Palmerston: T is for Tuscany

As we continue into the winter months, what better way to feel warm than to head to Tuscany for the letter T of Palmerston in this blog.

Henry John Temple, Third Viscount Palmerston, Illustrated Times, 11 Apr 1857 [MS62/MB6/P18]

We will begin by discussing the state of Tuscany in the 1830s and the early 1840s, and then take you through some of the main series of primary sources within the Palmerston Papers relating to Tuscany.

State of Tuscany in the 1830s and 1840s

From 1831 to 1848 the peace enforced on Italy favoured economic development, which came in varying degrees everywhere except in the south. In Tuscany banking and commerce flourished, especially via the port of Livorno. Throughout the country the construction of a railroad network, beginning in the 1840s, heightened commerce and gave rise to additional industries.

Palmerston remained above all concerned to uphold the balance of authority among the great powers as established in the Treaty of Vienna. As reforming movements built strength in the dependent or neighbouring states of Austria and Russia, notably in Poland, Germany and Italy, Palmerston intensified his ‘moral’ challenge to the autocratic powers, as stated by David Brown in Palmerston: A Biography.

“Florence from the Cascina”, The Landscape Annual for 1832, ‘The Tourist in Italy’ by Thomas Roscoe, 1832 [D919], p.29.

Primary sources on Tuscany

The Palmerston Papers contain some interesting series of primary sources on Tuscany, including draft despatches and general correspondence with British Diplomats in Tuscany, and correspondence with the Honorary George Edgcumbe and Honorary Peter Campbell Scarlett, secretaries of the British Legation at Tuscany.

Label found in the drafts of despatches to British diplomats in Tuscany [MS62/PP/BD/TU/130A]

The draft despatches largely cover controversial appointments made by the Pope in Rome to a vacant canonry of the Cathedral church at Malta, and the request to remission of punishment for murder. They also explain the intentions of the Papal Government to cede to the Grand Duke of Tuscany a portion of the Papal states, providing His Royal Highness takes on the debts and financial engagements of the Roman Government. Palmerston writes in his response to Ralph Abercrombie, later second Baron Dunfermline, British minister resident in Tuscany, 1835-1838, that this will “contribute greatly to the welfare and happiness of the population which would be transferred to the Dominion of the Grand Duke”. [Despatch to Ralph Abercrombie, later second Baron Dunfermline, August 1837, MS62/PP/BD/TU/129]

Further correspondence between Abercrombie and Palmerston can be found in the General Correspondence series of the Palmerston Papers, which covers matters between Tuscany and Sardinia. While Abercrombie informs Palmerston of the King’s readiness to conclude the defensive alliance with Tuscany and Rome, he also reveals his hope that the change of government will produce much good:

“The late ministers had permitted all authority to escape from them, and the country was fast falling into confusion for the want of some firm and judicious minds to set things to rights… The King has decided to seek his ministers from those who have public confidence… and who, by their previous conduct, have a right to count upon the frank and cordial support of the liberal party in this country, in helping them to preserve order, and to repress the violence of the radicals, who desire only to create anarchy in the hope of making a nest for themselves”. [Letter from Ralph Abercrombie, later second Baron Dunfermline, to Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston, 8 March 1848, MS62/PP/GC/AB/117]

In his response Palmerston assures Abercrombie that he is quite right in pushing the Sardinian government to form a league with Tuscany and Rome, stating that “the more Italy can unite its separate parts into one common system, commercial and political, the better… Now that France has broke loose, the King of Sardinia must bless his stars that he gave way in time.”

Letter from Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston to Ralph Abercrombie, later second Baron Dunfermline, 21 March 1848 [MS62/PP/GC/AB/269]

The letters from Honorary George Edgcumbe, secretary of the British Legation at Tuscany, to Palmerston provide great amusement. Edgcumbe protests of the squabble taken place between Mr Abercrombie and his wife and himself and his wife, which all started when “Mr Abercrombie suddenly dropped my wife’s acquaintance, and even ceased bowing to her in the streets” [MS62/PP/GC/ED/2]. This led Edgcumbe to believe that his wife may have said something imprudent and injudicious about his associates. His wife had sent her apologies via a message through a third person, but Mr Abercrombie proceeded to no longer allow Mrs Edgcumbe to present the English ladies at Court.

In his response, Palmerston explains that the matter could have easily been dealt with by the good offices of friends and private communication on the spot and states:

“Pray remember that the credit and character of the mission and of the Government which it represents will be seriously affected by any recurrence of such bickerings.”

Letter from Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston, to Hon George Edgcumbe, secretary of the British legation at Tuscany, 7 December 1836 [MS62/PP/GC/ED/6]

In contrast to Edgcumbe’s correspondence, Hon. Peter Campbell Scarlett reports of issues of a more serious nature, reporting that the Pope in Rome was very unpopular amongst the public as a result of not yet removing from power the legates in the Provinces known to be attached to the system, who were adopted by his predecessor. Campbell Scarlett further reports that robberies and murders are on the increase in Bologna, to the extent that inhabitants demand provision to form an armed patrol to defend property and life. There have also been rumours that there is some secret arrangement in existence for the protection of the Italian courts in case of a rising in these countries.

Hon. Peter Campbell Scarlett, secretary of the British legation at Tuscany, to Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston, 8 November 1846 [MS62/PP/GC/SC/8]

We hope you have enjoyed your whistle-stop tour of primary sources on Tuscany that can be found in the Palmerston Papers. Join us in a fortnight, where we will be exploring the Ottoman Empire using sources from the Palmerston Papers.

Palmerston: S is for Southampton

We believe that our exports are much diminished and the progress of commerce retarded from the want of this direct communication with the manufacturing districts. The former attractions of Southampton are now gone and our struggle is to arrive at some importance as a commercial port.

[MS62/BR114/9/23]

Thus writes Joseph Lankester to Lord Palmerston in July 1845, advocating the projected Manchester to Southampton railway. “I understand”, he continues, “that the line is intended to pass thro’ a portion of your Lordship’s property which Mr W[alkinshaw] stated will be effected in an unobjectionable manner”: they are “exceedingly anxious” to secure Palmerston’s approval of the scheme.

Map of Hampshire and surrounding area showing existing and proposed railways, 1835 [MS 62/BR201/8]. The London to Southampton Railway already sanctioned by Parliament, and in an advanced state of progress is shown in yellow. It opened in 1840, was the first railway in Hampshire and was soon renamed the London and South-Western Railway. The construction of the Great Western Railway, completed in 1841, was masterminded by the engineer Isambard Kingdom Brunel. This is shown in green. The Basing to Bath Railway, indicated in red on the map, was rejected.

And so, for our seventh blog in the P-A-L-M-E-R-S-T-O-N series we look at S for Southampton and, in particular, the development of its railways.

The first successful railway locomotive train ran in 1804 and Stephenson’s Rocket was designed in 1829. The world’s earliest recognizably modern inter-city railway, the Liverpool and Manchester Railway (L&M), opened in 1830; and by 1840 railway mania was upon the country. The many people who supported the railways recognised how important they could be in developing the trade and industrial capabilities of British towns. While the port of Southampton had excellent trade connections to Europe and the wider world, before the advent of the railway, links by land to London were poor. 

When the Southampton Council meet to discuss the intended railway between Manchester and Southampton, it resolved unanimously:

That a direct line of Railway connection between Southampton and Manchester such as is proposed by the Southampton and Manchester Railway Company is calculated essentially to promote the interests of the town and port of Southampton, the neighbouring towns and districts the rich agricultural counties through which it will pass, and afford to the great manufacturing districts, the most direct communication with the English Channel, the Mediterranean, and all parts of the East and West Indies.

That this Council will therefore to the utmost of its power support the general features of the undertaking, and that a counsellor be appointed to take such measures as may be most calculated to promote the object and secure the particular interests of Southampton connected therewith.

Report of a meeting of the Borough Council in Southampton, 30 July 1845 [MS6/BR/114/9/29]

Notice requesting a public meeting to consider the proposed Manchester and Southampton railway, August 1845 [MS62/BR114/9/34]

Some people saw the new railways as disruptive and damaging to the countryside, and consent from landowners had to be obtained or the public interest demonstrated to Parliament. Lord Palmerston was a case in point. In 1825 he wrote to the engineer John Rennie concerning the route of a proposed railway line from Southampton to Salisbury:

It seems to me, that from Southampton the rail road would go along the shore of the River to Redbridge; From thence on the east side of the Test in a line parallel with the Andover Canal to Nutshalling; at Nutshalling it would cross the canal & the Test, there being already a carriage way over the meadows at that point […]

The only other practicable line would, I conceive, be that of the Andover Canal from Redbridge to Ramsey & Mottisfont, & from thence to the Westward along the Valley […]

The advantage of the line which I have suggested, as compared with this last, supposing no material difficulty in point of level to occur between Landford & Downton, would be that it would be shorter by rather more than a mile, that it would pass through a great deal of ground of comparatively little value, instead of going through a great tract of valuable water meadows, & good arable in the Valley of the Test […]

To me the former line would be extremely desirable, as it would secure me from an annoyance to which the last mentioned line would expose me.

Copy letter from Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston, to John Rennie concerning the route of a proposed railway line from Southampton to Salisbury, 3 August 1825  [MS62/BR113/6/16]

Ten years on and it seems Palmerston was still not “sold” on the prospect of railways. British engineer, and prolific railway-builder, Isambard Kingdom Brunel wrote to Lord Palmerston in 1837 regarding a proposed railway through his land near Romsey:

I beg to forward to Your Lordship a plan shewing by a red line the direction in which the proposed Southampton and Bristol railway could be carried out so as to effect what I understand to be Your Lordship’s desire; the diminuation of the amount of severance of the lands and shewing also the deviation of the roads.

By a slight alteration of some of the existing fences and water course the lands on either side of the railway might be more conveniently divided even than at present. As regarding the diversion of roads, if it should be essential that the new road should be shorter than the old as well as straighter and wider the alternative line shown at C-D, if not objectional to Your Lordship would effect it.

The deviation of the railway the Company has power to undertake and as regards the roads, I understand that the lands to be traversed are entering Your Lordship’s or under your control, the Company can also undertake to execute the work as the same public authorities whose assent is given in the one case would of course consent in this other, and on the part of the Company I represent I am prepared to undertake to do it as a consideration of Your Lordship’s assent as a landowner, and I beg to add that the cost of such a work, if borne by the Company is not greater than that which a Railway Company would unhesitatingly take upon themselves in order to meet any objection to the passing through a property such as Broadlands.

Letter from Isambard Kingdom Brunel to Lord Palmerston regarding a proposed railway through his land near Romsey, 4 February 1837 [MS62/BR201/25]

Consequences for his estates were clearly forefront in Palmerston’s mind. His Hampshire lands included profitable water meadows which would be threatened if the Andover Canal was drained and converted to railway purposes.

Did Palmerston’s views soften over the years? His lifetime also saw the advent of the London Underground Tube trains; apparently Palmerston – at the time 80 years of age and serving as Prime Minister – declined an invitation to board a train for the inaugural journey.

There are only three more blogs in our P-A-L-M-E-R-S-T-O-N series. Join us in a fortnight and see where in the world we travel for T.

2023 – a year in review

As we move into the new year we take time to look back over 2023 and reflect on the work of Archives and Special Collections in the last twelve months.

Signature of the first Duke of Wellington

Wellington 40

2023 was a significant year for the Archives as it marked the fortieth anniversary of the arrival of the papers of the first Duke of Wellington at Southampton after they were allocated to the University under national heritage legislation. The collection arrived on 17 March 1983, bringing to Southampton the University’s first major manuscript collection, leading to the creation of an Archives Department and the development of a major strand of activity within the University Library.

To celebrate this momentous occasion we hosted a number of events and activities throughout the year. It started with a Wellington 40 Twitter campaign, where both staff and researchers who had worked on the archive shared their favourite Wellington document. In March (the month when the collection arrived) we ran a series of blogs looking at forty years of work on the collection; conservation; events and the Wellington Pamphlets collection. This was followed by a series of Wellington themed blogs using the letters of the Duke’s name – starting, appropriately enough, with W for Waterloo.

On 7 July we hosted an in-person event, providing attendees with the opportunity to see behind the scenes, meet the curators and learn more about the work of the Archives and Special Collections, including conservation. As well as a selection of archival material on view, there was also an exhibition in the Level 4 Gallery reflecting on forty years of curation of the collection. And the visit was rounded off with tea and a talk by Dr Zack White about his research on the Wellington Archive.

Wellington 40 exhibition marking forty years of curation of the Wellington Archive, Level 4 Gallery

In October, the Special Collections Gallery opened again for the first time since 2020 with an exhibition The Duke presents his compliments. Taking the Wellington Archive as a starting point, the exhibition looks at the development of the archive collections since 1983. It continues to run weekdays (1000-1600) from 8 January to 16 February, so there is still time to come and have a look.

Events

As well as the event hosted by Archives and Special Collections as part of the Wellington 40 celebrations in July, we hosted visits for the Jewish Historical Society of England on 9 October and for the Come and Psing Psalmody event at the Turner Sims concert hall on 22 October. This latter event showcased some of the West Gallery music material collected by Rollo Woods, who was an expert in this field as well as a former Deputy Librarian at the University.

Rollo Woods

In November we ran an activity for the Hands-on Humanities day at the Avenue Campus. For the activity intrepid travellers were asked to take their archives passport and embark on a journey learning more about the collections. Feedback from those attending was very positive, with participants finding it a fun way to find out about the collections and the university. Highlights noted were “learning about history”, “discovering unexpected items” and, of course, “using the quill”.

Image of knitted pineapple purse from the Montse Stanley collection with magnifying glass and quill.

The Archives and Special Collections has continued to support teaching and research throughout the year, hosting sessions introducing students to archives for a range of undergraduate and master courses. Karen Robson and Jenny Ruthven have been involved in leading sessions on the curation of specialist libraries and on archives for the new MA in Holocaust Studies that runs for the first time in 2023/4. Karen will be leading further practical sessions on this course in the second semester in 2024. We also led two group projects as part of the second-year history undergraduate course in early 2023. This course asks the students to focus on archive sources for their project and for this year we offered a project about nineteenth-century press and politicians, utilising material from the archive of third Viscount Palmerston, and a project based on the papers of the Women’s Campaign for Soviet Jewry. 

Protest at Wembley Arena by members of the Women’s Campaign for Soviet Jewry [MS254/A980/4/22/178/3]

Collections and projects

Although the collection arrived and was reported in the review for last year, the Ben Abeles archive was officially launched in an event hosted by the Parkes Institute in June 2023. Karen Robson formed part of the panel for this hybrid event which attracted an international audience. Details of the Abeles collection is accessible in the Archive Catalogue.

Amongst the new Jewish archival and interfaith collections for 2023 were the papers of Professor Alice Eckardt, a leading scholar and activist in the field of Christian-Jewish relations, relating to her connection with a leading British figure in the same field – Revd Dr James Parkes. We have, throughout the year, acquired additional papers for existing collections, such as for Eugene Heimler and the Jewish Youth Fund. We also acquired more material documenting student life in previous decades with papers for the Med Soc reviews in the 1980s.

We have continued to develop our maritime archaeology archival holdings and the most sizeable acquisition of material this year has been the working papers of Peter Marsden relating to shipwrecks.

Part way through the year, Archives and Special Collections was the recipient of a grant from the Honor Frost Foundation for a project supporting work to make over 5000 digital images created from slides in the Honor Frost Archive, together with catalogue descriptions for each of the images, available online. The project is due to be completed by 31 January 2024.

Two stone anchors [MS439/A4278/HFA/8/3/12/8]: one of the images that is part of the Honor Frost project

Archives searchroom services

2023 saw the expansion of the Archives and Special Collections Virtual Reading Room service offering remote access to collections through digital appointments. This is a growing element to the archive reading room service and usage has grown by 28% in the last year. For information on how to book a digital appointment look at the Special Collections website access page.

This usage has been paralleled by a growing quantity of enquiries being handled within Archives – rising by 11% in the last year.

Looking ahead

In 2024 we are looking ahead to marking the 240th anniversary of the birth of third Viscount Palmerston with events, including social media programmes and an exhibition relating to the Palmerston family and Broadlands. We have a number of projects ongoing and new for 2024, including working with the Parkes Institute to create a series of films promoting the collections and a three-year conservation project on the Schonfeld archive. Do look out for news on our social media channels.

Palmerston: R is for Romsey

In this latest edition of our P-A-L-M-E-R-S-T-O-N series we turn to the letter R and this time stay closer to home as we look at the nearby town of Romsey.

Statue of Lord Palmerston in Romsey, 19th century [MS62/BR136/37]

A statue of Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston, is situated in the centre of the Market Place, Romsey. The Lords Palmerston took a keen interested in the town next to their estate of Broadlands and had direct involvement in the history and development of aspects of the market. So, it seems appropriate to take a look at what we hold relating to the market and the Market Place in the Broadlands Archive.

Romsey Market dates at least back to the time of Henry I in the early twelfth century, when rights to hold a weekly market was granted to the Abbess of Romsey Abbey. This market was held on a Sunday, but in the seventeenth century this was altered to Saturday.

By the early part of the nineteenth century the fortunes of the market took a dip.  It was decided that a change of day for the market might be the answer and Lord Palmerston was approached to make the case for this. The proposal was strongly opposed by Stockbridge, but the case was eventually found in Romsey’s favour. A patent was granted by George IV in May 1826 to Lord Palmerston changing the day of the Romsey Market from Saturday to Thursday. It was reported that the bells rang out in Romsey to celebrate the decision.

Detail of patent granted by George IV changing the day of the Romsey Market from Saturday to Thursday, 1826 [MS62/BR132]

A Market House had been built by the first Viscount Palmerston in 1744-5. Constructed by him for use as an audit house, it also was used for fortnightly magistracy meetings. Third Viscount Palmerston presented this building to the town and consented to its sale and subsequent demolition in August and September 1820 to make way for a new building. A new building took some time, and in the interim the Corporation made efforts to provide improved facilities for the traders at the Market.

Within the Archive, for instance, is a letter from Henry Holmes to Lord Palmerston of 27 May1825 setting out an explanation of the additional stands and other accommodation provided by the Corporation to traders in the Market Place now that the old Market Hall has gone. In a letter Holmes notes that “the butchers used to complain of the draft between the pillars and … the Market House was very cold and uncomfortable”. [MS62/BR131/6] 

By 1835, the market was again suffering a decline in fortunes. Another letter to Palmerston in 1835 sets out a scheme to revitalise the fortunes of Romsey Market, which it was stated were suffering from the success of markets in Stockbridge and Botley. It was noted that Palmerston subscribed £10 to the proposed scheme for a year as an experiment, but there is no indication of what return he had on this. [MS62/BR131/7]

The installation of a statue of Lord Palmerston in the Market Place in 1857 cemented the link between the town and the family. Although whether the statue contributed to the profitability of the market is another matter.

Installation of the statue of Lord Palmerston in Romsey, 1857 [MS62/BR136/30]

Amongst other material in the Broadlands Archive relating to the market are a series of returns of Market Place tithing for the period 1677-99, listing the names of those individuals making their tithe payment to the Romsey Abbey.

Return of Market Place tithing, 14 May 1685 [MS62/BR153/101]

There is also material within the papers of the first Viscount Palmerston relating to the construction of the Market House building in 1744-5. Amongst these are the building accounts in the first Viscount’s account book MS62/BR2/6. Amongst the costing are 43 yards ruff ceiling and partition at 6d per yard, 159 yards stucco walls at 12d per yard and 446 foot superficial rubbed and gaged arches at 1 shilling and 6d per foot.

For further information on the connection between Romsey and the inhabitants of Broadlands go to MS62.

And for our next Palmerston related blog we will be focusing on another Hampshire locality – S will be for Southampton.

Palmerston: E is for Egypt

This week we continue our P-A-L-M-E-R-S-T-O-N places series with ‘E’ for Egypt. We will be looking at some intriguing correspondence under the third Viscount Palmerston’s memoranda relating to foreign affairs, specifically a folder of papers on Egyptian affairs, with the archival reference MS62/PP/MM/EG.

The first documents in this folder were written in the early 1800s, in the context of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars and the struggle between Britain and France for influence in Egypt. France invaded Egypt in August 1798 and scored a number of early victories against the Ottoman and Egyptian armies, but the French were weakened by a combined British and Ottoman attack at the Battle of the Nile and the French campaign ultimately ended in failure in 1801.

The first four items under this folder are copies of letters discussing the British army’s Egyptian expedition of 1801-02 as well as descriptions of the massacre of the Beys (governors of districts in the Ottoman Empire) and allegations on the involvement of the Grand Vizier (essentially the prime minister of the Ottoman Empire under the Sultan) and the Pasha, or governor, of Egypt. At the time the earliest of these letters were being written in 1801, a young Henry John Temple (from 17 April 1802 he would become third Viscount Palmerston), was studying political economy at the University of Edinburgh.

The Right Honorable Henry John Temple, Lord Viscount Palmerston, G.B.C. Painted by J.Lucas; engraved by H.Cook. [Cope Collection cq 95 PAL pr 102]

MS62/PP/MM/EG/1 is a copy of a letter, dated October 1801, from the commander of British forces in Egypt, Sir John Hely-Hutchinson, second Earl of Donoughmore (1757–1832), to the Grand Vizier at Cairo. Hely-Hutchinson complains to the Grand Vizier about the arrest of Beys and Mamelukes. The Beys were the governors of districts in the Ottoman Empire and the Mamelukes were a knightly caste of powerful lords, originally descended from slave soldiers, who had ruled Egypt from the thirteenth century until 1517, when control of Egypt passed to the Turks of the Ottoman Empire. Hely-Hutchinson accuses the Grand Vizier of being responsible or culpable for the assassination of some of the Beys, who were under the protection of the British government:

I have just heard with the greatest astonishment that notwithstanding your most sacred promises you have caused the Beys to be arrested, that one of them has been assassinated, and that the others are your prisoners. I have frequently notified to your Highness that the Mamelukes were under the protection of the English government and that I had given them the strongest assurances of their persons and their lives being in safety. You know then what honor and the rights of nations require of me – you have left me the choice to avenge an assassination, or to become an accomplice in it. As I will not dishonour my nation in the face of the universe, nor bathe my hands in the blood of the unfortunate, I have formed my determination. I declare to you then in the most explicit manner, that you must deliver up all the Beys and Mameluke with their families, effects, baggage etc. and send them without the least delay to Giza, and place them under the orders of Colonel Ramsay, who will have the disposal of them until he receives further instructions from me.

MS62/PP/MM/EG/1

Hely-Hutchinson continues this letter by promising that there will be repercussions if his words go unheeded:

[…] you have heaped words upon words, promises upon promises, oaths upon oaths – you have violated them all. I supplicate God to pardon me my credulity […] you have deceived the English, and massacred the Beys. Give me up the Mameluke, respect the rights of nations adhere faithfully to your oaths or you will be responsible for all those unhappy events which must be the inevitable result of your obstinately persevering in a system of conduct which has already covered you with shame and approbation.

MS62/PP/MM/EG/1

Hely-Hutchinson’s strongly worded letter of October 1801 seems to have preceded his departure from Egypt, although this was ostensibly on the grounds of his severe ill health (he lived until 1832). Hely-Hutchinson’s entry in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography describes how in 1801 he came into command of the first division of Abercromby’s army, which landed in Egypt on 10 March that year. Abercromby was killed in the Battle of Alexandria and Hely-Huthcinson succeeded him by seniority. Henry Addington’s government and the commander-in-chief, the duke of York, favoured Hely-Hutchinson retaining command until the arrival in Egypt of General Fox, but officers at the British camp near Alexandria attempted to deprive him of his command: “The reasons for Hely-Hutchinson’s unpopularity are obscure but may have been an unkempt appearance and unattractive personality. Accounts differ, however, with one author describing him as gentlemanlike, with agreeable manners.”[1]

Frontispiece from ‘Voyage en Egypte’ by Denon, Rare Books DT53

Whatever his reputation with local officers, Hely-Hutchinson was successful in a range of actions against the French: he led the blockade of Menou’s army in Alexandria, forced the French in Cairo to surrender, and then besieged Alexandria until the French there surrendered on 2 September 1801. In late October Hely-Hutchinson returned to England and was created Baron Hutchinson of Alexandria and of Knocklofty, co. Tipperary, with a pension of £2000 a year. He also received the new Turkish order of the Crescent in brilliants.

Hely-Hutchinson’s accusation that the Grand Vizier was complicit in the assassination of Beys at Cairo may not have been entirely accurate, as alluded to rather briefly in the second item in our folder, an extract from a letter written at the officer’s camp near Rosetta, dated 17 December 1801:

The principal and most interesting occurrence that has taken place in Egypt since you left it is the massacre of some of the principal Beys and Mamelukes at Alexandria and the imprisonment of all the rest at Cairo. These two cruel events took place much about the same time[?] towards the latter end of October [1801], about a fortnight before Sir John Hutchinson was obliged to resign the command and quit the country in consequence of extreme ill health. As it is just possible tho by no means probable that no particular account of the massacre of the Beys may have been sent you by any of your other correspondents in Egypt. I do myself the pleasure of sending you herewith a narrative of that base and infamous transaction written by a friend of mine who was at Alexandria when the massacre took place, and which I believe is fully as correct an account of it as any that has been committed to writing.

MS62/PP/MM/EG/2

This letter goes on to commend Hely-Hutchinson for the actions he took but also notes the following:

There was a report at first that one of the Beys had been put to death by order of the Grand Vizier, which you will observe Sir John taxes him with; but it afterwards appeared that there was no ground for the report – none of the Beys at Cairo having been assassinated.

MS62/PP/MM/EG/2

Another account contained in this folder titled ‘Narrative respecting the massacre of the Beys’ describes the bloody scene that took place not far from Alexandria. This report is based on a letter written by Lachlan Macquarie (1761–1824), 77th Regiment of Foot and Deputy Adjutant General to the forces under Major Gen. Earl Cavan, attached to the division of the Army under the immediate order of Major Gen Baird.

Macquarie’s report claims that on the 22nd October [1801] the Captain Pacha and the Beys agreed to pay a visit of ceremony to Lord Cavan at Alexandria, who had just been announced as the successor to Sir J. Hutchinson in the command of the British army. The Beys and the Pasha were to travel together from Abu Qir (Aboukir) to Alexandria, just a few miles away. Initially this journey was to be made on horseback but the Pasha complained that he did not have sufficient numbers to carry all persons in his retinue, so it was agreed to travel by boat instead. The Pasha initially accompanied the Beys upon one of his own royal barges, but they had proceeded but a short distance from the shore, when a small boat which had hastily put off almost immediately after them, brought intelligence that a dispatch had that moment arrived from Constantinople. The Pasha expressed his regret that the circumstance obliged him to return instantly but he begged the Beys would pursue their journey and assured them he would join them again as soon as possible. Not long after the pasha had left them, the Beys were rowed up to another ship and asked to board it, in order to be taken to Constantinople. Some of the Beys refused, swords were drawn, and in the tumult some were killed and others wounded. The Pasha was blamed for this, as it appears that orders were given for the arrest of the Beys, if not the extreme measures taken upon their refusal to comply.  

Whatever the exact circumstances and culpability surrounding these killings in 1801, there were clearly lethal forces at play amidst a broader power struggle within Egypt. This all took place in the context of a declining Ottoman empire and the emergence of local Egyptian power. After the British evacuated Egypt in 1803 a power vacuum emerged. The Mamelukes would be assassinated at the Cairo citadel in March 1811 on the orders of Muhammad Ali – the governor and de facto ruler of Egypt from 1805 to 1848, who is considered the founder of modern Egypt. Ali saw the Mamelukes as a threat to him, as they had been a powerful class in Egypt for almost six hundred years. The letter above goes on to confirm that the Beys and Mamelukes at Cairo, referred to by Hely-Hutchinson in 1801, were later released on the orders of the Grand Vizier and delivered up to Brigadier General Stewart at Giza and put under his protection.

If we fast-forward a half-century to the 1850s, we find more letters on Egyptian affairs in the same file. These are contemporaneous to Palmerston’s time as Prime Minister, a position he held from 1855-8 and again from 1859-65.

In one such item dated December 1857 we have written answers to questions from Sir John Somerset Pakington (formerly Russell), first Baron Hampton (1799–1880), the Conservative MP for Droitwich, on the passage of British troops through Egypt on their way to India.

Questions are raised on the communications of the British diplomat Lord Canning Stratford, Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe (1786–1880), relating to permissions for the passage of British troops through Egypt. Lord Stratford contacted the Grand Vizier in June and July 1857, asking for permission from the Sultan; when the Sultan’s permission was given Stratford would try to obtain letters from Mohamed Sa’id Pasha, the Wāli of Egypt and Sudan from 1854 until 1863. Sa’id Pasha was himself the fourth son of Muhammad Ali and effectively the ruler of Egypt at this time. Due to the impossibility of securing ships at Suez and the danger of sending troops on deck during the hot summer months however, the passage of British soldiers through Egypt was postponed until later in the autumn months.

Postcard with a general view of the Suez Canal, from the Lucien Basch maritime collection [MS445/A4305/2/1/14/152]

In another letter, dated 1863, there are discussions on the abolition of forced labour in Egypt, where the authorities intended to keep forced labour for the clearing of irrigation channels – ensuring the fertility of farmland. The British are adamant that there should be no forced labour on the Suez Canal, which would officially open on 17 November 1869:

HM’s government, however, have recommended that compulsory labour should as soon as possible be universally abolished in Egypt and that as regards the periodical cleaning out of the irrigating channels, it might be made a duty enforced by the government on each district interested therein; and that assessments might be made by which if any district failed in performing this, it might be deemed simpler to statute labour on the highways in England, the work might be done by the government and the expense charged on the district.

MS62/PP/MM/EG/10

The letters in this file of Palmerston’s memoranda show the creeping influence of British power in the internal affairs of the Egyptians over the course of the nineteenth century. It was not until 1882 however, in the aftermath of the Anglo-Egyptian War, that Britain gained effective control of Egypt, eliminating the remnants of French and Ottoman influence as well as local Egyptian autonomy. The Egyptians would achieve nominal independence from the British Empire in 1922, although British influence remained until well into the twentieth century.


[1] https://www.oxforddnb.com/display/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-12883?rskey=d3uUuT&result=3

Palmerston: M is for Mexico

As we reach the fourth in our P-A-L-M-E-R-S-T-O-N series we turn to M for Mexico and a not particularly glorious chapter in European-Mexican relations.

Having declared independence in 1821, Mexico was firstly a short-lived monarchy before adopting a republican constitution in 1824.  In the late 1850s, the country was involved in an internal strife between the Liberal reformist forces of Benito Juárez against those of the Conservatives led by Félix Zuloaga.   Unable to face a growing national debt and with no other options, in 1861 Juárez suspended the payment of debts for two years.  In response France, Great Britain and Spain signed an agreement on 31 October by which they agreed to intervene in Mexico to recover unpaid debt repayments.  The navies of the three nations disembarked at Veracruz in December 1861.

Britain negotiated an agreement with Mexico to settle the debts and withdrew from the country once it became clear that France and Napoleon III’s aim was to seize control in Mexico. Spain followed likewise.  France’s military operations began in April 1862 but initially faced defeat before reinforcements under the command of Élie Forey arrived.  Mexico City was captured in June 1863 and the following month an Assembly set up by Foley met and invited Archduke Maximilian of Austria to be Emperor of Mexico. Maximilian formally accepted the crown believing that the Mexican people had voted him their king, rather than this being a scheme between the French Emperor and conservative Mexicans. He arrived in Mexico in May 1864 and was crowned the following month. The Second Mexican Empire and the monarchy of Maximilian displaced Juárez’s Republican government but collapsed within a few years. Aid from America after 1865 and the decision by Napoleon III in 1866 to withdraw military support for Maximilian’s regime, accelerated its collapse.

‘The city of Mexico’ from A compendium of authentic and entertaining voyages (second
edition, London 1766) vol. 2 [Rare Books G 160]

The French government’s presentation of its actions and motivations for its invasion of Mexico were set out in a speech made by Adolphe Augustin Marie Billault, the minister without portfolio in the government of Napoleon III, on 27 June 1862 at the Corps Leglatif in Paris.  A copy of a Reuter News Agency telegraph of the speech can be found in the papers of the third Viscount Palmerston.

Wrapper of the copy of the Reuter Telegraph of M. Billault’s speech [MS62/PP/MM/ME/2]

Billault began by describing what he called the anarchy which had prevailed in Mexico for the last 25 years.

“It was the robbery, pillage and assassination of strangers that determined the three powers to carry out the expedition. France and England were not hostile to the candidature of the Arch Duke Maximilian if the Mexicans chose him voluntarily…”

He went on to pay a high tribute to the character of Admiral Jurien de la Graviere who had repeatedly said that France wished for neither a monarchy nor a republic but simply a good government.

M. Ballault maintained that it was incorrect that France had sent Almonte to excite a civil war.  “He was only to arrive in the city of Mexico when the ballot had been opened to consult the national will.  He arrived in Mexico under the protection of our flag and committed no hostile act before the rupture of negotiations.”

Replying to an interruption from M. Jules Favre, M. Billaut said that when the French flag floats in Mexico the population will, as in Italy, be called upon to express their intentions.

“If”, said M. Billaut, “they reply that the Juarez government suits them we shout reply Amen!”

He energetically repelled the council of M. Favre to treat with the Juarez government and continued: “Our honour is engaged and we must avenge the insults offered to us.  On the departure of our allies the Emperor sent the following instructions to General Lorencez:

`It is contrary to my interest, origin and principles to impose any government whatever on Mexico.  Let the Mexican nation choose what form of government suits them.  We only ask of them sincerity in the elections.  We desire the happiness of that fine country under a stable and regular government.’”

[MS62/PP/MM/ME/2]

The Second Mexican Empire would prove to be short-lived but, as Billault stated in his speech, Britain and Spain were not hostile to the candidature of Maximilian. Indeed Great Britain was one of a number of European countries that would recognised Mexico under his rule as a political entity.

A speech made by Lord Palmerston in the House of Commons on 29 July 1864 set out the rationale under which Great Britain would recognise the government of Emperor Maximilian:

Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston from a leaflet, c. 1860s [MS62/MB6/P18]

…It has been our practice to acknowledge established Governments. Without going into minute questions as to the origin of the Government—whether it be a republic or a monarchy—when we find a Government established we enter into friendly relations with that Government. My Hon. Friend says that we have promised prematurely to acknowledge the Emperor of Mexico before that empire has practically and really been established. I do not think our engagements have gone to that extent. Before the Archduke left Europe we were asked to acknowledge him as the future Emperor of Mexico. We were not inclined to do that, and we said it would be entirely at variance with our practice and our principles; but that if on his arrival in Mexico he should be well received by the people and his Government regularly established, our wish was that Mexico should have a stable Government. The great cause of the dissatisfaction which we have had for a long time in respect to that country is that Mexico has been governed successively by a number of military chiefs, who one after another obtained power, and one after another availed themselves of that power to plunder and murder English subjects, for they treated them no better than the people of any other country, but rather worse. It was, therefore, a great object with us to see established in Mexico a Government with which friendly relations could be maintained; and from which we might expect justice for British subjects resident in or engaged in commerce with Mexico. My Hon. Friend says that as far as his information goes the portion of Mexico occupied by French troops is very limited. That may be so; but it does not follow that in other parts of the country not occupied by French troops the people may not be inclined to support the Government of the Emperor. And we have information —we may be misled, but our information is to the effect that the Indian population, who form a large portion of the total number of the people, are very well disposed to the establishment of an empire…. We are told that the French Government are employing transports to bring back a number of their soldiers, which fact implies that the disposition on the part of the people of Mexico to acquiesce in the rule of the Emperor is considerably greater than my Hon. Friend has been informed it is. All I can say is that our course will depend on what we hear as to the manner in which the authority of the Emperor is established. If we find there is a prospect of a permanent Government being established, we shall be very glad to acknowledge it, because we think that would be a very great good not only to the people of Mexico but also to all Europe. If, on the other hand, we find matters still uncertain, and a war still going on, which may result one way or the other, we shall say the Government is not of a kind that would justify us in acknowledging the Archduke as Emperor of Mexico—

Relations with Mexico, papers moved for [Hansard, 29 July 1864 2202-4]

In the end, what the Saturday Review in 1873 described as “perhaps the maddest scheme which in modern times ever tried to cloak itself under the guise of practical statesmanship” proved fatal to Maximilian, who was tried and executed for treason by firing squad in June 1867, and played a significant part in the downfall of Napoleon III’s regime. Lord Palmerston did not live to see the end of this maddest scheme. But a successor as leader of the Liberals and Prime Minister, William Gladstone, described it as “one of the greatest political blunders ever perpetrated”. [Richard Shannon Gladstone: Peel’s Inheritor (London, 1982) p. 496]

And so after our travels to Latin America where will the next Palmerston blog lead us? Do join us when we will be looking at the letter E.

Palmerston: L is for London

About 5 o’clock a rush was made down Grosvenor Place + to Belgravia + Eaton Place + a good many windows broken before the Police could turn out in sufficient numbers to catch them.

Letter from Sir G. Grey to Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston, regarding disturbances in London, [8 July 1855] MS62/PP/GC/GR/2510

This week’s blog, the third in our P-A-L-M-E-R-S-T-O-N series will focus on London. And, specifically disturbances there in 1855, a response to the Sunday Trading (Metropolis) Bill, introduced by Lord Robert Grosvenor. The action all takes places on four consecutive Sundays in late June and early July.

We’re spotlighting three letters Sir George Grey, Secretary of State for Home Affairs, sent on 8 July to the Prime Minister, Lord Palmerston prior to, during and following the disorder.

Broadsheet about the New Sunday trading bill, 1855
[National Library of Scotland Crawford.EB.3237]

The riots were provoked by two key things. Firstly, in 1854, the Wilson-Patten Act closed English drinking places on Sundays between 2.30pm and 6pm and after 10pm. The “second ingredient of discontent in 1855”, states Brian Harrison, was “Lord Robert Grosvenor’s Sunday Trading Bill”. The Bill forbade all Sunday trading in London with a penalty of 5s for each individual sale, but exempted meat and fish sold before 9am and newspapers and cooked food sold before 10am.

Lord Robert Grosvenor was a prominent Evangelical and Member of Parliament for Middlesex. A meeting was arranged in Hyde Park on Sunday 24 June to protest against his Bill. Karl Marx reported that 200,000 people attended. The police tried to prevent the public meeting and there was general disorder for several hours. After the weekend Palmerston hinted that Lord Robert should withdraw the Bill but he declined. There were further disturbances the following weekend (1 July) and Grosvenor withdrew the Bill the next day.

Lord Palmerston as an elder statesman, West Front, Broadlands: an albumen print probably from the 1850s [MS 62 Broadlands Archives BR22(i)/17]
Lord Palmerston as an elder statesman, West Front, Broadlands: an albumen print probably from the 1850s [MS62/BR/22(i)/17]

The violence did not cease even though the original grievance had been removed. On the subsequent Sunday morning (8 July) Sir George Grey wrote to Palmerston stating that he was aware of the rumours that a large number of people were coming to London from Manchester and Birmingham and that someone had been sent to ascertain if they were true. The troops, including the Household Cavalry has been ordered to muster at Knightsbridge Barracks and that there would be police at Marble Arch and the top of Constitution Hill. [MS62/PP/GC/GR/2438]

While many people did stay away, alarming events occurred – this time outside the Park – and the crowd broke 749 window panes in Belgravia.

Sir Grey comments to Palmerston:

I am told the mischief was all done by a set of boys who ran away as soon as they had done it, but some thousands of people followed, taking no part and scarcely any of them using any means to lay hold of or stop the delinquents.

Letter from Grey to Palmerston, regarding disturbances in London, [8 July 1855 ] MS62/PP/GC/GR/2510

Brian Harrison comments “apprentices and teenagers” were common in disturbances of this period. Although he suggests in this instance they may have been encouraged by adults from the rear. Young craftsmen who came to London to complete their training were of the “lodger class”: articulate and politically influential working men who relied on drinking places for meals and recreation; they were usually unwelcome at their lodgings except to sleep.

Letter from Sir G. Grey to Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston, regarding disturbances in London, [8 July 1855] [MS62/PP/GC/GR/2510]

Grey sends his final of three letters of the day after events have started to die down.

I am afraid none of the Belgravia Window Breakers have been caught, except one who was captured by Mr Whitbread, +another knocked down + taken to the hospital. But since then they have been breaking Robert Grosvenor’s windows since, + as the police were ready for them there I hope they will have made some prisoners.

I have given directions for every vigilance being used this evening.

Letter from Sir George Grey to Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston   
[MS62/PP/i/GC/GR/2439]

Join us in two weeks for our next blog as we continue our series; where will Lord Palmerston take us for “M”..?

Palmerston: A is for Austria

This week’s blog, the second in our P-A-L-M-E-R-S-T-O-N series, will be on Austria. We will be focussing on the revolutions in 1848 in the Austrian Empire.

Henry John Temple, Third Viscount Palmerston

In discussing the revolutions, we will be highlighting the memoranda relating to Foreign Affairs, the drafts of despatches to British diplomats, and correspondence between Lord Palmerston and Lord Ponsonby (British ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary at Vienna at the time) and Lord Abercromby (British envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Piedmont-Sardinia).

The 1848 revolutions in the Austrian Empire

The foundations of the causes of the revolution can be identified by the opposition to the regime of Prince Clemens von Metternich, who was Austria’s Foreign minister from 1809 and Chancellor from 1821. His secretive and arbitrate system of government supported by the most repressive and inquisitorial police methods in Europe could not last forever.

Vienna’s revolution began in March, with liberal lawyer Baron Alexander von Back petitioning the Lower Austria Diet, which requested public accountability for state finances and support for the establishment of an imperial parliament. Students petitioned for complete press freedom, freedom of expression, the establishment of militia and other basic rights. Writers and academics joined some 400 students on a march to the seat of the Diet in order to emphasise the seriousness of their demands. They then moved to the Hofburg, seat of the Imperial Court. Outside the city walls, workers attacked tax offices, police stations, factories and new machinery. Hearing news of the march to the Hofburg, they moved towards the inner city, demolishing gas lamps and igniting the escaping gas to create a ring of fire around the city. Numerous speeches by leading demonstrators were taken up by the protesting crowds; all demanding Metternich’s resignation, the expulsion of Jesuits, the formation of an armed Civil Guard and the establishment of a constitution.

Archduke Albrecht, who still supported Metternich, employed troops to clear the streets, supported by a contingent of the newly formed National and Civil Guards. In the ensuing violence, 48 demonstrators were killed, a majority of them workers. This led to further uproar and a solidarity between students, craftsmen and the industrial proletariat to present a united front against Metternich. Under pressure from the city authorities, the army withdrew and a University-based Academic Legion was formed, which together with the Civil Guard took control of the city. With even his closest allies turning against him, Metternich resigned his position on 13 March 1848, only minutes before the ultimatum issued by the Civil Guard expired. He left the city secretly the next day and went into exile in London.

“News arrived of Metternich, resignation on the 14th” Palmerston’s political diary entry MS62/PP/D/10, 18 March 1848

Metternich’s departure was greeted with jubilation but led to widespread looting and rioting in the city outskirts, where the Civil Guard and the Academic Legion were employed to restore order. On 14 March a constitution was promised and a new government was established serval days later led by Prime Minister Karl Ludwig Ficquelmont with Branon Franxz Xaver Pillersdorf as Minister of the Interior, both liberal opponents of Metternich. The new government was met with a great deal of opposition; by 4 May Ficquelmont was forced to resign, making way for the more accommodating Pillersdorf.

Pillersdorf began work on the promised constitution, which involved people being represented by an Imperial Diet and a second chamber, the Senate, consisting of members of the imperial family, imperial nominees and the landed gentry with the aim of upholding their historical privileges in Austria and Bohemia but not in Hungary and Italy. This constitution included an ‘agreement’ clause, which granted special privileges on the emperor, including his inviolability, sole executive power and supreme command over the armed forces and remained unclear on a number of other constitutional details, such as the relationship between the central government and the provinces. While the nobility and the more prosperous bourgeoisie approved of it; the Academic Legion, the Democratic Club and other radical associations rejected it, leading to the May revolution.

On 15 May violent disturbances ensued, which led to the second chamber being abolished and the court fleeing for Innsbruck on 17 May. While petitions created by citizens’ groups, such as the National Guard were dispatched to Innsbruck, begging the emperor to return, a virtual collapse of the banking system ensued, as customers withdrew their savings, threatening financial insolvency.

When matters reached a climax on 26 May, 160 barricades were constructed in the inner city and regular troops found themselves in armed conflict with students, workers, and the National Guard. Fewer than 12,000 troops in the Vienna garrison faced nearly 40,000 student legionaries and national guardsmen, as well as thousands of workers streaming into the city to support them.

The democratic victory led to the formation of a Security Committee, consisting of members from a Citizens’ Committee, the National Guard and the Academic Legion. One of the new Committee’s first demands was the removal of all ‘unnecessary military forces’ from Vienna and the surrender of Count Hayos, former Commander in Chief of the Vienna National Guard, as a hostage to the students. It also urgently attempted to persuade the emperor to return to Vienna.

With eruptions further ensuing in August and September 1848, October saw the final act. As political pressure increased, poor leadership and increasing divisions led to defeat. The ‘October’ revolution began when Count Theodor Baillet Latour, Minister of War, ordered troops to be transferred from Vienna to Hungary to assist Jellaĉić’s army in its campaign against the rebellious Magyars. This led to the Academic Legion, supported by crowds of angry Viennese workers and the more radical elements of the National Guard preventing regular troops from leaving Vienna. During an exchange of fire several people were killed, including the general in charge of the operation. Inspired by their success, the revolutionaries marched on the Ministry of War, intent on overthrowing the government. Prime Minister Wessenberg and his Minister of the Interior, Bach, managed to escape, but the despised Minister of War, Latour, was seized by the crowd and brutally murdered. The crowd then stormed the armoury in an attempt to secure the city against military attack and declared a provisional government. The court fled once more and Vienna was besieged by the armies of Windischgrätz and Jellaĉić.

Memoranda relating to Foreign Affairs

Palmerston’s years as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs from 1846 to 1851 involved dealing with brutal political disruption all over Europe. The memoranda relating to Foreign Affairs for Austria contains insightful information on the revolutions in 1848 in the Austrian Empire, including “answers to Lord Palmerston’s queries respecting special missions to announce accessions of Emperors of Austria & Russia”, as well as an explanation by Palmerston on Count Ladislas Teleke’s memorial on the system of Austrian government and the feelings of Hungarians:

“The maintenance of the Austrian empire is an object of first-rate importance to Europe at large, as this statement points out internal dangers which threaten the unity of that Empire, & which not withstanding Count Teleky’s opinion to the contrary might surely be diminished if not averted entirely by an improved system of administrative government”

Note written by Henry John Temple, Third Viscount Palmerston on Count Ladislas Teleke’s memorial  submitted to the French Government [MS62/PP/MM/AU/5/enc1]

MS62/PP/BD/AU Drafts of despatches to British diplomats abroad

The drafts of despatches to British diplomats abroad include despatches to Lord Ponsonby from Lord Palmerston which contain valuable information on the context of the revolutions in 1848 in the Austrian Empire. Revelations include questions sent to Count Dietrichstein from Prince Metternich on whether His Majesty’s Government admit the principle that the state of possession established in Italy by the Treaty of Vienna ought to be maintained, and the wish of the Emperor of Austria to defend his station territories against any attack. Lord Palmerston also reveals his own thoughts on such revelations, stating:

 “the stipulations and engagements of the Treaty of Vienna ought to be adhered to in Italy as well as in all other parts of Europe to which they apply, and that no change can be properly be made in the territorial arrangements which were established by that Treaty without the consent and concurrence of all the Powers that were partied to it.”

Memorandum from Henry John Temple, Third Viscount Palmerston to Lord Ponsonby, 12 Aug 1847 [MS62/PP/BD/AU/55/1]

MS62/PP/GC/PO Letters from Lord Ponsonby

As British ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary at Vienna from 10 August 1846 to 31 May 1850, Lord Ponsonby’s general correspondence to Lord Palmerson provide a vital insight into the state of play in Austria during the revolutions in 1848 in the Austrian Empire, revealing that “chief movers of the revolution are on the brink of ruin” and that “people hope for moral support from England” [MS62/PP/GC/PO/568].

Lord Ponsonby ensures that Palmerston is kept up to date on all affairs in Vienna, reporting when the Emperor has left, and when Pillersdorf gave up the idea of a second chamber following the demands of the students [MS62/PP/GC/PO/571]. He also provides his opinions on Palmerston’s plans, warning him that “if you do not take care you will produce a war” and that “it not possible to bully Austria into concessions.”

Letter from Lord Ponsonby to Henry John Temple, Third Viscount Palmerston, 15 Sep 1848 [MS62/PP/GC/PO/579/1]

MS62/PP/GC/AB Letters from Lord Abercrombie

The last section of material we will discuss in the Palmerston Papers in connection to the revolutions in 1848 in the Austrian Empire is correspondence from Ralph Abercrombie, British envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Piedmont-Sardinia, Turin. The letters predominantly discuss the need for care to be taken with future actions to avoid a general war in Europe, and the state of affairs between Italy and Austria.

In the following letter, Lord Abercrombie explains that the Marquis Ricci from Paris has taken steps “to apply to the French government for their guarantee of the King’s Dominions, should the Sardinians be forced to advance into the Duchies for the protection of their inhabitants against the vexations and oppressions of the Austrians, who according to the armistice of the 9th August have no right to occupy the Territories.”

Letter from Ralph Abercrombie, British envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Piedmont-Sardinia, Turin, to Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston, 11 Dec 1848 [MS62/PP/GC/AB/177]

Do look out for our next blog post, where we will be continuing our journey through places beginning with the letters of Palmerston’s name, which will focus on L for London!

Palmerston: P is for Paris

This is the first post in a new series from Special Collections on Henry John Temple, third Viscount Palmerston: P-A-L-M-E-R-S-T-O-N.

This week it’s P for Paris, a city whose fortunes were at the centre of early nineteenth-century European politics and, therefore, Palmerston’s political career. Developments in Paris often feature in the Palmerston Papers, held at the University of Southampton’s Special Collections. The city acts as a useful lens, focusing attention on his career at distinct points in time.

The Right Honorable Henry John Temple, Lord Viscount Palmerston, G.B.C. Painted by J.Lucas; engraved by H.Cook. [Cope Collection cq 95 PAL pr 102]

Palmerston was Secretary at War from November 1809 until May 1828; Foreign Secretary on three occasions between 1830 and 1846; Home Secretary from 1852-5; and finally Prime Minister for two non-consecutive terms from 1855-8 and again from 1859 until his death on 18th October 1865.

Political developments at Paris were intertwined with Palmerston’s career from the earliest days of his public service, but even in his childhood, as evidenced by the diaries of his parents – the second Viscount Palmerston and Mary Mee. Their diaries tell the story of an anxious carriage ride (which included a young Harry, future third Viscount) through the unhappy crowds and revolutionary streets of Paris in 1792.

As Secretary at War from 1809 Palmerston was in correspondence with Arthur Wellesley, first Duke of Wellington, on the progress of the campaigns of the Napoleonic War and the management of the army, as seen in this letter on the formation of a garrison company for hospital purposes, dated 26 May 1815.

In August 1815, a few months after the decisive battle at Waterloo, Palmerston left England to visit a recently defeated France. At this time Palmerston’s politics were closer to the Tory ministry of William Pitt the Younger and he was caught up in the patriotic fervour that overtook Britain, after years of war against the French. Palmerston kept a journal of his visit to France in 1815 and in it he describes the countryside and towns on the journey from Le Havre to Paris, passing through Rouen, Vernon and Nantes.

View of the Pont au Change and the Palais de la Cité, Paris from Prince Louis of Battenberg’s postcard album of the French Revolution [MS62/MB2/A19/93]

As Palmerston entered Paris he was overwhelmed by the imperial grandeur of the public architecture, as revealed by his diaries:

“Everything is upon a great scale and is evidently the result of a well directed but over whelming authority […] the public enjoy everything, individuals nothing: the strong arm of power has made the will of the few bend to the convenience of the many.”

Journal of a tour of France in two volumes, Vol.1, pp.30-1, 2 Sep 1815 [MS62/BR23A/3/1]

Whilst in France Palmerston watched the reviews of the allied armies of occupation, in the company of the Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, and the first Duke of Wellington. Palmerston’s interactions with a defeated French people generally reinforced his sense of English cultural superiority. He even preferred the style of marching used by the British soldiers, compared with the Prussians and Russians. When describing the look of the British soldiers encamped outside Paris, Palmerston cannot help but impute a politically meaningful attribute of rugged individualism to the British infantry, whose untidy shabbiness Palmerston contrasted positively with the machine-like comportment of the foreign troops:

“Our men certainly do not look so smart and uniform in a body as the Russians and Prussians but still they have a more soldier-like air, they look more like business and fighting: the foreign troops look like figures cut out of card, ours like a collection of living men […] their men seem to depend entirely on each other, ours look as if they moved independently and yet with equal uniformity as a mass: there is a character of individual energy about our people which one does not see in theirs.”

Journal of a tour of France in two volumes, Vol.1, p.44, 5 Sep 1815 [MS62/BR23A/3/1]

On 4th September 1815 Palmerston attended a mock battle staged by the Prussians on the Plain of Grenelle near Paris. Here they recreated their recent march on Paris and the Duke of Wellington was apparently well pleased with the Prussian manner of deploying from column.

“I was observing to him [the Duke of Wellington] the different practice of our army and those of other nations in their manner of advancing to an attack. They always advancing in column, we in line. He said he was satisfied that this was one reason why we had always beat the French, that if troops are steady and the line is well formed the line will always have an advantage over the column from presenting so much larger a front of fire, and that by attacking the column rapidly they are prevented from deploying, which is an operation that cannot be performed under a close fire.”

Journal of a tour of France in two volumes, Vol.1, p.35, 4 Sep 1815 [MS62/BR23A/3/1]

Palmerston also discusses the repatriation of artwork from the Louvre, amidst the French defeat and much Napoleonic pilfering:

“The Louvre has not as yet been deprived of any pictures of importance but Ld Clancarty [Richard Le Poer Trench, second Earl of Clancarty, British plenipotentiary to the Congress of Vienna] has marched above a hundred which are claimed as the property of the King of the Netherlands and Cannova is arrived from Rome to claim both the pictures and statues that belong to the Pope; the Venus di Medici is also preparing to return to Italy.”

Journal of a tour of France in two volumes, Vol.1, p.42, 4 Sep 1815 [MS62/BR23A/3/1]

That evening Palmerston also made a visit to the Théâtre Feydeau and took in a performance. Henry the Fourth was the subject of their representation and, as only royalists went to the theatre, the audience received with unbounded applause every thing that could be applied to the restoration of the Bourbons.

Palmerston also frequented the houses of the well-to-do and even went to a dance. This is how he describes the French interiors he encountered:

“The French theatres are small and dirty beyond description, whether from economy or from an idea of producing greater effect they keep the body of the house very dark and the gloom adds to the dirty appearance of the house; the heat of the houses in this weather is most oppressive and the atmosphere of the audience more pungently offensive than the exhalations of a British mob in Palace Yard.”

Journal of a tour of France in two volumes, Vol.1, p.45, 5 Sep 1815 [MS62/BR23A/3/1]

Unfortunately for poor Palmerston, he would have to endure another month of such terrible conditions before he returned to England via Calais in early October 1815.

After almost twenty years as Secretary at War, Palmerston left the post in the spring of 1828 when he resigned from Wellington’s Tory government along with his ally William Huskisson. At this point, the more liberal wing of the Tory party, which included George Canning, William Huskisson and Palmerston, found themselves closer to the Whigs and Palmerston joined the opposition. 

In January 1829 Palmerston travelled to France and his diaries reveal the behind-the-scenes machinations of French government circles, with conflicts between the liberal and conservative factions around King Charles X. Palmerston predicted that when the legislature met there would be considerable change in the liberal direction:

“[…] and thus matters will remain until the chambers meet – when it is far from improbable that a considerable change will take place, and if there is change it must be towards the Liberal side, the King is quite satisfied with the present state of things; but would wish any change to be towards Toryism. He was uneasy last summer about his disputes with the Bishops on the subject of the schools. But was satisfied by the report made by Chateaubriand of his conversation with the Pope; who said “What a troublesome lot of Bishops you have in France, they are the most so of any in Christendom […]”

Palmerston’s Political journal, 1828-9, pp.95-6 [MS62/PP/D/2]

Palmerston continues by stating that “constitutional principles have made great advances in France and public opinion is acquiring considerable force”. He would return to France later the same year when he visited the court of the Bourbon King Charles X, made his way to a lecture by François Guizot (a historian in favour of constitutional monarchy and later a government minister under the Duke of Orléans), dined with Jules de Polignac (prime minister under Charles X, just before the July Revolution in 1830 that overthrew the senior line of the House of Bourbon) and attended many soirées.

Portrait of Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord, Prime Minister of France in 1815 and Ambassador to the United Kingdom, 1830-34, from Prince Louis of Battenberg’s postcard album of the French Revolution [MS62/MB2/A19/88]

Palmerston disliked the French ultra-conservatives of Charles X’s regime and predicted, correctly, that the regime was unpopular and would not last long. In July 1830 the French rose up against the increasingly reactionary King Charles X, the French Bourbon monarch, whilst his cousin Louis Philippe, Duke of Orléans, was established as a new constitutional monarch; the principle of hereditary right was replaced by that of popular sovereignty. Charles X had become increasingly unpopular for many reasons but two of the main grievances were the imposition of the death penalty for anyone profaning the Eucharist and the payment of indemnities to anyone who had previously been declared “enemies of the Revolution” under Napoleon.

Developments in France must have reinforced Palmerston’s increasingly liberal, or Whiggish, views: by 1829 he was in favour of parliamentary reform and supported the 1832 Reform Act (although he was opposed to any subsequent extension of the franchise); he recognised the importance of constitutional limits on the power of the monarchy; and although in favour of maintaining the established position of the Church of England he became a consistent advocate of toleration, especially for Roman Catholics.

It was through his criticism of the Tory government in the Commons from a Whiggish perspective in 1830 and his celebration of the July Revolution in France that year that he found himself nominated as Foreign Secretary when Wellington’s resistance to all parliamentary reform led to the creation of a Whig-Canningite coalition under Earl Grey.

Events at Paris were instrumental in shaping the political discourse and the worldviews of many contemporaries, not just Palmerston. If the horrors of the French Revolution, the rise of Napoleon and the subsequent defeat of France in 1815 had prompted a conservative and patriotic reaction amongst many Britons, then the political instability caused by the reactionary politics of Charles X had inspired a Whiggish turn towards constitutional monarchy, religious toleration and reform of the franchise. Palmerston’s travels to Paris demonstrate his transition from a Tory-sympathetic Pittite to a Whiggish liberal, for the sake of British political stability and possibly his own future political fortunes.

Our next post in the P-A-L-M-E-R-S-T-O-N places series will focus on ‘A’ for Austria…

Spotlight on collections: Med Soc 1980s style

It is that time again, as the start of the academic year approaches. And the new intake of students are faced with nearly 250 student societies and 142 sports clubs from which to choose. What would be your choice? For some this might be made easier by the presence of a society that caters specifically for their discipline. The MedSoc, for instance, is the student body for medical students. Now one of the largest societies in SUSU, it continues to offer a varied programme of events throughout the year.

But what was it like being a member in the late 1970s and 1980s? Well a partial answer to this is provided by a new acquisition for the Archives and Special Collections. The donor was a leading light in the Medics Review between 1977 and 1985 – being not only a performer but director, producer and even the author.

Medics Review, 1977 [MS416/41/A4400/1]
Sketch – Professor Howell’s outpatients – from The Sound of Mucus, the Medics Review 1978 [MS416/41/A4400/2]

Two shows Bedpanorama and Beyond the Syringe – the latter name in particular giving some hint as to the inspirations for these shows – were performed at the Edinburgh Fringe to sold out audiences and positive newspaper reviews.

Programme for the Review performed in Edinburgh, 1983 [MS416/41/A4400/4]

Bedpanorama was described by the Edinburgh Evening News as the “sort of medicine you could take every day. Some jokes are near the bone, all on the funny bone”. [MS416/41/A4400/5] When Beyond the Syringe had been performed in Edinburgh in 1981, it was attended by the Vice Chancellor Professor John Roberts and his wife together with Professor Donald Acheson and his wife. Donald Acheson was at that time Professor of Clinical Epidemiology at the University and an Honorary Consultant at the Royal South Hants Hospital, having been the foundation Dean of the newly created School of Medicine at the University. In his letter after seeing the show he noted that “It really was a slick professional show” and that its director had “made a tremendous contribution to the [Medical] School”. [MS416/41/A4400/5]

Programme for Beyond the Syringe at the Edinburgh Fringe, 1981 [MS416/41/A4400/5]

Away from the theatrics of the Reviews, the collection also contains photographs and information on another form of comedy and drama – the Medical School’s annual bed race. Teams of medical students pushed standard or sometimes modified medical beds across the city to raise money for charities. 

Start of the bed race outside Royal South Hants Hospital, May 1979 [MS416/41/A4400/3]

The teams were composed of five or six individuals, one of whom had to be on the bed at all times.  The race started at Royal South Hants Hospital before moving towards Above Bar then into Bedford Place, Hill Lane, Shirley and then up Dale Road to the Southampton General Hospital. 

Team “Renal failure” competing in the bed race, 1979 [MS416/41/A4400/3]

A number of pub stops were to be made along the way where a pint of alcohol had to be consumed by the male team members.  Marshals were placed at each of these designated pubs to ensure each member drank their quota and then issued them with a token.  Teams not only competed to be the fastest bed but the best dressed one or one with the most sponsorship. 

Team “Hamish’s bed” competing in the bed race, 1979 [MS416/41/A4400/3]

For another snapshot of student life in the 1980s, this time from a history student, why not check out our remembering the 80s blog?

And to all new students in 2023, we hope that you enjoy your time in Southampton and do have fun trying out a variety of societies and clubs.