Behind the grey walls of Sofia’s grey palace, death came suddenly toBoris III, King and Dictator of Bulgaria. His 25-year reign had begunin war and chaos. It closed in war and chaos.
Premier Bogdan Filoff broadcast tersely to the people: “Our beloved Kingdied after a brief illness.” Rumor, unconfirmed but persistent, addedvarying details:
> That Boris had been assassinated by Bulgaria’sunderground. Sofia radio tagged the tale as “grotesque and fantastic.”
> That Boris had returned in broken health from a stormy visit withAdolf Hitler. Sofia and Berlin denied there had been a visit. But noone could forget other men who had left the Führer’s presence theworse for wear. At Berchtesgaden in 1938, just before the annexation ofAustria, stubborn Chancellor Kurt Schuschnigg had been shattered byhysterics and threats.
At Berlin in 1939, on the eve of Czechoslovakia’s dissolution, ploddingPresident Emil Hacha had collapsed after 45 minutes of the Führer’s ranting.
Present Crisis. Boris had died at one of the most uncertain moments in arule plagued by internal violence and external pressure. His alliancewith the Axis, signed in 1941, had gained for Bulgaria portions ofGreece and Yugoslavia. It had cost thousands of casualties in Balkanguerrilla fighting. It had meant tighter belts so that Germans couldhave more of Bulgaria’s wheat and potatoes. As the German lines saggedin Russia and the Mediterranean, Berlin demanded greater help from Sofia.
But Boris, long known as the foxiest monarch in Europe, saw the time hadcome to shift from a pro-German policy. Even if he had not faced theFührer’s fury, the pressures squeezing his throne might have felledany man of weak heart.
Past Error. Before 1941 Boris had said: “My ministers arepro-German, my wife is pro-Italian, my people are pro-Russian—I am theonly neutral in the country.” The decision to discard hisneutrality, rather than defend it against Nazi infiltration, was hisprime mistake.
His Germanophile father, tyrannical Ferdinand I, had made the samemistake in 1914, had paid for it by abdicating in 1918. Boris III, at24, began with a constitution, a Sobranye (Parliament), politicalparties and his people’s respect.
But his government soon turned into a semi-dictatorship. The King was apuppet of politicians and generals. He preferred to spend his time indriving locomotives, collecting wild flowers, netting butterflies.
Civil strife racked the nation. Between 1921 and 1929 three spectacularattempts were made on the King’s life. In 1924 the country had 200political assassinations. Then, in 1934, Boris approved a military coupthat suppressed the constitution, dissolved the Sobranye, abolishedpolitical parties. A year later he installed himself as dictator, beganto play power politics.
His old father, an exile in the ancestral home at Coburg, urged aGermanophile course. Perhaps the son listened, unwisely.
Future Course. With the strong man gone, these were possibilities:
> A regency would be established. The Filoff government announced theascension of Boris’ son, six-year-old Simeon II. The Bulgarian Armyswore fealty to the boy King. Premier Filoff, according to Berlin’sradio, summoned the Sobranye to approve a regency.
> A popular movement would overthrow the monarchy, establish a leftist,anti-German government. Europe’s listening posts described the temperof Bulgaria’s people as ugly. Peace demonstrators marched in Sofia’sstreets, stoned the Nazi Embassy.
> The country seemed destined to become a battlefield. To keep theirhold and ensure a pro-Nazi regime, the Germans might send in an army ofoccupation; the Allies might counter with an invasion of the Balkans;watchful opportunist Turkey might now enter the war on the Allied side.Cabled New York Timesman Ray Brock through the Turkish censorship: “Thetime might come when the Turks would consider it necessary to marchinto the Balkans in order to protect Turkey’s frontiers and security.”
In World War I Bulgaria was the first of the Central Powers to crack.Less than two months later, Germany surrendered.