Participation in (i.e., attending or calling for) occupying protest typically means joining an antagonistic collective action to squat a public or private place (Baek 2018; Lee and Chan 2016). It is an intensive form of conflict with public administration, private business, or others concerned with the occupied place (Landmann and Rohmann 2020). Like conflict in general, participation in an occupying protest would be likely to predict life dissatisfaction (Moller 2005). However, participation in protest has been predictive of life satisfaction (Klar and Kasser 2009). What is more, whether protest participation is positively or negatively associated with life satisfaction remains uncertain, considering mixed findings (Flavin and Keane 2011; Welzel 2013). Mixed findings also similarly concern the relationships between protest participation and other aspects of satisfaction or well-being (Landmann and Rohmann 2020; Paez et al. 2015). Notably, the uncertainty regarding participation in an occupying protest means a research gap between protest participation and life satisfaction or well-being (Becker et al. 2011). This uncertainty thereby needs clarification with an empirical study such as the present one in Hong Kong, China. Following the conflict view of occupying protest, this study examines the effect of occupying protest participation on life satisfaction generally and particularly conditional on marriage, subsisting, and employment.

Occupying protest participation means serious social conflict with various public, political, civil, and business parties through massive confrontation, paralysis, and sabotage and their contagion and intensification (Matthews 2018; Yuan et al. 2019). That is, the occupying protest ruins operations and properties in the occupied area. Moreover, occupying protest features or practices anarchy, antagonism, defiance, hostility, militancy, struggling, and violence (Eschle 2018; Hammond 2015). These features fit the characteristics of conflict in asserting claims, creating discord and hostility among parties, and polarizing parties (Baucom and Atkins 2013; Guerrero 2013). Thus, the occupying protest provokes conflict with the business and life in the occupied site (Alasdair 2012; Piazza and Genovese 2016). Such protest or conflict is noteworthy because it is impactful politically and economically, such as incurring temporary losses (LaMothe 2012). The losses draw research attention to preventive or mitigating policy and practice (Canary et al. 2013).

Occupying protest participation is prevalent, recurrent, and impactful in Hong Kong, as well as many places in the world nowadays (Baek 2018; Shek 2020). Such participation is thus not an isolated event and not ending. The protest in Hong Kong features anti-China, anti-communist, anti-government, anti-nationalist, anti-police, idealist, localist, nativist, or parochial, populist, pro-democracy, and separatist causes (Tang and Yuen 2016; Shek 2020). These features arise, considering Hong Kong as a semi-democratic special administrative region of China given high but not full autonomy. This arrangement reflects and perpetuates cleavages and conflicts between Mainland China and Hong Kong, many of whose Westernized residents pursue liberal democracy and denounce socialist governance. These residents thereby support or participate in a protest to occupy the central business and government zone of Hong Kong to signify the anti-China stand, such as opposing the extradition to Mainland China (i.e., the central means China in Chinese).

Occupying protest persists with frequent recurrences in Hong Kong and elsewhere. Because of the small size and immense traffic of Hong Kong (Kinna et al. 2019; Yuen 2018), occupying protest easily spreads everywhere in Hong Kong to create conflicts with residents, shopkeepers, and other parties (E. Cheng 2016). As the protest is antagonistic to governments in Hong Kong or Mainland China, it faces governmental repression. When the governments are in power, the protest does not count as successful. Consequently, many offending protestors either go to exile or prison. The separation between related people who exile and remain can be dissatisfying (Wheatley and Buglass 2019). Such conflictual and unsuccessful occupying protests also prevail elsewhere (Piazza and Genovese 2016; Zelinska, 2017).

1 Conflict account

Conflict theory proposes that social conflict generates mutually corrosive forces to impede life satisfaction as well as other forms of well-being (E. Liu 2010). Meanwhile, occupying protest involves or triggers conflict, such as that between occupiers and their opponents (Alasdair 2012; Freelon et al. 2018; Piazza and Genovese 2016; Tan and Snow 2015). Thus, participation in the protest is likely to erode life satisfaction. Essentially, the participation embodies sociopolitical conflict such as that between classes, races, genders, religions, natives and immigrants, and even work and family (Burch 2020; Brubaker 2015). Such conflict arises when two established and powerful parties contend for their divergent interests (van den Berg and Janoski 2005). As such, conflict can emerge between the localist party and ruling party, employee and employer, and even among family members due to disparate roles or interests (Oetzel 2013; van den Berg and Janoski 2005). Political parties and economic occupations thus variously define sociopolitical classes for fueling conflict (Evans and Carl 2018; Todorova 2013).

Conflict

involves coercion, competition, discord, dissonance, fighting, hostility, polarization, rejecting, struggling, and threat (Baucom and Atkins 2013; Canary et al. 2013; LaMothe 2012; van den Berg and Janoski 2005). With these involvements, conflict has therefore been dissatisfying and distressing (J. Lau et al. 2017; Mikula et al. 2012). Such impacts, according to conflict theory, result from displacement, draining, or restriction of resources, including material ones and time and effort generally, by conflict (Burch 2020; van den Berg and Janoski 2005). This account rests on the zero-sum premise, such that conflict is not productive and satisfactory to all parties (Bar-Tal and Halperin 2013; LaMothe 2012). During occupying protest, the conflict between occupiers and their opponents manifests its zero-sum property (Langman et al. 2013). That is, when conflict draws resources, including energy and effort, it impedes production and thus its gain. Meanwhile, such resources, production, or gain is satisfactory to life, which depends on resources to maintain the livelihood (Hadjar and Samuel 2015; Okulicz-Kozaryn 2012; Soons et al. 2009). Class conflict, which drains resources and undermines production, has therefore been dissatisfying to life (Yucel and Fan 2019). Specifically, draining, loss, or deprivation has undercut life satisfaction (Bellani and D’Ambrosio 2011).

Generally, conflict has thus eroded life satisfaction (Moller 2005). More specifically, conflict arising from isolation by others or social change is also dissatisfying (Baumeister 2012; Brockmann et al. 2009). Participation in protest or occupying protest particularly to experience conflict is thus likely to impair life satisfaction. For instance, protest participation has fomented anger (Landmann and Rohmann 2020). Meanwhile, negative affect such as anger has weakened life satisfaction (Hudders and Pandelaere 2012). In addition, conflict raised by protest frustrates the achievement of goals motivating the protest (van Troost et al. 2018). Frustration from conflict is a clear determinant of dissatisfaction (Vanhee et al. 2018).

Conflict

theory further posits that conflict among social roles in marital, familial, economic, and educated life (Burch 2020; Gronlund and Oun 2010). This conflict explains the negative effect of occupying protest participation on life satisfaction, as protest participation conflicts with other social roles (Rhodes 2011). Notably, conflict arises from the discrepancy between political roles and other social roles, as role discrepancy is the root of role conflict (Fisher et al. 2013). Accordingly, political, marital, familial, economic, and educated roles each have distinctive and conflicting features. The political role of protest emphasizes antagonism, boundary-making, coercion, competition, crowding, extremity, hostility, militancy, opposition, radicalism, resistance, risking, violence, and voicing to procure public and/or personal political interests (Bennett and Segerberg 2013; Day et al. 2019; Giugni and Grasso 2019; Morgan and Chan 2016; Rudig and Karyotis 2014). By contrast, the marital role embraces admiration, attachment, closeness, construction, harmony, and responsibility to secure love and/or childbearing (Agha 2016; Caughlin et al. 2018). The nonfamilial role cherishes cohesion, obligation, safety, and sharing to maintain the family (Kiecolt 2003; Sung and Lee 2013). Meanwhile, the economic role draws on capability and education to generate income (Thielemans and Mortelmans 2019). In addition, the educated role sustains civility, conformity, health maintenance, peacefulness, and studying to achieve prestige (Backman and Nilsson 2011; Norris 2011). All these roles require commitment and compete or displace each other. Thus, occupying protest participation is likely to incur a role conflict in marital, familial, economic, and educated life to erode life satisfaction. For instance, the conflict between work and the family has attenuated life satisfaction (Y. Zhang et al. 2019).

Conflict theory thereby derives the following hypotheses about any adult in society.

  1. H1.

    Occupying protest participation lowers life satisfaction.

  2. H2.

    Occupying protest participation lowers life satisfaction more intensely when married than not married. Herein, the participation conflicts with the marital role.

  3. H3.

    Occupying protest participation lowers life satisfaction more intensely in the household with more adults. Herein, the participation conflicts with the familial role shared by household adults.

  4. H4.

    Occupying protest participation lowers life satisfaction more intensely when income is higher. Herein, the participation conflicts with the economic role, which generates income.

  5. H5.

    Occupying protest participation lowers life satisfaction more intensely when education is higher. Herein, the participation conflicts with the educated role, which rests on education.

2 Empowerment account

The empowerment account presents an alternative and possibly contradictory view of the conflict account. This empowerment account posits that protest participation is empowering, such as strengthening work ability or efficacy (Selvanathan and Lickel 2019). Generally, empowerment means the enhancement of needed power through individual and collective means (Albuquerque et al. 2017). Such means include training, tutoring, and encouragement individually, vicariously, and/or collectively to raise the ability (Chenli and Abrokwah 2021). These means happen in protest participation (Hoffman et al. 2016). Hence, protest participation has escalated political knowledge and skills (Vestergren et al. 2017). Moreover, empowerment such as strengthening work efficacy is compatible or consonant with life satisfaction (Airila et al. 2013). Thus, occupying protest participation is likely to enhance life satisfaction. The empowerment account thus derives the following hypotheses about any adult in society.

H1’ Occupying protest participation raised life satisfaction.

  1. H6.

    Occupying protest participation strengthens work ability.

3 Hypothesis testing

The hypotheses require testing, as existing findings are mixed and not directly concerning occupying protest participation. Specifically, life satisfaction has declined and risen respectively with conflict and protest participation (Klar and Kasser 2009; Moller 2005). Life dissatisfaction may alternatively induce and thus predict protest participation (Klandermans and van Stekelenburg 2013). However, life satisfaction has shown either null or negative effects on protest participation (Flavin and Keane 2011; Welzel 2013). The relationship between life satisfaction and occupying protest participation is nevertheless uncharted.

Testing of the hypotheses requires controlling for background and response characteristics, which possibly confound the hypothesized effects. On the one hand, the background characteristics include the person’s age, gender, education, marital status, income, birthplace, and number of adult household members. They have made a difference in life satisfaction (Brenig and Proeger 2018; Obucina 2013; Zdrenka et al. 2015). Meanwhile, they have also made a difference in protest participation (Achilov 2016; Baek 2018; Giugni and Grasso 2019; Rudig and Karyotis 2014; Solt 2015). Notably, the number of adult household members is likely to underlie role conflict (Henz 2010). Such role conflict can spring from and thus pertain to protest participation (Rhodes 2011). Similarly notable is the influence of birthplace, native status, or migrant status on protest participation and life satisfaction (Just and Anderson 2014). On the other hand, the response characteristic of acquiescent rating, which means rating everything highly, is likely to inflate relationships among ratings (Ferrando and Lorenzo-Seva 2010).

Testing the hypotheses in Hong Kong is internationally informative because of the integration of Hong Kong with the international community. That is, Hong Kong is a Westernized and globalized financial center connected with, benefitting from, and providing for the world (H. Yu 2020). Hong Kong is thus comparable to other developed places, including Britain due to former colonial linkage, and other European countries (K. Chan 2018; Lui 2014). These countries commonly have occupying protests prevailing for political causes (Fominaya 2017; Razsa and Kurnik 2012). Meanwhile, Hong Kong is open to the world and thus its influences (Li 2012). For instance, Hong Kong follows global growth in occupying protests (Cheng 2016). With such following, Hong Kong is thus suitable for providing feedback through hypothesis testing to inform the international community.

4 Method

A random-sample household survey collected data from 1,075 Chinese adult residents (aged 18 + years) in Hong Kong. The random sampling procedure took two steps. First, it drew telephone numbers randomly from the database of all household telephone numbers in Hong Kong for interviewers to contact the households. Second, each interviewer selected the adult household member with the latest birthday, which is supposedly random, as a means of random sampling (Salmon 1983). The planned sample size was 1,000 adults to afford testing an effect of at least 0.088 with 95% confidence and 80% statistical power. Eventually, the survey contacted 3,121 households to yield a response rate of 34.4%. This rate outperformed the average response rate of 25%, which is typical for a telephone survey without offering an incentive (Keeter et al. 2006). Moreover, the rate was comparable to the rate of 38% in a telephone survey conducted by another research team in Hong Kong (Hou et al. 2015).

The telephone survey had trained interviewers contacting the randomly selected households in all seven days in every week within 2.5 months during and just after the 2014 occupying protest in Hong Kong (i.e., Sep to Nov 2014). Each interviewer tried to interview the randomly selected household members repeatedly until the completion or rejection of the interview. Herein, the interviewers ensured the completion of the whole questionnaire properly.

4.1 Participants

Based on post-survey weights to make the sample representative of the joint distribution of age and gender in the Hong Kong population (i.e., from the census), the resultant sample showed the following background characteristics. The average age and formal education were 47.7 years and 11.7 years respectively (see Table 1). More than half of the sample were female (57.2%), married (67.4%), and locally born (64.6%). The average monthly personal income was US$570. In the household, the average number of adults was 2.7.

Table 1 Means and standard deviations
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4.2 Measurement

The survey questionnaire comprised multiple rating items to measure life satisfaction, empowerment, and occupying protest participation (see Appendix). These items scored on a 0-100 scale, with 0 for “none,” 25 for “rather little,” 50 for “average,” 75 for “rather a lot,” and 100 for “very much.” Such linearized scoring eased the comparison and interpretation of scores, without any distortion (Preston and Colman 2000).

Life satisfaction in the recent week was the average of four items, such as “you are satisfied with your life” (Diener et al. 1985). Its internal consistency reliability (α) was 0.783.

Occupying protest participation in the past month combined six items, comprising participating in and calling for occupying the Central, Mong Kok, and Causeway Bay (i.e., 2 acts × 3 places) (Lee and Chan 2016; Yuen 2018). Because the distribution of the participation was positively skewed, log-transformation of the score was applicable to give internal consistency reliability (α = 0.840).

Empowerment expected in future was a single item about strengthening work ability (Chiang and Hsieh 2011).

Acquiescence or the tendency of high ratings, as a response characteristic, was the average of all rating items. Its internal consistency reliability (α) was 0.746.

4.3 Analysis

A series of regression analyses fitted forward and backward models with ordinary least squares and two-stage least squares estimations respectively. On the one hand, the forward model held that occupying protest participation in the past month predicted life satisfaction in the recent week, both predicted by background and response characteristics. The model proceeded with the estimation of main and interaction effects hierarchically. The latter emanated from interactions created based on the standard scores of the participation and background characteristics to minimize the problem of multicollinearity (Brambor et al. 2006). With two-stage least squares estimation, the forward model also controlled for endogeneity between occupying protest participation and satisfaction, as well as their respective significant predictors among background and response characteristics. Meanwhile, the estimation also applied to the backward model, which maintained life satisfaction in the recent week affected occupying protest participation in the past month, controlling for the endogeneity and background and response characteristics. As such, background and response characteristics served as instruments for two-stage least squares estimation (Jaeger 2008). Notably, the estimation worked when some instruments were exclusive predictors of either protest participation or satisfaction. The significant background and response characteristics were initially those identified by ordinary least squares estimation and subsequently retained based on two-stage least squares estimation controlling for the endogeneity.

5 Results

Simple descriptive statistics showed that 26.6% of the adults participated in the occupying protest. The average extent of the participation was low (M = 8.0 on the 0-100 scale, see Table 1). As the participation and income showed skewed distributions, their log-transformed score applied to subsequent analysis. By contrast, life satisfaction in the recent week, on average, was modest (M = 51.4 on the 0-100 scale).

Regression analysis without control for endogeneity between occupying protest participation and life satisfaction indicated a significant negative effect of occupying protest participation in the past month on life satisfaction in the recent week (β = − .132, see the third column in Table 2). This effect supported Hypothesis 1 based on the conflict account and refuted Hypothesis 1’ based on the empowerment account, given the control for background and response characteristics such as acquiescence. That is, political conflict reflected by occupying protest participation was significantly predictive of life dissatisfaction. Notably, none of the background characteristics controlled displayed a significant effect on life satisfaction.

Table 2 Standardized regression coefficients on occupying and life satisfaction with control for endogeneity
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The analysis furthermore lent support to Hypothesis 2 to Hypothesis 5. Supporting Hypothesis 2, the interaction or concurrence of occupying protest participation in the past month and being married showed a significant negative effect on life satisfaction in the recent week (β = − 0.185, see the fourth column in Table 2). In support of Hypothesis 3, the interaction or concurrence of the participation and the number of household adults exhibited a significant negative effect on life satisfaction (β = − 0.083, see the fourth column in Table 2). Supporting Hypothesis 4, the interaction or concurrence of the participation and income unfolded a significant negative effect on life satisfaction (β = − 0.072, see the fourth column in Table 2). In support of Hypothesis 5, the interaction or concurrence of occupying protest participation and education displayed a significant negative effect on life satisfaction (β = − 0.091, see the fourth column in Table 2). These interaction effects manifested that role conflicts between the participation and marital, familial, economic, and educated roles were significantly predictive of life dissatisfaction. By contrast, interactions between occupying protest participation and age and gender did not indicate significant effects on life satisfaction.

The analysis, however, did not show a significant positive effect of occupying protest participation in the past month on empowerment in terms of strengthening work ability expected in future (β = − 0.025, p > .05, see the fifth column in Table 2). This finding failed to support Hypothesis 6 based on the empowerment account. Hence, both hypotheses derived from the empowerment account did not get support, even though empowerment maintained a very weak positive correlation with life satisfaction (r = .094, p < .01).

The analysis also indicated some significant effects of background characteristics on occupying protest participation and empowerment. Accordingly, the participation was higher with higher education (β = 0.099, see the first column in Table 2) or more adults in the household (β = 0.288), and lower with older age (β = − 0.109), higher income (β = − 0.089), or being married (β = − 0.217). Meanwhile, empowerment in terms of strengthening work ability in future was higher with younger age (β = − 0.158), female gender (β = − 0.080), and being married (β = − 0.093).

Alternatively, regression analysis with control for endogeneity between occupying protest participation and life satisfaction continued to support Hypothesis 1 about the negative effect of occupying protest participation in the past month on life satisfaction in the recent week (β = − 0.260, see the third or fourth column in Table 3). By contrast, the estimated effect of life satisfaction in the recent month on the participation in the past month was nonsignificant, despite its large positive size (β = 0.503 & 0.496, see the first and second columns in Table 3). In addition, the participation was significantly higher with more adults in the household (β = 0.396 & 0.419), lower income (β = − 0.115 & − 0.105), or not being married (β = − 0.229 & − 0.280).

Table 3 Standardized regression coefficients on occupying and life satisfaction with control for endogeneity
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6 Discussion

By statistical tests, all the five hypotheses based on conflict theory obtain support from analysis with and without control for endogeneity between occupying protest participation on life satisfaction. In support of Hypothesis 1, occupying protest participation lowers life satisfaction. This support shows the dissatisfying effect of political conflict on life. Supporting Hypothesis 2 to Hypothesis 5, the participation lowers life satisfaction more when married, having more adults in the household, higher income, or higher education. The support illustrates the dissatisfying effects of role conflicts on life. All the support suggests that occupying protest participation is the origin of conflict. Meanwhile, the empowerment account does not find support from the analysis. Accordingly, both Hypotheses 1’ and 6 about the contributions of occupying protest participation to life satisfaction and strengthening work ability were not significant. The conflict account is thus preferable to the empowerment account.

Occupying protest participation conflicts with government, business, resident, other opposing parties, and possibly family members. The conflict is political about power struggle, ideological about belief or identity, economic about livelihood, and hygienic about public health (Kohn 2013; Matthews 2018; Winslow 2017). More specifically, the participation provokes conflicts with police and other opponents, economic life, and hygienic and thus epidemic concerns due to disorder in the occupied place. The conflicts drain resources to engender losses and exhaustion, thus eroding life satisfaction (Burch 2020; Soons et al. 2009; van den Berg and Janoski 2005). For instance, poor hygiene alone is already disgusting and dissatisfying (Winslow 2017). Another is danger due to anarchy, disorder, struggle, and unruliness in protest participation (Eschle 2018; Kohn 2013; Hammond 2015). The participation is also contagious, diffusing grievances as well as disease (Baek 2018; Matthews 2018; C. Suh et al. 2017). Such contagion and diffusion further intensify the conflict and its dissatisfying effect (Matthews 2018). Moreover, protest participation can breed conflict among family members with different roles and opinions (Gamboni et al. 2021). Family role conflict or disruption is dissatisfying (Scruggs and Schrodt 2021).

Occupying protest participation in Hong Kong also shares conflicting and dissatisfying features. Accordingly, the participation is antagonistic, notably against governments in Hong Kong and Mainland China, polarizing, and radical (Hui and Lau 2015; Lim 2015; Veg 2016). These features invite opposition and repression from police and other parties, thereby growing dissatisfaction (Veg 2016). Dissatisfaction persists, considering the failure of the participation to subvert the governments.

Occupying protest participation is also dissatisfying through its conflicts with social roles concomitant to marriage, family living, income generation, and education. Essentially, the political role of the participation is disparate from the other social roles in their enactments and goals. These roles are therefore competing and conflicting. The participation is preoccupying and precluding other social roles. In addition, the participation creates bonds, identities, and models within the occupied place to break from other roles (Matthews 2018; Morgan and Chan 2016). These features would displace or contradict those in marriage, family life, and employment. Such role conflict, like marital or work-family conflict, is thus dissatisfying (Mikula et al. 2012; Y. Zhang et al. 2019).

By contrast, life satisfaction in the recent week does not display a negative effect on occupying protest participation in the past month. Instead, the effect is positive, albeit nonsignificant, simply testifying the impossibility of recent life satisfaction to affect earlier participation. In addition, the nonsignificant effect matches that on protest participation generally (Flavin and Keane 2011; Schmitt et al. 2010). From the account of conflict theory, protest participation requires power or resources for power struggle (Tsai 2019). Such power or capability derives from satisfactory life (Corcoran et al. 2011; Schaie 2013). Hence, life satisfaction can contribute to protest participation. By contrast, conflict theory also envisions that conflict breeds protest participation (Somma et al. 2020). Herein, conflict has arisen from life dissatisfaction (Yang and Yen 2012). Life dissatisfaction can thus provoke protest participation. Due to the neutralization of its positive and negative effects, life satisfaction would have no resultant effect on occupying protest participation.

Participation in the occupying protest was predictable by some background characteristics with and without the control for endogeneity, in ways that are consistent with existing research and conflict theory. First, the participation was higher in the presence of more residential adults. Moreover, the presence raised the negative effect of occupying protest participation, as proposed in Hypothesis 3. Such presence has fueled conflict and violence inside and outside the household, such as against the authority (Farrington 2007). These effects are attributable to adults’ assertiveness, competitiveness, defensiveness, and incompliance regarding their interests (Manners and Durkin 2000; Willoughby et al. 2012). Such adult qualities have bred conflict and violence (Chow et al. 2014; Pulkkinen et al. 2009). Meanwhile, conflict and violence underlie protest participation, according to conflict theory, which emphasizes power generated from conflict to propel action (Buechler 2011; Sampson et al. 2005; Somma et al. 2020). Second, the participation was lower in the married adult than in the other. This is consistent with findings of lower protest participation in the married person than in the other (Caren et al. 2011; Corcoran et al. 2011). Moreover, the married person has exhibited less conflict and violence as has the other (Mata and Pendakur 2014; Pulkkinen et al. 2009). Third, occupying protest participation declined with income. The decline concurs with that about protest participation generally (Solt 2015). Furthermore, income has dampened conflicting and violent practices (Broom et al. 2013; Letki 2006).

By contrast, age and gender did not show consistent effects on occupying protest participation and life satisfaction. Age and gender also did not deliver effects to moderate the effect of occupying protest participation on life satisfaction. As such, age and gender are simply not crucial in the conflict account based on sociopolitical class (Lilly et al. 2011). Nevertheless, the absence of age and gender differential may be due to efforts to sustain age and gender equality in Hong Kong, including its education, work, and political participation (M. Lau 2010).

6.1 Limitations and Future Research

The study suffers from a reliance on a self-reported survey in the single place of Hong Kong. It thus does not cover enough places over time to ensure the generalizability of findings to the world. The self-report nature cannot guarantee the validity of measurement and causal inference. To amend these limitations and corroborate the present findings, further research needs to enhance the validity and generalizability of findings. The validity of measurement can increase with the use of multiple sources or informants. Meanwhile, causal validity can improve with repeated measurements to afford the use of earlier measures as predictors of later measures. With the enhancement of the validity, generalizability can strengthen with wider coverage of study sites and the period. Hence, future research can survey multiple sites with multiple informants or sources of information repeatedly over a longer period. In addition, further research can examine the long-term effect of occupying protest participation on life satisfaction beyond one year.

Future research can also develop conflict theory by elaborating its proposed processes between occupying protest participation and life satisfaction. These processes involve such factors as conflict, and resources and their loss. Including these factors in mediation and moderation analyses is necessary for elaboration. Specifically, conflict divides into political conflict and role conflicts between the participation and marital, familial, economic, educated, and possibly other social roles. Basic analysis is to assess how conflict mediates the effect of occupying protest participation on life satisfaction. To clarify moderation effects on life satisfaction, the analysis needs to incorporate more factors, such as household members’ joint participation in an occupying protest,

6.2 Implications

To sustain life satisfaction, preventing occupying protest participation is the way, considering the dissatisfying effect of the participation. The prevention is particularly more helpful to people who are married, or have more adults in the household, higher income, or education. Not need to raise life satisfaction beforehand, the prevention is thus feasible because life dissatisfaction would not inhibit the prevention. Alternatively, measures are necessary to sustain the life satisfaction of occupying protest participants who have more adults in the household, a non-married status, younger age, higher education, or lower income, as they are higher in occupying protest participation.

To deal with the motivation of occupying protest participation, young age, high education, low income, being unmarried, and having many adult household members are of concern because of their positive influence. Understanding the needs of people with such characteristics is crucial. Given the consideration of these characteristics, life dissatisfaction does not appear to introduce an additional motivation to occupying protest participation. Hence, the motivation of occupying protest participation is more deep-rooted than the state of life satisfaction.