power, now sought for
foreign aid, and raised a Frenchman, Urban IV, to the pontifical throne.
This pope induced Charles of Anjou, the brother of the French monarch,
who had already "fished in troubled waters" in Flanders, to grasp at the
crown of Apulia. On the death of Urban (1265), another Frenchman,
Clement IV, succeeded to the chair of St. Peter, and greatly contributed
to hasten the projected invasion. Charles was gloomy and priest-ridden;
extremely unprepossessing in his person, and of an olive complexion; inva-
riably cold, silent, and reserved in manner, impatient of gaiety or cheerful-
ness, and so cold-blooded and cruel as to be viewed with horror even by his
bigoted brother, St. Louis. This ill-omened prince at first fixed his resi-
dence in the Arelat, where the emperor's rights were without a champion,
and then sailed with a powerful fleet to Naples (1266). France, until now a
listless spectator, for the first time opposed her influence to that of Germany
in Italy, and henceforward pursued the policy of taking advantage of the
[■ It was reported that be was dead, but when, after Manfred's coronation, his mother
claimed the crown for the child, it was too late.]
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1*6 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1266 jld. J
disunited state of the German Empire in order to seize one province after
another.
Manfred collected his whole strength to oppose the French invader, but
the clergy tampered with his soldiery and sowed treason in his camp.
Charles no sooner landed than Riccardo di Caseta abandoned the mountain
pass intrusted to his defence, and allowed the French to advance unmolested
as far as Benevento, where, on the 26th of February, 1266, a decisive battle
was fought, in which Manfred, notwithstanding his gallant efforts, being
worsted, threw himself in despair in the thickest of the fight, where he fell
covered with wounds. Charles, on the score of heresy, refused him honour-
able burial, but the French soldiery, touched by his beauty and gallantry,
cast each of them a stone upon his body, which was by this means buried
beneath a hillock still known by the natives as the rock of roses. 1
Helena, accompanied by her daughter Beatrice and her three infant sons,
Henry, Frederick, and Anselino, sought safety in flight, but was betrayed to
Charles, who threw her and her children into a dungeon, where she shortly
languished and died. Beatrice was saved from a similar fate by Pedro of
Aragon, to whom she was delivered in exchange for a son of Charles of Anjou,
who had fallen into his hands. The three boys were consigned to a narrow
dungeon, where, loaded with chains, half-naked, ill-fed, and untaught, they
remained in perfect seclusion for a space of thirty-one years; in 1297 they
were releasee! from their chains and allowed to be visited by a priest and a
physician. The eldest, Henry, died in 1309. With fanatical rage Charles
destroyed every vestige of the reign of the Hohenstaufens in lower Italy.
Italy was forever torn from the empire, from which Burgundy, too long
neglected for the sake of her classic sister, was also severed. Her southern
Erovinces, Provence, Vienne, and Toulouse were annexed to France, whilst
er more northern ones, the countships of Burgundy and Savoy, became an
almost independent state.
Whilst tne name and power of the Hohenstaufen family were being thus
annihilated in Italy, Germany seemed to have forgotten her ancient fame.
The princes and vassals, who mainly owed their influence to the Hohen-
staufens, had ungratefully deprived the orphaned Conradin of his inheritance.
Swabia was his merely in name, and he would in all probability have shared
the fate of his Italian relatives had he not found an asylum in the court of
Ludwig of Bavaria.
WILLIAM OF HOLLAND (1247-1256 A.D.)
William of Holland, with a view of increasing his popularity by an alli-
ance with the Guelfs, espoused Elisabeth, the daughter of Otto of Brunswick.
The faction of the Guelfs had, however, been too long broken ever to regain
strength, and the circumstance of the destruction of his false crown (the
genuine one being still in Italy) during a conflagration which burst out on
the night of the nuptials, and almost proved fatal to him and his bride, ren-
dered him an object of fresh ridicule. He disgraced the dignity he had
assumed by his lavish sale or gift of the imperial prerogatives and lands to
his adherents, whom he by these means bribed to uphold his cause, and by his
1 ISossa del corpo mio sarieno aneora
In co del ponle, presto a Benevento,
Sotto la guardia della grave mora.
— Dajite, Canto III, del Purgatoruk
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THE LAST OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS W
[1347-1266 A.D.]
complete subserviency to the pope. His despicable conduct received its
fitting reward; no city, none of the temporal nor even of the spiritual lords
throughout the empire, tolerated his residence within their demesnes. Con-
rad, archbishop of Cologne, ordered the roof of the house in which he resided
at Neuss to be set on fire in order to en-
force his departure. At Utrecht a stone
was cast at him in the church. His wife
was seduced by a count von Waldeck. This
wretched emperor was at length compelled
to retire into Holland, where he employed
himself in attempting to reduce a petty na-
tion, the West Frisians, beneath nis yoke.
This expedition terminated fatally to him-
self alone; when crossing a frozen morass on
horseback, armed cap-h-pie, the ice cave way
beneath the weight, and whilst in this help-
less situation, unable either to extricate or
defend himself, he was attacked and slain by
some Frisian boors, to whom he was per-
sonally unknown. On discovering his rank,
they were filled with terror at their own
daring, and buried him with the utmost
secrecy. The regency of Holland was com-
mitted to Adelheid, the wife of John
d'Avesnes, during the minority of her
nephew, Floris V, the son of William. She
was expelled by the Dutch, who disdained
a woman's control. Floris succeeded to
the government on attaining his majority.
On tne death of the emperor, John d'Avesnes
was induced by a political motive to con-
ciliate his mother and step-brothers, who
were supported by France. The departure
of Charles of Anjou was purchased with
large sums of money. Guy de Dampierre ob-
tained Flanders; John d'Avesnes, merely
Hainault. Namur passed from the hands of Philip, the brother of Baldwin
of Constantinople, by intermarriage, into those of the French monarch, but
was sold by Louis to Guy de Dampierre, who bestowed it on one of his sons.
Artois remained annexed to France.
On the death of Conrad IV and of William of Holland, fresh competitors
for the crown appeared, although undemanded by the German princes, each
of whom strove to protract the confusion that reigned throughout the empire
and utterly to annihilate the imperial power in order to increase their own.
The crown was, in consequence, only claimed by two foreign princes, who
rivalled each other in wealth; and the world beheld the extraordinary spec-
tacle of the sale of the shadow crown of Germany to the highest bidder.
The electoral princes were even base enough to work upon the vanity of the
wealthy count Hermann Von Henneberg, who coveted the imperial title, in
order to extract from him large sums of money, without having the slightest
intention to perform their promises. Alfonso of Castile sent twenty thou-
sand silver marks from Spam, and was in return elected emperor by Treves,
Bohemia, Saxony, and Brandenburg. Richard, duke of Cornwall, however,
German Piper
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1*8 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1267-1267 A.D.]
sent thirty-two tons of gold from England, which purchased for him the
votes of Cologne, Mainz, and Bavaria; and, to the scandal of all true Ger-
mans, both competitors, neither of whom was present, were simultaneously
elected emperor — Alfonso in Frankfort-on-the-Main, and Richard outside
the walls of the same city (1257). Alfonso, buried in the study of astronomy,
never visited Germany. Richard claimed the throne, without regarding the
superior rights of Conradin, in right of his wife, the sister of Frederick II,
as the heir of the Hohenstaufens, a claim which drew upon him the suspicions
of the pontiff, who, notwithstanding Richard's apparent humility, delayed
his recognition of him as emperor. In Germany, where he made his first
appearance on the defeat of the citizens of Treves at Boppard by his rival
Conrad of Cologne, he was merely held in consideration as long as his treasury
was full. Necessity ere long compelled him to return to England. In
1269 he revisited Germany, where, during his short stay, he attempted to
abolish the customs levied on the Rhine. It was during this visit that he
became enamoured of Gode von Falkenstein, the most beautiful woman of
the day, whom he persuaded to accompany him to England, where he died
in 1272.*
"Two kings when nobody wanted one," is the motto for that sad time
when no German prince wore the depreciated crown. Once hotly disputed,
it now attracted only foreigners to its purchase*
CONRADIN (1267-1268 A.D.)
Conradin, the last of the Hohenstaufens, resided sometimes in the court
of Ludwig of Bavaria, at other times under his protection at the castle of
Ravensburg on the Lake of Constance, an ancient allod of the Guelfs, which
had formerly been bequeathed by Welf the elder to Barbarossa. In this
retreat he associated with a young man of his own age, Frederick, the son of
Hermann, markgraf of Baden. Frederick assumed the surname of " Austria,"
on account of his mother, who was a descendant of the house of Babenberg;
he cherished, moreover, a hope of gaining possession of that duchy, on the
restoration of the Hohenstaufens. Conrad and Frederick became inseparable
companions; equally enthusiastic and imaginative, their ambitious aspira-
tions found vent in song, and sportive fancy embellished the stern features
of reality. One of Conradin's ballads is still extant.
The seclusion of Conradin's life and the neglect with which he was treated
became daily more harassing to him as he grew up, and he gladly accepted
& proposal on the part of the Italian Ghibellines, inviting him to place himself
at their head. In the autumn of 1267 he crossed the Alps at the head of
ten thousand men, and was welcomed at Verona by the Scala, the chiefs
of the Ghibelline faction. The meanness of his German relatives and friends
was here undisguisedly displayed. Ludwig, after persuading him to part
with his remaining possessions at a low price, quitted him, and was followed
by Meinhard and by the greater number of the Germans. This desertion
reduced his army to three thousand men.
The Italian Ghibellines remained true to their word. Verona raised an
army in Lombardy, Pisa equipped a large fleet, the Moors of Luceria took up
arms, and Rome welcomed the youthful heir of the Hohenstaufens by forcing
the pope once more to retreat to Viterbo. He was also joined by two brothers
of Alfonso the phantom monarch, Henry and Frederick, and marched unop-
posed to Rome, at whose gates he was met and conducted to the capital by
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THE LAST OP THE HOHENSTATJFENS 129
[1267-1278 A.D.]
a procession of beautiful girls bearing musical instruments and flowers.
The Pisans meanwhile gained a signal victory off Messina over the French
fleet, and burned a great number of the enemy's ships. Conradin entered
lower Italy and encountered the French army under Charles, at Tagliacozz,
where his Germans, after beating the enemy back, deeming the victory their
own, carelessly dispersed to seek for booty; some among them even refreshed
themselves by bathing. In this condition they were suddenly attacked by
the French, who had watched their movements, and were completely put
to the rout, August 23rd, 1268. Conradin and Frederick owed their escape to
the fleetness of their steeds, but were basely betrayed into Charles' hands at
Astura when crossing the sea to Pisa by Giovanni Frangipani, whose family
had been laden with Denefits by the Honenstaufens.
Conradin, whilst playing at chess with his friend in prison, calmly listened
to the sentence of death pronounced upon him. On the 22nd of October,
1268, he was conducted, with Frederick and his other companions, to the
scaffold erected in the market-place at Naples. The French were even roused
to indignation at this spectacle, and Charles' son-in-law, Robert, count of
Flanders, drawing his sword, cut down the officer commissioned to read the
sentence of death in public, saying, as he dealt the blow, "Wretch! how
darest thou condemn such a great and excellent knight?" Conradin, in his
address to the people said, "I cite my judge before the highest tribunal.
My blood, shed on this spot, shall cry to heaven for vengeance. Nor do I
esteem my Swabians and Bavarians, my Germans, so low as not to trust that
this stain on the honour of the German nation will be washed out by them
in French blood." He then threw his glove on the ground, charging him
who raised it to bear it to Pedro, king of Aragon, to whom, as his nearest
relative, he bequeathed all his claims. The glove was raised by Henry,
truchsess of Waldburg, who found within it the seal ring of the unfortunate
prince, and henceforth bore in his arms the three black lions of the Hohen-
staufens.
His last bequests thus made, Conradin knelt fearlessly before the block,
and the head of the last of the Hohenstaufens rolled on the scaffold. 1 A cry
of agony burst from the heart of his friend, whose head also fell; nor was
Charles' revenge satiated until almost every Ghibelline had fallen by the
hand of the executioner.
The Germans, nevertheless, looked on with indifference, and shortly after-
wards elected an emperor, Rudolf von Habsburg, who married his daughter
to the son of Charles of Anjou, and who was the tool of the pope and of the
French monarch. The German muse alone mourned the fall of the great
Swabian dynasty. Conradin and Frederick were buried side by side to the
right of the altar, beneath the marble pavement of the church of Santa Maria
del Carmine, in the market-place of Naples, where the execution took place.
At the end of the seventeenth century the pavement of the church was
renewed, and Conradin was found with his head resting on his folded hands.
The remains were left in their original state. The (modern) inscription
on the tomb runs thus: "Qui giacciono Corradino di Stooffen, ultimo de'
duchi deW imyeriale casa di Suevia, e Frederico d! Asburgh, ultimo de' duchi
di' Austria, Anno 1269" The raiser of this monument must have possessed
1 Malaspina,* although a Gnelf and a papal writer, sublimely describes Conrad's wretched
fate, his courage and his beauty. " Non voce querula, sed ad ccelum jungebat palmas. Suum
Domino spiritum commendabat, nee divertebat caput eed exhibebat se quasi vichmam et ccesoris
truces ictus in patientia exspectabat. Madet terra pulchro cruore diffu&o, tabetque juvenili
sanguine cruentata. Jacet veluti floe purpureue improvida fake SMGOitW, "
u. w. — VOL. XIV. K
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130 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1260-1291 A.D.]
more piety than knowledge when he made the luckless Frederick the last of
the Habsburgs.
Conradhrs unhappy mother, who had vainly offered a large ransom for
his life, devoted the money to the erection of the monastery of Stams, in a
wild valley of the Tyrol. Charles' next work was the destruction of Luceria,
where every Moor was put to the sword. Conrad, a son of Frederick of
Antioch, a natural descendant of Frederick II, alone escaped death. A
contrary fate awaited Henry, the youthful son of the emperor Richard, the
kinsman and heir of the Hohenstaufens, who, when tarrying by chance at
Viterbo on his way to the Holy Land, was, by Charles' command, assassinated
(1274). The unfortunate king Enzio was also implicated in Conradin's
fate.
Thus terminated the royal race of the Hohenstaufens, in which the highest
earthly dignity and power, the most brilliant achievements in arms, extra-
ordinary personal beauty, and rich poetical genius were combined, and
beneath wnose rule the Middle Age and its creations, the church, the empire,
the states, religion, and art, attamed a height whence they necessarily sank
as the Hohenstaufens fell, like flowers that fade at parting day.
Charles of Anjou retained Apulia, but was deprived of Sicily. In the
night of the 30th of March, 1282, a general conspiracy among the Ghibellines
in this island broke out, and in this night, known as the Sicilian Vespers, all
the French were assassinated, and Manfred's daughter, Constanza, and her
husband, Pedro of Aragoi, were proclaimed the sovereigns of Sicily.
It is remarkable that about this time the Crusades ended, and all the
European conquests in the East were lost. Constantinople was delivered in
1261 by the Greeks from the bad government of the French Pullanes, and
in 1262 Antioch was retaken by the Turks. The last crusade was under-
taken in 1269 by Louis of France, Charles of Anjou, and Edward, prince of
Wales, who were joined by a Frisian fleet which ought to have been equipped
instead in Conrad's aid. After besieging Tunis and enforcing a tribute, the
French returned home. The English reached the Holy Land (1272), but
met with such ill success that Tnpolis was lost in 1288, and Acre in 1291.
On the reduction of these cities, the last strongholds of the Christians, Tyre
voluntarily surrendered and Palestine was entirely deserted by the Franks.
DISINTEGRATION OF IMPERIAL POWER
The triumph of the pope over the emperor was complete; but the tem-
poral power of which the emperor had been deprived, instead of falling wholly
into tne hands of his antagonist, was scattered among the princes and cities
of the empire; and, although the loss of the emperor had deprived the empire
of her head, vitality still remained in her different members.
The power of the Guelfs had ceased a century before the fall of the
Hohenstaufens. The princes that remained possessed but mediocre authority,
no ambition beyond the concentration of their petty states and the attainment
of individual independence. The limited nature of this policy attracted
little attention and ensured its success. Equally indifferent to the downfall
of the Hohenstaufens and to the creation of the mock sovereigns placed over
them by the pope, they merely sought the advancement of their petty inter-
ests by the usurpation of every prerogative hitherto enjoyed by the crown
within their states, and thus transformed the empire, which had up to this
period been an elective monarchy, into a ducal aristocracy. Unsatisfied
with releasing themselves from their allegiance to their sovereign, they also
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[1274 A.D.]
strove, aided by their feudal vassals and by the clergy, to crush civil liberty
by carrying on, as will hereafter be seen, a disastrous warfare against the
cities, in which they were warmly supported by the pope, whom they had
assisted in exterminating the imperial house. The power they individually
possessed was, moreover, too insignificant to rouse the jealousy of the pontiff,
whom they basely courted and implicitly obeyed. The people, meanwhile
(at least those among the citizens and knights who still ventured freely to
express their opinions), bitterly lamented the dissolution of the empire, its
internal anarchy, the arbitrary rule of the princes, their utter disregard of
order, public security, and national right, and loudly demanded the election
of a successor to the imperial throne.*
Thus expired the Hohenstaufen family. In lordliness and grace, in per-
sonal greatness and renown, it stands, perhaps, alone in history. Even the
Saxon and the Salic emperors fall short of it in these respects. But its ruin was
only the more frightful; a fall without a parallel, in which this dynasty, and
with it the glory of the empire, fell from the highest earthly greatness within
a generation. In spite of all its splendour, the internal decomposition of
the empire had become complete under this house. When the Saxon dynasty
expired, the great fiefs or duchies were hereditary; when the Franconian
dynasty expired, all fiefs, even the small ones, had become so; but at the end
of the Hohenstaufens these fiefs had become independent principalities.
The emperors had been diligent in splitting up the great duchies, which
endangered the imperial supremacy, into small districts, under both clerical
and lay lords. Now this disintegration was general, and as yet without im-
mediate evil consequences. In extreme need, as at the Mongol invasion, the
neighbours likely to be next attacked freely rendered their aid, and the
valour of its members still protected the union. But the collective strength
of the German nation no longer existed; and six hundred years were to pass
before it should again meditate common enterprises, and renew the ancient
empirei
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CHAPTER III
A REVIEW OF THE EMPIRE
[1126-1273 A.D.]
THE GERMAN CONSTITUTION
The period over which we have passed affords ample materials for tracing
the progress of the Germanic constitution. The first peculiarity regards the
alarming decline of the imperial authority. (1) From the time of Frederick
II, the crown no longer Possessed the right of deciding even in litigated
ecclesiastical elections. The popes had found that this privilege, exacted
from them by the concordat of 1122, had uniformly led to abuse; that it
enabled the sovereign to exercise his influence as effectually as if he pos-
sessed the undisputed right of nomination. But to remonstrate with princes
so powerful as those of the Hohenstaufen dynasty was vain, and they were
compelled to await a more favourable opportunity of vindicating the inde-
pendence of elections. It was presented by the fall of the second Frederick;
they refused to favour any candidate who hesitated to surrender the obnox-
ious privilege; and they accordingly succeeded in transferring from the
crown to themselves the right of deciding whenever there was a division
among the electors. (2) Again, even Frederick II was compelled to publish
two pragmatic sanctions, by one of which he renounced, for nimself and suc-
cessors, the right of inheriting the movable effects of deceased ecclesiastics,
and of demanding other subsidies than those fixed by feudal custom; by
another he extended a similar indulgence to the secular princes, in renoun-
cing all claim to purveyance. (3) The imperial jurisdiction, was still further
circumscribed for the aggrandisement of the states. By the ancient laws of
Germany, the sovereign was forbidden to revoke any cause to a tribunal held
beyond the confines of the province where the defendant resided. If, there-
fore, he would exercise his judicial prerogative, he was compelled to travel
from province to province to hear and decide causes. So long as the institu-
tion of counts palatine was in its full vigour, much of this laborious duty
devolved on these deputies; but these offices gradually fell into insignificance,
probably because they, were too dependent on the local dukes to have any
power of their own. It is certain that they ceased to be the slightest check
on those great feudatories; so that in 1231, when Frederick abolished
132
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the jurisdiction of the royal judges over the vassals of those princes, he merely
abolished a vain formality.
Owing to the anarchy of the times, however, it was found that, if the
public tranquillity were to be maintained, there must be some tribunal to
take cognisance of the endless private wars and other disorders which ren-
dered individual and even social security a mere name. Hence, in 1235, the
same emperor was authorised to create a new judge, who should sit daily,
but who, however, should hold no tribunal beyond the precincts of the court,
and in no degree interfere with the local jurisdiction of the dukes. Yet he
took cognisance throughout the empire of all cases which, by the Roman
law, now spreading its roots widely in the Teutonic soil, were the peculiar
province of the monarch. Still a vast majority of cases lay within the com-
petency of the ducal tribunals, who thus exercised a jurisdiction in other
countries inherent in the crown, or delegated to royal judges. (4) The
imperial revenues were diminished. Of these, the reception of mortuary
and purveyance fines, considerable in amount, ceased; but the loss was small
in comparison with the usurpations of most fiscal and regalian rights by the
states. The exercise of the judicial functions placed at the disposal of the
dukes all such fines as were levied by their courts. During three centuries
they had possessed the privilege — originally a concession from the crown,
— of coining and fixing the value of money; now, by means which no con-
temporary historian condescends to explain, they obtained two thirds of the
returns from all gold and silver mines. Anciently the Jews were the exclu-
sive serfs of the emperor; and as the price of protection they paid him a
capitation tax: now, though on the imperial domain they still stood in the
same relation to him, within the jurisdiction of the dukes they began to be
regarded as subject to the local treasury.
Again, several of the imperial cities, which had hitherto paid some annual
revenue to the emperor, procured, probably in consequence of express stipu-
lations to that effect — as the express condition of joining the imperial cause
— exemptions from the obligation, and were henceforth styled free as well
as imperial. We may add that the Germanic domain, which extended on
both banks of the Rhine from Cologne to B&le, was invaded by the four elec-
tors of Franconia, viz., by the three archbishops and the count palatine of the
Rhine. It is, indeed, manifest that, had not the late emperors possessed
immense patrimonial domains, they could not have sustained the dignity of
the station. William of Holland had little patrimony: he was consequently
so poor as to be compelled to borrow money for his ordinary expenses; a
necessity which virtually annihilated what little influence the constitution
had left him.
At this period, however, neither the jurisdiction nor the revenues of the
crown were well defined. There was evidently a struggle between it and
the great dukes — the former to retain, the latter to usurp the rights which
had hitherto been inherent in the sovereignty. In some cases, too, there
appears to have been a compromise between the two parties. Thus, though
the civil and criminal jurisdiction was engrossed and valued by the states,
on account of the advantage they derived from pecuniary compositions or
fines, there were some cases in which appeals to him were permitted, and
some of which he took cognisance even in the first instance. These cases,
however, were generally decided by the new judge of the court; when the
parties implicated were of high dignity, the sovereign was expected to pre-
side; but even then he was compelled to act with seven assessors of equal or
higher rank than. the parties themselves. It has been contended by some
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184 THE HOLY ROMAN" EMPIRE
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writers that the Swabian emperors conferred vacant duchies and other
princely fiefs on their own authority. To us this appears a rash assertion;
for though the chroniclers intimate the mere fact, unaccompanied by any
observation, the instruments which remain of that period distinctly express
the consent of the nobles, or of the states.
In some other respects the dignity rather than the authority of the sov-
ereign remained unimpaired. He convoked and presided over the diets;
he rendered bastards legitimate; he conferred nobility by letters patent.
It has been also asserted that he could declare war or make peace at his
own pleasure. This is very partially true. As king of Lombardy, which
was his regnum proprium, he could certainly commence hostilities against
any potentate; but he could not force his ducal and princelv vassals to
take part in them. On such occasions he could summon to his standard
the vassals who immediately held of him, those who were dispersed over
his still considerable domains; but he could undertake no war for the gen-
eral interests of the empire without the consent of his states. Thus, though
Frederick I urged them to join him in declaring war against the Hungarians,
they refused, and no campaign took place. The wars which that monarch
undertook were conducted at his own expense. Frederick II had the gold
of the two. Sicilies to assist him.
Nothing, indeed, was so difficult as to prevail on the states to sanction any
war: they often regarded the irruptions of the Danes with an apathy which
seems irreconcilable with patriotism; they left all to the frontier markgrafs,
and the military authorities of the particular district invaded; they saw
Poland gradually emancipate itself from fealty to the empire, Aries become
virtually independent, Friesland choose, as its sovereign head, William
of Holland, the imperial dignity decline so as to become degraded in the
eyes even of second-rate princes, and the house of Hohenstaufen gradually
perish in attempting to preserve the connection of Italy with the empire.
All were eager to aggrandise themselves at the expense of their chief. So
jealous were they of imperial influence, that the duke whom they elected
to that dignity they always forced to surrender his hereditary fief to some
member of his family. In this there was good policy; for had such power-
ful princes as the dukes of Saxony or Bavaria been allowed to retain those
provinces, in time despotism would assuredly have been established.
Yet still there was a family interest which was sometimes dangerous,
always umbrageous, to the states. Thus the Swabian emperors, through
their connections and their personal qualities, obtained a preponderance
which we should not have expected to find under such a constitution. To
guard against the possible consequences of the system, the electors began to
select as candidates such princes only as, having no considerable domains —
at least in Germany — could not give rise to apprehension; but yet who
should have gold enough to pay dearly for so sterile an honour. Hence
the landgraf of Thuringia, William of Holland, Richard of Cornwall, and
Alfonso of Castile allowed themselves to become the tools of their contem-
poraries, the pity of posterity.
One privilege, however, the emperors had, which we should not omit. In
the imperial cities they could marry the children of the chief citizens accord-
ing to their pleasure. When the parties were provided, a herald paraded
the public places of the city, proclaiming that the kaiser had betrothed the
daughter of such a citizen to trie son of such a one; and the marriage always
followed that day twelve tnonths. In 1232, however, the citizens of Frank-
fort obtained an exemption from it.
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A EEVIEW OF THE EMPIRE 135
[1125-1273 a.i>.]
THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE
The most remarkable peculiarity during the period before us is the conver-
sion of the privilege of pretaxation into the right of election. That privilege
had existed for many reigns; this right does not appear to have been fully
established before the reign of Frederick.
From this right of pretaxation, or of deciding which of the candidates
should be proposed for the crown, the transition to that of absolute nomina-
tion was natural and easy; hence we now find them denominated the elec-
toral college. Soon after the time of Lothair II these great dignitaries
were seven, three ecclesiastical and four
secular princes: the former being the arch-
bishops of Mainz, Cologne, and Treves; the
latter, the dukes of Franconia, Bavaria, Saxony
and Swabia. It is certain that Conrad IV was
elected by these dignitaries, and that the rest
of the princes had no other privilege than that
of consenting — of suffrage not one word is said.
A. fifth secular prince is said to have been added
to the electoral college. Other changes fol-
lowed, the knowledge of which is necessary
towards a clear conception of the Franconian
constitution. The count palatine soon suc-
ceeded to the duchy of Bavaria; but as in these
days no elector was allowed to possess two
votes, the suffragan privilege of Bavaria was
transferred to the crown of Bohemia. Again,
when one of the great dukes was elected to the
throne of Germany, he was compelled to confide
the right of voting inherent in his duchy to
some markgraf not already an elector. Thus,
when Frederick of Hohenstaufen assumed the
reins of empire, he entrusted the suffragan right
of Swabia to the markgraf of Brandenburg, the
only markgraf not an elector who was not
dependent on some one of the four duchies.
By this arrangement, which appears to have
been the growth of accident, Bavaria and
Swabia lost the electoral right — the former
being united with the palatinate; the latter
being lent, never to be revoked, to the aspiring
house of Brandenburg. The former, indeed,
might be consoled with the reflection that its GermA teenth 8 ce°ntdr? Thir "
suffrage was virtually retained, since it con-
tinued to rest in its hereditary duke, as count palatine; but the latter was
unjustly deprived of it, if the term injustice can be applied in a case where
the original privilege was an usurpation. There is reason enough for this
exclusion of the Honenstaufens: they were at once obnoxious to the church
and the empire; and by both it wac agreed that they should never again be
permitted to obtain their ancient preponderance.
Nor is this period much less remarkable for another college — that of
princes. Its formation and history is one of the most interesting circum-
stances relating to Germany during the Middle Ages. The result of the
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136 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1135-1273 A.D.]
proscription of Henry the Lion was the dismemberment of the great duchies
of Saxony and Bavaria. This called into existence a number of feudatories,
who, with domains from portions of those great fiefs, assumed the desig-
nation of princes of the empire, and obtained jurisdictions independent of
the electors and of each other. Among these were the dukes of Austria,
Styria, and Pomerania; the markgraf of Meissen; the landgraf of Meiningen;
and the counts of Mecklenburg and Holstein. The political existence of
the duchy of Swabia expired on the execution of Conradin, the last male
of the Hohenstaufen dynasty; and the counts of Wiirtemberg, Fiirsten-
berg, Hohenzollern, with several others, made their appearance on the scene
of German history. By this deprivation of one man of the power of with-
standing the emperor or diet, the dissolution of these great duchies was
certainly a good. But not content with the divisions of territory already
made, these newly created princes, at their deaths, subdivided their domin-
ions among their sons, by which means the number of the order was much
increased.
The college of princes, thus called into existence, made a thorough revo-
lution in the territorial jurisdiction of the country. Before the dismember-
ment of the duchies of Saxony and Bavaria, and the annihilation of the
imperial influence, the chief princes, though^ next in rank to the sovereign
dukes, had exercised a very limited feudal jurisdiction. They were them-
selves vassals of the emperor; and they had no authority over either the
allodial proprietors, or the inferior vassals who held immediately from the
same source. But now that the only bulwark which could defend the great
body of the untitled nobility was thrown down; now that the number of
Erinces was augmented so as to form an imposing body in the state, # they
egan to usurp the privileges formerly possessed by the dukes, and aim at
more. We must not forget that the ancient duchies were dissolved, some
wholly, others, if not nominally, virtually. With the Hohenstaufen dynasty,
both Swabia and Franconia fell as ducal states; never afterwards could they
boast of a single chief; they were divided among many princes, who aimed
at the jurisdiction formerly held by the dukes.
It might, indeed, be expected that the great body of the nobles in each of
the new states, whether by the disruption of the ties which formerly bound
them to the dukes, transferred from vassals to allodial proprietors, or allodial
proprietors as many were from time immemorial, would resist the efforts of
the princes for their subjugation. In many cases, no doubt, such resistance
was offered and was successful; but in more the degradation was complete.
The nobles and abbots not invested with the princely dignity now constituted
an equestrian body, ranking among the provincial orders, which were retained
by the princes as a sort of shadow of the ancient local states. This sub-
jection of a numerous class to the will of the princes confirmed, in process
of time, a maxim exceedingly useful to their views — that whatever lands
are situated in a territory, belong to that territory; that whatever lies within
a given boundary of jurisdiction, is necessarily subject to that jurisdiction.
The consolidation of the territorial government in each state caused the
princes soon to regard it almost as patrimonial; and in their last dispo-
sitions, acting on an ancient maxim of Germanic law, they divided it equally
among their sons, and the sons themselves, in the order of tnings,
effected similar partitions among their heirs: thus prodigiously increasing
the number of territorial lords; for we must bear in mind that the indi-
vidual who succeeded to the smallest portion of domain, succeeded also to
all the rights attached to that domain. He sat in the provincial diets, and
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A REVIEW OF THE EMPIRE 137
fU«M278 jld.]
exercised all the feudal privileges of his caste. Nor was this custom confined
to the inferior princes and no Dies: it was adopted by the most powerful of
the reigning houses.
In time, however, the sovereign houses themselves took the alarm, and
agreed that principalities should no longer be divided, whatever appanage
might be awarded to the younger sons. Still the good was to a certain extent
effected; the great ducnies and principalities were considerably lessened
in magnitude, and were no longer dangerous to the rest. In all cases, this
policy of partition had been approved by the emperors; and though
it was soon disused in reference to the greater states, it continued
to flourish among the secondary and still inferior houses. It inevitably
reduced the greatest families to insignificance; for insignificant and power-
less every one became, whose
members by interminaDle sub-
division were thus reduced to
poverty. Had the agnates of
each family combined in aid of
individual interests, they would
still have been numerically
strong; but the separate views
and the passions of human
nature rendered such combi-
nation impossible — and well
for Germany that it was so.
But in tracing the progress
of territorial usurpation, we
have omitted to mention one
important fact, which facilitated
the success of the princes more
than the anarchy of the times
or the feebleness of the emperors
— on the dismemberment of the
duchies, the doniains which
those princes acquired were
held by the feudal tenure, sub-
ject to the usual obligations
towards the empire and its
head; but many of them had
also patrimonial lands, over
which their influence was not
circumscribed by law or custom.
Their object was eventually to
place the two descriptions of
land on the same footing. In fact, a few generations, perhaps even a few
years, in such times of anarchy, sufficed utterly to confound the distinction
between feudal and patrimonial possessions. Of the unbounded power which
was usurped over all, we need no other proof than the fact that, when there
was a family in danger of extinction, females were allowed to inherit: a
custom derived from France and Italy, and foreign to Germanic jurispru-
dence. We know that the Palatinate of the Rhine passed successively by
marriage into the house of Saxony and into that of Wittelsbach.
The condition of the nobles immediately inferior to the princes no less
deserves attention. On the extinction of the great duchies of Swabia and
German Noble, Thirteenth Century
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138 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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Franconia, the nobles of those duchies who had hitherto been vassals of the
house of Hohenstauf en became allodial proprietors, and succeeded to a terri-
torial jurisdiction within their respective domains. But the ascendency of
the princes in Bavaria, Austria, Saxony, Brandenburg, Meissen, and other
provinces was the grave of freedom to the vast body of nobles.
THE CITIES
Equally interesting is the progress of the Germanic municipalities, the
existence of which we have noticed from their origin under Henry the Fowler
to the extinction of the Franconian dynasty. While the electors and the
princes not electors were extending and consolidating their power undpx
the shade of anarchy, the cities were not idle.
Originally, in each city there was a wide distinction in the condition of
the inhabitants. The nobles were those to defend the walls, the free citizens
to assist them, and the slaves to supply the wants of both. By the first two
classes all the offices of magistracy were filled, even after the enfranchise-
ment of the last by Henry V. But as the last class was by far the most
numerous; as their establishment into corporations, subject to their heads,
gave them organisation, union, and strength, they began to complain of
the wall of reparation between them. That wall was demolished, not,
indeed, at once, but by degrees; the burgesses gained privilege after privi-
lege, access to the highest municipal dignities, until marriages between their
daughters and the nobles were no longer stigmatised as ill-assorted or
unequal. The number of imperial cities — of those which, in accordance
with imperial charters, were governed either by a lieutenant of the emperor
or by their own chief magistrate — was greatly augmented after the death
of Conradin; those in the two escheated duchies of Franconia and Swabia
.lost no time in securing their exemption from feudal jurisdiction. The next
step in the progress of these imperial cities was confederation, which was
formed, not only for the protection of each other's rights against either
feudal or imperial encroachments, but for the attainment of other privileges,
which they considered necessary to their prosperity. The league of the
Rhine, which was inspired by William of Holland, appears to have been
the first; it was soon followed by that of the Hanse towns. The latter
confederation, which ultimately consisted of above fourscore cities, the
most flourishing in Germany, had no other object beyond the enjoyment of
a commercial monopoly — of their own advantage, to the prejudice of all
Europe.
Of this confederation, or copartnership, Lubeck set the example before
the middle of the thirteenth century: her first allies were the towns on the
Baltic, then infested by pirates; and to trade without fear of these pirates
was the chief motive to the association. So rapidly did the example suc-
ceed that, on the death of Richard of Cornwall, all the cities between the
Rhine and the Vistula were thus connected. The association had four chief
emporia — London, Bruges, Novgorod, and Bergen; and the direction of
its affairs was entrusted to four great cities, Lubeck, Cologne, Dantzic, and
Brunswick. The consequence was, not only a degree of commercial glory
unrivalled in the annals of the world, but a height of power which no com-
mercial emporium, not even Tyre, ever reached. The Hanse towns were
able, on emergency, not only to equip a considerable number of ships,
but to hire mercenaries, who, added to their own troops, constituted a
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A REVIEW OF THE EMPIRE 1SG
11125-1273 A.D.]
formidable army. They were powerful enough to place their royal allies
— and their alliance might well be sought by kings — on the thrones of
Sweden and Denmark.
By degrees many of these communities not merely refused to undertake
any war for their superior's sake, but openly struck off his authority,
expelled his deputies, and elected magistrates of their own. Even in the
imperial cities which were situated on the domains of the crown, and during
the glory of the Swabian dynasty, one magistrate only, the advocatus or
bailli, was nominated by the crown; the rest were chosen by the people;
and without their concurrence he could undertake nothing of moment. In
the other cities, those submitted to the bishops appear first to have won their
enfranchisement. Gradually they withheld all the feudal obligations, and
annihilated all the vassalitic rights to which they had been subject. In vain
did the ecclesiastics apply to Frederick II for the suppression of all the
magistracies created by tne people; that emperor knew his own interests
too well to transform his best friends into enemies. In many cases, how-
ever, perhaps even in a majority, these municipalities, whether subject to
temporal or ecclesiastical princes, procured their exemption from feudal
obligations by purchase rather than by open force. Innumerable are the
charters in the archives of the German cities, placing this fact beyond
dispute.
The increasing dignity of these places, and the encouragement they held
out to military adventurers, naturally allured the more indigent rural
nobles within the walls. The members thus admitted knew that the con-
fraternity contained names as noble as their own; and the prospect of civic
dignities, those which regarded the administration of the law and the police,
was always a powerful inducement. Others, again, instead of entering the
municipality, were contented with obtaining the privileges of citizenship,
still remaining on their former lands, and connected with their former lords.
But this custom of the noble vassals of princes, dukes, or counts, so eagerly
claiming the privileges in question, would have been fatal to those mag-
nates, had not authority intervened to limit it. The men thus received as
members of the municipalities contended that they were no longer subject
to the jurisdiction of their lords; and if the latter chose to enforce it, the
former speedily summoned the aid of their brethren. If one single member
was in peril, or insulted, it was the duty of the rest to fly to his assistance;
and formidable bands might often be seen issuing from the gates to resist
some local baron. On the other hand, these Pfahlbiirgerj or external bur-
gesses, were bound to lend their service to the municipality whenever it
was at war with another power. The territorial lords themselves were com-
pelled to combine for the maintenance of their rights, frequently defeated
then 1 municipal enemies, intercepted their merchandise, and laid waste their
domains to the very gates of the city.
Yet, on the whole, the progress of events was exceedingly favourable to
the corporations. If the nobles could combine, so could they; and leagues
were formed capable of bidding defiance not merely to an elector, but to the
whole empire. Thus, in 1256, about seventy cities, great and small, entered
into a league to resist the newly enfranchised nobles of Franconia and Swabia,
who were so many banditti, and whose attacks were peculiarly directed
against the carriers of merchandise. As, in a degree almost equal, the rural
churches suffered, the archbishops, bishops, and abbots were induced to join
the confederation. After the death of Richard, king of the Romans, another
was formed, for supporting the electors in the choice of an emperor.
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CONDITION OF THE COMMON PEOPLE
Descending m the social chain we come to the cultivators of the ground,
the serfs or peasantry, whose condition, though sufficiently onerous, was yet
considerably ameliorated. Corporeal servitude had ceased throughout a
great part of the empire. This was, doubtless, owing to a variety of causes,
of which many are apt to elude our observation. Assuredly one of these
was not the increased humanity of the lords: the German mind has not
been favourable to abstract notions of right, whenever that right has
opposed aristocratic preponderancy.
In the view of a German noble, liberty meant no more than an eman-
cipation from the despotism of the territorial princes; in that of citizen,
exemption from the jurisdiction of emperor or prince; in that of a prince,
perfect independence of the emperor. The grades of society below the rank
of freemen were not thought worth the trouble of legislation; or if their
condition was noticed, it was only to secure their contmued dependence on
their superiors. But human circumstances are more powerful than conven-
tional forms, or the pride of man. Policy and interest demanded that the
relation of the serfs should undergo considerable modification; that they
should be placed in situations where their industry should be most productive
German Peasants
to their masters. But the same industry benefited themselves: it could
not be provoked without some allurement; for the galley-slave will drop the
oar when his taskmaster is not present. The encouragement thus afforded
completely answered its purpose; and as the serfs gained property of their
own, they became half enfranchised, not by conventional formalities, but by
tacit consent, and by the influence of custom.
The inevitable effect of this system was the rapid increase of the popula-
tion; and this increase, in its turn, tended to the support and prosperity of
the whole order. To such consideration indeed did they arrive, that they
were sometimes furnished with arms to defend the cause of their master.
This innovation tended more than all other causes to the enfranchisement of
the rural population; for whoever is taught to use, and allowed to possess,
weapons, will soon make himself respected. The class thus favoured was
certainly not that of the mere cultivators of the ground; but of the mechanics,
the tradesmen, the manufacturers, and the chief villeins, who, holding land
on the condition of a certain return in produce as rental, were little below
free tenants. The agricultural districts had many gradations of society; and
in respect to those over whom the generic appellation was the same, much
woula depend on the disposition of the proprietor, — on the nature of the
obligations which he introduced into the verbal contract between him and his
vassal. Nor must it be forgotten that, though the great aristocratic body,
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whether ecclesiastic or secular, were, as a body, indifferent to the welfare of
their dependents, though they preferred slaves to tenants half free, or peas-
ants, or liberti, the benign influence of Christianity on individuals was not
wholly without effect. The doctrine, that by nature all men are equal, and
equally entitled to the expectations of another world; that the only distinction
in a future state will be between those who have exercised, and those who
have neglected, works of mercy and other social duties — could not fail to
influence the hearts of some, and dispose them to ameliorate the evils of their
dependents. We must not, however, omit to state that in certain provinces
there was no amelioration whatever in the condition of the serfs.
The progress of the territorial jurisdiction in Germany is one of the most
remarkable features of its history. Much of the supreme jurisdiction was
wrested from the emperors; their frequent decease enabled the princes, with
some show of reason, to arrogate to themselves the cognisance of causes
within their respective domains; the royal assizes gradually declined in pro-
portion as the imperial domains were circumscribed by grant or usurpation;
the abolition of the provincial palatinian authority left these princes undis-
turbed chiefs of the tribunals within their territorial boundaries; and, of all
his ancient authority in this respect, the emperor retained only a court judge
to take cognisance of certain defined cases in the first instance.
This transfer of the judicial power from the emperor to the princes was
attended with two evils — the one necessary and invariable, the other acci-
dental. In the first place, the prince might be tyrannical or corrupt, without
much fear of punishment; virtually he was subject to no responsibility;
and we know that the best men, to say nothing of the lawless, will transgress
the bounds of their authority. But even if the reigning prince were disposed
to enforce the laws against the everlasting turbulence, the bloody strife of
the nobles, where was the power by which he was to affect the formidable
territorial nobles, who, having once been vassals of the emperor, were now
transferred into allodial proprietors, and who scorned submission to the man-
dates of the dukes and markgrafs? And there were many nobles whose
possessions, lying beyond the range of the electoral or even princely domina-
tion, were as much sovereigns as any monarch in Europe. These men
recognised no authority beyond the general diets; and even from them little
gooa was to be expected.
Violence took the place of order; arms were used both to commit injustice
and to revenge it; one crime produced retaliation, and retaliation, which in
reality was seldom, and, in the excited feelings of men, never, confined to
the due measure, gave birth to new aggressions, until the original subject
of offence was lost under a mass of injuries. Private wars, which were
regarded as justifiable in theory, were thus sanctioned by practice, until, in
certain districts, there was no such thing as social security.
BARBARISM OP THE PERIOD
The condition of society, indeed, was so horrible, that states were obliged
to confederate — to form a league for mutual aid in repressing domestic
disturbances. Where two states were at variance, the rest were constituted
arbiters; and if the award were disregarded, an armed force from the differ-
ent states of the confederation was ordered to enforce it. This conventional
tribunal must, one would suppose, have fallen with the cessation of the cir-
cumstances which created it; out though it was merely intended to meet the
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142 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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anarchy of the period following the death of Frederick II, it continued to
modern times. The interruption to the ordinary course of justice, involved
in the irresponsibility of so many princes and nobles, produced another inno-
vation well worthy of our attention, since it casts so clear a light on the
barbarism of the times — we mean that of hostages.
The word "hostage" seems, for want of a more precise term, to designate
two usages essentially distinct from each other. The first usage was founded
on the right of reprisals; it consisted in arresting, whenever there were the
right and the power to arrest, any countrymen, or subjects of the adverse
Earty, and of retaining them in prison until satisfaction was received. Hence,
y this whimsical species of jurisprudence, a Swabian — a citizen of Ulm,
for instance — who had an action against a citizen of Ltege, did not give
himself the trouble to prosecute the cause before the tribunals of Li≥ he
summarily laid his hands on the first citizen he could find, and led him away
captive to Ulm: in Ulm the cause was tried; nor was the hostage, thus
involuntarily made, released until the sentence was executed. What strikes
us as more singular is, that the man who in everything else would have derided
his own promises, never failed to surrender himself as a hostage; nor would
he, on any consideration, have quitted the place designed him for a prison.
Much as the Swabian emperors were occupied in the affairs of Italy, in
the Crusades, and other chimerical projects, we must not be so unjust to
their memory as to leave on the reader's mind an impression that they were
wholly negligent of their imperial duties. In regard to private war, for
instance, they, as well as their predecessors of the Franconian and Saxon
dynasties, endeavoured to extirpate the abuse. Thus Frederick I renewed,
against all disturbances of the public peace, the ancient penalty of the har-
nessar — by which any one convicted was compelled to carry in public
some badge of ignominy for a few hours or miles; generally in the very place
where his crime had been committed. Sometimes the badge was a saddle,
sometimes a dog. Thus, in 1156, the count palatine, with eleven other
counts and many other nqbles, were condemned to the same punishment:
he and they were compelled to carry, the distance of two leagues, in presence
of the assembled princes and nobles, a dog on their shoulders; but, through
consideration for his age and character, the archbishop of Mainz, who was
equally implicated, escaped the ignominy of the exposure.
Unfortunately, Frederick did not persevere in this salutary severity; fcr
so engrossed was he by other objects, that the internal tranquillity was
perpetually disturbed. In a subsequent instrument, he himself so far recog-
nises duels, as to decree that no man should make war on another without a
previous warning, and defiance of three days. To circumscribe, however,
the distractions that prevailed on every side, he published another decree,
in which all incendiaries were placed under the ban of the empire; and the
power of imposing that ban he delegated to the territorial princes. Thus
if, in conformity with ancient custom, blood might be shed with impunity,
as stone houses were yet uncommon, incendiarism, which might prove fatal
to a whole district, was a capital offence. These provisions were perfectly
in accordance with the spirit of ancient Germanic jurisprudence; which,
while it was satisfied with a pecuniary composition for homicide, exacted
the last penalty for wilful burning. The same punishment was decreed
against all who laid waste orchards and vineyards; but not against the
destroyers of corn; because, in the latter case, the damage could be repaired
in a few months; in the former, not for years.
Under Frederick II, another decree was passed which gives us the most
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unfavourable impression of the times. It establishes penalties against the
son who made war on his father, who wasted that father's lands, or put him
in prison. But what, indeed, could be hoped in an age when all restraint
was removed? The chronicle of Bishop Conrad b informs us that, after the
excommunication of Frederick by Gregory IX, the bandits rejoiced; that
ploughshares were turned into swords, ana pruning-hooks into lances; that
everybody carried flint and steel about him for the purpose of setting fire
to the property of his enemy. Under William of Holland and Richard
of Cornwall the public safety was not likely to be much regarded. In the
expressive language of the chronicle of Thuringia, c everybody wished to
domineer over his followers. During this melancholy period, fortresses
arose on every side — some for the habi-
tation of bandits, others for resistance;
the former, however, in greater proportion.
And, as in former times, though undoubt-
edly in a degree more fatal, the fortresses
which had been erected for the defence
of the country were converted to its
desolation. Frederick II had promulgated
severe penalties against all who, whether
advocates or others, should, on any pre-
text, build fortresses on the domain of any
church or community; and had ordered
the demolition of such as were already
standing. This is a remarkable illustration
of a fact which meets us in almost every
page — that no estimate whatever is to be
formed from the imperial edicts, concern-
ing the administration of law, though such
edicts afford the most incontestable evi-
dence of the state of society.
The number of castellated ruins which
now frown from the summits of the Ger-
man mountains, and the construction of
which may be satisfactorily referred to the
former half of the thirteenth century, prove
how little the decrees of Frederick were
regarded. Nor were the towns themselves
without such fortresses. Ostensibly to
guard against the turbulence of the in-
habitants, but really to plunder them with Co8TUMB w ££?a££i^ THm "
impunity, the princes and counts fortified
their own houses within the walls. Nothing, at this day, can seem more
extraordinary than the eagerness with which the bishops, for instance,
erected such castles. But though many of them were wolves instead of
shepherds, we have evidence enough to show that the flocks were often to be
feared. In fact, no authority, temporal or spiritual, moral or religious, was
respected, unless it had the means necessary to enforce respect. Simple
knights often united their means for the same purpose, and rendered the
structure their common abode: they became co-partners in the honourable
profession of bandits. Such a state of society as that just exhibited could
scarcely be expected from the institutions of chivalry A
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144 THE HOLY ROMAN" EMPIEE
THE ART AND LITERATURE OP THE PERIOD
[1125-1278 id.]
The climax of the empire coincided with the greatest age of German
literature until the time of Leasing, Schiller, and Goethe. The splendid
display of Barbarossa's knightly assemblies, or the magnificence of Frederick
IFs solemn entry into Mainz are but examples of a growing love of pagean-
try and artistic awakening that permeated every princely court. The spirit
of the Renaissance was already touching the perception of men, and chivalry
replaced monastic ideals with the worship not of women but of love. Then,
too, the narrow confines of feudal society were broken up, and the courts of
the north were thrilled with stories of the far-off sunny land of their emperor.
Cosmopolitanism shows itself in architecture as well as in the subjects of song.
The influence of the crusades and of that strange court of Frederick II, where
Moslem culture was favoured to a suspicious degree,and the verses of Provencal
or Italian poets beguiled the hours that were stolen from affairs — these
worked to ojDen up a new era in German culture/*
The architecture of the time abandons the Roman and the Byzantine
style of the period of the Ottos and the Franconian emperors, to borrow
from the Norman, the French, the oriental, and sometimes from the Moorish.
The round arch rives way to the ogive; and, in place of solid columns or heavy
square pillars, there are clusters of slender columns which, with their inter-
lacing branches, sustain the arches and galleries. The church of St. Gereon
at Cologne, with its great ten-sided hall, opening by a stairway into the
elongated rectangular chancel, terminated by a Romanesque apse, flanked
by two square towers and its dome where the Byzantine, the Moorish, and
the Gothic mingle, was almost finished in 1227. About that time (1238-
1264), in the same town, arose the basilica of Saint Kunibert, whose enormous
square belfry surmounts the fagade and whose choir shows a gallery of raised
arcades after the Saracen manner. At Treves was built the Liebfrauen-
kirche (about 1227-1242), where a Moorish decoration adorns a Byzantine
dome. A conflagration destroyed the old cathedral of Cologne m 1248,
with its Romanesque and Byzantine treasures, and the church was replaced
by the prodigious Gothic monument whose choir was not consecrated until
1322, and whose towers with their spires were not finished until the present
day.
The subjects and the rhythm, brought by the poets who flocked from
every part of Germany — even from Italy, rrovence, and England — to
take part in that solemnisation of marriage and the imperial diet under the
eyes of Frederick II and Isabella, bore witness to quite another sort of inspira-
tion and temperament. He who in Italy made amorous verses in the Italian
idiom, the favola volgare, which soon became the lingua cortigiana of Dante,
had brought from England a copy of the romance of Palamedes, or even
more certainly that of Giron le Courtois. Although he took pains that his
son should speak Latin and German equally well, he preferred, like the Freder-
ick II of the eighteenth century, the poetry of the Italians, of the French,
and even of the English to that of his own country.
It is at this period that various poetical themes of foreigners, of the poets
of the north and south of France or the bards of England, crossed the German
frontier. Hartmann von Aue and Wirnt von Grafenberg retold in the German
tongue the tales of the Round Table — Erec and Ivain, Wigamur and Wigalois,
the knights of the Lion and the Eagle — echoes of Breton poetry which
passed with the English alliance from Guelfs to Ghibellines. The translator
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of the Erec of Chretien de Troves, Hartmann von Aue, shows more originality
and lightness in the poem of Ivain, that knight of the Round Table, escaped
from the forest of Brochelande, who condemns himself to the most romantic in-
adventures and the most terrible trials for having merely forgotten, not broken,
his promise to the lady of the fountain of Baranton. German inspiration in
its imitations must be given its due, although it is everywhere exaggerated,
contradictory, and sometimes even mocked by poetry itself.
The singer of the War of Troy, Konrad von Wurzburg, had already held,
according to his original way of expressing himself, "a foi-ge of gold and
diamonds from which issued thousands of joyous and precious poesies in
honour of the Virgin Mary," who had never been so highly honoured as in
that country where, since the time of Tacitus, men had recognised in women
a kind of prophetic and divine quality.
Meanwhile appears the legend of Alexis, who abandons his earthly bride
Adriatica to woo the bride of Heaven by his pilgrimages, his austerities, his
sorrows, and who, bent by age and weariness, and without making himself
known beneath the rags of the mendicant, comes back to die at the door of
the nuptial chamber which he had quitted young and filled with hope. The
story which Hartmann von Aue makes of the Poor Henry, that Job of German
poetry, in his misery and patience, who was abandoned, afflicted with leprosy,
until a young girl sacrificed herself to marry him and bring him back to health,
is worthy of a place beside the religious jewel casket of Mary. However, in
the face of all this poetry of adoration and renunciation, satire, already spread-
ing in Germany through the verse of Prfitre Amis, showed forcibly the influ-
ence of the metrical tales of the earliest poetry, and of the neighbourhood
of those heretics, the patarins of Italy, whom Frederick occasionally burned
at the stake, without, however, particularly detesting them; and of those
satirical poems which Frederick and his friends readily composed. The
same struggle went on between the lyric and erotic poetry of the minnesingers.
Walther von der Vogelweide (Walter of the Bird Meadow) has still the
naive love of nature and discreet adoration for his lady. He is interested
in spring, which adorns the earth with verdure; he dares only once to name
his Hildegonde: his last thought is for the nightingales in whose rhythm he
has sung. He orders that four cavities shall be cut in his tombstone in the
convent of St. Laurence in Wurzburg, and he leaves to the monks a bequest
providing that nourishment for the winged singers, his friends, may always
be placed therein; a request which was not long carried out and which has
given him his sobriquet. But after him the knightly poet Ulrich von Liech-
tenstein, while putting into verse his warlike and gallant adventures, in his
poem on the Service of Ladies [Frauendienst], already mocks the theme of
gallantry. It is not a completely disinterested love which he bears for his
duchess of Austria, wife of Frederick; and she, by no means an ideal person-
age, plays singular tricks upon her knight : one day she punishes him for his
timidity by cutting off a lock of his hair; another, chastises him for his bold-
ness by letting him drop from a rope hanging from her window. It is true
that the knightly poet gives her a singular proof of his devotion by having
a painful operation performed on his mouth, in order that this feature may
please her better.
FAMOUS TALES
^ In the heroic style and in narrative Wolfram von Eschenbach and Gott-
fried von Strasburg have left the most notable works — the first with his
Titurel and hia Parzival, the second with his Tristan und Isolde. But despite
B. W, — VOL. XIV. L
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146 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1126-1378 A.D.]
an original bias each worked on themes borrowed from French poems. It
is thanks to the good knight of Thuringia, Wolfram, the trusty servant of
the landgraf, that the poem of the Holy Grail, born in the monasteries of
Wales, treating of that sacred chalice made of most precious stones, in which
Joseph of Arimathea caught the blood of the Saviour, received in Germany
its entirely mystical and sacerdotal form. Wolfram tells us himself that
he has borrowed it from a Provencal poet. But he certainly accentuates
the religious inspiration and the sentiment of nature. ^ He could say with
Teason: " Ho who reads it, or hears it, or copies it — his soul will be raised
heavenward." He almost rivals the originals in his picturing of this mystic
temple of Montsalvat, with its seventy chapels, its thirty-six openwork
belfries, and its dome spangled with emeralds, carbuncles, and sapphires,
symbolising as many virtues, but whose splendour pales before the carved
stone of the Holy Grail — before perfection itself. As for Parzival, the pure
knight who, without having sought for it, becomes the king of the Holy
Grail — his is a heart of the German Middle Ages beating beneath the breast-
plate, and it is a kindred spirit that dreams under his helmet, although he
was born in the forest of Brochelande and put on his spurs at the Round
Table of King Arthur. Introduced for the first time into the symbolic temple,
foR the conquest of which he abandons his mother and his lady, he forgets
to pronounce the sacred words which might relieve the king Amfortas of
his protracted vigil. He now doubts; he wanders with that painful wound
in his heart, until a hermit cures him and replaces him on the road to the
infinite.
Let us not forget that the poem of the Holy Grail arrived at its perfection
in Germany when the enthusiasm of the crusade, at least for the Orient,
had died out. The gay and wayward Gottfried von Strasburg, a former
scholar, who takes us from the epic to the romantic tale, from the ideal to the
sensual, gave animation to the poem which he borrowed from Thomas of
Brittany. It tells of Tristan and of Isolde the blonde, those two culpable
lovers, whose peculiar humour, half tender, half playful, half weeping and
half jesting, corresponded with the manners of those who read of them. These
two lovers, buried in the solitudes, neither ate nor drank; love, preserved
with sweet spices, was their food in the depths of the forest. In their lovers'
grotto, hollowed out of the mountain-side, whence flowed a pure and limpid
stream, where no wind but the balmy breath of the zephyrs penetrated, they
listened to the songs of the birds, they told long tales of the unfortunates
slain by love; for the benefit of prying eyes, when they slept upon their couch
of green boughs, the blade of a sword lay between them, as when the valiant
Siegfried and the chaste Grimilda dwelt in the enchanted castle of the Niebe-
lungen.
Germany has, moreover, interpreters of her poetry as well as of her
national sentiment. A minnesinger of the period — paying for German
faith and poetry a veritable heart-debt to the landgraf of Thuringia, Louis,
and to his holy wife Elizabeth — established at that enlightened and loyal
court of the fortress of Wartburg, ornamented with brave knights and fair
ladies, a sort of fantastic concourse of poetry, where figured all the German
poets of the different epochs and various countries; and he gave the victory
to the most pious among them over the devil himself, who had entered in
the lists. The cosmopolitan and politic Frederick II, the friend of the Arabs
and the enemy of the popes, who himself presided at the removal of the
remains of the canonised St. Elizabeth, would not have contradicted this
judgment at Mainz, if he had not had a reward to bestow in the midst of
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A BEVIEW OF THE EMPIRE 147
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these diverse tendencies. He laid the first stone of that exquisite little funeral
monument whose harmonious whole, whose graceful columns, and whose
imposing arches seemed to uplift the faithful to the love of God.
But it is WaJther von der Vogelweide — who had seen so many changes,
before whom had passed in review Henry VI, Otto IV, Philip of Swabia, the
young Henry, Frederick II — who best represents his period when he draws
his inspiration from the spectacle of disorders which, in the mask of a false
greatness, testify to. the peril of the country and announce that decadence
of the holy empire, against which the mighty Frederick II waged a losing
battle. In the midst of the quarrels of the Guelfs and Ghibellines, he stigma-
tised the corruption of the clergy and the avarice of those princes who, while
at the service of the highest bidder, remained faithful to themselves through
their hatred for the pope and for Rome, whom they accused of being the
cause of all these wars.
He often repeated that "justice, honour, and the fear of God no longer
reign over their hearts," and regretted the sight of "felony behind the walls
of the fortresses, violence stalking the highways — war everywhere." He
lifted his feeble poet voice against the strife of sovereigns and of popes, who
compromised the empire and the house of God, " because a pope had crowned
two Csesars with the same crown to the ruin of the empire. All naturfe is
at war/' said he — " the wild beasts of the forest, the fowls of the air, the
human beings upon the earth. What wretchedness is thine, Germany —
what wild disorder!"
During his latter days, seeing all changed about him, he fell a prey to
melancholy religious reveries: "Where are they fled," sang this last of the
minnesingers, whither have they vanished — those beautiful departed
years? Has my life been a dream or a reality? Was it a slumber or an
awakening? That which yesterday was as familiar as my own right hand
is to-day become a world unknown. Were ye then but lies — people and
fatherland of my infancy? The companions of my youth are old and bent,
the sands of the desert have overflowed the fields, and scattered clumps
alone remain where stood the splendid forest. Only the streams flow on
forever; and my life will leave no more trace than an oar-stroke in the great
sea."
This poet, however, did not live to witness the greatest event of the period
— the downfall of Frederick II and of the German empire, which did not
long survive the brilliant diet of the most powerful among the German
emperors at Mainz in 1235.* In the anarchy which followed the fall of the
great Hohenstaufen, the imperial power was all but extinguished.
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CHAPTER IV
THE READJUSTMENT OF GERMANY
[1278-1847 A.D.]
The inner history of Germany during the next two centuries is
essentially a struggle of the greater nobility among themselves for
power, and of the lesser nobility and dependents against them, for
what they called their freedom. — Lewis. o
The fall of the Hohenstaufens marks the end of the mediaeval empire.
The Alps again become the frontier of Germany, and, amid the uncertainty
of a disputed sovereignty at home, the German monarchs turn from the
high dream of world empire to the more substantial practice of using the
emperor's office for personal and territorial aggrandisement. Opposed in
this by their brother princes, to whom their elections were due, they spent
the energies of the country in countless petty wars, and upon the misfortunes
of a land of anarchy, laid the basis for their hereditary states. The story
is not only intricate but it is dreary, and yields no contribution to the history
of Europe beyond the tumult of its wars and the development of one or two
great princely houses. For a while there was a veritable interregnum, when
neither the presence of Richard of Cornwall nor the distant schemes of Alfonso
of Spain could win for the rival claimants even the shadow of power. But
this cheerless period past, we come upon more national and direct lines of
history. Two houses especially rose to prominence above the rest and
established themselves as natural leaders. If, after the interregnum, one
keeps an eye upon the two houses of Habsburg and Luxemburg, a line of
history can be traced through the tangled web of civil wars and feuds of
rival claimants. With but a slight exception, after the great interregnum
the imperial dignity alternated between the house of Habsburg and the
party of Luxemburg. 1 The first Habsburg was scarcely more than owner
of a single castle, but he gave his family the splendid duchy of Austria and
the surrounding states. The first Luxemburg came from old Lorraine
by the borders of France, but through him Bohemia became his family's
hereditary possession, and while the Habsburgs took in the lands to the
south — Styria and Carniola — the Luxemburgs extended their power in
the north by the addition of the Mark of Brandenburg. Thus, almost from
1 Ludwig of Bavaria, although a Wittelsbach, owed his throne to the Luxemburgs, who
had no strong candidate of their own at the time.
148
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THE READJUSTMENT OF GERMANY 149
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the Baltic to the Adriatic, the eastern frontier of the empire lay in the hands
of these two imperial families.
It will be for us now to trace the details of this territorial development,
and in some measure show its effect upon the empire.
RUDOLF OP HABSBURQ
In that corner of the kingdom of Burgundy comprehended between the
rivers Aar and Reuss, stood the castle of Habsburg, built early in the eleventh
century by Werner, bishop of Strasburg; which
imparted a domicile and a title to the ancient
counts of Upper Alsace. Here Rudolf, destined to
become the f ounder of the greatness of the Habs-
burg house, was born on the first of May, 1218, and
was presented at the baptismal font by the emperor
Frederick II. On the death of his father Albert in
1240, Rudolf succeeded to his estates; but the
greater portion of these were in the hands of his
paternal uncle, Rudolf of Laufenburg; and all he
could call his own lay within sight of the great hall
of his castle.
The early youth of Rudolf of Habsburg was
devoted to martial and athletic exercises; he was
distinguished by his skill in horsemanship, and his
great strength and activity; and was knighted by
Frederick II, whose train he joined, and who ad-
mired his gallantry and dexterity. But his dis-
position was wayward and restless and drew him
into repeated contests with his neighbours and re-
lations. After his father's death he attacked his
uncle Rudolf of Laufenburg, under colour of his
having appropriated an undue share of the family
estates; but his attack was vigorously resisted by
Godfrey, son of the old count, who carried the war
into Rudolf's own possessions, and burnt his prin-
cipal town of Bragg. A similar aggression upon
his maternal uncle Hartmann, count of Kyburg,
induced that nobleman to disinherit his refractory
nephew, and to make a grant of his possessions to the bishop of Strasburg.
He then entered the service of Ottocar II, king of Bohemia, under whom
he served in company with the Teutonic Knights, in his wars against the
Prussian pagans; and afterwards against Bela IV, king of Hungary. He
next turned his arms against the bishop of Strasburg, who refused to surren-
der the grant of the Kyburg estates; and after the bishop's death, so intimi-
dated his successor that he purchased peace from Rudolf by surrendering
the disputed lands. The deaths of his cousin Hartmann, son of Werner,
and of his uncle. Hartmann, soon afterwards, put him in possession of the
county of Kvburg; and he received the homage of many nobles and cities
who admired his valour and courted his protection* Even the confederate
mountaineers of Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden chose him as their advocate;
and the imperial citizens of Zurich elected him their prefect.
The count of Habsburg had extended his power and spread wide the fame
of his valour by these and other exploits, which belong rather to his biography
Buffoon of the Thirteenth
Century
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150 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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than to the imperial history. But now the greatest of all his successes awaited
him. At the urgent request of the newly elected Pope Gregory X, an elec-
toral diet was convened at Frankfort for the election of a Roman king. The
names of Alfonso X, king of Castile, and Ottocar II, king of Bohemia, stood
foremost as competitors for the imperial crown. But a new and unexpected
candidate was proposed by Werner, elector of Mainz. In the year 1259
Werner had been invested with that archbishopric, and on his way to Rome
to receive the pallium was escorted across the Alps by Rudolf of Habsburg,
and under his protection secured from the robbers who beset the passes.
Charmed with the affability and frankness of his protector, the archbishop
conceived a strong regard for Rudolf, and now proposed him as a person
eminently fitted for the great office in debate. The electors are described by
a contemporary as desiring an emperor but detesting his power. The com-
parative lowliness of the count of Habsburg recommended him as one from
whom their authority stood in little jeopardy; but the claims of the king of
Bohemia were vigorously urged; and it was at length agreed to decide the
election by the voice of the duke of Bavaria. Ludwig without hesitation
nominated Rudolf.
At the moment of his election Rudolf was encamped before Bale, whither
he had returned to punish the refractory bishop and citizens. The good tid-
ings were announced to him by his nephew Frederick of Hohenzollern, burg-
dof Nuremberg, but were at first indignantly received by the incredulous
lolf . Being at length satisfied of the reality of his good fortune, he made
peace with his enemies of Bale, who readily yielded that submission to the
sovereign of Germany which they had denied to the count of Habsbuiig. He
proceeded to Aix-la-Chapelle, where, with his countess, he received the royal
crown; and his two daughters Matilda and Agnes were immediately after-
wards married, the first to Ludwig II, duke of Bavaria, and the other to Albert
II, duke of Saxony J> But his coronation did not secure for Rudolf the undis-
Euted control. His disappointed competitor was still far more powerful than
e. Ottocar of Bohemia had built up a realm alone in the east of the empire
which was threatening the integrity of the empire itself. To Bohemia he
had added by marriage Austria, Styria, and Carniola — the very possessions
destined to lie associated through modern history with the name of the Habs-
burgs. Ottocar was a restless and vigorous ruler. The chronicler describes
him as "a fine youth, dark in colour, of middle stature, strong-hearted, of
comely countenance; brave, wise; superior to wise men and philosophers in
eloquence." He had been oppressive, however, to the German element and
especially to the lesser nobility, and the jealousy of the German princes soon
found in Ottocar's seizure of Austria pretext for the war which Rudolf was
anxious to wage upon this defiant vassal. It was this war which gave Austria
to the Habsburgs. Let the naive chronicle of the monks of Kolmar tell the
story in detail.
THE CHRONICLE OP KOLMAR
In the year of the Lord 1273, Count Rudolf called "of Habsburg" was
chosen Roman emperor. The cities accepted him immediately and peace
spread over all German lands. When the nobles who lived under the sov-
ereignty, or tyranny, of the Bohemian king heard this they were much rejoiced,
for they hoped now to get free of the sovereignty of the Bohemian king.
Therefore they sent messengers and letters to the Roman king with the humble
petition that he would come into their territory; they would submit to his
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sovereignty those lands pertaining to the empire which the king of Bohemia
had acquired by violence.
When the king of Bohemia heard this he was sore troubled and called
together an assembly of the learned powers, that is of the archbishops, the
bishops, the provosts, the abbots and friars. When they had come into his
presence he spake as follows: "We have just heard that the count Rudolf of
Habsburg calls himself a Roman king, and says he will bring under his own
dominion our 1 lands which
we hold according to mani- -*B\JT^fYI FvS*X*
fold legal titles. As we ^VUWW w *
are not willing to suffer
this, for we nold these
lands on a variety of legal
grounds, moreover tne
thing would involve us in
most grievous damage, I
ask of your loving favour
that you will strengthen
your allegiance to us by an
oath and that you will
drive all my enemies forci-
bly from the land." Then
all spoke with one accord:
" Whatever is the pleasure
of the lord king — that we
will do." Then the king
said: "Swear allegiance
to me." And they all
swore it. Moreover the
burghers of all his cities
swore allegiance to him
and furthermore gave
their children as hostages.
When King Rudolf had
seen the letters of the Bo-
hemian nobles he would
fain at once have come to
their aid, if he had been
able to leave the neigh-
bourhood of the Rhine.
But as at the moment it was impossible for him to betake himself in person to
Bohemia, certain of the nobility came themselves into Alsace to urge their
request to the king that he would waste no time before hastening into the lands
of the king of Bohemia. Moved by the requests of these lords the Roman king
Rudolf at last summoned in person all the knights whom he could approach
and commanded all his peoples not to tarry but to put on their armour and go
with him, for that he must suddenly hasten to another quarter. Many
promised him good support but were unable to fulfil their promises.
So the king left his country with few followers, yet from day to day he
gathered about him more and more knights. But when he came to Mainz
the lord of Klingen spake to him, "Sire, who is your treasurer?" To whom
the king replied, " I have no treasures, and no money except five shillings in
small coin." Then answered the lord of Klingen, " How then will you
Rudolf I of Habsburg (1218-1291)
(From the probably unauthentic woodcut by Burgkmatr In the QmealooU
des Kaisers Maximilian /, 151aM515) ^^
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15* THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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provide for your army? " And the king answered him back, " As the army has
always provided for me, so will it be able to provide for me on this campaign
also." Then the king moved forward with a light heart though with the
greatest lack of money. He advanced unresisted, and everything pertaining
to the empire gave itself up to him freely and fairly. Castles, fortresses,
lands — it mattered not to whom they belonged — surrendered of their own
free will, for they could not defend themselves.
But the king of Bohemia did not think that King Rudolf would seek or
would be able to devastate the lands of Austria without opposition. For had
he truly feared the approach of the Roman king he might very easily have
barricaded the bridges across the rivers and the narrow passes with a few
people and so have impeded for long, the advance of the king. But when the
Roman king came to his son-in-law the king of Bavaria, he was received by
him with reverence, and his followers as well as himself were abundantly and
willingly supplied with all that was necessary. The king also made agree-
ments with different lords that they would suffer him to pass through their
territories unmolested. When this reached the ears of the king of Bohemia
he was sore vexed; he collected an army and confronted the German king in
the neighbourhood of Rennes to force him out of his territory. But this he
was unable to do because the people of the king of Bohemia were encamped
on one side of the Danube and the army of the Roman king on the other. The
king of Bohemia had placed all his hopes in the city of Klosterneuburg, which
seemed to him impregnable. This city is situate on a mountain and is sur-
rounded with a strong wall and many towers. As a garrison he had placed
in it a powerful contingent of Bohemians whom he had furnished on the most
liberal scale with provisions. At the same time he had arranged that in case
Vienna was attacked by the Roman king, the city of Klosterneuburg should
lend its close support with everything necessary: in the event of the citizens
of Vienna surrendering to the Roman king he would harry them mercilessly
from Klosterneuburg. For the king of Bohemia had hoped by this fortress
to be able to hold all Austria in check.
The king of Bohemia had occupied the countries of Bavaria, Carinthia,
Carniola, and Styria for many years in undisputed possession. When now
Count Rudolf of Habsburg was elected king of the Romans, the king of
Bohemia made most diligent inquiries of the Dominican friars, the Minorites,
and others, of whom it was believed that they were informed of his circum-
stances. A brother of the order of the Dominican friars by the name of
Ruediger, a pleasant preacher, who knew Count Rudolf intimately, said what
follows to the Bohemian king: "My lord the king, if you will grant me free-
dom and will not be angry I will indeed inform you of the condition of his
country and of his person." Then said the king of Bohemia: "Say what
thou wilt; never from me shalt thou suffer enmity on account of thy speech."
Brother Ruediger then observed: " My lord the king, Count Rudolf of Habs-
burg is a lean, tall man, with long aquiline nose, moderate in eating, already
in years, but not yet sixty. He has many, that is to say nine, children;
exposed to the direst need from his youth upwards, he has yet been faithful
to all his own; from his boyhood he has passed a life of agitation in arms, wars,
feuds, endless labours and needs. By cleverness more frequently than by
force he has been victorious and in all he is favoured by good fortune. They
say of him that in his awe for the holy Virgin Mary he has never done evil on
a Saturday nor suffered it to be done by his people." Then the king of
Bavaria said: "Good and evil hast thou told me of this count, but above
all every enemy of his must fear his good fortune."
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THE READJUSTMENT OP GERMANY 159
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Then the king of Bohemia began to strengthen by further protections the
four works which were round the walls of the city. Also he forced the bur-
gher-knights, nobles, and barons to give him their children as hostages and to
deliver up to him their strongest castles besides their arms. Moreover he sent
many Bohemian knights armed into the cities of Austria and sent them pro-
visions in rich abundance, so that in case the Roman king Rudolf should
attack separate cities, the buighers might have no excuse but could if they
were willing defend their cities against the attackers. But above all he
furnished the city of Klosterneuburg with rich stores, because he wanted to
supply Vienna and the other cities from this centre. Also he forbade anyone
in his supreme presence to speak of the Roman king Rudolf as sovereign or
king. Aiid he ordered the Dominican friars not to keep their provincial
capital in his territory.
But in the year of the Lord 1276 the Roman king Rudolf with two thou-
sand armed horse betook himself to Bavaria and allied himself with the duke
of Bavaria on condition that the son of the duke should marry a daughter of
the king. When this had taken place the vast district was given over to the
king, and a thousand knights on caparisoned horses joined his side. From
this time his army began to increase in knights. Then the Roman king
advanced with the said army against Vienna and laid siege to it. So nar-
rowly is he supposed to have shut it in that on one side of the city no one
without his permission could come in or go out without damage.
But the king of Bohemia collected twenty thousand knights and sent his
army on the other side of the Danube to confront the Roman king's and
forcibly eject the latter from the country. The knights of the king of Bohemia,
however, would not follow a single command of their king, unduly alarmed as
they were at the prospect of the battle with the Germans. And the king of
Bohemia too, did not dare to trust his own men, because for a long time he
had partly murdered and partly exiled from the land fathers, brothers, blood
relations and relatives by marriage among the nobility, sometimes by mere
force, sometimes by cunning. The army of the Roman king on the other hand
would have been very glad to have fought with the army of the Bohemian
kingif it could have engaged it upon a suitable battle-field. c
The Bavarians, by a ruse, succeeded in getting possession of Klosterneu-
bui£. a After its capture King Rudolf betook himself thither with his army,
divided the booty, and for fourteen days gave abundant sustenance to his
army out of what the king of Bohemia had introduced into the city.
Through this town the city of Vienna was so held in check that neither
could the burghers well come to the help of the king of Bohemia nor could
the latter liberate the Viennese from their circumvention by the king of the
Romans. In their despair the Viennese knew not what to do. So they
held a council, concluded a treaty with the king of the Romans and handed
over the city to his dominion; also he was honoured by them with large and
splendid presents. When the Viennese then had abandoned their old sov-
ereign and recognised as sovereign the king of the Romans, they at once
requested the king of Bohemia to restore their children whom they had placed
with him as hostages. But the king refused to restore the children. Then
the Viennese collected an army, fell upon the territory of the king of Bohemia,
overcame several castles and cities, and so returned home. When, however,
the king of the Bohemians saw that he could not withstand the king of the
Romans, he humbled himself, and surrendered himself to his mercy. Under
the following conditions peace was restored between the kingly sovereigns
by the princes. The Bohemian king was to give his daughter in marriage to
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154 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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King Rudolfs son, was to receive the regalia from King Rudolf as was befit-
ting, and was to place three hundred knights with caparisoned horses at the
disposition of the army of the king if it should so please the latter.
The king of Bohemia, with a numerous company of knights and horses,
glittering in robes decked out with gold and precious stones, prepared at
once to receive the regalia from the Roman king. When the princes of
King Rudolf heard of this they told the king of it with joy, saying: "My
lord, make yourself ready with precious vestments as becomes a king."
Then the king spoke, "The king of Bohe-
mia has more than once made merry over
my grey jerkin; but now shall my grey
jerkin make merry over him." Then he
to his notary: "Give me thy cloak, so that
ng of Bohemia may deride my poverty."
the king of Bohemia arrived, the Roman
aid to his knights, " Don your armour, arm
hargers, and, thus prepared for war as well
i may be, place yourselves in order on both
>f the way along which the king is coming,
tow the barbarian peoples the splendour of
rman arms." When all this had been made
according to the will of the king, the So-
ft king appeared with gold-decked robes and
al splendour; he fell at the feet of the
a king and prayed him humbly for his re-
Moreover he renounced a hundred marks
5, as well as forty thousand marks which
ike had had from Austria, and the king of
lia had owned through the queen Margareta.
;he Roman king gave the kingdom and the
regana to the king of Bohemia, and before all
those present declared him his worthy friend.
While the Roman king did thus he appeared
lowly and ordinary in his grey jerkin and he sat
on a stool.
After a few weeks the king of Bohemia re-
pented of having submitted to the Roman king.
German trumpetbr of the The king of Bohemia saw that King Rudolf had
thirteenth century many possessions, it was true, but for all that, was
always in the greatest need. On these and other
grounds he made a nun of his daughter whom he had given in marriage
to King Rudolf's son, and caused her solemnly to take the veil in a convent
of the order of the Minorites.*
The external appearances of reconciliation and friendship had been pre-
served between the rival sovereigns during their residence in Vienna. But
Rudolf must have been strangely unacquainted with mankind, if he expected
a peace thus dictated at the head of an army to be of long duration. The
degraded Ottocar withdrew to Prague, and strained every nerve to gather
such a force as might retrieve his late losses of honour and territory. Henry
of Bavaria again joined his standard; and he was soon provided with an
army drawn from Bohemia, Moravia, Thuringia, and Poland, which promised
him complete success over the king of the Romans. Meanwhile the levies
of Rudolf were slow and scanty; he attempted a new negotiation with his
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THE READJUSTMENT OF GERMANY 155
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antagonist, but Ottocar resumed his haughty tone, and threw the adherents
of Rudolf into the utmost consternation by a rapid march upon Vienna.
Nothing, therefore, was left but to hazard a conflict; and Rudolf, being joined
by a timely reinforcement from Alsace and Swabia, marched out to meet the
enemy. A desperate battle took place on the Austrian frontier. 6
THE BATTLE OF MARCHFELD (1278 A.D.)
Now when the king of Bohemia saw King Rudolf advance towards him
[says the Chronicle of Kolmar] he plunged recklessly all alone into the enemy's
ranks, and wounded many men with his mighty strokes. Thirty knights,
however, his body-guard, helped him with all their might. At last however
the king of Bohemia grew weary; he was captured by a man of low origin
and robbed of his arms. Thus he was led forth without his armour. But
a knight followed him crying out: "There is the king who foully murdered
my brother; now shall he atone for the deed." So he spake, and drawing
his sword, gave the king a violent thrust in the face. But another knight
who followed this one, pierced the king's body with his sword. But the man
who had captured the Icing of Bohemia was sore vexed and would fain have
protected him if his strength had availed for the purpose.
So fought King Rudolf against his enemies in the bravest fashion. At
last came a strong man and harried the king with his blows and as he could
not overcome him, he pierced the king's charger with his lance. The king
and the charger fell together; the king lay on the ground destitute of help;
he placed his shield over himself so as not to meet with a terrible death with-
out further ado beneath the hoofs of the horses. When the horses had passed
by, a man who wished to relieve him of his mortal danger raised him from
the ground as well as he might. Then said the king: "Quick! equip me a
horse!" As soon as this was done, he mounted and shouted to his men
with lusty voice. About fifty of them gathered about him. With these
the king fell on the Bohemian army in its flank, cut it almost in two, and
threw himself vigorously upon the rear. The advance section of the Bohemian
army cried "They flee, they flee" in order thus to mislead King Rudolf. But
the more they shouted, the more the Germans bore down on them with their
blows. But King Rudolf fought the rear of the host of the king of Bohemia
with stubborn audacity, and urged by fear they took to flight. No sooner
had they turned their backs than the Hungarians pursued them; they fought,
these still resisting, pursued the fugitives, brought in prisoners, did murder
and slew. It is generally said that in this battle fourteen thousand men
sacrificed their lives.
King Rudolf remained with his men on the battle-field until all had hailed
him an undoubted victor. The king of Bohemia died on the same day; after
the bowels had been removed, his body was salted and brought into a monas-
tery of the Minorite brothers. He had, to say truth, died under the ban of
the pope; therefore he could not be buried in the churchyard. In the army
of tne ting of the Romans there were a few people feckless in battle, clerks,
monks, lav brothers of different orders. These had withdrawn to a hillock
to await the end of the battle and to intercede with the Lord for their people.
These men observed that over the army of the Bohemian king lay a glittering
brilliance and unmitigated heat, while the army of King Rudolf, wherever
it turned, was always covered by a cooling cloua. Therefore they concluded
that the army of King Rudolf with God's help must be victorious. This
battle was fought over against the city of Vienna on the plain called Ganser-
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156 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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feld in the year of the Lord 1278, about the sixth hour on the day before St.
Bartholomew, the apostle's day. c
THE ADMINISTRATION OF RUDOLF
In the first moments of his triumph, Rudolf designed to appropriate the
dominions of his deceased enemy. But his avidity was restrained by the
?rinces of the empire, who interposed on behalf of the son of Ottocarj and
Penceslaus was permitted to retain Bohemia and Moravia. The projected
union of the two families was now renewed: Judith of Habsburg was affianced
to the young king of Bohemia, whose sister Ames was married to Rudolf,
youngest son of the king of the Romans. For Albert and Rudolf, his eldest
and youngest surviving sons, he designed the duchies of Austria and Styria;
but his second son Hartmann was his best-beloved, and for .this darling youth
a richer dominion was to be provided. It was the design of the king to revive
the ancient kingdom of Burgundy in favour of Hartmann, whom he had
already affianced to a daughter of Edward I king of England; and to bestow
upon him that rich territory, which comprehended the possessions of his
ancestors. A melancholy catastrophe frustrated the fond father's design:
the best-beloved, whose valour and goodness justified all his father's affection,
embarked upon the Rhine at Breisach, with a train of noble dependents;
but darkness overtaking them, their bark became entangled amidst shoals
and islets; and being overset, its precious freight were all consigned to an
untimely death. The lifeless body of Hartmann was discovered near the
abbey of Rhinau, and buried at B&le beside his mother, Anna of Hohenberg.
Rudolf was more fortunate in the realisation of his views with respect to
his Austrian conquests. After satisfying the several claimants to those
territories by various cessions of lands, he obtained the consent of a diet
held at Augsburg to the settlement of Austria, Styria, and Carniola upon his
two surviving sons, who were accordingly jointly mvested with those duchies
with great pomp and solemnity; they are at this hour enjoyed by the descend-
ants of Rudolf of Habsburg.
The remaining exploits of this celebrated prince are comparatively insig-
nificant. [He was uniformly successful in a series of petty wars and kept in
check the arrogant nobility. In this he was at least unhampered by the
distraction of foreign affairs. Italy did not draw him, even for the splendour
of a coronation.] He had now attained the age of seventy-three, and as his
increasing infirmities admonished him of the approach of death, he grew
anxious to secure to his son Albert the succession to the throne, and his
nomination by the electors ere the grave closed upon himself. The example
of Charlemagne, the Ottos, the Henrys, and of most of his predecessors,
warranted his expectations of compliance; and as no less than four of the
electors were his sons-in-law, a rejection of his desire was scarcely to be
anticipated. Accordingly he assembled a diet at Frankfort, and proposed
to the electors with the utmost earnestness the election of his son as king of
the Romans. But all his entreaties were unavailing; he was coldly reminded
that he himself was still the king, and that the empire was too poor to support
two kings. Rudolf might now repent his neglect to assume the imperial
<*rown; out the character of Albert seems to have been the real obstacle to
his elevation. With many of the great qualities of his father, this prince
was deficient in his milder virtues; and his personal bravery and perseverance
were tainted with pride, haughtiness, and avarice. This last disappointment
hastened the operations of nature; and Rudolf, perceiving the hand of death
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THE READJUSTMENT OF GERMANY 157
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upon him, desired to be carried to Speier, that he might visit the kings his
predecessors. But his increasing weakness compelled him to halt at Ger-
mersheim on the Rhine, where he expired on the 15th of July, 1291, in the
seventy-fourth year of his age, and the eighteenth of his reign. His corpse
was conveyed to Speier, and deposited amidst the mouldering remains of
the kings of the Romans.
PERSONAL TRAITS OF RUDOLF
That the character of a prince, who from a petty count of a narrow territory
became the sovereign of a mighty empire, should have been the subject of
lofty panegyrics by historians, who wrote whilst his descendants reigned,
is not wonderful; yet his elevation appears rather the result of a combination
of fortunate events than of any overwhelming merit of his own. That he
possessed many good and great qualities we may be assured, not merely
By the voice of his contemporaries, but by the more certain proof of the good
order which he restored in Germany, and the submission which he enforced
from the haughty and refractory nobles. He was brave, frank, and afifable;
temperate in his enjoyments, and sincere in his piety. But his eagerness
for conquest may create a doubt as to his strict love of justice and modera-
tion; and his failure in obtaining the dearest object of his desire is at variance
with the report of his irresistible powers of persuasion. Bred up amidst war
and tumult, he affected no literary propensities; but he supplied the defect
of his education by strong practical sense and a vigorous understanding;
nor does the rustic romance of his life lose any of its charm by his want of
scholastic learning. " He was glorious/' says Muratori, " for his many virtues;
but still more glorious for the many emperors who have descended from him";
— a shrewd distinction, which may furnish a palliative to the excessive
encomiums lavished upon him. He must, however, be esteemed a wise
and politic prince; unshaken by adversity, and bearing his good fortune
without insolence; and perhaps no man of his age was so well qualified to
organise the distracted empire he was called to govern.
In stature Rudolf was tall and slender, his head small, his hair scanty,
his nose long and aquiline, his countenance pale, his expression animated,
his temper gay, his manner simple, his dress homely. 6 This last trait is
shown in the well-known story of the baker's wife, which we may let the
monks of Kolmar tell in their own words : a
When King Rudolf was in Mainz, on a day came a frost at sunrise and
the cold did outrageously hurt him. Then he looked across from the house
in which he lay, and saw a bakery which had a superabundance of glowing
coals. The king now donned his clothing and quickly ran to the glowing
coals. But the housewife, who knew not the king, rebuked him roundly
in strong language; it was not right that knights should invade the homes
of poor women. Then the king spoke humbly to the woman: "Dear lady,
be not disturbed by my presence; I am an old soldier who has devoted all
he has to the service of the miserable king Rudolf; in spite of all his fair
promises, he now lets me starve." Then spoke the woman: "So you follow
King Rudolf — the miserable, blind old man, who has made the country
desert and has swallowed up all the poor? Rightly do these and other ills
befall you." Then the king said to the woman, "What evil then has he
done you?" But she answered him with great bitterness, blaming and
ridiculing the king with high abuse: "I and all the bakers of the city, with
the exception of two, have been made poor by him, so that we can no longer
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enjoy our former well-being in these days." Then the woman proceeded.
"Sir, get you gone, you disturb us here in our business." But the king
refused to go at the bidding of the woman. Then the woman lost her temper
and raising a glass of water poured it over the coals and did woefully spoil
the dress of the old soldier — or rather of the king. Then the king got him
gone, betaking himself in all haste to his quarters.
When now the king was seated at his table, the high steward placed*
before him a pigshead. Then the king thought of the kindness that the baker
woman had shown him and wished to pay her his thanks. So he called
his house-keeper and said to her: "Take this dish with meat and a quart of
wine, and bear it to your neighbour from the 'old soldier.' He sends his
thanks for the warmth which he had from her coals this morning." This
done, the king told how the baker woman had abused and cursed him and
provoked in all great merriment. But the baker woman perceived that it
was the king whom she had abused. Then she was sore troubled, came to
the king, and earnestly besought him to forgive her for the injury she had
done him. But the king refused to forgive her except on one condition —
that she should now publicly repeat to him the abuse which she had uttered
upon him in private. This the woman did: she obeyed the will of the sov-
ereign and thus provoked laughter from many. c
ADOLPHUS OF NASSAU
Two consequences of the policy of Rudolf I in Germany remained in
operation for centuries and continued substantially to affect the destinies
of that country. The first was the founding of a great Habsburg dominion;
the second, the supremacy of the prince electors in the affairs of the empire.
Rudolf did not venture upon the laborious and hazardous attempt to restore
the splendours of the ancient empire; he set himself the easier and more
profitable task of keeping the kingdom of Germany on the hither side of
the Alps and making use of it to increase the power of his dynasty. In return
he let other local sovereigns do as they pleased; and the empire broke up
more and more into isolated segments, which developed an independent
existence, and bore many a fair flower of strength and culture.
So it remained thenceforward. Moreover, at Rudolf's death his house
and the prince electors were on a hostile footing. The prince electors would
not have the too powerful Habsburger for their lord. They elected in prefer-
ence (on May 5th, 1292) a prince of inconsiderable fortune, Count Adolphus
of Nassau, a valiant knight of noble descent, but scantily supplied with this
world's goods, and a vassal of the elector of Treves and of the Rhenish count
palatine into the bargain. The insignificance of his private property was
the strongest point in his favour in the eyes of the prince electors, as it relieved
them of all apprehension that the new king might become formidable to
them. For the rest, he was elected chiefly at the instigation of Gerhard
von Eppenstein, archbishop of Mainz, who was his uncle. The chosen candi-
date was compelled to purchase the crown by the Sacrifice of certain important
prerogatives.
Thus Adolphus of Nassau was invested with the royal dignity; the author-
ity of a king he had yet to win for himself. To achieve this end he chose
the same course that his predecessors had taken; he too was minded to exploit
the kingship for the aggrandisement of his own house. To procure money
for his immediate needs he concluded an alliance with King Edward I of
England against Philip the Fair, king of France, who had seized upon many
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THE READJUSTMENT OF GERMANY 159
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districts in imperial territory on the western frontier of Germany. For
the sum of £100,000 Adolphus undertook to furnish the king of England
with soldiers for the war against France. He did actually levy a large army
of mercenaries with the money from England, but used it — as he used another
large sum which he took from Matteo Visconti, as payment for appointing
him imperial governor of Milan and several other cities in Lombardy — for
the conquest of Thuringia. The wretched quarrel between Albert, the unjust
landgraf of that province, and his two sons, Frederick and Dietzmann, nad
broken out again, and Landgraf Albert, enraged at the success of his sons,
was ready to sell Meissen and Thuringia to Aing Adolphus (reserving the
usufruct of the latter for himself during his lifetime) for 12,000 silver marks,
rather than let them enjoy their good fortune.
King Adolphus closed with this dishonourable bargain. He added wrong
to wrong, for when the two young princes gallantly defended their dominions
he invaded Thuringia with the Drutal mercenary soldiery he had enlisted
from the lowest of the people. By this means he added fuel to the civil
war that was raging there, while his soldiers perpetrated such outrages as
had hardly been laid to the charges of the barbarous Mongols. Most of the
Thuringian vassals fought with unswerving loyalty for their rightful sov-
ereigns, but Adolphus succeeded nevertheless in sutxluing Osterland and the
fortified town of Freiburg. There he put to death forty vassals of rank,
who had shown themselves bravest in the defence, although he had pledged
his word as a king to spare them.
By this violent and unjust method of increasing his territory, the king
incurred the vehement displeasure of the German princes. They were also
angry that Adolphus entered into close relations with the cities, hoping by
their assistance to strengthen himself against the higher aristocracy. A
conspiracy was formed among the princes with the archbishop of Mainz
and the duke of Austria at its head. The former had raised his nephew to
the throne that he might use him as an instrument for the increase of his
own power, and it was with great displeasure that he presently became aware
of his aspirations after independence. Duke Albert had dissembled but
never laid aside the grudge ne bore against the king, and had zealously
laboured to augment his own power both by forcible means and by alliances.
So greatly did he covet the crown of Germany that after the death of Rudolf,
his father, he had believed that it could not elude his grasp, and had con-
fidently awaited at Hanau the news of his election.
Gerhard of Mainz and Albert now joined hands for Adolphus' overthrow,
and won over the electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, as well as King Wen-
ceslaus II of Bohemia, Albert's brother-in-law, to their side. Albert was
lavish of promises, which he had no intention of keeping. He then raised
the standard of rebellion (1298) and marched at the head of a splendid army
to the Rhine, while the electors of Mainz, Cologne, Saxony, Brandenburg,
and Bohemia assembled at Frankfort and summoned the king to appear
before them and answer for his misgovernment and for crimes of all sorts,
of which they accused him. When he did not appear, they formally deposed
him and elected Albert of Austria king, under the false and worthless pretext
that the pope had empowered them to do so. Soon afterwards (on July
2nd, 1298) Adolphus and Albert met for the decisive battle at the Hasenbiihl
near Gollheim, not far from Worms. Adolphus had only his knights with
him, but, eager for the fray, he would not wait for the arrival of his troops
from the Rhenish cities, which strongly supported him. Splendid in his
royal armour (Albert meanwhile being unrecognisable under a shield not his
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160 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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own) he dashed upon the foe and fought in knightly fashion for his crown.
In falling from his saddle he lost his helmet, but promptly sprang on a fresh
charger, recognised his enemy, and dashed forward to meet him. He sank
to the ground, however, severely wounded, and was slain under Albert's
eyes, many say by Albert's own hand. His death gave his rival the victory
and the crown, and his mournf ul end atoned for many evil deeds into which.
as king, he had allowed himself to be hurried by the force of circumstances.
ALBERT I
To secure a semblance of right for his claim, Albert now referred the
question of the succession to a fresh election, and he was in fact unanimously
elected king of Germany, and was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen) on
the 24th of August, 1298. To gain his end he had bestowed great privileges
on the king of Bohemia, to the prejudice of the crown, and no less upon the
three spiritual electors, especially the archbishop of Mainz, who thereby
became an almost independent sovereign. The other electors also obtained
great concessions from him; in particular, he confirmed their exclusive
jurisdiction over their subjects, and thus strengthened their sovereign power
in their own dominions.
Having achieved his purpose, however, he desired to wrest from the
electors the prerogatives which imposed restrictions on his own authority;
for he was passionately ambitious of being an absolute ruler. His will was
more to him than justice or law, and it was his pride to be feared. At first
he concealed his designs, fearing the opposition of Pope Boniface VIII, a
dauntless man who was trying to restore the world-dominion of the papacy.
Boniface refused to acknowledge Albert as king and summoned him to Rome
to answer for himself. For Albert was unworthy of the throne because
through his wife, who was Conradin's step-sister, he was akin to the accursed
race of Hohenstaufen. When the king's ambassadors, who had been sent
to request the pope to confirm the election, brought this message back, Albert
flew into a violent rage, and forthwith allied himself with Ring Philip of
France, ratifying the alliance by the marriage of his son Rudolf with Philip's
daughter Blanche, and by lavish promises made to the French king at the
expense of the German frontier.
As in this case, so in others, he proceeded remorselessly to violate the
law, in the interest of his dynastic power. When the count of Holland and
Zealand died, he tried to seize upon these provinces as a fief that had reverted
to the empire, although according to Flemish feudal law they devolved upon
the female line of Hainault. But Count John of Hainault resisted the king,
and Count Reinhold of Gelderland, to whom Albert had behaved with perfidy
1 Jobann von Victring* gives the following dramatic account of the death of Adolphus:
" In tempestuous course the chief banners were borne before the armies, that of Albert by the
count of Leningen, that of Adolphus by the lord of Rechberg, a man of good but not free
lineage. Everywhere you could see brave men making good their strength and their skill as
warriors and swinging sword and lance in the heat of battle. Adolphus' progress is brave but
reckless ; his helmet is torn from his head, he hacks about him like a mad she-bear in the
mountain forest, who has been robbed of her young. His swift charger brings him into the
neighbourhood of Albert and he challenges him to the fray ; but Albert, seeing his adversary's
uncovered head from which the helmet nas gone, wounds him straightway at the first blow of
the sword above the eyebrows. The blood gushes forth and the wounded man's eyes grow
dim ; he plunges from his battle-h^rse to earth. Meanwhile both armies show the bravest fight
as if a whirlwind agitated one against the other. But when Duke Otto of Bavaria and the count
palatine Rudolf saw the evil fate that had overtaken their king, then they turned and fled."
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THE READJUSTMENT OF GERMANY
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even attempted to assassinate him. Albert narrowly escaped and was finally
constrained to bestow Holland in fief upon John of Hainault.
He had better fortune in another feud with the princes. The Rhenish
archbishops, who since the Interregnum had directed the election to the
throne to their own great profit and held it almost entirely in their own
hands, insisted upon maintaining the elective character of the German
monarchy, while Albert was desirous of making the crown hereditary in his
own house. Hence enmity arose between the two parties. Gerhard of
Mainz, who had made both Adol-
phus and Albert king, is said <A I__B1?RTV$ *I 4
one day while he was hunting, to /MwPt*I» * T ** *
have exclaimed in haughty men-
ace, " I can blow other kings out
of my hunting horn."
But Albert knew how to deal
with this enemy. He entered
into alliance with the cities on
the Rhine against the archbish-
ops and demanded that the latter
should give up the Rhine tolls,
which he had promised them in
order to secure the crown, and
which he had afterwards granted
to them. By this demand he won
over to his side all the Rhenish
cities, whose trade was grievously
hampered by these tolls, and to.
gain and cement their affection he
pretended that he was joining
issue with the princes from no
selfish motives but merely for the
protection of the cities, of the
lesser nobles, and of all others
who were oppressed by them.
The exasperated electors sum-
moned him before the tribunal of
the count palatine, and prepared
to institute a second inquiry into
the legality of his election, but
Albert, the man of violence,
promptly took up the sword, to decide the question by force. The citizens
and lesser nobles of the Rhine joyfully flocked to his standard to fight against
their oppressors, and presently the strong castles on the Rhine and the cities
of the count palatine and the electors of Cologne and Treves were compelled
to surrender. Navigation and commerce became free, and the haughty
princes were obliged to suppress their rage and submit (1302).
At the same time Pope Boniface VIII found himself so hard pressed by
the might of King Philip of France that he resolved to reconcile himself with
Albert and acknowledge him as king; and having done this he called upon him
to protect the church from Philip of France. Albert's demeanour towards
the pope now underwent a sudden change; he humbled himself before him
and sacrificed to the church of Rome nearly all the real and presumptive
rights which the empire had hitherto claimed in opposition to the papacy.
Albert I (1260-1808)
(After the sixteenth-century woodcut by Bargkmair)
B. W. — VOL. XIV. M
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162 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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This he did to induce the pope to lend the support of the church's blessing to
his arbitrary measures for the extension of the power of the Habsburgs. But
the hopes which he built on Rome were not fulfilled. Boniface VIII was taken
prisoner by order of the king of France, and died of rage at his fall (1303).
His successor in the highest of ecclesiastical offices was under French influ-
ence, and even transferred the papal court from Rome to Avignon.
Imperial Aggressions
Albert was at that time at feud with his brother-in-law, Wenceslaus II of
Bohemia, who had received many promises and scant performance from him,
and who being deeply incensed on that account, had allied himself with the
king's enemies. But this was not the only motive for the war. Albert,
always greedy of territory, was wroth that the young son of Wenceslaus, who
bore his father's name, had been chosen king of Hungary by a party in that
country; he could not endure that the race of Ottocar should flourish and
enlarge its borders side by side with that of Habsburg. There was another
party in Hungary which desired to have Prince Charles Robert of Naples,
Albert's nephew, for their king, and to this candidature Albert gave active
support, commanded the king of Bohemia to abandon his pretensions to
Hungary, and, when he refused to do so, pronounced the sentence of outlawry
upon him and invaded his dominions. Wenceslaus died in the following year
(1305), and his youthful son, Wenceslaus III, renounced his claim to the Hun-
garian crown. He was murdered at Olmutz in 1306, and by his death the
male line of Ottocar became extinct. Albert then seized upon Bohemia as a
fief , lapsed to the crown, in order to bestow it upon his son Rudolf; and as the
Bohemian estates asserted their right of election he contrived by force and
fraud to get Rudolf elected king, though in the teeth of a strong opposition.
Albert was also desirous of gaining possession of Thuringia and Meissen
on the pretext that King Adolphus had not conquered those provinces for
himself but for the empire. To preserve the semblance of impartiality he
invited all those who put forward claims to them to appear before him at
Fulda and have them decided (1306). The two brothers, Frederick and
Dietzmann, did not come thither, and Albert therefore laid them under the ban
of the empire and sent a large body of soldiers into Thuringia from Swabia
and the Rhine. But at Lucka (in Altenburg) his forces were so thoroughly
beaten (1307) as to give rise to the Thuringian saying: "You will prosper
like the Swabians at Lucka." This took place in May. Soon afterwards
Albert's son, King Rudolf of Bohemia, died (July, 1307), and the crown of that
confederacy was lost to the Habsburgs. The Bohemians would not have
Rudolf's brother for their king, and for a money consideration he abandoned
his claims in favour of Duke Henry of Carinthia, brother-in-law to Wences-
laus III, who was preferred by the Bohemian estates. Thus both here and in
Thuringia Albert's endeavours to aggrandise the power of his house had come
to naught, but in another quarter his greed was destined to redound to his
own perdition.
When he reconciled himself with Pope Boniface the latter had absolved
him from all engagements into which he had entered with other princes. Thus
confirmed in his disregard of the obligations he had undertaken, the king soon
Sroceeded to violate those which he owed to his own kindred. His nephew
ohn, who had grown to manhood at his court, begged him in vain to rive
him the portion of the Habsburg hereditary possessions in Swabia that had
belonged to his father Rudolf, or at least the county of Kyburg which his
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THE READJUSTMENT OF GERMANY 163
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mother had bequeathed to him. To all the entreaties of the young man, who
was by this time nineteen years of age, Albert returned evasive answers; at
one time — he was still too young; at another — let him wait until Meissen
was conquered, then he should have that.
Hence John conceived a feeling of sullen resentment against his greedy
uncle. He conspired with his friends, Walter von Eschenbach, Ulrich von
Palm, Rudolf von der Wart, and Conrad von Tegernfeld, and watched for an
opportunity of wreaking sanguinary vengeance for the wrong that had been
done him. It was soon found.
Cherishing thoughts of his revenge upon the Bohemians and Thuringians
who had so stubbornly resisted his greed of territory, King Albert departed
in the spring of 1308 for Swabia and Switzerland. He had considerably
augmented the dominions of his family, he had acquired the patronage of
many churches and abbeys for his house — not without great wrong done to
the rights and liberties of others. Only the three valleys of Uri, Schwyz, and
Unterwalden, which he would gladly have incorporated with his dominions
in Aargau, manfully defended their ancient freedom and would not become
subject to the house of Austria. Albert was now preparing to compass the
downfall of their liberty by force. But vengeance was already dogging his
own footsteps.**
The Chronicle concerning John the Parricide
John, the son of the king's brother, whom he kept with his own sons at
his court, maintained that the strongholds of the lordship of Kyburg belonged
to him, for that in the past King Rudolf had given them as a dower to his
mother, and as it was a matter oi much import with him to possess them, he
begged with much insistence that at least some of them should be yielded up
to mm. But because the king was not moved to this, and furthermore cur-
tailed many barons in their properties and privileges, while the queen often
and often besought him to provide well for her children, accusing John of
wastefulness, therefore the latter finally decided with the barons Rudolf von
der Wart, Walter von Eschenbach, and Ulrich von Palm to murder the
king.
But when the queen drove to Rheinfelden and had reached Little B&le,
the bishop went out to her, and, stepping near her carriage, implored her
favour and that she would reconcile him with the king. Conrad Monch,
however, a knight of B&le, said to the drivers that they would do well to urge
forward their horses; and when they did so, the bishop was bespattered with
mud. Another day the bishop of Strasburg begged the king, who happened
to be in his palace at Baden, to yield one of his castles to the aforementioned
duke, but the king replied that he would entrust the duke with a hundred
helmeted men on the expedition of the king of Bohemia, and on his return he
would give him one of the castles. This was told by the bishop to the duke,
whereupon the latter observed that he was a poor man and that the commis-
sion to equip the men would be a heavy charge on him; death and depriva-
tion of what was his seemed a hard lot to him.
Also Walter von Eschenbach demanded of the king to have back what was
taken from him, saying he was a blood relation of the king, that his father had
fallen in the royal service, and it would do the king no benefit to oppress him
also. Now when they were taking a meal with the king, he placed a crown of
roses on the heads of the sons of each and all, including Duke John. But with
tears in his eyes the duke set his down upon the table and refused to remain
with his people any longer at the board.
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Now when the king after his meal decided to ride to the queen at Rhein-
f elden and had come to the river Reuss, John and his men were the first to sail
over in the sole ship that was there. Thereupon the king also crossed over and
rode through the meadows as was his wont in parley with Walter von Castelen;
the duke and his men drew nigh to him. First of all Rudolf von der Wart
cried out: "How much longer shall we suffer this carrion crow to ride on?"
His servant Rulassingen caught the king's bridle, Duke John plunged a knife
into his neck, Rudolf von der Wart pierced him with a sword, and Ulrich von
Palm cleft his head open; but Walter von Eschenbach, though he stood
by while the deed was done, did him no despite. Thus was murdered in his
own land the mighty Roman king Albert, the son of King Rudolf, after a reim
of ten years, in the year of the Lord 1308 on the 1st of May at noon. On the
spot was built the monastery of Konigsfelden of the order of the Minorites,
and at first the king was placed in it, but was afterwards transported to
Speier. In the same monastery several of his sons also were buried; here,
top, later on, the daughter of the king, the former queen of Hungary, spent a
holy life of forty years' duration.
The murderers escaped and came first to the castle of Fribourg; but.
betrayed by the count of Nidau the lord of the castle, with whom they haa
taken refuge, they dispersed. Von Palm, a brave knight, was for long at B&le,
concealed m the house of the lay sisters, where he died. While he was still *
living, his castle Altbiiren was taken by Duke Leopold, the king's son, and
fifty of the castellans were beheaded. The castle of Schnabelburg and other
Eossessions of Walter von Eschenbach were destroyed; he himself became a
erdsman in the territory of the graf of Wurtemberg. Thirty-five years later
he revealed his identity on his deathbed and was honourably buried. Von der
Wart was fain to make a pilgrimage to the apostolic chair after that he had
for somewhile lain perdu in his castle of Falkenstein. When he came to Yla,
a city of the count Theobald de Blamont, the court fool betrayed him to the
count and his lady, who was of the house of Veringen; and with tears in her
eyes she said: "Far be it from my thoughts that he should escape who
murdered my sovereign, and blood relation." Together with his servant
Rulassingen he was taken captive by the count and ransomed for gold to
Duke Leopold. Hence this count is called " the bargainer."
Rulassingen was broken on the wheel at Ensisheim, but Von der Wart
was conducted to the scene of the king's murder to be there awarded judg-
ment. As he was given no legal support, he made his own defence, denied at
first that he had murdered the king, and offered a challenge to single combat;
then he added, no crime had been committed against the man who himself had
incurred the guilt of high treason by killing his sovereign, the Roman king. 1
But after the murder had been condemned by the proclamation of the emperor
Henry, it was decided that a further verdict was no longer necessary. So he
was bound to a horse's tail, dragged to the place of execution, and here, after
his limbs had been broken, tied to a wheel. His wife, a Von Palm before
her marriage, came in the night and threw herself upon the ground under the
wheel, like the crucified man, and remained fixed in prayer. But when he was
asked if he desired the presence of his wife, he replied that he did not want
this, for that her compassion was as painful to him as his own suffering. As a
widow this woman passed a holy life for many years at B&le. But Duke John,
after he had concealed himself in many places, came at last to Pisa disguised
as a Beguin, was taken prisoner by the emperor Henry, and remained many
[ l The Strasborg manuscript adds : " Since Albert himself had undone Adolphus, his
sovereign."]
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THE READJUSTMENT OF GERMANY 165
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years after the emperor's death in prison; at last he too died and was honour-
ably buried. 1
But after the death of the king there came a messenger in the twilight,
when the besieged on the Fiirstenstein were fain to surrender and he cried up
to the summit of the mountain: "Lord of Raperg, the king is murdered."*
KING HENRY VII, THE LUXEMBURGER
After the murder of King Albert some time elapsed before the crown of
Germany again fell to his line, for the memory of his imperious rule and the
dread of the overpowering might of the Habsburgs held the princes in fear;
moreover many of them aspired to the same splendid position. Least of all
were the spiritual electors disposed to let the monarchy become hereditary
in one family; for, as matters stood, every fresh election was a chance of
bargaining for fresh prizes for themselves.
Among the candidates who now came forward, Philip the Fair, king of
France, appeared to urge the claims of his brother, Charles of Valois. The
danger that Germany would thus fall under the dominion of a foreign ruler
was by no means chimerical, for two German princes, the archbishop of
Cologne and the duke of Saxe-Lauenburg, were prepared to vote for Charles,
and the German nation had no voice in the choice of its king. Fortunately
for Germany, the pope realised that the dignity and independence of the
church would be hopelessly forfeited if he unconditionally obeyed the king
of France in this matter, and that his best protection against French omnipo-
tence would be a German king.
He therefore secretly and urgently admonished the electors of Mainz
and Treves to hurry on the election, and their country profited by the self-
interested motives of the two prelates. They both proposed Count Henry
of Luxemburg; the elector Baldwin of Treves urged his candidature because
he was his brother, and the elector of Mainz, whose name was Peter Aich-
spalter, because such a choice would exclude the Habsburgs he hated, and
because, having been intimately connected with the Luxemburgers in earlier
days, he hoped for great future benefits from Henry. In fact Henry had
to promise him the confirmation of all the privileges and liberties of the
archiepiscopal see of Mainz, together with continual support and large sums
of money. Peter Aichspalter then put forth all his craft and restless energy,
and so contrived to have his prot6g6 elected king of Germany under the
title of Henry VII, at Frankfort-on-the-Main, on November 27th, 1308.
The votes were given by ballot, and were therefore secret, a complete departure
from previous usage. This method of election was due to the influence of
the archbishop of Mainz, because by its means he could be more certain
of the successful issue of nis wiles.
King Henry VIFs private dominions were small, but his reputation for
i This corresponds with the account given by Heinrich the Deaf/ "The wandering fugi-
tive, Duke John, murderer of King Albert, wrapped in the robes of an Augustine monk, threw
himself before his (the emperor's) feet and begged for mercy. He explained that he was sent
by the pope who had decided that his crime must be punished according to civil law, but not
according to the regulations of the church. The emperor was no little moved and knew not
what to do. He felt it hard to refuse to listen to the weeping man, but to permit a crime so
unheard of to go unpunished seemed to him unjust and godless. Struggling between mercy and
uprightness he at last found a third way out of his difficulty : the criminal should not lose his
life, but should be severely punished. So the emperor gave orders to put him in a tower and
keep him in strict confinement there till his death, so that thus he might at least repent and
obtain God's pardon." [The account of Ferreto di Vicenza is very similar to this; only he
makes Genoa the scene of the interview between the emperor and John.]
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166 THE HOLY SOMAN EMPIRE
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courage, wisdom, and justice stood high — and for good reason. To be
saved from a French king was unquestionably a boon for Germany; if only
Henry VII had not been infected with so many un-German qualities! In
education and tastes he was half French, he loved splendour and pomp,
there was something of the adventurer in his temperament, which was chival-
rous but over-fantastic. His first appearance as king was both gorgeous
and significant, for he caused pompous funeral rites to be celebrated
at the first great diet which he held at Speier. He had the bodies of his two
predecessors, Adolphus and Albert, carried thither and interred with great
honour beside the empress, in the cathedral. There those two enemies lay
side by side in the peace of the grave, while he comforted their sorrowing
widows (1309). At the same time he laid Albert's murderers under the ban
of the empire and abandoned them to the vengeance of the Habsburgs. Thus
he secured the gratitude of that great princely house.
On the other hand, he intimidated them by confirming the immediacy
of the free communes of Switzerland and postponing the enfeofment of Fred-
erick the Handsome of Austria, the eldest son of Albert I. Thus he suc-
ceeded in procuring the assent of the Habsburgs to a project which greatly
augmented the family dominions of the new king.
Bohemia, which King Albert had taken much trouble to procure for his
own house, and for his eldest son Rudolf, had been given up after the death
of the latter, as has already been mentioned, to Duke Henry of Carinthia.
He, however, had made himself so unpopular among the Bohemians by the
preference he exhibited for his countrymen the Carinthians, that one party
in the country determined to offer the crown to John, son of Henry VII,
on condition that he should marry Elizabeth, the youngest sister of their
former king, Wenceslaus III. In return for many concessions, made in
part at the expense of the empire, the Habsburgs consented that Bohemia
should not revert to them but pass in the manner aforesaid to the house of
Luxemburg. The princes of the empire then deposed Henry of Carinthia
on the ground that he had neglected to do homage for Bohemia as a fief of
the German Empire, and declared that the country had lapsed to the crown.
Thereupon Henry bestowed it on his son John and married him to Elizabeth.
This took place at a general diet of the empire (parlamentum generate, as
the assembly was styled), held at Frankfort in 1310. Here the king's peace
was once more enjoined; for it had been disturbed by many unruly nobles,
and especially by Eberhard, the haughty count of Wurtemburg, who had
driven the Swabian cities of the empire into revolt by his oppressions. The
king laid him under the ban. On the other hand, Landgraf Frederick (who
was nicknamed Frederick with the Bitten Cheek l ) was once more acknowl-
edged sovereign of Meissen and Thuringia, where his rights had been contested
by Albert I.
Henry is Crowned Emperor, and Dies in Italy (1312-1313 A.D.)
The most urgent affairs of state were hardly disposed of, and Henry had
only just succeeded in acquiring a considerable extent of territory for his
[' In Meissen and Thuringia, Albert the Degenerate had persecuted his wife, Margarete, of
the noble house of Hohenstaufen, and his children, with the most rancorous hatred, on account
of the disappointment of the hopes of aggrandisement which had formed the sole motive of his
alliance with that family. He even despatched one of his servants to the Wartburg for the
purpose of assassinating her ; but the countess, warned by him of his lord's intention, fled
secretly (after biting her eldest son, Frederick, in the cheek, in token of the vengeance she
intended to take) to Frankfort, where she shortly afterwards died of grief. — Mbnzel.0]
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THE READJUSTMENT OP GERMANY 1«7
[1312-1313 A.D.]
house (a matter which all kings felt imperative, and with good reason, in
view of the power of other princely families), before he brought forward
the idea which most strongly stirred his ambitious spirit. He longed to set
the imperial crown upon his head, to revive the ancient greatness and glory
of the shattered empire, to add Rome and Italy once more to the imperial
dominions; and so he turned into the abandoned paths which the Hohen-
staufens had trodden, and which had led them, in spite of power far greater
than his, to such an unfortunate end.
It is true that things in Italy seemed at that time extremely favourable
to the restoration of the ancient empire. It had been conquered by the
papacy, but the credit of the papacy itself had suffered a severe shock in the
struggle, and had soon afterwards succumbed before the French king, who
had Drought it under his own ascendency in the Babylonian Captivity A
The story of Henry's triumphal entry into Italy has already been told
in volume IX of our history. It will be recalled that Henry received the
imperial crown at Rome on the 29th of June, 1312, and that he died suddenly
at the convent of Buon Convento on August 24th of the following year.
The circumstance that he received the sacrament shortly before his death
gave rise to the [probably unfounded] assertion that a Dominican friar had
administered poison to him in the consecrated elements.
Thus speedily perished this chivalrous emperor and his high-flown pro-
jects. Rapid and splendid as a meteor, he pursued his course over the ruins
of the past, and like a meteor vanished suddenly into the night of time, leaving
no trace behind. He pursued a phantom; therefore he lived and strove in
vain. That which he had founded in Germany — the power of the house
of Luxemburg — survived him for a while; but it brought no blessing to
the nation and kingdom of Germany.
CIVIL BROILS
Henry VII, unmindful of his nearest duties and interests, had gone to
Italy to restore the ancient glories of the empire. And yet Germany was in
dire need of a zealous defender, a careful organiser, The empire was filled
with tumults and feuds waged by the greedy princes, sometimes against their
own kin, more often against their weaker neighbours. Ever since the Inter-
regnum the various members of the empire had looked in vain for effective
and lasting support from the king; they had been driven to learn how to
protect themselves, and among the weak the expedient of confederacy had
proved its value. The cities, above all, had become effective guardians of
the public peace by means of firm alliances; and it was mainly to their aid
that the kings owed the victories they sometimes gained over the great
troublers of the peace.
Thus it was mainly by the substantial assistance of the Swabian cities
of the empire that the sentence of outlawry which Henry VII had jpronounced
upon Count Eberhard of Wurtemberg before his expedition to Rome could
be carried into effect.
It was a harder task to impose tranquillity upon the great princes, whose
self-interested ambition was perpetually fanning the flame of war to a blaze.
The families of Anhalt and Wettin in the north, and of Wittelsbach and Habs-
burg in the south were seldom at peace among themselves or with their neigh-
bours.
In Brandenburg the conquests and institutions of Albert the Bear had been
continued with skill and success by his descendants, the Anhalt princes.
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168 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIBE
nsia-i3i9A.D.j
During the thirteenth century they had greatly extended their territory
up the Havel and Spree and across the Oder, had acquired Barnim, Teltow,
iibus, Ukermark, and Neumark by purchase or conquest, and made the
country German by colonisation. The settlements were usually made in
the following way: The markgraf sold a Mark, or district, to a German who
cleared the land and planted a village on it, and then gave it back to the
markgraf, the lord of the country, receiving in return certain privileges,
such as a share of the proceeds of the law-courts, toll from millers and gar-
deners, four hides of land and the office of village-magistrate (Schulz), which
remained attached to his farm as a feudal privilege {LehensschuUen). Besides
the Lehensschulz the village was inhabited by peasant settlers, who paid
moderate dues to the lord of the manor and followed the markgraf in war;
the local jurisdiction was exercised by the markgraf 's bailiff, who was assisted
by the Schulz in the capacity of sheriff. The cottars (Kossdten) held a lower
position than the land-owning peasants. The larger landowners in the new
marks soon constituted a kind of aristocracy (consisting largely of the military
vassals of the markgraf) which imitated the character of the German knightly
class. Cities were likewise founded in the new marks by the Anhalt line, one
of them being Frankfort-on-the-Oder. Like the villages, they came into
being by German colonisation, all the citizens (Ackerburger — an inhabitant
of a town who practises agriculture) were German, and were divided into
four principal guilds (shoemakers, tailors, butchers, and bakers) and applied
themselves to husbandry as well as to their trades. The Slavonic aborigines
had no citizen rights and lived outside the walls in the vid slavicales (Kieteen) ;
they were for the most part fishermen and gardeners. The older cities of
the mark, especially Stendal, drove a brisk trade, and some of them joined
the Hanseatic League.
Thus fresh German blood was poured into the marks, and its vigour
enhanced the consequence of the markgraf. He was the military over-lord
and ruled his marks as his private property, as to the government of which
the nobles and clergy had little to say, and the king hardly anything at all.
Good fighters and good managers all, the Anhalt princes created a considerable
domain in these parts, and strove to augment it by every means in their
power. They divided their territory in 1266 between the two branches of
Stendal and Salzwedel, but they nevertheless continued to live together in
harmony. Markgraf Otto with the Arrow was famous among them as a
knight and minnesinger (died 1309); but the most famous of them all was
Markgraf Waldemar, who was the head of the family at the beginning of the
fourteenth century. He was the bravest and most powerful prince of his
day in north Germany, a successful conqueror and a sagacious statesman.
He divided Pomerellen (the country between the Stolpe and Vistula) with
the knights of the Teutonic order, and won large portions of Lusatia and
Meissen to the south of his dominions. This brought him into conflict with
the Wettin princes, whose chief representative, Landgraf Frederick of Thu-
ringia was as warlike as he himself. Waldemar defeated him at Grossenhain
in 1312 and took him prisoner.
In the north Waldemar's reputation steadily rose; all the princes in
those parts looked on him with envy, and when he presently went to war
with Witzlaf, prince of Riigen, who had attempted to bring Stralsund under
his authority, most of the princes of north Germany, together with Poland,
Denmark, Sweden and Norway, entered into a league against him. Walde-
mar, however, made head against his enemies valiantly at the battle of
Gransee in 1316, and the league was dissolved. He died in the year 1319,
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THE BEADJTJSTMEtfT OF GERMANY 169
[1314 A.D.]
leaving no issue, and was soon followed to the grave by Landgraf Frederick
with the Bitten Cheek, whose long life had teen an uninterrupted series
of conflicts and adventures.
RIVALRY OF HABSBURG AND WTTTELSBACH (1314 A.D.)
Meanwhile in south Germany the two great families of Habsburg and
Wittelsbach were vying with one another in importance, the one strongly
established in the Austrian provinces and Switzerland, and ever covetous
of fresh possessions; the other in Bavaria and the palatinate. The strength
of the Habsburgs was their unity; five brothers, sons of King Albert, ruled
the hereditary dominions of their house conjointly, under the superinten-
dence of Frederick the Handsome and Leopold — the eldest two. Wittels-
bach, on the contrary, exhausted its own strength by territorial divisions
and family quarrels.**
Nevertheless Duke Ludwig of Upper Bavaria, of the house of Wittels-
bach, was able to make headway against Frederick the Handsome of Austria,
in a petty war which had resulted from a domestic quarrel, and at the death
of Henry VII he already stood out as the most likely leader of the party
that opposed the Habsburgs*
The choice of the electoral princes was certain not to fall upon Henry VIFs
son, the young king John of Bohemia, because they were anxious, from
motives of self-interest, that the monarchy should not become hereditary.
Some of them favoured Frederick the Handsome: he himself cherished con-
fident hopes of obtaining the crown; the Habsburg power was great; he
had friends in high places, such as the archbishop of Cologne, Rudolf the
count palatine, and the dukes of Saxe-Wittenberg and Carinthia; above all
he had strong support in his able brother, Duke Leopold. 1
The latter, " the flower of chivalry" as he was styled, laboured indefatigably
and with passionate zeal to procure his brother's elevation. But the Luxem- '
burgers, with John of Bohemia and the elector of Treves at their head, were
firmly resolved that the crown should not fall to the Habsburgs. They turned
their eyes to Ludwig the Bavarian, who had just defeated Frederick the
Handsome at Gammelsdorf, and made him an offer of the crown. He had
scruples about accepting it at first, but ultimately did so, when the Luxem-
burgers gave him assurances of the strongest support against Frederick.
They brought some other princes over to their side, mainly by the exertions
of Peter Aichspalter, archbishop of Mainz, the chief of whom were the electors
of Brandenburg and Saxe-Lauenburg. Like his immediate predecessors,
Ludwig the Bavarian was obliged to promise the electors great privileges
and large sums of money in return for their votes.
LUDWIG OF BAVARIA AND FREDERICK OF AUSTRIA
When the day of election was at length come the two parties of Habsburg
and Luxemburg encamped on the Main outside Frankfort. On the 19th
of October the first named elected Frederick the Handsome by four votes,
[' This Leopold, the son of Albert I, supported the Habsburg party, and his brother,
Frederick the Handsome, against Ludwig. He should be remembered in connection with the
Swiss victory of Morgarten in 1815, at which he was beaten in the endeavour to punish the
Waldst&tte for siding with Ludwig. He is to be distinguished from his nephew Leopold ; who
attacked the Swiss with equal violence and with an effect even more disastrous to Austria later
on at Sempach in 1886.°]
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170 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIEE
[1315-1823 a.d.]
and the following day their opponents elected Ludwig the Bavarian by five.
The city of Frankfort readily opened its gates to the latter and did him homage
as the rightful sovereign of the empire, while it refused to admit Frederick
the Handsome. The latter tried to get to Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) with all
speed and be crowned there; but Ludwig the Bavarian was the first to arrive,
and Frederick consequently had himself crowned at Bonn by the archbishop
of Cologne on November 25th. Ludwig received the crown at Aix-la-Chapelle
on the following day from the hands of the archbishop of Mainz. Thus each
of the rivals had something of traditional usage in his favour — Frederick
that he had been crowned by the archbishop who had been wont to perform
the ceremony from ancient times, Ludwig that his coronation had taken place
on the spot which tradition had assigned for it. Moreover the elections
had hitherto been made by a unanimous vote, and the law of election did
not provide for the case of a mere majority.
Thus each of the two adduced precedent for the lawfulness of his election,
and the decision was referred to the judgment of God in battle. Germany
was divided into hostile camps, and a civil war broke out which lasted for
years. All noble families and cities took sides, the latter holding mainly
with Ludwig the Bavarian, the friend of the people. The four cantons
likewise declared for him. They had been at feud with the abbot of Ein-
siedeln, who was protected by the house of Habsburg, and having attacked
the abbey had been interdicted and laid under the ban of the empire in con-
sequence; Ludwig released them from the ban, and caused the archbishop
of Mainz to absolve them from the interdict also.
Meanwhile the contest between the two rival kings lasted for eight years
without coming to a decisive issue, for the might of the Habsburgs was great
enough to counterbalance that of any other German prince, and as Ludwig
the Bavarian gained little substantial support from the Luxemburgers, who
had elevated him to the throne, he was unable to make himself master of
.the empire. The worst of the suffering fell upon the country itself. The
electors were not sorry to witness the general confusion, as it left them freer
to rule as they pleased within their own dominions.
To the pope, John XXII, the chaotic state of the empire was even more
welcome. Instead of taking the side of either of the disputants in the name
of the church, he called them both " his beloved sons and chosen kings of
Rome, ,, at the same time making the quarrel a pretext for declaring himself
the rightful regent (vicar) of the empire. His motive for this step was
self-interest, for under this title he purposed to win upper Italy for himself.
With the same object he used his revenues (which he had enormously increased
by the institution of a fresh ecclesiastical tax, the annates, i.e. the first year's
income of every vacant benefice) to keep an army in his pay, and commanded
the chiefs of the Lombard cities to resign the imperial governorships con-
ferred upon them by the emperor Henry VII.
On this point his will was most stubbornly withstood by Milan, where the
family of the Visconti had acquired the supreme power. In vain did the
papal mercenaries besiege the city; it appealed for aid to King Ludwig,
and obtained from him a body of auxiliaries who put the papal troops to
flight. John XXII now openly took his stand against Ludwig, who in the
meantime had grown too strong for him in Germany. Thus the decision
between the two rival kings was at length brought about. To put an end
to the uncertain strife Frederick the Handsome, in the autumn of 1322,
made an incursion into Bavaria, where his soldiers wrought frightful havoc,
while his brother Leopold invaded the country from Swabia.
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THE BEADJTTSTMENT OF GERMANY, 171
[1322 A.D.]
The Battle of Mihhldorf (1322 A.D.)
Frederick, with a large and well-equipped army, reinforced by auxiliary
troops from Hungary, was camped at Muhldorf on the Inn, and from thence
sent couriers to his brother Leopold to join him with all speed. If the brothers
succeeded in effecting a junction Ludwig was lost, but Leopold inopportunely
lingered by the way, and, to Ludwig's great good fortune, the messengers
who went to and fro between the brothers were caught by the Bavarian
peasants, so that neither learned anything of the other's movements. Ludwig
advanced rapidly to meet the enemy and ranged his army in order of battle
on Ampfing Heath (not far from Muhldorf). The men of the cities formed
the main Dody of his force (as the nobles, of Frederick's), and he had with
him the troops supplied by the elector of Treves and King John of Bohemia.
He placed the burggraf of Nuremberg, Frederick III of Zollern, in ambush
with four hundred knights who assumed Austrian colours and carried Austrian
banners to delude the enemy. King Ludwig, probably for prudential reasons.,
wore a plain coat of mail; Frederick, on the contrary, rode proudly in the
van of his host in royal armour, the imperial eagle on his glittering golden
mail, the crown upon his helmet — never had he been handsomer than on that
day.
The battle began in the early morning of the 22nd of September, 1322.
The trumpets blared, the drums rattled, and with wild outcries Frederick's
Hungarian auxiliaries, the savage Cumanians and Bulgarians, charged the
left wing of Ludwig's line. That position was held by the Bohemians under
King John, and they gave ground before the onslaught; the Bavarian horse-
men were presently driven back in places. Ludwig himself was in danger
of being taken prisoner, but the bakers of Munich forced their way to him
through the press and cut him a way out with sturdy blows; the rest of the
citizen foot-soldiers also bore themselves bravely. For hours the fight surged
to and fro. The Bohemians rallied again, and then the burggraf of Nurem-
berg decided the fortune of the day.
From a wooded valley on the river Isen the Austrians suddenly saw fresh
troops advancing with their own banners and colours, and thought Duke
Leopold had come. The new arrivals pressed close upon the flanks and rear
of the Austrians, they were eye to eye before the stratagem was discovered;
this was no Duke Leopold, but their enemy the burggraf of Nuremberg with
fresh succours. Terror ran through the Austrian ranks. Surrounded on
all sides, they took flight to the Isen and across it; Frederick with three
noble comrades still fought madly in a meadow. At length his horse fell
and he was taken prisoner. Ludwig greeted him kindly, but profound grief
kept Frederick silent. According to one legend Schweppermann's brother-
in-law, Ritter Albrecht von Rindsmaul, was the man to whom Frederick
yielded himself prisoner. Schweppermann himself, so the story goes, had
greatly distinguished himself that day, and at the meal on the evening of
the battle, where the scanty fare consisted of a number of eggs, one for each
and one over, King Ludwig honoured him by giving him the last, with the
words: "One egg to every man, two to honest Schweppermann" (Jedem
ein Ei, dem frommen Schweppermann zwei). The old hero had these words
inscribed upon his tombstone. In the days immediately following, Ludwig
sent his captive rival in honourable custody to the castle of Trausnitz on the
Pfreimdt, near Nabburg.
By this great victory Ludwig the Bavarian set the crown securely on his
head and gained power and prestige enough to come forward openly as
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17t THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIBE
[1328-1824 a.b.]
sovereign of the whole empire. He used his good fortune with prudence and
courage. The first thing he did was to try and increase his hereditary domin-
ions. In the same year, 1323, he held a diet at Nuremberg, commanded that
the king's peace should be maintained, and put an end to a long quarrel about
the mark of Brandenburg, the sovereignty of which had fallen vacant by the
death of the elector Waldemar (1319) and of his sole heir, Henry of Landsberg
(1320). He adjudged it to be a fief that had lapsed to the empire, and
bestowed it upon his son Ludwig, then eighteen years of age. Thus the rule
of the Wittelsoach line followed upon that of the Anhalts in the mark.
New Dissensions
But in spite of the momentary advantage he had gained, King Ludwig
had by no means entered into peaceful possession of the throne. Duke Leo-
pold of Austria had not given up his brother's cause as lost, but was moving
heaven and earth to oppose his victorious enemy. Moreover two fresh and
mighty adversaries arose, the Luxemburgs and the pope; the former because
they feared and envied the overweening might of the Wittelsbach prince and
thought their own services insufficiently rewarded; the latter because Ludwig
had kept him from conquering Lombardy and had not conferred the imperial
governorship of that province upon him. The pope had a document affixed
to the doors of the cathedral at Avignon, the purport of which was that Lud-
wig should refrain from all government functions and cancel all that he had
hitherto done as king, because he had not apjplied for the pope's sanction to
his election. No man was to acknowledge him king on pain of excommuni-
cation.
When Ludwig heard of this proceeding he wrote at Nuremberg a solemn
and indignant defence of the rights of the empire and of the independence of
the German crown, and appealed to a general council of the church. The pope
carried his arrogant pretensions a step farther, and made secret preparations
for depriving Ludwig of the crown and procuring it for King Charles IV of
France. He excommunicated Ludwig (1324) for failing to obey his com-
mands, and laid Germany under an interdict. Substantial weight was added
to these curses by the fact that King Ludwig's numerous political opponents,
especially the Luxemburgers and the Habsburgers, made common cause with
the pope.
Ludwig and Germany, however, found weighty supporters in an unex-
pected quarter — the order of Minorites (Franciscans). This brotherhood
stubbornly upheld the vow of unconditional poverty, according to which they
might not possess the slenderest share of this world's goods, and because the
pope repudiated this doctrine they boldly opposed him and impugned his
authority. By sermons and in the confessional they strove zealously to open
the eyes of the populace to the usurpations of the Roman see, to the abuses
and vices of the Roman court, and thus tore asunder the veil of illusion behind
which, in the minds of the people, the pope had appeared not merely as the
vice regent of God upon earth but almost as divine omnipotence itself, in the
glory of inconceivable holiness and majesty. By this means the dreaded
weapon of the interdict was shorn of much of its terror even amongst the
lower classes of the population.
The burgher class likewise remained loyal to the king and was no less
wroth than he at the arrogant pretensions of the papacy, and hence the
superior clergy, the Dominicans, and many of the bishops gained little by
their attempts to stir up rebellion against the excommunicated sovereign.
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THE READJUSTMENT OP GERMANY 17S
[1325 A.D.]
The pope endeavoured all the more fiercely to compass his overthrow by
temporal means. He induced the king of Poland to invade Brandenburg
(1325) and prompted Duke Leopold of Austria to offer the crown of Germany
to King Charles IV of France. This the Habsburg prince did, and received
from the French king in return a promise of the gift of many free German
cities find counties in the event of the -business coming to a successful issue.
But the other German princes were more conscientious, and the election of
Charles came to nothing. Count Berthold von Bucheck, commander of the
order of Teutonic knights at Coblenz, distinguished himself by his manful
protest against such an ignominious act.
None the less King Ludwig's position was insecure enough, in view of the
enmity or lukewarm friendship of all the electors. Moreover (in 1325) he was
defeated in the field by Duke Leopold. With a heavy heart he reviewed the
perils which were gathering about him on every side, and ultimately resolved
to propose a friendly agreement to his captive rival. He rode secretly from
Munich to the castle of Trausnitz, and offered Frederick the Handsome his
liberty. Frederick's confessor Gottfried, the pious prior of the Carthusian
monastery of Mauerbach, lent his aid in the work of reconciliation. Fred-
erick was willing to come to terms; he abdicated the crown and promised on
his own behalf and on that of his brother to do homage to the king and to aid
him against all his enemies, undertaking that, if he could not accomplish this
reconciliation, he would surrender himself prisoner again at the solstice on
the feast of St. John. The reconciled friends devoutly heard mass and
received the holy sacrament together. They then embraced and kissed one
another with profound emotion. This took place on the 13th of March, 1325.
Frederick returned to Vienna and did his utmost to induce his family to
recognise the compact. He even tried to bring about a reconciliation between
Ludwig and the pope. But John XXII would not hear of peace; he declared
that the oath whicn Frederick had sworn to the king was void and that he was
liable to excommunication if he kept it. Even his brother Leopold was not to
be moved by his arguments, but loaded him with taunts for his weak com-
plaisance and would nave nothing to say to the agreement. The pope encour-
aged Leopold in his vehement opposition; he went so far as to call upon the
kmgs of France and Poland to take up arms against Germany, and absolved
the people of Brandenburg from the oath they had sworn to Ludwig's son.
When Frederick found that he could not keep the compact he resolved
nevertheless to keep his word. At the solstice he came back to Munich and
voluntarily gave himself into custody. Ludwig clasped him to his heart with
profound emotion and received him as a friend. For a long while the pope
could not believe that such loyalty was possible to German nature, but Lud-
wig placed firm reliance upon it. When he was forced to go to his son's
assistance in Brandenburg he left Bavaria under the faithful guardianship of
Frederick. On the 5th of September, 1325, they entered into a compact to
rule the empire conjointly, which was opposed by the pope and the electors as
soon as it became known to them, but was maintained by the two kings in
spite of opposition. Fortunately Duke Leopold died soon after at Strasburg;
and Frederick, full of grief and yearning for repose, retired into the Carthusian
monastery of Mauerbach. He did not long survive his brother, but died in
1330.
THE REIGN OF LUDWIG THE BAVARIAN
After the death of Leopold, Ludwig's irreconcilable foe, the energy of his
opponents in Germany began to flag; the pope alone did not cease from setting
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174 THE HOLY EOMAN EMPIRE
[1336-1335 A.D.]
snares and difficulties in his way. Ludwig, for his part, resolved to clutch at
his adversary's crown, to put an end to the scandal of Avignon, and, as
defender of the church, to set up a pope at Rome once more. With this object
he went to Italy in the year 1327, there to assume the imperial crown, and so
acquire a higher and more authoritative standing in ecclesiastical matters.
He met with a favourable reception at Milan, and also at Rome, where the
Ghibelline party was for the time in the ascendant; in the former place he had
himself crowned with the iron crown of Lombardy, in the latter with the
crown of the empire (1328). The imperial coronation ceremony was not per-
formed in the name of the pope as heretofore, but in that of the city of Rome,
the ancient mistress of the world. A Roman noble of the great house of the
Colonna opened the gates of the city to the king and handed over the diadem
to him in St. Peter's. Ludwig then deposed the pope, on the charge of having
profaned his high office by simony and heresy, and caused the Romans to
elect a Minorite monk, who assumed the name of Nicholas V, to be pope in his
stead. The emperor himself invested him with the papal mantle and placed
on his finger the ring which was the symbol of papal authority.
For the moment it seemed as though, after its long struggle, the empire
had won a final victory over the papacy; but the victory was a mere illusion
and this journey to Rome proved no less futile than many before it. For the
German princes who had accompanied Ludwig returned home soon after the
coronation, and his powerful supporter Castruccio, a Ghibelline soldier who had
risen to be master of the city of Lucca, and whom Ludwig had elevated to the
rank of duke of Lucca, likewise left Rome.
The soldiers of King Robert of Naples made raids right up to the gates of
the city; Ludwig could no longer pay his own men, and he was compelled by
sheer need of money to impose taxes on the Romans. His popularity rapidly
declined; rebellion and treason grew rife about him; John XXII summoned
all Italy to arms against him. Ludwig was obliged to leave Rome on the 6th
of August; the fickle Romans followed him with shouts of " Long live the holy
. church!" "Death to the heretics!" and made their peace with Pope John.
Dogged at every step by want and danger, the emperor marched through Italy
back to Germany, after having brought about a family compact at Pavia to
ensure the hereditary dominions of the house of Wittelsbach against partition.
It was the king's constant endeavour to increase and consolidate the power
of his house by every possible means, and in this matter he went prudently
and zealously to work. The fear of the Luxemburgs, who were perpetually
striving to forestall the Wittelsbachs in the race for territory, withheld him
from arbitrary measures, for which, indeed, he had neither sufficient audacity
nor substantial might. For although the death of Frederick the Handsome,
in 1330, left him sole king of Germany, he gained little by it in the way of
revenue or property; and other great princely families, such as the Luxem-
burgs and Habsburgs, matched, u they did not surpass him in the extent of
their dynastic possessions. In fact, these two houses soon afterwards enriched
themselves by a great heritage which they snatched from the king's grasp.
The latter would gladly have seized upon at least a portion of the lands of
old Duke Henry of Carinthia, but was outwitted by King John of Bohemia,
who married his younger son, John Henry, to the duke's daughter Margarete
Maultasch (so called from her birth-place, the castle of Maultasch in the
Tyrol), and then came to an agreement with the Habsburgs, who were collat-
eral relations of the duke of Carinthia, by which he took the Tyrol and they
Carinthia and Carniola after the death of the reigning sovereign (1335).
Meanwhile the pope continued ceaselessly to stir up strife against the
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THE READJUSTMENT OP GERMANY 175
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emperor until, for the sake of peace, the latter made a great effort to come to
terms with the adversary he had failed to conquer. The pope demanded that
he should sacrifice the hated Minorites, and Ludwig was weak enough to
profess his willingness to do so. The pope then went a step farther in his
demands and required the emperor to abdicate. Ludwig, weary of perpetual
commotions, was almost inclined to accede even to this, when the murmurs of
the patriotic party in Germany, and of the cities in particular, gave him cour-
age to assume a more dignified attitude. He continued to negotiate with the
Kpal court at Avignon, all the more readily since John XXII was dead and
d been succeeded by Benedict XII. But the new pope, an upright but weak
man, was completely under the influence of Philip, king of France, who hoped
to win the imperial crown for himself.
The Electoral League
At length the emperor and all the princes of Germany arrived at the con-
elusion that the honour and independence of the whole German nation were at
stake, and combined to safeguard their native land for evermore from the
arrogant pretensions of foreigners in general and of the pope in particular.
Learned men came forward as champions in the great struggle. Bonagratia,
a Minorite friar, addressed a letter upon the unlawfulness of the interdicts of
John XXII to all cathedral chapters and seminaries of learning; William of
Occam, another Minorite, and an Englishman, wrote upon the limits of the
temporal and spiritual power, adducing proofs from Roman and canon law;
and a German, Canon Leopold von Babenberg, deduced from history the rights
of the Roman Empire and the imperial prerogative. 1 They all loudly asserted
the principle, which had unhappily been forgotten for so long, " that in Ger-
many the sovereignty of a king comes of the election of the people, whose
rights are delegated to the prince-electors, and that the validity of the election
depends upon the assent of the people alone and not upon the pope; that the
coronation has fallen into the hands of the pope by accident, and gives him no
right to examine, still less to reject the kings and emperors; and that, more-
over, the authority of the papacy is not superior to that of the empire, for God
hath committed the supreme power in temporal affairs to the emperor alone,
and in spiritual affairs to all bishops; that, consequently, the pope is not
superior, but inferior to a general council of the church; and hence it is an
abuse that he should excommunicate those who do not recognise his authority
in all things as supreme and infallible/ 1
The emperor proceeded to act in conformity with these principles. In
July of the year 1338 he held a great diet at Frankfort-on-the-Main, to which
he summoned the nobles and freemen of the empire, the cathedral chapters,
and delegates from the cities, as well as the temporal and spiritual princes and
lords, so that the greater part of the nation was represented by deputies.
Ludwig first gave proof of his orthodoxy and rebutted the false charge of
heresy, and then showed how he had employed every imaginable means con-
sistent with the honour of Germany to make his peace with the church. Here-
upon the estates of the empire declared that " the unjust interdict of John
XXII is null and void and is to be abrogated by the emperor." On the 15th
[> Greater than these, one of the greatest thinkers of all time, was Marsiglio of Padua,
whose Defensor Pacts had perhaps less direct effect in its day because it was so far beyond it*
Marsiglio laid down in this work a theory of the state which is distinctly modern. He foresaw
democracy and analysed the basis of sovereignty with the keenness of one of the greatest and
most prophetic men of genius in the history of human thought. But centuries were to elapse
before his greatness was discovered.]
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176 THE HOLY EOMAN EMPIRE
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of July, Ludwig, accompanied by all the electors, except King John of
Bohemia, proceeded to Rhense on the Rhine, where the "king's chair" stood.
There they bound themselves by oath that they would protect and maintain
the Holy Roman Empire with all its rights and liberties against all foreign
domination or usurpation, by unanimous resolution, or, should discord arise,
by the votes of the majority; and that he whom they all, or the majority of
them, should elect king or emperor should so remain, in virtue of that election
without the sanction of the pope. Ludwig caused this resolution of the con-
federation of electors at Rhense to be openly promulgated as a fundamental
law of the empire. Thus the majesty of the empire was solemnly restored.
The arrogant claims of the papacy to the disposal of the German crown
were in this way finally decided and rejected for all time. They had struck
upon a two-fold obstacle, the national sentiment of the German nation, which
would endure no foreign interference in German affairs, and the pride of the
electors, who regarded the choice of a king and the highest affairs of state in
general as their peculiar province, and did, as a matter of fact, govern them
thenceforward. They were the first to profit by the defeat of the papacy.
Their claims to be the pillars of the empire, to have the sole choice of the
emperor and to be his associates in the government, were incontrovertibly
established by the confederation of electors (Kurverein) as against the pope or
any other authority. But the assurance of its independence abroad at least,
and the barrier now erected against the baneful influence of a foreign pope
upon the government of the empire, was a boon to Germany. Papal aggres-
sion was by no means at an end, however, and Ludwig had only a brief season
to enjoy his victory and the advantage which his successful appeal to the nation
had given him. The princes had taken his part from self-interested motives,
and the same motives soon led them to side with his enemy. They were
incited to do so by the emperor's successful pursuit of his plans for increasing
the Wittelsbach possessions. He not only united the whole of Bavaria under
his sway on the extinction of the lower Bavarian branch of the family, but
gained considerable accessions of territory by dissolving, in virtue of his
imperial authority, the marriage of the heiress of the Tyrol, Margarete Maul-
tasch, who had repudiated her impotent husband, and marrying her to his son,
Ludwig of Brandenburg.
The acquisition of the Tyrol was of vast importance to him on account of
its situation between Bavaria and Italy; but by this proceeding he not only
enraged the new pope, Clement VI, who was inspired by the spirit of John
XXII, but lowered himself in general esteem, since popular opinion still
assigned the jurisdiction in matrimonial causes to the papal authority. Worse
still, he roused afresh the opposition of the whole Luxemburg party. And
when, after the death of his brother-in-law, Count William of Holland (1346).
he further took possession of the counties of Holland, Zealand, Friesland ana
Hainault for his own family, by declaring them lapsed fiefs and bestowing them
upon his wife, the German princes, envious and apprehensive of this expansion
of the Wittelsbach dominions, rose in open revolt against him. The king of
France, greedy to gain possession of the west German frontier, the pope,
instigated by the king and wroth with Ludwig, and the Luxemburgs, all com-
bined to compass the emperor's overthrow.
On the 13th of April, 1346, Clement VI pronounced the sentence of excom-
munication upon him in the following words: "Smite him to the dust, Lord
God Almighty! Hurl thy lightnings upon his head that the earth may open
beneath his feet and the abyss swallow him up! Cursed be he in tfyis world
and the next and cursed be all his race ! " Thereupon he absolved the people
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THE READJUSTMENT OF GERMANY 177
[1847 A.D.]
from all their oaths of fealty to the king, deposed Ludwig's steadfast old
friend Archbishop Henry of Mainz, directed the electors to proceed to a new
election without delay, and designated the markgraf of Moravia (a son of
King John of Bohemia and therefore a Luxemburger), who had made him the
most disgraceful promises, as the worthiest candidate. Several of the princes
stooped to be won over by gifts of money, and on July 11th the electors — with
the exception of Brandenburg and the count palatine — met at Rhense, where,
eight years before, they had sworn to maintain their freedom of election
against the pope; there in all haste they elected Markgraf Charles king of
Germany. When the banner of the empire was waved at that election it fell
into the Rhine and sank, a symbol of the honour and loyalty of the princes.
But the cities held manfully with the emperor Ludwig in spite of the pope's
curse and the princes' desertion, and neither Frankfort nor Aachen would
open their gates to Charles.
THE DEATH OP LUDWIG; HIS CHARACTER AND POLICY
When Ludwig hastened to the spot with an army, Charles timorously
evaded him and went to France with his blind father John. There the latter
fought against the English at Crdcy and met his death in the fray, Charles
escaped, went to Bonn, had himself crowned, and then fled into Bohemia,
where he armed against the emperor. Ludwig presently found himself
menaced and attacked on three sides. Nevertheless he would probably have
held his own against all comers by the help of the cities and the resources of
the Wittelsbacn hereditary dominions; but he died suddenly on a bear hunt
at no great distance from the monastery of Ftirstenfeld in Bavaria (October
11th, 1347). The Augustinians at Munich would not admit his body within
their walls because he died excommunicate, and it was buried in the church of
Our Lady (Lriebfrauenhirche) in that city.
Ludwig the Bavarian, or Ludwig IV, as he was styled during his reigp as
emperor, displayed both prudence and courage in many of his public actions,
and magnanimity in some of the details of his private life, but in spite of that
he was amon^ the least able of German emperors. His was not a strong char-
acter, his actions were dictated by the needs of the moment, his policy was
deficient in large views and lofty purposes; it was petty and wavering, often
to the point of pusillanimity. Thus he was as much to blame as the great
nobles for the fact that under him the dissolution of the empire into separate
principalities proceeded apace and the royal authority steadily lost ground.
The crown revenues and lands, which had come down from better days, were
all but lost in his reign; he sold or pawned them without scruple whenever he
was short of money; and that was very often the case, for he needed merce-
naries for his protracted feuds. In earlier wars the king had summoned his
vassals to the service of the empire, but now that they had risen to the rank
of powerful hereditary sovereigns they rendered to the crown only such duty
as they pleased, and the election capitulations deprived the king of the right
of demanding more. Nor was the spirit of adventure strong enough among
the knights to rally many warriors to the royal standard of their own free will;
and, on the other hand, the love of money had waxed stronger. Mercenary
armies consequently took the place of the old armies of the empire. For
money, princes and courts led their own or hireling troops to the aid of the king,
or of anyone else who would pay them.
Under these circumstances the long had no choice but to acquire consid-
erable private dominions if he hoped to count for anything. But this was not
H. W. — VOL. XIY, N
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178 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
the only expedient at his command ; Ludwig himself resorted to another. He
allied himself with the cities, and to them he mainly owed his successes. It is
true that he was driven by necessity to do so; he was far from rightly appre-
ciating their importance or from giving the citizen class the solid and legiti-
mate foothold in the councils of the nation which was its due. In his extrem-
ity only, as in the Frankfort Diet of 1338, did he bring the people into the
foreground. But the population of the cities — the mainstay of the nation —
made an enormous advance in honour and importance in his reign because he
let them do as they pleased so long as their action served his ends/*
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CHAPTER V
CHARLES IV TO SIGISMUND in
[1346-1437 A.D.]
The reign of Charles IV introduces us to a new chapter in the history of
Germany. Charles, it is true, simply followed out the now familiar policy of
using the empire for the aggrandisement of his hereditary estates. But those
estates were not Germanic; and the resources of Germany were drained,
German commerce and industry were made to suffer, that the Slavonic king-
dom of Bohemia might prosper. It is a saying as old as Maximilian that
Charles was the father of Bohemia, but only step-father to the empire.
He aimed at the consolidation of the property of his house into a vast
Bohemian empire; in the pursuit of this end he confused the administration of
imperial affairs with the territorial administration of Bohemia, and, as Lam-
prechtP has so well said, "To Charles the empire was but an annex of his
Czech property. ,, Prague was to be the capital of this great consolidation
before which the Roman Empire itself was to sink to a position of inferior
splendour; and to this day the city bears traces of the greatness of the design.
The death of Ludwig, however, did not secure the submission of the whole
empire to Charles. The party of Bavaria still made headway against him,
ana it determined upon another election/* Three of the electors met at Lahn-
stein and, declaring the former election of Charles a nullity, fixed upon Edward
III, king of England, as a monarch worthy their choice. The character of
Edward had been advantageously displayed whilst vicar-general of the empire;
and his renown was recently augmented by the splendid victory of Cr6cy and
the famous siege of Calais. He was, however, too intent upon the conquest
of France to hazard a division of his forces: the example of Richard of Corn-
wall was before his eyes; and he had the wisdom to decline the offer. He
merely availed himself of the occasion to detach Charles from the French
cause; and in consideration of Edward's refusal the king of Bohemia engaged
to remain neutral in the contest between England and France.
179
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180 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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The four electors next fixed their choice upon Frederick II, landgraf of
Thuringia, who had married a daughter of the late emperor. But that noble-
man preferred a bribe to the imperial crown, and received from Charles 10,000
marks as the price of his refusal. Not disheartened by this second rejection,
the electors addressed themselves to Gontram, or Gunther, count of Schwarz-
burg, one of the ablest generals of the age, and of no less wisdom than valour.
Gunther readily accepted an offer which promised him some warlike pastime;
and, having taken possession of Frankfort, he was there solemnly enthroned.
But his death immediately delivered Charles from a formidable rival, though
it threw upon him the serious charge of having poisoned Gunther.
Thus relieved from competition, Charles succeeded in gaining over the
other electors; and having by his diplomacy secured all the votes, he was
content to be chosen a second time, and was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle by
the elector of Cologne.* At last unquestioned sovereign, Charles set about
making the most of his office. But the entire country was in a most pitiable
condition.
In the beginning of his reigji Germany was visited by dire afflictions — the
Jewish massacres, the processions of Flagellants, the plague or Black Death.
The long-continued political insecurity, the strife for the crown, and the civil
war were consequently doubly hard to bear. As far as any human interfer-
ence which might have stemmed these disturbances was concerned, Charles
remained rather indifferent. A self-contained, prosaic nature opposed to all
daring schemes whose consequences could not with certainty be foretold, he,
like his predecessors since the Interregnum, refrained from giving the German
kingdom a true significance, either by the overthrow or by tne peaceable
reorganisation of existing conditions. Like all his forerunners, with the
exception of the chivalrous and fantastic Henry VII, he saw that strict home
rule alone could lend prestige to the German kings. But he, more than they,
had consistently followed this policy with unceasing activity, and with a
diplomatic skill which rarely missed its aim, avoided all entanglements with
the German princes and all conflict with the papal curia or any of his powerful
neighbours. Thus he reached a position such as not one of his predecessors
had attained — a position which enabled him to make his royal prestige suc-
cessfully felt in the majority of cases, and to secure the right of inheritance
to his son Wenceslaus. The loose conglomeration of political powers, which
then constituted the realm, now found a central point in the well-established
possession of the Luxemburg dynasty.
THE DOMESTIC POLICY OP CHARLES IV
Charles did not receive all the territories belonging to his father and
bequeathed to him by the latter's will. The principal realm of Bohemia, the
duchy of Breslau, and the tenure of most of the other principalities of Silesia
were indeed his; but he was obliged to resign the markgrafschaft of Moravia
to his brother John Henry, and Luxemburg, the cradle of his race, soon to be
raised to a duchy, to his youngest brother Wenceslaus, at the close of the
year 1353.
King John, his father, had left the hereditary lands in the greatest confu-
sion, political as well as economic. If Charles intended to rule in the German
realm he had first to establish order and prosperity in his own country. It
was then shown how much he had profited by his sojourn in Italy and France —
countries so much farther advanced than his native land in the development
of domestic economy and the culture of the arts and sciences. He invited
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CHAKLES IV TO SIGISMUND III 181
[1348^-1356 A.D.]
artists and artisans to Bohemia and made Prague a city of palaces. He
encouraged agriculture, started and developed new trades, assisted commerce
by opening new routes of travel; he also patronised poetry and learning, and
created a home for the sciences by founding the University of Prague (April
7th, 1348).
He constantly endeavoured to keep his territories in a state of peace by a
strict suppression of all deeds of violence and a just administration of the law.
Although he had to abandon his plan to introduce an entirely new code of
laws, the so-called Majestas Carolina, into Bohemia, on account of the oppo-
sition of the nobles whose powers were greatly reduced by it, yet he did
improve the legislation in many ways, and created especially for the duchy
of Breslau the so-called SUesian Code. Finally he sought to establish the
legal position of Bohemia in relation to the German Empire. He declared
the bishopric of Olmutz, the markgrafschaft of Moravia, and the duchy of
Troppau Bohemian fiefs; united Bautzen, Gorlitz, and the Silesian princi-
palities definitely with Bohemia, and assured to the crown of Bohemia the
office of cupbearer and the electoral dignity.
Having thus provided for the welfare of his own land, in its growing pros-
perity he Duilt a strong foundation for his German kingship. At the same
time — by influencing the episcopal elections, by endeavouring to increase the
royal prestige, and by encouraging the efforts to establish the Landfriede in
the empire — he checked to a certain extent the frequent feuds and private
warfare. As far as possible he also restored peace and tranquillity in those
regions where there were no powerful territorial magnates, and finally decided
to have himself crowned with the imperial crown in order to strengthen him-
self both in Germany and abroad. In the autumn of 1364 he marched over
the Alps, received the Iron Crown January 6th, 1355, in Milan, and was
crowned emperor in Rome, April 5th, 1355. He then returned to Germany
without attempting any rearrangement of Italian conditions, satisfied with
the outward recognition alone which he had secured.
Having thus increased the importance of his throne in the eyes of all, he
now pursued with energy his favourite scheme of assuring the future of the
house of Luxemburg and his Bohemian heritage. After having announced
a formal law of the realm for Bohemia on April 5th, 1355, which gave the
wearer of the Bohemian crown a position with privileges far greater than
those of all the other princes of the realm, he determined to undertake a regu-
lation of the decisions of the laws of the realm relative to the choosing of a king
by the electoral princes, as well as to endeavour to form a fixed privileged
position for these princes. This was done in the Golden Bull, which was
accepted on December 11th, 1356, in Metz, by the electoral princes after a
series of deliberations, and solemnly proclaimed on Christmas Day. c
THE GOLDEN BULL (1356 A.D.)
This Golden Bull, so named from the gold imperial seal attached to the
document, is one of the most important documents of history. Slight as it is,
it formed almost the only constitution of the empire and fixed the method of
imperial election until the Peace of Westphalia. In it, definite regulations
were made for the election of the king, the rights and duties of the electoral
princes were firmly established, and the measures for the public peace were
arranged. There was no mention in the Golden Bull either of the emperor's
claims on Italy, or of the pope; nay, it was now assumed that by his election
the German king had already received the title of "Roman emperor."
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18* THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1866 A.D.]
Concerning the election of the king and of the emperor, the Golden Bull made
the following stipulations:
After the demise of the Crown, the electoral prince of Mainz as primate of
the empire shall summon the remaining electoral princes within three months
to an election at Frankfort-on-the-Main. Here they must swear to vote
without selfish motives, and may not disperse before the election has taken
place. A majority counts as much as a unanimous vote. The coronation
will be performed by the archbishop of Cologne at Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen).
During the vacancv of the throne the count-palatine on
(vicar of the empire)
1 the duke of Saxony
ectoral franchise be-
oral princes. These
rs, the archbishops of
it the same time are
i high chancellors of
\ empire, and four
aporal members, the
Lg of Bohemia (chief
ibearer), the count-
latine on the Rhine
rd high steward), the
ke of Saxe-Witten-
•g (lord high mar-
tl), and the mark-
i of Brandenburg
rd high chamber-
i).
The position of the
ctoral princes, the
en columns of the
pire, was very much
exalted. They re-
ceived the first
rank amongst the
Charles iv (1316-1378) German princes
(After a print of about 1866, the date of the Golden Boll) with the following
rights and duties:
the electoral dignity as well as the high imperial dignity l was always to go
with possession of electoral land, which was indivisible and in the temporal
electorate hereditary, according to the law of primogeniture. Every year,
four weeks after Easter, the electoral princes were to assemble for an electors'
diet, so as to deliberate with the emperor on the affairs of the empire. Fur-
ther, the electoral princes received the "jus de rum evocando" — that is to say,
the important law that their subjects and estates could not appeal from their
courts of justice to the imperial courts, except when legal help was refused
them. Thanks to this, the electoral princes now possessed an exclusive and
conclusive territorial jurisdiction.
Besides this, the imperial regalia in their lands (mines, the mint, taxes,
protection-duty from the Jews) oelonged to them, and without special per-
1 The dignity of elector was enhanced by the Golden Bull as highly as an imperial edict
could carry it ; they were declared equal to kings, and conspiracy against their persons incurred
the penalty of high treason. — Hallam.
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CHARLES IV TO SIGISMUND III 18S
[1856 a.d.]
mission from the emperor they could acquire land from other princes and
estates. And as in rank they were set above all other princes of the empire
and almost on an equality with the emperor, so too their persons were
to be inviolable, and any attacks upon them were to be reckoned high
treason.
By these enactments of the Golden Bull many disputes were obviated at
the imperial election, but on the other hand the division of the German Empire
into distinct German states was legally accomplished. The imperial suprem-
acy was only a loose thread for preserving the political unity.
Moreover, the disintegration of the empire into a German confederacy of
states went farther and Farther; for as the
electoral princes were in jealous competition
with the emperor, so the other princes of the
empire were in jealous competition with the
privileged electors, all endeavouring to build
up a complete sovereignty and to perfect a
special empire of their own. The more pow-
erful among them gradually succeeded in
making the emperor confer rights on them
almost equal in extent to those conferred
on the electoral princes. Others received at
least a promotion in titles; thus the counts
of Luxemburg and Mecklenburg became
dukes. The system now came into existence
by which the emperor conferred titles with-
out their corresponding lands. This nobility,
obtained by letters patent, a French inven-
tion, was introduced into Germany by
Charles IV, but it was only later that its
application became extensive.
By the Golden Bull it was the high aris-
tocracy, especially the electoral princes, who
scored. The nobility in general received an
acknowledgment of its special privileges as
a class, inasmuch as it was left m possession
of its old right of private warfare. Other-
wise the smaller states were prejudiced in
favour of the great. But the provision by
which the towns and individual persons noblewoman of the fourteenth
were prohibited from forming any union century
among themselves, without the consent of
the sovereigns whom it concerned, was absolutely hostile to freedom. Thereby
the estates lost a very important means of protection against the arbitrary
caprice of their sovereigns. In the territories the confederacy which yielded
such efficient protection to general liberty was robbed of its legal basis, although
it continued its formal existence for a while longer.
By this prohibition the emperor and the electoral princes partly had in
view the assurance of public peace, which was endangered by the self-protec-
tion of the individual members. In the interests of the public peace the
Golden Bull also enacted that every feud was to be preceded by a three days'
announcement. It is true, not much was gained by this. 4 1
1 The conditions of the time are sufficiently outlined in the preamble to the Bull : "Every
kingdom which is at odds with itself will fall, for its princes are the companions of robbers ;
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184 THE HOLY SOMAN EMPIRE
[1855-1897 A.D.]
This famous Pragmatic Sanction was finally promulgated in the diet of
Metz in 1356. On that occasion the emperor and the empress feasted, in the
presence of the dauphin Charles V and the legate of Pope Innocent VI, with
all the pageantry and ceremonies prescribed by the new ordinances. The
imperial tables were spread in the grand square of the city; Rudolf, duke of
Saxe-Wittenberg, attended, with a silver measure of oats, and marshalled the
order of the company; Ludwig II, markgraf of Brandenburg, presented to
the emperor the golden basin, with water and fair napkins; Rupert, count
palatine, placed the first dish upon the table; and the emperor's brother,
Wenceslaus, representing the king of Bohemia, officiated as cupbearer.
Lastly, the princes of Schwarzburg and the deputy-huntsman came with three
hounds amidst the loud din of horns, and carried up a stag and a boar to the
table of the emperor. 6
THE CONDITION OF GERMANY UNDER CHARLES
The policy of Charles IV failed to win the affection of his German subjects,
for he sacrificed the national feeling which Ludwig of Bavaria had awakened.
Yet his character and the results of his policy are important, for they mark an
epoch in the history of culture. Charles had little of the mediaeval character.
In him there is lacking the rude, disorderly, sometimes violent strength of the
more talented princes of the Middle Ages; nor does there appear in him that
unbalanced, romantic, and fantastic spiritual development which was the
result of the general tendencies of church and state. The spirit of the early
Renaissance ruled him and left its stamp in his statesmanship. He stood at
the boundary between two ages: spiritually he was the child of the Renais-
sance thought, which broke with the ecclesiastical and political philosophy
of the Middle Ages. In advance of his time, he took advantage of the
decadence in the political and social organisation of the period to increase the
influence of his family.
Seldom are the lines which separate epochs so well represented in the per-
sonalities of men as in the last decade of Charles' life. In 1377 England lost
in Edward III the greatest representative of her mediaeval power; in 1378,
a few months before the death of Charles, Gregory XI died at Rome, thQ last
universally recognised pope for years to come. The great division in ecclesi-
astical interests began, the influence of which was felt through all Europe.
While Germany fell into a state of discontent and disorder, new political
powers arose in the north and east, which threatened the government and
Eroperty of the Germans. There, when the authority and policy of Germany
ad ceased to wield any influence, and the German orders and the Hansa had
represented the honour and industrial interest of Germany, the ancient
enemies united for common action against Germany. The domination in
north and east, which had compensatedfor losses in south and west, 1 was now
questioned; indeed, the superior power found it necessary to act on the defen-
sive. The union of Poland and Lithuania, under Wladislaw (IV) Jagello,
broke the strength of the German order; the Union of Kalmar in 1397 threat-
ened to take from Germany her dominion over the Baltic. Not long after,
the Hussite movement, less ecclesiastical than national, seemed to unite the
whole Slavonic world in a common rising against German leadership. The
and therefore God hath removed their candlesticks from their place. They have become blind
leaders of the blind : and with blinded thoughts they commit misdeeds."
[> The dismemberment of the kingdom of Burgundy.]
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CHAELES IV TO SIGISMTTND III 18S
[1866-1897 A.D.]
critical issues of German policy are no longer in the south and west, but in the
north and east. Here must Germany's future be decided.
The greatness of the mediaeval empire depended on two elements — the
fight for leadership in the south, and the extension of German culture to the
north and east. This division of national strength was not without disad-
vantages, which became more apparent as, with the gradual dissolution of the
empire, it ceased to represent the divergent interests of north and south.
While the south and west conformed to the old Italian influences, the north
and east rejected them. This development of diverse interests was especially
noticeable in the Hohenstauf en period. The union of north and south became
a purely formal one, lacking all the elements that make an alliance of life
interests. Also in political development north and south were far different.
In the south and west the feudal relations, which were the foundation of the
kingdom, resulted in territorial confusion, and the majority of the lower
imperial vassals became as good as independent. This breaking up of the
south into small powers resulted in a variety of interests which made a lasting
constitution impossible, and produced each year new conflicts. In imitation
of his stronger neighbour, eacn territorial lord sought to bringunder his domin-
ion the free powers in his reach, nobles as well as cities. Their endless con-
flicts characterised south Germany in the later half of the fourteenth century;
without interest in themselves, they illustrate the political development of the
age.
In the north and east conditions were more fortunate. The territory
from the Saale and Elbe to the Oder was not lost to the empire. Certain
brave princes, indeed whole families of them, had settled in this region, and
with the help of their feudal retainers had driven back the Slavs and extended
the German boundaries to the east. It is sufficient to remember what the
Askanians in the mark of Brandenburg, or the house of Wettin in the middle
south, and above all what the Guelfs, chiefly Henry the Lion, had achieved on
the lower Elbe. These princes organised into states, without the aid of the
empire the territories they conquered; in them there were no lords directly
subject to the imperial power. The Guelfs and Askanians placed their own
ministerials in the leadership of the new duchies; the bishops also were from
the beginning vested only with territorial powers and received their temporal
rights from the lords of the land, not from the king. There were no imperial
cities; the burghers and the peasants were subject to the lords of the land and
had no immediate relation to emperor and empire. In political civilisation,
in organisation of administration, through the growth of an office-holding
class, free from feudal obligations, the north was far superior to the south and
west. The future of Germany rests in these territories; for the south and
west continued to divide into small states through the division of territories
and the decline of princely families.
Above all, it was important for the future of Germany that the city life of
the north was protected from the shadow in which the Golden Bull placed
that in the south. There was, indeed, a conflict between princes and cities
in the north and east, but never such a conflict as in the south since the latter
half of the fourteenth century. Industrially and politically the princes and
cities of the north were dependent on each other, on account of their relations
to their neighbours and the interests which they both had against them. Since
Frederick II the Danish kings had no thought of yielding their landed inter-
ests on the Elbe; the Germans must rely on their strength to take it. There
the national interests of Germany developed most successfully. While the
clever Luxemburgs sought to secure the welfare of Germany and the fortunes
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186 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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of their dynasty by shrewd treaties with their neighbours, the cities of the
north, making alliances with the princes, instituted a national policy which
was fruitful of important results. The same tendency was found in the east.
It was the mission of the Hansa and the Teutonic orders to protect north
and east from the Danes and Poles, and at the same time to preserve the
honour of the German name.
THE HANSA
From a simple association for the protection of trade and commerce, the
Hansa developed into a great industrial power of political importance. The
country between the lower Elbe and the Trave was the centre of north German
trade; from Hamburg and Bremen it extended to the cities of the Low
Countries, thence to England; from Lubeck northward to Sweden and Nor-
way; then by way of the cities on the south of the Baltic towards Pomerania
ana Prussia, to lower Livonia and Esthonia, while the cities of central Ger-
many established the leadership of the Hansa on the territories of the lower
Rhine and in lower Saxony and Brandenburg. Under the able protection of
its association, the Hansa developed well-defined rules and customs, well
represented by the Steel-yard in London, situated between the Thames and
Thames street. Here were all the elements of a city — warehouses, markets,
halls, banks, and dwellings. Protected by privileges obtained from the Eng-
lish king, it became the storehouse for the foreign trade of the German mer-
chants. At the factories in Bruges, products of the north were exchanged
for those of the south and the far east. For the northern trade Wisby was the
most advanced protected point. There wares were shipped to Livonia/
Esthonia, and Russia. At Novgorod the Hansa established its influence and
won privileges from the native rulers. Moreover the Hansa had a national
character. From the western boundaries of the German language to distant
Prussia, to the cities of Dantzic, Brandenburg, and Konigsberg, from these to
Livonia and Esthonia, where Riga and other towns belonged to the Hansa,
German people were bound together in a common union. In foreign lands
the Hansa burghers lived according to their own customs, exempt from the
law of the land. Also the political organisation of the Hanse towns was
uniform, based on the old aristocratic ideas.
Hence the number of the cities in the association was so great and the influ-
ence of certain landed interests so strong that internal conflict could not be
avoided: There were three classes of cities, later four. The Liibeck-Wend
class, whose leader was Lubeck, included the Mecklenburg cities — Wismar,
Rostock, Stralsund, Greifswald, Stettin, Kolberg, Rugenwalde, as well as
certain smaller cities; and the cities of the north, as Salzwedel, Stendal, Havel-
berg, Brandenburg, Berlin-Kolln (Berlin), and Frankfort. A second class
was composed of the cities of the lower Rhine and of lower Saxony, as Cologne,
Dortmund, Minister, Herford, and Minden, certain of the neighbouring
Netherland cities, and the distant cities of Thorn, Kulm, and Dantzic. In
the northern territory of the Hansa, Livonia and Esthonia, were a number of
cities which composed the Jutland group. Later the Saxon cities of Got-
tingen, Halle, Hildesheim, and Luneburg formed a fourth class under the
leadership of Bremen. The division into classes gave the individual the
opportunity to develop in harmony with the political conditions which sur-
rounded it. The rules of trade and navigation and of weights and measures
were fixed by the whole association, but each group arranged the particular
affairs with its neighbours and those with whom it entered into commercial
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CHABLES TV TO SIGISMUffD lit 187
[1860-1874 A.D.]
relations. The Hansa also developed into a war power. Each city, in case
of war, had to send a contribution of men and ships. So, in the time when the
monarchy fell into helplessness, and Charles IV used weak kingly authority
to build up his dynasty, Germany developed of itself into a strong power in
the north.*
The strength of the Hansa was, however, soon to be put to the test in a
struggle with th& rising power of Denmark. Valdemar IV had raised the
Danish realm from insignificance to the rank of a great power. As an ally of
Ludwig of Bavaria, he had had the ready aid of the cities in putting down
piracy on the Sound and along the Baltic. But having once gained the
mastery of the sea, he found his former allies to be his most troublesome com-
petitors. Their great influence was an obstacle to the fulfilment of his great
plan, which was to secure the predominance in the north which Denmark had
once held under Valdemar L« In a war against Sweden in 1360 he conquered
Sk&ne. By this the herring fishery of the Hanseatic cities was greatly men-
aced. The Hanseatic cities demanded therefore from Valdemar the ratifica-
tion of their privilege of fishing off the coast of Sk&ne. He, however, went
with his fleet over to the island of Gotland and captured Wisby in 1361. The
commerce of the Hanseatic cities was now in the greatest danger.
They therefore concluded an alliance with Sweden and Norwegian Greifs-
wald in September, 1361. Their fleet, led by the burgomaster of Lubeck,
John Wittenborg, appeared in the Sound and took Copennagen. But on July
8th, 1362, Valdemar fell upon the Hanseatic fleet at Helsingborg and routed
it completely. The peace of 1365 left Gotland under Danish sovereignty.
As Valdemar continued with inconsiderate recklessness to trepass on the
rights and customs of the cities, fresh hostile entanglements naturally ensued.
Hakon of Norway also oppressed the Hanseatic League in Bergen, and so the
Prussian and Netherland cities came to an agreement in the summer of 1367
regarding preparations for war. In November, 1367, at a great meeting in
Cologne, seventy-seven cities declared war against the two northern kings.
The nobility of Holstein and the Swedish king, Albert of Mecklenburg, joined
with the cities. War began in the spring of 1368. It was a brilliant success.
Skine, Wisby, Copenhagen, all fell into the hands of the cities of the Baltic.
Jutland was taken by the counts of Holstein, while the North Sea towns turned
their arms victoriously against Norway. King Valdemar was obliged-to flee
from his country.
After lengthy deliberations an agreement was made between the Danish
parliament and the cities, in consequence of which the cities regained all their
Srivileges and also the right themselves to manage the revenues from Sk&ne.
>n the basis of this agreement peace was definitely concluded at Stralsund,
May 24th, 1370. The German princes, who had an essential interest in the
decision, were not consulted at the treaty. Valdemar, who had in vain sought
for aid at the hands of his former patrons, saw himself forced to ratify the
Peace of Stralsund, December 29th, 1371.*
The cities had won a great victory, and now Charles IV attempted to share
in their prosperity. He desired nothing less than to obtain the leadership of
the Hansa, and he had cherished this plan ever since he had come into posses-
sion of the mark of Brandenburg. In order to impress the people of Lubeck
in its favour, he granted them in 1374 great liberties; then he honoured the
city with a visit, and displayed all possible pomp and magnificence, so as
to show the people of Lubeck how much he was attached to them. During
his stay he flattered the council outrageously; he invited the members to his
table, and addressed them by the title of "lords" (a compliment which they
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188 THE HOLY EOMAN EMPIRE
(1373-1874 A.©.]
modestly declined), and called them his imperial councillors. But all this
flattery was of no avail. The burghers of Lubeck showed him all due honour,
but took care not to enter into any of his proposals, as they knew that he
thought only of his own advantage. Meeting with no success, he was com-
pelled to retire./
THE SWABIAN LEAGUE
Turning now to south Germany, we find the same story of independence
in the cities, but with a different setting. There, where foreign politics do not
intrude, LamprechtP thinks that we find mirrored a more correct view of the
social condition of the empire than in the distant north.
The struggle between the princes and the cities, according to Lamprecht,
may be said to date from the first half of the thirteenth century, while that
between the nobility and the cities was of more recent origin. Princes, the
nobility, and cities still acted in concert when the thirteenth century came to a
close, but with the first and second decades of the fourteenth century a change
is visible. There is both an economical and a military decline in the condi-
tion of the noblemen. In the revolutions of the guilds the separation between
the burgher and the nobleman becomes marked. The nobility, as soon as it
ceases to be a compact social unit, ceases to be the main feature of the social
structure. Unlike the landowner and the burgher, the nobleman always
lacked individuality. But territories and cities rapidly acquire individual
existence, so that all men can realise how differently B&le or Frankfort would
behave from Cologne or Nuremberg under the same circumstances.
Charles' dealings with the Swabian cities were marked by diplomacy
rather than by any strict conformance to the constitution which he had
drawn up. Having satisfied them with his help in the formation of a league,
contrary to the express provisions of the Golden Bull, in order to have their
support against Wittelsbach, he now wished to add to it non-city elements
and thus establish a constitutio pacts or Landfriede. 1 In 1373 Charles carried
into execution this amalgamation of the cities and the nobility in Swabia, but
with the count of Wurtemberg, the most notorious chief of the nobility, as
E resident. The peace society and its president were then skilfully utilized
y the emperor to aid him in raising money for the imperial treasury.
THE GROWING POWER OF CITIES
In order to make sure of the succession to the imperial crown in his own
house, Charles determined to have his son Wenceslaus crowned during his
own lifetime, and to carry through this election he needed vast sums of money.
These the cities were to pay. Consequently they were again very highly
taxed; others were mortgaged and pledged; in particular the emperor allowed
the count of Wurtemberg to redeem all the imperial mortgages in Swabia,
P The Landfriede occurs first in the form of Konigsfriede and then of Oottesfriede, both
of which seem to have been monarchical declarations of peace between two parties engaged in
feud. The Landfriede was a similar declaration proceeding from territorial lords. Thus peace
ordinances came to be issued in Bohemia, Bavaria, Meissen, and Thuringia. So long as they
were merely defensive alliances, the emperor could permit them to continue without challenging
their legality. But when, as we shall soon see, they were used for purposes of attack as weu
as of defence, imperial supremacy was endangered. At the bottom of the difficulty lay the old
German reluctance to submit to authority. If two men fought, they denied the right of anyone,
including the emperor himself, to stop them, and the intricate study of conflicting legal sanctions
of this find is quite as potent a factor in the understanding of modern Germany in its federal
aspect as the observance of a common desire for union proceeding from a variety of sources,
which the historians have delighted to trace with greater zeal than accuracy.]
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CHAELES IV TO SIGISMUND III 180
[1874-1878 A.D.J
that is, to buy up all magisterial and other offices in the possession of the
empire. In this way the cities of Swabia, to a considerable extent at least,
would come into the power of Wurtemberg.
To avert this was of vital importance to the cities. They instantly
recognised that Charles was determined to sacrifice them to the princes with
the sole object of makin g his son emperor. Under the circumstances they
could perceive in Wenceslaus nothing but a partisan of the princes. They
were therefore determined to venture to extremes. Incited by Ulm, fourteen
cities on the Lake of Constance, joined shortly after by four more, formed a
league in which they agreed they would stand together against everyone who
should seek to suppress them from the empire and to injure their freedom;
also they refused to acknowledge Wenceslaus as king, for fear of being taxed
again.
The emperor was extremely provoked by this opposition, which crossed all
his plans. He wished to crush it by force. Therefore in the year 1376 he
marched with a large army on Ulm, the originator and leader of the league,
in order to compel it to submission. In the army of the emperor were his son
Wenceslaus, Eberhard count of Wurtemberg, the burggraf of Nuremberg, the
count of Werteim, the count of Hohenlohe, and many other princes and lords.
The siege lasted six weeks, but the citizens defended themselves so bravely
that there could be no thought of taking the town.
Unrewarded by any success, the emperor had to retire after having agreed
to an armistice. He wished to clear up the question in dispute at a diet at
Nuremberg. But the cities did not appear; on the contrary, they attacked
the count of Wurtemberg, destroyed some of his citadels, and devastated his
territories. A large contingent of nobles and princes now forsook the cities:
among them the dukes of Bavaria, of Teck, the counts of Hohenlohe, and the
Frankish counts. War broke out simultaneously in Swabia, Bavaria, and
Franconia. But the cities fought bravely against all their enemies and main-
tained their advantage. The count of Wurtemberg suffered a most bloody
defeat at Reutlingen in May, 1377, when almost all the nobility were killed,
and Eberhard's son, Ulrich, who commanded the army of the lords, narrowly
escaped being made prisoner.
In some respects the battle of Reutlingen formed a turning point. Shortly
before, negotiations for peace had been initiated; but they were now broken
off by the count of Wurtemberg, who wished to avenge the defeat. On the
other hand courage and self-reliance were increased in the champions of the
cities. .
The league of the eighteen cities increased visibly: Nordlingen, Dinkels-
buhl, Aalen, Rothenburg-ob-der-Tauber, Weissenburg, Schweinfurt, and
Halle joined their ranks. The fortune of war remained true to the cities, and
in the year 1378 they were still maintaining a superiority over all their enemies.
This development seemed very critical to Charles. He had long ago been able
to realise on many occasions that the cities were hostile to him. In B&le,
Worms, Esslingen, and Mainz at various times he had been treated by the
burghers with anything but respect. In Esslingen and Mainz the people
mobbed him and his escort: he scarcely escaped personal insult. When we
remember the traditional fidelity and adherence of the cities to the emperors,
such occurrences would seem impossible but for the fact that the whole con-
duct of Charles had justified the deepest mistrust against him in the popula-
tions of the cities.
The lower classes of these populations were always scenting treachery
from him, for he not only pushed the cities into the background but he had
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100 THE HOLY EOMAN EMPIRE
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also shown himself no friend to democratic administration. His policy was
rather to favour the great families where he could, and so under his reign there
began a reaction against the victorious democracy of the time of Ludwig the
Bavarian. This preference of Charles for the time-honoured sovereignty of
the great families naturally made the guilds mistrustful of him, all the more
so as it was known how he used his interference in the internal affairs of the
cities for purposes of extortion to the detriment of the democracy. Had
Charles attached a trifle more value to public opinion, the experiences which
he had already partly made in the early period of his reign would have been
sufficient indication to him of what he had to expect from the cities. His
stock of experience was still further increased shortly before the war of the
Swabian cities.
After the death of the iarchbishop of Mainz in 1373, Charles had thought
to confer this important archbishopric on Ludwig, who was then bishop of
Bamberg, and had managed to win the pope for his favourite, although a
majority of the chapter nad chosen Adolphus of Nassau. Both now dis-
puted the archbishopric. Thuringia too was a scene of the combat, for here
the archbishopric of Mainz owned possessions. At this point in the struggle
the town of Erfurt took Adolphus' part. What could be more natural? For
Ludwig, the prot6g6 of Charles, was by birth markgraf of Meissen, of the
house of Wettin, which was constantly on bad terms with the Thuringian
cities. Erfurt feared to lose its independence under this archbishop, who could
acquire such powerful support from his brothers; it therefore denied the claims
of Ludwig and acknowledged Adolphus of Nassau as archbishop. For this it
was to be punished by Ludwig and his brothers; in 1375 the city was besieged.
Charles, who had already placed the ban on the city for its disobedience, also
came to the siege, but his presence did not improve matters. Erfurt could
not be taken. After a siege of five months an armistice proved necessary;
and, at this, Charles consented to raise the ban, naturally in return for a con-
siderable sum of money, which the citizens of Erfurt had to pay.
And now followed the great movement of the Swabian cities. Charles
felt that he was on the point of raising the whole citizenhood of the empire
against him, and he had just had ample experience of how much strength such
a rising was capable of developing. It was high time to lower his tone. He
saw there was nothing to be done out to yield to the will of the cities. Every
attempt to mortgage them or to surrender them to the princes under any
pretext would have met with their strongest opposition. And according to
his latest experience this opposition was not to be overcome; on the contrary
it increased daily, for the league of the cities was visibly gaining ground.
That this league was also dangerous to his son, if Charles continued to show
himself hostile to the cities, was evident. Charles decided to negotiate a
peace which should grant the cities all they demanded. On the 30th of
August, 1378, it came to pass. In consequence of this peace the governorship
of the province was taken away from the count of Wurtemberjf, and all
favours which had been granted him to the detriment of the cities were
recalled. Duke Frederick of Bavaria was entrusted "with the governorship.
The conclusion of this peace which announced the victory of the cities in
such striking fashion was the last important act of Charles IV. 1 A few
months later, in November 1378, he died at the age of sixty-three. He left
three sons, Wenceslaus, Sigismund, and John. His lands were divided among
1 As Lamprecht? says, the recognition by the emperor of the Swabian League at the peace
was unquestionably a violation of the Golden Bull. But in return for this the cities acknowl-
edged the election of Wenceslaus, which before this they had refused to do.
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CHAELES IV TO SIGISMUND III 101
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them — a remarkable instance of political inconsistency in an emperor other-
wise so judicious. The power of the house of Luxemburg was superior to that
of other German princes only so long as it remained united. Divided, it
shared the lot of all the other German princedoms, where, as we have seen, the
members of one and the same house were often at variance and made the pur-
suit of a common policy impossible. Thus the fruit of all the care and anxiety
of this restless emperor for the future of his house seemed to have been placed
in jeopardy by his last will. But this, like the other acts of Charles, was the
result of self-delusion. He had hoped that his children as well as all mem-
bers of his family would keep as close together as if they were all inspired by
the same spirit.
Thus Wenceslaus received the kingdom of Bohemia, Sigismund the mark
of Brandenburg, John a part of Lusatia under the name of the city and dis-
trict of Gorlitz. Charles had already yielded Moravia to his brother John,
after whose death the mark passed to his sons Jobst and Procop./
WENCESLAUS (1378-1400 A.D.)
The reign of Wenceslaus is one of the most unfortunate in all German
history. T\) the disintegrating political and social influences which taxed the
strength of Charles IV there was added a new problem of international impor-
tance — the great schism of the papacy. 1 Wenceslaus, endowed with a robust
body and pleasing address, but deficient in the qualities of leadership and
character, was unable to meet successfully the difficulties before him, and his
reign ended in disgrace and anarchy.
Events that took place soon after Wenceslaus' coronation indicate the
instability of the system which his father had hoped to establish. Desiring to
increase the influence of royalty by alliances with European governments,
Charles IV had made a contract of marriage for his son Sigismund with Prin-
cess Maria, heiress to the thrones of Hungary and Poland. The Poles, dis-
satisfied with the prospect of a German ruler, soon after the death of Charles
chose as their sovereign a younger sister of Maria, who had married the duke
of Carinthia. Then the Hungarians, jealous of the growth of the house of
Luxemburg, offered the hand of the affianced princess to Charles of Naples.
A compromise was finally arranged by which Sigismund received his promised
wife, but gained no governmental authority in Hungary. Thus both Hun-
gary and Poland were lost to the house of Luxemburg.
The failure of Wenceslaus to take a decisive action in these foreign affairs
for the interest of his family was followed by failure to reconcile the con-
flicting elements in German society. Prejudiced as much as his father against
the Swabian League, he refused to recognise it officially. The members of
the league then sought allies in the princes. In 1379 an alliance was made
with the duke of Bavaria, as well as with many minor nobles of the Rhine
valley. To this hostile attitude of the princes and the imperial cities was
added that of the free towns. Harassed by the depredations of the knights
of the lower nobility, the inhabitants of a number of towns ? among them
Strasburg, Worms, Speier, and Frankfort, formed in 1381 a union for mutual
protection. The same year the new league entered into an alliance with the
Swabian League which guaranteed the independence and organisation of
each. The princes were alarmed at this federation, which threatened the
[' Gregory XI had died at Rome four months before the death of Charles.]
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198 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIEE
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existence of the knights and the lower nobility; and in 1382, under the
leadership of Leopold of Austria, the nobles of Swabia signed an agreement
to prevent war between towns and knights.
Wenceslaus, following the tactics of his father, hoped to conciliate the
leagues by persuading them to become a part of the imperial system. In
1384 was formed the union of Heidelberg, which united princes and cities into
an association of which the emperor was the head and protector. However,
none of the parties in this imperial federation were satisfied, and armed con-
flict was precipitated by the conduct of Leopold. The Swabian League had
increased its membership by a number of towns, among them the Swiss city
of B&le. There was enmity of long standing between the Swiss and the house
of Austria. By certain offences to B&le, Leopold awakened the old hostility.
This led Bern, Zurich, Lucerne, and a few other Swiss cities to make an alli-
ance with the federations of the Rhine and Swabia to "preserve peace and
protect our common country" (1385). Leopold then began war against the
Swiss cities. The Austrians were defeated in the battles of Sempach (1386)
and Nafels (1388), and the last claims of Germany in Switzerland were lost.
The German League did not assist the Swiss in their struggle, on account
of the war which broke out in Germany between themselves and the princes
of Bavaria in 1388.° The burghers were defeated in a great battle at Wurtem-
burg, and in May, 1389, Wenceslaus commanded the imperial cities in Swabia,
Franconia, Bavaria, and those on the Rhine to dissolve their alliance, of
which he had seen enough to know it was "against God himself, the Holy
Empire, and the law." On pain of losing their privileges, he ordered them to
accept a general peace (Laridfriede) which he proclaimed for a large part of
the kingdom. For each locality a peace tribunal was to be established; its
members to be chosen by princes and cities, and the presiding officer by the
emperor. Few definite conclusions were expressed m the Landfriede, for
Wenceslaus knew that he must appeal to the honour of the combatants to
have it accepted. But it clearly stated that "the common league of all the
cities must dissolve," exception being made in favour of those members of the
Nuremberg League which had observed the Heidelberg Union. Ratisbon
and Nuremberg were willing to obey the king, and the remaining cities gradu-
ally accepted the Landfriede — first those on the Rhine, then the Swabian,
Bavarian, and Franconian cities.
The city leagues were thus dissolved, and they never again attained the
power and prominence they lost, although some small unions of neighbouring
cities remained and others were established. For example, the seven cities
on the North Sea maintained their league, and in 1390 a new league was
formed by Ulm and other cities, which lasted until late in the next century.
Still the significance of the great city league was not lost. The imperial cities
came out of the great battle without losmg any of their rights and privileges,
and had attained what the Swabians had primarily striven for — the abolition
of that practice by which they were mortgaged and pledged to meet the
imperial expenses. But the broader issue, resistance to the princes, was lost.
This was in part the fault of dissimilar interests which had led the different
members into the league, in part the fruit of discussion and selfishness, in part
the constitution of the league, which had no unifying leader and no common
treasury. The situation, also, of the cities — which were scattered over the
empire — made their common object difficult of attainment. Finally, there
arose a conviction that the movement had undertaken more than was neces-
sary, that the fight was immaterial and without a definite end. So the earlier
indifferent attitude of princes and cities was revived.?
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CHARLES IV TO SIGISMUND III 108
[1891-1399 A.D.]
Civil Wars
In addition to the conflict between princes and cities, Wenceslaus' reign
is notable for numerous petty wars among the princes. Jobst, markgraf of
Moravia, duke of Brandenburg and Luxemburg, was not satisfied with these
territories; he coveted Bohemia and the empire itself. Supported by the
nobles of Bohemia, who wished to increase tneir feudal privileges, and by
ambitious princes of other states, he defeated Wenceslaus in 1394, at Beraun,
and forced him to yield the government of Bohemia.
This was the signal for a series of civil wars of which Bohemia was the
subject. Certain German princes demanded and obtained increased privileges
from Wenceslaus, who acted with his accustomed weakness. At war among
themselves for Bohemia, the brothers of Wenceslaus, Sigismund and John
Henry, and his cousins, Jobst and Procop of Moravia, in turn combated
or supported the king, as they saw opportunity to obtain riches for themselves.
Often required to diminish his power, twice imprisoned, Wenceslaus regained
Bohemia in 1403, and held it for some time in peace by allowing his brother,
John Henry, and upon the latter's death his cousin Procop, to act as regent.
Through these obscure conflicts, without interest for the history of Germany,
Bohemia lost its leadership in the empire and Wenceslaus well merited the
loss of the imperial crown.*
More decisive for the fortune of Wenceslaus was his attitude toward the
Great Schism. From 1305-1372 the papacy was under French influence;
the popes resided at Avignon, and each year lost more of the influence they
had formerly exercised upon European life. In 1377 Gregory XI returned
to Rome. On his death, two popes were elected: Urban VI and Clement VII,
who respectively represented Koman and French parties. This double
election was the beginning of the Great Schism, which lasted for forty years
and was a problem of international interest. When Urban VI died, Boni-
face IX was elected to succeed him by the Roman party. A movement
was then inaugurated at the University of Paris to secure the abdication of
the two popes and to have the Roman and Avignon cardinals unite in a
common election. Wenceslaus was persuaded to give his sympathy to the
movement, but Germany, though by no means entirely lacking in sympathy
for the propositions which emanated from Paris, was, in fact, not well inclined
toward the transaction which took place. Germany regarded the pope of
Rome as its pope, and did not desire to separate from him. Wenceslaus
was therefore accused of betraying the empire. The storm, long accumula-
ting, now broke. Many princes had only awaited a pretext to dethrone their
king, and they seized this opportunity to make known, as defenders of Ger-
many, their complaints against Wenceslaus. The electors, who formed a
kind of permanent council, an oligarchy whose duty was to guard the security
and greatness of their country, acted first. In avoiding a compromise, they
demonstrated better than on the day of their election that the supreme
authority belonged to them and that they were free to resume after having
delegated it. Each was actuated by his personal ambition. The archbishop
of Mainz did not wish to have questioned the rights of Boniface IX from
whom he held his nomination, which the king opposed. Wenceslaus had
not a friend in the college of electors. He was reproached for alienating
the domains of the empire, for his alliance with the French, and for the political
and ecclesiastical anarchy which existed. Yet up to the last moment a little
activity on the part of Wenceslaus might have sufficed to overthrow the
B. W. — VOL. XIV. O
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1M THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIBE
[1400-HIOi.d.]
Elans of his enemies. But, according to a well-known German saying, "he
ty like a pig in his sty." The Luxemburgs abandoned their country. The
electors reduced to five years a peace of ten proclaimed by the emperor.
He remonstrated. On April 20th, 1400, the archbishop of Mainz appeared
before the gate of Lohenstein, with the ecclesiastical electors and certain
Erinces and lords among them — the duke of Bavaria, the burggraf of Nurem-
erg, and the elector of the Palatinate. A large crowd assembled, attracted
by the novelty of the occasion. The archbishop of Mainz declared Wenceslaus
useless, idle, and incapable, unworthy to retain his title of king. That even-
ing, the three archbishops met at Rhense and chose, as king of the Romans
and future emperor, the elector Rupert, count of the Palatinate.
RUPERT (1400-1410 A.D.)
The reign of Rupert was no more fortunate than that of Wenceslaus.
He was not the choice of all the electors; in fact, they were not all present
when he was honoured with the imperial crown. Moreover, he was not
popular with the cities, and so he was recognised by only a small part of
the empire. Conscious of his weakness, Rupert hoped to win popularity
and strength for his government by accepting an invitation from Florence
to aid her in a war against Milan and, incidentally, to be crowned emperor
in Rome. Florence promised a subsidy; the Venetians and other enemies
of Milan offered their alliance. But the German princes who had elected
him refused to support him; the Florentines sent their subsidies very slowly.
Rupert arrived in Italy in the later months of 1401 and moved against Brescia;
but the army of Milan barred the way. The Germans and Italians were
almost equal in number; but the Germans, poorly commanded, without
discipline, could not sustain the attack of the Milanese mercenaries. The
Italians were victorious and took a number of prisoners, among them Leopold
of Austria. Abandoned by a number of his allies, Rupert retreated to Trent,
hoping to return by way of Friuli, with a subsidy of several thousand Venetian
ducats. To pay his soldiers, he pledged his jewels, his crown, and, im-
poverished for life, he reappeared in Germany " without army, without money,
without crown, and without honour." During his journey and even in his
capital, Heidelberg, he was pursued with mocking refrains about his poverty.*
For eight years more he attempted to make headway through the anarchy
of political intrigues and civil wars, but his death in 1410 left the empire
weaker and more divided than it had been even under Wenceslaus. Rudolf
of Saxony and Jobst of Moravia, who was also elector of Brandenburg, still
recognised Wenceslaus as king of the Romans; but the electors of Cologne
and Mainz chose Jobst; then the burggraf Frederick of Nuremberg cham-
pioned the son of Rupert, and the archbishop of Tours proclaimed Sigismund.
The empire was thus disputed by three pretenders, at the same time that
Christendom was divided by three popes. The successor of Boniface IX,
Gregory XII, had promised to resign if Benedict XIII, the Avignon pope,
would do likewise; but Benedict refused to resign, and the cardinals (1409)
decided to abandon the two competitors and convoke an ecumenical council
at Pisa. Much was expected from this movement. The council deposed
Gregory XII and Benedict XIII, and elected Alexander V. But the deposed
popes would not accept the decision of the council, and there were now three
popes instead of two. The two powers which had long disputed the leader-
ship of the world were now objects of scandal and mockery.*
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CHARLES IV TO SIGISMUND III 105
[1309-1378 A.D.]
THE CHURCH AND BOHEMIA
We turn now away from the superficial story of emperors rivalling each
other in powerlessness, to the intense interest that is associated with the
name of Huss. But the tragedy of Bohemian national history, which here
opens up before us, is inextricably interwoven with the larger questions of
European politics, and especially with the politics of the papal government.
It is hopeless to attempt to understand the part played by Bohemia at this
most important epoch of her history, unless one first knows what was that
ecclesiastical system which awakened her national consciousness, and how
religion and patriotism were combined.
From the residence at Avignon to the Reformation there was undoubted
mismanagement at the papal court. The loss of much of the revenue from
Italian cities forced the Avignon popes to maintain their state by levying
heavy dues upon the higher officers of the church, who in turn were forced
to recoup themselves at the expense of the lower clergy and the laity. Then
too the centralisation of ecclesiastical business, as well as the personal motives
and political ambitions of the popes, had increased expenditures, which were
met oy means judged by the different countries of Europe — where a sense
of nationality was well developed — corrupt, unjust, and unworthy of the
head of the church.
We have no complete and satisfactory knowledge of the system of papal
patronage, but from the universal complaints of the time we can reconstruct
the general impression which it made on the people. It is well known how
John XXII made the investiture of bishoprics and benefices into a highly
profitable business. The bishops were liaole to certain taxes: the bishop
of Minister, for instance, was assessed 300 gulden; soon other obligations
were required of episcopal candidates. It was likewise with the small
benefices — not only were they sold for gold, there were also expectant
documents to be had. Boniface IX carried on an extensive trade : he revoked
the favours which had been granted, only to sell them again; and careful
examinations of the claims of the candidates could not make clear who with
money or who by influential recommendations gained precedence at the
papal court. It was the general impression that the curia sold offices to
the highest bidder. To such an end had come the Gregorian fight against
simony: the papacy, having achieved its greatness because it opposed
simony in others, fell into disrepute through the same evil.
The papacy was also a great source of secular law. Numerous contro-
versies were carried to Rome, since the lay powers found it convenient to
carry litigations with clerks to the highest spiritual court. This was always
a costly proceeding. On account of the accumulation of business at the
papal court, there was always delay before an appealed case could be decided.
There was nothing to be done but to begin with the lower officials, who were
mediators between the higher officers and the prosecutor. Then, after the
decision was made, there was always delay before the bull was issued, and
to avoid longer residence in Rome the minor officials had again to be con-
sulted. There was often much haggling over the sum to be paid the pope.
A considerable sum was always paid/and the general opinion was that without
gold nothing was decided at Rome.
The extraordinary demands which the pope made on the church, the
tenths, subsidies, and other levies of money, were also the cause of great
scandal. Closely associated with these was the question of investitures.
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106 THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIRE
[1800-1878 a J).]
The king had no influence on elections except as he might use his personal
influence in the chapter or the curia for a favoured candidate. The inves-
titure with regalia was only a form, which no longer gave the secular lord
influence. But since the election of the chapter required the confirmation
of the curia, and the pope himself nominated many bishops, the highest
administrative office of the church was given only to those men who could
control the secular and spiritual conduct of their subjects.
The chapters in which electoral rights were vested had little of a spiritual
character, since they were the foundations of neighbouring noblemen. Usu-
ally some members were educated clerks — because they were necessary;
but otherwise members of the nobility and their favourites composed the
chapter. In elections there were always factions, not ecclesiastical but family
factions; often two bishops were chosen. Even in case of a successful elec-
tion, the successful candidate was hampered with heavy expenses, which he
defrayed out of the income of the diocese. In the double election of bishops,
one of the two candidates must suffer, the spiritual or the secular; and
usually it was the former. The endowment of money and property made
bishoprics very desirable offices, and consequently no bishop could avoid a
certain amount of secular activity .0
These conditions reacted on the lower clergy. The priests imitated their
bishops® The canons which forbade remuneration for religious services were
long since forgotten. Baptism, marriage, confession, burial of the dead were,
for the clei^y, inexhaustible sources of revenue; penitential alms and dis-
pensations which many of the churches and monasteries had received were
replaced by fines, and a tariff excused all sins (from the church's censure) —
from the most trivial to the most enormous. The tithes, heavier than ever,
were levied with unaccustomed vigour, and at the same time the tendency was
for the priests to avoid delivery to higher authorities of the imposts collected
from the parishioners. In many instances the priests were familiar only with
the advantages of their profession and neglected its duties *
But after hearing the evidence for all the varieties of ecclesiastical corrup-
tion, we should not forget that — as Nicholas C16menges, himself a severe
critic of the church, says — the same abuses were found in the secular gov-
ernments of the time; also that the century of greatest corruption was also
the century of Master Eckhart and Tauler, the fathers of German mysticism,
and of numerous religious foundations.
The Great Schism, by increasing the number of popes, multiplied the
abuses and confusion in the administrative system of the church. In England
and France, the strong, well-organised monarchies which had developed in
Hie thirteenth century were able to modify, to some extent, these abuses.
But Germany, with a weak and divided central government, was a prey to all
possible forms of corruption.
In 1367 and 1372 the clergy of Mainz formed a league to protect them-
selves against exorbitant tithes; there was a similar association at Cologne,
and in 1373 the three ecclesiastical electors met to protest against the demands
of Gregory XI. In many villages of north Germany, Magdeburg for example,
the bishops protested against the usurpations of the papal court. Sometimes
the conflict resulted in violence. Henry, bishop of Hildesheim, caused to be
assassinated in 1373 the priests whom the pope wished to impose on him.
The nuns of the convent of Derneberg received an order from Avignon to
appoint a certain Johann von Munsted to an ecclesiastical office which was
dependent on the convent: they aroused against him some lay brothers, and
in the combat Johann was killed *
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CHAELES IV TO SIGISMUND III 197
[1878-1879 A.D.]
The movement inaugurated by the Parisian theologians, to call a general
council of Christendom to end the schism and reform the church in head and
members, naturally found much sympathy in Germany. In fact, besides the
corruption in ecclesiastical administration, there was in the empire another
problem, that of heresy, which demanded the careful consideration of all who
had the interests of the church at heart.
RACE CONFLICT IN BOHEMIA
In no country of Europe were the people more dissatisfied with existing
conditions than in Bohemia. There was, first of all, a conflict of races. The
indigenous population, the Czechs, found rivals in the Germans who had
settled among them/ 1 Not only had most of the frontier been occupied by
German colonists, but in the villages the Germans had obtained control of the
higher industries and commerce, and, allowing the Slavs to carry on the
small trades, they became the great burghers and occupied the municipal
offices. The Czechs fought with energy against absorption. They protested
against foreign influence by making impassioned and well-directed use of
their national language. In an age when the German language, in spite of
the work of the mystics, had hardly passed from its period of formation, the
Czech literature under Charles IV produced knightly romances, satires, lyrics,
elegies, chronicles, and attempts at drama, based on the national life, which
the Germans of Bohemia could hardly imitate or translate.* The conflict
in secular affairs extended to religious life. The Bohemian church was noted
for its wealth. "No kingdom in all Europe has so numerous, stately, and
ornate churches," said ^Eneas Sylvius. But the common law vested rights
over ecclesiastical property in the crown^ not the church. This opened the
way for simony and the confusion of spiritual and secular duties. The arch-
bishop of Prague, we are told, was lord of 329 towns and villages, aiid an
examination of the thirty clergymen in 1379 resulted in the conviction of
sixteen/* The national opposition against the Germans blended with the
opposition against the church and so the programme of reform, to which John
Huss gave his name, had a national character which made it suspected in
Germany.
The emperor and king, Charles IV. began reformation in the church, but
he abandoned the attempt. Then followed a protest of the Czech national
feeling. A German, Conrad of Waldhausen, began an attack on the monks
and the superstitious practices which disgraced the church. But the move-
ment become entirely Czech. A Moravian, Milicz of Kremsier, indicated the
papacy as the source of the evils in the church; and one of his followers,
Mathias of Janow, continued his work, contrasting the customs of the primi-
tive church with those of the church of his time. A knight, John of Mil-
heim, and a certain merchant founded at Prague the chapel of Bethlehem for
Czech preaching and the reform of morals, and the preachers of Bethlehem
became the religious directors of the whole Slavonic population of Prague.
These orators and writers devoted their time to the abuses, not the dogmas of
the church. But, in passing from the preachers to the masters of the Uni-
versity of Prague, the reform movement became more important and added
a new element of opposition to the church. The work of John Huss was to
unite and express the protest of nationality, of morality, and of dogma,
against the German influence in Bohemia and the corruption and teachings
of the church*
The rivalry of nationalities extended to university life, and is well illus-
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198 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIBE
[1879-1412 i.D.]
trated by the attitude of the university toward the work of the council of
Pisa. Tne Czech students and masters, as well as Wenceslaus, who was still
king of Bohemia, wished to renounce Benedict XIII and Gregory XII and
accept a new pontiff to be chosen by the council. The German members,
however, by their control of the Polish nation, outvoted the Bohemians. A
movement against the German students began, which was encouraged by
Wenceslaus, and resulted in an exodus of the Germans. The result was the
foundation of the first German universities, especially that of Leipsic, by the
migrating students. The University of Prague lost its cosmopolitan char-
acter, but was now recognised as the exponent of the national feeling in
Bohemia. In the meantime, criticism of the nature of the church and its
doctrines had been active at Prague. The intercourse with students of
foreign lands which was notable in the early days of the institution and the
rule that the works of French and English masters might be used in
the courses of instruction, made possible the introduction of new thought. The
marriage of Anne, daughter of Charles IV, to Richard II of England, seems to
have increased the intercourse between the universities of Prague and Oxford
and the introduction into Bohemia of the works of Wycliffe. Many of his
writings were known in Bohemia before 1385, but they aroused no opposition
until 1403, when, as the result of the rivalry of Germans and Czechs, Johann
Hiibner, a Silesian, publicly challenged forty-five theses from Wycliffe's
writings. Three years later, Innocent VTI ordered the archbishop of Prague
to suppress the study of Wycliffe's works.
Among those charged with fostering Wycliffe's heretical teachings was
John Huss, a member of the university and preacher at the Bethlehem
chapel/* Less coarse in speech than Conrad of Waldhausen, less fantastic in his
views than Milecz, he made a more profound impression on his hearers than
his predecessors had done, and the results of his work were much more lasting.
He appealed to the intelligence of his hearers, aroused their reflective facul-
ties, taught and persuaded them, and was not lacking in impressive words.
He had an earnest character, a devout spirit, and a conduct to which his
enemies could not find exception; a burning zeal for the moral improvement
of the people, as well as the reformation of the church; also a keenness and
tenacity, stolidity and obstinacy, and a remarkable desire for popularity,
which saw in the martyr's crown the highest end to which man's life could
attain.*
In 1407 he was made dean of the faculty of arts, and the following year,
rector of the university. Heresy again became an issue at Prague. Wen-
ceslaus, wishing to gain recognition as king of the Romans from the council
of Pisa, decided to purge the university of false teaching. The Bohemian
doctors themselves now condemned certain of Wycliffe's doctrines and
certain Czech preachers and doctors were imprisoned by the archbishop and
delivered to the Inquisition. Huss protested and demanded that they be
released. The archbishop replied by banishing him from the diocese. Huss'
break with the ecclesiastical authority had begun. The next step was for
the Germans to bring before the pope an accusation against the Bohemian
university on the ground that it was teaching heresy. Alexander V, elected
at Pisa and endorsed by the Bohemians, issued a bull ordering the archbishop
of Prague to drive all heretics and false teachers from his diocese, and to
suppress the writings of Wycliffe. Huss, however, decided to appeal against
the bull, claiming that it was the result of false pretence on the part of his
accusers. He next refused to appear at Rome when summoned by the new
pope, John XXIII, and was therefore excommunicated. In 1412 he
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CHARLES IV TO SIGISMUND III 199
[1410-1412 A.D.]
denounced the sale of indulgences instituted by John XXIII and boldly
questioned the validity of priestly absolution. Reform had extended to revolt
against the church and its teaching.
THE DOCTRINES OF HUSS
The doctrines which led Huss into revolt against the established authori-
ties in the church were similar to those of Wycliffe and were doubtless the
results of study of the English reformer's works. His starting-point, the
theory of salvation, was entirely orthodox. " No one is saved by the law,
but only through faith in Christ." "God's grace is not acquired through
service, but is freely given." These declarations of Huss were not in conflict
with those of Thomas Aquinas and the later theologians. But conclusions
drawn from these statements regarding Christ's relation to salvation caused
conflict with the church. This revolutionary thought was based on two
conceptions, the law of Christ, the written word of God, and the true church
of Christ.* Huss many times declares that the law of Christ, that is, the
sacrifice of God as the New Testament reveals it in the time of Christ and
the Apostles, is sufficient for Christians, church, and salvation. Not that the
Scriptures are the only source of truth; indeed, he recognises moral revela-
tion or experience and reason or systematised thought to be sources of knowl-
edge of the truth. But in matters of faith and salvation, Holy Scripture has
unconditioned and final authority. Christ is the best teacher and final judge.
Man must neither add to nor take away from his message. Each Christian
must believe that truth which the Holy Spirit has concealed in the Scripture,
and he must give unconditional obedience to the law of Christ. The opinions
of the factions and the bulls of the popjes are not worthy of man's faith —
they only express what is clearly in Scripture or what can be deduced from
Scripture. Indeed, papal bulls cannot be foundations of faith for the pope, and
his curia can err. It is his gain to err, and he also errs without knowledge of it.
Huss' second reformatory principle is that of the true church. * The
germ of his conception of the true church is in the sentence, " The church is
the assembly of the elect." The origin of the idea goes back to Augustine,
but Huss derived it from the writings of Wycliffe. In 1410 he first realised
its consequences, and he developed it in many of his writings, especially
the De Ecclesia. Since the church of Christ is the assembly of the elect, those
do not belong to it who are not destined to salvation by grace. There is
therefore a difference, which Augustine had indicated, between the true and
the visible body of Christ. All the justified since the beginning of the world
$re chosen by grace to salvation, are real members of the church. Member-
ship in the true body of Christ, the true church, depends on the eternal
election by grace. Therefore outward membership in the church, even office
and authority in the same, do not make membership in the true church. /
These conceptions of the law of Christ and the true church made Huss
accept the nature and authority of the existing ecclesiastical organisation
only in so far as it conforms to the word of God revealed to him in the Bible
by the guidance of the Holy Spirit. When neither pope, university, nor
long could persuade him to modify his views, it remained for the ecumenical
council to discipline him.
SIGISMUND CHOSEN EMPEROR (1411 A.D.)
In 1411 died Jobst of Moravia, one of the three emperors elected after
the death of Rupert. After a reconciliation with Wenceslaus, Sigismund
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tOO THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[Mlft-MUAJX]
was chosen emperor by five of the electors but was not crowned till four
years later.®
It was long since Germany had had a ruler so wealthy and influential
as Sigismund, last of the Luxemburgs. He was king of Hungary, heir to
Bohemia, and his estates extended from the Balkans to the Baltic, from the
Carpathians to the Rhine. His allies were among the most powerful princes
of Germany, Albert V of Austria, the burggraf of Nuremberg, and Frederick
of Hohenzollern. His enemies were also numerous. The Venetians threat-
ened the Adriatic coast; the Turks, after years of civil war, had united under
Muhammed II; the Poles wished to dissolve their union with Hungary,
while many subjects of the empire were turbulent.
Sigismund had the advantage of a good education. He spoke Latin.
German, Czech, French, and Italian. He was generous and affable, enjoyed
mingling with his people, and his pleasant manner won the goodwill of all
whom he met. Large, well proportioned, with light hair and complexion
and blue eyes, he was conscious of his beauty and strength. Unfortunately,
he was a king only in appearance, and loved only the show of power. He
was incapable of perseverance, as easily discouraged as ardent in enterprise.
He confused excitement with activity, a brusque manner with firmness,
sensationalism with renown. He was inconstant in friendship, and shocked
his contemporaries by the unscrupulousness and facility with which he
forgot his promises and dissolved his alliances. He had that one lasting
passion, pleasure, and the caprices in which he indulged sometimes com-
promised his honour.
The task before him was a great one, to re-establish unity in church and
empire. This, however, was not enough for him. He wished to regain
Italy for the empire, as well as the kingdoms of Aries and Burgundy. He
was in Italy when Rupert died. Before accepting the imperial crown, he
wished to conquer that country, and make his return to Germany a triumphal
journey. But the German princes would not furnish aid. He was unable
to pay his Swiss mercenaries, and they deserted him. The Italian princes
who caused the expedition increased his humiliation and disgrace. Philip of
Milan defied him, Genoa closed its gates, and at Asti he was almost made
Erisoner. Other princes recognised his authority but gave him no aid. When
e finally reached Germany, he called a diet at Coblenz, which no one
attended.*
Such an inauspicious opening of his reign ill corresponded with his high
hopes and dreams. But Sigismund was yet to play a great r61e in history —
if not as restorer of the empire, at least as restorer of the papacy. The ending
of the schism was even more imperative than the assertion of imperial author-
ity, and moreover the task was more within the scope of Sigismund's powers.
While he was yet in Italy, John XXIII, defeated by Ladislaus of Anjou,
king of Naples, decided to trust himself to the emperor and to call the council
which was universally desired. The pope issued the bull of convocation and
the emperor chose the meeting-place — Constance. This news awakened a
profound interest and enthusiasm throughout Europe. When the council
finally met, in October, 1414, the eyes of all Europe were turned to it. Rarely
to-day, in this age of vast assemblages, is so notable and large a body of men
gathered together.*
Besides the patriarchs of Constantinople, Grado, and Antioch, there were
E resent twenty-nine cardinals, thirty-three archbishops, one hundred and
fty bishops, more than a hundred abbots, and fifty priors. But the majority
of the members were representatives of the universities, which had been the
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CHARLES IV TO SIGISMUND III 201
[1414-1415 A.D.]
real leaders of the church during the decline of the papacy. There were not
less than three hundred doctors and masters at Constance. The council
was also a political congress. All the sovereigns of Europe, save one, sent
ambassadors. The prelates and princes were accompanied by soldiers. There
came also merchants, clowns, jugglers, actresses, and curiosity seekers. At
one time there were in the city three hundred conjurors and musicians, six
hundred barbers, and seven hundred courtesans. The officials of Constance
were at first alarmed at the task of feeding
and lodging this vast multitude of people. " The
Swabians, wrote Huss, " say it will take thirty
years to purify Constance of the sins which it
has committed." h
The programme mapped out was that which
the University of Paris had for years demanded :
first, the termination of the schism; second,
correction of the abuses in the church; finally,
the extirpation of heresy. To end the schism
it was necessary to depose the three existing
popjes. A process was therefore instituted
against John XXIII/* But John had taken
precautions not to be deposed and had risked
too many hazards to give himself up. While
crossing the Tyrol on his way to Constance he
made an ally of Sigismund's enemy, Frederick
of Austria. He now promised to abdicate if
the other two popes would follow his example.
Then he proposed to transfer the council to
another city. When the fathers refused, he
left Constance disguised as a messenger, while
Frederick was entertaining the people at a
grand festival. The same evening the duke
joined him at Schaffhausen.
The council now seemed about to dissolve.
Sigismund, however, acted the part of emperor.
He rode through the streets on his horse, re-
vived the courage of all, and promised the
fathers that he would protect them. The council,
reassured, on March 30th, 1415, declared that sigismund <i3q&-h37)
it represented the Catholic church, that it held (After an old print)
its authority from Christ, that it was superior
to the pope; and John XXIII was summoned to appear before it as a heretic
and promoter of heresy. Sigismund then took vigorous measures against
Frederick, and the friends of John. He cited the duke to his tribunal, on
pain of the ban of the empire and forfeiture of his domains to rival claimants.
But Frederick was turbulent and quarrelsome. Then four hundred princes,
lords, knights, and cities of Swabia declared war upon him. After a short
but decisive campaign, Frederick surrendered to the emperor without condi-
tions, placed his possessions at the disposition of Sigismund, and promised
the return of John XXIII. [The renegade pope attempted to escape to
Avignon. He was captured at Freiburg by the burggraf Frederick of Nurem-
berg and brought to Constance.] On May 12th, 1415, he was brought before
the council; he maintained a haughty attitude and after a difficult and scan-
dalous procedure was deposed, May 29th. Gregory XII then resigned and
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202 THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIRE
died soon afterwards; Benedict XIII refused all propositions of the council
with inflexible obstinacy, and from his fortress at Pensicola braved all the
threats of the fathers until his death.
THE TRIAL OP HUSS (1414 A.D.)
[The schism was ended. The council then turned to the revolt against
the church represented by Huss. All were prejudiced against him.] The
English wished to draw attention, through Huss, to the teaching of Wycliffe:
the Germans had not forgotten that he had been in the movement to drive
them from Prague. An innovator in religion, he was reactionary in philos-
ophy, professing realistic doctrines, while the Parisian theologians were
nominalists. The French, indeed, were more anxious for the condemnation
of Huss than they had been for the deposition of John XXIII * The reason
was that the doctrines of Huss suggested a revolution in the church. Their
significance was well stated by Gerson, a French scholar: "The most danger-
ous error, destructive of all political order and quiet, is this — that one pre-
destined to damnation or living in mortal sin has no rule, jurisdiction, or
power over others in a Christian people. Against such an error it seems to
my humility that all power, spiritual and temporal, ought to rise, and exter-
minate it by fire and sword rather than by curious reasoning. For political
power is not founded on the title of predestination or grace, since that would
oe most uncertain, but is established according to laws civil and ecclesiastical."
Yet Huss was willing to trust his case to the council. He was promised a
safe conduct and a public hearing at Constance by Sigismund. The inquisitor
general at Prague declared before witnesses that Huss was a good Christian;
the archbishop said he knew nothing of his heresy. It seemed to the people
of Bohemia that there was somewhere a misunderstanding, and that a public
hearing and trial at Constance would result in adjustment of all difficulties.
On November 3rd, 1414, with a number of Bohemian friends, Huss arrived
at Constance. The procedure of the council towards Huss was based on that
of the Inquisition. He was excommunicate and a heretic; and he was there-
fore outside the law and no promise or contract made with him was binding;
he was not allowed to defend his teachings; the church alone could decide
upon their validity; he must recant or suffer death.
The first step was a formal accusation and imprisonment. On November
28th [says an old chronicler], the cardinals sent two bishops, a civil magistrate
of Constance, and a soldier to the house where Master Huss resided. They
told Master John of Chlum that they had come at the order of the cardinals
and the mandate of the pope for Master John Huss, and as he had wished
to speak with them they were ready to hear him. John of Chlum replied
to them angrily, saying: "Do you know, most reverend fathers, how and
through whom Master John Huss came here? If you do not, I tell you that
Master Wenzil of Lestria and I were with the emperor at Friuli and spoke of
returning to Germany; he commanded us to take in our care Master John
with his safe conduct, that he might come to the present council", and he
said further: " If Master Huss shall consent to remain at Constance with you,
say to him that he shall speak nothing of this matter except in my presence,
when I shall come, God willing, to Constance." Those who had come replied*
"We come only for the sake of peace, that there may be no tumult." Then
Master John Huss, arising from the table, replied, " I did not come here to see
the cardinals nor did I ever desire to speak with them: I came to the whole
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CHAELES IV TO SIGISMUND III 203
[1414 A.D.]
council; but at the request of the cardinals I am ready to go to them, and
I am willing to be examined concerning anything. I think I should prefer
death than the denial of truth as revealed to me by the Scriptures or other
means." And when he had come to the cardinals and saluted them, they
said to him, "Master John, many things are said about you, that you hold
many errors and disseminate them in Bohemia; and so we have sent for you
wishing to ask you if this be true." He replied: "Most reverend fathers,
you know that I would rather die than hold an error. I have come to this
sacred council, and, having been shown in what I have erred, I am ready in
all humility to correct
and amend." The car-
dinals said, "Truly
those are good words."
Thus they departed,
leaving Master (Huss)
under an armed guard.
But Lord John (Chlum)
remained with them *
A subtle theologian
disguised as a friar then
came and sought to in-
volve Huss in a discus-
sion of the Eucharist.
At f our o'clock the pope
and the cardinals met.
In true inquisitorial
method, charges were
preferred against Huss
in his absence. The
accuser was a former
priest at Prague and the
indictment included
(1) teaching the neces-
sity of receiving the
Eucharist under both
kinds and attacking
transubstantiation; (2)
making the validity of
the sacraments depend medieval interior
on the moral character
of the priest; (3) erroneous theories regarding the property, disciples, and
organisation of the church.
When this was done [continues our chronicler] they sent a messenger
to Lord John, who said that he might depart, but Master Huss should remain
in the papal palace. John of Chlum was angered; he went to the pope and
protested in the name of the emperor's safe conduct. John's reply was,
You know how matters stand: the cardinals brought Master Huss as a
prisoner and I am bound to receive him." The same night at nine o'clock,
he (Huss) was taken to the home of a canon of Constance where a cardinal
was staying: there for eight days he was guarded by armed men. Then
he was taken to the Dominican monastery and was placed in a dark and
obscure dungeon, near which was a sewer. He was seized with fever; and
when his life was despaired of, Pope John sent his own physicians to him *
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804 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIEE
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John of Chlum and the Bohemian nobles drew up a written protest against
Huss' imprisonment, but without avail.
Sigismund arrived on Christmas day. He felt very deeply the insult
to his authority in the violation of the safe conduct: he feared the bad impres-
sion it would make in Bohemia, a country he hoped to inherit. The pope
excused his conduct to the emperor, as he had excused it previously to John
of Chlum. Sigismund had to settle with the council. When the fathers
opposed to his right to protect a subject their right to judge a heretic according
to the established rules of the church, Sigismund several times left the council
in wrath. As evidence of his earnestness, it appears that he at one time
left Constance, in the latter days of 1414. A deputation followed him and
declared that, if he hindered or interfered with the legal authority of the
council, it would dissolve. Sigismund was not willing to accept the respon-
sibility of such an event. Huss was not worth the failure of the long-cherished
desires of Christendom for the establishment of unity and reformation in the
church. He also consoled himself with the thought that, since no promise
to the disadvantage of the Catholic faith is valid in the light of divine or
human law, he was not under obligation to keep his word given to a heretic*
He therefore allowed the process against Huss to take its course.*
Renewal of the Trial
The difficulties occasioned by the conduct of John XXIII for a time over-
shadowed the cause of Huss. When the pope fled from Constance, Sigismund
was, for a time, the central figure in the council, and Huss' friends hoped
he would use his influence for the liberation of the imprisoned reformer.
But the emperor had identified himself with the fathers of the council. On
March 24th, he committed Huss to the custody of the bishop of Constance,
who imprisoned him in a castle near the city. In May, Wycliffe's writings
were condemned and his bones were ordered to be exhumed and taken from
consecrated ground. The friends of Huss were alarmed. They again pro-
tested against his imprisonment. The patriarch of Constantinople replied,
in behalf of the council, that Huss would not be released but that he should
be given a public hearing. On June 5th, 1415, the council assembled at
the Franciscan monastery. A committee offered a report on the case of
Huss, which ended with a condemnation of various extracts taken from his
writings. He was then brought in, and the articles against him and the
evidence were read/* When the master wished to respond, many cried out;
on account of the strength of their voices he could not be heara: when he
wished to take exception against ambiguous words or give interpretations
different from those m the articles, they cried out, " Dismiss your sophistry
and say yes or no"; some laughed at him. When he cited the authority
of the fathers for certain articles, many exclaimed, "That is not true, ,, or
" It is not to the point." Seeing that a defence was not possible, he was silent
on some points. Then they said, "Behold now you are silent; that is a
sign that you believe these errors." *
On account of the tumult the hearing was adjourned till June 7th. Sigis-
mund was then present and better order prevailed. There was a lengthy
discussion of the sacrament of the altar. Huss denied that he accepted
Wycliffe's views, and was found to be orthodox. Then the nature of the
evidence which should determine a man's opinions was examined. One of
the cardinals said: "Master John, do you know that it is written that in the
mouths of two or three witnesses every word shall be established? Behold
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CHARLES IV TO SIGISMUND III 805
[1415 A.D.]
there are twenty witnesses against you — doctors, prelates, and others —
some of whom have heard, others know by report." He replied, "If God
and my conscience are my witnesses that I never taught what I am accused
of teaching, the testimony hurts me not." Cardinal d'Ailly responded,
"We cannot judge you according to your conscience, but according to the
evidence before us." After other fruitless discussion, Cardinal d'Ailly quoted
a remark of Huss, that he had come to Constance of his own will, ana that
not even the king of the Romans or the Bohemians should have compelled
him. John of ChTum arose and said : " Indeed that is true, I am a poor knight
in our country yet I would keep him for a year, whomsoever it pleased or
displeased, so tnat he could not be taken. There are many great lords who
have strong castles who would keep him, even against both kings." This
was the critical point. Evidently heresy was revolt against civil as well as
ecclesiastical authority. The cardinal advised Huss to submit to the council,
and Sigismund added: "Hear, John Huss; I gave you a safe conduct before
you left Prague and commanded that you should be brought here without
violence and that a public hearing should be given you. This has been done.
All say that I cannot give a safe conduct to a heretic or one suspected of heresy.
Therefore, I advise you to hold nothing obstinately but to submit to the
mercy of the council. If you continue m your errors, it is for the council
to determine what it will do. I have said that I will not defend a heretic;
nay, if anyone remained obstinate in heresy, I would burn him with my
own hands."
The audience, however, was resumed the following day, June 8th. Thirty-
nine articles against Huss, taken from his writings, were read. Most of them
were based on his theory of the church as the body of the elect, and the
dependence of the ecclesiastical authority on the character of the one exer-
cising it. When the article which stated that pope, bishop, or priest who
is in mortal sin is not true pope, bishop, or priest, Huss quoted the words
of Samuel to Saul, "Because thou hast rejected the word of the Lord, he
hath rejected thee from being king." Sigismund replied, "Huss, no one is
without sin"; and D'Ailly added, "It is not sufficient that you destroy the
spiritual power by your teachings; you also wish to drive kings from their
state." After all charges had been read and discussed, D'Ailly advised Huss
to submit to the mercy of the council and warned him not to attempt further
defence. "I came here freely," he replied, "I crave another audience to
explain my meaning, and if my judgments do not prevail, I am willing
to submit to the information of the council." On all sides the answer was,
"The council is not here to inform but to judge." The final decision of Huss
was an appeal, "I stand before the judgment seat of God, who will judgp
both you and me as we deserve."
So ended the trial of Huss. He was led back to prison to await his sentence.
A final attempt was made through a private individual to get him to retract.
Again his reply was an appeal to Christ. On the sixth of July Huss was led
to the great church of Constance, where a general session of the council was
assembled, presided over by Sigismund. L«t us watch the last fateful scene
through the eyes of an onlooker.
THE DEATH OP HUSS (1415 A.D.)
In the middle of the auditorium stood a platform on which were placed
the sacerdotal robes for the degradation of Master Huss. When he was led
into the church, he stepped before the platform- and kneeled in prayer. The
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306 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1415 A.D.}
bishop of Lodi ascended the pulpit and preached a sermon concerning heresy,
declaring that heresies do much evil to God and the church and that it is the
duty of Kings to extirpate them. Next the procurator of the council arose
and asked for the sentence on Master John Huss. When the articles against
him were read (Huss protesting against some) a certain Italian prelate read
the sentence against him. And Master John Huss responded, against orders,
to certain points of the sentence; specially when he was pronounced obstinate
in error he responded, " I never was nor am I obstinate, but I have always
desired and to-day desire better information from the Scriptures." When the
condemnation was complete, Master Huss fell on his knees and prayed, "Lord
Jesus, have mercy, I pray, on all my enemies; thou knowest they falsely
accuse me, they bring false witnesses, and charge me with false articles."
When he had finished, many laughed at him.
Then seven bishops clothed him with the priestly robes. He said, "When
my Lord Jesus was led before Pilate, he wore a white robe." Then he was
exhorted by the bishops to recant; sadly he turned to the multitude and
replied, " The bishops beg me to recant; I fear to do that lest I lie in the sight
of God and offend my conscience and God's truth." The bishops then began
to degrade him, taking from his hands the chalice and tearing off the vest-
ments, pronouncing maledictions against him. They said, "We commit
your soul to the devil." And he, folding his hands and turning his eyes to
heaven, replied, " I commit it to our good Lord Jesus." A paper cap, almost
a cubit high, on which were painted devils and also an inscription, "This is a
heresiarch," was placed on his head. The emperor said to Clem of Bavaria,
"Take him"; and Clem placed him in the hands of the lictors, who led him
forth to death.
When they arrived at the place of death, a meadow outside the city, Huss
kneeled in prayer. He was then chained to the stake, made a final refusal to
recant, and as the flames swept up around him he chanted from the Liturgy,
O Christ, Son of the living God, have mercy upon us,
Christ, Son of the living God, have mercy upon me;
Thou who wast born of the Virgin Mary
With the last line the voice ceased; his lips moved a few minutes and then he
expired. The executioners were careful to burn his body to ashes; his
clothes were likewise destroyed; and the dust was thrown into the Rhine that
his followers might not secure any relics of their hero's death*
The trial and execution of Huss awaken our sympathy. It is an excellent
example of the treatment of heresy in the Middle Ages. The church found
the accused guilty of error; the state then stepped in and administered
suitable punishment. The whole procedure is revolting to us. Why should
one suffer death for opinions which he refuses to give up for fear of offence to
God and his conscience? The answer is found in the nature of mediaeval
civilisation. The church was not a private institution, but a part of the
machinery of government. Sin and faith were matters of public importance.
The position of Huss has been stated by Creighton *: "He is chained with
subverting the existing system of thought; he answers that some modifica-
tion of the existing system is necessary and that his opinions, if rightly under-
stood, are not subversive but amending. Into this issue his judges cannot
follow him. It is as though a man accused of high treason were to urge that
his treason is the noblest patriotism. There may be truth in his allegations,
but it is a truth which human justice cannot take into account. The judge is
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CHAELES IV TO SIGISMUND HI 307
[1416-1418 A.D.]
appointed to execute existing laws, and till those laws are altered the best
attempts to amend them by individual protests must be reckoned as rebel-
lion."
DISSOLUTION OP THE COUNCIL (1418 A.D.)
As regards the reformation of the church, the council did not realise the
dreams of the reformers. The Germans, supported at first by the English,
desired that the proposed reformation should be taken in hand before the
election of the new pope. But the cardinals and the rest of the nations were
so urgent in their opposition to this measure that
the council was satisfied with framing some few
reformatory decrees, and with recommending the
other subjects of reform to the future pontiff.
Otto di Colonna was then elected pope, Novem-
ber, 1417, under the name of Martin V. The re-
sults justified the fears of the Germans. The feeble
dimmer of the council grew pale before the splen-
dour of the new pope, the first who had been univer-
sally acknowledged for a long time. The papal
monarchy was immediately elevated above all the
Hmits which the ecclesiastical aristocracy meant
to have imposed upon it. The rules in chancery
prepared by Martin V were but slightly different
from those of former popes, about which there had
been so much complaint. Proposals for reforma-
tion which he set forth did not correspond with
expectations. The strength and unity of the coun-
cil were so much broken that the pope was able to
adjust the most critical points of reformation by
concordats with separate nations. The pope not
only granted ecclesiastical tithes to the emperor
Sigismund, notwithstanding all the outcries which
had been raised against this kind of church oppres-
sion, but he even ventured, in direct opposition to
the expressed principle of the council, to pro-
nounce all appeals from the pope to a general a German soldier of the
council to be inadmissible. Thus the council be- fifteenth century
came so unlike itself that its dissolution in April,
1418, was no cause for regret. The old complaints of extortion and church
oppression, as well as the venality of the curia, began afresh; only the Italians
were satisfied with the new condition of affairs." 1
SOCIAL DISCONTENT
The news of the execution of Huss provoked general exasperation in
Bohemia. It was regarded as a defiance to the Czech nation — a crime which
affected the entire Slav race. Sigismund and the Germans had thought of
that deed only in reference to one man: they found a whole nation involved.
Belgians and national questions were confused more than ever.*
The principal doctrine of the religious revolt that now began was the
demand for the administration of the Eucharist in both kinds. Huss did not
propose this innovation — nor, in fact, any of the extensive changes made by
his followers in the ecclesiastical system, though they were natural conclu-
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808 THE HOLY KOMAN EMPIRE
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eions indicated in his system of thought. It was while he was in Constance
that Jacobellus ( Jakobek) of Mies began to preach in Bohemia the necessity
of administering the wine as well as the bread of the Eucharist to the laity.
Huss in a letter to Jacobellus spoke favourably of the innovation, but he did
not regard it as a necessary reform. After his death this was regarded as the
cardinal doctrine of the conservative Hussites, who were therefore called
utraquists (from the Latin utraque, "both") or calixtines (from " chalice," or
"cup").
Social discontent contributed to the religious and national revolt. The
result was the formation of a radical party, whose ideals extended beyond
reform to the abolition of the existing ecclesiastical system.
In the Middle Ages church and society were far removed from their natural
bases, and were forced to conform even m their most important life-functions
to the prescription of ecclesiastical statutes; therefore it came to be believed
that an end of all oppression would be made, if the social organisation of early
Christianity, as revealed in the New Testament, were carried over into the
degenerate present. As the poor priests and Lollards of England, so now the
so-called Taborites, led by enthusiastic members of the lower nobility, as well
as by priests, added to Hussitism a socialistic and communistic programme.
Besides the church, the state and society should be reorganised on the basis of
the gospel. These people added to the hatred of the Germans and dislike of
Sigismund a fanaticism based on the literal interpretation of Scripture, an
inspiration, a passion, and a spirit of sacrifice wnich regarded nothing as
impossible and transformed the suffering, uncultured, and impoverished
peasants into an irresistible force. The whole development of humanity was
to these people a great confusion, a fall from God's law, for whose final restora-
tion there must be a purification of the world; and they were the ones chosen
of God to carry out that work — a conception, which two centuries later the
English puritans also represented. Above all, absolute equality was to be
introduced; church, birth, property, education should no longer create social
classes; likewise there should be no separation of the priesthood and the laity.
The form of government should be republican, for in the people resides the
sovereign power. That the emancipation of woman was one of their articles
of faith shows how completely these revolutionary idealists would overthrow
all legal and moral limitations. Never had the Middle Ages seen any similar
movement, never was such unmerciful war declared against ecclesiastical,
political, and social conditions.*
ECCLESIASTICAL INTERFERENCE
On the ecclesiastical side, the council took energetic measures against
the new schism which threatened the church. It forbade communion under
both kinds; revoked the charter of the University of Prague and threatened
with ecclesiastical penalties King Wenceslaus ana the archbishop of Prague
if they did not take heresy in hand. The university retaliated by declaring
communion under both kinds indispensable to salvation, and designated
July 6th as the feast of John Huss, which was observed till the seventeenth
century.
The schism, however, progressed peacefully until the dissolution of the
council in 1418. Martin V, the new pope, wished to see active measures
instituted against heresies. He ordered Sigismund to have all priests restored
to the parishes from which they had been driven. Wenceslaus, fearing his
brother would take advantage of this order to have himself made king of
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CHARLES IV TO SIGISMUffD III 209
[1419 i.D.]
Bohemia, willingly complied with the wishes of the pope. This was the
signal for war.
When the Catholic priests, re-entering Prague, wished to go in procession
to the dedication of their churches and threatened with excommunication
those receiving the Eucharist under both kinds, there was a popular rising.
Once Wenceslaus was surrounded in the street by a multitude and was
requested to permit the communion in both kinds. The king ordered the
arie to deliver their arms to him. John of Zizka, one of the popular
ers, then went to the castle where the king resided and said: "Behold
us with our arms. Where are your enemies?"
The movement spread from Prague to the country. The peasants ceased
to attend the churches when the Catholic priests wer6 installed. The Huss-
ite priests held service in private houses, in barns, even in the open fields.
They also held meetings on hills to which they gave biblical names: Tabor,
from which the Taborites received their name, near Aussig on the Elbe; and
Horeb, near Trebeckovic (Hohenbruck). In July, 1419, the municipal council
of Prague at the instigation of Wenceslaus imprisoned some Hussites. A
great procession formed, marched to the town hall, and demanded the release
of the prisoners. The magistrates refused. In the tumult outside a monk
who carried the chalice was ptruck by a stone. Zizka and his followers
assaulted the building, ascended the stairways, seized the judge, the burgo-
master, and the councillors, and cast them through the windows upon the
lances and pikes of those who were below. This was the final humiliation of
King Wenceslaus. That " defenestration, " as it is called in Bohemian history,
caused his death. Seized in the midst of the tumult by an attack of apo-
plexy, he died in August, 1419.
A political question was now added to the religious issue. Sigismund,
the hen- to Bohemia, was German, he had allowed Huss to be burned, and
was a partisan of Martin V. The Germans and Catholics, who belonged to
the feudal nobility and to the wealthy families of the cities, recognised Sigis-
mund as the legitimate heir. Among the dissenters, the calixtines agreed
upon four articles of faith : (1) free preaching of the word of God in the popu-
lar tongue; (2) communion under both kinds; (3) the suppression of eccle-
siastical domains; (4) the punishment of public sins of the priests by temporal
penalties. On these conditions they consented to recognise the rights of
Sigismund. Much more numerous, however, were the Taborites, whose
doctrines we have described, and the Adamites, the Nicolites, and Horebites,
all of them sects whose teachings were socialistic in character. At Prague,
the more ardent Taborites fell upon the churches and monasteries, destroyed
the images and pictures, burned the robes and books. The archbishop and
the cathedral chapter fled; the Germans took refuge in the chateaux. With
a little activity and energy, a few concessions, and prompt action, Sigismund
might have gained a following. But he was indolent, and too devoted to
pleasure. Moreover the Turks were threatening; Hungary, and the Hunga-
rian nobles were unwilling that Sigismund should leave them. The govern-
ment of Bohemia was therefore entrusted to Sophia, widow of Wenceslaus,
and Teheiniech, one of the wealthiest lords of the country. They were
hostile to the popular movements, and civil war commenced. The Czech
cause was ably summarised in a pamphlet issued at Prague: "The church
has treated us as a stepmother. She has raised against us our worst enemies,
the Germans. What cause of war have they, save their eternal hatred for
our race? They wish to dominate in Bohemia as in Meissen, in Prussia,
and on the Rhine. Who would not resist their hatred? The cross of Christ,
H. W. — VOL. XIV. P
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S10 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIBE
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the symbol of all kindness and beauty, has become a sign of massacre and
death. Beloved fellow citizens, you who are devoted to the crown of Bohe-
mia, we pray you to unite with us; remember your ancestors, the ancient
Czechs who passionately loved their country. To arms, to protect our
country against injustice and oppression! By the aid of God we will sustain
our cause!"
SIGISMUND's INVASION OF BOHEMIA
Sigismund saw that a war of religion and race was at hand. He made
preparations to invade Bohemia in Silesia and Moravia, and asked Martin V
to preach a crusade against his heretical subjects. With an army of eighty
thousand men he invaded Bohemia in 1420 and captured two fortresses near
Prague. A decisive battle was fought at the hill of Vitkov, which commanded
the northeast of Prague, and was held by the Hussites. On July 14th, while
the troops of the fortresses attracted attention by a sortie, several thousand
cavalry charged the hill. It was almost abandoned by the Hussites. A
handful of Taborites, among them two women and a girl, remained firm.
Zizka came to their aid; his troops were inferior in number and began to
give way, when reinforcements arrived; the Germans were then defeated.
Vitkov then took the name of the mount of Zizka. The fortresses were
retaken by the Bohemians, a few months later the German army was defeated,
and Sigismund evacuated Bohemia.
We are astonished that Sigismund did not find in Catholicism and German
patriotism the necessary resources with which to fight advantageously against
the Hussites and Czechs, who inflicted so much loss on the church and German
influence. Although the universities and the people in Germany were opposed
to the Hussite reform because it was Czech, they were too dissatisfied with
the corruption in the church to defend it with much ardour. On the other
hand, the principalities and towns of Germany had become almost autono-
mous through the decline of imperial authority, and were thus incapable of
putting forth serious effort in any cause, however dear to them.
Another cause of Bohemian success was the character of their army.
The German army was feudal in character, each horseman fought indepen-
dently, and a battle was to them a series of duels. Zizka's army was composed
of peasants armed with pikes which terminated in hooks and wooden bars
loaded with iron. In a campaign they were protected by movable walls
formed by chariots covered with boards and attached to each other by iron
chains. When they camped, this was a fortified enclosure; in battle they
cast projectiles from it before attacking the enemy; then they took refuge
if necessary. If the land were favourable, or sloping, they rolled against
the enemy their chariots loaded with armed men. Before this democratic
national army of the Czechs, the German cavalry fell, just as the French
horsemen had gone down at Cr6cy and Agincourt before the English archers.
After the death of Zizka in 1424, one of the Taborite leaders, Procopius
the Great, instituted a movement to unite all the Bohemian sects in an offen-
sive war against the Germans, who corresponded to the Midianites and
AmaJekites of the Old Testament. Under his leadership, from 1429 to 1434,
the Bohemians made a number of expeditions into Germany ,°* In Austria
the duke fled before them; they also overran Silesia, Lusatia, Saxony, Bran-
denburg, Bavaria, and Hungary. Not since the invasion of the Hungarians
had Germany suffered so much. " Such was the terror of the Christians,"
says a chronicler, " that, long before the arrival of the heretics, they abandoned
the fortified villages and the forts. Thanks to the universal confusion, the
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CHARLES IV TO SIGISMUND III 211
[1415-1434 A J).]
accomplices of the devil reduced the faithful to such misery that they burned
their homes before taking flight."
In vain Rome appealed to religion for aid to Germany. Cardinal Julian
Cesarini, one of the more popular and courageous priests of the church,
preached a crusade at Nuremberg. He assembled 40,000 cavalry and 90,000
infantry, which crossed the mountains into Bohemia in 1431. Procopius
had 55,000. When the armies were a mile apart, the Germans threw down
their arms and fled in confusion to the frontier. "The flight of the Germans
could not have been more rapid/' says the chronicler, "u they had at their
back two hundred thousand enemies." The cardinal barely escaped; he lost
his mantle, his crucifix, and the pontifical bull. "We have sinned against
the Saviour," he said; " he has put his curse upon us, and the Christian people
are punished with anathema."
Thus heresy became the stamp of Czech nationality. In the villages of
Bohemia, the domination of the German patricians passed to the Slav corpo-
rations. The war was notable for the fury and the cruelty characteristic of
religious conflicts. Villages were usually sacked and burned, and prisoners
massacred. The Taborites were especially violent against churches and
monasteries. Bohemia lost the admirable religious monuments around which
the piety of the people had heaped treasures and artistic wonders. The
German domination in Bohemia, the work of five centuries, was completely
broken.
CONDITION OF GERMANY DURING SIGISMUND's REIGN
Since the death of Charles IV Germany had had no real government.
It was only an incoherent agglomeration of states, divided in administrations,
habits, and interests. Princes and boui^eoisie, laymen and ecclesiastics,
alienated from each other by their ambitions and traditions, were united
in hatred and distrust of the central authority. Without permission of the
king, even without his knowledge, provinces were divided, laws of succession
were modified, offensive and defensive treaties were signed, and often imperial
subjects were found in armies hostile to their emperor and to Germany.
The feudal service fell into decay. The imperial passed with the religious
rights into the hands of the princes. The charters of investiture of the period
gave the lords the right to levy at will imposts and aides. There was no
money and therefore there were no regular troop. There was no army
except undisciplined masses — numerous, but without cohesion, practice
in arms, or pay.*
Sigismund m vain strove to bring order out of this confusion. At Con-
stance, in 1415, he proposed a new city league of which he should be the head.
The cities, however, were cautious of any movement led by the emperor,
and the scheme failed. Sigismund then suggested a new Landfriede by
which cities and principalities should be divided into four districts, each
with a head and a central bureau organised by the emperor. This plan
was received with favour by the cities, for it recognised them as equal to
the feudal powers; but the princes in 1417 pledged themselves against it,
and similar negotiations for a reform of the empire in 1434 failed on account
of the hostility of the territorial princes. °
The town chronicles are full of revolutionary movements in which the
revolt against the church was fused with democratic aspirations. At Mains
the corporations rose against the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie against the
clergy; Wurzburg, Ratisbon, and Bamberg were at war with their bishop;
;eburg made an alliance with many towns of the north against her bishop*
clergy
Magde
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212 THE HOLT ROMAN EMPIRE
[1428-1481 is,]
defeated his soldiers, and forced him to take refuge at Stettin; at Speier,
Strasburg, Passau, and Constance there were quarrels between the middle
classes and the labouring people, and between the municipality and the
ecclesiastics. The discontent spread to the country districts. In 1428 the
inhabitants of Appenzell were excommunicated because they menaced the
bishop of Constance, the abbot of St. Gall, and the neighbouring lords. A
little later several thousand peasants besieged Worms: they had on their
banner the crucified Christ and demanded that the priests and the JewB
should be put to death because through them scandals had come into the
world *
These conditions, as well as the failure to suppress heresy in Bohemia,
revived the old demand for an ecumenical council of the church.
GERMANY AND THE COUNCIL OF BALE (1431-1443 A.D.)
Like the council of Constance, that of B&le was also an international con-
gress. The question of heresy and the reform of ecclesiastical abuse were
again subjects for deliberation. In place of the schism, there was an equally
absorbing problem — that of the constitutional relation between pope and
council, which should be the supreme source of ecclesiastical authority.
The struggle between the two powers was precipitated by Pope Eugenius
IV. Alarmed by the independent and revolutionary tendencies at B&le,
he made a vain attempt to dissolve the council. The policy of Sigismund
was naturally important for both parties. He had favoured the meeting
of the council by taking it under his imperial protection. But, in 1431, he
decided to make an expedition into Italy for the conquest of Venice and
Florence. He attempted to play the mediator between pope and council,
but failed. When his army was unsuccessful, he encouraged the council
to give the pope the choice of revoking his bull of dissolution and sending a
representative to B&le or of submittmg to a chai-ge of contumacy, llie
pope was now humbled and the work of the council seemed assured. But
the first step in the revival of papal leadership was an alliance of Eugenius
and Sigismund. At the pope's suggestion, the conflicting claims of Florence,
Venice, Milan, and the emperor were submitted to the arbitration of Niccolo
of Este, lord of Florence. Sigismund recognised Eugenius IV as a "true
and undoubted pope," and promised to act in defence of his holiness "among
all kings and princes — all persons in the world, ecclesiastical as well as
secular." The consummation of the alliance was a coronation of Sigismund
by the pope — an event well described by Eberhard Windecke, n a contem-
porary German traveller and chronicler.
The Coronation of Sigismund
On May 12th, St. Pancras' Day, the Roman king entered Rome, and on
Whitsuntide he rode to St. Peter's church. At length pope and emperor
went and took their seats under their respective tabernacles. They stood
while the gospel was read and an office of the Holy Trinity was sung. Then
he, who had been accustomed to crown the emperor (the pope) approached
and placed the crown on the emperor, so that it slanted to the right. The
emperor then kneeled before the pope, when the latter straightway raised
his right foot and removed the crown with it, according to the law and ancient
custom. Then when they sang the gospel and came to the words, "And I
will give you a sword/' the pope gave the emperor the sword of a former
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CHAELES IV TO SIGISMTJND ni
213
[1431-1487 AJ>.]
emperor, according to custom. When the high office was over, the kiss was
given in Italian fashion, the pope kissing the emperor on the right cheek
and likewise the emperor the pope. Then the emperor took his sword in
hand, the pope his cross, and the latter gave his blessing to the emperor.*
The coronation of Sigismund affected his attitude towards the council.
He still desired its success in its reformatory work, but looked with little
favour on the constitutional problem of the relation of pope and council.
It was due to his influence, as well as to that of other sovereigns of Europe,
that the council did not depose Eugenius, and that the papal autocracy in
the church was preserved. The coun-
cil then turned to the consideration
of heresy. The invitation to send
representatives to B&le was accepted
by the calixtines or moderate party
in Bohemia. After prolonged de-
bate, the Four Articles of Prague were
accepted as the basis of a compro-
mise. The definition of the articles
and the method by which they should
be enforced in Bohemia were rele-
gated to a diet held at Prague in
1434.
CIVIL WAR AND BATTLE OF LIPAN
(1434 A.D.)
But Procopius and the Taborites
were unwilling to be reconciled to
the church. Civil war in Bohemia
was the result; the moderate party
defeated the Taborites at the battle
of Lipan in May, 1434, in which
Procopius and the flower of his army
perished. Encouraged by these dis-
sensions, the representatives of the
council refused to accept the inter-
pretations of the Articles of Prague
offered by the Bohemians. Sigismund
skilfully took advantage of the situa-
tion by offering to concede religious
questions at issue in return for the crown of Bohemia. The Bohemians then
re-entered the church without surrendering the principles which had caused
their separation. They also gained recognition of their nationality, for
Sigismund promised to appoint only native officials in Bohemia. But he
made the fatal mistake of encouraging a Catholic reaction. This prolonged
the strife between Czech and German.
C08TUME OF THE LATE FIFTEENTH OENTURT
DEATH OF SIGISMUND (1437 A.D.)
On Sigismund's death, Albert the new emperor was endorsed by the
Catholic party but rejected by the calixtines; and the religious problem in
Bohemia continued to dominate political issues.
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214 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[U85-1415aj>.]
HOHENZOLLERN AND HABSBURQ
Besides the religions dissensions and neighbourhood wars which char-
acterised Sigismund s reign, his policy is notable for one action which was of
great importance for the future of Germany. This was the investiture of the
house of Hohenzollern with Brandenburg, the immediate results of which
foreshadowed the rise of Prussia, the leading state of the modern German
Empire.
Brandenburg included a large stretch of country extending from the Elbe
to the Oder and Vistula. In the early centuries its inhabitants were Slavs
and its conquest and conversion to Christianity were as difficult as those of
Saxony had been. Although the scene of border warfare under the early
German emperors, it was not until about 1135 that it was finally conquered.
The conqueror was the famous Albert the Bear, who founded the Askanian
house, which with the Wettins and Guelfs ranked among the most powerful
feudal families of Germany. About the middle of the fourteenth century
the Askanian house became extinct, however, and the royal house of Luxem-
burg claimed Brandenburg as fief of the empire. Charles IV had treated
it rather as personal property, however, and willed it to Sigismund. But
Sigismund had more land than power or money, and in 1411 he made a bar-
gam with the wealthy Frederick of Hohenzollern, burggraf of Nurembei^g,
by which Frederick advanced the needy Sigismund 150,000 marks, and
received in turn the stewardship of Brandenburg, or, as the phrase ran, he
became " complete general administrator and highest lord."
The knightly house of Hohenzollern has oiten been mentioned in the
preceding pages. Originally owners of a single castle on the upper Danube
not very far from the ancestral seat of the Habsburgs, the Hohenzollerns
had become influential at the Swabian court, and in 1192 Frederick I became
burggraf of Nuremberg, where the family was established, with the rich
territories of Ansbach and Bayreuth spreading on either hand. It was a
Hohenzollern who had saved the day for the first Habsburg, when the troops
of Ottocar went down before the valour of Rudolf I and of Frederick of Nurem-
berg. But wealth rather than valour constituted their strength, and when
in 1415 Sigismund wished to raise more money for his expenses at Constance,
he borrowed 250,000 marks more from his most helpful creditor, and for
his whole debt of 400,000 marks gave up Brandenburg and its electoral
dignity, to the shrewd man of business who was at the head of the Hohen-
zollern house. In this way the Hohenzollerns came to Berlin!
There is a strange contrast in the spirit of the two participants in this
transaction. Sigismund needed the money because he was leaving Con-
stance for a visit to the kings of Spain, France, and England. It was his
dream that he might thus end the schism by bringing Spain in with the
council; that he might prevent the new outbreak of the Hundred Years'
War which was just bringing Henry V over to the battle-field of Agincourt.
and that then, with a European peace established, he might direct united
Christendom in one grand crusade against the Turks. 1 Against this imprac-
ticable but lofty dream one must place the less imaginative but more practical
plans of the wealthy count of Nuremberg. Out of the dream of Sigismund
came no result but humiliation and failure; out of the business bargain of
Frederick of Hohenzollern came the Prussian kingdom.
1 Cf. his speech before the council, in Von der Hardt, II, 488.
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CHARLES IV TO SIGISMUND III 215
[1415-1487 AJ).]
Indeed the results of the changed position of the Hohenzollerns were at
once apparent in the relations between monarch and vassal. Frederick
began to adopt an independent policy. He cast in his sympathies with the
Rhine princes, who were hostile to Sigismund, opposed the wars against the
Hussites, and, in opposition to the wishes of Sigismund, made an alliance
by marriage with roland. Thus began that policy of aggrandisement at
the expense of the body of the empire which finally resulted in German revolt
and the formation of an independent kingdom.
Sigismund died without male heirs. His daughter, Mary, had married
Albert of Habsburg, duke of Austria, and his dying wish was that Duke
Albert should be his successor. But when the college of electors met, there
was a rival candidate, namely, Frederick of Brandenburg. Here was the
prelude of the later conflict of Habsburg and Hohenzollern. Albert was
elected and Frederick resigned his claims. The imperial crown reverted
to the house of Habsburg, which to-day rules Austria. The worthy policy
of Charles IV to establish the house of Luxemburg by alliances with various
kingdoms of the empire and its neighbours, had failed. The Habsburgs
replaced the Luxemburgs, but Sigismund by exalting the Hohenzollerns
did much to establish the rival power which later divided the possessions of
the Habsburgs. a
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CHAPTER VI
ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I
[1488-1519 A.D.]
At this period Germany, as a state, was little more than a
cipher in the political system of Europe. Full of strength within, it
was yet unable to apply its power. Its constitution, formed upon pre-
scription, was scarcely better than a chaos. Even though the Golden
Bull (1356) had sufficiently determined the relations between the head
of the empire and the chief of its princes, who could say what the
mutual rights of the emperor and the remaining states truly were?
The degree of authority which he should possess was thus commonly
dependent upon the character and personal power of the emperor.
Under the long reign of Frederick III, who slumbered away above
half a century upon the throne (1440-1492), this authority was nearly
annihilated ; and under that of Maximilian I, notwithstanding the
new institutions, it was, as regarded its own interests, but little
augmented.
On the other hand, there was not one of the remaining princes
of Germany whose power was sufficient to command respect. In
fact, if the impetuous advance of the hereditary foes of Christendom,
who had for fifty years been securely settled in the east of Europe,
had not frequently compelled the Germans to make common cause
against them, there seems to be no reason why the bands of the empire
should not have been wholly dissolved. — Heeren. 1
There could hardly be a doubt as to the man upon whom the electors
would confer the crown after Sigismund's death. To be sure, Elector Fred-
erick of Brandenburg wished to place himself or one of his sons on the throne;
but fortune did not favour the ambition of the Hohenzollerns, since the north,
like the Wittelsbachs, had to bear the burden of royal duties and to support
the Habsburgs, who had entered into the inheritance of the former Luxem-
burg rivals. Albert of Habsburg, who was lord of Upper and Lower Austria,
and who held the crown of Bohemia and Hungary, was the strongest prince of
the empire. He did not solicit the crown, but not to elect him would have
216
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ALBBBT II, FREDEBICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 217
(1488-1489 A.D.]
meant the provocation of a new civil war, at least it would have resulted in the
separation of Bohemia and Austria from the empire. On March 18, 1438, he
was unanimously chosen king by the electors at Frankfort. A brave, earnest,
and energetic administrator; a bold, valiant soldier, Albert was not unworthy
of the long line of rulers which his house gave to the German throne.
He strove for the establishment of a new Landfriede, and likewise turned
his attention to the schism which had broken out between Pope Eugenius IV
and the council of B&le,
MJX 0, p^ iALEERTVS4I<
and of ending the mis-
government in the
church. Unfortunately
the conditions in his in-
herited kingdom were
not such as to admit of
much activity on his
part in the empire.
The Taborites and the
radical calixtines would
not accept a Catholic
duke who had used his
sword for Sigismund in
the Hussite wars. He
was indeed recognised
king of Bohemia after
the reconciliation of
Sigismund with Catho-
lics and moderate ca-
lixtines in 1436, and
was crowned in 1438 at
Iglau, but the anti-
Austrian party gave its
allegiance to Kasimir
of Poland. A civil war
followed. Before Al-
bert's power in Bohe-
mia was fully secured,
an attack of Murad II
called him into Hungary. With determination he undertook the defence of
the country but received little aid from the Hungarian nobles, who thought
more of their privileges and the expulsion of the Germans from their land,
than the protection of the boundaries. From his residence in the swampy,
low country of the Theiss and Danube he contracted a fever, and died in Octo-
ber, 1439, m the beginning of his forty-second year. fe
The reign of Albert is notable not for itself, for in spite of all his splendid
energy, Albert was unable in the two short years of his reign, to accomplish
much; but it marks a great mile-stone in both Habsburg and imperial history.
From his reign until the empire was dismembered at the dictation of Napoleon,
with but an insignificant interruption, the throne was in the possession of the
Habsburg family. The growth of their power, however, was particularly
accomplished in the reign of the next emperor, Frederick III — perhaps the
most unpractical, incompetent, and absurd figure in the imperial history, who
Albert II (1807-1430)
(After a woodcut of ca. 1515)
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218 THE HOLT ROMAN EMPIEE
[1440-1482 A.D.]
by a strange stroke of fate gave his descendants the richest heritage of
Europe.
FREDERICK III (1439-1493 A.D.)
The same considerations which had caused the election of Albert II led the
electors to unite on Duke Frederick of Styria (Steiermark) at their meeting at
Frankfort on February 2, 1440. Frederick with his brother had possession of
Inner Austria. As head of the Habsburgs he was guardian of Sigismund, the
head of the Tyrol and Hither Austria, and, although he did not preserve the
guardianship of the prospective thrones of Bohemia and Hungary, he was the
natural representative of the rights which the Habsburgs had acquired over
those lands. As one of the strongest German princes, he was called to assume
the crown and defend the rights of the empire.
Frederick was no warrior at heart, he was strongly prejudiced against
using violent means to enforce his decisions; but he had the quiet, phlegmatic
Habsburg faculty for diplomacy. He had strong faith in the future greatness
of his house. He cast his eye to the hazy distance and was too often an
inactive spectator of the present. It was natural that such a ruler should do
nothing toward introducing the reforms needed in the empire. The indiscre-
tion with which the German states always followed their own interests, and
the difficulty of dealing with them, increased during this reign. Although
Frederick, in spite of all his weakness, never surrendered any of the theoretical
claims of the imperial authority, yet he never was man enough to take prac-
tical steps for their defence.
The first problem before him was that of the church. The neutrality
which the electors had adopted toward the quarrel of Eugenius IV and the
council of B&le, had put an end to the worst abuses of papal administration in
Germany & But when Eugenius was deposed and a new pope, Felix V (Duke
Amadeus VIH of Savoy), was elected by the council, it was impossible for the
ecclesiastical issue not to become a matter of political importance. If a
council might depose a pope at will, why might not the nobles or the people
depose a king? Frederick and the sovereigns of Europe naturally refused to
recognise Felix V and remained faithful to Eugenius. Through the diplomacy
of jEneas Sylvius the German princes were persuaded to remain loyal to
Eugenius and a concordat regulating the relations of Germany to the papal
curia was drawn up (1446). The council of B&le was now but a name: it
adjourned to Lausanne and dissolved three years later (1449). In a few years
all the abuses arising from papal administration were revived in Germany;
the councils of Constance and B&le had failed to accomplish the reforms
expected of them.
Frederick's loyalty to the papal cause was rewarded by coronation at Rome
in 1452, by Eugenius' successor, Nicholas V. With meagre equipment,
without escort of electors or great princes, Frederick journeyed to Italy.
iEneas Sylvius, his secretary, later Pope Pius II, gives the following account
of the last imperial coronation at Rome.*
After all preparations had been made, the Roman bishop took his place
before the high altar of St. Peter upon a high throne, while the cardinals took
up their positions on his right and the bishops and the rest of the prelates on
his left. Outside the screen were two raised seats, one designed for Frederick,
the other for Leonora, 1 but a free passage was left so that the ascent from here
to the altar should be open. Leonora, who had betaken herself in good time to
1 Frederick's wife, a Portuguese princess, whom he had recently married.
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ALBEBT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 219
[MSB A.*.]
her seat in the company of her maids of honour, drew all eves upon her; she
was a winning maid both owing to her natural charms and her tasteful attire.
Frederick was conducted by a number of cardinals to the chapel, called
"twixt the Towers," and here swore allegiance to St. Peter, Pope Nicholas,
and his successors, in the form used by Louis the son of CharlemSagne, as the
papal decrees assure us. Here the alb was also put on him, and he was
adopted as a canon of St. Peter; on this occasion he gave to his confratres, the
canons, as many of them as were present, a kiss. Without pausing he then
proceeded in the midst of the cardinals to the main portal of the church.
When he had reached this a most solemn blessing was spoken over him by
Cardinal Pietro of San Marco, a nephew of Eugenius IV. Thereupon he
entered the chapel of St. Gregory, put on sandals, assumed the tunic, and
received the imperial cloak. When immediately after this he came into the
middle aisle of the basilica, the blessing was pronounced upon him by a second
cardinal. And again a third time he was messed at the screen of St. Peter.
Then he was led to the altar of St. Maurice, and, in accordance with ancient
usage, anointed with the sacred oil between the shoulder blades and on the
right arm by the cardinal of Porto, the vice-chancellor of that time. In the
same places his consort Leonora was anointed. After this had been done both
went to their seats. Then the pope began the high office, and at the celebration
many solemn usages introduced by the ancient fathers of the church were
observed. In turn there were handed to him the sceptre, by which the fulness
of royal power was denoted, the apple of the empire, which is the usual repre-
sentation of world sovereignty, and the sword which means the right to make
war. Finally, the golden crown, invested with the mitre and studded with
precious jewels, was placed upon his imperial head. The empress also
received, after the emperor, a crown from the pope's hand, from which it was
established that she descended from the wife of Sigismund.
But the emperor, although he had bought adornment for himself at an
incredible price, yet on this solemn occasion had caused to be sent from the
archives at Nuremberg the cloak, the sword, the sceptre, the apple, and the
crown of Charlemagne, as tradition describes them, and of these pieces he had
made use. For this advantage is conceded to antiquity that ancient objects
command a higher decree o? veneration, while new ones lack reputation.
But if this really was the finery of Charlemagne then without doubt did the
princes and kings of the old days look less to the magnificence of their dress
and more to the glory of their name; then did they prefer to do brilliant deeds,
rather than wear shining raiments.
Meanwhile for me, seeing that I examined the separate pieces more
closely, the impression could not be stifled, as I looked at the sword, that this
did not belong to the first Charles (to Charlemagne), but to the fourth Charles
who was the father of Sigismund. For, richly engraved upon it, was the
Bohemian lion which the latter bore as king of Bohemia. But among the
populace the rumour prevailed that these were the ornaments of Charlemagne.
For the great fortune of so famous a man will have it so, that to him shall be
credited also that which belongs to others called Charles; just as the Theban
Hercules has collected in his person the heroic feats of the rest of the men who
went by his name, and much is told of Julius Caesar which was accomplished
after him by other caesars. So important a thing is it to be first in the field.
But if , as I am convinced, those pieces date from the time of Charles IV, then
we must marvel all the more that in so short a time ornaments have made
such strides, so that the costume of Charles may be regarded as that of a
peasant, if it is set by the side of the extraordinarily rich and brilliant posses-
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THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[145&-H53 A.D.]
sions of our Frederick. Would that we excelled our old predecessors as pre-
eminently in virtue as we do in idle frippery.
But while Nicholas set the crown upon the imperial head, the bishop's
mitre all but fell off his own cranium, which some took for an evil omen for the
pope, saying that from this could be prophesied the attack made later in the
same year by Stefano Porcaro, who nearly succeeded in murdering the pope.
Yet by the grace of God was Pope Nicholas saved, and he fortunately pre-
served his position
• *RIDERICVS< J^Ve JS
creant was seized
and did penance
for the evil de-
sign, for an end
was put to his life
by strangulation
in the castle of
Crescentius. c
Frederick's Mis-
govemmerU in
Germany
Frederick's
reign began with
much talk of
peace, under the
peace-loving king,
who bore such an
auspicious name,
(Frederick, from
Friede, peace).
But indolence is
not a good guar-
antee of peace, and
Germany suffered
more disasters
under his lone
reign than had
been its lot since
the Interregnum. In the first place he attempted to reduce Switzerland to
its ancient dependence upon the Habsburgs, and invited in French assis-
tance. The Swiss heroically maintained their independence, and the French
troops, defeated in battle, turned into bands of roboers who plundered Alsace
and Swabia. They were the same "free companies/' who during the Hundred
Years' War had learned their savage business from captains like Du Guesclin.
Their bandit life was not the only evil in the south, however. The cities
and the princes were again at war. Thirty-one cities united against the
princes of Baden, Austria, Wiirtemberg, and Brandenburg. The same
anarchy reigned in the north, but worse than all the frontiers were again
attacked, especially upon the west, where the great house of Burgundy was
at the height of its power. 01
1 See volume on France.
Frederick III (1415-1493)
(After the woodcut portrait by Hana Bnrgkmair)
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 231
[1454-1477 A.D.]
The solidarity of the empire was broken up by neighbouring states. The
ancient possessions of the Luxemburgs, the duchy of Luxemburg, and the
Wittelsbach possessions in the Netherlands fell to Burgundy; the Poles
seized West Prussia, made the land conquered by the Teutonic knights a
vassal state and reduced the German colonies on the Baltic, while the union
of Schleswig-Holstein with Denmark extended the Danish boundaries to
Hamburg and Liibeck.
Under these circumstances, it is no wonder that the necessity for a stronger
leadership in the empire was felt. From 1454 an idea developed of deposing
Frederick or of choosmg a Roman king as a fellow-administrator of the empire.
Duke Philip of Burgundy, Albert VI of Austria, and Elector Frederick of the
Palatinate were suggested for such an office. Even King George Podiebrad,
who had succeeded Albert IPs son Wladislaw as king of Bohemia, hoped to
be named king of the Romans with the consent of the emperor. But all
these attempts failed on account of the resistance of Frederick and the lack
of unity among the electors. But the desire for a reform by the empire
became stronger; the negotiations were not given up; but they were prolonged
by the resistance of the emperor to the curtailment of his theoretical
sovereignty and the aversion of the princes to the limitation of their actual
authority. Yet new Landfrieden were proclaimed which were no better than
those of former years.
Frederick's influence in the eastern part of the empire and in his inherited
territory was weakened by his neighbours as well as by domestic dissensions.
George Podiebrad of Bohemia threatened Austria, and King Matthias, who
had succeeded Ladislaus of Hungary, not only increased his kingdom by
taking Moravia, Silesia, and Lusatia from Podiebrad; he also conquered
Austria, Styria, and Carinthia. He almost brought to pass his dream of a
powerful kingdom in the heart of Europe, a union of German, Slavonic, and
Hungarian provinces, which had also been the dream of Ottocar and the first
Habsburgs.
The Revival of Habsburg Power
But after these humiliations the power of the Habsburgs revived. On
the boundary of Germany and France the strong kingdom of Burgundy
developed. Philip of Burgundy planned to found a new kingdom of Lor-
raine, and perhaps to procure for his house the imperial crown. But the
obstinacy of Frederick prevented his realising this ambition. He was indeed
inclined to make the duke king of Brabant, but he would not give up his
feudal rights over the German provinces belonging to Burgundy. Philip's
plans were also those of his son, Charles the Bold. He wished to be elected
king of the Romans with the consent of Frederick III, and offered in return
the marriage of his daughter Mary to Maximilian, Frederick's son. In
December, 1473, Frederick and Charles met at Treves to come to an under-
standing in regard to the marriage and the royal authority of Charles. The
emperor refused the election of Charles to the Roman kingship, as well as the
formation of Burgundy into a separate kingdom. Charles was disappointed.
He then turned his influence against Frederick on the Rhine, encouraged the
confusion in the archdiocese of Treves, and defended Neuss in a rebellion
against the empire. The outbreak of a war with Switzerland, however,
drew his attention from Germany, and in January, 1477, he lost his life in an
obscure battle with the Swiss at Nancy. Louis XI of France did not hesitate
to take advantage of Charles' death. He seized Picardy, Artois, the duchy
of Burgundy, and many cities of Flanders. Maximilian now went to the
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«2* THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIRE
[1477-1493 A.D.]
Netherlands, and in August, 1477, married Mary of Burgundy. It was
necessary to take up arms to defend the possessions of his wife against the
French. His brilliant victory at Guinegate (August 7th, 1479) won for him
the reputation of a hero, and secured the Netherlands for the house of Habs-
burg. After the death of Mary, he signed the treaty of Arras (1482) by which
he yielded to the French the duchy of Burgundy and Picardy, while Artois,
M&con, Franche-Comt6, and Auxerre were later given to the dauphin as the
dowry of his wife, Maximilian's daughter.
The death of Matthias of Hungary in 1490 opened the way for a further
realisation of Habsburg ambition. Austria and the Tyrol were again united
and the acquisition of Hungary and Bohemia also seemed possible. So the
old Frederick lived to see his fortunes changed from the deepest humiliation
to dazzling greatness, a change, indeed, in which he took no active part.
In the empire, at last, the work of reform reached solid ground for future
development m the establishment of the Swabian League, which aimed at
peaceful settlement of old matters of feud. In the different territories there
wa£ now displayed a growing artistic, scientific, and political activity. At
the same time the weakness of the imperial constitution was deeply felt, in
contrast to those in the neighbouring monarchies, which had so suddenly
reached their prime. Already great hopes were placed upon the young
Maximilian. Frederick III, however, spent the last years of his life buried
in the experiments and mysterious sciences of alchemy and astrology. He
died at Lmz on the nineteenth of August, 1493, after a reign whose fruitless
inactivity had stretched out for over half a century &
The actual events of Frederick's reign we have passed over quickly and
with but slight attention. We shall now glance at his character and his
government through the two most widely different sources it is possible to
find: the naive Griinbeck, whose simple attachment to his master makes his
contemporary picture grotesque as it is graphic, and the cold scholarly science
of the great modern historian Ranke. The one speaks to us of Frederick the
man, the other of the land he governed.*
Griiribeck's Description of Frederick's Old Age
When he began to be oppressed by the inconveniences of enfeebled health
he chose as a resting place the castle of Linz, which in consequence of its
antiquity threatened to fall into ruins. On this he caused to be built a
number of watch towers, which people at that time were wont to call mouse
traps, and which faced all the four quarters of heaven, so that he could keep
off encroachment by strangers and particularly also by his dependents.
Hence amongst players and gormandisers arose the habit of saying that the
emperor had become a mouse-killer; he was accustomed to admit none who
appeared on imperial affairs but granted access to flies and gnats only. But
evil gossip on all sides was poured upon him by the tongue-wagglers who were
cut off from the chance of increasing their store of usurious gam. Ridicule
and contempt of this kind, however, he knew how to shake off from his should-
ers with ease. Shut off from the outer world the emperor devoted himself in
the fulness of leisure and repose to mathematical science, obtaining from the
teachers of this art the most accurate information concerning the movements
of the stars, the relations between land and sea, the various compositions of
the whole world ; and he acquired such intimate and marked knowledge of
the celestial science that he foresaw from the coincidence of the stars several
future events that took place. There are also extant prophecies drawn by
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 2*8
his own hand with regard to the whole career of his son Maximilian and of his
end. One day, the talk falling on the fate of individuals, he jestingly prophe-
sied for one of his secretaries a terrible and dishonourable death; whereupon
the man immediately committed suicide by hanging himself. Furthermore
in the royal libraries
may be seen me-
morials in writing of
his hand, in which
from the hour of na-
tivity he has calcu-
lated the natural
proclivities, and the
character of certain
kings and even from
facial traits and from
the lines of the hands
he has foretold down
to all the details
events that were to
happen in the near
or in the remote fu-
ture in a cunning
fashion, and in a way
in every respect con-
sonant with the
truth. Men there
are, I make no doubt,
who maintain that
he fooled himself
with idle tricks of
magic; yet he used
the night more than
the day for these
occupations of his as
altogether for a re-
lief from imperial
affairs. For the mxdimvai* town
most part his habit (From a pen-and-ink drawing of 1401)
was to watch until
past midnight, but then as a consequence to extend his night's rest until the
third hour of the day.
Collections of picked gems and pearls he possessed in great number, and
of immense value too, not so much to appease his zeal for collecting by their
natural colour and the beauty of their form, but much more to make a show to
foreign kings and to awake their desire, or rather their envy. For in the
decoration of the crown and of the imperial cloak he is said to have spent three
hundred thousand gold gulden in the purchase of pearls and cut stones and to
have paid for the gold sewing and the finishers of the crown a sum of ten thou-
sand gold gulden apiece. The trustworthiness of this statement is confirmed
by the English jewelers, who, when they saw the emperor in the glory of his
imperial dignity, with the mitre set in jewels, estimated his dress and crown
at a million. How great his pleasure in these collections was, may be gathered,
however, from the circumstance that at the buying of them he used all kinds
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m THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
of artifice and always established the weight of the pearls with his own hands.
When it was necessary to take precautions against the deceits of the dealers,
he did not omit to test the gems and pearls, and when he discovered false
Sieces or pieces of imitation he rescinded the deal and sent the swindler about
is business. Furthermore, he learned great skill in the transformation of
metals and in their intermixture, and how to make orpiment from quicksilver
by an admixture of powder, and to produce genuine gold from pure orpiment
by smelting and by the addition of certain other ingredients, and how from
the shavings of this to make a water that healed many diseases. In the
pursuit of such occupations he closed his life at an advanced age.
The strictly appointed hours for fulfilling religious duties he observed
punctually and with warm devotion, whenever his bodily condition permitted
it; apart from this he also found time in his leisure hours at night as well as by
day for directing his prayers to heaven. Such was the piety with which he
always turned his thoughts to the divinity in heaven that not only did he have
the nouses of worship decorated with purple hangings and baldaquins, with
golden apparel magnificently elaborated, with representations of weapons,
pictures of the finest execution, with vestments, wax candles, and other orna-
ments for the sanctuaries, but he also constructed a* whole number of new
chapels from their foundations upward.
And, for that he devoted especial reverence to St. George, he determined
that all men should regard him in all the distresses of war as a sacred pro-
tection and fellow combatant, and as such they should appeal to him. Hence
it is that the most famous societies and knightly orders in the German lands
have risen under the name of this saint and under his protection have executed
all their glorious deeds both at home and in war. Certain orders of priests also
the emperor inaugurated, which differed from the other ecclesiastical converts
not so much in their garb, its colour and cut — for they wear two long linen
bands in which crosses are inserted back and front — as in their customs and
ceremonies. He also provided them in the most sumptuous way with per-
petual rents and in the end tacitly allowed himself to be publicly described as
one of these priests of St. George without fuller title. Upon no other enter-
prise did he ever bring so warm an interest to bear as upon the growth and
development of this, his new foundation.
It was his habit, as often as he felt an inclination to eat, at every time and in
every place, even whilst driving in a carriage, to consume sweet pears, peaches,
or apricots. Sometimes he breakfasted so late in the morning that the food
which had been brought up cooked had to be cooked all afresh to avoid its
going bad. Rarely he indulged in great carousals, and when he did it was in
order partly to make a show with his riches, or partly for imperial reasons that
he sometimes invited certain princes, entertaining them at the board and
cajoling them in the most endearing fashion with the choicest dainties. On
such occasions he would thaw and be full of conversation, telling without
exaggeration of his experiences and the vicissitudes of fortune, and giving a
perfectly true account of the history of his ancestors. Moreover he had the
Eleasures of the table seasoned with comic presentations by jesters, just as also
e would interrupt breakfast, the midday meal, or supper in this way and pro-
tract the conversation until far into the night. All the days of his life it must
be admitted he was sober and drank no wine; only occasionally he relished
the taste of the fresh grape juice when it was quite sweet from the wine-press,
or the young wine of Pucinum. So also he had an especial liking for the grapes
of Triest and Rsetia, which he seemed not to suck dry but to eat up altogether.
When he began to be oppressed with sleep, he would sleep as a rule not longer
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 325
than five hours, and even then not without interruption but in such a way that
within this space of time he would wake several times. And when he could
not recapture the sleep that had been broken into, he left his bed, seated him-
self on a stool, and summoned his personal attendant in order to hold converse
with him. Then he made a fresh attempt to sleep, or wandered round the
room until fatigue seemed to overmaster him. Thereupon he protracted his
rest until the fifth or sixth hour of the day, and if he caught anybody who
waked him he upbraided him roundly, into such an irritable mood was he put
by staying up until early morning.
Now because marvels and prophecies usually denote the death of men of
high degree, I deem it suitable at this place
to introduce what marvels befell him, my
king, before he died. From them he could
foresee clearly and unmistakably his death and
the dangers which threatened the empire in
the future. First of all there fell a number
of stones from heaven, and stones of immense
weights, but one of them exceeded all the
others in size. This one, triangular and show-
ing on its surface traces of burning in its colour
and in the form of the metal, may be seen to
this day in the possession of the Sebusiani;
it came thundering down through the air out
of a bright sky and had powerfully agitated
the minds of all the inhabitants. Then ex-
traordinary stars, such as antiquity was ac-
customed to describe as comets, had shone in
the sky. Furthermore the dwellings in which
the emperor was wont to pass the night were
so frequently struck with lightning and some
of the places of preservation for his collections
of gems caught fire and burned in such won-
drous wise through the flashes, that the em-
peror no longer held such happenings for
prophecies, but declared them to be the mis-
chievous teasing of nature, such as she may
daily be observed to offer. Also a number of musician of the fifteenth cbw-
household animals, with which the emperor al- TURT
ways delighted in busying himself in all times
of adversity, having the knack of enlivening himself through them, came to an
end before his eyes through wonderful incidents. Thus amongst other occur-
rences, an ostrich was hurled over a bridge by a whirlwind, and to the greatest
horror and sorrow of all broke its neck. All this kind of marvels the emperor
had not needed to note any further, had not he finally encountered a propnetic
indication unheard of and unprecedented which conveyed to him complete
certainty concerning his end. One of his legs had been devoured all over by a
continuous suppuration, and so ill luck would have it that, in consequence of
the eating away of the lower thigh bone and the lesion of the joint, the whole
leg had to be completely severed with an iron instrument from the sole of the
foot to right above the knee cap. 1 This malignant blow of fate the emperor
P He bad a habit of thrusting back bis right foot and closing tbe doors behind him with it ;
but one day, kicking out too violently, be so injured bis leg that tbe physicians were obliged to
amputate it. — Bayard Taylor."*]
h. w. — voi*. xiv. q
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ftStS THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1403 a.*?
bore with far less equanimity than all the pains which the saw caused him.
How hardly he bore his ill fortune is clear from the complaints which he
uttered, under the most excruciating pain, to the surgeons and physicians who
were attending on him. For instance he said: " Woe to thee, Emperor Fred-
erick, that thou must receive the abominable by-name of the Lame from all
posterity, for that everything which may be set down of thy deeds to the last
years of thy life will happen under the auspices of this foul title." Finally
when the leg had been cut off and he had taken it in his hand he observed:
"Now has a foot been taken at once from the emperor and the empire. On
the whole and hearty condition of the emperor depended the welfare of the
empire. Now both are robbed of all hope ; both of us now have plunged from
the summit of our fame into the depths!" That this premonition was no
erroneous one is clearly proved by the subsequent vicissitudes of fortune to
which affairs were subjected and the thousand dangers
ti beset him who bore the sovereign power.
Death of Frederick (UBS A.D.)
fter he had governed the empire for fifty-four
;, he died on tne 14th before the Kalends of Sep-
er, in his seventy-eighth year, his death being almost
milder and gentler than can be imagined, for the
flame of life in such an old man burns with but
feeble glimmer, and as the days go on the natural
heat of the body is wont to decline gradually,
a marked preference he ate fresh fruits. On the
day he was going through the festival of the As-
on of the Virgin Mary and so took to himself only
1 and water, but before partaking of the morning
he was handed melons, and, being accustomed up
ow to indulge his inclinations to eat when similar
>ting fruit was offered him, he immediately conveyed
inripe fruit to his empty stomach. Tlirough ita
juice the little warmth of vitality that still re-
ed in him was soon completely extinguished. Thus
3ut a murmur he breathed forth his soul and left be-
him, as a legacy, a glorious memory, as it is writ in
tne nistory books, for that no emperor among the sov-
Court Attendant of . * J .i '.. * * . r « °, , i .*
thb fiftmbnth c*n- ereigns from the time of Augustus onwards held the
TURY reins of government longer, with greater justice, and
with equal gentleness. For after he had ruled for fifty-
four years and restored peace to a great portion of the whole world he quitted
this world and went up into heaven.
When he was dead, the bowels were at once taken from the body and the
body — as is the custom with the corpses of princes — was embalmed. Then
the bowels were placed upon the chief altar in the church at Linz, but the
corpse was put in a coffin and conveyed thence by vessel up the Danube to
Vienna and placed with the customary pomp in the cathedral of St. Stephen
in the vault of the princes of Austria. Hereupon began the funeral rites, and
it would have been hardly possible to add to the number of bishops and clergy
who appeared and sang hymns and said numerous masses for the dead, nor to
the magnificent aspect of the cathedral in which the solemn function took
place, nor to the masses of servants who were present, each of whom was.
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I S*7
[ca. 1450-1500 A.D.]
dressed in mourning and provided with a torch and could not give enough
expression to his sorrow, nor finally to the number of candles which burned
round the hearse. In the meanwhile numerous funeral orations and pane-
gyrics were recited in honour of the dead man in which were expressed a deep
regret, so that of all those thousands you could see no single one, into whose
eyes the tears were not constantly coming. So great were the merits acquired
by the emperor Frederick all over the world [concludes Grunbeck], that his
inevitable death cannot be sufficiently mourned and lamented in Germany/*
RANKE ON THE ALTERED CHARACTER OF THE EMPIRE
The most remarkable fact in the history of this century in Germany was
that the imperial throne was no longer able to afford support and protection.
The empire had assumed a position analogous to that of the papacy, but
extremely subordinate in power and authonty.
It is important to recollect that, for more than a century after Charles IV
had fixed his seat in Bohemia, no emperor appeared endowed with the vigour
necessary to uphold and govern the empire. The bare fact that Charles'
successor, Wenceslaus, was a prisoner in the hands of the Bohemians, remained
for a long time unknown in Germany; a simple decree of the electors sufficed
to dethrone him. Rupert the palatine only escaped a similar fate by death.
When Sigismund of Luxemburg (who after many disputed elections kept
possession of the field), four years after his election, entered the territory of
the empire of which he was to be crowned sovereign, he found so little sym-
pathy that he was for a moment inclined to return to Hungary, without
accomplishing the object of his journey. The active part he took in the
affairs of Bohemia, and of Europe generally, has given him a name; but in
and for the empire he did nothing worthy of note. Between. the years 1422
and 1430 he never made his appearance beyond Vienna; from the autumn
of 1431 to that of 1433 he was occupied with his coronation journey to Rome;
and during the three years from 1434 to his death he never got beyond Bohe-
mia and Moravia; nor did Albert II, who has been the subject of such lavish
eulogy, ever visit the dominions of the empire. Frederick III, however, far
outdid all his predecessors. During seven-and-twenty-years, from 1444 to
1471, he was never seen within the boundaries of the empire.
Hence it happened that the central action and the visible manifestation
of sovereignty, in as far as any such existed in the empire, fell to the share of
the princes, and more especially of the prince-electors. In the reign of Sigis-
mund we find them convoking the diets, and leading the armies into the
field against the Hussites; the operations against the Bohemians were attrib-
uted entirely to them.
In this manner the empire became, like the papacy, a power which acted
from a distance, and rested chiefly upon opinion. The throne, founded on
conquest and arms, had now a pacific character and a conservative tendency.
Yet the emperor was regarded, in the first place, as the supreme feudal
lord, who conferred on property its highest and most sacred sanction; as
the supreme fountain of justice, from whom, as the expression was, all the
compulsory force of law emanated. It is very curious to observe how the
choice that had fallen upon him was announced to Frederick III — by no
means the mightiest prince in the empire; how immediately thereupon the
natural relations of things were reversed, and "his royal high mightiness"
promised confirmation in their rights and dignities to the very men who had
just raised him to the throne. All hastened to obtain his recognition of
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**8 THE HOLY SOMAN EMPIRE
[c«. 146O-1500 A.D.]
their privileges and possessions; nor did the cities perform their act of homage
till that had taken place. Upon his supreme guarantee rested that feeling
of legitimacy, security, and permanence which is necessary to all men, and
more especially dear to Germans. "Take away from us the rights of the
emperor," says a law-book of that time, "and who can say, This house is
mine, this village belongs to me?" A remark of profound truth; but it
followed thence that the emperor could not arbitrarily exercise rights of
which he was deemed the source. He might give them up; but he himself
must enforce them only within the narrow limits prescribed by traditional
usage, and by the superior control of his subjects. Although he was regarded
as the head and source of all temporal jurisdiction,
yet no tribunal found more doubtful obedience than
his own.
The fact that royalty existed in Germany had
almost been suffered to fall into oblivion; even the
title had been lost. Henry VII thought it an
affront to be called king of Germany, and not, as he
had a right to be called before any ceremony of
coronation, king of the Romans. In the fifteenth
century the emperor was regarded pre-eminently
as the successor of the ancient Roman caesars,
whose rights and dignities had been transferred,
first to the Greeks, and then to the Germans, in the
persons of Charlemagne and Otto the Great; as the
true secular head of Christendom. Emperor Sig-
ismund commanded that his corpse should be ex-
posed to view for some days; in order that every
one might see that " the Lord of all the world was
dead and departed."
"We have chosen your royal grace," say the
electors to Frederick III (1440 a.d.), "to be the
head, protector, and governor of all Christendom."
They go on to express the hope that this choice may
courtier of the Fifteenth be profitable to the Roman church, to the whole of
century Christendom, to the holy empire, and to the com-
munity of Christian people. Even a foreign mon-
arch, Wladislaw of Poland, extols the felicity of the newly elected emperor,
in that he was about to receive the diadem of the monarchy of the world.
The imperial dignity, stripped of all direct executive power, had indeed no
other significance than that which results from opinion. It gave to law and
order their living sanction; to justice its highest authority; to the sover-
eignties of Germany their position in the world. It had properties which,
for that period, were indispensable and sacred. It had a manifest analogy
-with the papacy, and was bound to it by the most intimate connection.
THE DOMINANCE OF PAPAL AUTHORITY
Hence we see that the German people thought themselves bound in
allegiance to the papal, no less than to the imperial authority; but as the
papal authority had, in all the long struggles of successive ages, invariably
come off victorious, while the imperial had often succumbed, the pope exer-
cised a far stronger and more wide-spread influence, even in temporal things,
than the emperor. An act of arbitrary power, which no emperor could ever
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I £29
[ca. 1450-1500 a.d.]
have so much as contemplated — the deposition of an electoral prince of
the empire — was repeatedly attempted, and occasionally even accomplished,
by the popes. They bestowed on Italian prelates, bishoprics as remote as
that of Kammin. By their annates, pallia, and all the manifold dues exacted
by the curia, they drew a far larger (Maximilian I said, a hundred times
larger) revenue from the empire than the emperor; their vendors of indul-
gences incessantly traversed the several provinces of the empire. Spiritual
and temporal principalities and jurisdictions were so closely interwoven as to
afford them continual opportunities of interfering in the civil affairs of Ger-
many.
Gregory VIPs comparison of the papacy to the sun and of the empire
to the moon was now verified. The Germans regarded the papal power as
in every respect the higher. When, for example, the town of B&le founded
its high-school, it was debated whether, after the receipt of the brief containing
the pope's approbation, the confirmation of the emperor was still necessary;
and it was at length decided that it was not, since the inferior power could
not confirm the decisions of the superior, and the papal see was the well-head
of Christendom. The pretender to the Palatinate, Frederick the Victorious,
whose electoral rank the emperor refused to acknowledge, held it sufficient
to obtain the pope's sanction, and received no further molestation in the
exercise of his privileges as member of the empire. The judge of the king's
court having on some occasion pronounced the ban of the empire on the
council of Lubeck, the council obtained a cassation of this sentence from
the pope.
However great was the devotion of the princes to the see of Rome, they
felt the oppressiveness of its pecuniary exactions; and more than once the
spirit of the B&le decrees, or the recollections of the proceedings at Constance,
manifested themselves anew. We find draughts of a league to prevent the
constitution of Constance, according to which a council should be held every
ten years, from falling into utter desuetude. After the death of Nicholas V
the princes urged the emperor to seize the favourable moment for asserting
the freedom of the nation, and at least to take measures for the complete
execution of the agreement entered into with Eugenius; but Frederick III
was. deaf to their entreaties. iEneas Sylvius persuaded him that it was
necessary for him to keep well with the pope. He brought forward a few
commonplaces concerning the instability of the multitude, and their natural
hatred of their chief — just as if the princes of the empire were a sort of
democracy; the emperor, said he, stands in need of the pope, and the pope
of the emperor; it would be ridiculous to offend the man from whom we
want assistance. He himself was sent, in 1456, to tender unconditional
obedience to Pope Calixtus. This immediately revived the old spirit of
resistance. An outline was drawn of a pragmatic sanction, in which not only
all the charges against the papal see were recapitulated in detail, and redress
of grievances proposed, but it was also determined what was to be done, in
case of a refusal; what appeal was to be made, and how the desired end was
to be attained. But what result could be anticipated while the emperor,
far from taking part in this plan, did everything he could to thwart it? He
sincerely regarded himself as the natural ally of the papacy.
The inevitable effect of this conduct on his part was, that the discontent
of the electors, already excited by the inactivity and the absence of the
emperor, occasionally burst out violently against him. As early as the year
1466 they required him to repair on a given day to Nuremberg, because it was
his office and duty to bear the burden of the empire in an honourable manner;
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S30 THE HOLY KOMAN EMPIRE
[C&.145O-1600 ▲.!>.]
if he did not appear, they at any rate, would meet, and do what was incum-
bent on them. As he neither appeared then nor afterwards, in 1460 they sent
him word that it was no longer consistent with their dignity and honour to
remain without a head. They repeated their summons that he should appear
on the Tuesday after Epiphany, and accompanied it with still more vehement
threats. They began seriously to take measures for setting up a king of the
Romans in opposition to him.
From the fact that George Podiebrad, king of Bohemia, was the man on
whom they cast their eyes, it is evident that the opposition was directed
against both emperor and pope jointly. What must have been the conse-
quence of placing a utraquist at the head of the empire? This increased the
zeal and activity of Pope Pius II (whom we have hitherto known as jEneas
Sylvius) in consolidating the alliance of the see of Rome with the emperor,
who, on his side, was scarcely less deeply interested. The independence of the
prince-electors was odious to both. As one of the claims of the emperor had
always been that no electoral diet should be held without his consent, so Pius
II, in like manner, now wanted to bind Diether, elector of Mainz, to summon
no such assembly without the approbation of the papal see. Diether's refusal
to enter into any such engagement was the main cause of their quarrel. Pius
did not conceal from the emperor that he thought his own power endangered
by the agitations which prevailed in the empire. It was chiefly owing to his
influence, and to the valour of Markgraf Albert Achilles of Brandenburg, that
they ended in nothing.
From this time we find the imperial and the papal powers, which had come
to a sense of their common interest and reciprocal utility, more closely united
than ever.
The diets of the empire were held under their joint authority; they were
called royal and papal, papal and royal diets. In the reign of Frederick, as
formerly in that of Sigismund, we find the papal legates present at the meet-
ings of the empire, which were not opened till they appeared. The spiritual
princes took their seats on the right, the temporal on the left, of the legates;
it was not till a later period that the imperial commissioners were introduced,
and proposed measures in concert with the papal functionaries. It remains
for us to inquire how far this very singular form of government was fitted to
satisfy the wants of the empire.
STATE OF GERMANY IN THE MIDDLE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
We have seen what a mighty influence had, from the remotest times, beem
exercised by the princes of Germanv. First the imperial power and dignity
had arisen out of their body and by their aid; then they had supported the
emancipation of the papacy, which involved their own; now they stood
opposed to both. Although strongly attached to, and deeply imbued with,
the ideas of empire and papacy, they were resolved to repel the encroachments
of either; their power was already so independent that the emperor and the
pope deemed it necessary to combine against them.
If we proceed to inquire who were these magnates, and upon what their
power rested, we shall find that the temporal hereditary sovereignty, the germ
of which had long existed in secret and grown unperceived, shot up in full
vigour in the fifteenth century; and, if we may be allowed to continue the
metaphor, after it had long struck its roots deep into the earth, it now began
to rear its head into the free air, and to tower above all the surrounding plants.
All the puissant houses which have since held sovereign sway date their
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I SSI
fca.l45(M500AJ>.]
establishment from this epoch. In the eastern part of north Germany
appeared the race of Hohenzollern; and, though the land its princes had to
govern and defend was in the last stage of distraction and ruin, they acted
with such sedate vigour and cautious determination that they soon suc-
ceeded in driving back their neighbours within their ancient bounds, in pacify-
ing and restoring the marches, and in re-establishing the very peculiar bases
of sovereign power which already existed in the country.
Near this remarkable family arose that of Wettin, which, by the acquisition
of the electorate of Saxony, soon attained to the highest rank among the
princes of the empire and to the zenith of its
power. It possessed the most extensive and at
the same time the most flourishing of German
principalities, as long as the brothers, Ernest and
Albert, held their united court at Dresden and
shared the government; and even when they
separated, both lines remained sufficiently im-
portant to play a part in the affairs of Germany,
and indeed of Europe.
In the Palatinate we find Frederick the Vic-
torious. It is necessary to read the long list of
castles, jurisdictions, and lands which he won
from all his neighbours, partly by conquest,
partly by purchase or treaty, but which his su-
periority in arms rendered emphatically his own,
to form a conception what a German prince in
that age could achieve, and how widely he could
extend his sway.
A similar spirit of extension and fusion was
also at work in many other places. Jiilich and
Berg formed a junction, Bavarian Landshut
was strengthened by its union with Ingolstadt;
in Bavarian Munich, Albert the Wise maintained
the unity of the land under the most difficult cir-
cumstances — not without violence, but, at least
in this case, with beneficial results. In Wurtem-
berg, too, a multitude of separate estates were
gradually incorporated into one district, and as-
sumed the form of a German principality.
Next to these princes were the spiritual lords (whose privileges and internal
organisation were the same as those of the secular but whose rank in the
hierarchy of the empire was higher), among whom nobles of the high or even
of the inferior aristocracy composed the chapter and filled the principal places.
In the fifteenth century, indeed, the bishoprics began to be commonly con-
ferred on the younger sons of sovereign princes; the court of Rome favoured
this practice, from the conviction that the chapters could be kept in order
only by the strong hand and the authority of sovereign power; but it was not
universal, nor was the fundamental principle of the spiritual principalities by
any means abandoned in consequence of its adoption.
There was also a numerous body of nobles who received their investiture
with the banner, like the princes, and had a right to sit in the same tribunal
with them; nay, there were even families or clans, which from all time claimed
exemption from those general feudal relations that formed the bond of the
state, and held their lands in fee from God and his blessed Son. They were
Nobleman or the Fifteenth
Century
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232 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[c«. 146O-1600 A.D.]
overshadowed by the princely order; but they enjoyed perfect independence
notwithstanding.
Next to this class came the powerful body of knights of the empire, whose
castles crowned the hills on the Rhine, in Swabia and Franconia; they lived
in haughty loneliness amidst the wildest scenes; girt round by an impregnable
circle of deep fosses, and within walls four-and-twenty feet thick, where they
could set all authority at defiance; the bond of fellowship among them was
but the stricter for their isolation. Another portion of the nobility, especially
in the eastern and colonised principalities in Pomerania and Mecklenburg,
Meissen and the marches, were, however^ brought into undisputed subjection;
though this, as we see in the example of the Pnegnitz, was not brought about
without toil and combat.
The Cities
Still more completely independent was the attitude assumed by the cities.
Opposed to all these different classes of nobles, which they regarded as but
one body, they were founded on a totally different principle, and nad struggled
into importance in the midst of incessant hostility. A curious spectacle is
afforded by this old enmity pervading all the provinces of Germany, yet in
each one taking a different form. In Prussia, the opposition of the cities gave
rise to the great national league against the supreme power, which was here in
the hands of the Teutonic order. On the Wendish coasts was then the centre
of the Hansa, by which the Scandinavian kings, and still more the surrounding
German princes, were overpowered. The duke of Pomerania himself was
struck with terror when, on coming to succour Henry the Elder of Brunswick,
he perceived by what powerful and closely allied cities his friend was encom-
passed and enchained on every side. On the Rhine we find an unceasing
struggle for municipal independence, which the chief cities of the ecclesiastical
principalities claimed, and the electors refused to grant. In Franconia,
Nuremberg set itself in opposition to the rising power of Brandenburg, which
it rivalled in successful schemes of aggrandisement. Then followed in Swabia
and on the upper Danube (the true arena of the struggles and the leagues of
imperial free cities) the same groups of knights, lords, prelates, and princes,
who here approached most nearly to each other. Among the Alps, the con-
federacy formed against Austria had already grown into a regular constitu-
tional government, and attained to almost complete independence. On every
side we find different relations, different claims and disputes, different means
of carrying on the conflict; but on all, men felt themselves surrounded by
hostile passions which any moment might blow into a flame, and held them-
selves ready for battle. It seemed not impossible that the municipal principle
might eventually get the upper hand in all these conflicts, and prove as
destructive to the aristocratical, as that had been to the imperial power.
In this universal shock of efforts and powers, with a distant and feeble
chief and inevitable divisions even among those naturally connected and
allied, a state of things arose which presents a somewhat chaotic aspect; it
was the age of universal private warfare. The Fehde is a middle term between
duel and war. Every affront or injury led, after certain formalities, to the
declaration, addressed to the offending party, that the aggrieved party would
be his foe and that of his helpers and helpers' helpers. Trie imperial authori-
ties felt themselves so little able to arrest this torrent that they endeavoured
only to direct its course; and, while imposing limitations or forbidding particu-
lar acts, they confirmed the general permission of the established practice.
The right, which the supreme, independent power had hitherto reserved to
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 238
[CA. 1450-1500 A.D.]
itself of resorting to arms when no means of conciliation remained, had
descended in Germany to the inferior classes, and was claimed by nobles and
cities against each other; by subjects against their lords, nay, by private per-
sons, as far as their means and connections permitted, against one another.
In the middle of the fifteenth century this universal tempest of contending
powers was arrested by a conflict of a higher and more important nature —
the opposition of the princes to the emperor and the pope; and it remained to
be decided from whose hands the world could hope for any restoration to order.
Two princes appeared on the stage,
each of them the hero of his nation, each
at the head of a numerous party, each
possessed of personal qualities strikingly
characteristic of the epoch — Frederick
of the Palatinate and Albert of Bran-
denburg. They took opposite courses.
Frederick the Victorious, distinguished
rather for address and agility of body than
for size and strength, owed his fame and
his success to the forethought and caution
with which he prepared his battles and
Bieges. In time of peace he busied him-
Belf with the study of antiquity, or the
mysteries of alchemy; poets and minstrels
found ready access to him, as in the spring-
time of poetry; he lived under the same
roof with his friend and songstress, Clara
Dettin of Augsburg, whose sweetness and
sense not only captivated the prince, but
were the charm and delight of all around
him. He had expressly renounced the
comforts of equal marriage and legitimate
heirs; all that he accomplished or acquired
was for the advantage of his nephew
Philip.
Tlie towering and athletic frame of
Markgraf Albert of Brandenburg (sur-
named Achilles), on the contrary, an- _
nounced, at the first glance, his gigantic costume showing armour of the pif-
strength; he had been victor in count- teenth century
less tournaments, and stories of his cour-
age and warlike prowess, bordering on the fabulous, were current among
the people — how, for example, at some siege he had mounted the walls alone
and leaped down into the midst of the terrified garrison; how, hurried on by a
slight success over an advanced party of the enemy, he had rushed almost
unattended into their main body of eight hundred horsemen, had forced his
way up to their standard, snatched it from its bearer, and, after a momentary
realisation of the desperateness of his position, rallied his courage and defended
it, till his people could come up and complete the victory. JSneas Sylvius
declares that the markgraf himself assured him of the fact. His letters
breathe a passion for war. Even after a defeat he had experienced, he relates
to his friends with evident pleasure, how long he and four others held out on
the field of battle; how he then cut his way through with great labour and
severe fighting, and how he was determined to reappear as soon as possible in
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S84 THE HOLY EOMAN EMPIRE
[c*. 1450-1500 A.D]
the field. In time of peace he busied himself with the affairs of the empire, in
which he took a more lively and efficient part than the emperor himself. We
find him sharing in all the proceedings of the diets, holding a magnificent and
hospitable court in his Franconian territories, or directing his attention to his
possessions in the Mark, which were governed by his son with all the vigilance
dictated by the awe of a grave and austere father. Albert was the worthy
progenitor of the warlike house of Brandenburg. He bequeathed to it not
only wise maxims, but, what is of more value, a great example.
About the year 1461 these two princes, as we have said, embraced different
parties. Frederick, who as yet possessed no distinctly recognised power, and
in all things pbeyed his personal impulses, put himself at the head of the oppo-
sition. Albert, who always followed the trodden path of existing relations,
undertook the defence of the emperor and the pope; fortune wavered for a
time between them. But at last the Jorsika, as George Podiebrad was called,
abandoned his daring plans. Diether of Isenburg was succeeded by his
antagonist, Adolf of Nassau; and Frederick the palatine consented to give up
his prisoners: victory leaned, in the main, to the side of Brandenburg. The
ancient authorities of the empire and the church were once more upheld.
At Ratisbon, some time later, in the year 1471, the allied powers ventured
on an important step, for the furtherance of the war against the Turks, which
they declared themselves at length about to undertake; they attempted to
impose a sort of property tax on the whole empire, called the "common penny,"
and actually obtained an edict in its favour. They named in concert the
officers charged with the collection of it in the archiepiscopal and episcopal
sees; and the papal legate threatened the refractory with the sum of all
spiritual punishments — exclusion from the community of the church.
These measures undoubtedly embraced what was most immediately
necessary to the internal and external interests of the empire. But how was it
possible to imagine that they would be executed? The combined powers
were by no means strong enough to carry through such extensive and radical
innovations. The diets had not been attended oy nearly sufficient numbers,
and people did not hold themselves bound by the resolutions of a party. The
opposition to the emperor and the pope had not attained its object, but it still
subsisted; Frederick the Victorious still lived, and had now an influence over
the very cities which had formerly opposed him. The collection of the "com-
mon penny" was, in a short time, not even talked of; it was treated as a project
of Paul II, to whom it was not deemed expedient to grant such extensive
powers.
The proclamation of public peace also produced little or no effect. After
some time the cities declared that it had occasioned them more annoyance and
damage than they had endured before. It was contrary to their wishes that,
in the year 1474, it was renewed with all its actual provisions. The private
wars went on as before. Soon afterwards one of the most powerful imperial
cities, Ratisbon, the very place where the public peace was proclaimed, fell
into the hands of the Bavarians. The combined powers gradually lost all
their consideration. In the year 1479 the propositions of the emperor and the
Eope were rejected in a mass by the estates of the empire, and were answered
y a number of complaints. And yet never could stringent measures be more
imperatively demanded.
Private Warfare
It is not necessary to go into an elaborate description of the evils attendant
on the right of diffidation or private warfare (Fehderecht) ; they were probably
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 235
[c*. 1460-1500 A.D.]
not so great as is commonly imagined. Even in the century we are treating
of, there were Italians to whom the situation of Germany appeared happy and
secure in comparison with that of their own country, where, in all parts, one
faction drove out another. It was only the level country and the highroads
which were exposed to robbery and devastation. But even so, the state of
things was disgraceful and insupportable to a great nation. It exhibited the
strongest contrast to the ideas of law and of religion upon which the empire
was so peculiarly founded.
One consequence of it was that, as every man was exclusively occupied with
. the care of his own security and defence, or could
at best not extend his view beyond the horizon
immediately surrounding him, no one had any at-
tention to bestow on the common weal; not only
were no more great enterprises achieved, but even
the frontiers were hardly defended. In the east,
the old conflict between the Germans and the Let-
tish and Slavonic tribes was decided in favour of
the latter. As the king of Poland found allies in
Prussia itself, he obtained an easy victory over the
Teutonic order, and compelled the knights to con-
clude the Peace of Thorn (a.d. 1466), by which
the greater part of the territories of the order were
ceded to him, and the rest were held of him in fee.
Neither emperor nor empire stirred to avert this
incalculable loss. In the west, the idea of obtain-
ing the Rhine as a boundary first awoke in the
minds of the French, and the attacks of the Dau-
phin and the Armagnacs were foiled only by local
resistance. But what the one line of the house of
VaJois failed in, the other, that of Burgundy, ac-
complished with brilliant success. As the wars
between France and England were gradually ter-
minated, and nothing more was to be gained in
that field, this house, with all its ambition and all
its good fortune, threw itself on the territory of pmman of the fiftbbnth
lower Germany. In direct defiance of the imperial cbntury
authority, it took possession of Brabant and Hol-
land; then Philip the Good took Luxemburg, placed his natural son in Utrecht,
and his nephew on the episcopal throne of LiSge; after which an unfortunate
quarrel between father and son gave Charles the Bold an opportunity to seize
upon Gelderland. A power was formed such as had not arisen since the time
of the great duchies, and its interests and tendencies were naturally opposed
to those of the empire. This state the restless Charles resolved to extend,
on the one side, towards Friesland, on the other, along the upper Rhine.
When at length he fell upon the archbishopric of Cologne and besieged Neuss,
some opposition was made to him, but not in consequence of any concerted
scheme or regular armament, but of a sudden levy in the presence of imminent
danger. The favourable moment for driving him back within his own fron-
tiers had been neglected. Shortly after, on his attacking Lorraine, Alsace,
and Switzerland, those countries were left to defend themselves. Meanwhile,
Italy had in fact completely emancipated herself. If the emperor desired to
be crowned there, he must go unarmed like a mere traveller; his ideal power
could be manifested only in acts of grace and favour. The king of Bohemia,
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£36 THE HOLY EOMAN EMPIEE
[ca. 1450-1500 A.D.]
who also possessed the two Lusatias and Silesia, and an extensive feudal
dominion within the empire, insisted loudly on his rights, and would hear
nothing of the corresponding obligations.
The life of the nation must have been already extinct, had it not, even in
the midst of all these calamities, and with the prospect of further imminent
peril before it, taken measures to establish its internal order and to restore its
external power — objects, however, not to be attained without a revolution in
both its spiritual and temporal affairs.
The attempted reforms of the last part of his reign found a consistent oppo-
nent in the aged emperor. Frederick III had accustomed himself in the course
of a long life to regard the affairs of the world with perfect serenity of mind.
His contemporaries have painted him to us — one while weighing precious
stones in a goldsmith's scales; another, with a celestial globe in his iiand, dis-
coursing with learned men on the position of the stars. He loved to mix
metals, compound healing drugs, and, in important crises, predicted the future
himself from the aspects of the constellations; he read a man's destiny in his
features, or in the lines of his hand. In his youth his Portuguese wife, with
the violent temper and the habitual opinions of a native of the south, urged
him in terms of bitter scorn to take vengeance for some* injury; he answered
that everything was rewarded, punished, and avenged in time. In 1449,
when the cities and princes, on the eve of war, refused to accept him as
mediator, he was content; he said he would wait till they burnt each other's
crops; then they would come to him of their own accord, and beg him to bring
about a reconciliation between them — which shortly after happened. The
violences and cruelties which his hereditary kingdom of Austria suffered from
King Matthias did not even excite his pity; he said they deserved it, they
would not obey him and therefore they must have a stork as king, like the
frogs in the fable. His frugality bordered on avarice, his slowness on inert-
ness, his stubbornness on the most determined selfishness; yet all these faults
are rescued from vulgarity by high qualities. He had at bottom a sober depth
of judgment, a sedate and inflexible honour; the aged prince, even when a
fugitive imploring succour, had a personal bearing which never allowed the
majesty of the empire to sink. 1
All his pleasures were characteristic. Once when he was in Nuremberg,
he had all the children in the city, even the infants who could but just walE,
brought to him; he feasted his eyes on the rising generation, the heirs of the
future; then he ordered cakes to be brought and distributed that the children
might remember their old master, whom they had seen, as long as they lived.
Occasionally he gave the princes who were his friends a feast in his castle. In
proportion to his usual extreme frugality was now the magnificence of the
entertainment. He kept his guests with him until late in the night (always
his most vivacious time), when even his wonted taciturnity ceased, and he
began to relate the history of his past life, interspersed with strange incidents,
decent jests, and wise saws. He looked then like a patriarch among the
princes — all of them so much younger than himself. 6
[' Elsewhere Banke says : "At the very time in which all the monarchies of Europe con-
solidated themselves, the emperor was driven out of his hereditary estates, and wandered about
the other parts of the empire as a fugitive. He was dependent for his daily repast on the
bounty of convents, or of tne burghers of the imperial cities ; his other wants were supplied
from the slender revenues of his chancery. He might sometimes be seen travelling along the
roads of his own dominions in a carriage drawn by oxen. Never, and this he felt himself,
was the majesty of the empire dragged about in meaner form. The possessor of a power
which, according to the received idea, ruled the world, was become an object of contemptuous
pity."]
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THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN AND HIS FAMILY
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ALBEBT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I
[1498-1496 A.D.]
237
THE REIGN OF MAXIMILIAN I
Frederick III died in 1493. Maximilian was proclaimed his successor on
the imperial throne without a dissentient voice, and speedily found himself
fully occupied,
France at that time cast her eyes upon Italy. Nepotism, the family-
interest of the popes,
^SSrldX <MAXMLIANVS<
Italian principalities, on
their nephews, rela-
tives, and natural chil-
dren, was the prevalent
spirit of the court of
Rome. The pope's re-
lations plundered the
papal treasury, which
he filled with the plun-
der of the whole of
Christendom, by rais-
ing the church taxes,
amplifying the ceremo-
nies, and selling abso-
lution.
France, ever watch-
ful, was not tardy in
finding an opportu-
nity for interference.
Charles VIII unexpec-
tedly entered Italy at
the head of an immense
army, partly composed
of Swiss mercenaries,
and took Naples.
Milan, alarmed at the
overwhelming strength
of her importunate ally,
now entered into a
league with the pope, the emperor, Spain, and Naples, for the purpose of driv-
ing him out of Italy, and Alexander VI astonished the world by leaguing
with the arch-foe of Christendom, the Turkish sultan, against the "most
Christian" king of France. Charles yielded to the storm, and voluntarily
returned to France (1495 a.d.) Maximilian had been unable, from want of
money, to come in person to Italy, and three thousand men were all he had
been able to supply. He had, however, secured himself by a marriage with
Bianca Maria, the sister of Galeazzo Sforza, and attempted, on the with-
drawal of the French, to put forward his pretensions as emperor. Pisa (1496)
imploring his aid against Florence, he undertook a campaign at the head of an
inconsiderable force, in which he was unsuccessful.
A still closer alliance was formed with Spain. The marriage of Philip,
Maximilian's son, with the Infanta Johanna, and that of his daughter Mar-
garet, with the Infant Don Juan (1496) brought this splendid monarchy into
Maximilian I (H 73- 1531)
(After a woodcut portrait by Hans Burgkmair)
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*38 THE HOLY ROMAN EMP1KE
[1480-1485 A.D.J
the house of Habsburg, the Infant Don Juan expiring shortly afterwards, and
the whole of Spain falling to Philip in right of his wife.*
At this point the demands made upon the activity of King Maximilian
came to the rescue of the imperial idea. As early as 1489 he promised to do
all in his power to introduce a chamber of justice on the lines proposed, so that
he had pledged himself morally. But after his father's death in the year 1493,
when Europe was again plunged into the greatest agitation, he had to recon-
cile himself to still larger concessions. In this connection particular impor-
tance attaches to the diet at Worms of 1495. The prevalent idea was, after
the imperial dignity had lost its significance as the central power, for the
diet to make an attempt at founding a unity of a different kind. The inten-
tion of the representatives, particularly of their leader at that time, Berthold
von Mainz, was to found a federation of all the parts of the empire and by this
means to base the power of the realm, which could no longer be monarchical, on
a more aristocratic-republican foundation. Their first idea was to form an
imperial council to be made up of king, electors, and the different deputies
from the provinces, who would have had the entire control of internal affairs.
Maximilian's purpose, on the contrary, was to obtain supplies of money and
men; not only the urgent assistance which was needed for the moment, but
what he called a permanent source of support, a military constitution of
supply. Both parties, as we have seen, desired unity, but the former more
in the aristocratic, the latter in the monarchical sense. Naturally the former
preponderated because it was in itself much the stronger. Moreover, even the
estates proposed to found a military constitution, not on the basis of the
feudal system, however, but on that of a general assessment. They had the
generosity to make a preliminary grant to the king of the money which he
demanded for his urgent need, to avoid his being placed in pawn as it were
(such were the terms of their expression).
The cities, which particularly pressed for a public peace, only contributed
at the instance of Berthold, and not without a certain amount of resistance.
But as Maximilian still hesitated, and demanded again and again money and
troops, and the establishment of "a permanent supply," they began to refuse
him everything till peace and order should be reinstated. Committees were
formed, proposals made and referred to experts. In consequence of the oppo-
sition, Maximilian was at last compelled to bow to necessity and accept them.
The four items were the following: (1) The public peace (Landfriede), which
differed particularly from the former Landfriede in tnat it was not established
for a term of years, but was to be perpetual, "general, and continual. ,, The
punishment of outlawry was retained. (2) The chamber of justice, which
was now to be constituted in a manner to which Frederick III would never
have consented, both at the will and with the advice of the assembly and in
final election on the spot; the president himself was even empowered to pro-
nounce the ban of the empire on his own responsibility. (3) The " common
penny," or the permanent main subsidy; a general poll-tax which never
actually came into operation, but which was intended to represent one-tenth
per cent, on the value of all property. (4) Not the council of regency, but
for a month in every year an assembly of the estates of the empire, which
on urgent occasions was even to be convened by the presidents. Obviously
the result was now in favour of the estates. The imperial assembly would
have had the control of the money and the conduct of foreign affairs, and a
share of the judicial power would have passed over to a combination spring-
ing from the estates, as a consequence of the access of dignity bestowed upon
the chamber of justice.
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 23fr
[1405-1504 A.D.J
It is no wonder that Maximilian did not like to further a constitution of
this kind. He did not appear at the first imperial assembly. The conse-
quence was that no executive measures could be carried in accordance with
the previous resolution concerning the " common penny." Some princes had
the generosity to return the money to their subjects; in the second year
no one would pay it any longer. The further consequence of this was
that the chamber of justice, which it had been proposed to pay out of this
"common penny," could not be maintained, so that the public peace totally
lacked effective execution. It was evident that the king was mostly at fault.
As he had at the same time come off a loser in his wars both with Switzerland
and Italy, he was obliged in the year 1500 at the Augsburg diet to consent to
a council of the empire — or imperial regency, which he nad always refused
before; each elector was to send one representative, and each of his cities
two. The chancellorship was to be filled by the elector of Mainz. The estates
in return consented to a kind of military levjr. Thereupon the newly con-
stituted imperial council did in point of fact receive the ambassadors of France.
But the king, who ought to have presided over this council, did not appear.
He prevented the complete filling up of the places in the council; agam the
whole proceedings resulted in nothing. Nor did he summon a new diet.
Instead of founding the empire at this time, as he has been so often credited
with doing, he rather contributed towards its complete dissolution. He cer-
tainly founded a sort of chamber of justice, but quite of the old kind, made up
of a lew bishops and depending on perquisites; but, as nobody acknowledged
it, it accomplished nothing.
In the year 1502, the electors agreed to assemble at least every year, each
one to deliberate upon the interests of the empire with the estates situated
nearest him. But Maximilian managed to undermine this intention by secur-
ing the nomination to the vacancy at Cologne of a prince who was absolutely
devoted to him. He himself was so indignant that he sometimes declared he
would throw down his crown at the feet of the representatives and trample it
to atoms. The representatives, on their side, actually conceived the idea in
1503 of deposing the king. Thereupon he nimself appeared, as Louis of
Bavaria once did, in the assembly to frustrate this purpose. He was really,
however, not so utterly powerless in the empire; he possessed a number of
bishoprics and livings. Albert of Saxony and Henry of Calenberg were in his
service. Furthermore it was a piece of good fortune for him that the Land-
shut quarrel broke out, in which he took a part so fruitful of results that he
regained his former influence and prestige. This happened chiefly through
that Swabian League which dates its formation from 1488. 1 Moreover his
son Philip, whose father-in-law Ferdinand the Catholic was establishing his
authority in Naples, was also victorious in the war in Gelderland, and an
accommodation had just been made with the French. All these fortunate
circumstances contributed to the gradual extinction of motives for forming a
constitution in which the claims of the king and the estates of the realm
should be equally balanced. The purely "representative" principle could no
longer maintain the upper hand, but yet it was impossible to suppress it
entirely.
[' This is known as " the great" Swabian League to distinguish it from the numerous others
that are associated with the internal history of Swabia from 1876 onwards. The subject of the
conflicting policies of the cities and the princes of Swabia and their respective relations with
the emperor is yet another illustration of that anarchy which is the main characteristic of Ger-
man history before the period of the Reformation, and which, it may be added, by no means
disappeared entirely with the advent of that period.]
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THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIRE
THE DIET OF COLOGNE (1505 A.D.)
[1505-1512 A.D.]
At the diet at Cologne in 1505, the estates agreed to assist the king against
Hungary in accordance with former proposals. Every thought of calling in
the common penny" was expressly discountenanced. But it was at once
determined that the assistance granted was to be in money, and a tax was
settled. The king promised to establish a chamber of justice and to negotiate
a public peace in the manner resolved upon at Worms. In the diet at Con-
stance in the year 1507 these efforts
were continued. The power of the king
was already so consolidated that a
French ambassador, who carried with
him despatches addressed to the im-
perial estates, was arrested and treated
pretty roughly. Here the former pro-
posals were renewed and directed
towards an expedition to Rome.
Clearly the cities were drawn upon
pretty heavily. All the electors to-
gether, including Bohemia, had to
place in the field 760 horsemen, 557
mfantry, and pay 16,230 gulden; the
cities had to provide 632 horsemen,
therefore almost as many as the elec-
tors, and on the other htand 1,335 in-
fantry, two and a half times as many,
and to pay 39,942 gulden.
Further, a firm foundation was laid
for the chamber of justice, the nomi-
nation of its members divided between
the king and the estates, the payment
to be made out of penal money fines,
and, if these were not sufficient, an
imperial tax was to be raised. Hie
president of the chamber was to have
the right of pronouncing the ban of the
empire. However the vote of supply
was only granted for half a year, and
the council was provisionally ac-
cepted for six years only. But still
it was of the greatest importance that it really held sittings, and exercised a
regular activity, which dates from this time.
These labours then were continued in the diet at Cologne in 1512. It was
again agreed to retain the imperial chamber for another six years, and its
reform was also resolved upon. The only thing wanted now was to provide
for the execution of its decisions. For this purpose the empire was divided
into ten circuits. Six circuits, exclusive of the king and the electors, had
already been sketched out in 1500 at Augsburg. Two new ones were now
formed out of the Austrian possessions, and two out of the electorates, one for
the Rhine and one for Upper Saxony. They are called " circles " in the imperial
decree. 1 In each circle there was to be a captain with his contingent of sub-
[» Ranke makes the distinction in the German between Kreis (translated "circuit") and
Oirkd (translated " circle ").]
BOURGEOIS OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I ' 241
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ordinates. At every breach of the public peace the captain of the circle in
which the perpetrators, their helpers and dependents lived, was to summon
his contingent and consult with them, and take proceedings to maintain the
public peace. Switzerland was excluded from this constitution of things —
as she looked after herself. Other plans were also made; there was talk of a
new universal tax such as had been resolved upon at Worms; of a scheme of
appointing eight councillors to the king, above all of a closer union of the
empire. The emperor expresses this very clearly in the recess : " We and the
estates of the holy empire have contracted and pledged our common duty to
carry out the following articles and intentions as a Christian body and assembly
to and with each other." The cities had been for some time excluded from
the settlement, but now they were readmitted.
We must guard, however, against concluding that these resolutions were
at once carried into effective operation. They were ideas and plans, the
necessity of which was obvious to everyone, but to execute them presented
the grayest difficulties. The circuits were in all probability not really estab-
lished till about twenty years later; the captains were not appointed, neither
were the councillors, who were considered of so much importance. Maxi-
milian himself was in a perpetual dilemma between respect and contempt,
fortune and misfortune, power and weakness. The fact was largely due to
his foreign relations. In these he accomplished an incredible amount for his
family and its power chiefly by treaties and marriage alliances; how remark-
able it is that, on the contrary, when he strove for the rights of the empire,
with an assiduity greater, though not always so well-matured and warlike, he
failed in everything.*
THE SEPARATION OF SWITZERLAND (1499 A.D.)
The empire, like the oak whose topmost branches first show symptoms of
the decay spreading from its roots, first lost the finest of her German provinces,
and her holy banner was hurled from those glorious natural bulwarks, whence,
mid ice and snow, her victorious forefathers had looked down upon the fertile
vales of Italy.
The Swiss confederation had been declared an integral part of the Swabian
circle, but, influenced by distrust of the Swabian cities, which had ever pre-
served a false neutrality towards them, and of the princes and nobles, their
hereditary foes, they refused to enter into the league. Their success against
Burgundy had, moreover, rendered them insolent and presumptuous, whilst
France incessantly incited them to declare themselves independent of the
empire. France drew her mercenaries from the Alps, was a good paymaster,
and flattered the rough mountaineers with a semblance of royal confidence;
whilst the German prmces, and even the emperor, thoughtlessly treated them
with contempt. A dispute concerning landmarks that arose between the
Grisons peasantry and the Austrian Tyrolese, and occasioned their enrolment
in the confederation, brought the matter to an issue. The enraged emperor
declared war (a.d. 1498) against the Swiss, in which he was seconded by the
Swabian league. In 1499 the Swiss concluded a treaty with France, and,
quitting their mountains, attacked the approaching foe on every side. Willi-
bald Pirkheimer, who was present with four hundred red-habited citizens of
Nuremberg, has graphically described every incident of this war. The impe-
rial reinforcements arrived slowly and m separate bodies; the princes and
nobles fighting in real earnest, the cities with little inclination. The Swiss
were, consequently, able to defeat each single detachment before they could
H. W.— -VOL. XIV- R
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£42 • THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIRE
[1409-1504 a.d.1
unite, and were in this manner victorious in ten engagements. The emperor,
on his arrival, publicly addressed an angry letter to the Swiss from Freiburg
in the Breisgau. The Tyrolese failed in an attempt to take the Grisons in
the rear across Bormio, and four hundred of the imperialists were, on this
occasion, crushed by an avalanche. Pirkheimer saw a troop of half-starved
children under the care of two old women seeking for herbs, like cattle, on
the mountains, so great was the distress to which the blockade had reduced
the Swiss. They, nevertheless, defended themselves on every side, and slew
four thousand Tyrolese near Mais in the Vienstgau, in revenge for which four
hundred Grisons peasants, detained captive at Meran, were put to death.
The emperor went to Constance, where a letter from the confederation was
delivered to him by a young girl. 1 Peace was, however, far from the thoughts
of the emperor, who, dividing his forces, despatched the majority of his
troops against BAle, under the Count von Fiirstenberg, whilst he advanced
towards Geneva, and was occupied in crossing the lake when the news of
Furstenberg's defeat and death, near Dornach, arrived. The princes, little
desirous of staking their honour against their low-born opponents, instantly
returned home in great numbers, and the emperor was therefore compelled
to make peace. The Swiss retained possession of the Thurgau and of B&le,
and Schaffhausen joined the confederation, which was not subject to the
imperial chamber, and for the future belonged merely in name to the empire,
and gradually fell under the growing influence of France, a.d. 1499.
OTHER WARS
6ome years after the Swiss war, Maximilian was involved in a petty war
of succession in Bavaria, a.d. 1504. Disturbances had also arisen in the
Netherlands (a.d. 1494), where the people favoured Charles of Gueldres to
the prejudice of the Habsburgs. Maximilian's son, Philip the Handsome, at
length concluded a truce with his opponent, and went into Spain for the pur-
pose of taking possession of the kingdom of Castile, whose queen, Isabella,
had just expired, in the name of her daughter, his wife, Johanna. Ferdinand
of Aragon, his father-in-law, however, refused to yield the throne of Castile
during his life-time, and, in his old age, married a young Frenchwoman, in
the hope of raising another heir to the throne of Aragon.
Maximilian beheld the successes of the French monarch in Italy, and
Ferdinand of Naples dragged in chains to France, with impotent rage, and
convoked one diet after another without being able to raise either money or
troops. At length, in the hope of saving his honour, he invested France with
the duchy of his brother-in*law, Sforza, and, by the treaty of Blois (a.d. 1504),
ceded Milan to France for the sum of two hundred thousand francs. The
marriage of Charles, Maximilian's grandson, with Claudia, the daughter of
Louis, who it was stipulated should bring Milan in dowry to the house of
Habsburg, also formed one of the articles of this treaty, and in the event of
any impediment to the marriage being raised by France, Milan was to be
unconditionally restored to the house of Austria. The marriage of the
Archduke Ferdinand with Anna, the youthful daughter of Wladislaw of
Hungary and Bohemia, was more fortunate. Ferdinand of Spain, unable to
1 On being asked the number of the Swiss, she replied : " There are plenty to beat you ;
you might have counted them during the battle had not fear struck you blind "; and on an old
soldier, stung by the sarcasm, drawing his sword upon her, she said, " If you are such a hero,
seek men to fight with." GOtz von Berlichingen, who was present, thus describes the emperor :
* * He wore a little old green coat, and little short green cap, and a great green hat over it."
(Quite Tyrolean.)
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 243
[1504-1516 A.D.]
tolerate the Habsburg as his successor on the throne, entered into a league
with France, who instantly infringed the treaty of Blois, and Claudia was
married to Francis of Anjou, the heir-apparent to the throne of France.
Maximilian, enraged at Louis 7 perfidy, vainly called upon the imperial
estates of Germany to revenge the insult; he was merely enabled to raise a
small body of troops, with which he crossed the Alps for the purpose of taking
possession of Milan and of being finally crowned by the pope. The Venetians,
however, refused to grant him a free passage, defeated him at Catora, and
compelled him to retrace his steps. At Trient, Matthaeus Lang, archbishop
of Salzburg, placed the crown on his brow in the name of the pope, a.d. 1508.
The insolence and grasping policy of Venice had rendered her universally
obnoxious. Maximilian had been insulted and robbed by her; Louis dreaded
her vicinity to his newly-gained duchy of Milan; whilst Ferdinand, the pope,
and the rest of the Italian powers viewed her with similar enmity. These
considerations formed the basis of the league of Cambray, a.d. 1508, in which
all the contending parties ceased their strife to unite against their common
foe. The French gained a decisive victory at Agnadello. Vicenza was taken
by the imperial troops, a.d. 1510. The Swiss, who had at first aided Venice,
being forced to retreat during the severe winter of 1512, revenged themselves
by laying Lombardy waste. Venice, deprived of their aid, humbled herself
before the emperor, and the senator Giustiniani fell in the name of the republic
at his feet, and finally persuaded both him and the pope to renounce their
alliance with France. The new confederates were, however, defeated at
Ravenna by the French under Gaston de Foix. The Swiss confederation,
gained over by the bishop of Sion, who was rewarded with a cardinal's hat,
now took part with the emperor and the pope, and, marching into Lombardy,
drove out the French and placed Max Sforza on the ducal throne of Milan,
a.d. 1512.
The emperor, although unable to offer much opposition to France in
Italy, was more successful in the Netherlands, where, aided by the English,
he carried on war against Louis and gained a second battle of spurs at
Terouanne. 1 He also assembled a troop of lancers under George von Frunds-
berg, who besieged Venice, and fought his way through an overwhelming
force under the Venetian general, Alviano, at Ceratia. Maximilian entered
Lombardy in person (a.d. 1516) with twenty thousand men, ten thousand
of whom were Swiss, under the loyal-hearted Stapfer of Zurich, but was
compelled to retreat, owing to want of money, and the superior numbers of
Swiss in the service of France. Unable to save Milan, he made a virtue of
necessity and ceded that duchy to Francis I, who had succeeded Lour In
his old age, he zealously endeavoured to raise means for carrying on the war
against the Turks.* Anticipating the full co-operation of the European states
he struck a medal, in which he was designated as lord of the West and East,
and flattered himself with theprospect of again rendering Constantinople the
seat of a Christian empire. The pope also entered into his views, sent him a
consecrated hat and sword, declared the kingdom of the East an imperial fief,
and appointed him generalissimo of the Christian army, which was to consist
of Germans and French, while the English, Portuguese, and Spaniards were
to furnish a naval armament.
1 Peter Daniel says, in bis History of France, "because our cavalry made more use of their
spurs tban of tbeir swords." Tbe Chevalier Bayard, on perceiving the impossibility of escape,
took an English knight, who had just dismounted, prisoner, in order instantly to surrender
himself to him. Maximilian, on being informed of this strange adventure, restored Bayard to
liberty.
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244 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
[1515-1519 A.D.]
He laid his plan before the diet, and appealed to the states with his usual
eloquence; but he was answered by remonstrances against the exactions of
the pope; and a considerable sensation was excited by a writing attributed
to Ulrich von Hutten, which was circulated among the members, describing
the pope as a more dangerous enemy to Christianity than the Turks, and
charging the court of Rome with having drained the states of Christendom
by annates, reserves, tenths, and other exactions; discussion was deferred
to a future meeting.
The same ill-success attended his attempts to secure the election of his
grandson. He had already entered into secret negotiations with several of
the electors, and Charles had sent into Germany a considerable sum to bribe
the electoral college. By these means Maximilian secured the votes of
Mainz, Cologne, the Palatinate, and Brandenburg; but he experienced an
opposition from Frederick the Wise, elector of Saxony, who, as one of the
vicars of the empire, wished for an interregnum, and the elector of Treves,
who was devoted to France. In addition to these obstacles, the nomination
of Charles was counteracted by Francis I, who aspired to the imperial dignity,
and by the pope, who was unwilling to see the crowns of the empire and
Naples united in the same person. In consequence of this opposition, the
electors declined the proposal of Maximilian, by urging their usual plea that r
as he had not been actually crowned at Rome, they could not infringe the
laws of Germany by electing two kings of the Romans, and, having failed
in all his endeavours to convince the electors of the validity of the bull of
Alexander VI, which declared him as much emperor as if crowned at Rome,
Maximilian was obliged to defer his project to a future occasion.
That occasion never arrived. Although no more than fifty-nine, he had
long felt his health declining, and for the last four years he never travelled
without a coffin, which he was occasionally heard to apostrophise. Soon after
his arrival at Innsbruck, where he purposed to regulate the succession to his
hereditary dominions, he was seized with a slight fever, which he hoped to
remove by exercise and change of air. He accordingly descended the Inn,
disembarked at Passau, and with a view to dissipate his melancholy, or to
improve his health, proceeded to Wels in Upper Austria, where he amused
himself with his favourite diversion of hawking and hunting. But the fatigues
of the chase aggravated his complaint, and the immoderate use of melons
brought on a dysentery. Being recommended by his physicians to fulfil the
last duties of a Christian, he replied, " I have long done so, or it would now be
too late. 7 ' On the arrival of the friar, he sat up in his bed, received him with
the most joyful expressions and gestures, and said to the bystanders, "This
man will show me the way to heaven." After much pious conversation, dur-
ing which he would not suffer himself to be called emperor, but simply Maxi-
milian, he received the holy sacrament according to the ordinances of the
church. He then summoned his ministers, and executed his testament. He
ordered that all the officers of state and magistrates should continue to exer-
cise their functions, until the arrival of one of his grandsons. From a principle
of extreme modesty, which he carried so far that he never put on or took off
his shirt before any person, he called a short time before his death for clean
linen, and strictly forbade that it should be changed. He ordered the hair of
his head to be cut off, and his teeth to be pulled out, broken, and publicly
burnt in the chapel of his court. As a lesson of mortality, his body was to be
exposed to view for a whole day, then to be enclosed in a sack filled with quick-
lime, covered with white silk and damask; to be placed in the coffin already
prepared for its reception, and to be interred in the church of the palace at
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 245
[1519 A.D.]
Neustadt, under the altar of St. George, in such a situation, that the officiating
priests might tread upon his head and heart. He expressed his hope that by
these means his sinful body, after the departure of his soul, would be dis-
honoured and humiliated before the whole world. Having finished this busi-
ness, he stretched out his hand to the bystanders, and gave them his bene-
diction. As they were unable to conceal their emotions, and burst into tears,
he said, " Why do you weep, because you see a mortal die? Such tears as
these rather become women than men." To the prayers of the Carthusian he
made audible responses, and when his voice failed, gave signs of his faith with
his gestures. He died at three o'clock in the morning, on the 1 1th of January,
1519, in the sixtieth year of his age.0
RANKE's ESTIMATE OF MAXIMILIAN
Maximilian was a man of schemes but not of achievements, full of talents
and artistic capacities; a splendid sportsman and shot, a chamois-hunter by
habit and inclination; indefatigable, mysterious, and withal popular, so that
his person is associated with pleasant memories — but he never did or accom-
plished a single thing. He was inexhaustible in new ideas; for this reason he
acquires much significance for the future of the empire, but not in virtue of
direct institutions. The last years of his government lack a commendable
orderliness even more egregiously than the first. In the year 1513 he sum-
moned a diet which did not meet at all; in the year 1517 another one cer-
tainly met in Mainz, and which may be compared to the diet in Reineke Fuchs,
so many were the grievances that poured in. Even the chamber of justice,
which had only just been established and in whose proceedings Maximilian
incessantly interfered, met with the most violent attacks.
The empire generally was in a state of ferment. Emperor and princes were
at variance on every point as regarded their respective rights. Not one
institution was really carried into effect. It was still not yet known what
estates were immediate and what mediate. In all districts this was a source
of many-sided dissatisfaction. The lists * which came into existence were for
this very reason utterly useless. The nobility, particularly fearful of a widen-
ing authority especially in the princely jurisdiction, made alliances with one
another or fought for fame and fortune in isolated groups. The cities also
were in a state of considerable agitation. Oppression on the part of the
princely power, the continual restlessness of the provinces, the restriction on
their trade, which nevertheless increased with magnificent rapidity, and a
number of internal troubles threw them into commotion. Most dangerous of
all however was the profound disaffection amongst the peasantry. Even in
the second half of the fifteenth, and almost in every year at the beginning of
the sixteenth century we hear of insurrections amongst the peasantry, which
were naturally fostered all the more by the fact that the peasants had now
learned the art of war; and as they knew as well how to fight as the Swiss, they
now claimed the same rights as the latter.
A period full of so much internal unrest as that of Maximilian's reign does
not again occur in the whole of German history; even the present time cannot
be compared with it. A firm government, which might have stemmed the
discontent, had not been established. In these circumstances it was really
the religious movement of the Reformation which, by providing the general
P " Matrikeln " in the original ; the assessments being made from the list of estates and no
one knowing which were mediate and which were immediate estates, it is clear that the revenues
were imperilled by this state of affairs.]
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*46 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
agitation with a new motive power, at once diverted it from the reign of
politics and absorbed it in itself.
The glory which surrounds the memory of Maximilian, the high renown
which he enjoyed even among his contemporaries, were not won by the success
of his enterprises, but by his personal qualities. Every good gift of nature
had been lavished upon him in profusion: health up to an advanced age, so
robust that, when it was deranged, strong exercise and copious draughts of
water were his sole and sufficient remedy; not beauty indeed, but so fine a
Erson, so framed for strength and agility, that he outdid all his followers in
lightly exercises, outwearied them in exertions and toils; a memory to
which everything that he had learned or witnessed was ever present; so
singular a natural acuteness and justness of apprehension, that he was never
deceived in his servants; he employed them exactly in the services for which
they were best suited; an imagination of unequalled richness and brilliancy.
He was a man, in short, formed to excite admiration and to inspire enthusiastic
attachment; formed to be the romantic hero, the exhaustless theme of the
people.
What wondrous stories did they tell of his adventures in the chase — how
in the land beyond the Ens, he had stood his ground alone against an enormous
bear in the open coppice; how in a sunken way in Brabant he had killed a stag,
at the moment it rushed upon him; how, when surprised by a wild boar in the
forest of Brussels, he had laid it dead at his feet with his boar-spear, without
alighting from his horse! But above all, what perilous adventures did they
recount of his chamois hunts in the high Alps, where it was he who sometimes
saved from death or danger the practised hunter that accompanied him. In
all these scenes he showed the same prompt and gallant spirit, the same
elastic presence of mind. Thus too he appeared in the face of the enemy.
Within range of the enemy's fire, we see him alight from his horse, form his
order of battle, and win the victory; in the skirmish attacking four or five
enemies single-handed; on the field defending himself in a sort of single combat
against an enemy who selected him as his peculiar object: for he was always
to be found in the front of the battle; always in the hottest of the fight and
the danger. The Venetian ambassador cannot find words to express the con-
fidence which the German soldiers of every class felt for the chief who never
deserted them in the moment of peril. He cannot be regarded as a great
general; but he had a singular gift for the organisation of a particular body of
troops, the improvement of the several arms and the constitution of the army
generally; the militia of the Landsknechts, by which the fame of the German
foot soldiers was restored, was founded and organised by him. He also put
the use of fire-arms on an entirely new footing, and his mventive genius dis-
played itself particularly in this department.
He had a matchless talent for managing men. The princes who were
offended and injured by his policy could not withstand the charm of his
personal intercourse. "Never," says Frederick the Wise of Saxony, "did I
behold a more courteous man." The wild, turbulent knights, against whom
he raised the empire and the league, yet heard such expressions from his lips
that it was, as Gotz von Berlichmgen said, "a joy to their hearts; and they
could never bear to do anything against his imperial majesty." He took part
in the festivals and amusements of the citizens in the towns — their dances
and their shooting matches, in which he was not unfrequently the best shot;
and offered prizes, damask for the arquebusiers or a few ells of red velvet for
the crossbow-men. At the camp before Padua he rode up to a sutler and
asked for something to eat. John of Landau, who was with him, offered to
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ALBERT II, FREDERICK III, AND MAXIMILIAN I 247
taste the food; the emperor inquired where the woman came from. "From
Augsburg," was the reply. "Ah!" exclaimed he, "then there is no need of a
taster, for they of Augsburg are God-fearing people." In his hereditary
dominions he often administered justice in person, and if he saw a bashful man
who kept in the background, called him to a more honourable place. He was
little dazzled by the splendour of the supreme dignity. " My good fellow,"
said he to an admiring poet, " thou knowest not me nor other princes aright."
All that we read of him shows freshness and clearness of apprehension, an
open and ingenuous spirit. He was a brave soldier and a kind-hearted man;
people loved and feared him.«
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CHAPTER VII
CHARLES V AND THE REFORMATION
[1519-1646 a.d.]
On one occasion only had the two men stood face to face who split
the life of Germany into two halves, the two great opponents who
are still fighting to this day in the spirit of that posterity which has
sprang from them, the Bargandian Habsburger and the German son
of the soil, Emperor and Professor ; the one, speaking German only
to his horse, the other translator of the Bible and creator of the new
German written language ; the one, the forefather of those who be-
lieve in the Jesuits, original founder of the dynastic policy of the
Habsburgs, the other, the predecessor of Lessing, of the great Ger-
man poets, historians, and philosophers.
It was a desperate hour in the history of Germany when the
young Emperor, heir of half the earth, uttered at Worms the con-
temptuous words : " This man will never make a heretic of me ! " for
therewith began the struggle between his House and the spirit of
national Germany : a struggle during three centuries, with victories
and defeats on both sides and an issue predestined. — Gustav Frbt-
tag.
The imperial throne, now vacant by the death of Maximilian, required
a successor. The general agitation throughout Europe, as well as the con-
fusion prevalent in Germany itself, where the Faustrecht [or " law of violence 1 ']
appeared immediately after the death of the emperor to resume its sway,
demanded a monarch, endowed with energy and consequent power, in order
to maintain the necessary equilibrium between the internal and the external
government. The war still continued between Spain and France upon the
subject of Italy, although neither of these powers possessed the right of deci-
sion in the cause of a country which knew not how to govern or even help
248
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CHARLES V AND THE REFORMATION 340
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itself, such decision being vested in the hands of the emperor alone. In the
east the Turks again threatened to devastate the country; and Hungary,
reduced by maladministration as well as by the luxury and effeminacy of
the people, was no longer able to serve as a bulwark against this formidable
enemy; hence from this quarter likewise the emperor was called upon to
come forth as the protector of Europe. In Germany itself, and in the very
heart of the empire, feuds were raging with all their ungovernable fury.
Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg, having cause to revenge himself upon the free
city of Reutlingen for some offence, fell suddenly upon that place, in the
winter of 1519; and having made himself master of it, he continued to hold
it in [possession as his own. The Swabian League, however, which had been
established by the emperor Maximilian, in order to maintain the tranquillity
of the land, finding the duke paid no respect or attention to their repeated
summons to surrender the town, advanced at once against him, and by their
superior force not only regained possession of the place, but pursued the duke
throughout his own territories so closely that he was compelled to quit them
for safety.
Maximilian had, in the course of his reign, gained several voices in favour
of his grandson Charles, already king of Spain; many princes, however,
still thought consideration requisite before they could undertake to place
the imperial power in the hands of a sovereign who already reigned over the
half of Europe; for, as inheritor of the houses of Spain and Austria, Charles
possessed, besides Spain and the kingdom of Naples and Sicily, the beautiful
Austrian provinces, and all the patrimonial territories of Burgundy in the
Low Countries. If to so much splendid power the additional lustre acquired
by the possession of the imperial crown were to be added, it was to be feared
— thus the princes thought — that his house might become too powerful,
and thence conceive the proud and ambitious proiect of invading and destroy-
ing the liberty of the German princes, and seek accordingly to render the
empire, without limitation, hereditary and independent.
From another side again, as his competitor for the imperial crown, came
forth to oppose him the king of France, Francis I. The ambassadors from
France presented to the assembled princes at Frankfort a document laudatory
of their royal master, in which they thus alluded to the danger threatened by
the incursions of the Turks: "He must indeed be wanting in understanding
who, at a time when the storm has broken forth, should still hesitate to con-
fide the steerage of the vessel to the most skilful helmsman. ,,
Nevertheless, in spite of the confidence with which the envoys spoke, the
princes felt the danger of electing a French king to be emperor of Germany;
and as the elector of Saxony, Frederick the Wise, to whom they had offered
the crown, declined it with the magnanimous observation, in excuse, that
the inferior power of his house was not equal to contend with the difficulties
of the times, adding even his recommendation to them to elect the young
Spanish king instead, the princes after further consideration remembered and
admitted that at least he was a German prince, and the grandson of their late
revered emperor Maximilian; they decided accordingly in his favour, and
elected him to the imperial throne on the 28th of June, 1519. Before the
election, however, his ambassadors were obliged by the princes to sign the
following conditions; viz., "That the emperor shall not make any alliance,
nor carry on any war with a foreign nation, without the approbation of the
princes, neither shall he introduce any foreign troops whatever into the empire;
that he shall hold no diets beyond Germany; that all offices at the imperial
court and throughout the empire shall be conferred upon native Germans;
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«50 THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIRE
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that in all the affairs of the empire no other language but German or Latin
shall be employed; that, in conjunction with the estates, he shall put an
end to all the commercial leagues which, by means of their capital, have
hitherto held so much sway, and maintained so much independence; that
he shall not pronounce the imperial ban against any state of the empire
without urgent reasons nor without a proper form of judgment; and, finally,
that he shall come to Germany as speedily as possible, and make that country
his principal seat of residence." These and other articles being sworn to by
the ambassadors in the name of their royal master, they proceeded at once
to hasten his arrival in the Germanic Empire. 6
The great contest had lasted for a year, and the tension it had evoked in
Europe was by no means relaxed by its decision ; the clash of warring interests
had penetrated too deeply into the life of the Powers, and the discord was
intensified rather than mitigated
by the victory of the Catholic
King.
It must be conceded that
Charles did everything in his
power to soothe the apprehen-
sions bound up with his triumph.
He seems to have learnt the cer-
tainty of his election as early as
the 25th of June, by a letter from
the elector of Mainz. In the
early morning hours of the 6th of
July a Flemish secretary delivered
to Charles the elector's letters
announcing his election. As soon
as the momentous news was
known all the grandees hastened
to the court to kiss the hand of
Charles; the nuncio and the am-
bassadors of England and Venice
appeared to congratulate, only
Frederick the wise the French ambassador held con-
(H6&-1525) spicuously aloof. Nevertheless
in the course of the next few days
ChiSvres and Gattinara assured the ambassadors of France and Venice of
Charles' desire, now that he had attained so high a dignity, to maintain peace
in Christendom, to proceed against the infidels as a good Christian should,
and above all to be on terms of good friendship with their two states. " Our
king," they said, "loves peace and is prepared to do everything to maintain
it." To the pope he was even more gracious. No sooner did he receive
from his plenipotentiary in Germany the news of the result of the election
than he laid it before the papal legate, and addressed a letter of thanks to
the pope, in which he completely ignored all that the latter previously had
done to oppose him and spoke of the resignation exercised by the pope at
the last moment as a kindness for which he owed him the utmost gratitude.
He promised ever to cherish such sentiments towards him that the pope
should never regret the kindness which, in his paternal affection, he had
shown him./
The Spaniards themselves were discontented at beholding their sovereign
invested with the imperial dignity; they feared they might in consequence
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CHAELES V AND THE REFOBMATION 251
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be reduced to the form of a secondary kingdom, subject to the rule of arbi-
trary governors. " What else had the empire now become/' they said, " but
the mere shadow of an immensely overgrown tree?" In such poor estimation
was the ancient and, formerly, so venerated imperial crown now held in
foreign countries.
The majority of his councillors advised and warned Charles not to abandon
his hereditary kingdom for the sake of a possession so uncertain, and at least
difficult to maintain; but his genius saw and acknowledged that this very
circumstance paved the way for bold and independent action. It was at
this time, whilst he was on his journey to Germany, there to take possession
of the crown offered to him, that the important news arrived announcing the
acquisition made in his name of a second empire, that of Mexico, then just
discovered in the new world.
Charles landed in the Netherlands and continued his journey to Germany.
He was crowned on the 22nd of October, 1520, at Aachen, with great pomp
and magnificence, and he then appointed the 17th of April of the following
year as the day for holding the first imperial diet at Worms. This diet was
one of the most brilliant that had ever been held; it was attended by six
electors and a numerous body of spiritual and temporal princes. The most
famous transaction that occurred on this occasion was the trial of Martin
Luther J> But the diet was important for other reasons as well. The emperor
was just then in a most critical situation. In Spain there was open rebellion
and his viceroy was unable to cope with the commons who were abetting it.
One of the first things to be done at the diet was to appoint a council of regency
to govern Germany while Charles returned to Spain. At the outset the embar-
rassment of ruling his scattered dominions was apparent, and Charles' chief
interest in Germany at the time was in getting from it men and money. As
to the latter, Charles inherited from his grandfather little but debts, and he
had to borrow 20,000 gulden from Franz von Sickingen, the knight whose
castle of the Shrenberg threatened the imperial city where the diet was
meeting.
But even of greater importance were the negotiations with the pope.
Francis I, the disappointed rival, was threatening Italy, and Leo X (Gio-
vanni dei Medici) was only too likely to be favourable. Besides, the pope felt
uncomfortable in the grip of all the Spanish and imperial might which had its
hold on the south and the north of Italy. The emperor's need for the alliance
of the pope was very great, and not to be influenced by the protest of a German
monk. On May 8th, 1521, a treaty was signed between Charles and Leo,
which shows where Charles , interests lay at the moment of the Lutheran
revolt. Milan and Genoa were to be freed from the French voke and restored
to the feudal dominions of the emperor, and both pope and emperor were to
furnish troops and money. The emperor was to send Neapolitan troops to
aid the pope in regaining Bologna; and Parma, Piacenza, and Ferrara were
to be recovered for him. The pope was to support Charles in Naples against
the Venetians — they were to have the same friends and enemies; and
lastly, "the emperor was to supj>ort the pope against those fallen from the
faith." The Edict of Worms against Luther was issued the same day.
There are now two divergent interests in our story — the history of the
emperor and his foreign policies, and the narrative of the revolt of Martin
Luther. As the latter was destined to influence history far more deeply than
the transitory successes of Charles, we leave aside the details of the long
world-struggle of the greatest Habsburg for those of the origins of Protes-
tantism. We have already given the main outline of the wars with Francis I
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£52 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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in the history of that monarch, and we turn from the jmth to the great victory
of Pavia and the Treaty of Madrid, to the more genuinely German history of
Luther fl
THE APPEARANCE OF MARTIN LUTHER
Martin Luther, born at Eisleben on the 10th of November, 1483, became
a monk in the monastery of the Augustin-Eremites at Erfurt (1505), in conse-
quence of peculiar circumstances; he was early led to Augustinism and the
study of the Bible by deep religious requirements, which could find no satis-
faction in the mechanism of the church. Removed in 1508 to the Augustine
monastery at Wittenberg, he laboured there, in the newly founded university
(1502), first as bachelor, from 1512 as doctor, with especial zeal to promote
the study of the Bible. He met with much success as a lecturer; by him and
some like-minded fellow-labourers the
study of theology at Wittenberg was
diverted from Aristotle and the school-
men, to Augustine and Holy Scripture;
and denying the sanctity of works, it
made its animating central point the
doctrine of salvation of man by faith
in Christ alone. Such a practical and
scriptural turn of mind had often ex-
isted silent and still in the church be-
fore, and so long as it was not directly
assailed in its inmost sanctuary, hold-
ing fast its allegiance to an ideal church
instead of to the real, it had overlooked
the shortcomings of the latter, or ex-
cused them on the plea of human im-
perfectibility. Thus even Luther held
fast to the church, without considering
the internal difference between his point
of view and that of the church ; but at
the same time his inward religious life
martin Luther and faith attained such rocklike stead-
fastness that, counting all outward
things as nought, he was ready to face every danger and every onset in
defence of the saving truth he had recognised.
At this time the Dominican Johan Tetzel [Dieze or Diez], as sub-commis-
sary of Albert, the elector of Mainz, began to preach in the borderlands, as it
was not allowed him to preach within the Saxon dominions, the indulgence
prescribed by the pope for the advancement of the building of St. Peter's
church; he sold indulgences with unheard-of exaggeration and incredible
effrontery at Jiiterbog (or Juterbock) and Zerbst, not far from Wittenberg.
Luther soon discovered in the confessional the corrupting consequences of
this. His own words regarding the affair are worth quoting.
luther's own account of tetzel and his indulgences
It happened in the year 1517 [he tells us] that a preaching friar, Johann
Tetzel by name, came hither, a noisy fellow, whom Duke Frederick had saved
from drowning at Innsbruck, for Maximilian had commanded him to be
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CHARLES V AND THE REFORMATION 253
[1517 A.D.]
drowned in the Inn (you may imagine it was for his great virtue's sake). 1
Duke Frederick reminded him of it, when he began to trouble us at Witten-
berg; he acknowledged it freely. The same Tetzel now hawked about the
indulgence, and sold grace for money, dear or cheap as he best could. At the
time I was a preacher here in the monastery, and a young doctor fresh from
the anvil, glowing and bold in Holy Scripture. As many people went from
Wittenberg to Juterbog and Zerbst after the indulgence, I (so truly as Christ
my Lord hath redeemed me) not knowing what the indulgence was — as,
indeed, at that time no one knew — began to preach mildly that men might
do better, forsooth, than purchase the indulgence. I had tiefore this, here at
the castle, preached to the same effect against indulgence, and had displeased
Duke Frederick thereby, for he entertained a great affection for this foundation
(which possessed a particularly ample indulgence). Now, to come to the true
cause of the Lutheran teaching, I let all go on as it went. However, it comes
to my mind how that Tetzel had preached loathsome and fearful articles,
which I will now name, to wit: he had such grace and power from the pope
that if any man had defiled or impregnated the Virgin Mary he could forgive
the sin, as soon as a fitting sum was deposited in the chest. Item, the red
indulgence-cross with the pope's banner, erected in the churches, was as
efficacious as the cross of Christ. Item, if St. Peter were here now, he could
have no greater grace or power than he had himself. Item, he would not
change places in heaven with St. Peter: for he had released more souls with
indulgence than St. Peter by his preaching. Item, when a coin was placed
in the chest for a soul in purgatory, so soon as the penny fell ringing upon the
bottom, the soul immediately started for heaven. Item, the grace of indul-
gence was the very grace whereby man was reconciled to God. Item, there
was no need to feel grief, or sorrow, or repentance for sin, if a man bought the
indulgence, or the letter of indulgence. Tetzel also sold the right to sin in
future time. He pushed his traffic to a fearful extent; everything might be
done for money .^
A MODERN VIEW OF TETZEL (LEA)
Of course modern apologists have sought to prove that Luther calumniated
Tetzel and his preachers in his reports of their assertions. We see no reason
to doubt his accuracy. For centuries the quastuarii had been accustomed to
use such arguments and promises; the people were accustomed to them, and
Tetzel would never have acquired his reputation as a vendor of indulgences
had he not vaunted his wares in the ordinary manner. We have good ortho-
dox testimony that Arcemboldi, the papal commissioner for north Germany,
was not over nice, committing a thousand knaveries and carrying off all the
money of the country, and thus assisted in spreading the Lutheran revolt.
(See Balan. m ) Luther, moreover, was altogether too shrewd to commence
his assault by basing his case on calumnies; if he used these assertions as
arguments it was because they were of common notoriety and could not be
confuted; he was not particularly scrupulous in controversy, but in this case
he was virtually taking his life in his hands, and it would have been the
extreme of folly to depend on lies capable of easy disproof, i
[ l Luther is alluding to the story that Tetzel had been condemned to death for seducing a
married woman at Ulm, in 1512, but on the intervention of Frederick the Urse, elector and
duke of Saxony, his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment, from which he was later
pardoned. Grone in his defence of Tetzel finds the accusation incompatible with Tetzel's high
commission, but Lea' thinks rather that " no one at that time would have thought of visiting
so heavily so trivial an offence."]
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«54 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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LUTHER ROUSES OPPOSITION
On the 31st of October, 1517, Luther affixed to the door of the castle
church at Wittenberg ninety-five theses drawn up against the sale of indul-
gences as practised by Tetzel.
Although in his theses Luther assailed only the Thomist doctrine of indul-
gences, and did not pass on to many others of the schoolmen, still they pro-
duced an effect important in the highest degree, and roused the Dominicans
especially to oppose them. The spirit of this order was particularly sensitive
by reason of humiliations but lately undergone in the case of Savonarola and
Bteuchlin; and they considered themselves injured in the persons of St.
Thomas and Tetzel at the same time. Tetzel at once assailed Luther with
counter theses, for the defence of which he obtained the degree of doctor
at Frankfort-on-the-Oder. Sylvester Prierias wrote against him with similar
zeal. Dr. Johann von Eck, vice-chancellor of the University of Ingolstadt,
united himself with them, and wrote Obelisci against Luther's theses. The
tenor and the manner of these attacks could not discourage a Luther; they
only kindled him into a noble indignation.
The Dominicans carried their complaints to Rome. Leo X, who regarded
the whole matter as a mere monkish wrangle, suffered Luther to be summoned
before him; but he was easily induced, out of consideration for Frederick
the Wise, elector of Saxony, whom he wished to bend to his views for the
approaching election of the Roman emperor, to commission his cardinal
legate Cajetan at Augsburg to bring the new heretic to submission. However,
this legate, before whom Luther made his appearance at Augsburg in October,
1518, could subdue the humble monk neither by his kindness nor by his
threats. Moreover, the monk appealed, from the pope ill-informed to the
pope better-informed; and afterwards, when the whole doctrine of indul-
gence, as developed down to this time, was confirmed from Rome by a bull,
he issued an appeal from the pope to a general council (at Wittenberg, the
28th of November, 1518).
Sympathy with the bold champion had long been expressed only in a
tone of fear and deprecation; gradually some few voices ventured to encour-
age him, especially among the humanists, and his associates and fellow-
townsmen at Wittenberg; but in the young Melanchthon, who was won
over to the Wittenberg school in 1518, he found his most faithful helper in
the great work for which he was destined, without as yet knowing it himself.
His luminous and edifying works, by means of which he made the subject of
controversy intelligible to a larger circle, and contrived to awaken the feelings
of the people, with moral and religious addresses in the spirit of Augustine^
system, to an inward religion, won for him more and more the hearts of the
German nation.
The elector of Saxony was at this time a person of too great importance
to the pope, in a political point of view, to be alienated for the sake of an
insignificant monk. Leo X sent to him his chamberlain, Karl von Miltitz,
with the golden rose, in order to win him over to his views with regard to the
election of the Roman emperor, and to come to an understanding with him
on the subject of Luther. Miltitz quickly saw upon his entrance into Ger-
many (December, 1518) that nothing could be effected here by force, and
so much the less when, on the death of Maximilian I which now followed
(January 12th, 1519), the elector of Saxony became regent in northern Ger-
many. He tried with Luther a flattering kindness, and thereby actually
obtained, not indeed the recantation he wished for, but still the promise to
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CHARLES V AND THE REFORMATION %55
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be silent if his enemies kept silent, and to declare openly his obedience to the
see of Rome. Under existing circumstances Miltitz thought he might ven-
ture to be satisfied with this result in this troublesome matter. He rebuked
Johann Tetzel, the real author of the difficulty, at Leipsic, with such stern-
ness for his shameless proceedings that he died [so it was said] of fear. Luther
gave the promised declarations, and the matter seemed to be brought to an
end*
LUTHER BECOMES A HERETIC
The question of indulgences was one that was still open to such university
disputations as Luther invited in his theses. It had never been settled
authoritatively by the church beyond the bull Unigenitus of Clement VI,
which, however, covered but part of the ground. So long as Luther's attack
upon abuses was confined to this debatable subject, even so keen an enemy
of Rome as Hutten saw nothing in it. It was a great sight, he wrote, to
watch the monks tearing each other! The humanists cared little about the
whole matter.
But an entirely different question arose in 1519, when Luther turned from
such fairly safe matter of controversy in theology to the ground of church
history and attacked the primacy of the "bishop of Rome." When he did
this, Luther was no longer a theologian, he was a rebel against the institution
which for a thousand years had administered the sacraments of salvation.
This was the crisis; the theses, tentative and faltering, were as nothing com-
pared to it. It was brought about through a sentence Luther let fall in a
defence of his thesis, which he sent to the archbishop of Brandenburg. There
Luther stated that the primacy of the bishop of Rome had not existed before
St. Gregory's time. This weak spot was at once picked out by Dr. Eck, a
famous disputant of the time, who had challenged Luther's cause in the person
of his friend Carlstadt. Luther had bound himself to Miltitz to remain
silent. He now felt himself absolved from the promise by Eck's attack, and
set to work to defend his statement. As he studied church history, and found
how often the primacy of Rome had been ignored in the early history, he
came to the rather unwarranted conclusion that that primacy had not existed
before the great age of Hildebrand. This was the decisive moment. All
Luther's friends wanted him to refrain from attack on such grounds. Spalatin,
who was the intermediary with the elector Frederick, "was in an agony of
apprehension." * What was the use of this rebellious attitude? How could
evils in the selling of indulgences be bettered by unnecessary statements
about the pope's early primacy? By entering upon this new field, Luther
was making himself a heretic; but, once convinced, nothing could stop him.
His own heroic mood was the source of Protestantism. He wrote that though
his friends forsook him, as the disciples forsook Christ, "yet Truth left alone
will save itself by its own right hand — not mine, nor yours, nor any man's;
but last of all, if I perish, the world will lose nothing.''
In this mood he threw down his defiance to the pope, in De Potestate
Papa, which contained his point of view for the disputation. The pope's
power was not rooted in divine right, he said, but should be accepted as a
matter of expediency. It was, therefore, only valid in so far as it justified
itself. The church was not the sacerdotal framework of the sacraments,
but the "ecclesia" was the faithful; faith would bring all the rest — keys,
sacraments, and power. " Last of all, I say that I do not know whether the
1 Charles Beard: Lift of Martin Lvthtr.
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250 THE HOLY ROMAN" EMPIRE
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Christian faith can bear it, that there should be any other head of the universal
church on earth than Christ himself.''
When Luther went to Leipsic to uphold such views against Eck, he was
going to the university which had been founded by those who fled from the
contamination of John Huss at Prague. The memory of the Hussite wars
was still fresh in men's minds; and the terror of the rumbling wagons of
Procopius had not yet died out. To go into such a city and openly proclaim
such doctrines was certainly the act of a brave man, whatever one may
think of his conclusions. But the students of Wittenberg did not propose
to let their professor suffer violence. A hundred of them escorted his car-
riage, armed, and with all the state they could display. The cavalcade that
entered Leipsic was sufficiently imposing to ensure as fair a trial as possible.
Eck was a skilful debater. The other points in dispute, questions of grace
and the Augustinian doctrines of free-will, were comparatively unimportant.
The primacy of the pope was the main point. Eck managed to bring Luther
to a declaration that several of Huss' doctrines had been unjustly condemned,
then that the council of Constance had erred. This was sufficient. Luther
was clearly a heretic. He had already denied the final authority of the
pope. Now he was driven to refuse that authority to a general council.
What was left but individual judgment and its interpretation of divine
revelation? Luther stood confessed an anarchist in the church-state. Eck
had all he wanted. He went to Rome for the bull of excommunication,
while Luther went back to Wittenberg to write against "the Babylonian
Captivity of the church," and to appeal to the "Christian nobility of the
German nation" (June, 1520) — a trumpet blast of war.
The "Address to the German Nobility" summarises the evils which Ger-
many has suffered through Roman interference. It points out the economic
distress that had come through extortions of the papacy for the maintenance
of the splendour of the pontifical court. It lashes the misgovernment of
bishops with sinecures or pluralities, the arrogance and wealth of the cardi-
nals. It appeals for the abolition of all the economic claims of Rome which,
as he saw them, were responsible for so much misery. This stinging attack
was not couched in elegant humanistic Latin, but written in plain German.
No such work had ever appeared in Europe before. The "Babylonian Cap-
tivity" (October, 1520) was, on the contrary, in Latin, though like all of
Luther's works soon translated. It rejected the sacramental system and
transubstantiation. Only baptism and the Lord's Supper remained true
sacraments in Luther's eyes, and as to the latter the presence of Christ was in
the bread as fire in hot iron — the substance did not cnange. The great revolt
was now begun. It remained to check it or watch the overthrow of the
church in Germany. Luther felt himself summoned as the soldier of God to
war against the wiles and deceit of the devil, by which the church was cor-
rupted; and together with this character, which he maintained immovably,
he assumed the unconquerable courage, the rocklike trustfulness, and the
cheerful confidence with which he steadfastly pursued his aim from this time
forth through every danger.
LUTHER DEFIES EXCOMMUNICATION, AND PROCEEDS TO WORMS (1521 A.D.)
As soon as the election of Charles V to the empire was decided by the
influence of Frederick the Wise, counteracting the pope's wishes (June 28th,
1519), the curia had no motives of interest to withhold it from proceeding in
Luther's case. Accordingly, when Eck betook himself to Rome in 1520, to
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CHARLES V AND THE REFORMATION Ml
[1620-1501 A.D.]
carry on his work with the help of the Dominicans, Luther might certainly
foresee a sentence of excommunication. However, Frederick the Wise, sup-
ported also by Erasmus' opinion, remained determined to protect the most
revered teacher of his rising university against unjust violence. But Luther
had already found in other parts of his German fatherland most determined
friends; several knights offered him refuge and protection against persecution.
Thus he was possessed of the outward means for expressing in his works his
present acquaintance with the state of the church and its relation to Christian
truth. This he did with the most unrestrained boldness in the work, An den
ckristlichenAdel deutscher Nation von des christlichen Standes Besserung (June,
1520), with reference to the external constitution of the church, and in the
Prcdudium de Captivitate babyloniea Ecclesice (October, 1520), with reference
to the Catholic doctrine of sacraments.
The bull of condemnation against Luther, which was prepared in Rome
on the 15th of June, 1520, appeared yet more the organ of personal hatred,
from the fact that Dr. Eck was entrusted with the publication of it, and
arbitrarily extended its application to several of Luther's friends, distinguished
by name. In Germany the bull was received with an almost universal
antipathy, in some places with resistance. Luther declared it a work of anti-
christ, renewed his appeal to a general council, and at length, on the 10th of
December, 1520, formally abjured the papal see, and at the same time pub-
licly burned the bull, together with the books of the papal law.
A fresh bull of the 3rd of January, 1521, pronounced upon Luther and his
adherents sentence of excommunication, with all the penalties enforced
against heretics, and of interdict upon their place of residence; the papal
legate Alexandro, at the diet of Worms, called in the secular arm to the exe-
cution of the decree. But so greatly were circumstances altered by the pre-
vailing excitement, that the diet determined first to hear the men condemned
by the pope, and at the same time drew up 101 grievances against the Roman
see. Luther proceeded with the emperor's safe conduct to Worms, welcomed
everywhere on the way with great respect and sympathy; here he testified
before the emperor and the empire, April 18th, 1521, that he could not recant.
His courage made a deep impression; but the existing constitution was too
powerful; after he had been dismissed in safety, the ban of the empire was
passed against him and his adherents on the 26th of May.
LUTHER AT THE WARTBURG (1521-1522 A.tf.)
In order to protect him therefrom, the elector had him seized on his return
home, and secretly conveyed to the castle of the Wartburg>
Removed from the world and from public intercourse with men; pro-
tected from the pursuit of his enemies and the menacing consequences of the
ban of the empire, he there under the name of Junker Gorg (Younker George)
passed ten months, during which he was busied incessantly with the great
work of church reform. The governor of the castle with the feelings and
sympathy of a friend looked after his maintenance most conscientiously,
while at the same time he anxiously endeavoured to prevent his residence
there from being discovered and so becoming known to the outside world.
Luther was consequently obliged to present an appearance in accordance with
the name and rank he had assumed. " I have laid aside the habit of a monk
and put on the attire of a knight, and let my beard and hair grow, so that you
would scarcely recognise me: in fact I no longer recognise myself." Thus
wrote Luther to Spalatin in the same letter in which he informs him of the
a w.— vol. xiv. s
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258 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
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experiences and adventures on his homeward journey, and in a letter of the
26th of May to Melanchthon we read: "I have no more to write, for I am a
hermit, an anchorite, a real monk, but not with the tonsure or habit of one;
I should appear before you as a knight and you would hardly recognise me."
Two pages were deputed to serve him; with these exceptions nobody saw him
during the first months of his concealment; and even later on he had seldom
intercourse with anyone else. On the
other hand, he was soon allowed to cor-
respond with his friends, but it appears
that the governor at first carefully scru-
tinised this correspondence. A letter to
Amsdorf of the 12th of May contains
the following communication, "that he
had already lately written to his friends
in Wittenberg but had listened to bet-
ter advice, and torn up all letters, as it
had not been safe as yet to write"; and
in a later letter to Spalatin we read : " I
have scarcely been able to manage to
send this letter, because there is so
much fear that the public will get to
know where I am. Therefore if you
think this may be to the honour of Clirist
let it remain or become doubtful whether
friend or foe has me in charge, and keep
silence, for it is not necessary that any-
body but yourself and Amsdorf should
know more than that I am still living."
In all his letters Luther avoids men-
tioning his real abode. He writes "out
of my desert; out of my^ hermitage; on
the mountain; in the air-preserves; in
the region of the birds; amongst the
birds who sing on all the trees most
*— ^» • sweetly and praise God day and night
with all their might." Most of the
letters, however, are dated from his
" hermitage " or from " Patmos," the
name which he preferred later on to give
Knight of the Sixteenth Century to the Wartburg. Ofice he tried to de-
ceive his adversaries by a trick as to
his concealed place of abode. In a letter to Spalatin he enclosed another
which his friend was to lose with intentional carelessness so that it might fall
into the hands of his opponents. He particularly wished it to get into the
hands of Duke George in Dresden, for the latter would be certain to delight in
revealing and publishing the secret.
Luther's sudden disappearance had certainly excited much anxiety and
astonishment. Many of his supporters were greatly afraid that his crafty
opponents had made away with him; others, however, hoped and wished that
he was being concealed by friends. There was in Eisenach, where all sorts
of things were told of Luther, a firm belief and report that he had been made a
prisoner by friends from Franconia. On the other hand, his enemies and
persecutors were soon seized with fear and anxiety lest the excitement of the
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CHABLES V AND THE REFORMATION 359
11521-1634 A.D.]
people against them should become still more dangerous and violent, and they
^wished Mm back again in public life. 11
luther's power increases
Meanwhile the execution of the sentence of annihilation was crippled by
the war in which the emperor was immediately afterwards entangled with
France. Only in the dominions of the emperor, his brother Ferdinand, the
elector of Brandenburg, the duke of Bavaria, Duke George of Saxony, and
certain ecclesiastical princes was the Edict of Worms carried into execution,
so as to furnish martyrs for the new doctrine, and thereby increase the enthu-
siasm in its favour. In the rest of the German dominions the edict was not
observed, partly because the princes were favourably inclined to Luther's
cause, partly because they were withheld through fear of rebellion. At
Wittenberg the alteration of the constitution of the church according to the
new principles was forthwith commenced, and Melanchthon supplied the new
church with the first systematic statement of its doctrines.
It was no cause for wonder that the new and unaccustomed freedom made
many men giddy. In Wittenberg a party had existed since the beginning of
December, which wished, like the Taborites, to restore suddenly and by force
the original simplicit 
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