Gradual of King Matthias By Luchia Meihua Lee-Howell GRADUAL OF KING MATTIAS The Gradual of King Matthias is a problematic medieval manuscript about which numerous open questions persist after many years of research. Each scholar has his or her own point of view and has tried to find similarity with other manuscripts identified as to region and style as French, Flemish, Italian, Hungarian, or Viennese of the late 15th century, and to answer questions about heterogeneity. Yet there is still no complete conclusion about where the Gradual was made and the numerous possible illuminators. This paper peers into matters of considerable dispute by direct observation of the Gradual of King Matthias, from the miniature style, the script, margin decoration matter, and the circumstances in the mid to late 15th century when King Matthias Corvinus governed, to provide a consideration into further discussions. ABOUT THE GRADUAL The Gradual of King Matthias originally belonged to the collection of the Bibliotheca Corviniana. Because of the double shield bearing the coats of arms of King Matthias and of Queen Beatrice, on the frontispiece, it was probably commissioned by the king and queen, and used in the royal chapel of Buda Castle.1 The first volume was 1 CSABA CSAPODI: HISTORY OF THE BIBLIOTHECA CORVINIANA, http://www.corvina.oszk.hu/studies/csapodi_eng.htm, accessed 8/1/2018. There are manuscripts still in existence which bear not only King Matthias's coat of arms, but also the shield of the Hungarian king and that of Aragon combined in one achievement. This double shield is usually referred to as the coat of arms of Matthias and Beatrice, but this is an error; it was not the joint coat of arms of the king and queen but that of the queen alone. The same seal was used by Queen Beatrice on her charters, while the seal of King Matthias on royal charters and deeds never included the arms of Aragon. In this respect Matthias and Beatrice faithfully followed the example of their predecessors: neither earlier nor later can the consort's arms be found in the seal of the Hungarian king; the queens, on the other hand, invariably used a seal uniting their own arms with those of the king. 2 apparently destroyed or lost by 1526 when the Bibliotheca Corviniana (Matthias Corvinus Library) was looted and then subsequently demolished. The subject of this paper is the second volume, which is displayed in the National Széchényi Library, Budapest, Hungary. Rebound in 1755 – according to the inscription - the manuscript was transferred in 1933 to the library of the Hungarian National Museum, predecessor to the National Széchényi Library in Budapest, Hungary. This Budapest parchment contains 201 folios and 47 lavish illuminations, and was intended for liturgical use as a choir book, as demonstrated by its size: it measures 385 x 237 mm. The codex consists of 25 quires, each of which is 8 folios, with a separate bound bifolio at the end of the manuscript. After folio 74, one page has been cut out - a mishap not taken into account by the current numbering. From the rubric at the bottom of folio 74v (feria. iiij), the songs of the liturgy for the Wednesday after Pentecost occupied the following page, with a miniature at the top of the recto. An attempt was made to excise the miniature on folio 76v (Figs. 2 and 3). This damage occurred by 1721, because Giovanni Benedetto Gentilotti’s catalogue compiled in that year for the Hof Bibliothek in Vienna counted 201 folios.2 This manuscript was used by the clergy and the choir for the chanted accompaniment of the liturgy, as seen on folio 41r (Fig. 4). The large-format leaves alternated lines of texts and music lines, and bore coloured, decorated or inhabited initials. They helped to convey the meaning of the festivity and the chant mentioned; 2 (Nagy 2016) p.57. 3 additionally, they were a mnemonic means to remember the first words of the given chant and gave the book a sumptuary worth consistent with its sacral purpose. The beginnings of each song are marked with an abbreviation of the type of song, written in red ink. The rubrics named the feast days. On folio 172v and r, and folio 175r (Fig. 5), the neumes have been written in a different, coarser hand. 3 There are other inconsistencies in the music format and the ink. In most of the Gradual, black ink is used in both music and text. One section on folio 171v (Fig. 6) lacks music entirely. On 172v and following, the text is brown; on 172v and 172r, the music notation is larger and black, with thin tails and measure divisions, and the lozenge at the end of the line falls outside area reserved for music and has a longer tail. The frontispiece of the Gradual of King Matthias shows the Resurrection of Christ (title page of this paper and Fig. 7) with various biblical scenes following the resurrection in the background. Differing opinions have been formed on the origin of the codex and the artists. THE QUESTION OF DIFFERENT HANDS WITH GRADUAL Atypical folio 7r and other folios 3 The marks showing where neumes should go were usually removed, but not with the 4th row of folio 169r through the middle of the 2nd row of folio 175v - unlike the rest of the manuscript. (Nagy 2016) p 71. 4 In discussing the illuminators of the Gradual of King Matthias, one must start with folio 7r (Fig. 8) and its miniature representing the Israelites entering the Promised Land. In comparison with the other miniatures, the figures are better-proportioned, the posture of each figure is more believable, the faces are well-modeled, the use of shadows is confident, the facial expressions are more natural, the use of perspective is correct, and the trees in the background are without parallel in the rest of the book. To a greater or lesser degree, the other miniatures in this gradual display unconvincing postures except for figures standing straight up. Faces are frequently unnaturally turned up, the nose connects with the line of the eyebrows, the architecture is very detailed and elaborate but portrayed without any awareness of the use of perspective in painting, many floors are tiled in a distinctive pattern, transitions between different spaces are poorly handled, and the characteristic landscape involves conical hills. Moving beyond the atypical miniature on folio 7r, miniatures on folia 10r and 115v, 22r, 26r, 30r, 33v, 54v, 127v, 149r,and 197r (Fig. 9) provide examples of various styles. This proves that there were at least two illuminators of this manuscript. Thus, we have that the miniature on folio 7r is done in Northern Italian style; the rest in Flemish style and the product of different hands. Esther Nagy published recently an admirably detailed article analyzing and synthesizing the scholarship surrounding the Gradual, and adding some of her own conclusions. One of these is that because of the consistency of the miniatures other than that on folio 7r – the similarity in face, figure, and landscape - there was only 5 one Flemish illustrator.4 This may be the case, however Nagy’s argument relies on the Flemish illuminator working alone in Central Europe, where neither apprentices nor a workshop would have been available – and this is not clearly established. Also, in the miniatures on folios 22r and 26r the figure is obviously poorly proportioned. Later in this paper, the identity of the Flemish illuminator or illuminators is considered. Moreover, from the large initial margins and decorations there appear to be several types of miniatures. Setting aside the miniature on folio 7r, the remaining miniatures present a seemingly Flemish-style iconography, and can be further grouped. For example, simple brushstrokes, figures with turban-like hats, and unsophisticated faces appear on folios 72r, 90r, 141v, 153r, 157r, 161r, 165v, 168r and 180r. Frequently kneeling bearded kings, with faces that are not overly sharp and in threequarters profile, in architecturally detailed scenes, appear on folios 58r, 64r, 76v, 86r, 106r, 123v, 176r and 193v. Further research may confirm and expand these subgroups. On the other hand, throughout the Gradual outside of folio 7r, the landscape is consistent in showing dry hills, round trees, curling rivers, and architecture which unhappily combines interior and exterior spaces. Esther Nagy admits that the quality of the initials and of the miniatures in the Gradual is variable In Nagy 2016, p 56 she writes “It is not very likely that the Flemish illuminator came to Central Europe with his workshop in tow ... I also find it hard to imagine that during his sojourn in this region the master would have had time to train an apprentice who could imitate his style so perfectly.” Except for the Vatican Missal, there seem to be no other “instances of his influence anywhere else in Vienna or Buda.” (cf Hoffmann, Edith; Regi maygar bibliofilek p 90) 4 6 over the manuscript. While she argues that the initials may have deteriorated due to lack of time in preparation, this may or may not have been the case. Essentially, style is not about time but is established in the details. Aside from the initials on folio 1r with gold backgrounds, the quality of the initials in the Gradual is quite stable. The level of detail in the miniature on folio 197r, for example the bed and the surrounding initial D and the floor, match that of the miniature on folio 22r. About Robe of French King in Folios 10r & 115r (Fig. 10) In the miniature on folio 10r, a figure wears ermine and deep blue robes with the fleur-de-lis pattern of the kings of France. This caused some in the literature, led by Elmer Varju5, to suggest that the Gradual originated in France. A further argument in this direction is that the Gradual starts with the day before Easter, a practice attributed to the French. This is not sufficient grounds for an identification, but perhaps it does suggest that the Flemish illuminator or illuminators spent some time in regions influenced by the French king. While folio 115v bears a similar illumination subject and layout, these two miniatures exhibit different frames, decorations, and regal robes. The faces of the figures are shaped differently; and one frame recalls plaster-like sculpture, while the other is organic. So it seems quite likely that the miniatures on folios 10r and 115v were not illuminated by the same person. Cité de Dieu from Turin, Bible historiale from New Haven, and Book of Hours from London 5 (Varju 1908) 7 In 1984, Barbara A. Shailor identified two manuscripts - a Cité de Dieu (vol. 1, BNU L I 6 and vol.2 AST Jb. III 12) from Turin and a Bible historiale [ms 29 at Beinecke Library at Yale] – as being illuminated by the same person, who is known in the literature as the Master of the Turin Augustine.6 Many miniatures in both books contain landscape elements, such as grass, trees, stones, roads, rivers, and cliffs, but they are rarely combined into a realistic whole. The artistic shortcomings in handling space are even more apparent in the treatment of architecture. Much care has been lavished on detailed aspects of buildings – such as walls, floors, roofs, stairs, and furniture – but the transitions between these components is hampered by a total disregard of perspective. In these respects, the books in Turin and at the Beinecke Library are very similar to the Gradual. The figures in the Cité de Dieu from Turin have much clearer lines, are taller, and richer in posture and action. The Bible historiale is closer to the Buda Gradual in figure representation, although even here there is some variability. There may have been some slight improvement in the Gradual in the placement of figures on the landscape, but compared to the artistic skill demonstrated in the northern Italian miniature on folio 7r, it is minimal. The illuminator of the Flemish-style miniatures in the Gradual has introduced one graceless note. Frequently the faces are unnaturally extended in front of the body, tilted upwards, and smiling inappropriately – for example, an illustration of Matthias killing a prone Jew on folio 157r, or the miniatures on folios 26r and 22r (Fig. 11). This dissimilarity in the treatment of faces and figures, as well as other minor 6 (Shailor 1984) p 178 8 differences such as in the secondary decoration, preclude identifying the Master of the Turin Augustine as the illuminator of the Flemish-style miniatures of the Gradual. However, the other similarities mentioned above (landscape, architecture, treatment of space, and some similarities in portrayals of faces) do suggest that the master of the Gradual might have been an apprentice of the Master of the Turin Augustine, or shared a workshop with him, or been trained in the same region. A Book of Hours (Stowe ms. 27) kept in the British Library provides an important link between the output of the region of Tournai on the one hand, the Gradual on the other. This Book of Hours seems less carefully prepared than the other manuscripts, perhaps because it was intended for the market – not for a royal or ecclesiastical patron. Its similarities with the Gradual include the distinctive unnatural postures and facial expressions, and the flouting of the rules of perspective. The British Library Book of Hours also shares traits with the Bible historiale, for example the face of Judith in the Yale book resembles that of Mary in the Book of Hours. The blue-onion domed buildings found in the Gradual and in the Bible historiale also arise in ms. Stowe 27, not to mention the unfortunate use of perspective. It is even possible that this Book of Hours, because of its much rougher figure drawing and carelessness in depicting architectural elements, could also be the work of an apprentice working in the Flemish style for commercial purposes, which would make it less useful in determining the master of the Gradual. Late 15 Century of Bruges and Ghent 9 Bruges and Ghent were the center of Flemish illumination, and yielded manuscripts more sophisticated, but similar in some respects to the Gradual: - the Saluces Hours7, Mid-15 Century, Partly illuminated by Antoine de Lohny, 28 x 20 cm, the British Museum. The landscape style (hills, rocks and trees) and the initial decoration resemble those in the Gradual. The frame of the miniature. - Les Chroniques d’Angleterre, Netherland, 1470-80, by Jean de Warin, 45x34cm, The British Library. Particularly, Royal 15 E IV f. 14, the scene King Edward IV Enthroned. The King’s robe with fleur-de lis, the hats of the courtiers, the green dress of the figure at the far left, and the slightly awkward posture of the man with the pink tunic are all reminiscent of the Gradual.8 -Manuscript from Des Cas Des Nobles Hommes et Femmes Maleureux, Netherlands. 1470-83. Surrounded by over a dozen aristocrats, the Duc de Berry receives from Laurens du Premierfait.9 Except for the robes - especially the dark blue robe of Laurens du Premierfait – the hats, the tile on the floor, and the upturned face this is not so closely linked to the Gradual. - Manuscript from Les Chroniques, Belgium, c. 1480 by Jean Froissart, 48.5 x33.5 cm, The British Museum. “The Entry of Isabel of Bavaria into Paris” figures, the eagle nose and detailed architecture is similar to the gradual. (page112) -The Book of the Hunt of King Modus & Queen Ratio (after 1455)–Attributed to an anonymous Burgundian illuminator known as the Master of Girart de Roussillon, is a treatise on hunting and, in the form held by the Royal Library of Belgium, is bound 7 (Kerrigan 2014) p 63 Ibid. p 106 9 Ibid. p 107 8 10 with a second book, 'The Dream of Pestilence', something of a poetic exposition on contemporary morals.10 Localization The London Book of Hours displays several identifying anomalies. In its calendar, the 9th of May is given to the celebration of the consecration of Notre Dame Cathedral in Tournai. For 1 October, the book marks the feast of St. Piatus, who converted the population of Tournai to Christianity. And then on 20 February, the feast of St. Eleutherius, first Bishop of Tournai, is singled out. This strongly suggests that the Book of Hours was made in the region of Tournai. The Cite de Dieu is linked to the area by its scribe. According to the colophon, this was Jean du Quesne, who worked in Lille, a mere 30 km from Tournai. McKendrick and Komada11 attribute the copying of the Bible historiale also to du Quesne, although the illumination of many of the miniatures was done in Bruges. In Mazarine 312, a manuscript dated to around 1440, Komada uncovered the model for the Bible historiale, a model which she identified as coming from the area of Tournai and Cambrai.12 Likewise, the Cite de Dieu of Turin follows KBR 9005, a manuscript now held in Brussels and dated to 1420-1435. The manuscript in Brussels was made for Gui Guilbaut, counsellor, treasurer, and governor-general of all 10 It is assumed that this manuscript was made for Philip the Good, the third of the great dukes of Burgundy who assembled a kingdom more wealthy and powerful than any other in Europe. 11 (Komada 2000) p 110 12 Ibid, p 93, 96 11 finances of Philip the Good and first master of the Chambre des Comptes of Lille, and was given to Philip the Good by the governor of Lille. From these considerations, it is fair to assume that the Master of the Turin Augustine worked in the Lille/Tournai region. And while it is premature to decide that the Gradual was made there also, the author or authors of its Flemish-style miniatures seems to have at least received training there. THE QUESTION OF WHERE AND WHO Hinrich Sieveking revolutionized research on the Gradual in his book on the Master of the Wolfgang Missal by identifying the frontispiece of an incunabulum published in 1483 (Cod. Typ. 814) in the library of the Canonical Augustinian Monastery of Klosterneuburg as the work of one of the illuminators of the Gradual. Here are some of the points of similarity: - The face of Leopold has arched eyebrows, a thick lower lip, and divided beard; just like old men in Gradual. - The posture of the saint recalls those in the Gradual (e.g., the soldier on the right in folio 103r, and the knight on the left in folio 95r) - Scenery: the familiar conical cliffs; regular, rounded trees in the middle ground; and in the foreground trees with fewer leaves. - The distant background and horizon dotted with tiny trees on faint mountains. 12 Thus, Nagy writes that the “miniature of St. Leopold of Klosterneuburg can be attributed to the master of” the Gradual “with “a great deal of certainty.”13 A mistake in the heraldry – the double head given to the Babenberg eagle – suggests that this miniature is not the work of someone native to Central Europe. Hence it is possible to deduce that the illuminator, or illuminators, of the Gradual could not have been from Italy or Central Europe. Similarly, in the frontispiece of the Gradual, the coat of arms of Matthias features a red lion on a silver background, whereas the correct lion should have been silver on a red background. Also, the lion of Matthias has two tails, whereas the one in the Gradual only has one tail. Taken together with the ties to the work of the Master of the Turin Augustine, training in the Tournai region seems likely. The very accurate rendition of St. Stephen's Cathedral in Vienna behind St. Leopold gives credence to the hypothesis that the frontispiece was painted in Vienna, especially if it was done by a foreigner. The iconography – the way Leopold holds the flag in one hand and cradles the monastery in the other, the arrangement of the coats of arms, and the princely hat – is quite unFlemish and reinforces the idea of local work by a non-native. Even granting the visit to Vienna for this frontispiece, no conclusion can be drawn as to where the Gradual was illuminated, although we have evidence – see the section below on the script - suggesting that it was copied in Northern Italy. 13 (Nagy 2016) p 53 13 Two Northern Italian illuminators working in Buda were Francesco da Castello and Giovanni Antonio Cattaneo de Mediolano. The presence of Italians is no surprise, given the enthusiasm of Matthias for the Renaissance, his large library, and his interest in literature. Francesco da Castello’s style was very different from that of the Northern Italian miniature, so speculation has centered on Giovanni Antonio Cattaneo de Mediolano by those determined to place the creation of the Gradual n Buda. Since we have no other work attributed to him, and no other written record, this is mere hypothesis, especially since there is no firm evidence that the Gradual was illuminated in Buda. THE QUESTION OF THE SCRIPT Gotica texturalis formata rounda The script used in the Gradual is scriptura Gotica texturalis formata rounda – as first determined by K Szigeti.14 Rotunda is a southern version of textualis. The letters b, c, d, e, h, p, q, and the round s most particularly, are rounder and wider than the northern textualis. Stems rest straight on the baseline, have no artificial spurs, and are rarely decorated. In the Budapest Gradual, the rotunda is precisely written. While rotunda started in southern Europe, its use spread over the entire continent by 1400. There are examples of rotunda in the north in the 1460s and 1470s, and it became even more common in the 16th century. Rotunda was used in the Netherlands, but not with the “in the course of the 15th century, Gothic hands were replaced in Italy and neighbouring areas” ( note: Juan-Jose Marcos: juanjmarcos@gmail.com) Paleographic fonts for Latin Script, p62) http://guindo.pntic.mec.es/jmag0042/LATIN_PALEOGRAPHY.pdf (Szigeti, A matayas-graduale eredetenek kerdese [On the Origin of the Gradual of King Matthias] 1963) 14 14 same delicacy and grace as found in the Gradual, and choir books in the Netherlands continued to use northern textualis. Hence it may be conjectured that the Gradual was probably not copied in the Netherlands. However, many books made in Buda used rotunda, so the copying of the Gradual probably took place in Central or Southern Europe. Nagy cites some liturgical books prepared for the Bishop of Lodi as being very similar to the Gradual in paleographical terms. In particular, striking similarities characterize the letters given special penwork decoration. (Fig. 12) The Lombard Gradual and Lodi Manuscript The Lombard Gradual at Cornell University library is another example of a Northern Italian choir book with similarities to the Budapest Gradual. Its initials are remarkably like those pictured above, as can be seen from the images immediately below. It is difficult to be definitive about the script from the limited samples available online [only portions of nine folios], but the letters do seem to be rotunda as well. (Fig. 13) Lisa Longhi hypothesized that because of the high standards in the scriptoria of monasteries, these Lodi manuscripts are monastic products, and attributed the copying to a group of scribes at Congregazione Agostiniana dell’Osservanza della Lombardia. (Longhi 1998) There are similarities between the scripts used in the Gradual and the choir books from Lodi Cathedral, although the Italian books are generally more ornate. So Nagy argues: “the similarities between Gradual and the Lodi manuscripts allow us to 15 conclude that the Budapest manuscript was copied by a scribe of Northern Italian origin, who perhaps had an even closer connection with the scribe of the Lodi manuscripts.”15 But whether this was done in Buda or Italy or somewhere else is an unanswered question. It is known, however, that typically a scribe copied the text, following which an expert in chant notation wrote the neumes. A more scientific investigation into ink types may be warranted.16 While the first Hungarian use of square musical notation was found in Franciscan and Dominican monasteries, conventional Hungarian musical notation was different. In fact, Janka Szendrei decided that the music in the Gradual must have been copied by a foreign master, since no other Hungarian manuscript has such regular stylized square musical notation.17 The use of rotunda implies Southern Europe as a source, and in light of the close ties between Matthias and Northern Italy, a natural guess is that the manuscript was copied in Northern Italy, as asserted by Nagy. Csaba Csopodi, in an article on the history of the Bibliotheca Corviniana, and in his book with Klára Csapodi-Gárdonyi, pointed out the interest of Matthias in collecting Latin literature was known in Italy as early as the 1460s18. The king sent agents to Italy to buy books for his library. His interest in Latin literature and the humanists of 15 (Nagy 2016) p 63. (Barton, The Influence of Byzantium and Syria upon Western Medieval Chant in The Neume Notation Project 2000) 17 Szigeti, as later confirmed by Szendrei, p 43 (Szendrai 1981) 18 (Csapodi n.d.) 16 16 the Italian renaissance was further strengthened by his marriage to Beatrice of Aragon in 1476. Csopodi writes that despite his queen’s roots in Naples, “it was the connections with Florence which were strengthened and now became the closest.”19 CONCLUSION From the evidence offered in various places above, the second volume of the Gradual of King Matthias was likely copied by a scribe from Northern Italy. [It is unclear whether this was in Buda, which was visited by numerous Italians, Vienna, Lombardy, or elsewhere in Central or Southern Europe.] An Italian illuminator painted the miniature on folio 7r, and a Flemish illuminator or illuminators, probably trained in the region of Lille and Tournai, handled the others. Based on the coat of arms of Beatrice, this took place no earlier than 1476 when the marriage took place. Many open questions about the Gradual need further research. A more exact determination of where it was made may be based on more information about the working of manuscripts in Vienna, Buda and Northern Italy, and data about the commission offered by King Matthias, and the activities of the Corvinian Library. Also welcome would be any new information about the movements and activity of the illuminator of the Italian miniature, about the incomplete portions of the manuscript, and the activity of the scribes and illuminators in the vicinity of Lille and Tournai in the 15th century. 19 Ibid. 17 In the light of the fleur-de-lis motif and its associations with the King of France, it is striking that apart from the coat of arms in the frontispiece, nothing in the Flemish illuminations refers directly to King Matthias. In fact, Csapodi explains that the coat of arms displayed was that of Beatrice, not that of the King and Queen.20 [Possibly his coat of arms was displayed on the original cover.] Contrasting examples are provided by the other liturgical manuscripts of King Matthias, in which the coats of arms, portraits and emblems serve as representations of his royal power. The possibility of this book being a gift from Matthias to his wife may explain this anomaly and the overall lack of care evidenced. But one wonders why the king did not require a complete set of Italian-style miniatures for a gift to his queen from Naples. Total words: 4073 (Csapodi n.d.) “There are manuscripts still in existence which bear not only King Matthias's coat of arms, but also the shield of the Hungarian king and that of Aragon combined in one achievement. This double shield is usually referred to as the coat of arms of Matthias and Beatrice, but this is an error; it was not the joint coat of arms of the king and queen but that of the queen alone. The same seal was used by Queen Beatrice on her charters, while the seal of King Matthias on royal charters and deeds never included the arms of Aragon. In this respect Matthias and Beatrice faithfully followed the example of their predecessors: neither earlier nor later can the consort's arms be found in the seal of the Hungarian king; the queens, on the other hand, invariably used a seal uniting their own arms with those of the king.” 20 18 APPENDIX CODICOLOGICAL DESCRIPTION Probably copied by a Northern Italian scribe, and illuminated in Buda or Vienna, c.1476-1490 Parchment, II, Cod. lat. 424, folio 58r Text block measures 385×237 mm, miniatures around 155x165 mm Illuminators: At least two - one Northern Italian, and one Flemish. Budapest, National Széchényi Library, Department of Manuscripts Script: Gothic Textura Rotunda. Black square notation on a red staves of four horizontal lines and five lines each of music and text per page. The main text was written in black ink; the liturgical instructions were written in black or red ink. Feast days are named in rubrics, and the beginnings of each song marked with an abbreviation of the type of song, written in red ink. On folios 172r, 172v, and 175v, the neumes are in a different hand. Starting with the fourth row of folio 169r and continuing until the middle of the second row of folio 175v, unlike other parts of the manuscript, the signs to indicate the place for the neumes, which were usually subsequently scratched away, can still be made out. Layout: The manuscript consists of 25 quires, each of which is 8 folios, with a separate bound bifolio at the end of the manuscript. Ruling: Two vertical red lines mark each margin, extending the full height of the page. The place for the text is ruled using brown ink. The borders of the miniatures 19 are ruled with thin, very pale brown lines, to which the red music staves are aligned. The notes were added after the lyrics for the songs had been inscribed, for the red lines and the neumes sometimes cover the lettering. The borders surrounding the spaces set aside for the liturgical instructions are also ruled with thin, pale brown. On each folio, three lozenge symbols adorn the staves, and a C clef is found in the staves. Binding: Brown leather. The front shows a gold imprint of the imperial Austrian coat of arms with a two-head eagle and the characters: ‘E. A. B. C. V. 17 G. L. B. V. S. B. 55. A gold inscription on a red base along the spine reads: Missae PRO DIEBUS DOMINICIS COD.MS. THEOLOG. N. XVIII. OL.S. N. The edges on all three sides are gilded. _____________________________________________________________________ PROVENANCE: the Bibliotheca Corviniana LITERATURE: Berkovits 1942, 1945, 1962; Berkovits 1964 207-208; Csejdy 1994; Hindman 1997; Hermann 1933 117-120; Hoffmann 1933, 296-29781; Komada 2000, 128-129, 132;; Szigeti 1969; Sieveking 1986,142; Radocsay Soltesz 1969, 25-27, 6567; Soltesz 2007, Varju 1908, 5-20. 20 IMAGES Fig. 1 Title page of this paper and Folio 3r, Resurrection of Christ Fig. 2 portion of folio 76v initial “B” and Rubric enlarged Fig. 3 Folios 74v, 75r, 75v and 76v 21 Fig. 4 Folio 41r and miniature from folio 41r Fig. 5 Folios 172r, 172v and 175r showing the lozenges largely outside of the staves Fig. 6 Folio 171v showing missing music notation, and folio 156v missing music notation in the bottom stave 22 Fig. 7 Folio 3r, detail from bottom border decoration of folio 3r showing coat of arms of Queen Beatrice, full coat of arms of King Matthias.21 Fig. 8 Folio 7r, miniature from folio 7r Fig. 9 Miniatures from folios 127v, 149r, 54r various styles 21 John Hunyadi's extended coat-of-arms (granted to him in 1453 by King Ladislaus V of Hungary.) The Hunyadi family was one of the most powerful noble families in the Kingdom of Hungary during the 15th century. A member of the family, Matthias Corvinus, was King of Hungary from 1458 until 1490. Matthias married his first wife, Catherine of Poděbrady, in 1461.[59] She died in childbirth in 1464.[60][61] His second wife, Beatrice of Naples, whom he married in 1476, was infertile.[62][63] In the last decade of his life, Matthias ensured the succession of his illegitimate son, John Corvinus, to the throne of Hungary.[64] Matthias died on 6 April 1490. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hunyadi_family. 23 Fig. 10 Miniatures from folios 10r and 115r Fig. 11 Miniatures from folio 157r (upper left), a Book of Hours [Stowe ms. 27] from the British Library (upper right), And (below) from folios 22r, 26r, and 33v 24 Fig. 12 On the left, initials from the Antiphonary of the Lodi Cathedral, New York, the Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. M.686, folios 64v, 128r, and 179r (Photo: The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York), On the right, initials from the Gradual of King Matthias, Budapest, National Széchényi Fig 13 Two images of the Lombard Gradual (upper) & Gradual of King Matthias folio 111r, and two views of folio 1r (lower) 25 Bibliography Alexander, Jonathan J.G. 2007. "Francesco da castello in Lombardy and Hungary." Edited by Peter Farbaky-Louis Waldman. Acts of an International Conference, Florence,. Mass.: Cambridge University Press. 267-291. Baldwin, Robert W. 1983. The Beholder and the Humble Style in Northern Renaissance and Baroque Religious Art. Cambridge, Boston: Ph.D. Thesis, Harvard University. Barton, Louis W. G. 2000. The Influence of Byzantium and Syria upon Western Medieval Chant in The Neume Notation Project. January 28. Accessed 1 3, 2018. http://www.scribeserver.com/medieval/byzantin.htm. —. 2012. The Neume Notation Project. Feb 3. 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