William James SIDIS_The Tribes and the States | Atlantis | Atlantic Ocean
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THE

TRIBES
AND THE
STATES
W. J. Sidis
620 pages, by John W. Shattuck (pseud.) ca.1935.

© 1982 by Wampanoag Nation

(background: wampum language pattern.)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION Click chapter numbers to open.

CHAPTER I RED RACE PRE-HISTORY


1 Source of the Red Race
2 The Cro-Magnons
3 Atlantis
CHAPTER II THE RED MAN IN AMERICA
4 The Different Red Stocks
5 Tribe, Phratry, and Gens
6 Equality and Democracy
7 War and Peace
8 The Penacook Peoples
CHAPTER III PRE-FEDERATE EVENTS
9 Events in the Interior
Pre-Federate Transatlantic
10
Communication
11 The Iroquois

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12 Lines of Communication
CHAPTER IV THE IROQUOIS FEDERATION
13 Dagonoweda's Plan
14 Formation of the Federation
Iroquois Empire and Counter-
15
Federation
16 Federation as a New Departure
CHAPTER V THE GREAT WHITE INVASION
17 An Invading Race
18 Rights of Conquest and Discovery
19 French Invasion
20 British Invasions
21 White Administrations
CHAPTER VI THE PENACOOK FEDERATION
22 The Pilgrims
23 Samoset's Welcome
24 The Iroquois Attack
25 Passaconaway
26 The Penacook Federation
Federability of the Penacook
27
Federation
28 Defeat of the Iroquois
CHAPTER VII PISCATAQUA AND MASADCHU
29 Invasion of the Piscataqua
30 The Paumonok Islands
31 Growth of the Pilgrim Colony
32 The Puritan Invasion
33 The Puritans and their Neighbors
34 The Head of Massachusetts Bay
35 The Iroquois Alliance
CHAPTER VIII THE PENACOOK PEACE
36 The Peace of 1634
37 Elsewhere in America
38 Invasion of the Quinnitucket
39 Extension of the Bay Colony

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40 Apostle Eliot
41 Narragansett Bay Settlements
CHAPTER IX THE LAST OF THE PEQUOTS
39 Federation on the Quinnitucket
40 The Pequot War
41 Puritan Re-Migration
42 Puritan Revolt in England
43 New Haven
THE NEW ENGLAND
CHAPTER X
CONFEDERATION
44 Difficulties with the Dutch
45 New England Federation
46 Annexation of the Piscataqua
47 New Sects
48 Conquest of the South
49 The Middle Regions
CHAPTER XI UNDER RESTORED MONARCHY
American Policy of the Restored
50
Stuarts
The Penacook Country at the
51
Restoration
52 The Duke of York's Claims
53 New Settlement in Carolina
54 Punishing New England
55 New York's Border Conflicts
CHAPTER XII METACOM'S WAR
56 Bashaba Metacom
57 Plymouth Resents Metacom
58 Reconquest of Paumonok
59 Effect of the Penacook Federation
60 War Against Plymouth
61 Converts and Adoptees
62 The Defeat of the Tribes
63 Rebellion in Virginia
CHAPTER XIII QUAKER SETTLEMENT

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64 The Keystone Colony
65 Starting the Quaker Colony
66 Massachusetts's Charter Disputes
67 Extension of the Keystone Territory
CHAPTER XIV THE ANDROS REGIME
68 New York's Overlord Becomes King
69 New York Annexes New England
70 Witchcraft
71 Rebellion Against Andros
72 The Rebellion Spreads
CHAPTER XV REBEL PROVINCES
73 Rebel Provinces
74 Father Rasles
75 The Hudson Valley Is Attacked
76 The Rebel Governments
77 Scalping Bounties
78 Down the Mississippi
79 End of the Rebel Governments
CHAPTER XVI INTERCOLONIAL STRUGGLES
80 The Peace of 1697
81 Louisiana
The English Colonies after the
82
Partition
83 The Acadian War
84 Wars Against the Tribes
85 A Thirteenth Colony
86 Religious Reform
87 The Georgian War
CHAPTER XVII THE GREAT OHIO WAR
88 Canessetago and Franklin
89 Expulsion of the Acadians
90 The Lanapes' New Home
91 French Expansion in the Interior
92 Virginia's Ohio Expedition
93 The Great Ohio War Starts

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94 Iroquois Territory Invaded
95 Amherst's Smallpox
96 Capture of Canada
97 The Peace of 1763
AFTERMATH OF THE GREAT
CHAPTER XVIII
OHIO WAR
98 Royal Peace Proclamation
99 The Ottawa Federation
100 Spanish Exploration
101 The New Regime in Canada
Manufacturing in England and
102
America
103 New Titles in New England
104 Collecting for the War
CHAPTER XIX DEFIANCE
104b* The Stamp Act Congress
105 Boston is Invaded
106 The South Defies the Proclamation
107 The Virginia Liberals
108 The Quebec Act
109 Other Complaints
110 Smugglers' Resistance
111 Correspondence Committees
112 The Boston Port Bill
THE PERIOD OF CIVIL
CHAPTER XX
DISOBEDIENCE
A New Military Regime Enters
113
Massachusetts
114 Congress of the United Colonies
The Provincial Congress in
115
Massachusetts
116 Aid from New Hampshire
117 The Winter of 1774 in Boston
New York Attempts to Oust the
118
Vermonters
119 The British Raid Middlesex

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120 The Pursuit
CHAPTER XXI THE SIEGE OF BOSTON
121 The Siege Begins
122 The Capture of Ticonderoga
123 The Mecklenburg Declarations
124 Revolt in Maine
125 The Continental Congress of 1775
126 The Attack on Charlestown
127 Washington Takes Command
128 Attack on Canada
129 Evacuation of Boston
DECLARATION OF
CHAPTER XXII
INDEPENDENCE
The Continental Army Moves to New
130
York
131 Independence in Rhode Island
Independence Discussed by the
132
Continental Congress
133 The Declaration of Independence
134 The Accusations in the Declaration
Federal Structure of the First
135
Republic
CHAPTER XXIII THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE
136 Proclaiming Independence
137 England Recovers New York
138 "Burgoyning"
139 Foreign Aid
140 The Articles of Confederation
141 The War in the West
142 The "Commonwealth"
143 The War in the South
CHAPTER XXIV THE FIRST REPUBLIC
144 Peace Negotiations
145 Evacuation of New York
146 Post-Revolution Migrations
147 The Green Mountain War
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148 The Northwest Territory
ECONOMIC RECONSTRUCTION
CHAPTER XXV
OF THE FIRST REPUBLIC
149 Conflict of Economic Systems
150 Currency under the First Republic
151 Church Reorganization
Land and Trade under the First
152
Republic
153 The Soldiers' Demands
CHAPTER XXVI THE SHAYS REBELLION
154 The Rhode Island Coup
155 The Hatfield Convention
156 The Northampton Insurrection
157 Spread of the Shays Rebellion
158 Defeat of the Rebellion
159 Refugees and Prisoners
CHAPTER
THE CINCINNATI CONSPIRACY
XXVII
160 The Annapolis Convention
161 Aftermath of the Shays Rebellion
162 The Northwest Ordinance
163 The Secret Meeting at Philadelphia
164 The Plan for the Overthrow
165 The Ratifying Conventions
166 The Massachusetts Reservations
167 The First Republic Surrenders
CHAPTER WASHINGTON'S
XXVIII ADMINISTRATION
168 The Second Republic is Started
169 Opposition to the Second Republic
170 The Recalcitrant States
Northwest and Southwest
171
Territories
172 The Bill of Rights
173 Washington and the Federal District
174 Federalist Regime Economic

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Activities
175 Foreign Relations
176 Washington Retires
CHAPTER XXIX DOWNFALL OF FEDERALISM
177 American Neutrality
178 Sedition Laws
179 The Dispute with Georgia
180 End of the Federalist Period
UNDER THE DEMOCRATIC-
CHAPTER XXX
REPUBLICANS
181 Jefferson Becomes President
182 Acquisition of Louisiana
183 The Embargo
184 Tecumseh
185 The Canadian War
186 Dictatorship in Louisiana
187 Fixing the Borders
188 Missouri Becomes a State
Renewal of South American
189
Revolutions
[The End?]

See also: Social Continuity Theory Passaconaway in the White Mountains

Continuity News Penacook Courier America's Search for Liberty in Song & Poem

8
9
197 Warren Ave.
Boston, Mass
[Sunday,] Aug. 4, 1935

I have sent you a copy of the first instalment of the Tribe's pamphlet
"The Tribes and the States." Not my pamphlet, but the Tribe's―compiled
and edited by the Okamakammessets, and issued by the American
Independence Society. The charge is 50¢, but no real hurry.

I am sorry I have no better news to report so far. Took another Civil


Service exam, and was informed that I passed the state clerical exam,
and I am No. 254―not so encouraging.

The Independence Society is getting together a new one―a


collection of poems of American Liberty. I heard also last week that the
"Tribe" is planning to get out its history in a new form―a monthly issue,
each time to be dated some past date and describing the history of that
time as current news.

Sorry things are going worse over in N.Y. Better luck for next time!

W. J. Sidis

(Click)

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11
197 Warren Ave.
Boston, Mass
[Wednesday,] Aug. 14, 1935

I have got hold of three more copies of "The Tribes and the States,"
and sent them to you, as you ordered. I do wish it to be understood that,
as the pamphlet states in the introduction, it is not to be considered to
be the work of any individual, but of an organisation. I may have helped
on it, but I certainly do not want to be considered the author, as there
are lots of things there I would not care to take personal responsibility
for; so please do not represent the pamphlet to anyone as my work.

That tribal organisation just surprised me by sending―from some


place in New Hampshire I never heard of before, an historical newspaper
written in American, and which seemed to be good and exciting stuff.
Hope they can keep it up.

Yours truly,

W. J. Sidis

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The Tribes and the States
W. J. Sidis

Unpublished manuscript, 620 pages, by John W. Shattuck


(pseud.), ca.1935

© 1982 by Wampanoag Nation

EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

This history of "The Tribes and the States" is


not to be regarded as the work of any individual.
There runs through the entire history, as a
continuous thread, the mention of the Tribe of
the Okamakammessets, whose version of
American history this claims to be. This
organization is supposed, according to the version
of history described in this work, to have been
originally an actual tribe of Indians inhabiting
Middlesex County, Massachusetts, and forming an
important unit of the Penacook Federation; and
later, without losing its continuity of organization,
gradually becoming a sort of group working quietly,
and without showing its hand, for the restoration in
modern America of the same principles for which
the Penacook federation once stood. Whether, and
to what extent, such a society is acting as a
13
nucleus in modern America, or whether it has any
claim to continuity with the old Indian tribe whose
name it bears, is, for the reader's purpose,
irrelevant: it is of interest to see the new point of
view towards America that can be presented from
that angle.
The function of the editor of this history is
merely that of a compiler. The material is partly
the legends and traditions of the tribe itself, some
of which are embodied in its poems, which are
freely quoted throughout this history; partly well-
known historical facts and dates, as interpreted
from this different point of view; partly facts which
are definitely known but which the ordinary history
fails to bring out because varying from the
standard "patriotic" point of view―all originally
presented by the "tribe" as isolated material, but in
this history for the first time woven into continuous
whole.
There are certain definite departures from the
common and well-known points of view regarding
America and its past that the reader will notice. At
the opening, it is obvious that the beginnings of
American history are sought not in Europe but here
in America, among the peoples who originally
inhabited this country, and the characteristics of
the various parts of the country are treated as
directly traceable to the varying characteristics and
customs of the early tribes in the same regions.
14
The tribes of Indians are considered, not as
savages or barbarians who created nothing of
importance, but as the real founders of the best
and most important parts of modern American
institutions: federation, democracy, postal service,
written constitutions, the idea of individual rights,
are among the many things which, according to
this version of history, modern America owes to its
red predecessors. And, as a corollary, the coming
of the white people to America, which, from the
standard point of view, starting American history in
Europe, was a series of discoveries, is here treated
as a series of invasions from Europe by a
barbarous people who understood nothing of
American institutions, but who, in the very process
of overrunning the continent, acquired, at least
partially, many of the ways of doing things that
they found on this side of the ocean, and civilized
themselves, and even their original home
countries, in the process.
On account of this point of view of the origin
of American history, it might seem to the reader at
first that he is dealing with a history of the Indian
tribes; but nothing could be further from the truth.
There is no attempt to deal with Indians as such,
but rather a history of the American people from
early times down to the present―that is, Indians
when they were inhabiting America, then following
the invasions and the consequent changing nature
of America's population, but at all times dealing
15
specifically with the people of America. The history
is thus not a history from the point of view of
ancestry, but rather of locality. The idea developed
is that in each locality there is a certain continuity
of tradition that persists in spite of the changing
character of its population―not that the
geographical characteristics compel this, as some
have supposed, but rather that each successive
wave of invasion or immigration acquires the
traditions from the previous inhabitants of the
region.
To those who have been used to reading into
American history the idea that the administration is
always right, or that the people always follow the
governing power, or that it is un-American for the
people to take the law into their own hands, this
version of American history might prove somewhat
of a shock. And yet the compiler of this "tribal
version of American history feels that this version
is more truly American than that which promotes
governmental versions of patriotism, in that it
revives and represents much more nearly the
principles of the Declaration of Independence in
which lie the real foundations of the world's
greatest Federation. And it can surely be no
disparagement to trace this federation to the
world's first federation, and to the first democratic
federation, both of which originated within the very
same country.

16
There are other points of difference from the
established text-book view of history, such as:
picturing America as a country where popular
revolts have been the rule rather than the
exception, and even as the origin and inspiration of
such revolts throughout the world; describing
George Washington, not as the hero of the
American Revolution, as he is ordinarily
considered, but rather as one who had little
sympathy with democracy, and finally overthrew
by conspiracy the republic the Revolution
established; the existence of a First Republic (John
Hancock being its first president) representing the
American Revolution, and a Second Republic
representing a political counter-revolution; the pre-
revolutionary co-operative factory and civil
disobedience systems in Massachusetts; or the
various peculiar theories of economic and political
functions and development as presented here. All
these will doubtless be difficult for the average
reader to swallow. And to this, let it merely be said,
that what is being presented here is merely a new
version of what happened, partly based on legends
and traditions of what claims to be the continuation
in modern America of the tribal organization of a
nation of the old Indians of New England; so that
even the existence of contradictions in the story as
here presented would not be at all surprising. But
let us also hope that the new point of view will
make the reader "think it over"―that it will excite
17
his interest, and make him reconsider much that
he has taken for granted about his country.
Even in the local spirit shown throughout this
work, glorifying New England as against New York
and the South, the point of view is by no means
that of supporting or justifying the various acts
which authorities have committed in that section,
but rather to bring out the resistance which those
same authorities have so frequently provoked. The
Puritans and the Pilgrims are presented neither as
the heroic pioneer spirits we read about in New
England versions of history, nor as the villains and
intolerant bigots that New York and Southern
versions present to us, but rather, from the point of
view of those working among them as
representatives of the older Indian civilization, as
well-meaning but slow-witted pupils of the Indians,
sometimes enemies, sometimes friends, but still
the best that the new invading civilization had to
offer, largely because of their contact with the best
part of the old Indian culture. And it would also be
natural for an organization which claims to have its
roots in Middlesex to center its story about that
part of the country.
The tribe, whose account of American history
this is, wishes to present its version of past events
on this continent, not as a result of painstaking
research on the part of any individual or group of
individuals, but as a sort of story based on its own
18
traditions, in which verified facts and dates are
merely used to weld the whole together into a
continuity; and it is at least hoped that it will
constitute an interesting alternative version of
history, and be read as such.

CHAPTER I
RED RACE PRE-HISTORY
1. Source of the Red Race. No explanation has as
yet been generally agreed on as to whence came the
original American race, although, ever since there has
been regular communication between the two sides of
the ocean, numerous explanations have been suggested.
Most of the explanations have been by way of reconciling
the existence of an American race with the whites' rather
conceited assumption that the human species must have
come from their own side of the ocean. Examples of such
theories are William Penn's hypothesis (adopted by the
Mormons) that the reds are the descendants of the lost
tribes of Israel, or the theory championed by many
modern anthropologists, to the effect that the ancestors
of the red race came to America from Asia, by way of the
Bering Strait or the Aleutian Islands. Some
anthropologists have placed this migration as late as the
fourteenth century!

Why should it be any more necessary to explain the


presence of a red race in America than that of a white
race in Europe, or of a black one in Africa? True, all races
are probably of a common origin; but that origin may
have been in the western hemisphere just as easily as the
19
eastern, or it may even have been in some place that has
since been submerged under the ocean, which could
explain some people going to America and some to
Europe.

Probably the Eskimos came across the Bering Strait,


since they are of a different race than the red tribes of
America, but much more closely allied to the Mongolian
peoples of the opposite side of the Arctic Ocean. Also,
there are some peculiarities of the Pacific coast dwellers
of America, which might be explained by some sort of
Mongolian immigration into America which mixed with
red tribes already here. But the red race itself, which has
no resemblance to anything on the Asiatic side, could
hardly be explained by a Mongolian migration; for only a
few superficial resemblances can be found between the
red and yellow races.

So, since it would take more than present location of


races to serve as a basis, all we can say concerning the
origin of the of the red race is that they are hardly to be
derived from straying members of other races from other
parts of the earth. An origin as a race in some specific
place is more probable―most likely, in some region now
under the Atlantic Ocean.

2. The Cro-Magnons. In connection with the pre-


history of the red peoples, an important fact is that there
were red men at one time in Europe as well as in
America. The most persistent of Europe's cave-dwelling
races were the Cro-Magnons, who were physically very
much like the red race, and are even shown by some
cave paintings in Western Europe as colored red and
wearing the same sort of top-feathers as were common
among the eastern Algonquins of North America. The Cro-
20
Magnons were mainly located near the Atlantic regions of
Europe, though found over most of Europe and northern
Africa. The densest Cro-Magnon population appears to
have been around the head of the Bay of Biscay, where
there is still spoken a language called Basque, which is
totally unrelated to any language on earth, but whose
general structure resembles only the red-race languages
of America. That this type of language must have once
been general through most of Europe is indicated by
European place-names; so that, apparently, the language
spoken in Europe before the advent of the Aryans must
have been one of red-race structure.

Of all the pre-historic peoples who came into Europe,


the only ones who showed any signs of progress were the
Cro-Magnons. Other races came and went, and each race
acquired the arts and civilization of the Cro-Magnons at
that particular time, and has remained at that particular
stage ever since; only the Cro-Magnons kept progressing,
building up slowly a civilization which their white
successors took over and adopted as their own, but which
ultimately became stagnant until progress was renewed
by contact with the red men in America.

When the Cro-Magnons came to Europe, the earth's


climate was warmer than now, and there were between
America and Europe two land connections, one by way of
Greenland and Iceland, and the other near the tropics,
connecting North Africa with the West Indies and South
America. The northern land connection appears to have
been occupied by the Cro-Magnons at a very early period,
and may, indeed, have been the original home of the red
race, though, of course, nothing definite can be said as to
this. The subsequent sinking of these land junctions, and
the coming of the Ice Age, separated the red peoples of
21
Europe and America for many thousands of years, so that
each developed separately, but with noticeably common
characteristics. It is, however, doubtful whether
communication across the Atlantic between these two
divisions of the red race was ever completely broken off
at any time.

When the Cro-Magnons reached the side of the


inland sea that is now the North Atlantic, they found the
place inhabited by certain sub-human beings known as
the Neanderthal man. These are probably the same as
the dwarfs and gnomes of European legends, as their
general appearance―hunched back and all―was of that
description. The caves in which these "Neanderthals"
lived were taken over and adapted to human habitation,
while the dwarfs themselves were at first driven into
subterranean abodes, and later became extinct. (It is to
be noted that the dwarfs and gnomes of the legends of
Western Europe usually live far underground, and later on
became associated with mines.) It is extremely doubtful
whether any mixture of such different species (not merely
different races of the human species) was possible.

This was about a hundred thousand years ago. Later


on, other races of human beings entered the same
region, associating with the Cro-Magnons, both as friends
and as enemies, and probably with some intermixture of
races. Each invading race acquired such knowledge as
the Cro-Magnons had at the time. First came the blacks,
who, when the climate cooled before the Ice Age,
retreated southward into Africa. Then, at the height of the
Ice Age, came the Eskimo population which had already
spread around the Arctic, and who had been driven south
by the advancing ice; they again retreated north when
the ice sheet began to break up, as they apparently lived
22
best on the edge of the ice. After the ice sheet had gone,
and the Cro-Magnons had begun to develop a small
civilization around the flint mines of France and England,
there came out of the east the most destructive invasion
of all.

An immense inland sea was formed during the Ice


Age between Europe and Asia, leaving on its eastern side
a large region enclosed by sea, mountains, and ice, and
isolated from the rest of the earth for many thousands of
years. Here were isolated a few human beings and a
number of animals. An albino type became the standard
human race in this region; this type is found as an
occasional freak in all races, but, under this peculiar
isolation, it became a white race. And, this freak race
being isolated together with certain varieties of animals
resulted in their taming the animals, and incidentally
infected the people with those animals' diseases and
parasites. In the course of generations, the white race
gradually acquired a certain amount of immunity to those
diseases, which, however, they always carried with them
and which proved to be their greatest weapon in their
fight against other races. When the great ice sheet
retreated on the north and on the mountains, and the
inland sea was drained, this original white men's country
became desert, forcing both human beings and animals
elsewhere, first south over the mountain passes (into
India and Persia), then in a succession of waves westward
into Europe, bringing a heavy crop of highly destructive
diseases.

It is quite possible that the first few waves of white


invasion of Europe were absorbed by intermarriage, and
the white men adopted the red civilization; but, since the
red race had not the same immunity as the whites to the
23
numerous germs the latter brought in with them, the
newer waves of invasion gradually wiped the red men off
the eastern hemisphere, though slowly enough to enable
the whites to take over the civilization.

In the west of Europe, which was the last stand of


the red people of the eastern hemisphere, traces of Cro-
Magnon characteristics are still to be found among some
of the inhabitants, even those of the purest white
complexion. Also, the folk tales referring to "giants" are
probably remnants of traditions of fight with a taller and
heavier-built race; the name "giant" itself having no
special meaning from the point of view of Aryan origin,
while if, as seems probable, Basque is a remnant of pre-
Aryan speech in Europe, that word might be derived from
the Basque "gizon," meaning "man." But the whites still
retain in Europe many place-names, and even a few
survivals of the language structure and words, as traces
of the red men conquered many thousands of years ago.

3. Atlantis. During the Ice Age, it appears that the


northern land-connection across the Atlantic had sunk,
but the southern connection remained, not as a
continuous body of land, but as a mid-Atlantic continent
connected by a chain of islands with Africa on the east,
and with America on the west. Traditions of this island
continent of "Atlantis" have been preserved on both sides
of the Atlantic. A red-race civilization certainly developed
around the north central Atlantic region on both sides of
the ocean, and the geographical center of this was in
what is now the Sargasso sea, in the middle of the
Atlantic ocean, but where tradition on both sides of the
ocean places the lost continent of Atlantis.

24
According to both Mexican and Mediterranean
traditions, a great civilization existed on this continent,
which was apparently the original center of red-race
civilization. The legend states that the continent was
occupied by ten nations unified under a common ruler
and controlling an extensive empire extending far into
the continents on both sides of the ocean. This great
empire worked both the flint mines of France and the
copper mines of Michigan. These ten nations under a
single ruler were probably merely provinces of a single
empire under centralized, possibly absolute, rule; but
doubtless the tradition of such union had an indirect
effect on the rise of the idea of federation, a plan of
government developed entirely by the Red Man, and still
flourishing mainly on American soil.

The pressure in that region being much greater from


the east than in the west, on account of the numerous
peoples of the eastern hemisphere, it is probable that
Atlantis was colonized by red men from western Europe
and Africa―that the colonization proceeded westward
through Atlantis to the Antillies Islands (the so-called
West Indies) and through there back to America, the red
man's own home. During the Ice Age, Atlantis furnished
almost the only favorable climate for a civilization, and
there the red race founded the first great civilization on
earth.

Later on, this continent became submerged, thus


destroying this important red-race center, and leaving its
outposts in Europe and America to follow their isolated
courses of development. Tradition has it that Atlantis was
sunk by an earthquake, or a series of earthquakes, at
about 9600 B.C.

25
Atlantis' colonization westward had resulted in the
Atlantean empire extending into Mexico, and into the
North American prairies as far north as the Great Lakes,
and to the mountains, both east and west. In the
meantime, when the northern land-connection between
Europe and America (possibly the original home of the
red race) was submerged, the peoples who lived there
were forced to the American side, and had to push further
down the Atlantic coast, and into the same prairie region
when the great ice sheet began to advance southward.
These included the Iroquois nations, as well as the
Algonquin stock, of which the Penacook nations are a
prominent example.

This produced a constant pressure opposing the


waves of Atlantean colonization coming up from the
southward, so that the peoples coming from the
northeastward were driven back into the north, and to the
Atlantic coast region, the Appalachian mountain range
forming a barrier against the invasion of the coastal
region. But, with the submergence of Atlantis itself, the
main strength was gone from the spread of prairie
colonization, and the "Mound Builder" civilization which
occupied most of North America several thousand years
ago was now beset on all sides by the Atlantic peoples.
The retreat was very slow, but eventually the Algonquins
spread all over North America, while the Iroquois, the
Waskoki, and others established themselves in various
parts of the continent. Probably the Natchez, defeated
and driven into the Mississippi River in 1732, represented
the last remnants of the Mound Builders, the former lords
of the American prairies.
CHAPTER II

26
THE RED MAN IN AMERICA
4. The Different Red Stocks. America before the
invasion by the whites was entirely inhabited by the red
race, but it would be a mistake to suppose that that
meant they were all of one language, stock, or
nationality. Differences in nationality and characteristics
were as pronounced as among the whites, if not more so.
The mere fact that their white conquerors have lumped
them all together under the incorrect heading of "Indians"
does not make them all alike, and it is important to
understand that pronounced national and language
differences were to be found among the aboriginal
inhabitants of America, and that therefore any
statements about customs, forms of government, etc.,
applying to one red nation would be likely to be false as
applied to their neighbors. There were many language
groups among the red people which showed no relation
to one another, beyond the common characteristics
which will be mentioned in this chapter.

Whether these language groups are of separate


origin or of long isolation, it is hard to say; but it is certain
that nations among the reds spoke sufficiently different
languages that no connection between their speech can
be recognized. The numerous unrelated language groups
of California, for instance, can probably be explained by
long isolation; for that region is divided into numbers of
small valleys, which even yet maintain a certain isolation
from one another, and whose mountain barriers are so
easily defended that isolation between red-race
nationalities might easily have lasted thousands of years,
enough to obliterate any recognizable resemblance in
speech. It is doubtful whether that would account, for
instance, for the differences between Algonquin and
27
Iroquois languages, as their peoples lived in the same
general part of America, and were in constant
communication with one another, both in peace and in
war.

The only point all red-race languages held in


common was what is known as the holophrastic structure,
which was found in all native American languages from
Alaska to Tierra del Fuego, excepting the Eskimo
language, which is not a red-race tongue. This structure is
an arrangement, otherwise called "polysynthesis,"
whereby inflections of words (prefixes, suffixes,
insertions, and assimilations of sound) are made to
express enough attendant circumstances to incorporate
into the single word what, in other than American
languages, requires whole phrases or sentences
("holophrastic" meaning "whole phrase"). Some of this
characteristic has seeped into the modern speech of the
United States and Canada, though to nowhere near the
extent to which it was used by the red peoples of the
same region. These long holophrastic words explain the
length of names of Red origin; which are "portmanteau"
words, packing into small space a quantity of meaning
which other kinds of language could not store so
conveniently. It is this holophrastic feature which made
red-race languages, of whatever group, into instruments
for expressing more shades of meaning than could be
found in other parts of the world; the expressiveness of
modern American speech, as compared to the literary
English language imported from Europe, is probably in
great part due to the same circumstance. It is safe to say
that the languages of America's original inhabitants were
a more highly developed type of expression than any
other part of the world can show.
28
These language groups form the most convenient
mode of classification for the red-race stocks in America.
The greatest stock of all these in North America was the
Algonquins, who occupied the entire Northern Atlantic
coast region, and most of the prairie region as far west as
the Rocky Mountains. This is the stock to which belong
the Penacook peoples, who will play an important part in
this history. Within the wide territory occupied by the
Algonquins were "islands" of other different stocks,
speaking languages bearing no resemblance to the
Algonquin languages; chief among these people were the
Iroquois, who centered about what is now central New
York State. The southeastern part of the continent (the
southern Atlantic coast and the north coast of the Gulf of
Mexico) was occupied by the Maskoki; and, as an island in
Maskoki territory, there were the Natchez, occupying a
small territory on the east side of the Mississippi River,
and who were probably the remnants of a race formerly
inhabiting a much larger territory, possibly the entire
prairie region. In Mexico were the Nahua peoples, most
important of whom were the Aztecs; the tribes of the
North Pacific coast were probably related distantly to the
Nahuas, and quite possibly this may have been the case
also with the Natchez.

There were many other branches of the red race in


North America, not to mention Central and South
America; but this is mainly a history dealing with the
influence of the institutions of the Penacook peoples in
modern America, so we are more directly concerned with
the eastern Algonquins and their neighbors, especially
the Penacook tribes and the Iroquois.

5. Tribe, Phratry, and Gens. Another fairly


general characteristic of the red race was their form of
29
tribal organization. This is not as characteristic as the
language classification, since similar forms of
organization were found in most parts of the world. Also,
in America, the gens form of organization was poorly
developed in many nations, and was never introduced
into some regions, such as California. But, over most of
North America, the nations of the red race were generally
organized on this particular plan, and, indeed, developed
it as a form of government to a higher degree than was
the case in other parts of the world, where forms arising
out of some form of property-institution displaced gens
organization without giving the latter an opportunity to
attain its full development.

Each tribe of the red race was an independent


nation, usually at war with most of its neighbors. The
American people did not feel themselves to be a separate
race until considerable numbers of invaders came to
America from across the ocean, and furnished the red
men with something with which to contrast themselves,
and then the red men had to use the misnomer "Indian"
given them by the whites, originally under the false
impression that America was India, instead of a continent
the whites had never before settled. The red men, of
course, are not actually Indian, but American; but, since
"American" now has come to mean the white settlers in
America, the most satisfactory plan is to use some other
name to denote the red peoples of America. This history
will speak of them as the "tribes", or the "red people;" but
it is felt that the best title for the race is the name
Ganowanians, a name of Iroquoian origin, meaning
"people of the bow and arrow," thus supplying a true
American name for a true American people.

30
Although there was a lack of a general racial name,
each tribe, an independent nation, had a national name
of its own, and very often there were other names used
by their neighbors. (Even in Europe it was not unknown
for a nation to be called different names by their
neighbors; thus, the nation calling itself Deutsch was
called Germans by the English, Allemand by the French,
Tedeschi by the Italians, and Niemcy by the Poles.) Each
red tribe was divided into two or three major parts, which
we designate as phratries, and these being again divided
into genses or clans. The tribes were governed by a
council of sachems, the elected representatives of these
subsidiary divisions; the eastern Algonquins also had
representatives of higher rank, the Sagamores (usually
representatives of phratries) and the Bashaba (equivalent
to Governor or President), who was the general head of
the council.

Each gens was theoretically a large family, and


usually bore the name of an animal, occasionally that of a
vegetable or fruit; and the animal or thing after which the
gens was named was the "totem" or emblem of the gens.
The totem was revered like a national flag, and must not
be harmed by those who owed allegiance to it. (Members
of a gens, for example, must not eat their totem, or use
articles made from it.) They believed that the animal
itself was their natural aid. Only inter-gens marriages
were allowed, because all members of a gens
theoretically belonged to the same family; inter-tribal
marriages, however, were disapproved, though not
absolutely forbidden. Phratries and tribes sometimes also
had their totems, and sometimes even individuals
adopted one, according to their names; though normally

31
names of persons indicated some attribute or variety of
the gens totem.

Every person belonged to his mother’s gens, the


father being, in the nations of eastern North America,
merely a tolerated guest subject to quick ejection at any
time, but sometimes acting as a representative for his
wife and children. The raising of children was supervised
by the gens, and the parents were considered as the
gens’ administrative officers for that purpose.

Thus the gens and phratry were units subsidiary to


the tribe, but independent within their own spheres of
activity. It is probably the experience of the red people,
particularly the eastern tribes, in this type of organization
in its most developed form, with its carefully worked-out
balance of jurisdiction between smaller and larger units,
that prepared them for being able to conceive and carry
out such a complex and intricate idea as federation,
before any other part of the world was able to grasp such
an advanced conception.

Further subdivision was also created by the fact that


genses and phratries had a tendency to operate
separately in each town; but the gens and the phratry
was nevertheless a single unit, and a member of a tribe
in northeastern North America could move freely from
town to town, and find himself at each place a member of
the local organizations. Even in a strange tribe, similarity
of totems might cause a visitor to find himself a member
of a local organization almost immediately upon his
arrival.

The power of the sachems and other officials varied


greatly in different parts of America. There was some
32
tendency, since sachems represented a gens, for
sachems to succeed to office by heredity, the succession
ordinarily from uncle to nephew (a sachem’s son
belonged to a different gens, and Ganowanian laws
usually did not recognize a father as being even very
definitely a relative). There was usually some form of
election for new sachems; but, the more definitely
hereditary sachemship was established, the more
arbitrary the sachem's powers were. Among the Iroquois,
heredity represented merely a first preference, which the
voters (in the Iroquois case, the women of the gens)
might set aside if the first choice was considered an unfit
man for the post; but even then, the tradition was to
select some other nephew of the former occupant of the
sachemship. Among the Penacook peoples, however,
there were no rules or traditions of heredity, and the
people of the gens (both men and women were voters)
could choose as their sachem anyone from the entire
gens whom they considered best fitted for the post, but
left him comparatively little actual authority, and would
not hesitate to demand his resignation whenever he
proved unsatisfactory. Among these people, the voters of
each town also met, both as a whole, and by genses or
phratries, not merely to keep check on their
representatives, but to settle important public questions
directly, and over the representatives' heads; this
furnished a prototype for the "town meeting" which was
and still is the chief form of local government among the
white settlers in the same part of America, and which had
a prominent place in the development of democracy in
America.

6. Equality and Democracy. Thus the eastern


tribes of red men enjoyed a degree of democracy that the
33
white invaders of their country were never able to
understand. In the Penacook country, the tribes were all
truly democratic nations, where the sachems, sagamores,
and bashabas were not rulers but merely the trusted
advisors and councillors of the people. Among the
Iroquois, the heredity tradition interfered to some extent
with complete democracy, so that they were an actual
oligarchy with democratic forms. The same was true to a
lesser extent among the Algonquins farther south and
west, where the sachems had more extensive power,
being more nearly the "chiefs" that their white enemies
considered them to be. Also, farther west, a priesthood
had developed into a more or less privileged class; and,
on the North Pacific coast and in Mexico, this had begun
to develop into a real class rule such as had been the
custom in Europe for centuries. Among the Natchez, and
all through Mexico, there was a strong despotism, and a
highly graded system of castes. But, among the Penacook
peoples, there was nothing known which could even
remotely correspond to, or give an inkling of, any division
of caste, class, or rank―probably the only completely
democratic governments that ever existed in the history
of the world. This was a true democracy and equality
which might well prepare their country (now known as
New England) for being, at all times down to the present,
the cradle of the spirit of liberty.

Paralleling the development of democracy is the


degree of tribalization, as opposed to individualization, of
property. It would appear that the existence of individual
property in itself forms a barrier to the development of
complete democracy and equality. In some cases, as in
Mexico, and, to a more limited extent, in the Natchez and
Maskoki nations, slavery became an established
34
institution, and the connection between property and lack
of democracy was direct; this was also true on the north
Pacific coast. Both in Mexico and on the north Pacific
coast, slavery was closely associated with cannibalism,
and it seems quite likely that in most cases cannibalism
was an origin of both slavery and private property. We
may also note that, on the Atlantic coast, especially, and
generally in the eastern part of the continent, the division
between the slave-holding tribes in the south, and the
more democratic tribes of the north, corresponds roughly
to the later division between "slave states" and "free
states" of the whites.

The Algonquins and Iroquois never had more than


the haziest notion of property, excepting as to property of
tribes and their subsidiary units. Where the whites
thought they had run into traces of individual property,
articles were described as belonging to "a family," which
was really a gens. What the whites interpreted as deeds
of land from the reds, the tribes themselves understood
to be merely invitations to the whites to be friendly
neighbors, ratified like all tribal peace treaties with an
exchange of wampums and presents; and the reds never
could understand why the whites should make use of
such a neighborly arrangement to oust the tribes from
their own country. In the same way, the whites were hard
put to it to find a medium of exchange with red people,
who had no ideas corresponding to trading of goods; so
that wampum (beads woven into belts and used as
writing material for the red men) was used for the
purpose, and the whites supposed it to be "Indian
money." Even "fire-water" was pressed into service as a
medium of exchange between the original Americans and
the invaders of their country; but the actual idea of
35
trading, purchase, or sale, was never quite absorbed by
the eastern Algonquin and Iroquois peoples.

In the eastern tribes, equality also showed itself in


the lack of an established priestcraft; this was not the
case farther to the south and west, where the priesthood
was a privileged class with considerable powers over the
people. There certainly were traditional beliefs, which
could hardly be considered as compulsory or dogmatic,
and disagreement was not a serious offense in any event.
The general basis for these traditional beliefs was some
sort of animism (attributing personality to all objects),
and, in eastern tribes, was much subject to individual
interpretation.

7. War and Peace. The fact that a red man was


usually subject only to his tribe, phratry, and gens, left no
means settling disputes between members of different
tribes, or of punishing offenses against members of other
tribes, excepting the "war-path." This meant, that in the
absence of special agreements between tribes, there was
actually full permission to do anything whatever to
members of alien tribes; so that there was always a
theoretical state of war between any two nations that had
not made a peace treaty. But, in practice, war was
considered an undesirable condition, and, no matter how
serious a war might become, efforts at making peace
were continually being made. Every tribe was constantly
trying to reach agreements with all its neighbors, or with
anyone else from whom a war was possible.

But this passive state of what we may call


"theoretical war," however, did not bar
intercommunication. Even if hostilities on a national scale
were actually in progress, the interchange of messages
36
was not stopped; in fact, at such times it was considered
all the more necessary to keep up communication if
peace was ever to be had. When fighting went on, the
armies colored themselves with a "war-paint" which
served the purposes of an army uniform; but fighting was
always conducted with the greatest of secrecy. Although
the Europeans, who were unused to such tactics,
considered this as a proof of the red men's cowardice, it
still remains a fact that by now all the armies of the world
have learned to remain under cover when fighting.
Warfare between tribes was never so ferocious as it
became after the whites taught them how to pursue a
long-drawn-out, vindictive war, a thing previously
unknown to the red men.

There being, in most of North America, no individual


property, there could be no wars of conquest in the
modern sense. Conquered tribes were not subjugated,
beyond being disarmed and supervised to prevent their
making weapons for battle. Combatant captives were
frequently severely punished, sometimes executed, as
enemies of the tribes; but those who were spared, as well
as non-combatant captives, were generally adopted into
the captor nation, although generally they did not attain
full standing until they proved themselves able to
measure up as tribal members.

Frequently also, in the case of outsiders who had


proved themselves friends of a tribe, adoption
ceremonies were performed, and the adoptee became as
fully a citizen of the tribe as if he had been a native. Such
adoptees were recognized as useful mediators between
enemy nations.

37
On the outbreak of hostilities―often even
before―the tribal councils usually assembled to make
peace. The sachems ordinarily took little or no part in
hostilities, their part in the war being peace-making. After
a while, terms were agreed upon, and the peace treaty
made, frequently including provision for punishing
anyone guilty of intertribal offenses. The "smoking of the
pipe of peace" signified the restoration of friendship; then
the terms were written out on wampums, and the final
ratification consisted in the exchange of the wampum
belts.

These wampums, still supposed by many to have


been "Indian money," were really the means of writing
used by the red peoples of northeastern North America.
The various designs of the colored beads in a wampum
belt expressed ideas as definitely as any form of writing;
and tribal history, minutes of meetings―even personal
letters, were written by waving wampums to express the
ideas intended to be conveyed.

8. The Penacook Peoples. We have seen that the


nations of the northeastern part of North America had
attained a degree of liberty and democracy such as no
other people have ever reached, and which was most
irreconcilably opposed to the monarchical and aristocratic
institutions brought from Europe by the white invaders.
This was especially characteristic of the group of
Algonquin nations living in the coastal region protected
by the high barrier of the Agiochook (now White
Mountains) and the Quinnitucket (Connecticut) River.
These nations were fairly well isolated from attack by
others who might endanger their liberties, but not so
isolated that they did not have many occasions to defend
their liberty. The numerous swift rivers in their country
38
gave the people of these tribes opportunity for co-
operative work on a large scale in building the fishing
weirs which were then so common there. Thus they were
excellently located for developing in a militant form that
spirit of liberty, equality, and democracy, as well as
concerted national endeavor, for which that part of the
country has always been prominent. These peoples are
what we will call the Penacook tribes (named for the
Penacooks, one of the mountain tribes of that region) and
it is mainly of these people, and of their successors in the
country they inhabited, that this history will deal.

CHAPTER III

PRE-FEDERATE EVENTS
9. Events in the Interior. The Mound-Builder
empire, whether or not it was an outpost of the ancient
Atlantean empire, remained an established and powerful
empire ruling practically the entire interior of the North
American continent for thousands of years. Apparently
the removal of the continent of Atlantis, the central
source of the empire's power, weakened it somewhat; but
still the Mound-Builder empire held its own against the
Algonquin peoples who were pressing on their borders
from the coast-lands to the north and northeast. This
pressure was resisted as long as the Mound-Builders were
able to maintain themselves united; but, after a time, for
some reason, this empire deteriorated. Algonquin
tradition explains it by the priestcraft among the Mound-
Builders' gaining such despotic control that they were
able to institute extensive sacrifices similar to those
which were introduced widely into Mexico about the same
39
time. This made most of the Mound-Builder people feel,
with ample justification, that their lives would be quite as
safe with the enemy as at home; so that city after city
surrendered to the invading Algonquins, who finally
occupied the whole northern prairie district. But, in that
region, the infusion of a strain accustomed to the
tyrannical institutions of the Mound-Builders' empire
prevented the prairie tribes from feeling or carrying out
the full spirit of freedom that was so strong among their
Penacook cousins who stayed behind on the Atlantic
coast.

In the meantime other peoples of the coastland


started moving in on the decaying Mound-Builder empire.
The Iroquoian peoples of the lower part of the Hochelaga
(St. Lawrence) River marched in behind the Algonquin
invaders of the prairie region, and established themselves
throughout the Great lakes region, and as far west as the
Mississippi River. Also, about the fourteenth century,
when the Mound-Builder empire was in full retreat
southward, the Maskoki peoples of the southern Atlantic
coast region swept over the mountains against their old
enemies, and occupied most of the southern part of the
prairies, thrusting back the Mound-Builders as far as the
Mississippi in the south, and at the same time holding
back the advance of the Algonquins from the north. This
pressure on the Algonquins forced them to retreat toward
the Great Lakes, mainly along the Mississippi, pushing the
Iroquois peoples eastward from there, largely into the
Lake Ontario region, but some of them, separated from
the main Iroquoian body, into the Carolina mountains,
thus leaving most of the Iroquois in the Lake Ontario
region surrounded by Algonquins, and a few of them,
mainly the Cherokees and Tuscaroras, isolated in the
40
southern Appalachian mountains. It was thus that the
Iroquois came into this region south of Lake Ontario,
where they were in a good position to make effective
attack on the land of Penacook, becoming to the
Penacook tribes the sort of enemies from whom much
could be learned that could be used for the development
of the ideas of liberty.

10. Pre-Federate Transatlantic


Communication. Even after the sinking of the continent
of Atlantis which held the thread of communication
between the two sides of the Atlantic Ocean, there never
was a time when communication between Europe and
America was completely interrupted. Slave raids on the
American coast by Phoenicians and other ancient nations
were fairly frequent, and "farthest Thule" (an island
which, from the ancient description of locations, shape,
and size, seemed to be Newfoundland) and other vaguely
described transatlantic lands, were heard of continually.
Similarly, fishing expeditions across the Atlantic, going to
the Gaspé region, the Grand Banks, or Cape Cod, took
place every summer for thousands of years from the
Atlantic seaboard fishing towns of Europe, especially by
the Basques, whose language, as we have seen, seems to
relate them somehow to the native American races, thus
making it seem probable that such fishing expeditions, in
one form or another, might have been a continuous
tradition handed down from the days of the Atlantean
empire. The Celtic peoples later made numerous slave
raids as well as fishing expeditions across the Atlantic,
although the slave raids were more sporadic. The
Penacook coast, being much closer to Europe than most
of the American coast, naturally suffered most from these

41
raids, and gave the Penacook peoples many centuries of
experience in resisting the inroads of slavery.

The first definite invasion of the coast of North


America proper was in the year 1000, when the Norse
colonists in Greenland sent an expedition out westward to
find new lands to conquer. The Norse people were at that
time terrorizing the whole of Europe with their slave raids
wherever they could reach, and it was natural for them to
seek new lands to raid for their purposes. Since it was
only about five hundred miles from Greenland to
Labrador, it would be surprising if this sea-raiding people,
once established in Greenland, should fail to sight the
North American continent. But, as the coast at this point
proved, to their eyes, hopelessly desolate, they followed
the coast southward in the hope of reaching better
regions. This led them finally to the coast of the Penacook
peoples, where they made their camp on a convenient
island in a large harbor. This island was Noddle's Island
(now better known as East Boston) in Boston Harbor, and
the camp was on a promontory facing the sea, now
known as Jeffries Point. The camp was later moved to a
more permanent location on the mainland, near the
present Mount Auburn.

These Norse invaders in "Vinland," as they named


the country, treated the native inhabitants (whom they
named "Skrellings," or "skinned people") about the same
way as they did in Europe―as subjects for pillage and
slave-raids. They raided as far as the "Wonderstrand"
(Cape Cod), and they usually made themselves enemies
wherever they went, in America as in Europe.

The leaders of the expedition soon returned to


Greenland, and left a strong force settled on the
42
American coast. The Norse settlement was being
constantly attacked by the various tribes whose
territories met at the harbor where the Norse had landed.
Many Vinland slaves were taken to Greenland, and the
next year Lief Ericsson, the leader of the original
expedition, returned to the Vinland camp with a number
of colonists, both men and women. The year after that,
another visit from the ships, and the settlement grow
larger, though a few colonists went back to Greenland,
some with children born in America.

In the meantime, the Penacook peoples could hardly


be expected to remain idle, considering the increasing
numbers of such ferocious and warlike people as they
had never seen before. Finally, the tribes within raiding
radius of the Norse camp―the Masadchu,
Okamakammesset, Saugus, Natick, and
Wampanoag―were forced to take the war-path together;
and this concerted action seems to have been what laid
the foundation for the later Penacook Federation. The
Norse camp could not hold out against the united attack.
Some of the Norse escaped in the ships, sailed off
southward in quest of new conquests, and were never
heard of again; while most of the captive colonists were
adopted into the tribes. It was probably this occasion that
made the Okamakammessets, in whose territory the
camp had been, teach their adoptees the lesson―"No
slave upon our land."

The next return of ships from Greenland found no


trace of their colony, and not even a hint as to what had
became of it. This ended the Norse raids, although
sporadic raids on the coast, especially Celtic raids,
continued.

43
11. The Iroquois. We have seen that the Iroquois,
in the various migrations and counter-migrations
resultant on the breakup of the Mound-Builders' empire,
were forced into the region to the south of Lake Ontario.
The area surrounded by Lakes Ontario, Erie, and
Champlain, and the Adirondack, Alleghany, and Catskill
Mountains was isolated enough to permit development of
the peoples without holding them back by complete lack
of communication. Five tribes took possession of this
region―the Senecas, Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, and
Cayugas. Of course, once they occupied the territory, the
occupants started a series of fights for control of the
region, and the fourteenth century saw many such wars
between the various nations of Iroquoian stock, each of
whom was trying to take control of the entire region.

The other Iroquoian nations, such as the Hurons,


beyond the Great Lakes, and the Cherokees and
Tuscaroras, isolated in the Carolina mountains, were not
directly concerned in these fights; so it came about that
these five nations were in constant contact, both in peace
and in war, and had a common interest in defending the
same land, although at the same time they were rivals for
its control. Some sort of union was the only way out of it;
and intercommunication between the five main Iroquois
became a matter of great importance.

The Penacook peoples, in their own isolated region


on the seacoast, also had their occasional internecine
wars, but not as regularly as the Iroquois tribes across the
hills to the west. Besides, the Norse raids had taught the
Penacook people the lesson of the need of co-operation, a
lesson which was repeatedly put to good use whenever
the Mohawks attempted to raid across the Berkshire Hills.
Since the Mohawks usually made such raids after they
44
had been defeated and pushed eastward by the other
Iroquois tribes, such temporary alliances were usually
successful, and encouraged the Penacook peoples further
in the lesson of concerted action; and if the Mohawks
could not be held off at the Berkshire Hills, the
Quinnitucket (Connecticut) River served as a second, a
final line of defense where reinforcements could gather
for a final effort; so that to the Penacook people the
Quinnitucket became an emblem of liberty.

Here, for the same reasons as among the Iroquois


people, intertribal communication became an important
matter; and the weaving of wampum belts became an
international means of communication, understood by
Iroquois and Penacook alike. This was a sort of writing by
means of belts of colored beads, in which the various
designs of beads denoted different ideas according to a
definitely accepted system, which could be read by
anyone acquainted with wampum language, irrespective
of what the spoken language was. Records and treaties
were kept in this manner, and individuals could write
letters to one another in this way.

As we shall see, it was the repeated peace


conferences of the Iroquois tribes, and the frequent
alliances of the Penacook peoples, as well as the systems
of intertribal communication that both sets of nations
organized, that laid the foundation for the later Iroquois
and Penacook Federations, which in turn became the
prototype of all federations that were formed after them.

12. Lines of Communication. Thus, as we have


seen, both the Iroquois and the Penacook tribes began to
feel the need of intercommunication; and not only
Iroquois and Penacook tribes, but their southerly
45
neighbors the Lenapes, began to establish regular courier
services for communications between towns and between
tribes, carrying messages for anyone who desired to send
a letter or other news to another place within the range of
the service. Since one of the purposes of this service
between tribes was to make it simple to carry on peace
negotiations, and to settle difficulties between members
of hostile nations that might lead to open conflict, these
couriers were neutrals, with the privileges of crossing the
lines into the enemy's territory, and with the reciprocal
duty of themselves keeping out of any war that might
arise along their set route. A system of public and neutral
couriers, taking no part in warfare, was considered
among all the northeastern tribes to be an important
factor for peace, both for ending war and for cementing a
peace already made.

In those nations, in this way, a regular public system


was instituted, for the first time in the world's known
history, whereby anyone could send messages from place
to place. Not only was a service of couriers organized for
this purpose on an international basis, but the various
nationalities in this part of North America co-operated in
marking out a system of courier roads, that helped in
bringing all these peoples closer together. This whole
section of America was soon completely marked out with
courier pathways used for peace purposes only, and
regularly avoided by armies, which respected the
neutrality of the communication service by using instead
an improvised "war-path."

Many of these routes are still in use as highways.


Thus, the main courier route of the Iroquois tribes still
serves as the main vehicle thoroughfare across New York
State, and even the railroads and canals follow it very
46
closely. The Manhattan tribe of the Lenapes, for
communication with the mainland, marked out along the
length of their island a courier track which they called
Wesqueqwek; and, in the city which the white invaders
afterwards built on the same island, attempts were made
to institute street plans doing away with this lane, but it
finally became the most important street of the
city―Broadway. No improvement on the Lenape route
could be found. The Penacook peoples were not a bit
behind their neighbors in establishing these routes, and
many such roads, winding in and out among the hills of
the Penacook country to avoid steep grades and difficult
terrain, have become the main thoroughfares of
numerous modern cities and country districts in present-
day New England.

It is difficult to realize what a step in advance this


courier service meant. In many other parts of the world
(as in Mexico, Peru, and France, in the pre-federate
period, and in ancient Persia) rulers had established
private courier systems of their own, to learn what was
going on in their realm, and to get commands through to
their underlings. But the only way the ordinary person
could send communication was to employ his own
messenger, if he could, to deliver oral or written
messages. Even as late as the time of the first white
settlements in America, this difficulty of communication
prevailed all over the eastern hemisphere; while at that
time the original inhabitants of the Atlantic coast of North
America had been using a regular public postal service,
both for oral and recorded messages, for at least two
hundred years. The first white colonies communicated
with each other by means of red couriers, who could
deliver letters as easily as wampums; and the whites'
47
towns had their posts for the red couriers, which, in the
case of ports, could also be used by ships. These posts
became "post offices," publicly managed (in an attempt
to copy the Ganowanian model), and later imitated by the
mother countries, so that the white invasion of North
America introduced the idea of public postal service
among the whites, not only in America but in Europe. The
idea was, however, essentially one of red-race origin.

"When the Okamakammessets and the other tribes would


send
Their messages, the couriers their daily way would wend
Over roads which for the purpose the tribe together made
And, with knowledge of the country, in the best location
laid.

"Now these self-same roads as highways and city streets


appear,
Bringing all New England's cities to one another near;
While the service which those couriers in transmitting
news did give
Has become a postal system helping all the world to live."

[Complete poem is found in America's Search for Liberty


in Song & Poem]
CHAPTER IV

THE IROQUOIS FEDERATION


13. Daganoweda's Plan. We have already
mentioned that the Iroquoian nations located in the
region southward of Lake Ontario were, during the
fourteenth century, engaged in a long series of wars
48
among themselves over the control of the region they
had occupied.

In accordance with the regular habit of the eastern


tribes in war time, peace conferences were convened
every time a war broke out, resulting in a constant and
rapid alternation of peace and war. A peace conference
convened and made peace, then dissolved when its work
was done; then new causes of difference arise, starting
another war, to be ended in its turn by another peace
conference, and so on endlessly.

An Onondaga by the name of Daganoweda, living


near where is at present located the city of Syracuse, had
noticed this everlasting alternation of peace and war, and
thought something ought to be done about it. His habits
of dreaming and meditating, and doing nothing had
resulted in his being looked down on as a dreamer, if not
slightly insane; but still he persisted with his dreaming. As
he meditated over the fact that the frequent peace
conferences could stop wars, but that the wars returned
when the peace conferences went home, he thought that
those five neighboring and related nations, which should
by rights be brothers instead of enemies, could possibly
be kept at peace if only the peace conference could be
made a permanent organization.

This idea is a simple one after it has been in practice


four hundred years; but only a visionary like Daganoweda
could have originated a plan which, at the time, seemed
so impossible and bizarre. And this idea was a step in
advance such as would be difficult to parallel in the entire
world's history of social and civil organization.
Daganoweda's plan―the permanent peace conference
governing the relations of several independent units―has
49
since come to be known as Federation, and its
importance can hardly be exaggerated. It was distinctly
American in origin, and America has always remained its
home, attempts at imitating it elsewhere having almost
invariably been unsuccessful.

But the originator of this remarkable plan was


without any means of having it carried out. In the first
place, with his reputation as an idle dreamer, he could
hardly expect a good hearing from the Onondagas; in the
second place, Daganoweda was himself a stutterer, and
without any persuasive ability, so that he could not
expect to get any hearing for his ideas, even apart from
his general reputation.

But Daganoweda had a friend named Hayowentha


(now more generally known as Hiawatha), who became
interested in Daganoweda's idea, and who was resolved
to find some way of getting the plan adopted. The two
friends first discussed the details of such a plan, so that a
complete and practicable plan of union could be
presented to the Iroquois nations. The development of
the plan was mainly Hiawatha's, and he based his idea of
the federative plan on what he thought was its most
persuasive feature, that such a union could make the
Iroquois the most powerful people in the land. Hiawatha's
idea was thus the formation of a greater and stronger
Iroquois nation, where the dreamer Daganoweda had
been thinking of a way to prevent future wars. Hiawatha
was thinking of war, and Daganoweda of peace;
Hiawatha's was a super-national, and Deganoweda's an
international, idea.

As the plan was finally worked out, it was the joint


creation of both men, but depending on Hiawatha, the
50
only orator of the two, for any chance it might have of
adoption. As the plan was thus formed, the common
council that was to result from Daganoweda's proposed
permanent peace conference was not merely to preserve
peace between the five nations, and to govern and
arbitrate between those nations and their members, but
also to make common cause against the enemies of any
of the five nations, to treat with outside nations as a unit,
and to supervise defeated nations to prevent their arming
again for war. And, where Daganoweda would have liked
his federation to be open to any nation that wanted the
benefits of permanent peace, it became transformed in
Hiawatha's hands into a union open only to nations of
Iroquois language and race.

Both planners were working together, though, on the


main principle of federation, and to prevent internecine
warfare among the Iroquois nations. Thus the plan was
worked out in detail, after long discussions between the
two men, as a combination of the two tendencies. The
hardest part of the task, that of carrying it into execution,
was yet to come.

As the Onondagas doubted even Hiawatha's


complete sanity on account of his association with
Daganoweda, it proved useless to try to persuade them.
So Hiawatha worked out a plan to campaign for the
federation idea in some other Iroquois nation―it being
understood that he himself would have to do all the
actual campaigning, and take Daganoweda along to act
as a "coach." Of course, it appeared even more difficult to
get attention from perfect strangers than from their own
people, especially as, in another nation, they might be
regarded as enemies or plotters. But they took the
chance, and left secretly one night for the Oneida
51
country, disguised as couriers to facilitate their admission
among the Oneidas as well as to give more weight to
their words.

The tribal council of the Oneidas proved more willing


to listen to the new idea than the Onondagas had been,
and they thought the proposition was a very good one.
They were willing to have the idea presented the next
time a peace conference was called, and would introduce
the two proponents of the idea, so that they, could
present their own plan in person.

This opportunity came a few years later, when, after


one of the usual wars among the five nations, a peace
conference was called an usual, and all the sachems of all
five nations were assembled on the shore of Lake
Onondaga. There the Oneida sachems introduced the two
Onondagas, Hiawatha and Daganoweda, who had a
peace plan which they hoped would make a lasting peace
between the five Iroquois nations. Hiawatha presented
the plan as he and Daganoweda worked it out. The
Onondagas were quite surprised to see the two men they
had despised coming back so prominently, but even their
objections were apparently met when they found that the
Onondagas were to be given first place in the new federal
council.

14. Formation of the Federation. Thus was


formed a true federation of nations, for the first time in
the history of the world. The federal council was simply a
joint meeting of the sachems of all the tribes, that is to
say, the five tribal councils meeting in joint session.
Unanimous agreement was required before any action
could be taken, although single nations might adopt a

52
measure that had the approval of all their sachems, even
if it failed to pass the entire federal body.

The delegates to the federal council were the


various sachems of genses in the various nations, chosen
in the old traditional way; that is, the sachemship passed
from uncle to nephew, the women of the constituent gens
going through the form each time of electing a new
sachem, with the option of some choice among the
nephews. Only men were eligible as sachems, but only
women could vote in the election. Each sachem had to
adopt a certain official name that went with his seat in
the federal council, which replaced his former name, and
which his successor adopted after him as part of the
office. The two foremost sachemships were named
Hiawatha and Daganoweda (reserved for the federation's
founders―the despised names becoming the highest
honors of all), and, in their memory, those vacancies in
the federal council were never filled after the founders'
deaths, but two empty places are still left at the council
meetings in their honor; there are sixty federal
sachemships, in the Iroquois constitution, but only 58 are
actually filled.

The federation was not merely to take charge of the


relations between the five Nations, but also to attend to
relations between the Five Nations and outside peoples,
and see that the Five Nations acted in concert in that
connection. For arbitration between members of different
nations of the Five, Hiawatha's plan called for a special
court, to sit in an isolated village to be used only by
people having court business, the judge to be a girl. This
particular form of Federal Supreme Court was abandoned
about fifty years later, when the judge eloped with a

53
young defendant; after which, special arbitration
committees were provided.

As the Iroquois were particularly proud of the


difference between their houses and those of their
Algonquin neighbors, it was this feature that determined
the federation's name. The lroquois, instead of living is
small tepees like their neighbors to the westward, or in
single-family wooden houses like their Penacook
neighbors to the east, lived in "long-houses," the
prototype of the log cabins which the white peoples used
in the southern mountains where an isolated section of
the Iroquoian stock had gone. These long-houses were
"apartment houses," long log cabins divided into
numerous apartments by crosswise partitions, and the
residents of apartments in the middle had to pass
through all intervening apartments to get in or out. But,
in spite of this noticeable lack of privacy, and the
resulting crowded quarters, the Iroquois considered their
mode of housing superior to the Algonquins' private
wigwams, and distinguished themselves as the People of
the Long House. Thus the federation formed on this
occasion by the five Iroquois nations was the League of
the Hodenosaunee, the federation of the people of the
Long House, and it was represented on wampum writings
by a design of a long-house.

An important feature of the Iroquois Federation was


the qualification for admission into the union. The
federation was originally presented by Hiawatha, and
accepted by the Five Nations, on the ground that they
were really estranged brothers having a family reunion;
so that the Iroquois considered common origin and
common language the important criterion for
admissibility of a nation into their federation. It was on
54
the basis of this criterion that the Iroquois federal council
constantly advised the British colonies in America to
federate, because those colonies all had migrated from
the same homeland, and spoke the same language.
When the Tuscarora nation asked for admission to the
Long House federation, in 1719, the community of
language was first established, and then Tuscarora
traditions of early migrations were examined to establish
the claim that their ancestors had come from the Iroquois
people.

Such a federability test―practically an issue of


ancestry―is what might be expected from nations whose
chieftainships were hereditary. In the case of the British
colonies, when they finally federated according to that
standard of federability, their federation showed from the
very beginning a wide rift which at one time amounted to
actual civil war; thus suggesting that the Iroquois
federability test is not necessarily the most practical one.
But, as in the Iroquois case the federability test by
ancestry followed from their hereditary sachemships, it
might be expected that, when the principles of federation
and democracy were finally combined, a different sort of
federability test developed to fit the new circumstances.
This new step, that of a democratic federation, was
another great forward step, soon to be taken by the red
people of this continent.

15. Iroquois Empire and Counter-Federation.


The Iroquois federation was the first time in history that a
true federation, a real nation of nations, was formed. It
was a combination that surrounding nations were unable
to withstand, since a war between the Hodenosaunee and
a neighboring nation was always an Iroquois victory, for
the enemy would be outnumbered five to one. Thus the
55
Iroquois federation was soon surrounded by a large
number of conquered nations, definitely defeated where
before they could at the most have been raided. The new
problem arose of dealing with those nations.

There was no attempt at occupying or ruling the


defeated nations, as would have been done in other parts
of the world where property or slavery were recognized.
Instead, it was merely attempted to render the defeated
nations harmless as future enemies by forcing them to
disarm; and the Hodenosaunee exercised just enough
supervision over the former enemy to prevent those
nations from arming or making war. Defeated nations
were similarly not allowed to negotiate treaties: but the
Five Nations undertook both defense and diplomatic
relations for the nations whom they thus rendered
helpless. But those nations were otherwise allowed to
continue governing themselves. A strong analogy to the
Territories of the United States suggests itself.

Thus the Iroquois soon gathered a fair-sized empire


around themselves. The subjected nations formed a ring
of buffers for the Iroquois, who could thus unite to repel
all possible invaders long before they could come near
the Iroquois territory proper. It is true that the disarmed
nations around the outskirts of the Iroquois empire
proved tempting bait for the attacks of enemies, but an
invasion of the unarmed border resulted usually in a
defeat by the superior forces of the federation, and
frequently a new addition to the Iroquois empire. This use
of an unarmed border is probably unique in the world's
history, but it seems to have been the prototype of the
later unarmed border which has succeeded in preserving
peace between the 'United States and Canada for over a

56
century, and which incorporated part of the Iroquois
border.

Thus the League of the Hodenosaunee became,


shortly after its formation, the master of territory
extending from the Connecticut River on the east to the
Cuyahoga River on the west. The population of this
empire is estimated at about 400,000―more persons
than were under any single national rule anywhere in
America north of Mexico, for almost two hundred years
after that. Thus the Iroquois, by this apparently visionary
scheme of the dreamer Daganoweda, became the most
powerful nationality in North America, and, as we shall
see, were later strong enough to shift the balance of
world power.

To nations outside the spread of the Iroquois empire,


however, the rapid spread of that empire became
alarming. In many cases they were forced to seek some
plan of protecting themselves as late as the last moment,
when danger had already gone too far. The only
successful procedure was the adoption of the enemy's
tactics, and federate as the Iroquois did, meeting the
menace with another federation, another nation of
nations.

Thus the red nations gradually began forming


federations in all directions around the Iroquois empire.
The Lenape federation on the seacoast to the southeast,
the Pottawatomie federation still farther south, the
Ottawa and Illini federations to the westward, the
Penacook federation beyond the Connecticut River, and
the Wabanake federation still farther east, were all cases
of how this process worked. Each such federation became
in its turn a center around which more counter-
57
federations had to be built, and it is very probable that,
had the transatlantic invasion been delayed for two or
three hundred years―had it taken place, for instance, in
the twentieth instead of the seventeenth century―the
entire continent of North America might have been
covered with federations of red nations, and those
federations in turn might have been able themselves to
federate into a super-federation, by way of a peace pact
similar to that between the Iroquois nations so that, in
such a case, the invasion from Europe would have met
with a formidable, gigantic nation of red men, which
would have made it difficult for any colonization to take
root in North America. The old Mound-Builders' empire
had recently been destroyed when the Iroquois federation
was begun; what originated in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries was the germination a new
national power, erected on a federative basis.

But, as it was, federation among the red nations was


not allowed to reach its full development, on account of
the invasion from Europe pouring in during the
interregnum between the destruction of an empire and
the formation of a large federative super-nation of
independent nations. Either much before or much after
the seventeenth century, such an invasion could not have
been successful; which may explain why the invasion did
take place at that particular time. But the white invaders
of North America were themselves not exempt from the
necessity of counter-federating in the same way as the
red nations in the northeastern part of the continent were
forced to do. Thus the white invasion of that section of
North America was a series of attempts to federate finally
resulting in the formation of a great federated nation
such as no other part of the world could possibly produce.
58
16. Federation as a New Departure. The
institution of federation of independent nations, uniting
nations under a central control without the separate
individual nations giving up any measure of their
independence, was something never before known, as far
as any historical records or traditions indicate. Of course,
it had frequently happened that nations had become
united by conquest; or a nation might set up
administrative subdivisions; but, in either case, there was
no independence of the units. Sometimes the leadership
of one nation over a group of neighboring but weaker
nations might simulate federation to some extent, as has
been the case with Germany and Russia; but, in such
cases, the domination of the leading nation is the
underlying motif of the entire unity, and is rather an
incomplete conquest than an actual federation. There
have also been alliances between nations; but these
differ from a federation in having no federal authority
which is as supreme in its field as the separate nations
are in theirs. But none of these things are true federation.
Federation―a group of nations retaining their national
independence, but submitting themselves for certain
specific purposes to a central organization representing
all of them was never before tried. It was definitely a plan
first put into operation by the Iroquois, and which has
become a standard form of governmental organization in
North America; though (with the exception of Australia,
whose federative features were definitely copied from
America) it was never either completely adopted or
understood outside America.

A peculiar idea that grew naturally out of federation


was that of limiting the authority of a government. In a
federation, some agreement must be reached or
59
understood delimiting the exact functions of the federal
organization, as well as of the individual member nations;
so that a successful working federation implies a
government with definite limitations to its authority. This
is also a conception peculiar to America, and (again with
the exception of Australia) never known elsewhere. And
likewise the idea of a written constitution specifying the
exact functions of a government and defining limits which
it must not overstep, is one that originated from the
Iroquois Federation, where it is represented by the
wampums which recorded the terms of the peace treaty
by which the federation was formed. No such documents
were ever known to have been drawn up before; and the
numerous written constitutions that now are found in so
many parts of the world, defining the form of organization
of most present-day governments, are all directly or
indirectly following the Iroquois precedent, and in many
cases the outstanding features of most written
constitutions can be traced to the constitution of some
red federation. But it is the Iroquois Federation that
started all this train of ideas―federation of nations,
disarmament of borders, written constitutions, limitations
of the power of governments―in short, it was this which
laid the foundation for most of the modern advances in
the art of government. And the idea of federation,
wherever it has proved workable, has shown itself to be
unequalled as a means of both preserving internal peace
and securing external protection.

CHAPTER V

THE GREAT WHITE INVASION

60
17. An Invading Race. The new experiment in
national administration, that of federation, was not to
have a good chance to develop among the red people of
America, where it was naturally best adapted. Almost
immediately on the heels of the first trial of this new form
of organization, came a most destructive series of
invasions from across the Atlantic, by the same white
race which, thousands of years before, had descended
like a plague on Europe and wiped out the European
branches of the red race. And now on they came across
the Atlantic Ocean in great numbers, bringing with them
the host of infections that had destroyed the red men of
Europe and that was to wreak similar destruction in
America. They not only brought with them weapons of
warfare infinitely more destructive than any that had
been known in America, but also conducted warfare with
such ferocity as had never been known among red
peoples from one end of America to the other. They
brought over alcohol, an agent which, while destroying its
victims, also in the process rendered the victim
dependent on his destroyers; and, like the white man's
infections, its effects were infinitely more destructive on
the red man than on the whites, who had been
accustomed to it for generations. Infections and alcohol
were probably the most effective of the invaders'
destroying agents, more than wars or other means of
destruction that the white invaders brought over with
them.

It is probably no coincidence that the white invasion


happened at just this juncture. Federation was in reality
an attempt to reorganize North America after the break-
up of the Mound-Builders' empire, and it was only in the
interregnum―between the breakdown of the old empire
61
and the building up of a new federated nation―that an
invasion could have become successful, especially from
such a hopelessly disunited and wrangling set of peoples
as have always inhabited Europe. It therefore seems
probable, especially in view of the fact that contact
between the two continents was never quite interrupted,
that the white invasion simply awaited its best
opportunity, and then used it, striking before federation
could develop among the red people sufficiently to make
invasion impossible.

The social institutions brought over by the white


invaders were in sharp contrast to what they found in
effect on the shores of North America, though they fitted
in very well in Mexico. The whites were accustomed to
despotic forms of government, stratified into higher and
lower castes, and were totally unable to conceive of
government apart from kings. Even in dealing with red
tribes, they would often notice some unimportant tribal
official, decide that he was the king of the tribe, and deal
with him as though the whole tribe were his property. But
in the long run, the whites who settled on the Penacook
coast quickly picked up from the red people a few of the
rudiments of democratic administration, though never so
well that they were ever able to make it work completely.

Another institution which the white invaders


introduced into North America, and which was a complete
stranger on these shores, was that of private property,
whereby not only land, but everything required by the
community as a whole, was under exclusive control of a
few individuals, while others could only get these things
by selling themselves to those who held the property; in
fact, most people were born owing allegiance to some
lord for such services, and were practically slaves. This
62
institution introduced by the white race into America is
the one stumbling-block that democracy has encountered
among the whites, so it could never be adequately
democratized. It is true that, in the course of contact with
the red institutions, a new compromise form of these
economic institutions has resulted, but it still remains the
one important feature which prevents the communities of
the whites from attaining true democracy.

The white people's beliefs, being highly dogmatic


and intolerant in character, and administered by an
aristocratic clique, contrasted and conflicted sharply with
the ideas of the Penacook peoples, and of their
immediate neighbors in northeastern North America.
Here, again, contact with the red peoples has succeeded
in softening, but never in actually overcoming, this
feature of the white peoples in America.

The white peoples invading America did, however,


possess a slightly superior knowledge of certain arts, but
a knowledge which they were never able to utilize for the
general benefit of their own people, for lack of that
knowledge of social organization which their red
neighbors possessed. This fact might have been used to
help the growth of the red institutions, especially the
Penacook institutions, had that knowledge been
transmitted to the red nations instead of its products
being imposed by a process of conquest and
extermination.

18. Rights of Conquest and Discovery. The


various white nations invading the Western Hemisphere
all claimed what they called "rights of discovery." The
fundamental idea was that America was treated as
uninhabited country and reserved for the first white
63
nation whose representatives caught sight of a bit of the
land. And the reason given for ignoring the existence of
America's inhabitants was a difference of religion!

It is equally true that the various white nations that


claimed "rights of discovery" never respected each
other's alleged rights in that respect, so that it was
largely a matter of actual occupation, and that resulted in
the nations of Europe fighting plenty of wars among
themselves over the right to occupy large portions of
America which had never even been seen by any but the
red peoples which inhabited them. Thus a competition
began between the various European nations, each of
which claimed some "discovery" of this or that portion of
America―a discovery which amounted to the finding of
articles which the original holder never lost, and as
though anything could be discovered which had always
been known.

The first and most general such "discovery" claim


was on the part of Spain, which claimed the entire
Western Hemisphere because one Cristobal Colon, in
1492, had sailed to an island in the Antilles! This alleged
"discovery" was a case of a raider sailing to attack India
under the Spanish flag, and, under the delusion that he
had landed in India, occupying the island of Haiti, and
enslaving the Arawak people of that island. It is on
account of Colon's delusion that the red race is miscalled
"Indian," and the Antilles archipelago is called the West
Indies. Since this expedition contained some Basque
sailors who had previously been across the ocean, and as
it was guided largely by an Italian map showing a fairly
good outline of the North American coast line with Asiatic
labels, it could hardly be said that anything unexpected
was found by the expedition at all. This attack on Haiti
64
resulted in deportations and massacres of the inhabitants
of Haiti by Colon on behalf of Spain, and their ultimate
replacement by blacks Imported from Africa.

And, as in 1500 a Portuguese sailor, Cabral, was


blown off his course and across the ocean, Portugal also
claimed rights of discovery to the Western Hemisphere,
and the Pope was called on to adjudicate the dispute
between Spain and Portugal. This he did by drawing an
imaginary line around the earth, giving Portugal the
rights to the east side of the line, and giving Spain the
rights to the west side of the line! This "line of
demarcation" was later adjusted, but it formed the basis
for the "rights of conquest" which the Spanish and
Portuguese claimed in their respective halves of the
world. The theory of this was that of the feudal system of
property: God gave all land on earth to the Pope, who
sublet it to kings, and the kings again to their nobles,
etc. Consequently title to all lands in heathen lands was,
on this theory, vacant, so the Pope could apportion
"rights of conquest" to whomever he chose―and he
chose Spain and Portugal. The kings of Spain and
Portugal, on "discovering" new territory, apportioned their
rights of conquest to their various generals; and so the
chain of subinfeudation was carried out on this continent.

Also, the expedition of the Cabots, coasting along


Newfoundland and the Quoddy and Penacook coasts, was
considered a "discovery" of North America by England;
subsequent" discoveries" of parts of the same continent
were also made by France and Holland. France, though a
Catholic country, did not resognize the Pope's
apportionment of the "rights of conquest," but preferred
to claim her own "discoveries."

65
Portugal found little Western Hemisphere land on its
own side of the line of demarcation, but sent a fleet under
Amerigo Vespucci to explore that region, which a German
geographer consequently named "America." This name
was later extended to the entire Western Hemisphere,
and the Portuguese part, to which the name was
originally intended to apply, was instead named Brazil
(after the Irish legendary island of Hy-Brasail, which was
probably a hazy account of some actual transatlantic
voyage). Portugal, however, found land in the Orient
within its "demarcation" boundaries, and so undertook to
conquer the Malay islands, India, and China.

Spain quickly began to take advantage of its "rights


of conquest" in the western hemisphere. Thus, in 1517,
came the first large-scale invasion of North America when
an army headed by Cortez landed in Mexico, and, after
some attempts to stir up rebellion in the Aztec empire,
finally subdued that empire while it was suffering from an
epidemic of smallpox introduced by the invaders. This
meant the conquest of a powerful nation with a
population of about 30,000,000, and whose capital city
(called Mexico or Tenoctitlan) alone was a city of over
3,000,000 people―probably the largest city in the world
at that period.

In the meantime a Spanish landing had been made


on North America proper, on the Arawak peninsula. Since
the lauding was made on Easter Sunday, the Spanish
gave it the name of the Land of the Flowery Easter
Festival, Tierra de la Fiesta de la Pascua Florida. This first
landing was followed soon afterwards by a Spanish
invasion of the peninsula, forming the Spanish colony of
Florida, which began pushing westward, capturing the

66
Maskoki city of Mauvilla and occupying it as a
fortification. (This is now the city of Mobile.)

Just as Spain and Portugal apportioned their "rights


of conquest," so, later on, England and France
apportioned their "rights of discovery" by granting
various persons and groups "charters" to possess and
take title to various parts of their "discoveries"―these
countries, of course, being very free with land which they
did not have.

The Spanish policy, wherever they managed to


establish themselves, involved the enslaving of the red
men as far as possible, moving in a few Spanish
aristocrats to take charge. In the case of the Aztec empire
in Mexico, this actually involved merely a change of
rulers, and no substantial change of actual social
organization; but everywhere north of the Aztec empire,
in North America, this policy encountered difficulties, as it
was almost impossible to enslave the red tribes to any
great extent. In the Antilles Islands, the red people were
destroyed and replaced by negro slaves; while in Florida
only a few Spanish settlements were started on the coast,
the Spaniards never really succeeding in conquering the
inhabitants. In other places, there were constant
rebellions of the native population, so that Spain's
sovereignty was merely a paper claim as against other
white peoples, but actual occupation had to be
abandoned.

The Portuguese, although they had no claim to any


part of North America, constantly made slave raids.
Wabanake territory suffered from such Portuguese raids,
and emphasized to the Wabanake and Penacook nations

67
the necessity for some sort of concerted action, reviving
the old cry of "No slave upon our land!"

19. French Invasion. In the meantime France


disregarded the "rights of conquest" as apportioned by
the Catholic Church, and insisted on getting a portion of
the new lands that appeared so open. The idea that
South America was India, and that North America was
China (with Nova Scotia playing the part of Japan) was
still current, and, at most, it was supposed that America
was merely a narrow barrier on the ocean route from
Europe to China. Therefore explorers kept on looking for a
"Northwest Passage," a passage through North America
to China, which it was expected would be found a few
hundred miles back of the American coast. French
expeditions sailed along the Quoddy and Penacook
coasts, and, in 1534, Jacques Cartier led an expedition up
the Hochlega River, which he named St. Laurent (St.
Lawrence). This was an actual invading expedition, which
set up a fort at a place where the Iroquois, some two
hundred years before, had a town called Stadacone, and
which was now taken over by the Algonquin tribes and
called Kebago (the River Crossing). As this name
reminded some of the Breton sailors in the expedition of
the Breton town of Québec, that was the name given to
the French fort; and, though this fort was soon
abandoned, it was revived later as a city by that name,
which became the chief French city in America. The
invaders named the country New France, but apparently
tried to find a native name for it; and, when they asked
their Huron interpreters on the boat what the name of the
country was, they did so by a sweeping gesture which the
Hurons interpreted as asking the word for "towns" (as

68
they were passing some), so that the Horons said
"Kannata." Thus the country is still called Canada.

To such an extent did the notion persist that China


was somewhere just back of the coast, that when
Cartier's expedition, sailing up the river, reached the
Iroquois frontier post of Hochlega, and encountered there
rapids in the river, he named the rapids Lachine (La
Chine being French for China); and, later on, a
missionary, penetrating the upper Great Lakes, landed
dressed in a Chinese robe!

Permanent settlement was not made until 1609,


when Champlain obtained a "charter" from the King of
France, giving him an alleged title to the entire American
continent north of the fortieth parallel, that is to say, the
present location of Philadelphia. The expedition he
brought over resettled Quebec, and the area was
apportioned into provinces under lesser lords, there
being, besides the Province of Quebec, a Province of
Acadie, including the Quoddy Peninsula (the name being
a corruption of Quoddy, but intended to resemble the
Biblical name Acadia) and the Passamaquoddy peninsula
on the adjoining mainland; and the Province of Maine,
which included the Wabanake land south of the St.
Lawrence valley, (which remained a paper province)
named after the French province south of Normandy and
Brittany. The Wabanake country is therefore known as
Maine to the present day.

While the French tried to settle the Provinces of


Quebec and Acadie, they encouraged friendly relations
with the Wabanake peoples, who had no idea that the
French were claiming the land as their own. Not long after
that, an alliance was actually made with the Wabanake
69
peoples, and the French made use of them to fight the
Iroquois Federation, which was the chief block to French
penetration into the interior. The French helped to repel
an Iroquois raid into the Winooski mountain region, and
this made the French and Iroquois lasting enemies; this
region was named by the French Les Verts Monts (the
Green Mountains), a name which survives, not only in the
present name of the mountains, but in the name Vermont
now given to that region. Attacks were also frequently
made on Hochelaga, as that frontier post held the key to
the interior; the French called this place Mont Royal, and,
when finally it was conquered and a French settlement
placed there, the town was named Montréal, and this
served as a base of operations for further invasions into
the interior of North America.

20. British Invasions. In the early sixteenth


century, when the first concerted white raiding and
invading expeditions in America were carried on, England
was merely a weak insular power whose only activity in
the general raids on America was by way of piracy.
England did not neglect to lay claim to the entire North
American coast, because some of it had been sighted by
the Cabots in 1497, but England was not yet powerful
enough to dispute claims to the land with France and
Spain, or with the nations already inhabiting North
America.

The revolt of the Netherlands against Spanish rule in


1577 gave England its opportunity to start colonizing.
One of the charters with which white nations were so
free, was given to Sir Walter Raleigh, to own the entire
continent, under the title of "Virginia" (named after the
so-called virgin queen, Elizabeth), and three successive
colonizing expeditions were sent to the islands off the
70
Maskoki coast, forming the "City of Raleigh." This colony
was not in what is now called Virginia, which is not in
Maskoki territory proper; it was in what is now called
North Carolina. Its history seems to have been almost a
duplicate of that of the attempted Norse colony on the
Penacook shores six centuries before―those of the
invaders who did not return at once were captured and
adopted by the red tribes, and the third expedition found
merely a deserted town, with no clue to what became of
the inhabitants except a mysterious sign reading
"Croatan," which has never been deciphered. It probably
represents the name of some place that the colonists
were taken to.

The first permanent English settlement in Virginia


was made in 1608, farther north, on the shores of
Chesapeake Bay, and named Jamestown after King James
I. Meanwhilke scouting and raiding expeditions by English
ships were busy along the coast, especially the Penacook
shores, and another charter was given out purporting to
vast title of Penacook and Wabanake lands to
Englishmen, organized under the name of the "New
England Company." They attempted to colonize at
Pemaquid as early as 1608, but they were unable to
make any permanent settlement until 1621. The Virginia
settlements at and around Jamestown were used as
centers for raiding and burning all tribal towns within
reach, since the aristocrats who went there preferred to
obtain their supplies in that manner rather than cultivate
the ground themselves.

In the meantime Holland, which had recently


revolted from Spain, and considered itself somewhat of a
successor to Spanish claims in America, proceeded to
"explore" North America. One Henry Hudson, an
71
Englishman sailing under the Dutch flag, coasted the
Penacook shores and sailed up the Shatemuck River (to
which he gave his own name), through Lenape territory
to the land of the Five Nations, where he was welcomed
at the Mohawk town of Skanetade (now Albany). Not
realizing that Hudson was merely a scout for an
overwhelming invasion, the tribes all along the river
welcomed Hudson with highest honors; and he returned
this hospitality by introducing liquor, which was to work
more destruction among red men than wars. This was
apparently the first introduction of "fire-water" to North
American peoples; and that was Hudson's outstanding
achievement, rather than his alleged discoveries. It is
said that some of the Manhattan nation, after sampling
the new importation, decided that the Shatemuck River
must have its source in a spring of fire-water, because
the river ran crooked.

The Netherlands followed up this "discovery" by


granting to the Dutch West India Company the exclusive
trading rights with what was termed the "New
Netherlands," and, of course, complete ownership of the
territory which was actually in possession of the red
nations that had always been living there. A trading post
of this company was soon after that established on
Manhattan Island, and formed the basis for subsequent
Dutch settlements in the Hudson Valley.

England and France were so free with their charters


granting supposed title to lands they did not have, that
many conflicts arose, many of which have not been yet
settled. The New England Compoany's charter conflicted
not only with Champlain's French charter, but also with
Virginia's charter; and, while the French settled their
province of Acadie, King James of England granted a
72
charter deed for the same region (under the title "Nova
Scotia" or New Scotland) to a Scotch poet named
Alexander, though it was not until over a hundred years
later that the British were able to make any start in
occupying that peninsula. These charters have been
interpreted as actual land titles resulting from discovery
of uninhabited country; actually they were equivalent to
what the Spanish more openly and frankly called rights of
conquest. The fact that American land titles are to a great
extent based on these conflicting charters, which were
actually rights of conquest for whoever could get there
first, has resulted in many territorial disputes which have
proved almost impossible to settle.

21. White Administrations. The white settlements


that were thus backed by their respective governments
were organized by those governments according to the
institutions in use in the original countries in Europe.
Nevertheless, there was a constant tendency for
development in a different direction, and, in many cases,
the assimilation of institutions from the neighboring red
tribes. The more fighting there was between the whites
and the reds, the faster this process of assimilation
proceeded, since both sides found imitating the enemy to
be a very effective form of defense. There were, however,
numerous exceptions to this assimilation process; but, as
a whole, there was an increasing tendency for the social
organization and institutions of white colonies in America
to resemble red forms rather than white.

All the white colonies brought along with them the


institution of property, as well as more or less caste
distinction. But, even when the rulers attempted to copy
in America the governmental details taken from the home
country in Europe, it proved to be more easily done on
73
paper than in reality. The most that could actually be
transplanted was the general outlines, while the
population's inexperience in governmental affairs
prevented too detailed a copying of organization, even
when written instructions from Europe were used as a
means of governing, it was from the red tribes that
further details had to be filled in, as a general rule.

The French and Spanish colonies were put in charge


of governors sent over from Europe, who were absolute
monarchs within their territory, and who established the
same forms of aristocracy as at home. In the Spanish
colonies, it was mainly aristocrats that were sent over,
the lower ranks being supplied by enslaving the native
population wherever possible, or else exterminating the
natives and replacing them with slaves brought from
Africa. But, in many instances, the red peoples were
successful in resisting enslavement, and, where this was
the case, Spanish colonization could not proceed far, as
was the case in Florida and in parts of New Mexico; while,
in Mexico, where slavery and aristocracy were highly
developed before the conquest, the original institutions of
the country made it easy to enslave the inhabitants.

The French colonies, however, instead of attempting


to enslave the natives, relied on bringing over serfs from
France as well as landlords, keeping them in the same
feudal relations in Canada as they were in France; they
did not introduce slavery, but its equivalent was feudal
serfdom. But the fact that the red tribes had such
opposite institutions made it easy for serfs to escape to
the tribes, and thus gradually softened the feudal
relationship from serfdom to a less personal form of
tenancy, which also had the effect of both toning down
the absolutism of the lords and keeping the spirit of
74
rebellion smoldering among the population. This process
was facilitated by the fact that each French settlement
served as a trading-post for the exchange of goods with
the red people, and it became necessary to cultivate
friendship with the Algonquin neighbors, even to the
extent of helping to defend them against Iroquois raids.

The southern English colonies in North America were


backed by the aristocracy, and that principle was
introduced from the beginning. It was also present to
some extent among the red men in the South, but in a
much vaguer form, and the white aristocracy in the South
was gradually assimilated to the red men's form. Slavery
was introduced very early into Virginia, and took hold
very rapidly in all the southern colonies founded by the
English. These colonies were primarily colonies founded
by aristocracy, and have retained something of that
character ever since.

The so-called "New England" colonies had a different


environment. Some of them, as we shall see, even had a
different origin from the aristocratic southern colonies.
But, even where it was attempted to transplant the feudal
institutions of New England to the Penacook coast, the
complete conflict with the red institutions made it totally
impossible to do so successfully. What largely guided
New England organization was the refugee colonies who
introduced property and a few other institutions of
Europe, who believed as did all their compatriots in
having rulers to obey, but who largely let the red men
guide them as to actual forms, and emerged with a
combination which had some of the bureaucracy and
property institutions of Europe, and to some extent a
group of authorities who were trying to assert their
authority forcibly as a matter of principle, and on the
75
other hand, a theoretical democracy acquired from the
Penacook Tribes, which governed much of the outward
forms of government in New England, as well as
ultimately dominating the people's conception of the
functioning of government. The result was a constant but
never quite successful fight for freedom and popular rule.
New England's spirit of freedom consists, not in
achievement of the goal, but a constant striving after it,
which is not to be stopped by anything.

Thus a sharp distinction existed from the beginning


between northern and southern English colonies, which
correspond roughly to the distinction between Maskoki
and the non-slaveholding Algonquins and Iroquois. Even
when the gap between the two was geographically
bridged, this distinction has always been sharp.
CHAPTER VI

THE PENACOOK FEDERATION


22. The Pilgrims. The first English invasion of the
territory of the Penacook peoples took place
independently of the English authorities, by refugees
from English religious persecution. These were a sect of
so-called Separatists―people who were trying to
separate themselves from the official Church of
England―and who spent some years in exile in the
Netherlands, mostly in Leyden. As exiles they called
themselves Pilgrims; and, whereas Holland was a good
refuge for them for a while, religious tolerance was not so
complete there that they were able to stay on
indefinitely, and they looked for a refuge across the
ocean, "in Virginia," as they called it.

76
Their first landing in North America was on the tip of
the cape inhabited by the Wampanoag nation―or, as one
of the exploring ship captains had already named it, Cape
Cod. At this spot it was not actually attempted to settle,
but the leaders of the expedition found themselves
already faced with the problem of how to govern a
community so far from any recognized authority, and, as
a result, an agreement was drawn up there, on
Wednesday, November 11, 1620, whereby all the
passengers on the ship agreed to abide by whatever
government should be established among them as soon
as they could settle down. This "Mayflower Compact," as
it is commonly called, is generally given as one of the
original instances of a democratic written constitution;
but it was actually hardly more than a recorded oath of
allegiance to the future rulers of the colony. It is likely
that the Pilgrims expected that they would somehow find
one of their number to qualify as king, and obey him. But,
as events turned out, such was not to be the case. The
Penacook peoples were the actual rulers of the country
which the Pilgrims were so unceremoniously invading,
and they were to have something to do with the final
form of organization.

The Pilgrims cruised around considerably, looking for


a spot in which to settle, but it was well into December
before they found one. The map that the Pilgrims had of
this coast had been prepared by the "Plymouth
Company," an English company which took over part of
the "New England Company's" charter to this coast, and
which had printed a map of the Penacook coast in a style
similar to the modern "sucker" real-estate literature,
showing a town every few miles along the coast, all
named after English communities. The locality the
77
Pilgrims finally selected for a permanent settlement was
the spot marked on the map "Plymouth"; so that was the
name of the settlement. None of the other towns on the
map ever materialized.

Plymouth was a harbor which could only be reached


by rounding several headlands guarded by the
Wampanoag nation, and it seems to be a safe conclusion
that, had the Wampanoag nation been unwilling to admit
the immigrants, they could have prevented a landing at
that point, and could also have cut off communication
with the outside. The fact that no such thing resulted is
evidence that the Wampanoags were friendly to the new
arrivals from the start, though the Pilgrims at first came
more as invaders than as immigrants.

23. Samoset's Welcome. The winter of 1620 was


a hard one on the red and white people in the land of
Penacook. The winter proved to be much more severe
than those to which the Pilgrims were accustomed; for
New England winters are much colder than those of
either England or Holland. The result was that, between
the cold and the lack of proper provisions, only half the
population of the Pilgrim colony survived to the spring of
1621. It was probably, however, starvation more than
actual cold that accounts for most of this mortality.

But, if the winter was hard on the invading Pilgrim


colony, it was doubly hard on the red men who were
unfortunate enough to live in the part of the continent
near them. We have already seen that the white race has
always been full of various infections affecting the whites
comparatively little, but highly destructive to their
neighbors of other races. These infections were liable
everywhere to spread automatically ahead of the white
78
people wherever they settled, and clear the way for white
territorial expansion. At least, so it proved in the case of
the landing of the Pilgrims in America. During the
Pilgrim's first winter in America, the red people came no
nearer the Pilgrims' palisades than within sight; and yet,
within less than two months, a virulent epidemic of
measles swept the land from the ocean westward to the
Quinnitucket River, and northward to the Saco River.
Every village of the red men in that whole region was full
of its sick, dying, and dead. And, though measles is of no
great importance among the whites, the reds had no such
immunity to it; and, before the spring was well advanced,
the red population of the region was reduced to less than
a quarter of what it had been in the fall. Over 200,000 red
men inhabited that region when the Pilgrims came; less
than 50,000 remained after the scourge had passed over
them to spread to new sections of the country.

In spite of this, the Wampanoags showed an attitude


of conciliation, and even friendliness, toward the new
arrivals in their country. Samoset, a Wampanoag sachem,
was delegated to offer the newcomers all possible
assistance. Since he had already been in Virginia on
courier service, he could speak the language of the
"owanux" (whites); and, of course, that was his special
qualification for this errand.

Accordingly, he came to the palisades that had been


built as a defense all around the village of Plymouth (the
whites being, of course, used to walled cities from their
own country), and called out in English: "Welcome,
Englishmen!" It was enough of a surprise to hear a red
man talking English; but the Pilgrims had hardly had a
chance to recover from this surprise when Samoset
explained that he was on a friendly mission; so he met
79
the Pilgrim leaders, and was able to offer them the aid of
the Wampanoag tribe. Samoset, and the tribesmen he
brought in later to help him, under Sagamore Massasoit's
directions, supplied the Pilgrims with food and seed, and
instructed them not only in American agriculture, but also
in other matters related to their adaptation to the new
environment.

Among the subjects of instruction given by the red


men to the whites that spring was what might be called
civics. The Pilgrims, before making the final landing, had
agreed to abide by whatever government should be set
up in their new settlement; but all they had done in that
direction so far was to choose a ruler, whom they
expected, in accordance with their European habits of
thought, to be the monarch of Plymouth. The first leader
they picked out, William Bradford, died during the hard
winter; in the spring, his successor, John Carver, was in
charge of the little village. And, as in Europe, none of
them, including Carver, had ever participated in
government in any way, they were at a loss for
organizing a government in Plymouth. So the church had
to handle the government of the colony for the time
being, since it was the only organization at hand, and the
church, together with Carver, had to handle the task the
best it could. It was under these conditions that the
Wampanoags gave the Pilgrims their instruction as to
how to form an administration ruled by the people; and,
under the circumstances, the instructions were planted in
fertile soil. The Pilgrim church continued to rule the
colony, since governing organizations, once in control,
never voluntarily give it up; but it was reorganized and
democratized under Wampanoag influence. This
attempted democratic theocracy―an obvious
80
contradiction―was the beginning of the internal conflict
of external democratic forms, and New England's militant
spirit of fighting for freedom, on the one hand; and a
ruling class masked behind the democratic forms, on the
other hand.

From the economic angle, the confusion among the


Pilgrims was still worse. Money and property were ideas
that they brought over with them from Europe, and that
could not very well be changed in them merely by a trip
across the ocean; but, in Wampanpoag country, where no
such institutions existed, it might be difficult to introduce
them unaltered. Already, during the winter, there had
been difficulty with introducing individual property with
regard to the land in the village, and, there being no
native property institutions to base on, it was found
necessary for the Pilgrims to draw lots for house
locations. (It is from this circumstance that ever since
then, the standard American term for a piece of land for a
house has been "lot.") And the organization of work in
Europe by a complex chain of hereditary personal
allegiances, the only actual model the Pilgrims had to
follow was made almost impossible on the new
foundations on which the reds were building the society
of the new immigrants; neither was it possible to build
according to the red people's non-property form of
organization. Accordingly, the result was a compromise,
something resembling neither red nor white, in which the
old system of fixed personal allegiances was replaced by
a more voluntary system of employment relationship; on
this basis was built up a totally new type of economic
system that resembled neither the communal
organization of the red peoples, nor the feudal system of
Europe, but which was a sort of hybrid of the two. This
81
system, which was to spread from Plymouth all over the
world, is what has been called the capitalist system.

24. The Iroquois Attack. As we have seen,


Mohawk raids on this part of the country had been
formerly frequent, and this led to a permanent state of
war between the Mohawks and the tribes east of the
Quinnitucket River. Red tribes were generally unable, in
North America, to carry on a steady warfare, so that
regular communication was going on and hostilities were
few and far between, but no peace treaty had ever
actually been made. With the formation of the Iroquois
Federation, the war against the nations of the Penacook
country became a legacy of the Federation, and it was
now five nations allied against these peoples instead of
the Mohawk nation alone. The Iroquois having disposed of
their immediate neighbors to the south and west, began
to turn their attention to the enemy on the eastern
frontier; of course they attempted to settle matters, if
possible, by their regular policy of subduing and
disarming the peoples in question.

The great epidemic of the early months of 1621


seemed to the Iroquois to offer the best opportunity for
such an expedition that they had had in the whole
century of the Federation's existence. So, in the spring of
1621, an Iroquois army took the war-path eastward, and
annexed whatever came in their way as far east as the
Quinnitucket River. The wide river, with its rapids,
presented an obstacle to the army; not an impassable
barrier, but fighting in the open was never a strong point
with the red men, and crossing the wide river under cover
was difficult. So the Iroquois armies gathered on the west
bank of the river, ready for the first opportunity to attack.

82
The Nipmuck nation, on the opposite side of the
river, had meanwhile received warnings of the impending
Mohawk raid, and that a larger army than ever before
was coming. As on previous raids, warning was sent to
the surrounding nations, calling for help. And more tribes
than ever before sent armies in to Nonotuck to repulse
the threatened invasion. As usual on such occasions, the
sachems of the various nations convened on the spot, to
discuss general tactics, and to offer their services for
peace-making if possible.

25. Passaconaway. Among the councillors


assembled at Nonotuck, across the river from the enemy
camp, was the Bashaba of the Penacook nation, a man
named Passaconaway (The Great Bear), who had his own
plan of action, which he worked out together with his son,
Chocorua, who was the general for that tribe.

Just as with the Iroquois a century before, the two


men, Hiawatha and Daganoweda, had noticed the
repeated peace conferences making peace, followed by
war after their dissolution; so the father and son,
Passaconaway and Chocorua, noticed that the convoking
of the tribes repeatedly repulsed an enemy, who would
return after the tribes went home. And, in both cases, the
conclusion was to make the assembly a permanent
organization as the only final remedy.

The organizers of the federation were in this case


warlike rather than peacelike in their mode of approach,
as was to be expected in the difference in the
circumstances of origin of the two
federations. Daganoweda was an erratic dreamer, unable
to express himself properly, and Hiawatha was an orator,
also peacefully inclined; in remarkable contrast to them
83
stand the gigantic and powerfully-built Passaconaway,
spurring the tribes on to fight an invading enemy, and his
son Chocorua, the fighting general who organized the
federal army for the same purpose.

Thus Passaconaway, by proposing federation in


imitation of the enemy organization, at a juncture where
anything that looked like a way out might have been
accepted, contrived to turn the weakness of the tribes
into strength, and repulse the enemy. The spread of the
Iroquois empire was halted at the Quinnitucket River.

26. The Penacook Federation. This federation


was really an outgrowth of the temporary alliances that
had previously existed among the tribes of that region.
The plan of federation itself was really not new in this
case, since it was borrowed from the enemy, the Iroquois.
The founder, Passaconaway, was not of the dreamer type
like Daganoweda, and therefore could not originate
radically new ideas; but he could adapt the ideas, once
presented, to their new environment, which was that of a
group of nations among whom the tradition of hereditary
chieftanship was absent, and who had a much stronger
spirit of independence and personal rights and liberty.

In the first place, a looser federation was necessary


to meet the spirit of freedom present in the tribes
Passaconaway was organizing together. The federation
was built on the plan of an organization protecting the
tribes rather than ruling over them. For instance, among
the Iroquois the federation dealt directly with outside
nations; in the Penacook Federation, the federal council
decided on the policy to be followed, and the tribes
thermselves did the negotiations; a fact which has caused

84
historians to doubt or deny the existence of a federation,
though it showed its presence often enough.

As a more important point of difference, while the


Iroquois federal council was a joint meeting of the
councils of the constituent tribes, the Penacook federal
council was an independent body composed of
representatives selected by the members of the tribes,
both men and women voting, and both men and women
being eligible to the council, without regard to
heredity―the first time such a form of federal
organization had ever been attempted anywhere in the
world. Not only the main constituent tribes were
represented, but, in many cases, their various branches
had special representation of their own, so that they
could all be heard in council. As a truly democratic
federation, it was not merely a new departure, but it
stands alone in the history of the world.

The situation contrasted remarkably with that of the


Iroquois at the time of their federation. With the Iroquois,
it was a question of making a permanent peace between
enemies; at Nonotuck, it was rather a question of
solidifying an already existing alliance. At Lake
Onondaga, the idea was totally new, unknown, and
bizarre; at Nonotuck it was already known for over a
century, and it was only needed to adapt it to a new
group of nations with more democratic institutions. The
Iroquois federation was mainly intended for peace; that of
the eastern country was intended, in the first place, for
war. It was therefore to be expected that a different type
of leadership would arise as proponents of federation
under the new circumstances.

85
Such was the case. The federal proponent arising
under these conditions must necessarily be a warlike
person, a strong leader of men; and such was
Passaconaway, and such was Chocorua, contrasting
strongly with the dreamer Daganoweda and the fluent
orator Hiawatha.

These men, then, proposed a plan of federation to


the assembled tribes. It was essentially based on that of
their enemies the Iroquois, with adaptations. For
instance, the tradition of heredity in office had no place
east of the Quinnitucket. The spirit of independence of
the tribes made a looser federation necessary, one in
which the separate tribes had more leeway and the
federation less central power. And Passaconaway, the
leader, had to allow for giving himself less power as
Bashaba of the combination, and counted more on his
ability as a leader to hold control.

The acceptance of Passaconaway's plan marked the


formation of the first truly democratic federation known
to the world. Nominally similar to its neighbor federation
the Hodenosaunee, it showed points of difference which,
minute as they might seem, were of great importance.

The federation itself was entitled the Penacook


Federation, adopting the name of the tribe which was first
on their rolls, the tribe from which Passaconaway and
Chocorua, the proponents of the federation plan, came. It
is supposed that this name was originally Quonecog, the
Pine Tree People, so that, just as the Iroquois federation
was the Hodenosaunee, The Long House People, and
used the Long House as its emblem, so the emblem of
the Penacook Federation was the Pine Tree, the totem
which was sacred to the Penacook people, and which
86
represented and symbolized the federation. This emblem,
in later American history, reappears repeatedly in the
Penacook country as denoting liberty.

The federal council consisted of representatives of


the people of the individual tribes and their various
subdivisions, both men and women being qualified to
vote, and both being eligible to all offices, though
traditional preference for council positions seems to have
been for those men who had previously been on courier
routes, and who presumably thus obtained experience in
contact with different people in different towns and
nations.

As its organization was an alliance in origin, and in


view of the greater spirit of independence in the
Penacook nations, the federation was less controlled than
the Iroquois. Treaties with outside nations were made by
separate tribes in their own name, but only after
consulting the federation. This fact made many of the
English doubt that a federation existed, though those who
supposed they were dealing with independent tribes were
sometimes puzzled by receiving a delegation from the
north, from a chief whose name they could not
pronounce, and whom they therefore called Conway.

Besides the alliance function, the federation also


adjusted intertribal rights, especially to important
communal activities which gave livelihood to a great
extent to most of the Penacook peoples. This applied
especially to the use of the Penacook fishing weirs―dams
built in rivers by tribes to facilitate the catching of fish.
These weirs were frequently built with the co-operation of
other tribes, and, in such cases, fishing rights had to be
arranged between the tribes, and these had formerly
87
been a frequent cause of wars between the tribes. The
federation undertook supervision of these fishing weirs
and made regulations governing the rights of the tribes to
use them; the federation also took over the building of
new weirs. Individual tribes were given rights in weirs on
their own territory, and in weirs elsewhere that they had
helped to build. Incidentally, the federal weirs in the great
rivers of the land of the Penacook became, a century and
a half later, the source of water power for the operation
of factories which were, on that account, established
mainly in New England, and thus these weirs determined
the location of the important manufacturing towns of that
region. Such cities as Lawrence, Lowell, Pawtucket,
Nashua, Laconia, Dover, Biddeford, Holyoke, Fall River,
and many others, owe their location to this circumstance.

Another important federal function was the storage


of surplus corn, which was, under the Penacook
Federation, all gathered at the town of Amoskeag (now
Manchester, N.H.); there it was all dried by the sun for
preservation, then taken in bundles into a cave behind
the waterfall in the Merrimac River at that point. From
there it was brought out as needed whenever a shortage
of food was reported from any portion of the Federation.

The establishment of courier routes was also a


federal function―again a case of securing co-operation of
member tribes in constructive communal activities. In this
case, a system of routes was established which is
substantially the basis of the modern city and state
highway systems in New England, together with a postal
system on which the Penacook's enemies, the English,
depended for a long time, only gradually replacing it by
their own postal service along the same roads laid out by
the Penacook nations. This service was built around a
88
trunk line from Mishawaum (now Charlestown, Mass.) to
Iroquois territory, connecting with the similar service
operated by the Iroquois Federation, and similarly neutral
in war times.

Although the Iroquois constitution was largely


followed in the formation of this federation, the absence
of any hereditary tradition in filling the councils in the
Penacook Federation meant the final actual combination
of the democratic and federal principles―a thing the
Iroquois had failed to do. The fact that the tribal and
federal organizations, thus organized on a thoroughly
democratic basis, controlled not merely a bit of
governmental machinery, but also directly the communal
activities on which the tribes lived, no individual property
being known, made this federation more truly democratic
in operation than any other federal organization ever
formed; in fact, it may even be said to have been the only
actual popularly controlled federal community in the
world.

Besides the full federal council, there were also


frequent meetings of sections of the federation, where
matters of a sectional nature could be discussed.
Penacook, the federal capitol, also was used as a natural
gathering point for the northern division of the federation;
the southern division had its meetings at Pawcatuck (at
the mouth of the river of that name, which is now the
boundary between Connecticut and Rhode Island) while
the eastern district had a natural center of meeting and
of population at the head of the same bay where, over six
hundred years before, a Norse expedition from Greenland
had landed to invade the Penacook country. This bay was
then, and still is, the great center of population for the
land of Penacook, where numerous rivers and peninsulas,
89
inhabited by different tribes of the Federation, all came
together; where courier routes and canoe routes
converged and met the lines of shore communication;
where the terminus of the trunk line of the Penacook
postal system was located. There was practically the
capitol of the Penacook Federation, on the peninsula of
Shawmut, a town which was already old when the Norse
expedition landed near there (but had to avoid the town)
in the year 1000. This place still is the center of
population of that same country, and is now known as
Boston.

27. Federability in the Penacook Federation.


The question of federability, of admissibility of tribes into
the federation, proved to be a more important one with
the Penacook Federation than with the Iroquois. In the
Iroquois case, only five member nations had originally
been contemplated by the planners, and a federability
test was provided in the constitution mainly by
implication, and mostly for future reference. This test was
community of origin and of language. With the Penacook
peoples, such a test would have entitled half the
continent to join. But, as it was, the federation of the
Penacook peoples was hastily formed under an
emergency situation, and more tribes were present than
it was considered feasible to include. So the question of
where to draw the line at once became important. Many
tribes, far to the northeast, who had concluded an
alliance with the French, had rallied to the repulse of the
Iroquois (the French had become involved in fights with
the Iroquois already over the Island of Hochlega or
Montreal and its neighborhood), and, if these tribes were
allowed to join the new federation, it might commit the
Penacook Federation to an alliance with the French, or
90
even to French allegiance. Also, some of the eastern
divisions of the Mohicans, from the west shore of the
Quinnitucket River, were helping repulse the enemy, and
therefore represented in the joint council at Nonotuck,
but among them the chieftans had much more power
than with the Penacook tribes, and the adaptations
required in admitting them into the federation might have
interfered seriously with the spirit of individual
independence in the Penacook peoples.

So the standard for admission into the federation


was the similarity of social and national institutions. This
left out the Mohicans as too autocratic, and the
Wabanakes as French allies already permeated with
Catholicism; but the extreme southern branch of the
Wabanakes, who had not come under direct French
influence, were admitted as the Abenake (Wabanake)
nation of the federation, thus extending the federation
northeastward to the Saco River. The rest of the
Wabanake peoples formed a federation of their own, a
sort of twin to the Penacook Federation, which used the
Penacook model to some extent, and always kept up
friendly relations with the Penacook federation, but
recognizing the French alliance, and being claimed by the
French under their paper "province of Maine."

The federation thus comprised a number of tribes


from the Quinnitucket (Connecticut) River to the Saco
River, and from the Agiochook (White) mountains south.
West of the Quinnitucket, only the Winooski nation joined,
as those directly across the river from Nonotuck council
were in enemy territory, and the Mohicans farther south
were, as we have seen, inadmissable.

91
The Penacook Federation represented a rallying and
an inspiring of weakness rather than actual strength. It
was formed directly in front of an invading army, and
immediately following a depletion of population such as
the Penacook peoples had never known. And also, the
federation was now being threatened by an invasion from
over the ocean, from invaders who were dangerous not
merely on account of their numbers and superior arms,
but still more on account of the host of fatal diseases
they brought to America with them. Thus the Penacook
Federation was never at any time an actually strong
organization, but it was a remarkable rallying of strength
by a rapidly weakening people; and it is particularly
notable for creating a spirit which, in the Federation's
homeland, outlasted its original peoples, a spirit which as
succeeded considerably in promoting and extending the
freedom of peoples all over the world.

"The Penacooks came foremost, through danger still


serene,
From where the lofty mountains of Agiochook are seen.
Their tribal council chieftan for Freedom led the way,
New England's high Bashaba, great Passaconaway.

"And next the Narragansetts, from round Red Island's


shore,
Where Freedom's hope was destined to live forevermore.
Abenakis came also, from that far eastern strand,
Many a cove indented, with woods throughout their land.

"And then the Piscataquas from swift Cocheco came


To Quinnitucket's waters, their freedom to reclaim.
From up the Quinnitucket, from lofty hills of green,
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The red men of Winooski in council too were seen.

"The Pequots, Freedom's fighters, joined in this council


too,
From where the Quinnitucket meets ocean's vasty blue.
And red men of Misadchu in council sat that day
From where, by Shawmut's valley, great hills o'erlook a
bay.

"The Saugus came to council, from ocean's roar and


foam;
The Naticks came to join them, defending Freedom's
home;
The Wampanoags attended, from out their cape of sand;
And Nipmucks, too, were present, from Quinnitucket's
strand.

"And Freedom's greatest guardians, by foes of Freedom


shunned,
Came from betwixt the ocean and Lake Quinsigamond,
The tribe on whom the mantle of Freedom's spirit falls,
The Okamakammessets, the prompt when duty calls."

28. Defeat of the Iroquois. This federation,


created out of the very weakness of the Penacook
peoples, set a final halt to the expansion of the Iroquois
Federation eastward. The Quinnitucket was again a
bulwark of liberty, as the newly formed federal army, led
by Chocorua, defeated the invaders, drove them across
the river, and made them retreat homeward. But the
federation was already beset from the opposite side by a
new danger, a white peril. Already the Wampanoags were
giving the Pilgrims in Plymouth lessons in how to get
along in their new country; and the Pilgrims were merely
93
the vanguard of a greater invasion. The Penacook
Federation was created out of weakness, and was never
strong, except in principles; but those principles survived
and inhabited the land long after the time of the
Penacooks.

"The great Hodenosaunee still more their efforts bent,


The great Hodenosaunee back to Shatemuck went.
When first a federal union, by Freedom's peoples
planned,
Along the Quinnitucket, for Freedom took its stand.

"But now New England's red men had new and


dangerous foes,
As whites from o'er the ocean in mighty power arose.
From ocean's side was threatened the red men's
liberty,
So Quinnitucket's waters could no protection be.

[Complete poem is found in America's Search for Liberty


in Song & Poem]

CHAPTER VII

PISCATAQUA AND MASADCHU

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29. Invasion of the Piscataqua. Almost
immediately after the formation of the Penacook
Federation came a new invasion from over the ocean, this
time a distinctly hostile one. This came from the New
England Company, a corporation chartered in England,
claiming title to the coast north of the Merrimac River,
irrespective of existing inhabitants, and which was
determined to oust existing occupants as intruders. In
other words, it was deliberately going to the Piscataqua
region to make war on the inhabitants. The Pilgrims were
refugees, and England never recognized their
government, so they were more disposed towards peace,
and more amenable to Red instruction. But Gorges and
Mason, the two chief directors of the Plymouth Company,
claimed to hold title from the English crown, which
claimed to own the Penacook country through
"discovery." This company had organized in England a
complete organization, in feudal style, of overlords and
vassals, ready to transplant as a whole to the shores of
the Piscataqua. It was, in fact, an attempt to duplicate in
the north the same project of colonization which had
been tried with successfully oppressive results in the
south twelve years before.

The first attempt at colonization was not on the


Piscataqua, but further east at Pemaquid, in the
Wabanake country. Finally, in 1621, just after the
formation of the Penacook Federation, a landing was
made at the mouth of the Piscataqua, where possession
was taken of the land on both sides of the river, from the
ocean to a line of marshes a few miles back; this line of
marshes, including a fair-sized body of water which they
called Great Bay, served the invaders as a defense
against the Penacook tribes, who immediately
95
reciprocated the warlike attitude of the invaders,
although they kept at peace with the Pilgrims.

In accordance with the feudal character of the


colony, Gorges and Mason proceeded to portion out the
land among their agents, claiming title to and even
apportioning land not in their actual possession, and
making serfs out of those they brought over to work the
land; chartered cities on the old English style; and
generally tried to reproduce British monarchy in the land
of the Penacook. The directors themselves became
overlords, Mason taking the west side of the Piscataqua,
and Gorges the east side. Mason called his manor New
Hampshire, since he came from Hampshire County in
England; while Gorges used the title Gorgeana, covering
paper claims which overlapped the equally hazy claims of
the French Province of Maine, the latter name now being
used for that region. It was the Gorges side that had the
first settlement, which was, however, on the river, so that
it would be accessible to Mason's people. This, the second
English settlement in the land of the Penacook, and the
first officially recognized by England, received the name
of Piscataqua. Shortly after this, further eastward, the
Abenake town of Ogonquit was occupied and similarly
chartered as an English city. Mason's vassals, who had to
cross the river frequently to get to the town of
Piscataqua, soon grouped themselves on their own shore,
the "strawberry bank" of the river, opposite the main city,
and named their town Strawberry bank. Those three
settlements still exist, though none has reached any
importance. And, strange to say, not one retains its
original name. Strawberry Bank is now called Portsmouth,
Piscataqua is now Kittery, and Ogonquit now bears the
name York.
96
30. The Paumonok Islands. South of the
Penacook country is a chain of islands some two hundred-
odd miles long. One of them, the island of the Manisees, a
small island opposite Narrangansett Bay, was settled by a
branch of the Pequots, and these came actually under the
Penacook Federation. This formed a convenient division
of the archipelago into two sections, the East Paumonoks,
largely under Penacook influence, and the West
Paumanoks, mostly under Lenape influence. The East
Paumonoks are all small islands, while the West
Paumonoks consist of a large island, Paumonok Island,
with very small islands grouped around it. A few of these
islands at the western end of the archipelago come very
close to North America proper; but the fact of their having
a mainland of their own off the continent has tended to
isolate them more than if they had been much further
from North America, like the East Paumonoks. The East
Paumonoks, accordingly, have tended to go their own
way in somewhat different channels from North America
itself, although they claimed connection with America,
and actually influenced neighboring parts of the
mainland, especially the lower Shatemuck valley and the
Keskeskeck peninsula, which are close to the island of
Manhattan, at the western end of the archipelago. The
insular character of developments in this region, and their
tendency to keep separate from North America, have
been as noticeable under white domination as before; the
West Paumonoks actually being in closer contact with
Europe than America.

It may be recalled that the Island of Manhattan, at


the west end of this archipelago, was the place where
liquor was first introduced to the people of this part of the

97
world; and it was on this island that the Dutch West India
Company established a small trading post in 1614.

It was the Paumonok Islands, particularly the West


Paumonoks, that were invaded in 1626 by a Dutch
colony, which first took possession of the Lenape town of
Communipaw on the mainland west of the islands, the
main part of the colony moving over to Manhattan and
settling there, under the control and influence of the West
India Company's trading post. The Manhattan tribe freely
gave the Dutch permission to live at the lower end of the
island, receiving in exchange a small amount of rum and
other miscellaneous articles; which transaction the Dutch
interpreted as purchase of the island, or (according to
one version) as much of the island as could be covered by
a bull's hide, the area being magnified by cutting the hide
into strips. This town settled by the Dutch in Manhattan
was named Nieuw Amsterdam. The Dutch were not
content with the town space, though, but insisted on
taking possession of the whole Shatemuck valley and all
the Paumonok islands, and even claimed locations on the
Connecticut River and the Delaware River. The Paumonok
Islands were explored, and some of them actually
invaded, and new names were given to them; thus,
Aquehonga, at the southwesterly end of the chain of
islands, was named after the Staten-General (States
General, or Parliament) of Holland, and called Staten
Eylandt; the island of Paumonok itself was called Longe
Eylandt (Long Island); while Captain Block, who explored
the East Paumonoks, named the island of Manisees, the
Pequot island, for himself, while he took possession of
part of an island to the east, which he named Martin
Wyngaards Eylandt; he also sighted the island of

98
Aquidneck, at the south of Narragansett Bay, and named
it Roode Eylandt (Red Island).

In taking possession of the Shatemuck River (now


named after Henry Hudson, whose alleged "discovery"
was the basis on which the Dutch claimed their right to
the valley), it was attempted to organize on the basis of
European feudal institutions, by giving large grants of
lands to "patroons" who could provide for themselves
tenants in feudal-manor style, with a purchase from the
red men. The latter requirement, though, was usually
evaded by any sort of document purporting to be an
"Indian deed," and which the Reds themselves considered
an offering of hospitality rather than a sale of
land―indeed, they were totally unable to understand
sales. Thus the Hudson River was lined with manors,all
the way up to Nieuw Rotterdam (formerly the Iroquois
town of Skanetade, now Albany). The power of the
"patroons" had to be modified, though, in view of its
inconsistency with the institutions of the surrounding
Ganowanian nations.

The red people from Manhattan Island crossed to the


mainland, where a treaty was made with the Dutch, and
the place was therefore called the Pipe of Peace―in their
language, Hoboken. But soon after that, the Dutch
governor, Kieft, sent his men out there one night and
massacred the entire population. Few of them escaped,
but they spread the story of what had been done, and
this did much to antagonize all the remaining tribes
against all the white settlers. Shortly after, Nieuw
Amsterdam erected a double palisade for defense against
its now enraged red neighbors, and this remained for
some time the northern limit of the Dutch city. The space

99
between the former walls is now called Wall Street, and
its spirit is still that of a bulwark against the people.

31. Growth of the Pilgrim Colony. In the fall of


1621, shortly after the formation of the Penacook
Federation, the Pilgrim colony at Plymouth celebrated the
anniversary of their sighting American land, by a three-
day festival of thanks for the favorable turn of affairs―but
the thanks was not given to the Wampanoags, who were
really resonsible. However, many of the Wampanoags
were invited to Plymouth to share in its festival, and the
Pilgrim celebration was merged with the old Wampanoag
harvest festival.

In the meantime the Mayflower, the ship which had


brought the Pilgrims over, had returned to England, and it
brought over more colonists in the various voyages it
made in the next few years. These were mostly religious
refugees of the same persuasion as the Pilgrims. Thus
more towns were founded in Wampanoag territory, and
the Pilgrim civil government, which now began to fashion
itself much after the Penacook pattern, though retaining
its church connection, extended over a wider territory
than before. But, as it was an outlaw government of and
by refugees, England persistently refused to recognize it.

Yet English authorities did see a value in letting their


heretics go to Penacook shores, and, after a few years, a
few criminals were put on the ship with the religious
refugees. When they landed at Plymouth, these were
unable to get along peacefully with the Pilgrims, and
formed their own town far to the north of the colony,
capturing the Masadchu town of Wessauguscus and
settling there. (This settlement is now the town of
Weymouth, and that part of the town is now known as
100
Wessagusset.) Their quarrels with the tribes, including
many cases of cheating, robbery, and murder, strained
relations considerably between Plymouth and Penacook,
although all disputes were ultimately settled. In this case,
Passaconaway himself used his influence for peace with
the Pilgrims, though the Federation was at the same time
conducting a war against New Hampshire and
Georgeana.

32. The Puritan Invasion. In 1638 there came


another group of what we may call semi-refugees, in a
somewhat different spirit from the Pilgrims. They were
from a dissenting sect within the Church of England,
considered in England as undesirable, and who also
suffered persecution, though not as much as the Pilgrims.
And, though they were substantially refugees, they were
still sent under a chartered company of their own
formation, called the Massachusetts Bay Company, with a
grant of land similar to that of Gorges and Mason,
covering the north shore of Massachusetts Bay and
extending westward indefinitely. Thus they were religious
refugees, but differed from the Pilgrims in that the
Puritans came claiming rights to the land from the English
crown like their neighbors to the north. Thus the
Penacook Federation could only treat them as part and
parcel of the Piscataqua colonies which had been the
Federation's enemies since 1621.

The Puritans, with their charter, brought over the


proprietary institutions of the Eastern Hemisphere, as
well as the prejudices and intolerance common to Europe
of that day. There is one impression current that the
Puritans came over to Massachusetts Bay in search of
religious tolerance; and another, more widespread
impression, contradicting the first, that the Puritans were
101
the embodiment of the worst possible intolerance.
Neither of these impressions is correct; the Puritans left
England for a chance to develop their own sect, and, like
all Europeans of that time, they had not the slightest
conception of the idea that religious beliefs other than
their own could or should be tolerated. Therefore, on the
shores of Massachusetts Bay, they followed the regular
English tradition by persecuting dissenters in much the
same way as they themselves had been persecuted in
England. But we shall see that the new country, and their
contacts with the Penacook Federation, had much to do
with lightening persecution of dissenters in New England,
as compared to England itself, or as compared to other
English colonies such as Virginia.

Massachusetts Bay, the Bay of Masadchu (the Great


Hill, now the Blue Hill), was picked for settlement as
being located conveniently between the two sets of
English colonies already established on the Penacook
eastern coast―the Pilgrim towns to the south, and the
Piscataqua settlements to the north. The first Puritan
vanguard did not go in to the head of the bay, but found
a harbor on the north shore, in Saugus territory, not far
from the mouth of the bay, and about halfway between
New Hampshire and Pilgrim outposts. There they landed,
at the Saugus town of Naumkeag. The little army of
invaders took possession of the town and drove out its
inhabitants; having thus "pacified" the place, they settled
there, and gave the town the biblical name of Salem,
meaning peace! The town of Salem thus continued for
some years, constantly on the watch against attack by
the united nations of the Penacook country, while the
Puritans started other outposts in Saugus country.

102
33. The Puritans and their Neighbors. As the
Puritan settlement had been on the coast between the
feudal manor of New Hampshire on one side and the
outlaw refugee colony of Plymouth on the other, so the
situation of the Puritan people was also between these
two―the chartered and proprietary system of the
Piscataqua valley on one hand, and the refugee
dissenters on the other. The tie of religious dissension
bound them to the Pilgrims, while the more tangible one
of hostility to the native nations of the country linked
them to the Mason-Gorges estates on the north. The
Puritans needed communication with both neighbors,
and, strange to say, Penacook couriers generally handled
this function. The Penacook nations were enemies of both
Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire colonies, but the
neutrality of the couriers enabled them to keep up
intercommunication, even after the courier road between
Salem and Strawberry Bank was captured by the Puritans
in 1630. Communication by water was also established,
which had the advantage of not depending on the
Penacook Federation.

The Puritans had just as much difficulty as the


Pilgrims in establishing a new society in a strange land,
since they too had no share in government back in
England; therefore could not know how to conduct the
administration of a community. And the Puritans did not
have the advantage that the Pilgrims had, in receiving
direct instructions from the red men. This was partly
solved by the establishment of communications with the
Pilgrim colony. Delegations were sent by the Puritans to
Plymouth to observe how things were organized there.
And the result was an almost complete adoption of the
system of organization that the Pilgrims had worked out
103
as their adaptation of what the Wampanoags had taught
them of American institutions. Thus the Massachusetts
Puritans democratized their church and government; cut
loose from the Church of England, to which they had
formerly claimed allegiance; and in general they
reorganized as close to the red men's model as their
traditions of religion and property would permit. As with
the Pilgrims, the democratized church government was
made the basis of civil government, the towns being
ruled by congregation meetings, which were an
adaptation of the local assemblies of the Penacook
nations, and which grew into the modern New England
town meetings. The colony had a "General Court" of
representatives of these meetings, which corresponded
largely to the national council of the member nations of
the Penacook Federation.

After the Bay Colony captured the northward Saugus


courier route (renamed the Bay Road), settlement spread
to the northward. Religious dissenters from the Puritan
colony, who had to put up with considerable persecution
from the authorities, crossed the Merrimac and settled in
Mason's territory of New Hampshire, and established
locally their own governments on the Puritan model
there. Such towns as Dover, Hampton, and Exeter, were
founded in this way, and even old Strawberry Bank,
Mason's own settlement, was flooded with Puritan
refugees, hence acquiring a town meeting on the Puritan
model. Although they were in Mason's territory, they had
their own government, and ignored Mason's overlordship
as established from England; they set up a rival
government, based on rule by town meetings, and an
established church, which was actually a dissenting
offshoot of the main Puritan church. The key to the
104
history of colonial New Hampshire is found in the
existence of these two rival political organizations.

34. The Head of Massachusetts Bay. We have


seen that the head of Massachusetts Bay was a center of
population for the Penacook nations. This made it really
the enemy capital for the Puritans.

At that point a number of peninsulas meet, jutting


out from different directions towards a common harbor;
behind these peninsulas is a wide region of rolling ground
which formerly was the head of the bay when sea level
was higher than at present. This forms a valley broken by
many hills, and enclosed on three sides by much higher
ground at a radius of from ten to fifteen miles, the fourth
side being the bay itself. This made an excellent junction
for both land and water courier and communication
routes, coming down the various peninsulas and rivers to
the harbor; it was also an excellent junction point for the
various tribes coming down from these different
peninsulas and meeting at the head of the bay. It was
also just such a port as both whites and reds would desire
to possess. The entire valley could, if requisite, hold
about eight million people—about as many as North
America contained at that time, and possibly at least as
many as there were then in the whole of Europe.

At the head of the bay there were three


promontories, each occupied by a different tribe of the
Penacook Federation. The northern one of these
promontories was an eminence with a Saugus outpost
called Winnisimmet. The central promontory had a hill
with two peaks—or two hills connected by a ridge—on the
southern slope of which was an Okamakammesset town
named Mishawum. On the southern promontory, there
105
was a triple hill among whose slopes nestled the
Massachuset settlement of Shawmut, the headquarters of
the eastern district of the Federation, and a convenient
point for the gathering of the tribes.

This region, then, both as representing the inner


harbor at the head of the bay and as being the enemy's
local headquarters, was the objective of the Puritan drive.
In 1630 they advanced on Winnisimmet and destroying it,
crossing over to the next promontory and capturing
Mishawum. This was taken over and settled by the
Puritans, who named it, after King Charles, Charlestown;
they also gave the name Charles to the river separating
this settlement from the Shawmut peninsula, which was
their final objective; and Charlestown served as a
temporary attacking headquarters.

Towards the end of 1630, the Massachuset forces


holding the Shawmut peninsula for the Penacook
Federation, retired to Nonantum, some six miles
westward, leaving the ground open for the attackers to
come in. A Puritan named William Blaxton (sometimes
called Blackstone), who had previously been allowed to
farm the council grounds, welcomed the attackers to
Shawmut, but insisted that his farm was really public
property, and ultimately donated it for that purpose, thus
continuing the use of the old Penacook council ground for
some of the Penacook spirit of liberty.

The town on the triple hill was thus occupied by the


Puritans. After the occupation of the headquarters of the
eastern section of the Federation, it put the invaders in
control of the terminals and junctions of the Penacook
peoples' most important communication lines, after which
the Penacook Federation fought a long losing fight. At this
106
time the directors of the Massachusetts Bay Company
moved from England over to the Massachusetts Bay
Colony; an elective system for the chartered proprietors
completed the democratic framework for Puritan
government, and removed the last trace of feudal
proprietorship as such in Massachusetts. The government
of the Puritans was then moved to Shawmut, which the
Puritans called Tremont (actually copied from a Cornish
name, but interpreted as Trimountain, referring to the
triple peak on the peninsula).

35. The Iroquois Alliance. The League of the


Hodenosaunee (the Iroquois), the original federation,
who, as we have seen, were forced back from the
Quinnitucket in 1621, soon got news of the defeat of their
former victors, and made overtures to the Puritans for an
alliance. Strangely enough, the messages were carried
through Penacook territory by Penacook couriers,
showing how far the red men carried the neutrality of the
courier system. The Puritans establishing a capital at the
former eastern district headquarters of the Penacooks
was a decisive factor; this was now too useful an alliance
for the Iroquois to miss, and in 1634 a treaty of alliance
was concluded between the Hodenosaunee and the
officials of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, as
representatives of the British crown. The Iroquois have
remained allies of England to the present time, and it is
partly this alliance that placed Great Britain in its present
position of importance in the world.

Following the Puritan occupation of the Shawmut


peninsula, and co-ordinate with negotiations for Iroquois
alliance, new fortifications were established around
Tremont, as the Shawmut peninsula was now called; thus
the Puritans started towns like Roxbury, guarding the
107
land approach to the Shawmut peninsula, and Newton,
the terminus of the federal courier route which continued
to the Iroquois main route. Other towns were established
around the head of the bay by the Puritans, including
Pequonsette, originally recognized by the Penacooks as
neutral because it was a relay station on the courier
route, but later turned into a military station of the
Puritans. The governor and directors of the colony, just
come over from England, apparently objected to the
Penacook names of some of the Puritan towns (the name
Shawmut still being used largely instead of the newer
name Tremont), and these newcomers from England
preferred to use purely English names of towns, so it was
ordered that the names should be changed from
Shawmut to Boston, from Pequonsette to Watertown, and
from Metapan to Dorchester. When the alliance was
concluded with the Iroquois, it was the treaty of Boston,
or of "Waston," as the Iroquois called it.

After this, the Penacook Federation considered the


war impossible to continue further. Passaconaway, who
had been among the most enthusiastic leaders of the
war, was now urging peace, though many of the council
members objected, seeing the real nature of English
settlement as deliberate invasion of Penacook country.
But peace was arranged, although some tribes of the
Federation, such as the Okamakammessets, Piscataquas,
and Pequots, denounced the peace as a betrayal of the
people of the Federation and their liberties; and
subsequent events showed that they were right.
See also: Communipaw Continuity News #2, #7 Lessons on Social Continuity

CHAPTER VIII

108
THE PENACOOK PEACE
36. The Peace of 1634. As we have seen, in spite
of objections from the member tribes, the Penacook
Federation, following the lead of Passaconaway, decided
to make overtures to the Puritans for peace. The final
terms were disastrous enough to the Federation,
although this is hardly surprising, since the Federation
was never an actually strong combination, having been,
as we have seen, organized out of weakness. After the
loss of the capital of the Eastern District, peace terms
were proposed to include opening the lands of the
Eastern District to Puritan settlement, by special
arrangement with the respective tribal councils for each
town so occupied, in the lands of the Saugus, Masadchu,
and Okamakammessets, who had maintained the highest
ideals of liberty, while the other two tribes involved were
too weakened by war. The peace terms also recognized
existing Puritan settlements on the north shore of
Massachusetts Bay.

The Pilgrims were not involved in that war, so the


situation remained unchanged in the Plymouth colony;
the land was under joint rule, governed by the Federation
except where the Pilgrims settled towns by agreement.
The peace terms sought to extend to the Puritans a
similar arrangement. The trouble was that the Puritans
already considered themselves owners of the land, and
regarded the red men as trespassers in their own
country. This the Penacook peoples could not be
expected to understand, because they, even more than
other red peoples of North America, could not grasp the
idea of ownership of land. For that matter the Penacooks
could not really understand the ownership of anything,

109
though they knew that the white people had such strange
institutions.

Yet they had to try to understand the white man’s


idea of property, in order to be able to agree on peace.
And, since the war had originally started over the efforts
of Gorges and Mason to oust the Piscataquas and
Abenakis from lands north of the Merrimac,
Passaconaway attempted to find a way of disposing of
those lands to fit the white men’s ideas. In the first place,
he completely ignored Gorges and Mason, with their land
titles imported from overseas, but he induced the Federal
Council to deal only with the refugee Puritan settlements
in Mason’s alleged preserve. Passaconaway inquired as to
whether white ideas of property covered anything
corresponding to permission to occupy, and found out
that the whites know of such things as leases; so, by
authority from the Federal Council (after considerable
objection from the Piscataquas, whose territory the place
was) he had a regular deed made out as part of the
peace treaty, leasing to these unrecognized Puritan
outposts a region extending from the Piscataqua west to
the Merrimac, and from the Merrimac thirty miles north.
This lease provided for a specified rental in furs for each
town to be established in that region. This rent was paid
regularly, except for war periods, up to 1755; but, as land
titles in that region are still based on Passaconaway’s
deed, now preserved at Exeter, rather than on Mason’s
title claim, this leaves the Penacook Federation, or
whoever is their successor, the real owners of a territory
including Rockingham County in New Hampshire, and
some surrounding territory, including the cities of
Haverhill and Manchester, and half of Lowell and
Lawrence. The Piscataquas agreed to accept a home
110
farther north, in the Agiochook mountains, but were
never reconciled to it. There is a legend that the
Piscataquas leaving the neighborhood of Strawberry Bank
on this occasion, stopped on a nearby hill from which
they could look back on the whites' town, and then
wished a curse on the land they were standing on, that
none of its occupants should ever derive any good from it
until it reverted to the tribes.

The peace terms ignored Gorges’ lands, as well as


Mason’s claims to New Hampshire. This encouraged the
refugee colonies as against the feudal ones. Thus by
Penacook influence, New Hampshire was made a Puritan
colony, with a makeshift government on the Puritan
model―that is, on the model taken from the Pilgrims, and
originally adapted from Wampanoag instructions―this
government acting as a rival in authority to the feudal
lord with title from England; and the regime established
by the Penacooks became much stronger than the
proprietary one decreed by England. Although no peace
terms were made with the people east of the Piscataqua,
it was understood that there would be no hostilities if
they established a rival government similar to that of
New Hampshire, and set aside under Gorges’ authority in
favor of one erected by the townspeople. Several abortive
efforts at this took place, but the proprietors were not
ousted in either colony, although Mason, in New
Hampshire, had less. Mason, however, tried to claim the
Massachusetts Bay region on this occasion, and sent a
subordinate to take possession; a castle was established
in the region now called Quincy, and so much noise of
revelry issued from it that the Puritans found that a
convenient way to get rid of them without bringing a title
lawsuit to England, was to arrest them for disturbance of
111
the peace. Thus ended the last serious attempt to
establish complete feudalism in New England.

The Penacook Federation also agreed on a boundary


with the Iroquois, consisting mostly of the Quinnitucket
River. Very little of the west shore of that river, or of the
hills behind it, were ever in actual Iroquois possession;
but this boundary has given the Iroquois an excuse for
claiming that their territory extended east to the
Quinnitucket.

It was also agreed to allow interchange of goods


between the Puritans and the Penacook tribes, and either
people could visit the communities of the other for that
purpose. The Penacook peoples’ inability to understand
either exchange or property, and finding no value in
money, placed difficulties in the way of trade relations;
but, on the other hand, traders seem to have been
regarded in a way as part of the international and neutral
courier system, and that helped. The final compromise
reached was the use, as a medium of exchange, of
seawant or wampum peag (the beads used to make
wampum belts), and the Puritan settlements, and, later
on, other neighboring colonies, fixed the value of
wampum peag in terms of money. This has given rise to
the false conception that wampum was "Indian money."

37. Elsewhere in America. By this time, the


Virginia colony had established itself firmly in the south,
and similarly the French colony in the north as Quebec
and in the Quoddy peninsula (which the French called
Acadie). An English expedition had captured Quebec, but
it was returned by treaty between England and France.
The Dutch colonies on the Paumonok Islands and in the
Shatemuck River valley were also growing fast, and
112
established friendly relations with the Iroquois Federation,
then the greatest power on the continent.

The importation of slaves in Virginia had already


been increasing considerably, and that region was
already beginning to speak with that African accent which
characterizes the whole section of America where slavery
once predominated. Besides, there were "indentured
servants," people who were sold for a term of years to
pay ship fare to America from England; these were really
temporary slaves. Over them all ruled an aristocracy, a
direct offshoot of the aristocracy that was trampling on
England. The Church of England was ruling with as high a
hand in Virginia as back in England, and dissenters were
persecuted equally in both places. The indenture variety
of slavery was also used by England as a way to get rid of
criminals by selling them into servitude in Virginia, thus
helping to people Virginia with criminals exiled from
Britain. We have seen that they tried similarly to ship
criminals to the Penacook coast, but the Pilgrim colony
resisted, and although both slavery and indentured
servitude were introduced into the northern colonies,
they never took strong foothold there.

England’s habit of granting charters to persons and


companies, covering land claimed by England but in tribal
possession, continued. Thus the Quoddy peninsula
already partly settled by the French as Acadie, and
mostly still Micmac, was chartered out as a Scotch
colony, and called Nova Scotia, although actual
settlement under the charter was impossible. Likewise, a
Catholic, Lord Baltimore, obtained in 1632 a charter for
territory north of the Potomac River as a refuge for
Catholics from England or Virginia. This region was to be
controlled by proprietorship in the Calvert family (Lord
113
Baltimore’s); it was named Maryland after the English
Queen and a settlement was brought over to Chesapeake
Bay in 1634.

There was another charter granted, for the Mohican


coast between the Connecticut and Hudson River, to Lord
Say and Lord Brooke, but these charter holders did not
try colonizing while there was war with the Penacooks.
This charter also covered the territory occupied by Dutch
settlements. So little was known in Europe about the
lands that they "discovered" (though they had never
been lost) that many times charters conflicted, not
merely with settlements of other nations, but with each
other. Actually, these charters merely amounted to
permission to acquire and colonize in the name of
England, but later they became bases for conflicting land
titles.

38. Invasion of the Quinnitucket. During the last


stages of the war between Penacooks and Puritans, an
attempt was made to get in the rear of the Penacooks by
fortifying a point in the west bank of the Quinnitucket.
This was done in 1633, when a Puritan expedition built on
Mohican territory a fortification which they named
Windsor, at the highest point on the river reachable by
navigation. This was largely augmented and manned by
Pilgrim volunteers who settled in the neighborhood, and,
as it conducted no active warfare against the Penacook
Federation, the Pequots, across the river were inclined to
treat Windsor as part of the Pilgrim colony and therefore
neutral, but suspicion remained because the intention
had obviously been warlike. The Windsor garrison, out off
from everything but red tribes, concluded an alliance with
the Mohicans. This fort was operated in total defiance of
the Say and Brooke charter, and, in fact, of all outside
114
authority; and it is noticeable that the Penacook
Federation did not make war against settlements which
defied English authority. But the Pequots, on the opposite
bank of the Quinnitucket, remained suspicious, and
insisted on their rights of examining supply ships going
up the Quinnitucket. In one case, the ship’s owner, who
considered the Pequots trespassers in their own country,
replied by opening fire on the Pequot inspectors, who had
to shoot in self-defense, though they tried to avoid such a
contingency even though a state of war existed. After the
peace of 1634, the Pequots, dissatisfied with the terms,
and especially objecting to the excessive freedom the
treaty gave to traders, withdrew from the Penacook
Federation, and sent envoys to Boston to negotiate a new
treaty. And this delegation brought along several
canoefuls of wampum peag, under the assumption that
whites needed presents of large quantities of beads
before they could be talked to―the Pequot interpretation
of the Puritan effort to use wampum as money. Perhaps
the Pequots did not misunderstand so badly, after all.
However, a peace was finally patched up between
Puritans and the Pequots, and Puritans also mediated to
prevent a war of secession arising with the Penacook
Federation.

The Pequots’ attempt to cast loose from the


Federation at this time was undoubtedly a manifestation
of a strong desire to ward off the domination of the white
invader and his institutions, which were so obviously
repugnant to the Ganowanians. But it was bound to be
disastrous to make a breach in the newly-formed union of
the red peoples of this part of America.

39. Extension of the Bay Colony. The peace


terms opened to the Puritans a considerably wider
115
territory than they had been able to settle in before.
Existing settlements also had the chance to grow more
freely.

In the fall of 1635, the first attempt was made to


colonize in the heart of Okamakammesset territory.
Permission was obtained from the Tribal Council to use a
tract six miles square; though the Puritan leaders who did
the negotiating were highly shocked to find that one of
the sagamores they had to deal with was a woman. But,
once permission was had, they made the first inland
settlement of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, on the
Wameset River; and both town and river were named, in
horror of the recent peace in the land, Concord. The aid it
got from the Okamakammessets resulted in this town
growing in spite of all initial difficulties, and it later
became a centre for the fight for freedom in the land of
Penacook. The Okamakammessets also allowed an
English settlement to be made adjoining their capital; this
was named Marlborough. The Okamakammesset motto,
"no slave upon our land," was also spread among the
settlements in this district, and they soon induced the
General Court (legislative assembly) to make a resolution
to that effect, which it did with enough qualifications to
nullify it; but would not permit the abolition of slavery, as
the slave-trade had become too profitable in England.
The fact remains that the Massachusetts Bay Colony was
the first to declare in principle against enslavement.

The Red tribes thus proceeded with their work of


democratizing the Puritan colony. The tribal influence
could now be more direct, once peace was made. The
church-membership form of representative
government―the Pilgrim adaptation of the idea of
democracy―had been adopted by the Puritans during the
116
war; but with it went the institutions of money, property,
and persecution of religious dissenters, as brought over
from Europe, and which all whites then considered as
essential to organized communities, just as much as such
institutions were beyond the understanding of the red
men. After peace was signed, religious persecution came
to the fore, largely because there had been little chance
for it during the war, and because the fighting machinery
made against the red tribes had to have some enemy to
fight against.

The Penacook tribes were so far from avoiding the


white settlers, or realizing how the whites were to
overrun the country, that even the Nipmuck tribe, far to
the west on the Quinnitucket River, allowed a small group
of Puritans to settle on that river, near their town of
Agawam; the Puritan town started in 1636, was named
Springfield. This town, in turn, colonized further up the
river, but on the west bank, among the tribes disarmed
by the Iroquois, and thus formed the towns of Holyoke
and Northampton. The latter town was close to the
Nonotuck crossing, where the Penacook Federation was
first formed.

Another activity the Puritans started as soon as


peace was signed was to plan for schools. This idea of
training being given in mass was copied from England,
where such mass training was considered necessary, and
where it was undoubtedly requisite to some extent to
keep fixed class lines going, and to keep individuality
from developing. Accordingly, an agitation developed to
start a "Cambridge University" in Massachusetts, and in
1636 the General Court voted to establish "a schoale or
colledg." The next year, the location was set at Newtown,
in Okamakammesset territory, the terminus of the main
117
courier-road, thus appropriately representing the junction
between red and white communications. Since one John
Harvard offered a larger contribution than the colony, the
college was called Harvard College (money talked, as
regards the name); but Newtown was called Cambridge.
The college was established in 1639 (not 1636, as the
college claims); at a time when, as we shall see, the most
militant advocates of liberty in the colony were leaving
America. We have already seen that such an institution
must, by its very nature, oppose individual liberty; and
yet there, as elsewhere in Massachusetts, a trace of
Okamakammesset influence has been felt beneath the
surface. Traditions of liberty, as usual, were reflected in
the usual sub-surface manner, not in the administration;
but there still remained the tradition of:

" With freedom to think, and with patience


to bear,
And for right ever bravely to live."

A public school was also established in Boston at


that time, with similar results. But educational efforts in
Massachusetts also, partly as a result of tribal influence,
took more individual forms. A town library was
established in Boston in 1636―actually the first public
library on record. Also, Boston copied the Penacook
institution of a post office, which was actually a terminus
for the Iroquois-Penacook courier system, and connected
the whole with transatlantic vessels, so that, in 1636,
Boston had organized a postal system, as part of a
Ganowanian organization, long before there was anything
of the sort back in England.

The mixture of institutions of property and Penacook


democratic traditions was going on rapidly now, and a
118
new type of property system radically different from the
European feudal system, was beginning to take definite
shape. Isolated spots where survivals of Penacook
communal occupation passed over into white settlements
appeared, beginning with Boston Common, which we
have already mentioned, and with the similar great
common of Watertown, which was as large as the town
itself, and which was a part of the neutrality of Watertown
as a courier-port. (Watertown still preserves a dim
tradition of that neutrality in its motto "In pace condita.")
Soon "commons," central parks, began to spring up in all
towns in New England, and this has remained a
characteristic institution, which, while assimilated legally
to the English common cow-pastures, has been in
practice a form of public ground, retaining to some extent
traces of its origins in Penacook communal occupation of
land.

40. Apostle Eliot. If the Penacook peoples


propagandized heavily in the white settlements, the
reverse was equally true. No sooner was peace signed
between Puritans and Penacooks than the Puritans sent a
missionary John Eliot, to convert the Penacook tribes to
the Puritan religion. The missionary did not encounter the
usual difficulty of intolerance, because the Penacook
peoples believed in the freest expression of opinion; but
that very fact made the denunciatory style ineffective,
and considerable modification was necessary. The
"Apostle Eliot" as the Puritans called him, learned the
Masadchu dialect, proceeded to reduce it to the English
alphabet, and compiled a grammar of the language. The
Penacook tribes, immediately recognizing the superiority
of alphabet to wampum writing, learned the new
alphabet very rapidly, until the proportion of literacy was
119
higher among the Penacook nations than among Pilgrims
or Puritans.

Eliot had his converts, especially among the tribes


that received white colonies among them; but most of
these converts never acquired the fanaticism that
possessed the Puritan refugees who had come over on a
religious crusade. Eliot considered it a victory that the
Okamakammessets let the white settlers build a church in
the capital town of Okamakammesset itself, for the uses
of the inhabitants of the adjoining Puritan town of
Marlborough; but we shall see that this permission had
strategic reasons which Eliot never even considered.

However, it was true that the "praying Indians," as


Eliot converts came to be called, had a tendency to be
traitors to their own people. They were later segregated
gradually into separate communities of their own, imbued
with English property ideas, as well with English "fire-
water" brought in by traders. These communities, which
were drawn close around Boston, became more and more
dependent on the English, and the "praying Indians" soon
became spies for the English, useless to the Penacook
Federation, and despised by the English whom they
served. Thus practically the whole Masadchu tribe
became separated from the Federation. There were, of
course, many better spirits among them, who kept alive
the old tribal spirit of freedom in those communities; yet
these formed but a small number, who usually left
Christian communities and went back to their tribes. On
the whole, the efforts of John Eliot contributed
considerably to the downfall of the Penacook Federation.

41. Narragansett Bay Settlements. We have


already seen that one result of peace of 1634 was that
120
the authorities in Massachusetts, relieved from fighting
the Penacooks, were able to turn their attention to the
religious persecution of dissenters in their community, a
function considered in Europe to be an essential part of
organized government. The Penacook tribes could not
quite comprehend such actions, and naturally viewed this
activity with great disapproval. It was therefore to be
expected that, in the Penacook campaign to bring the
whites around to institutions in harmony with the
traditions of America, the best prospects were precisely
those dissenters. Accordingly from the beginning of the
peace, the Penacook nations tried to cultivate friendship
with those within the Puritan ranks who were threatened
with persecutions on account of their opinions. In
particular Massasoit, one of the Wampanoag sagamores,
who had directed the instruction of the Pilgrims in
American ways and ideas, made friends with a dissenting
Salem preacher, Roger Williams, who was a Puritan
minister but differed with the orthodox view on infant
baptism. It was with Williams, then, that Massasoit
discussed various questions of social organization,
especially the religious tolerance issue, for which the red
chief rightly judged Williams to be ready. During 1635
and 1636, Roger Williams gradually added to his
preachings the highly heretical and unheard-of doctrine
that religious beliefs are no concern to civil authorities,
and that everyone should have the right to believe
whatever he pleased. He showed Penacook influence
also, by expounding that title to lands in America could
properly be granted only by tribes, and not by charter
from England. This last idea was interpreted by
Massachusetts authorities as treason, in that it denied
their right to Massachusetts. And, for all these
reasons―mainly the heresy of beliefs in religious
121
tolerance―Roger Williams was banished from
Massachusetts in 1636. He immediately fled to Massasoit,
who was ready to receive him, but with the suggestion
that Williams was just the one to found a refuge for exiles
like himself. On this matter Massasoit consulted the most
powerful of the southern tribes of the Penacook
Federation, the Narragansetts, and made arrangements
for Williams to start refuge colonies on the Narragansett
mainland. Permission was given Williams to settle at
Woonasquatucket, about two miles east of the Red town
of Watchemoket, with provision for future permission to
acquire other similar sites on the Narragansett’s
mainland, under the strict condition that no persecution
for religious beliefs of any kind be ever allowed in any of
those settlements.

Thus we have, for the first time, a white man


actually believing in tolerance of all beliefs, although it is
doubtful if he understood the idea completely. Again, for
the first time in the history of the white race, it was
undertaken to found a community on that basis. The
influence of the red men is obvious throughout all this;
and it is doubtful if such a bold plan would ever have
been conceived if not for the strong infiltration of
Penacook principles.

Roger Williams finally reached the appointed site,


and, with his religious fervor that fitted poorly with the
purpose of the undertaking, he gave thanks to Providence
for guiding him to a safe refuge; he then proceeded to
name the place Providence, by which name it is still
known; he also assigned the name Providence Plantations
for the colony; ("Plantation" meaning in this instance a
colony, not a farm, as that word indicated in the southern
colonies). In this case, though, it was really the Penacook
122
Federation that was playing the part of Providence to
Williams. The Penacook tribes guided many religious
refugees to Providence and the adjoining shores of
Narragansett Bay, so that soon Williams had a flourishing
colony.

A Boston woman, Anne Hutchinson, was in the


meantime also exiled for similar reasons. Her offense
apparently was too great freedom in discussing religious
doctrine with a following she had gathered, and
especially casting aspersions on the sincerity of
Massachusetts clergy. Mrs. Hutchinson and her following
seemed to have had no more idea of tolerance than the
clergy had, but, when she and another woman escaped to
the Narragansetts and tried to obtain from them a place
to settle, the tribe placed on them the same condition of
complete religious freedom, and a ninety-yard wampum
set was delivered to record the treaty, which the two
women interpreted as a purchase of the land in question,
as they thought wampum was "Indian money." The land
they were given was the island of Aquidneck, which the
Dutch called Roode Eylands (Red Island), and the
settlement the two women thus started was named
Newport. Refugees gathered here in the same manner as
in Providence.

England decided to use the Dutch name for the


island in question, but confused the name with the island
of Rhodes in the Mediterranean, so Parliament resolved
that Aquidneck should be called Rhodes. But a sort of
compromise worked itself out between this name and the
Dutch form, and the island, as well as Anne Hutchinson’s
colony of refugees, were called Rhode Island.

123
It is true that Maryland had already adopted the
principle of equal tolerance of all recognized sects, but
that in practice actually meant equal treatment of
Catholics and Episcopalians, with other sects still being
treated as heretics. But the two Narragansett Bay
colonies, both organized under Penacook auspices, were
the first white governments to recognise and make an
issue of religious tolerance.

"When the Puritans were persecuting all who dared to


disagree,
And the wilderness of old New England sheltered many a
refugee,
Then, in order to provide a haven where they might in
freedom stay,
The red men to them gave up Red Island and the lands
around the bay.

"There were thoughts and creeds not tolerated, that


would over oceans flow,
Seeking lands where they by persecution never would
molested be,
And, when they were rejected from countries all the world
o’er,
They found admission and a refuge on the bright Red
Island shore."

[Complete poem is found in America's Search for Liberty


in Song & Poem]
CHAPTER IX

THE LAST OF THE PEQUOTS

124
39. Federation on the Quinnitucket. We have
seen that there were Puritan settlements sent out from
the Massachusetts Bay Colony to the Nipmuck shores of
the Quinnitucket River, and some of these settlements
were located on the west bank of the river, so as to be
beyond Penacook interference. Similarly, the isolated fort
of Windsor was set up at the end of the Puritan-Penacook
war, but it never was actually controlled by the coast
colonies. Just below it, the Dutch, who claimed east to the
Quinnitucket, established an outpost just below Windsor,
called Fort Goed Hoep (Good Hope), and some Dutch
farms started in operation in the neighborhood.

In 1636, a group of Puritan settlers, starting out to


form a new Puritan colony on the east bank of the
Quinnitucket, kept to the south of the lands claimed by
Massachusetts under its charter, and headed for the
neighborhood of the English and Dutch forts. A large
emigration started from the Massachusetts Bay region
towards the Quinnitucket River. A town was established
around the Windsor fort; then the Dutch fort was
swooped down on and captured by the Puritan pioneers,
and formed into a Puritan town by the name of Hartford.
The next wave of Puritan emigration settled just below
Hartford, forming another town which they named
Wethersfield.

Each of these three towns was governed by a


meeting of its residents, following the model that the
Wampanoags had taught the Pilgrims. Though the
colonists knew very little of the red men, their leader,
Hooker, was certainly in contact with the Penacook tribes;
besides which he also continued the old Mohican alliance
arranged by the old Windsor garrison. On Hooker’s
suggestion, the three towns formed a federation partly on
125
the Penacook model, the first to be attempted outside the
red tribes. This federation was called the Connecticut
Compact (Connecticut being the Anglisized form of the
name of the river, Quinnitucket). The Mohicans seem to
have called the river Quonectucket, the Pine Tree River
(probably the river’s original name, linking up with the
Pine-Tree totem of the Penacooks), while the Penacook
nations―probably out of respect to their
emblem―changed the name to Quinnitucket, the Long
River. This is evidently the reason why the name
Connecticut is spelled one way and pronounced the
other, there being a silent "c" in the name. And, by
bearing that name, the new white federation of town
meetings in a way put itself under the protection of the
Penacook emblem of liberty, the Pine Tree.

"But still for their own freedom the whites kept up


the fight,
Preserved in old New England the spirit of the right.
And, plans of joining councils from red men taking
o’er
First formed in fed’ral union on Quinnitucket’s
shore."

40. The Pequot War. The new Puritan settlements


on the Quinnitucket meant that supply ships coming up
the river were now more frequent than ever. The seceded
Pequot nation insisted on its privilege of examining the
passing ships, and would let them pass as soon as they
were satisfied the ship was on a peaceful errand. But
belligerent traders were not lacking, and, in 1637, several
were shot after they had opened fire on the Pequot
inspectors. News of this reached the Connecticut colony,
and Connecticut issued a declaration of war against the
Pequot nation on Friday, May 1, 1637. The Pequots
126
refused to return the declaration, but prepared for their
own defense. Two of their towns, including their capital
Poquonock, were surrounded with palisades in imitation
of the type of defense used in the English fortified
villages. And, thus heavily fortified according to the latest
style they acquired from their enemies, they waited for
the next move.

An attempt was made to secure the aid of the


Penacook Federation, and envoys were sent to the
southern district meeting of the Federation at Pawcatuck
for that purpose. Such an alliance might have saved both
the Pequots and the Penacook Federation; but it was not
to be. Roger Williams also came to the council at
Pawcatuck, to persuade the Federation to take the
Puritan side against the Pequots, which the Penacook
tribes refused to do, even though the Pequots had
seceded from the Federation. Passaconaway, the
Bashaba of the Federation, sent his envoys also to
Pawcatuck to plead for peace and neutrality.
Passaconaway’s influence prevailed, and none of the
Federation tribes interfered, although the Penacook
nations managed to store up considerable resentment
against the English intruders.

On Saturday, May 23, an expedition started out from


Hartford, led by a Captain Mason and a preacher named
Stone. They went by water down the river, and eastward
along the seacoast, looking for the Pequot fort of
Poquonock, which they reached on the morning of the
25th. The alarm cry of "owanux!" (white men) was at
once raised in Poquonock, and the loopholes of the
palisades were quickly manned with Pequot archers who
quite effectively kept the Connecticut raiding expedition
at a distance. Then Mason brought into effect a new bit of
127
strategy hitherto totally unknown in American warfare.
The Connecticut army circled round Poquonock at a safe
distance, out of bowshot range, and, as they marched
round the fort, they kept hurling firebrands into it. The
town of Poquonock was set on fire, driving all the
inhabitants out into the open, where they were shot down
as they came out. Thus Mason’s troops killed all the
inhabitants of Poquonock, men, women, and children;
only five survivors escaped from this town, and they,
after somehow gaining the cover of the woods, reached
the neighboring tribes, and quickly spread the story of
the correct method of attacking such forts as the whites
used.

Mason and Stone’s expedition then left for the


Pequot island of Manisees, called Block Eylandt by the
Dutch, and there the Connecticut army massacred all the
inhabitants without exception in cold blood. Then came
the return to Hartford, where expeditions were organized
to kill off all surviving Pequots. To enlist the aid of all
individuals wandering in the woods, a reward was offered
for bringing Pequot heads into Hartford. Both white and
red men tried for the reward, including many Mohicans
and even a few stray members of Penacook tribes who
had by this time learned that white men’s money could
get "fire-water." The red men, however, refused to be
burdened with heads, and, understanding that the heads
were wanted merely for evidence, brought in the scalps
instead, and earned the reward of betrayal. Thus was
introduced into the warfare of America, both on the part
of reds and whites, the custom of scalping enemies,
which, in later wars, was to spread over the continent,
and which was always done mainly for pecuniary reward,

128
a motive unknown to the red peoples of the northeast
before that time.

A few Pequots escaped to the Narragansetts, a few


to the Mohicans, and some to other Penacook tribes, and
were adopted into those nations, where they added to the
resentment against the English. Connecticut took very
few prisoners, preferring to massacre on sight; the few
prisoners who were taken were sold into slavery in the
Bahamas. By the end of June, 1637, the Pequot tribe as
such had ceased to exist, and its territory was occupied
by the Connecticut colony. The first Connecticut
settlement in this region was Poquonock itself, rebuilt and
renamed Stonington after Rev. Stone, one of the leaders
of the expedition.

Thus perished a people in a fight for freedom against


a powerful enemy, leaving in their scattered survivors
sparks which could keep the flame of resentment
smoldering. The Okamakammessets particularly kept up
this spirit of resentment against the Whites’ brutal and
tyrannical methods. The anniversary of the declaration of
the Pequot War, May 1, was used as a day of
remembrance of White tyranny by this tribe, as well as by
the Mohicans, who received their share of Pequot
survivors.

41. Puritan Re-Migration. During the ten years


1628-1638, a veritable flood of incoming settlers
overwhelmed the Penacook territory. During that time
about 50,000 settlers came over across the ocean into
that country, and, had it not been for the property
institution, they might have found plenty of room in a few
of the many available ports of the Penacook coast. But
the white men’s property institutions made it difficult for
129
both them and their neighbors. The first comers in any of
the white towns immediately apportioned the lands
among themselves, and that automatically made matters
difficult for later arrivals. If the new arrival was rich
enough, he might possibly buy portions of the land; but
otherwise the new arrival was obliged to either become a
servant, or move in beyond the established settlements.
A few "indentured servants" (short-term slaves, working
out the price of passage to America, or serving sentences
pronounced in England) were sent over, though Virginia
and Maryland received most of these; and, in the same
way, these indentured servants when their terms were
over, had to either continue in service or move inland.
This unnecessarily forced expansion of the white colonies
naturally caused greater pressure on the Penacook
peoples, and made it harder than ever to keep peace.
The Pequot War was one of the results of this situation.

To ease this pressure, the Penacooks figured on


ways and means of sending their inconvenient neighbors
on some war-path that would take them to distant
parts―preferably to send the undesirable immigrants
back to the land from which they came. The Penacooks
knew that the Puritans, Pilgrims, and Red Island colonists
were all refugees from a distant country with whose
government they had a quarrel, but to which they still
claimed allegiance. And so, what better than to send
these people back over the ocean to take possession of
their own country, and give it the benefit of their
American experience? It is difficult to see how this idea
was passed on so successfully to the whites in the
Penacook country, but doubtless the constant
communication between the Penacooks and white
settlers made it easy to pass along the idea, and, after
130
the Pequot War, there began a serious exodus of Puritans
from America back to England. Not that immigration of
Puritans and others to the Penacook coast stopped; but
far more crossed the ocean eastward than westward.

Among the immigrants back to England was Roger


Williams himself. He went back to England in 1638,
presumably to secure for his colony a charter similar to
that which the Massachusetts Bay colony had. He actually
did get a charter containing the same religious tolerance
provision imposed by the Penacook federation as a
condition for his occupancy. This charter, however, also
took in Anne Hutchinson’s colony, ousting her from all
authority on the island ceded to her by the
Narragansetts, so that ultimately political difficulties with
Williams forced her out of the Narragansett region into
the Dutch settlements. Roger Williams’ charter
consolidated both Narragansett Bay colonies under the
combined title of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations
(Rhode Island being Mrs. Hutchinson’s colony, and
Providence Plantations being Williams’ colony); this is still
the official title of the state more commonly known as
Rhode Island. Both Providence and Newport were seats of
government for the combined colony; and Rhode Island
continued to have two capitals till 1900.

42. Puritan Revolt in England. But Roger


Williams had another mission in England on that
occasion. The Puritan re-migration constituted essentially
a revolutionary army gradually infiltrating into England
from America, and carrying on the work of bringing in the
new and revolutionary ideas into England, not as ideas
imported from America (for that would have been simply
inducements to migrate to America, and might lead to
the rational inquiry as to why these persons had returned
131
if things were so ideal in America), but in the guise of
ideas native to England, and based on English traditions.
Since it required that there should be an English leader,
not a returned American pioneer, Roger Williams
impressed his cousin, Oliver Cromwell, into service for
that purpose.

Under Cromwell’s leadership, a revolt was


organized against the British monarchy. Although the
revolt was primarily instigated by the Puritans gradually
pouring into England from the Penacook region, and
bringing Penacook ideas back with them, the English
Puritans who had stayed home were also taken into the
army, so that a general revolt was gradually organized. In
1649, after a civil war of many years, King Charles was
captured and beheaded by the rebels, and the monarchy
was overthrown in favor of a new regime headed by
Cromwell, and called Commonwealth.

The revolt, in many ways, such as the ideas of


religious tolerance, the red color of its banner (red, in the
case of the Penacook Federation, standing for the red
race of America), and in making some false starts
towards overthrowing the feudal system in favor of the
new economic order that was crystallizing in New England
as the result of the mixture of English and Penacook
institutions, indicated its American origin. Yet, though the
connection is obviously there, though the ideas were
brought back from America by the re-migration, and
though Penacook ideas of civil liberties were brought out
by this revolt in England, there was no attempt to present
the ideas as American in origin. Rather there was an
attempt to present all these new ideas living up to
English traditions. Even civil liberties, unknown in
England, were so interpreted by a judicious explanation
132
of Magna Carta. For instance, the best known passage in
Magna Carta at present is the passage which was
translated at that time, for rebel propaganda purposes,
as "Let no free man be taken or imprisoned, save by the
law of the land or the judgment of his peers"; whereas
the original Latin text would rather indicate that it was
the judgment of "the peers" rather than "his peers" that
was indicated.

The revolt not merely brought back to England


some American ideas and introduced them there; it also
gave the new economic system of America, the capitalist
system, a first foothold in England, from where it later
spread to the rest of Europe. The Puritan revolution in
England, for instance, broke down the old guild
organizations whereby trade and manufacture were
monopolized by hereditary groups in a class known under
the feudal system as the burghers or the bourgeois, and
left those fields open for anyone who had the necessary
capital; but nevertheless, it was mainly through that old
class of the feudal system that economic power was
actually taken. Caste distinctions in Europe, taken over
from the feudal system, have never broken down there;
what resulted from this revolution giving power to the
burghers, was actually an admixture of the American
capitalist system, and the old feudal system, with a
shifted balance of power, retaining feudal classes but
breaking down to some extent their economic basis.

This tactics of infiltration has been a


characteristically American form of starting a revolution,
quite consistent with the methods of secrecy used by the
Reds in conducting their fights, and not at all consistent
with European fighting methods which called for open
encounters. This method of slowly sending in an army in
133
disguise stamps the Puritan uprising in England as
American in origin, and particularly as of Red inspiration.

43. New Haven. But not all the migration after the
Pequot War was eastward. We have seen that Lord Say
and Lord Brook were given a royal charter to possess
themselves of the Mohican lands along the shore west of
the Quinnitucket River. The charter was granted in 1630;
but it was not until 1638, after the Pequot tribe had been
massacred, that they had the courage to send over a
group of Puritans to the mouth of the Quinnitucket. They
landed just inside the river on the west shore (the east
shore, presumably, being still tainted with Penacook
influence―or maybe the charter lords were
overscrupulous about staying within the charter
boundaries), and the first settlement, at that point, was
given the name joining the names of the two
proprietors―Saybrook. But it was soon recognized that
the colony would need a better harbor to maintain
communications.

This colony was different from the other Puritan


colonies in many ways. In the first place, it was not in the
least a refugee colony; and, in the second place, it was
completely off Penacook territory, and not under
Penacook influence. It was sponsored by a pair of English
lords, and ruled very stringently by the church. Neither
the Puritan-Penacook peace, nor Connecticut’s alliance
with the Mohicans, was recognized in the new colony,
which preferred to treat the Mohicans as trespassers on
that land which King Charles, by divine right, had given to
Lords Say and Brook.

So, when the search for a harbor was conducted


along the Mohican shore to the westward, no sooner was
134
a good harbor found (harbors are plentiful along the
North Atlantic coast) than the Mohican village of
Quinnipiack, at the head of the harbor, was attacked,
captured, and taken over by the invaders as
headquarters for their colony. To make the appearance of
an "Indian deed," a supply of junk that was worthless to
both English and Mohicans was left with the red people
who were driven out of Quinnipiack, as an ostensible
purchase price. And, to commemorate the "discovery" of
the harbor they had been looking for, the colonists
named both the town and the colony New Haven.

The system of federation of towns was copied from


Connecticut, but the towns were under a strong church
government, as might have been expected the original
Puritan settlements would have become, had they
developed under official English sanction and without the
influence of the Penacook Federation. The rule of clergy,
strong but yet strongly challenged in Massachusetts,
weak in the Plymouth Colony, and abolished in
Connecticut and Rhode Island, was supreme in the New
Haven colony. Intolerance prevailed in the full form found
in Europe, rather than in the milder form found in the
Puritan colonies which came under Penacook influence.

The New Haven coast being opposite the eastern


part of the Great Paumonok Island, the northeastern
portion of that island (now called Long Island) was also
settled by the New Havenites, particularly those wishing
to avoid the worst of clergy rule; thus that part of the
North Shore of Long Island became a sort of refugee
colony, but it was still an integral part of the New Haven
colony, although some of those settlements joined the
other federation of towns that was known as the

135
Connecticut Colony, so that both New Haven and
Connecticut colonies got a foothold on Long Island.

Another feature of distinction between the New


Haven colony and the other Puritan colonies was in the
severity of laws and penalties found there. The only basis
for New Haven laws was the Old Testament, and the
many strict laws and penalties of stoning, etc., found in
the Old Testament, were carried out to the letter in New
Haven. Such severity was nothing unusual in England,
where over a hundred sorts of crimes were punishable by
death; or, for that matter, any other European [one line of
words illegible] the laws of European countries; but the
neighboring Puritan colonies considered the laws of New
Haven as terrible examples of severity, as the other
Puritan colonies were already used to the milder rules
(which seem severe enough to us) that resulted from
imperfect absorption of Penacook ideas. The New Haven
colony, consisting largely of loyal and zealous Puritans
sent out of England largely so they should not come in
contact with the rebel element filtering in, had none of
the rebel characteristics found in the remaining New
England colonies, and so New Haven remained loyal to
the Stuarts until the English Commonwealth became an
accomplished fact, after which it supported the English
Puritans with equally blind devotion. The New Haven
laws, thus noted in New England for their unusual
severity, were published in volumes colored blue (the
Stuart colors), and came to be known throughout New
England as the "Blue Laws." And, ever since, the phrase
"Blue Laws" meant laws of unusual severity.

CHAPTER X
136
THE NEW ENGLAND CONFEDERATION
44. Difficulties with the Dutch. The Dutch colony
at New Amsterdam claimed its "discovery rights" to the
mainland as far east as the Quinnitucket River, as well as
to all the Paumonok Islands. The East Paumonoks were
already to some extent in the possession of the Plymouth
colony, though as yet there were no steady settlements
except a few Plymouth colonizers on the island the Dutch
called Martin Wyngaard’s, but which the English
pronounced Martha’s Vineyard; while Connecticut had
taken possession of Block Island in the Pequot War. But
these were distant outposts that New Amsterdam could
not hold or control so easily, and some of the East
Paumonoks, such as Nantucket, still remained in Red
control, while even Martha’s Vineyard was controlled
more through Eliot’s converts among the red men than
by white settlers.

But the Connecticut and New Haven colonies were


real threats to the Dutch mainland claims, and both of
these colonies, by settling across the sound on the Great
Paumonok Island (Long Island), definitely interfered with
what the Dutch considered their own private preserve,
and apparently were beginning to threaten even such
Dutch towns on that island as Vliessingen (now Flushing),
even though they were still far off.

Fort Good Hope was built on the Quinnitucket to


establish Dutch claims there, and the difficulties that
resulted over land disputes finally made the Dutch, who
were not ready for open conflict, send representatives to
negotiate for a boundary settlement. There never was to
be any such agreement reached.

137
The Dutch had other territorial claims on this
continent. Even far Maryland was considered by them as
an invasion of their territory, and, when a Swedish colony
named Christiana was established on the far side of the
Unami (Delaware) River, over a hundred miles
southwesterly from New Amsterdam, the Dutch
authorities treated that as a challenge. The Dutch colony
based its extensive claims mainly on the claims of the
Iroquois Federation to control over distant tribes to
supervise their border disarmament policy; but where the
Iroquois merely claimed control for treaty-making
purposes, the Dutch West India Company, which owned
and governed the colony on the Hudson, took their
agreements with the Iroquois as conferring on them
ownership of the whole vast extent of territory over which
the Five Nations claimed rights of supervision. The
Iroquois saw no inconsistency in letting Dutch and English
settle side by side on land under Iroquois supervision,
since the Iroquois were not handicapped with such ideas
of property as were setting the white colonies at each
other’s throats over land which could well afford room for
all―such ideas of property as were keeping the white
men’s home countries over the ocean everlastingly
fighting with each other, then as well as now.

The only colonies seriously threatened on the east


were Connecticut and New Haven. They sought aid from
England, from the other Puritan colonies, from the
Mohicans, from the Penacook Federation. For reasons we
have already seen, the Mohicans favored Connecticut but
opposed New Haven, though they felt that in Dutch
expansion they had a common enemy with New Haven;
and furthermore, they, like all other red nations, were
unwilling to precipitate a war, as their desire was mainly
138
for peace. England, which had previously been a rather
ineffective moral support for the Puritan colonies, was
now busy with civil war and unable to do anything; and
certainly the Puritans could not expect to fight the English
regime and at the same time get aid from it. And the
Penacook Federation, though at peace with the Puritans,
was still too resentful over the Pequot War to do anything
but stay neutral. It practically held the balance of power
in its home country, and resumed its position as mentor
of the white settlements, Connecticut being most anxious
to placate the Federation, as being already in conflict
with the Dutch.

The use of wampum for exchange purposes,


together with the rewards given to scalpers during the
Pequot War, had resulted in quantities of alcohol finding
its way into Federation towns, and in 1638, the Council of
the Penacook Federation asked the New England colonies
to stop their traffic in liquor, as it was felt the liquor trade
was badly weakening the red nations. Only Connecticut
paid attention to this request, as it had the most reason
to placate the Penacooks. Connecticut therefore, in 1638,
passed a law forbidding the sale of liquor to red people;
but the white institutions of property have always been ill
adapted to prevent any sort of smuggling, and, the trade
being in private hands, it was almost impossible to
prevent considerable smuggling from going on, though
both Connecticut and Penacook authorities used
considerable effort against the contraband trade. It has
since been the effort of red people to stop this trade, but
so far without any effective success, since white man’s
property institutions continually breed every sort of
corruption.

139
The Quinnitucket colonies, not being able to get
effective aid from Mohicans, Penacooks, or England, were
forced to turn to the remaining Puritan colonies, who
appeared willing but hardly able to aid. Their population
had been badly depleted by the Puritan re-migration to
England.

45. New England Federation. Thus Connecticut


and New Haven were forced to turn for aid to the English
settlements to the east. But not much was actually done,
and the Dutch remained stationed between Connecticut
and New Haven, threatening Mohicans, Penacooks, and
Puritans alike. There was also a threat from the French in
the north, who were trying to occupy their theoretical
Province of Maine, which they interpreted as taking in the
entire Penacook country.

Thus was created a situation very similar to that of


the Penacooks peoples in 1621. Then the Iroquois were
reaching the Quinnitucket, and the Penacook nations
were gathered to repulse them; on this occasion, the
Puritans were sharing Penacook territory and were
overflowing its western border, while the Dutch,
spreading eastward to the Quinnitucket, had reached
them and were threatening them. Both English and Dutch
had brought over much of their social structure from
Europe, and were therefore unable to understand
communities where the people had even as much control
as among the Iroquois, where democracy was more
nominal than real; but still the Puritans had received
some smattering of democracy from their Penacook
neighbors, while as yet nothing remotely resembling it
had penetrated to their white neighbors the Dutch to the
west, or the French to the north.

140
Though the Penacook Federation got more friendly
treatment from the French allies of their sister federation
the Wabanake, and though they had plenty of reason to
resent the presence of English in their own country, still
did not wish to take any chance on a Dutch invasion from
over the Quinnitucket, which would have been, in a way,
a duplicate of the Iroquois raid of 1621. Accordingly they
planned to aid the Puritans by indirect advice, as peace
was already arranged in that quarter. It was a simple
matter to circulate hints of the story of the Iroquois
attempt at invading that region, as well as of the remedy
finally adopted. In this way the various New England
colonies gradually became impressed with the advantage
of taking similar steps themselves, and, like the red
peoples of their territory, they began to plan on forming a
federal council, a central organization having a slight
measure of control over all the colonies for purposes of
concerted action only. This would also be able to replace
the support they used to have from England, but which
was now lacking due to the English civil war; it could also
bolster up the morale of the Puritans while so many of
their people were emigrating to fight in the English war.
This emigration, in fact, made a further point of similarity
with the situation of the Penacooks in 1621; for then the
Penacook population had just been depleted by a plague,
to the same degree as the Puritans were losing their
people by emigration.

In 1642, delegates assembled in Boston from all the


English colonies in or near Penacook territory. This
included Gorgeans (or "Maine," as the popular assembly
preferred to call it), New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay,
Plymouth, Rhode Island, Providence Plantations,
Connecticut, and New Haven. Had the influence of the
141
Narragansett Bay colonies predominated in the council,
or had Iroquois influence been stronger than Penacook,
they would doubtless have gone through with the original
plan to federate all these colonies together; but the
Massachusetts delegates objected to including such
terribly intolerable people as the Red Island colonies
(Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, still separately
ruled under a joint charter) or the feudal aristocracy of
Gorgeana and New Hampshire, representing the very
institutions the English Puritans were fighting against.

This exclusive attitude was primarily due to


religious intolerance on the part of the Massachusetts
delegates; but the Penacooks had a very different reason
for approving the results―namely, that similarity of social
institutions was a test of federability―and it was from the
Penacooks that the English had to learn the rudiments of
federal organization. Where the Iroquois, figuring on the
basis of common origin and language, would have united
everyone, the Penacooks, on the basis of similarity of
organization, could not advise such different types of
organizations as the aristocratic Piscataqua colonies, the
free-opinioned Red Island colonies, and the church-ruled
Puritan colonies, to federate together, on the theory that
the rifts would be too strong and tend to break up the
federation. The Red Island colonies, however, in their
exclusion, were assured of Narragansett protection,
which is to say, the protection of the Penacook
Federation.

The New England Confederation was finally


organized in 1643, on a similar basis to the Penacook
Federation, an agreement being drawn up between the
four constituent colonies to form a constitution for the
confederation. The four colonies that finally federated
142
were Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut, and
New Haven. It was a loose federation, like the Penacook,
leaving the units the greatest degree of freedom, but was
intended to secure unity in regard to external affairs
(including, as the New England constitution mentioned it,
missionary work among the red men). This constitution
provided for a general annual get-together ("Congress")
of delegates from the individual colonies to correspond
the Penacook federal council; while a presiding officer of
this "Congress" (President) was designated as a general
leader of the confederation, corresponding to the
Bashaba of the Penacook Federation. Admission of new
colonies into the confederation was barred, probably to
keep the Rhode-Islanders out, though it is notable that no
federal constitutions ever provided for admission of new
states before 1719, when the Iroquois admitted the
Tuscarora nation, after which all new federal constitutions
always provided for that question.

Though formed under Penacook guidance, the New


England Confederation lacked the Penacook’s democracy,
partly because the whites never could properly
understand democracy, partly because the institution of
property interferes. But enough of that element was
injected by Penacook influence to create a sharp division
in New England between authorities and advocates of
liberty, a division which became stronger as the red
ideals became infused among the population.

This was the first experience of the English colonies


at federating with one another, and it became the
precedent on which were based all subsequent
federations, including the two successive federations
known as the United States of America. That this first
federation―a loose one, leaving the federal council
143
comparatively little power―was brought into existence
largely under Penacook influence was unquestionably a
determining factor in the character of all later
federations.

46. Annexation of the Piscataqua. The


Piscataqua colonies, Gorgeana and New Hampshire, were
left out of the New England Confederation as being built
on too different a basis of organization; and there a town-
meeting form of organization, parallel to the form of
government in the Confederation colonies, was the rival
for actual power as against the recognized government
consisting of the lords chartered from England, the town
meetings having more of the actual allegiance with the
population even though without any recognition from
across the ocean. In the case of Gorgeana, the town
meetings, apparently objecting to a name that was
derived too obviously from the lord's name, actually used
a different name for the colony, by adopting the French
name for the Wabanake region, Maine.

As the New England Confederation had little success


in negotiating boundaries with either the Dutch to the
west or the French to the north, it was hoped that New
Hampshire and its sister colony (whether called Gorgeana
or Maine) would act as buffer states to keep New England
and New France apart, though the red federations which
shared the White Mountain region were more successful
at keeping English and French settlers from coming too
dangerously in conflict with one another.

But the Massachusetts Bay colony did not feel like


leaving these buffer states in peace. Just as they insisted
on interpreting the royal charters literally as giving land
titles even where no possession existed, prevailed even
144
while the New England Confederation was actually
fighting against the king (though the fight was
theoretically against the malignant advisers rather than
against the king personally). The charter of
Massachusetts Bay extended to three miles north of the
Merrimac River, which the English originally supposed to
run all the way in a general west-to-east course instead of
heading almost directly southward most of the way, as it
actually does. Consequently the General Court of
Massachusetts (the legislative body), on looking up the
charter in 1652, after the protectorate in England had left
New England very much on its own, decided that the
charter meant that Massachusetts extended to a line
three miles north of the headwaters of the Merrimac, and
sent a commission of surveyors to determine the exact
location and latitude of the river's source; which was
done that summer, the commissioners leaving a stone
marker in Lake Winnipesaukee for that purpose. (At low
water, this stone, now called "Endicott's Stone," after the
then governor of Massachusetts, is still to be seen in the
lake.)

In October, 1652, Massachusetts officially set up a


claim to everything as far north as the latitude of Lake
Winnipesaukee―including all the New Hampshire and
Maine settlements―and then proceeded to reorganize
there and demand the allegiance of the inhabitants. In
the original settlement of Piscataqua, which the
Massachusetts legislature reorganized as the town of
Kittery (its present name) a town meeting was called
specially for the purpose, the commissioners arresting
one man who protested against Massachusetts' seizure of
Maine and holding him till he agreed to swear allegiance,
while the rest of the town, warned by this, voted
145
allegiance to Massachusetts unanimously. Similar
incidents occurred elsewhere in New Hampshire and
Maine; but, on the whole, as soon as it appeared
definitely that Massachusetts was going to recognize the
town meetings exclusively and oust Gorges and Mason
from the government, opposition calmed down and there
was more willingness to become part of Massachusetts, in
preference to the old official governments, which could
only recognize the inhabitants as serfs of Gorges and
Mason. These lords themselves, by this seizure of
territory, were left only with a claim to territory in actual
possession of the Wabanake Federation; and thus ended
the attempt to establish a feudal regime in New England.
The Massachusetts reorganization of towns resulted in
considerable renaming of towns, among which was the
name of Portsmouth for New Hampshire's original
settlement and only harbor.

47. New Sects. In the meantime, England was in a


state of civil war between the followers of the king and
those of the Puritan regime, the latter finally gaining the
victory in 1649. Since Roger Williams was one of the chief
advisers of the Puritan side, he attempted to introduce
into England a system of religious toleration similar to
what the Penacook chiefs had taught him; also, the
influence of the quantity of Puritans just returned from
America resulted in many safeguards of individual liberty
such as were taken for granted in Penacook country. For
instance, the king's private and secret court, the Star
Chamber, was abolished, as well as the custom (taken for
granted in England for centuries) of sentencing people to
prison or death without a hearing. Much of this work of
the English "Commonwealth," derived from institutions
the New England Puritans had brought back with them
146
from the Penacook land, has become permanent, and is
responsible for such personal rights as exist today in
England, though the infiltration type of tactics made it
essential to attribute all this to English sources, claiming
(though falsely, and by the help of mistranslations from
the Latin text) to be restorations of popular rights alleged
to have been granted to England in 1215 by Magna Carta,
which really proclaimed certain rights to the nobility
rather than the people.

The new system of tolerance had its immediate


effect in the formation of many new sects. Persons who
had been exiled for various forms of heresy, and sects
formerly excluded, were invited back to England. Many of
these sects were offshoots of Puritanism, though violently
opposed to it as an established church.

One of the most important of these new sects


arising at this period, at least as far as concerns American
history, was the Society of Friends, commonly called the
Quakers. This sect was founded in 1648, and had its
origin in Puritanism, but differed from it remarkably on
many points, emphasizing to a great extent equality and
a sort of passive resistance to authority; but it derived
from Puritanism its method of conduction the affairs of
the sect by membership meetings―a method originally
learned from the Pilgrims, and by the Pilgrims from the
democratic institutions of the Penacook peoples.

The Quaker sect, building on so much of the new


that was brought back from America by the Puritans, and
rejecting or opposing the old, consequently incorporates
so many native American features that the sect remained
a small one and a very inconspicuous one in England, but
flourished remarkably in spite of the fiercest opposition
147
the moment it was attempted to transplant it to American
soil; so that this sect, never of importance in England,
became an important factor in the development of
America.

Though Roger Williams had frequently and openly


denounced Quakerism, yet, when they came to attempt
settling in the Narragansett Bay region, he had to grant
them the same tolerance granted there to all religious
dissenters, as Rhode Island and the Providence
Plantations now more than ever had to fall back on
Penacook protection, and therefore to stick closely to the
conditions under which occupation of Narragansett
territory was allowed. And, as Massachusetts, not content
with its seizure of the Piscataqua colonies, was
attempting to take possession of parts of the Providence
Plantations by issuing land grants to the Pawcatuck River
region, encouragement of the immigration of a multitude
of new sects with an interest in resisting Puritan
expansion was a good means of building up the colonies
in those regions in a way that added weight to the
principle of tolerance.

Such was the opposition between Massachusetts


and Rhode Island on the tolerance question that the
Quaker sect quickly became the bone of contention as
concerned that issue. And it was probably mainly on
account of Rhode Island’s tolerance that Massachusetts
authorities, almost from the very first, stringently
persecuted the Quaker sect with a zeal that went far
beyond any support the authorities could get from the
population, and in some cases produced internal
difficulties over the tolerance issue, though the people
did not consciously fight for tolerance.

148
Even though the Quakers, battling against
persecution in Massachusetts alienated public sympathy
by the use of such tactics in propagating their beliefs as
the breaking up of Purtitan meetings by what amounted
to nudist demonstrations accompaied by loud prophesies
of disasters to come, nevertheless such drastic measures
as the order to banish all Quakers from Massachusetts,
passed by the Massachusetts legislature in 1658, met
with constant opposition from the people whenever
enforcement of its strict provisions was attempted.

One of the first cases was that of the Southwick


family, starting with the banishment of an old Quaker
couple in Salem, who were arrested several times before
they managed to get out of the province, and, after
finding several nearby refugee colonies unsatisfactory,
finally reached one of the Paumonok islands, where they
died a year later; this island has ever since been called
Shelter Island on account of the refugees finding shelter
there. Next the authorities descended on their children,
who were ordered by the authorities to be sold into
slavery to pay for their parents' defaulted pew-rent in the
Puritan meeting-house; but, when the children were
brought to the water-front in Boston to be sold off to the
captains of outgoing ships, the captains unanimously
refused to accept the children, and the rebellious attitude
of the crowd forced the governor to release the Quaker
children. This incident, on Wednesday, September 18,
1658, was one of the early indications of the general
attitude of rebellion which Massachusetts has always
taken towards its authorities whenever there has been
any tendency for authority to overstep prescribed limits.
It is this incident that is commemorated in Whittier's
poem "Cassandra Southwick":
149
"Pile my ship with bars of silver, pack with coins of
Spanish gold,
From keel-piece up to deck plank, the roomage of her
hold,
By the living God who made me!―I would sooner in your
bay
Sink ship and crew and cargo, than bear this child away!"

This Southwick incident also marked the beginning


of an active fight for freedom of opinion in
Massachusetts, and, with the beginning of that fight,
could actually be credited with ushering in a new era in
the world. This fact gives some justification to the poem's
description of that moment:

"Oh, at that hour the very earth seemed changed


beneath my eye,
A holier wonder round me rose the blue walls of the sky,
A lovlier light on rock and hill, and stream and wooded
lay,
And softer lapsed on sunnier sands the waters of the
bay."

There were to be, however, other cases of Quaker


persecution in Massachusetts, and other cases of
resistance by the people to the authorities, before
tolerance was to be considered as even partially won. In
December, 1660, three Quaker women were banished
from Dover, tied behind the cart and stripped to the waist
in zero weather, and under sentence of ten lashes each
at every town till they were gotten out of Massachusetts;
but at Salisbury, they were released by the town judge,
who made the officers take the women's place under the
lash.

150
" 'This warrant means murder foul and
red;
Cursed be he who serves it!' he said.

" 'Cut loose these poor ones and let them


go;
Come what will of it, all men shall know,
No warrant is good, though backed by the
Crown,
For whipping women in Salisbury town!' "

Again, a legend (though its correctness is


questioned) tells of a couple who were harboring a
Quaker on the Merrimac shore, and escaped arrest by
sailing down the river and out to sea in a rowboat, and
who founded a refuge for religious dissenters on
Nantucket Island, where they landed. This settlement has
ever since shown a remarkable degree of independence
of everybody outside; it also differs from other white
settlements in America in having actually taken over a
partially Penacook form of land tenure―land being owned
in common, and occupancy being parcelled out in family
groups on a basis that may derive from the tribal
genses―this land tenure still holding its own on
Nantucket to a great extent in spite of the persistent
attempt of outside courts to impose private individual
ownership.

48. Conquest of the South. During all this time,


with New England so strongly rebel, the Potomac colonies
in the south were more strongly royalist than ever.
Virginia, in fact, served as a refuge for many royalists
driven out of England by the war there; all such refugees
were welcomed by Governor Berkeley, whose boast it had
always been that the populace of the colony were being
151
held down and kept in ignorance. Maryland was just as
strongly royalist, though the established church there had
less power than in Virginia, the proprietor, Lord Baltimore,
being a Catholic. But, in 1649, when it became obvious
that in England the Puritans were gaining the upper hand,
Maryland attempted to placate the new regime by
passing a law providing for complete religious tolerance,
which nevertheless in practice was available only to
Catholics and Episcopalians.

The northern and southern English colonies were


thus at loggerheads, and only the fact that the Dutch and
Swedish colonies separated the two prevented actual
warfare from resulting. This was heightened by the
difference in character of their institutions; all work done
in the south was fundamentally based on slavery and
indentured servitude, which was officially recognized in
the north but rare and looked down upon; aristocracy was
rampant in the south and holding the people down, while
it was almost extinct in the north; witchcraft prosecutions
(though the existence of witchcraft was universally
believed in at that time) was always common in the
south, and surprisingly rare in the north, just as the
Puritan regime in England had completely stopped all
witch-craft prosecutions there, though they had been
previously frequent. The idea of popular self-government,
largely acquired from the northern red nations, was
fundamental with northern colonies, but made very little
headway in the south, where the red nations were
controlled from above rather than from the people.

After 1649, when King Charles had been beheaded


and the Puritan revolution took control of England,
expeditions were sent out to enforce the submission of
every region where royalist forces might possibly be
152
supposed to remain; and in connection with these
expeditions, territory occupied by the other nations were
taken possession of, under the excuse that England had
some shadowy charter claim and it might prove a royalist
hideout. This policy of allowing no refuge on earth for an
overthrown regime, and thus forcing them to fight by
hounding them to the remotest ends of the earth, is a
characteristic of eastern-hemisphere revolutions which
has ever been noticeable in those native to North
America, which rather tend to encourage an overthrown
regime to make its home in some other spot where it is
more welcome.

New England, as the origin of the Puritan revolt, was


not disturbed, and the Federation was allowed to function
uninterrupted, but Holland was forced to evacuate its
settlements on the Quinnitucket, thus rendering the New
England settlements there safe from attack from that
source.

While Cromwell’s Puritan regime in England went to


considerable trouble in forcing Scotland and Ireland to
submit, and while, under an old charter claim, the
Spanish in possession of Jamaica were routed from that
island, it was the Southern colonies of North America that
were considered the arch-retreat of royalism. And so, in
1652, a fleet from England sailed into Chesapeake Bay to
demand the submission of Virginia and Maryland. No
effective resistance proved available on the part of the
Potomac colonies, which surrendered and were
dominated by the Commonwealth of Virginia
("Commonwealth" being the title given England by the
Puritan revolution there, and which was temporarily
adopted by some New England colonies at the time),
under a Puritan governor, Bolton, brought over by the
153
fleet. Virginia’s royal governor, Berkeley, retired to his
country estate, out of office but holding much of the
colony’s allegiance, while the Maryland proprietor, Lord
Baltimore, was in a very similar situation on the north
shore of the Potomac River.

Thus the hostility between North and South which


parallelled the civil war in England resulted in what could
be considered as a victory for the North. It was not a
victory for popular government in the South, as the
aristocracy remained in actual control and retained its
royalist disposition, though outwardly submitting to the
Puritan rule. Slavery and indentured servitude remained
the social basis of the Potomac colonies, though the
source of indentured servants was cut off during the
Cromwell period by the discontinuance of the practice of
shipping people to Maryland and Virginia to be sold as
servants.

49. The Middle Regions. In the meantime the


Dutch, from their headquarters on the Paumonok Islands,
in spite of the loss of territory to New England in the
northeast, pushed westward and southward, as well as up
towards the heart of the Iroquois territory to the north of
them.

In 1655 the Dutch conquered the Swedish colony of


Christiana, and made it part of the domain of New
Netherland, thus coming into conflict with the Maryland
settlements east of Chesapeake Bay. An assortment of
manors, with a land tenure modelled on what they had
left behind in Europe, were beginning to line the
Shatemuck (or Hudson) River―establishing settlements
in that valley as individual property of overlords, such as
Bronck’s, the Jonkeer’s, Peek’s Kill, and many others,
154
mostly bearing the lord’s name. It was still a long way
from a successful establishment of feudal aristocracy on
this continent, but seeds were being planted which
somehow took better root on the Hudson than in New
England or on the Potomac.

Thus the Mohican and Lenape tribes which lived in


the valley of Shatemuck were pushed back from the river.
The Lenape nations were under the Iroquois disarmament
rule, and were supposed to let the Iroquois do all their
defense and treaty-making; but the Iroquois failed
notably in this, being allies of the Dutch and English, and
leaving the Lenapes to be squeezed out. After experience
following the Hoboken massacre, the Iroquois
disarmament rule was defied, and there were plenty of
raids and fights between Lenape and Dutch. And now that
the Iroquois themselves were being pushed back by the
advance of Dutch colonization, Lenapes and Mohicans
were left very much to their own devices in dealing with
the invading whites.

The Mohicans were pushed eastward towards


Connecticut, and were able to some extent to rely on
their alliance with Connecticut, which, however, proved to
be of little value to them because Connecticut belonged
to the New England Confederation which was allied with
the Iroquois.

To the west of the Shatemuck, the Lenape had


themselves alone to rely on. Some branches of these
nations pushed westward in to the mountains of the
Unamie (which river, as well as the Lenape people, was
named by the English Delaware), from where it was
easier to defy both whites and Iroquois. But the fight
against both Iroquois and whites forced the Lenape
155
nations, at about this period, to imitate the Iroquois and
Penacook form of organization to the extent of joining
with Mohicans, Manhattans, and various nations of the
West Paumonoks, to form the Lenape Federation, under
the leadership of one Tamenund. This federation was
definitely under control from above, unlike the Iroquois
and Penacook Federations; it was actually under control
of a self-perpetuating clique of sachems, which, however,
went frequently through the formality of an election
whose result was predetermined. The Iroquois custom
whereby a name followed successors to the same office
indefinitely, was adopted by the Lenapes, so that the
name Tamenund became the title for a ruling chief of the
Lenapes under this system, the present-day relic of that
title being, strangely enough, in the political term
Tammany.

In this way, the institution of federation was


extended to the outposts of the Swedish and New
England settlements, and from there on the prevailing
form of society was aristocratic―among the whites
through Maryland and Virginia, and among the red
nations farther south. There was as yet no definite
boundary, but the dividing line was thus beginning to
form between the free institutions of the Algonquin
influence on the north, and aristocracy and slavery on the
south. This division line gradually became sharper as time
went on, without changing its position noticeably, until, in
the course of a century, it became definitely marked out
as Mason and Dixon’s line.

156
CHAPTER XI

UNDER RESTORED MONARCHY


50. American Policy of the Restored Stuarts.
The Puritan regime in England did not long survive Oliver
Cromwell, and, in 1660, the Stuart monarchy returned to
power. Charles II, the son of Charles I, became king, while
his brother James (who later became King James II)
returned to his title of Duke of York and Albany. The new
ruler claimed the entire Atlantic coast of North America
on the grounds of an alleged "discovery" by the Cabots in
1497, in spite of their never having even approached the
continent!

As a first step in asserting this claim to the entire


continent, Duke James was given "title" to the entire
region claimed by the Dutch, and to lands east of the
Kennebec claimed by the French. This title, of course,
represented merely royal permission to go and take it, no
matter whom it may have already been in possession of.

Another step was engaging the philosopher Locke


to draw up a constitution for the ideal aristocracy for a
new colony to be named Carolina in honor of King
Charles. This constitution was drawn up, with a
complicated hierarchy of nobility enjoying absolute
power, and all titles were different from any used in
England. It was then conveniently remembered that a
French expedition, a century before, coasting the region
between the Florida peninsula and what later became
Virginia, had named that part of the coast Caroline after
another King Charles, and this coincidence made it a
convenient country in which to try to put Locke’s
constitution into effect. This region was already inhabited,
157
not merely by the original red inhabitants, but in some of
the sand bar islands of Albermarle Sound by refugees
from recognized English colonies, who were pressed into
service as the commoners in Locke’s scheme.

Puritan prisoners captured in England during and


following the suppression of the Puritan regime and the
restoration of the monarchy were sold into slavery in
Virginia, Maryland, and Carolina, especially the former. It
was technically indentured servitude, officially meaning a
contract for enforced labor for a certain number of years;
but these prisoners were mostly given life servitude. Thus
Virginia was suddenly injected with a great mass of
slaves who had been rebels, and many of whom had
acquired a smattering of Penacook principles; and this
large mass, suddenly injected into the mass of hitherto
voiceless indentured servants of Virginia, proved too
much to permit the continuance of the peaceful
oppression on which Virginia society had been based, and
in 1663 the Puritans organized a general uprising of the
indentured servants of Virginia. This plan, however, was
prematurely discovered, resulting in a failure of the
rebellion to come to a head.

51. The Penacook Country at the Restoration.


Confronted with restoration of monarchy in England, the
New England Confederation claimed it had never
submitted to the Cromwell regime, which was true in a
way, as, being the primary source of the Puritan
revolution, New England had never been called on to
submit as had more recalcitrant places like Virginia and
Maryland. Even the two united Red Island colonies, which
remained outside the Confederation, were in the same
position in that respect as the Confederation.
Consequently, the New England colonies generally
158
received new charters on almost the same basis as
before the Cromwell period. The colonies of Rhode Island
and Providence had their charter provisions of religious
tolerance renewed, because the monarchy saw in that a
chance to get rid of their religious heretics by shipping
them from England to Narragansett Bay; and so these
two colonies received a joint charter, as the Province of
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. New Hampshire
was once more separated from Massachusetts, but this
time under a royal governor instead of under the old-time
proprietorship; the popular part of the government
continued to rival the royal governor for power as it had
formerly with the proprietors. But the people of Maine,
fearing a return of the former proprietorship, and not
wishing to lose the town-meeting organization they had
started for themselves and developed under
Massachusetts protection, petitioned against being
treated similarly to New Hampshire, and Maine became
officially annexed to Massachusetts, though separated
from it by New Hampshire.

Meanwhile the Penacook Federation had been


considerably pushed back, except in the north. We have
seen how the Pequot nation was wiped out. A large part
of the Masadchu and Natick nations had been converted
by "Apostle" Eliot, who turned many of his converts into
traitors and spies against their own people; these nations
became practically useless to the Federation, and the
converts were gradually concentrated in a few towns
close to Boston, and became almost servants to the
Puritans. Nipmucks and Okamakammessets largely also
adopted Christianity to a limited extent, but not under the
close supervision of their eastern neighbors, so they were
able to hold on to their principles and to the Federation;
159
in fact, conversion for them was largely for the purpose of
gaining Puritan confidence, and religion was interpreted
extremely liberally. The same was true of the
Wampanoags, who were already being driven into
remoter corners of the Plymouth Colony, the main
division finding its refuge around Pokenoket, on the
peninsula jutting out into Narragansett Bay. The
Narragansetts were also being tightly pressed. The tide of
resentment spread through the Penacook nations as their
people were constantly pushed back by the property-
hungry whites; but Passaconaway, the Bashaba of the
Federation, and many other Penacook officials such as
sagamores Canonicus of the Narragansetts and Massasoit
of the Wampanoags were still succeeding in preventing
an outburst of rebellion. But Massasoit died in 1660, and
his son Metacom succeeded him as a sagamore, putting a
belligerent attitude into the tribal council, where there
had been a peaceful tendency before. Things were
rapidly nearing the breaking point between the peoples of
New England and Penacook.

The important difference between whites and reds


was, as ever, the institution of property, whose center
had long ago shifted in America from land (the important
proprietary feature in Europe) to commerce, the only
effective contact between the two peoples. Trade was
property’s only contact with the red people, therefore it
was the only real hold it could gain in America. Property,
with its attendant features of poverty and charity, was
introduced into Apostle Eliot’s communities of red
converts. But, whether in land or in trade, the influence of
the red peoples was able to tone down this institution to
some extent, though the weakening of the Penacook

160
Federation necessarily meant the strengthening of the
commercial form of the institution of property.

52. The Duke of York’s Claims. We have seen


that the restored king gave a charter to his brother, the
Duke of York and Albany, covering a considerable stretch
of land not in English possession. And, while the problem
of gaining possession was still unsolved, the Duke,
following his brother’s example in granting land which
was not his to give, proceeded to sell some of that same
land. He selected a tract of Lenape territory, between the
Hudson River and the river of the Unamis to the west (a
river named by the Virginians Delaware after one of their
aristocrats, Lord de la Warr―the Virginians even called
the Lenape nations Delawares), and sold this land to Lord
Cartaret of the Island of Jersey. Lord Cartaret opened
negotiations with the Dutch and arranged for peaceful
occupation of as much as was under actual Dutch control,
giving this new estate the Latin name of Nova Caesarea,
translated into English as New Jersey. Lord Cartaret had
descriptions of the region made up, describing conditions
there as almost Utopian, and in that way lured a number
of settlers to go with him to start an English colony there.

As the Duke of York had really designed Cartaret’s


colony as an entering wedge for gaining possession of the
main Dutch colony, and so the first English settlement
(there were already Dutch towns on the Hudson shore of
New Jersey) selected a location on the same harbor,
behind the island of Aquehonga (or, in Dutch, Staten
Eylandt) at the mouth of a bay which was a common
outlet of the Hackensack and Passaic Rivers. Here, for a
miracle, Cartaret actually negotiated with the Lenape
tribes for possession of a town site, and here Lord
Cartaret established himself as a proprietor and governor
161
for the colony, naming the town after his wife, Elizabeth,
who governed the colony during her husband’s frequent
returns to England.

This colony was the first foothold gained by the


English on the middle coast. It included, besides the
English settlement of Elizabeth, a group of Dutch
settlements along the Hudson River, including
Communipaw*, the settlement from which Niuew
Amsterdam was colonized, and which is at present part of
Jersey City. The colony of New Jersey was governed
largely after the Maryland model, as influenced by the
years of Puritan domination—a hereditary proprietor as
absolute ruler, with a legislature elected by subsidiary
property owners for purely advisory purposes. This colony
was isolated from the other English colonies in America,
Dutch territory remaining on both sides of it, the New
Netherlands itself separating New Jersey from New
England, and the Swedish settlements under Dutch
control separating the colony from the South.

But this isolation was not to last long. If the Dutch


authorities at Niuew Amsterdam imagined that they got
rid of the English claims by the cession of land across the
Hudson, they were mistaken. The Duke of York still
claimed all the territory that the Dutch claimed, including
the Swedish settlements, and both East and West
Paumonok Islands, and the mainland east to the
Quinnitucket. In 1664, shortly after Cartaret’s settlement
of Elizabeth, the Duke of York, in an unofficial and
undeclared war, sent a small fleet to Niuew Amsterdam to
demand the surrender of the entire Dutch colony. The
Dutch governor, Peter Stuyvesant, sent out a messenger
to ride up the Hudson Valley warning the people that the
British were coming, and calling them to arms; but this
162
herald was drowned trying to cross from Manhattan to
the mainland. The population showed no enthusiasm for
the defense of a government which was merely a trading-
post agency, and very little resistance could be mustered.
When the fleet landed, the Dutch authorities surrendered
without a struggle, and the Duke of York took possession
of the entire Dutch colony, and renamed both the colony
and town of Niuew Amsterdam after his own title, New
York, while the Duke’s Scotch title (Duke of Albany) was
impressed on the upriver settlement of New Potterdam,
which now acquired the new designation of Albany. The
colony was then divided into "ridings" (the name for the
subdivisions of York County, England) for administrative
purposes, and these were baptized into the new Yorkish
allegiance with such names as New York, Kings, Queens,
Dukes, Dutchess, and Albany. The Dutch manor lords, or
"patroons," of the Hudson Valley, were allowed to remain
in power and govern their respective manors as petty
monarchs, subject to the Duke’s authority as supreme
and absolute monarch of the colony. As under the Dutch
West India Company, there was no permission for popular
representation to interfere with this absolute rule, and,
even off the manors, the Duke’s representatives were
allowed mainly to tax-farm their domains, extracting all
the tribute for themselves they possibly could, and at
their own discretion. Even when, later on, an advisory
legislature was set up, this general scheme of things was
not interfered with, and, in New York, the minions and
cliques controlling the region’s affairs for their own
personal gain always remained more fundamental than
the thinly superimposed legislatures which never were a
real part of the regime, and which were always more or
less disregarded.

163
53. New Settlement in Carolina. The extreme
southern colony of Carolina covered, as did Virginia
before it, territory claimed by the Spanish as part of the
Florida dominions, and England therefore attempted to
stretch its Carolinian possessions as far southward as
possible. Therefore some shiploads of colonists were
gathered in England, and sent to the southern portion of
the colony, it being intended that they should be the
subjects of the landgraves and other aristocrats set up by
Locke’s Carolina constitution, and who were having their
difficulties trying to rule the refugee colonies on
Albemarle Sound.

This group of new colonists took possession of the


banks of a river which they named Ashley, and started a
town which they named Charles Town, after King Charles
II. Slaves were promptly sent in from the Antilles to do
the colony’s labor, and this new settlement became a
strongly slave colony from the very start.

The established aristocrats of Carolina, however,


had their headquarters on Albemarle Sound, and the
great distance of Charles Town made it difficult to take a
personal hand in ruling the Ashley River region,
communication being very difficult, and there being no
red-race courier system in the South as there was in the
North. So Charles Town as largely allowed to run itself,
mainly on the parliamentary model which England had
learned from Cromwell’s rebellion.

Soon following the start of the southern settlement,


the Albemarle Sound region, largely consisting in the first
place of refugees, revolted and overthrew the rule of
Locke’s aristocrats. The Carolina colony then split in two
and was later so chartered—the Albemarle Sound
164
settlements being North Carolina, and Charles Town (now
called Charleston) forming the nucleus for the colony of
South Carolina.

54. Punishing New England. When the English


monarchy was restored, the South to some extent had to
suffer for the allegiance to Cromwell that had been forced
on Virginia and Maryland. But as New England, being in
reality the source of Puritan rebellion, had never been
called on to give its allegiance to Cromwell, they were, on
the restoration of monarchy, able to state that they had
never deserted the Stuart regime at all. Undoubtedly the
English monarchy regarded this statement with
considerable doubt and suspicion, but there was very
little tangible or definite on which to punish New England.

Difficulty was raised against Massachusetts to some


extent because that province had, during the years
Cromwell had ruled England, trespassed on royal
prerogatives by coining money, and it was necessary, by
some sophistry, not merely to plead emergency as an
excuse, but to persuade royal commissioners that the
pine-tree emblem printed on Massachusetts coins
(actually a Penacook national emblem) was really
intended to be a royal oak. However, Massachusetts
government, on the whole, gained power rather than lost
it, though such orders were received as orders to tolerate
certain sects such as Episcopalians and Quakers. The
restored Stuart monarch also broke up the New England
arrangement of voting by church membership,
substituting property qualifications for voting, in
accordance with what England considered as a more
powerful mode of management. However, the time-
honored institution of town meetings (originally a
Penacook institution) persisted in spite of everything,
165
and, when it was desired to evade property qualifications
in the Puritan colonies, the Congregational church of the
locality (whether Puritan or Pilgrim) helped the evasion by
conducting church meetings for political purposes without
regard to property qualifications.

As the "regicide judges," Goffe, Whalley, and


Dixwell, who had sentenced King Charles to death,
succeeded in escaping to the New Haven colony, the local
militia of the New Haven colony, whenever called upon by
England to help capture the fugitives, contrived to lead
English authorities on a false trail under the pretense of
helping the search, while the fugitives remained in a cave
within sight of New Haven, and were taken care of by the
people of that town. Accordingly, the king determined to
punish that colony by dividing it between its neighbors,
the mainland portion being annexed to Connecticut, and
the Long Island portion being annexed to New York. This,
however, had actually the result of abolishing the
theocratic regime under which the New England colony
had been suffering, and mainland New Haven got the
benefit of town meetings arranged on the Penacook
model, though much modified by the property
qualifications imposed by the policy of the restored
Stuarts.

55. New York’s Border Conflicts. The English


acquisition did not settle the border conflicts that had
troubled the Dutch. On the contrary, the Duke of York
claimed all the territory that the Dutch had ever claimed
(except New Jersey, where he had sold his claims), and
old border disputes that had been considered buried for
years, were revived. Everything up to the Quinnitucket
was claimed, including such Massachusetts towns as
Northampton and Holyoke, all of the original Connecticut
166
colony except what was acquired from the Pequots, and
all that had been the New Haven colony. The Duke of
York claimed also the entire Paumonok archipelago,
conflicting with Connecticut and New Haven settlements
(Sayville, Southampton, etc.) on the east end of Long
Island, and with Rhode Island and Plymouth claims to the
East Paumonoks. When Nantucket was settled by Puritan
and Quaker refugees from Massachusetts, they were
willing to stay under New York rule, as protection from
Puritan authorities; but they got a charter governing the
place by hereditary association of the inhabitants, thus
obtaining the benefits of town-meeting rule, which the
Duke of York strictly prohibited elsewhere in his
dominion.

The Duke of York also claimed two pieces of non-


contiguous territory, both indefinite in extent. One was a
tract extending indefinitely eastward from the Kennebec
River, actually in possession of nobody but the Wabanake
nations, so that disputes over it were largely academic
anyway; but there was also a strip of land on the west
bank of the Delaware River, occupied by Swedish
colonists, claimed by Maryland as well as by New York.

New York’s boundary disputes took over a hundred


years to settle, many of them lingering on till after
American independence had been established. The
renewed royal charter of Massachusetts gave it a strip of
land extending westward to the Pacific, and, after the
New Haven colony had been divided, Connecticut had
been given a similar charter, both strips running right
across the Hudson Valley, and the Massachusetts strip
taking in the settlement of Albany. The dispute with
Connecticut was finally settled by giving New York a
right-of-way across its claims, with an eastern boundary
167
taken from the Dutch manor boundaries, and derived
mainly from alleged "deeds" supposed to have been
given by Mohican sachems; though Connecticut
continued to claim its strip west of the Delaware, and still
claims a portion of that strip on Lake Erie. The dispute on
the Delaware continued to have its reverberations for a
hundred years, and the boundary dispute with
Massachusetts was not settled till 1772, though the Duke
of York managed to sell his unreachable Kennebec River
land to Massachusetts.

It must be remembered, in reading the history of


these disputes, that most of the land involved was in the
possession of none of the parties to the disputes, but
actually belonged to the red-race nations, while the white
invaders were actually quarrelling about dividing up the
spoils before they got any.

* Communipaw

CHAPTER XII

METACOM'S WAR
56. Bashaba Metacom. It was about 1666 that
Passaconaway, the Bashaba of the Penacook Federation,
was overtaken on the slope of Mount Agamenticus (in the
Abenaki country, near York) by one of the severe
thunderstorms that are common in those regions, and
was struck by lightning. This gave rise to the legend that
he was taken to heaven in an outburst of fire, and that he
was still living where he could watch over his people and
his country and return some day when he was needed.

168
It had been mainly Passaconaway’s influence that
was keeping the peace in Penacook country between red
and white. The tribes had often been tempted to strike
back, but Passaconaway had always succeeded in turning
the tide in favor of peace. And, once Passaconaway was
gone, it was a certain conclusion that the rebellious and
freedom-loving nature of the various Penacook nations
would come to the foreground.

And, as Metacom, the Bashaba of the Wampanoags,


was the chief spokesman of the policy of rebellion, he
was the logical successor to Passaconaway as head of the
Federation, though Wonalancet, Passaconaway’s son, had
taken his place as head of the Penacook nation proper.
And thus, the Penacook Federation elected a new
Bashaba, Metacom, who was rebel to the core, and who
would merely bide his time for a favorable chance to
strike for freedom.

This new Bashaba used an English name, Philip, for


dealing with the English settlers, who were still hazy
about democratic offices in a government like the
Penacook Federation, and considered "Philip" as King of
the Indians. Accordingly, the Bashaba Metacom has
generally become known as "King Philip."

57. Plymouth Resents Metacom. The Plymouth


Colony had been neutral and even friendly toward the
Penacook tribes under Passaconaway’s administration.
But now they were faced with a Penacook administration
which was less complacent towards encroachments.
Metacom was making constant protests at the way the
whites were claiming increasing areas of land as
individual property and forcing the red peoples out of

169
their own country where they had been hospitable
enough to admit the whites and permit them to stay.

The Plymouth authorities began to harass and bait


Metacom personally. He was repeatedly summoned to
answer absurd charges in Taunton, and several times
came with a large guard to deny Plymouth’s jurisdiction
over him. As examples of the type of charges made
against him was an alleged rebellion (consisting of the
maintenance of an army by the red people); while their
usual intertribal visits were called "harboring vagrants;"
and the Penacook Federation itself was labelled a
"conspiracy." There were also numerous petty
persecutions against individual Reds in most of the New
England colonies.

The situation made it particularly difficult to


maintain peace between the new Bashaba, bent on
independence, and the Plymouth Colony, equally
determined on subjugation of the reds. But an open break
was a long time in coming, and Metacom improved the
interval with making diplomatic arrangements, trying to
keep the Puritan colonies from interfering, and trying to
retain the friendship of the Dutch, French, and Iroquois.
And, though the Dutch were eliminated as a factor by the
English capture of Nieuw Amsterdam, the efforts at
diplomacy were continued. Some members of the Federal
Council such as Canonchet, a delegate from the
Narragansetts, were in favor of trying to involve the white
nations in a fight among themselves so the Penacook
peoples could get rid of them all; but Metacom felt that
this would leave the Penacook federation between the
lines, exposed to fire from all sides.

170
At the Federal capital, Penacook, the new Bashaba
met Passaconaway's daughter, Weetamoo, who had
married Winnepurkit, a sachem of the Saugus, in the fall
of 1662, and divorced him the following summer, and
then married and divorced again several times since.
Weetamoo had the old indomitable spirit of her father, as
well as his love of freedom, and she found such a rebel
spirit as Metacom much better suited to her than her
previous husbands, such as the supercilious Winnepurkit.
As Metacom's wife, Weetamoo proved a great aid to him
in maintaining the cause of freedom for the red peoples.
A legend represents her, not as divorcing her first
husband, but drowned in a Merrimac flood trying to rejoin
him; but she certainly survived this period, and died
much later―in another river, it is true―but under
circumstances speaking much better for her fighting spirit
of independence.

58. Reconquest of Paumonok. In 1674 a Dutch


fleet appeared before New York, bringing about a
situation in the town similar to that ten years before,
when a British fleet appeared in the harbor. Then the
dissatisfaction with Stuyvesant, from his disbanding a
representative assembly suggested by some visiting
Yankees from New England, had caused the people of
Manhattan Island to welcome the invading British; for the
same reason, after the Duke of York had turned a deaf
ear to all petitions for a popular assembly, the Dutch fleet
was welcomed back by the inhabitants of New York. In
New England, the people had learned to act for
themselves, not to wait for "duly constituted authorities"
to take action for them; but New York had no experience
with either popular government or the Penacook
federation; so, as usual, they did nothing, but merely
171
welcomed anything from above that looked like change.
Likewise the entire Hudson Valley surrendered, in so far
as it was occupied by English and Dutch settlements.

But England regained this territory in a few months,


and the Duke of York was once more in control. This time
he found it expedient to grant a popular assembly;
though without giving it any power, but rather as a sort of
debating society, the real power being in Duke James'
hands, the assembly's discussions and resolutions being
mainly ignored. Even this assembly was against the
advice of James' new governor, Sir Edmond Andros, a
swaggering military officer impressed with a sense of his
own power, of whom we shall hear more later. This
assembly was not actually a legislative body, but was
regarded merely as a safeguard against the frequent
change of sovereignties. It is characteristic of the
difference between New York and New England that this
term "assembly," which in New England denotes
generally a meeting of citizens, means in New York a
discussion group of professional politicians.

As a further safeguard against Holland's claim to the


Hudson Valley, England made a treaty with Holland
exchanging the territory, so that Holland gave up its
claims to North American territory, and acquired in
exchange a tract of South American jungle in the region
known as Guiana.

59. Effect on the Penacook Federation. The


recapture of Paumonok by the Dutch, temporary as it
was, had a considerable effect in reducing England’s
prestige in America.

172
The Penacook Federation in particular recovered
hope. The diplomatic faction, which had been trying to
play off Dutch against English, got more assurance, and
the spirit of independence in the Federation increased;
while the more militant parties felt more confidence. Even
the English remaining in New York did not halt this new
access of confidence, and the English could no longer be
regarded as invulnerable.

But the New England colonies continued their


persecution of the Penacook Federation. Efforts were
made to stop the Penacook postal service on Sundays;
but this merely encouraged the sentiment in the tribes
for a religious war against the whites. Again, one of the
Apostle Eliot’s coverts was arrested by the Natick nation
as a spy, and executed after his case had been appealed
to the Federal Council; but the Massachusetts Bay Colony
authorities preferred to treat this execution as a murder,
and executed three perfectly innocent tribesmen, on the
alleged evidence that the dead man’s wounds had
opened when the accused were brought near.

But still it was rather with the Pilgrims that trouble


was expected, for they were trying in every possible way
to reduce the Wampanoags and the Bashaba, and,
through him, the Penacook Federation into helpless
subjection. The Pilgrims, too, made diplomatic efforts to
align Puritans, Iroquois, Mohicans, French, and even the
English authorities in New York with a view to the coming
struggle. England itself, however, was not merely totally
indifferent, but there were indications that the restored
monarchy would have preferred to see the New England
colonies lose some of their power, especially in the case
of Plymouth, whose government England had never
officially recognized. And the Iroquois claimed their
173
alliance to be with England directly, and would not join in
such a fight unless England declared herself; they
intended merely to keep the neutrality of tribes west of
the Quinnitucket, which were to some extent under
Iroquois dominion. But some of these tribes were
presumed to be friendly to the Penacook cause, and the
Penacook Federation expected some aid also from the
Wabanake Federation, which was originally a split-off
from the Penacook, and closely related to it.

It was still uncertain what Rhode Island and the


Puritans would do, and desperate efforts were made to
keep these colonies from interfering in a war against
Plymouth. In the spring of 1676, after the Plymouth
colony had made demands for total disarmament of the
Wampanoags, the Federal Council decided that, in the
event of war, only the Wampanoag nation would war on
Plymouth; but, if the rest of the New England
Confederation should join in the war, the Penacook
Federation would do likewise.

60. War Against Plymouth. The Bashaba


Metacom took a truly rebel attitude on all these attempts
to subjugate his people. He waited until everything was
thoroughly ready, but would not hesitate to strike when
the occasion demanded. Many tribesmen were ready to
fight, and in many cases for other reasons than
Metacom’s. For instance, Ninigret was opposed to
Christianity (or at least the Pilgrim and Puritan brands of
it), and wished to make it a religious war. But it was
realized that there was some diplomatic importance in
having good grounds for fighting when war should start.

When the Plymouth Colony issued a final ultimatum


to the Wampanoags to turn over all their arms at
174
Taunton, the Wampanoag nation realised that it was
meant as the final step to complete their subjugation, and
that it would mean the destruction of all the liberties that
their tribes had enjoyed under the Penacook Federation.
And so the tribal council met on the evening of Monday,
June 17, 1675, and declared war against the Plymouth
Colony.

This declaration of war has been represented, as


have other wars of Reds against Whites, as an
unreasoning and unprovoked outburst of savage fury. But
it is noticeable that the same historians speak of patriotic
acts instead of "outbursts of savage fury" in describing
the uprising which took place under fairly similar
circumstances exactly a century later by the inhabitants
of Okamakammesset Land against the authorities of
Massachusetts Bay. Curiously enough, the anniversary of
the declaration of Metacom’s War has become a patriotic
holiday in Boston under the Second Republic, since the
hundredth anniversary of this declaration was celebrated
by the rebels of 1775 by an attack on the hill of
Mishawum which inflicted severe losses on the army of
the Massachusetts Bay authorities. So, according to the
ordinary current story, the inhabitants of
Okamakammesset Land were highly patriotic in revolting
in 1775, but merely suffering from an outburst of savage
fury in 1675.

The day after war was declared, the Wampanoag


army started out towards Taunton, and at the same time
the New England Confederation decided to aid Plymouth,
and a troop of militia set out from Boston on Friday, June
21. When the news reached Penacook, the Federation
decided to aid the Wampanoags, and Red and White
federations were at war.
175
Many neighboring red tribes joined the Penacook
peoples in this war. The tribes west of the Quinnitucket,
though supposed to be disarmed and under Iroquois
supervision, made use of this opportunity to overthrow
Iroquois rule by joining in the war; and the Wabanake
Federation helped out their neighbors the Penacooks,
though only the southernmost ribe, the Sokokis, actually
went to war under the leadership of their sagamore
Nagmegan, who led many attacks on the towns of the
Maine coast. The Iroquois stayed neutral, aside from
occasional efforts to keep peace in their own dominions,
and were apparently waiting for some act of intervention
by their ally England; but England remained neutral and
rebuked the New England Confederation for engaging in
war without royal permission and without making reports
to England on their activities. New York stayed out, but
New Hampshire and Rhode Island joined on the side of
the New England Confederation which excluded them
from membership, though Roger Williams had been
supposed to be a friend of the red men. The French in
Canada were the most important source of supply of
arms for the red men.

During 1675, the Penacook armies, under the


direction of Metacom’s brother Anawan, had the upper
hand, and many white towns were destroyed. Many
prisoners were taken, and all were kept carefully for
exchange, and many exchanges were actually made, in
so far as the English had any prisoners to exchange. As
the main object of the war was to drive the invaders out,
the Penacook armies in many cases preferred leaving the
enemy a clear road to the ocean rather than capturing
prisoners.

176
The Penacook tribes made good use of the lessons
learned from the Pequot War of 1637. For instance, the
use of fire in warfare, unknown in America before the
Pequot War, was used extensively in Metacom’s War.
Scalping dead enemies, also learned in the Pequot War,
again made its appearance on this occasion, but there
was very little of it, as it lacked the incentive of the
reward white men had offered for scalps in 1637. The
Pequot War has also taught the red men to avoid
imitating the English fortifications, which they had found
to be so vulnerable to fire. But a woman sachem of the
Narragansetts, considering that it might be possible to
get the advantages of fortification without the
disadvantages, searched among her people for someone
who could build in stone, and then had a stone fort built;
this fort ultimately succumbed to a long siege, but was
never destroyed, and is still standing.

61. Converts and Adoptees. The so-called


"praying Indians," the Christian converts made by Apostle
Eliot, were much in the position of alien enemies in this
war, distrusted by both sides, and largely playing the part
of spies against their own people. They gave many
warnings when the reds were ready to make attacks, but
those warnings often went unheeded because the whites
also distrusted them as spies.

Though many of these traitor "converts" were


located in red towns, and were able to operate from
inside the Red army, the other side of the story is that, in
many cases, these converts also acted as spies for their
own people. In many instances, the "conversion" was
superficially adopted for the sake of peace with the
Puritans, and, when war started, they became the most
enthusiastic supporters of the fight to drive the invaders
177
back to where they came from. For instance, Apostle Eliot
had regarded it as a great gain for his missionary work
when, a few years before the war, the
Okamakammessets permitted the Puritans to erect their
own church in the capital city of the tribe; but, when war
started, it proved to be good strategy when it
immediately placed large numbers of prisoners of war in
the hands of the Okamakammessets, who were thus
enabled to destroy the town of Marlborough almost
immediately.

The majority of the "praying Indians" had been


concentrated in a few communities forming a sort of
buffer ring around Boston, where they were the butt of
attacks from both sides of the war. Before long, all these
settlements were destroyed, mostly by the red people
who justly regarded them as nests of traitors and spies.

Another group of people who found themselves in


the position of alien enemies were the whites who had
been adopted into various tribes, and thus become
citizens of the Penacook Federation. In Middlesex in
particular, the Okamakammessets had been able, by
their pretended conversion, to gain some confidence
among the Puritans, and then make adoptions,
inoculating their adoptees with a smattering of tribal
principles. May of these adoptees, though forced to go to
war against their adopted tribes, were able to sow the
seeds of rebel feeling in the white communities, a result
which had its lasting effect in New England, and
particularly in Middlesex, the original home of the
Okamakammessets.

62. The Defeat of the Tribes. During the winter,


hostilities were almost at a standstill, and gave both sides
178
time to reorganize. The people of the white Quinnitucket
settlements of Massachusetts―Springfield, Holyoke, and
the remains of destroyed Northampton―decided to adopt
Penacook military tactics by sending out a surprise
expedition to attack the Red towns from the rear. The
Okamakammessets (the "Marlborough Indians," as the
Puritans called them) were now the most hated and
feared of all the tribes of Penacook, and the expedition
form the Quinnitucket proceeded directly towards their
capital, burning and destroying all Nipmuck towns on
their way. The expedition then established a military post
on the Okamakammesset border, where they had just
wiped out the Nipmuck town of Quinsigamond, where a
previous attempt at white settlement had failed; this post
later grew into the town of Worcester. Many
Okamakammesset towns, including their capital, were
destroyed, with considerable massacre similar to that of
the Pequots in 1637. Most of the survivors fled northward
to the Penacook nation.

This was the first white victory in the Metacom War,


and the tide was turned; but attacks on the white towns
were still very frequent. A system of beacon signals was
devised to give warning and call for aid, beacon-piles
being kept ready on hilltops near every New England
town, the central signalling-point of the system being in
Boston, on the top of the hill overlooking the Common. It
is from this circumstance that the hill acquired the name
of Beacon Hill, and the road leading to the top was called
Beacon Street. The system of beacon-signals, however,
was not able to prevent the destruction of over a third of
the white towns in New England during the war.

By the summer of 1676, there were left only a few


scattered remnants of most of the southern tribes of the
179
Penacook Federation, and most of the survivors had fled
either north to Penacooks and Abenakis, or westward to
Iroquois dominions. Refugees were adopted in large
numbers by the Iroquois at that time. The refugees were
closely pursued both northward and westward. Towards
the north, the Puritan armies came close to the Penacook
federal capital, where the tribes called out their reserves
and prevented the capture of the town of Penacook.
Wonalancet, a son of Passaconaway, was killed leading
these reserves in defense of his home town. The pursuit
westward practically cleared a wide path from the
Quinnitucket west almost to the Hudson Valley, reducing
that entire strip of territory to desolation, though there
were still a few red towns left there. By this time, the
whites quit exchanging prisoners, but began selling
prisoners into slavery in Bermuda and the Antilles.

The Narragansetts, with the support of their stone


fort, and a few sections of the Wampanoags, still held
out. But Pokenocket was attacked, and Metacom and his
followers were driven out, Metacom’s eight-year-old son
being captured and sold into slavery. This was such a
serious blow to Metacom that he became totally useless
as a leader; but his wife, Weetamoo, who had already lost
her brother Wonalancet in the fights far to the north,
became so thoroughly enraged that she herself recruited
and led an army against Taunton. When the army was
attacked and pursued across the Taunton River, the
current proved too strong for Weetamoo, who was
drowned, though most of the army got away safely. Her
body was found next morning by some whites on the
river bank, and they cut off her head and set it up on a
pole in Taunton Green, where the citizens danced around
the pole all day with wild yells.
180
The Pokenocket peninsula was searched by beaters
on the hunt for Metacom himself. A traitor among
Metacom’s followers, hoping for a reward, shot the
Bashaba, but the assassin, instead of getting a reward,
was sold into slavery with the rest of the prisoners. This
occurred in July, 1676; after this the war was little more
than further pursuit of the scattered red forces. The
Narragansett stone fort, however, still held out for a
while, and finally succumbed to starvation, while the fort
itself is still standing. The Penacook Federation made a
peace of complete surrender in August, and the
Wabanake Federation concluded peace in November.

63. Rebellion in Virginia. While these events were


going on in the Penacook country, things were not quiet
in the South. The southern tribes were encouraged by the
Penacook example to raid the Virginia settlements in the
early spring of 1676. In this region the rival of new
"planters", each of whom had to be given vast tracts of
land where he could rule over his colony of slaves and
indentured servants; and it was also considered
necessary to keep expanding westward to keep fugitive
slaves and servants from settling west of the plantations.

But, in Virginia, any attempt to organize armed


forces without the direct supervision of the authorities at
Jamestown was regarded as rebellion; and so it was
treated when the border planters, themselves really
invaders of Pottawotomie soil, organized a militia of their
own to fight the tribes. And so the planters, led by one
Nathaniel Bacon, marched off westward to fight the
tribes, while behind them was another military force
hunting the planters’ army as rebels.

181
The fact that the governor had declared such a
respectable group to be rebels attracted to the so-called
rebel side numerous elements which had a quarrel with
the ruling regime, even without interest or sympathy
toward the planters’ expedition. The indentured servants,
whom the Puritan prisoners had tried to organize into a
rebellion thirteen years before, were beginning to show
the rebellious spirit again. The tidewater landowners, who
had been represented in a "House of Burgesses" which
was advisory to the governor but hardly legislative in
character, were dissatisfied with the governor continuing
the House in session so long that they became tools of
the governor rather than representatives of their
constituencies. These landowners were also trying to
head off the threatened uprising of indentured servants
by taking control of the rebellion themselves to further
their demands for a new House of Burgesses, and one
with legislative power of its own. The governor had to
submit to this demand of a new election, to avert any
danger of an uprising of indentured servants. Bacon was
elected as one of the new House of Burgesses, which
immediately proceeded to pass resolutions undoing all
Governor Berkeley’s official acts and grant Bacon a
commission to fight the red men. The governor vetoed
everything, and the antagonism rapidly grew. But the
forces of indentured servants and other would-be rebels,
although led by the spurious rebels in the House, acted
as a standing threat to the governor, and the House of
Burgesses―the self-appointed leaders betraying the real
rebellion of the people―finally won official recognition
when, on Saturday, July 4, 1676, Governor Berkeley
signed an act of amnesty to all those whom he had
designated as rebels.

182
This was really not so much of a surrender as it
seemed; but it was the first recognition of representative
government in the South, although it represented mainly
the plantation owners. But it was an occasion justly
commemorated for another hundred years by the rebel
elements in Virginia, who regularly celebrated the
anniversary―July 4―as a day of remembrance of the
rebellion. Just one hundred years later, this anniversary
became merged in one of more importance to America as
a whole; but, while America at present celebrates another
occasion on its Fourth of July, the document now
celebrated was really deliberately misdated July 4 so it
would have in Virginia the prestige of the rebel’s Amnesty
Day; so that it is the Virginia amnesty that is really even
yet the cause of celebration of July 4 in America.

Slight as this surrender was, however, Berkeley did


not keep his word even as to this. No sooner had Bacon
been despatched to fight red men than Berkeley again
attempted to raise an army in pursuit of the "rebels." A
number of Burgesses, led by Drummond, formerly
governor of North Carolina, appealed against Berkeley to
the king, and meanwhile raised an army for defense
against the governor. Many dissenters, indentured
servants, and others were only too glad to enlist, caring
little for leadership or results as long as they could fight
the administration, and not stopping to realize that they
were really fighting for their natural enemies.

Governor Berkeley, being, like most bullies, a


coward, fled to the Accomac Peninsula (now called Del-
Mar-Va), where Virginia had a charter claim to some land.
Drummond interpreted Berkeley’s flight as a resignation,
and organized a temporary colonial government at
Williamsburg, close to Jamestown. Meanwhile, Berkeley
183
had assembled a new army on the Accomac Peninsula,
and retuned with it to fight the rebels, upon hearing that
Drummond’s "appeal" to the king had failed. Bacon, who
had just finished a campaign against the red people,
turned to fight Berkeley, whose army was now thinned by
desertions. The governor’s stronghold, Jamestown, was
captured and burned, and it has been a ruin ever since,
there having never been an attempt to rebuild that
original Virginia settlement.

But, just at this point, Bacon contracted a fatal fever.


The rebellion, in spite of its large following, being a one-
man organization, collapsed as soon as the one man was
removed. Berkeley’s army was easily enabled to
reorganize and defeat the rebels, and Berkeley regained
control of Virginia. Drummond and many of the other
rebels were tried by court-martial and executed in short
order, and Berkeley personally took over their confiscated
property for his own benefit. This last act of confiscation
however, proved too much for even the English king, and
Berkeley was recalled in disgrace. But even royal orders
were not sufficient to make Berkeley give up control of
Virginia till they were supplemented by some forcible
persuasion. And when, at last, Berkeley took his capture
from Virginia, the whole colony celebrated.

CHAPTER XIII

QUAKER SETTLEMENT
64. The Keystone Colony. We have seen that the
English colonies in North America were formed in three
separate groups, with different origins and institutions,
184
and could hardly be considered as in any way a single
unit. In the South were colonies of definitely English origin
and institution that arose out of its growth in the new
country, the country of the slaveholding Maskoki peoples.
At the other end of the English-American coast were the
New England colonies, which represented breaking away
from England rather than a transplanting of English
institutions; here the tendency was rebellion against
constituted authority as represented by English officials
and agents. These colonies grew up under Penacook
guidance, and thus, in spite of themselves, developed
democratic forms and traditions which persisted and
grew in spite of the inability of the people to absorb them
properly.

Between the two were the middle colonies of New


York and New Jersey, proprietary in form like Maryland,
under even more absolutism than the South, but
geographically connected more with the North than the
South, and with a degree of Iroquois and Lenape
guidance which to some extent offset and mollified the
despotism. New York had claims to territory beyond New
England, but those were paper claims, as that territory
was occupied by the Wabanake Federation and their
allies the French; New York also owned another piece of
non-contiguous territory, on the shore of Delaware Bay,
the old Swedish colony. This bit of territory formed a
geographical link between North and South, but one
which somehow left what seemed to be a gap.

The logical connection was a bit farther up the


Delaware River, where there was a closer land connection
between the respective back-countries of Maryland and
New Jersey; a region claimed by Maryland, but where no
white colonization had been attempted, and was
185
completely occupied by the Lenape peoples. This location
was considered as the next logical site for an English
colony, to form a central link between the two main
divisions of American colonies. As the coast has
somewhat the shape of an arch, the position of such a
colony would fittingly appear as the keystone of the arch,
towards which both northern and southern colonies had
been building in.

It was the Quaker sect, the offspring of Cromwell's


rebellion in England, and which under the monarchy
suffered considerable persecution there, that offered to
colonize this location. William Penn, a Quaker who had
inherited from his father some claims against the king for
debts contracted in financing the restoration of the king,
offered to settle his claims in exchange for a grant of the
keystone territory in America, where he proposed to
found a colony open to all sects, based on peace, without
an army, in accordance with Quaker principles. King
Charles doubted the feasibility of such a peaceful colony;
especially as the proposition was broached shortly after
Metacom's War in New England. Penn was asked how he
expected to deal with the red people, and replied that he
intended to buy the land from them. This angered the
king, who seemed to take that as a challenge to his own
claims "by discovery" to American land; to which Penn
replied by inquiring whether he would give up England to
a canoeful of red men if they should happen to cross the
ocean and discover England.

But finally King Charles decided that Penn's project


was a good way of getting rid of the Quakers and other
heretics from England, and Penn received a charter to the
keystone territory, which was to be called Penn's
Woodland, the title being also given in an alternative
186
Latinised form, Penn-Sylvania. The territory granted by
this charter was defined, as usual with English grants of
American land, in total disregard of previous grants and
settlements, covering most of Maryland and conflicting in
the north with the charters of Connecticut and
Massachusetts, which granted a strip reaching west to
the Pacific. This airy disregard of previous charter claims
was probably due to the fact that such charters, even
though they claimed to grant titles to land, and were so
interpreted in America at a later period, were really
rather permits to settle and take possession of the land
specified.

We may note that the attempt to interpret old


English charters as actually granting land title to
everything mentioned in the document, has resulted in
numerous disputes between the colonies and their
successors the States, some of the disputes (such as that
of the "Connecticut Reserve") remaining unsettled to the
present time.

65. Starting the Quaker Colony. The charter of


Pennsylvania, as a proprietary colony along the same
lines as Maryland, was granted to William Penn in 1680,
and during the following year he set out with some
Quakers for the new colony. Not desiring conflict with the
Swedes or their lord proprietor the Duke of York, the
Quaker group passed the main Swedish settlements on
New York's Delaware shore, and landed a few miles
above the old settlement of Christiana (now Wilmington).
At their first landing, Penn gave the place the name of
Chester, after his home town in England, and he left a
few of his group there to start a settlement, while Penn
with the bulk of his colonists continued up river in search
of a better town-site. After fifteen miles further, he found
187
a spot that suited him, and there he disembarked to
commence the new city he had been planning.

Like the Puritans, the Quakers showed a strong


tendency to Biblical names, and Penn had long planned
to name his new city for a city mentioned in the New
Testament, with a name commonly supposed to mean
"brotherly love." And so this location received the name
of Philadelphia. And, though the ancient city in Asia Minor
mentioned in the Bible was really named for an Egyptian
king called "brother-lover" because he assassinated his
brother, it is fair to say that the American city is really
named for brotherly love, such being obviously the
founder's intention.

The landing here was made a short distance north


of the Unami town of Waccaco, and Penn’s party was
received by a deputation from that town. Negotiations
were carried on, though under some difficulty, for
permission to settle on Unami ground and to maintain the
original settlement at Chester. This was amicably
arranged for, and it was agreed that all of Unami ground
should be open for Penn's people to settle on, reserving
the council ground for the use of the Lenape tribes for
councils and negotiations. Although those tribes are now
extinct, this reserved council ground is still kept open,
being now used as a city park.

The city of Philadelphia was soon built, close to


Waccaco, according to Quaker ideas of uniformity and
regularity. The city was laid out into square blocks,
because the Quakers objected to letting even a street
become too conspicuous. The streets parallel to the river
were given numbers, as the Quakers did to the week-
days and the months of the year; but cross-streets were
188
differentiated by planting different trees on them and
giving each street the name of the tree planted on it
(Chestnut Street, Spruce Street, Pine Street, Filbert
Street, etc.) William Penn's plan of arranging a city has
become the basis of the general American city plan,
although the land of Penacook has preferred to stick to
the short-cut and easy grade arrangement used by the
red tribes.

Penn gave his new colony a constitution of self-


government along lines closely modelled on that of
Rhode Island, granting full religious tolerance. Abolition of
slavery was favored by the Quakers, but was blocked by
the fact that English rule was recognized. But, curiously
enough, Penn was willing to allow the Virginian system of
shipping from England women to be auctioned off as
wives for the colonists. This was done regularly for a
while, a special village called Bridesburg being built a few
miles upriver for the accommodation of the women
awaiting auction. This location still retains its original
name, though now merely a residential portion of
Philadelphia.

William Penn was also very much impressed with the


federal system as used by the red tribes, and later wrote
an article in England explaining a plan by which the
nations of Europe could similarly federate and prevent
wars. It was substantially this plan that was attempted in
1919 under the name of the League of Nations, but, as
actually adopted in Europe, it was not a true federation,
as the central organization was a mere debating society
with no power to preserve peace or carry out any of the
purposes of federation.

189
For several years Penn kept up his plan of operating
the colony without an army, though this feature did not
last long. Many religious refugees from Europe, especially
from England and Germany, came there, and the colony
grew quickly, so that before long Philadelphia became the
most populous city on the American continent north of
the Spanish country.

In spite of the proprietary charter, the democratic


character of the colony's government, the disapproval of
slavery and similar institutions, the fact of tolerance,
made Pennsylvania northern rather than southern, and
influenced the middle group of colonies in that direction.

66. Massachusetts's Charter Disputes. After


Metacom's War, the New England colonies were able to
expand a bit into territory that had been cleared of red
tribesmen in the war. This was particularly the case with
the ring around Boston, formerly occupied by Apostle
Eliot's "Praying Indians," but which now made room for a
ring of suburbs such as Brookline and Newton. Also the
New England colonies had to take over completely the
communication service formerly at least partly operated
by the Penacook Federation, so that the postal service
was actually a continuation of that organized by the red
men.

In spite of King Charles’ ordering Massachusetts to


tolerate Quakers. The colonial authorities occasionally
continued persecution, especially where some special
demonstration gave them an excuse. As late as 1677, a
few Quaker women broke up a Puritan service at the
South Meeting-House with one of their usual nudist
demonstrations, and finally withdrawing with the
statement that they might be thrown out personally, but
190
that the ideas of freedom and equality would not be
thrown out of the building so easily. This had been
preserved in verse form as follows:

"Thus saith the Lord, with equal feet


All men my courts shall tread,
And priest and ruler shall no more eat
His people up like bread.

"Repent! Repent! ere the Lord shall


speak
In thunder and breaking seals!
Let all souls worship in the way
The light within reveals.

"And, so long as Boston shall Boston


be,
And its bay-tides rise and fall,
Shall freedom stand in the Old South
Church
And plead for the rights of all."

Quaker demonstrations eased up after 1681, with a


resultant cessation of persecution by Massachusetts
authorities, after the settlement of Pennsylvania, as the
Quakers now had a country of their own and were not so
anxious to rail at things established. But a certain amount
of truth seems to have stuck to the Quaker women’s
prophecy about the Old South Church.

When England entered into a policy of conquest


under the Cromwell regime, regulations were adopted to
give England a monopoly of colonial trade, and to keep
the colonies from entering into competition with England.
And, though the Cromwell regime left New England to its
191
own devices, the restored monarch was anxious to punish
the Puritans on any excuse, so that, after the reconquest
of New York, special commissioners were sent to Boston
to bring up this issue. Fleets sent to New York used to
stop at Boston on their way over and back as a
demonstration of royal power to scare Massachusetts;
and royal orders dissolved the New England
Confederation in 1677, though the Confederation
continued to hood meetings under cover for several years
after that. At the same time, the Plymouth Colony, whose
government had never been recognized by England, was
ordered annexed to Massachusetts, so that repressive
measures could be taken against both at once. But
Plymouth was allowed to retain its own government as an
autonomous body within Massachusetts.

But, when royal commissioners were sent to


Massachusetts, to take up the question of the
enforcement of the "Navigation Laws," the colony refused
to recognize their authority, pointing to King Charles I’s
charter as to their right of self-government, and
appealing to the king directly.

Had these navigation laws confined themselves to


the regulation of transatlantic trade, very few except in
the seaports would have been concerned; but the
navigation laws also forbade all manufacture in the
American colonies of England. The individual adaptability
of the people of the Penacook nations in handling any
available materials and fashioning them into articles of
utility, was readily transmitted to their white neighbors,
especially the inland traders who were constantly in
contact with the red people, and who began to turn out
miscellaneous novelties known as "Yankee notions" which
they peddled to both reds and whites up and down the
192
whole Atlantic coast. The inland towns of New England,
settled mainly by farmers, were really not adapted to
support a large agricultural population as were the more
fertile regions of the South; so that manufacturing and
trading in "notions" became an important means of
livelihood in the interior as well as on the coast. Small
establishments for making these "notions," and for
turning out various little by-products of the "notion"
trade, were to be found everywhere in New England, and
the Navigation Laws were a threat to cut off all this
activity. Enforcement was therefore not feasible, and
would naturally meet with stubborn resistance, especially
from a people as thoroughly trained in the tradition of
liberty (though unable to understand or apply it) as the
people of New England.

These appeals from Massachusetts against English


interference had started as far back as 1664, and in 1665
a set of royal commissioners, trying to set up their own
court of judgment, found the court-house door locked,
and were told: "I marvel what his majesty’s
commissioners should seek in the house of Justice, since
it is known that, when they go in by one door, she must
needs go out by the other."

After the reconquest of New York the screws were


put on much tighter, there not being a nearby base from
which to terrorize New England. In 1675, at the time of
Metacom’s War, the Duke if York again attempted to
assert the old Dutch claims in Connecticut, and sent in an
expedition under the leadership of the governor, Sir
Edmund Andros, the typical bullying, swaggering,
obedience-demanding militarist, to enter the Quinnitucket
and take possession. This expedition was turned back by
the colonists at Saybrook, and Andros proved himself on
193
this occasion a coward, like most bullies, and beat a hasty
retreat to New York.

In 1676 England sent over a customs collector, but


he was unable to do anything in New England, especially
Massachusetts, except to aggravate the quarrel.
Massachusetts even offered to pass laws corresponding
to the Navigation Laws—but to be enforced by Yankee
agents only; and England took this as a new act of
defiance, which, according to an English court opinion,
forfeited Massachusetts’ right to its charter, and therefore
its right to have a government of its own.

Envoys were finally sent from Boston to London to


negotiate, and they were sent back and told to get full
power to settle matters in any way the king and the
English courts might order. The question was then put to
the General Court of Massachusetts in 1682. A
proclamation was issued, standing boldly against
submission: "Nor ought we to submit without the consent
of the body of the people…… Therefore, the government
may not do it. The civil liberties of New England are part
of the inheritance of their fathers; and shall we give that
inheritance away?" In 1683, official notice was sent to
England [four or five words illegible] tion, and, in 1684, an
English court decision declared the Massachusetts charter
forfeited and its government void.

67. Extension of the Keystone Territory. To


give his colony an outlet to the sea, Penn purchased from
the Duke of York the lower Delaware shore, which thus
became part of Pennsylvania. But the Swedes were not
satisfied with Quaker rule, and preferred the Duke of
York’s iron heel, which Penn refused to give them, thus
giving them the feeling they were now in a lawless
194
community. The same was true of the Marylanders who
had migrated eastward to settle on the lower Delaware
shore. Penn finally settled the matter by setting off the
"lower Delaware counties" (or "the Delaware counties")
as a self-governing part of Pennsylvania, with a deputy
governor and a separate legislature, somewhat on the
model Massachusetts had devised to allow home rule in
spite of royal edicts to the contrary. This part of the
colony was Southern rather than Northern in its attitude,
so that a line of cleavage between north and south was
splitting the colony of Pennsylvania. But the Delaware
counties remained part of Pennsylvania until 1776, when
Delaware acquired its independence of Pennsylvania as
part of the general American independence. Many of the
boundary posts are still marked as though they were
making a county line instead of a state line, as though
Delaware were still part of Pennsylvania.

With this additional territory, Pennsylvania became


more of a keystone than ever, as Delaware formed a key-
piece wedged in between New Jersey and Maryland,
locking North and South together. But settlement had not
proceeded so far as to establish physical contact between
North and South, and boundaries remained hazy and
vague here for a long time.

Penn also bought from Lord Cartaret a part interest


in the western half of New Jersey, as the east shore of the
Delaware was considered a region into which Penn’s
colonists would naturally tend to spread. And, as
Cartaret’s settlements were originally built to harass the
Dutch, they were all grouped around New York, so that
there was no objection to Penn’s using the other side of
New Jersey, where there were no white settlements.
Cartaret’s colony of New Jersey was thus split in two, the
195
original settlements now being East Jersey, centering
around Elizabeth and Communipaw, both close to New
York, while the other half, West Jersey, was built up as a
sort of overflow for Pennsylvania, and grew around
Philadelphia as a center. This has remained true of the
settlement of New Jersey to the present time, though the
governmental separation of the Jerseys lasted only a few
years (though those were the formative years). West
Jersey has always, in spite of the quick reuniting of New
Jersey, considered itself as somewhat a separate unit,
and still speaks of "the Jerseys" to denote the state. Thus
New Jersey commenced growing in two separate sections
from opposite directions, and this has given rise to the
statement that has occasionally been made, that New
Jersey is divided into two parts, suburbs of New York and
suburbs of Philadelphia.

After the Duke of York disposed of one of his pieces


of non-contiguous territory, he sold his claims to the
Kennebec River tract to Massachusetts, which thus
acquired a hazy claim to lands in Maine while New York
became concentrated into one continuous stretch of
territory.

CHAPTER XIV

THE ANDROS REGIME


68. New York’s Overlord Becomes King. King
Charles II died in February, 1685, and the new King of
England was the Duke of York, who had been the
absolute despot over New York for over twenty years.
Being a Catholic, he gave dissatisfaction in England
because he began almost immediately his attempts to
196
restore the rule of the Catholic Church in England.
Besides, his experience in ruling New York had made him
too arbitrary and absolute a ruler for even a submissive
England which had already had an infiltration of Puritan
ideas under the Cromwell regime.

The Province of New York now became the personal


property of the crown, and remained so for nearly a
hundred years. The South was submissive―nothing was
really changed there; and Penn’s proprietorship was a bit
of protection to Pennsylvania, though Penn got into
occasional trouble in England over attempting to stand
between his province and royal authority. But the full
blast of the fury of King James’ rule in America fell on
New England, which the new king planned to make an
extension of his absolute rule over New York, with the
same absolutism under which New York had been
laboring since its foundation.

Official notice of the English judgment forfeiting the


Massachusetts charter did not reach Boston till after the
accession of James II. A renegade Puritan, Dudley, was
appointed temporarily Governor of New England
(including Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Maine),
and installed with the aid of a fleet sent over to Boston
for the purpose. The loud-mouthed theologian, Cotton
Mather, whose sensational utterance and writings the
Puritans have since unfortunately been judged, proved
himself this time a supporter of the tyrants, so that both
Mather and Dudley were regarded as traitors and
renegades by the Puritans, with whom the new regime
was unpopular from the start.

69. New York Annexes New England. Finally the


king managed to carry out his plan of annexing New
197
England to his old personal domain of New York. The
mistake he made was in supposing New England would
be as supine and unresisting as New York had proved
itself to be.

Sir Edmund Andros, the governor who had so long


wielded the mailed fist in New York with the full
submission of the population there, was commissioned to
succeed Dudley as governor of New England, and he
established himself in the Province House in Boston with
a large military force to guard him and oppress New
England.

If the Puritans objected to Dudley, they found that


their lot under Dudley (who was, after all, a Yankee) was
easy compared with what they got when New York’s
administration had annexed them. The regular inland
trading with the tribes, as well as all manufacture, not
merely of "notions," but even of such important things as
clothing, was strictly forbidden. Puritan marriages were
declared void because not performed by the Episcopal
Church, and numerous arrests were made on that score;
and the Puritan trial-marriage system known as
"bundling" was completely broken up by the dictator
Andros.

Then came the re-examination of all land titles.


Andros’ militia went all over the provinces under his
domination, demanding proof of title from every occupant
of land. And since, in spite of the wars with the Penacook
Federation, most of the colonists had actually made their
own peace by securing some sort of rights from the Reds,
the titles usually consisted of some grant of permit from
some tribal official. All these were waved aside by Andros
and his minions as the scrawl of a bear. (In a sense, they
198
were issued by a bear―the Great Bear, Passaconaway.)
As a result, most New Englanders were evicted from the
lands they occupied, or else allowed to remain as serfs; in
either case, friends and followers of Andros were placed
in possession and recognized as the true and rightful
owners of the land. Large estates were created, and
many of the town commons, including the great Common
of Watertown reserved by treaty with the Penacook
Federation, were given to Andros’ friends as their share
of the spoliation of New England.

All representative assemblies were dissolved under


Andros’ rule, although some continued to meet secretly.
Even New York lost its "assembly," which had never been
more than a debating body in the first place, while the
people of New York had to pay heavy graft to renew their
land titles.

Town meetings, which had been the basis of all New


England organization, a form of government which the
Pilgrims and Puritans had learned directly from the
Penacook peoples, were strictly forbidden. But they were
kept up in secret, and sometimes whole towns were
arrested when caught in the act of holding a town
meeting. But the town meeting was too fundamental in
New England. This meeting of all citizens of a town to
discuss and decide on current affairs was a universal
institution then, as it was in New England long before the
white invasion, and as it still is a common and recognised
form of local government in New England today; an
institution which trained New Englanders in independent
political thought, and gave them a different attitude
towards administrations from anything to be found
elsewhere. Thus Andros’ edicts against town meetings
proved practically unenforceable, though Andros himself
199
boasted that there was no longer such a thing as a town
in New England.

A new royal edict in 1688 extended the limits of


Andros’ "Province of New England" to take in all the New
England colonies, as well as New York and the Jerseys.
Andros had already been in authority over New York, and
there was no difficulty with the Jerseys.

But it was different with Connecticut and Rhode


Island which had no experience whatever with outside
interference. Andros went personally to Hartford and
Providence to dissolve those governments. At Providence,
the charter governor, Clark, tried to delay the
proceedings, but Andros had his militia seize the colonial
seal, charter, and records; Andros himself smashed the
seal and destroyed the charter and records, and left the
militia in charge as he went on to Hartford; but, in spite of
that, the charter government of Rhode Island went on in
secret, retaining the real allegiance of the people. At
Hartford, the charter and records were accommodatingly
placed on a table, where the charter officers were seated
on one side, and Andros and his aides on the other;
Andros had just written "Finis" at the end of the colonial
record-book, while the charter was lying on the table
ready for delivery, when the lights suddenly and
mysteriously went out. The hall was quickly re-lit, but in
the meantime the charter had disappeared. This, of
course, did not prevent Andros’ militia from taking control
in Connecticut as they had done in the rest of New
England, but it helped the secretly-conducted
government to impress the people, all the time they were
under Andros’ yoke, that their charter was never
surrendered, and was therefore still rightfully in force.

200
Under Andros’ regime, the burden of taxation was
increased to a point where it could no longer be
collected―the secret town meetings aiding resistance.
The object was to force the people into dependence on
England for everything. Andros met complaints with the
reply: "It is not for His Majesty’s interests that you should
thrive."

Thus Sir Edmund Andros was placed under the New


Yorkish dictatorship regime the whole of New England,
and, in fact, everything from the Delaware to the
Kennebec (with claims east to the St Croix).

70. Witchcraft. One of Andros’ special efforts in


New England was to suppress such dissenting religious
beliefs as the Puritan and Pilgrim. As Puritan landowners
in Boston refused to sell land for an Episcopal church,
Andros promptly got around this difficulty by confiscating
the land; the church built there is still standing, and is still
known by the title Andros gave it―the King’s
Chapel―though the Episcopalian sect has not had
possession of it for a long time.

But a bigger trouble in the religious direction was


introduced into New England by the Andros dictatorship.
In Europe, witchcraft prosecutions had become so
common that no attention was paid to them; and the
South had followed this custom, while occasional
witchcraft prosecutions were even found as far north as
New York. At that period there was no actual disbelief in
the existence of witches; but Puritans paid little attention
to this sort of thing. In England, witchcraft prosecutions
had gone on intensely during the first Stuart period, and,
though suspended entirely under Puritan rule, were
restored with the restoration of the Stuarts. As King
201
James’ grandfather, James I, was the author of a book on
witchcraft, Andros felt it to be his duty to introduce this
form of prosecution into New England, which, till Andros’
time had been comparatively a haven of safety from this
sort of thing, to such an extent that accusations of
witchcraft in Massachusetts under Puritan rule were more
likely to result in libel suits against the accuser than in
any accusation against the accused.

The tyrant governor and his supporters, however,


made definite efforts to encourage this form of
prosecution in New England, partly to create a reign of
terror that should put people in fear of the law and the
authorities. The renegade theologian, Cotton Mather,
proved a good tool for this purpose, and a thorough
investigation for such manifestations was made in Essex
County. In 1688,a few epileptic children in Salem Village
(now Danvers), claimed that a red woman, who had been
captured and enslaved in Metacom’s War, had bewitched
them; it was easy to make of her a horrible example, and
Cotton Mather’s resulting investigation on behalf of
Andros’ government turned up a general witch-hunt
which threatened the towns of Essex County, and would
have turned into an organized bit of terrorism
immediately had Andros’ rule lasted much longer.

71. Rebellion Against Andros. In this situation,


the tribal organizations of the white adoptees were best
equipped to direct opinion secretly and without exposing
either the source or the existence of the propaganda.
Occasionally the authorities discovered something, as
when the people of Ipswich were arrested for holding a
town meeting. The beacon system established during
Metacom’s war as a warning against raids was selected
by the secret red organizations as the best way to convey
202
warnings, and, all through Sir Edmund’s short reign,
these beacon lights were constantly flashing mysterious
warnings―flames lit by unknown hands for unknown
purposes, conveying unknown messages to unknown
recipients. Most of the mysterious bonfires were in
Middlesex, the home country of the Okamakammesset
Tribe.

Meanwhile the Puritans were repeating their tactics


of forty years before, gradually returning to England to
foment dissension there. Many advantages they had the
previous time were now lacking―there was now no great
solid body of Puritans in England they could rely on for
support, so they had to stir up whatever dissatisfaction
there was against the king’s Catholicism, the movement
mainly centering around an attempt to set on the throne
the king’s son-in-law, William of Nassau, Prince of
Orange. As before, the revolt was led through Parliament,
where the attempt to gain similar rights and powers to
those at issue in the Massachusetts charter disputes
indicated the real source of the ferment.

Those attempts were met in England with the same


repressive measures as were being used in America. In
Scotland, persecution mainly was directed against a sect
called the Covenanters, which had been closely allied to
the Puritans in Cromwell’s period. Most of this sect
escaped to New Jersey, where they were able to settle
the lands in peace―even taking advantage of Andros’
confiscations of land to find places to settle in.

But it was mainly the land of Penacook that was in a


state of concealed rebellion. Governor Andros was given
every reason to think he was in supreme power, and
allowed to enjoy the pride that goes before the fall. As
203
the repression grew, the plans for uprising were slowly
taking shape, always aided by those mysterious bonfires
that would occasionally illuminate the night skies of New
England. In the winter of 1688, it was expected that
revolution would come to a head in England, and plans
were laid for a parallel seizure of power in Boston.

The governor’s frequent marches at the head of his


troops were now a common sight in Boston, and the well-
known route of his parades―from the Province House
along Cornhill (now Washington Street) and down King
Street (now State Street)―became a sure guide to
Andros’ movements which the rebels could use in
planning an attack.

In the early spring of 1689, the rebels from


Middlesex and other surrounding regions slowly crowded
into Boston, ready for surprise action. The occasion came
on the morning of April 18, when Andros led one of his
military processions, most of which had no other
apparent purpose than to impress the people with the
governor’s pomp and power.

The rebel tactics were strictly the surprise-attack


tactics used in tribal warfare; and Andros’ line of march
led him past one spot that was ideal for such attack. This
was the square at the head of King Street, just around the
corner from the Cornhill, were stood the closed town hall
(now the Old State House). Here a large crowd could
gather and block the procession without even being seen
by the militia before they reached the spot; and here
more people could effectively hide in buildings ready to
complete the surprise attack. So it was arranged; and a
large number of people―more than could have been
quickly recruited from Boston itself―jammed the square
204
and the buildings along King Street. Andros marched
proudly down the Cornhill, but, on turning the corner into
King Street suddenly found himself face to face with a
defiant mob in the ugliest possible mood. The governor
shouted orders for the soldiers to fire into the crowd; but
the crowd’s reserves in the buildings started pouring out
into the street at this point, and the militia were seized
and disarmed before they could take aim. Sir Edmund
Andros himself was also seized by the crowd, and, as the
basement of the town-hall building contained a jail, he
was promptly hustled in there, while Bradstreet, the last
Puritan governor, was found and hailed as the new
governor of Massachusetts, and he was installed in the
Province House the next day.

Just after this King-Street revolution, a ship was


sighted in the harbor, and, when it reached the port later
in the day, it carried the news that a similar overthrow
had taken place in England. This disorganized almost all
opposition to the restored Puritan government in
Massachusetts Bay, and the full support of the rest of
Massachusetts was assured in advance.

It has very rarely happened in the world’s history


that a powerful administration was so speedily and
completely overthrown; and probably could never have
happened without the self-reliant population guided by a
secret organization unknown even to the rebels, such as
was the case in Massachusetts then. Once again New
England proved itself a center for the fight for liberty.

"Oh my God, for that free spirit, which of old in Boston


town
Struck the Province House with terror, struck the crest of
Andros down!
205
For another strong-voiced Adams, through the city’s
streets to cry
‘Up for right and Massachusetts! Set your foot on
Mammon’s lie!
Perish banks and perish traffic, spin your cotton’s latest
pound,
But in Heaven’s name keep your honor, keep the heart
o’the Bay State sound!’

"Where’s the man for Massachusetts? Where’s the voice


to speak her free?
Where’s the hand to light up bonfires from her mountains
to the sea?
Beats her Pilgrim pulse no longer? Sit she dumb in her
despair?
Has she none to break the silence? Has she none to do
and dare?
Oh my God, for one right worthy to lift up her rusted
shield,
And to plant again the Pine Tree in her banner’s tattered
field!"
—Whittier

According to local legend, before the King-Street


fight, an old man, a "gray champion," stepped forward
and ordered Andros back and, with this gesture of
defiance, he encouraged the rebels and disappeared. It is
also told that on other similar occasions he again thus
appeared and disappeared, whenever the rights of New
England’s people were at issue. The gray champion thus
represents in a way New England’s spirit of fighting for
freedom. Reappearances of the Gray Champion are
reported, for instance, on the same spot in 1770 at the
so-called Boston Massacre; in 1775 at Lexington on the
206
anniversary of the King-Street rebellion; again at the
Boston Common at the 1917 conscription riots; and in
Roxbury at a certain demonstration on Thursday, May 1,
1919. The "gray champion" legend, typifying New
England’s aspirations for liberty, has sometimes been
identified with Goffe, one of the English judges who
sentenced King Charles I, and who later lived in hiding in
a cave near New Haven.

72. The Rebellion Spreads. On Tuesday, April 19,


1689, the day after the overthrow of Andros, a temporary
government was organized in Boston, following the old
forfeited Massachusetts charter, and Massachusetts was
again temporarily under Puritan rule. This government
was avowedly temporary, for hopes were held that
England's new king would grant them a charter to restore
freedom on a permanent basis; but this turned out to be
a vain hope. Plymouth colony reorganized its old
independent government, suspended since 1677. Rhode
Island soon brought into the open its old charter
government, which had been functioning under cover
since Andros’ rule. The same thing happened in
Connecticut, but with the addition of a little dramatic
effect; when the charter government reappeared in
public, it declared that it had held on to its charter all the
time, and the charter was duly brought out of the hollow
of an oak tree on the shores of the Quinnitucket. In New
Hampshire and Maine, where, except during their
annexation by Massachusetts, the town meetings and the
proprietors had been really two rival governments, the
town meetings were hastily organized into temporary
colonial governments, and they joined in celebrating the
fall of the dictatorship. Thus, in a short time, every trace
of the Andros regime had disappeared from New England,
207
except that there still remained many of the land titles he
had created.

The western section of Andros’ claim was slower to


rebel. New Jersey, feeling sure that Andros’ lieutenant in
New York no longer had backing from England, ventured
to restore the old proprietary rule, leaving New York
alone still loyal to its old-time governor, Sir Edmund
Andros, now in a Boston jail.

But, even in New York, there was still a demand for


an "assembly," a place to talk things over without doing
anything about it, but New York was still waiting for aid
from outside. But, when it appeared that England’s new
king was from Holland, New Yorkers felt that they had
now an old countryman who would stand by them, and
ventured at last to take matters into their own hands.
Under the leadership of one Jacob Leisler, the people of
New York arose and deposed Nicholson, Andros’ New York
lieutenant, and Leisler formed a temporary government
to take charge until the new king should be pleased to
make further provisions. This is the only time New York
revolted against its authorities, whom it usually regards
scared; but this time New York proved itself able to
organize a revolution. This once, New Yorkers actually
brought themselves to overthrow a ruler when they had a
strong leader to follow, and after Boston had already
completely broken up the regime rebelled against and
thrown the ruler into prison.

CHAPTER XV

REBEL PROVINCES
208
73. The French Penetrate the Interior. During
all this time, the French settlements to the north, in
Canada, had been growing rapidly. Along the St.
Lawrence River, there was established a regular feudal
system of land ownership and operation, directly
transplanted from France, where the "seigneur" was in
every case absolute ruler of a group of serfs on his
domain. This, however, did not extend beyond the more
thickly settled sections. A number of trappers and
traders, and another class of people known "voyageurs"
and "coureurs des bois," people whose occupation
corresponded somewhat to that of the tribal couriers, and
who were regarded as a sort of tolerated outlaw class in
Montreal and Quebec, maintained relations with the red
nations, especially the Huron and Algonquin tribes, the
Iroquois Federation being distinctly hostile even when not
directly at war with Canada. The European system of
surveillance over all subjects was obviously impossible
once the narrow feudal strip was left, and the territory of
Intercommunication of "coureurs" and Reds was entered;
this fact, of itself, tended to lighten the serfdom
prevailing on the St. Lawrence, mainly by making escape
easy. Just as the English, to the southward, had
antagonized the coast Algonquins by a land-grabbing
policy, but made alliance with the Iroquois Federation,
the French in Canada, through their "coureurs," gained
the friendship of the Algonquins, but, by pushing into the
interior, claimed as Iroquois territory, they antagonized
the much more powerful Iroquois Federation. Eventually,
therefore, the French and the English, lining up their
various red allies and friends on two opposite sides,
would come to an open battle carrying the red nations of
all eastern North America with them; and, when such a
war came, it would merely be a matter of time before the
209
Iroquois Federation, as the most powerful organization in
North America, would win a victory, and place its allies,
the English, in supreme control.

The English spread by settling solidly, asserting


authority over all of the land in sight; the French coureurs
simply established trading communications, a method
much better calculated to gain the friendship of the red
nations; although, with the Iroquois, who claimed
supreme power within their domain, even trade
penetration was highly unwelcome, while the English,
whose method of expansion worked them more slowly in
from the coast, had done nothing against Iroquois
prestige. The French advance into the interior was more
rapid, and did not antagonize the tribes, so that soon a
considerable territory was under French influence, while
the English were still confined to a strip of the coast.

French ascendancy expanded in this way in three


directions from the St. Lawrence valley―north, south,
and west. To the north, the French traders came into
conflict with the Hudson's Bay Company, an English
concern operating in the Hudson Bay basin, exchanging
various goods for furs brought in by trappers and red
people. To the south, in Maine, the association’s chief
rivals were the "Bastonnais," as the French called the
New Englanders. To the west, the Iroquois Federation
constituted an obstacle, but it was possible to navigate
the length of Lake Ontario and avoid actual Iroquois
territory, trading mainly with the tribes northward of the
lake, so that Lake Ontario became a recognized boundary
between English and French influence. The Niagara River
was the water opening in these parts leading to the
westward, and beyond the Iroquois land which formed
such a barrier to French expansion; but the great
210
waterfall and rapids in that river prevented its use in
navigation. However, a portage was established on the
west side of the falls (since the east side of Niagara Falls
was in Iroquois possession), and the upper Great Lakes
were open for French trading and mission work, the
Niagara portage being the only weak spot in
communication.

It was not long before French traders, trappers, and


"coureurs" were wandering over Lake Erie and the upper
lakes, cementing friendly relations with the tribes there,
who were incidentally glad enough to welcome any
enemies of those Iroquois who were so thoroughly feared
as far west as the Mississippi. The pioneers in
establishing French influence in the upper lake country,
however, were the Jesuit missionaries, who, either alone
or in company with traders, founded their Catholic
missions throughout the Great Lakes region, and who
explored the entire lake district. The Missions were
unsuccessful as religious propagandists, for the Catholic
religion was poorly adapted to appeal to the Algonquin
tribes, among whom, even in the lake country, the
priesthood was very weak. However, the Jesuits proved
very good diplomats, and, in spite of the wide gulf
separating French from red institutions, friendly terms
were made.

On Lake Erie was established early the mission post


of Sandouska―now the city of Sandusky. Explorations for
new mission sites were made constantly, penetrating the
Straits (le Détroit) which form the inlet of Lake Erie, and
through the Détroit Lakes into Lakes Huron and Michigan.
The missionaries Hennepin and Nicollet even portaged
past the rapids which the French named Sault Sainte
Marie (St. Mary's Leap) into the lake of Gitchi-Gumee,
211
which was given the French name of Lac Superieur, or
upper lake (mistranslated Lake Superior).

On Lake Michigan a mission was also founded. The


missionary, Père Marquette, had already established
contacts with the various settlements of the tribes on the
Michigan peninsula between Lakes Huron and Michigan,
and had heard that the farther end of Lake Michigan was
a portage point leading to a great river beyond. This was
the place decided on for a mission and a trading post―a
strategic spot. In company with a trader named Joliet,
Marquette went into the land of the Illinois to look for this
portage, and established his mission at the nearer end of
the portage, near the south end of Lake Michigan, at an
Illinois town called the Garlic Patch, Checagou. At the
other end of the portage, about twenty miles to the
southeast, was established the Joliet trading post, placing
the French line of communication in contact with the
tribal communications down the Mississippi, though there
was no further attempt for a while at French exploration
toward the Mississippi.

These mission and trading outposts did not attempt


to organize extensive settlements in the interior, as the
English tried to do wherever they established contact; nor
were the tribes converted or subjected, but amicable
trade and diplomatic relations were established, as a
result of which little opposition was made to French
exploration in the interior. French administration and
institutions were little to the liking of any of the tribes of
the North; but there was no attempt at imposing this way
of life upon them, so that friendly relations were possible
with the French although not with any other white nation.

212
With the establishment of these posts in the upper
lake region, maintenance of communications with
Montreal became increasingly important, and the
constant threat of the Niagara portage from the Iroquois
became more serious. While the Iroquois' chief allies, the
northern English colonies, were struggling with the
oppression of the military regime of Andros, the French
decided to take advantage of the situation to protect the
Niagara portage by fortifying the mouth of the Niagara
River, and Fort Frontenac was built at that point, west of
the river to be outside Iroquois territory and at the same
time to command a range of the Iroquois outposts east of
the River. For the first time since the Iroquois Federation
was formed there was an abandonment of the unarmed-
border policy the Iroquois had initiated; and it was only to
be expected that such a change in policy would help to
provoke an open conflict.

74. Father Rasles. With the Jesuit missionaries


acting as French diplomatic envoys in the interior, a
similar attempt was made to aid southern expansion of
French influence. It was erroneously reasoned that John
Eliot's failure to establish Protestantism among the
Penacook tribes made it a good opportunity to promote
Catholicism there. A missionary named Father Rasles was
sent down from Canada, but was not allowed to found
missions in Penacook territory, the experience with Eliot's
missions having created a hostile attitude toward all such
attempts. The Wabanake Federation, which was closely
related to the Penacook, permitted the establishment of a
chain of missions, there having been already a nominal
allegiance to Catholicism. Rasles's main mission was
located at Norridgewock, on the Kennobec River, and
many of the Penacook tribes came there and listened to
213
what Father Rasles had to say.

Like the Jesuits in the western country, Father Rasles


had little success in the matter of actual conversion, but
proved a good diplomat. The main complaint of the
Wabanakes, and still more of the Penacook tribes, was
the way they had been cheated by the English, who
interpreted the settlement licenses given by the Red
tribes as deeds vesting exclusive title to the land, and
who used that excuse to oust the tribes from their own
country.

Consequently Rasles seized upon this point,


explaining to the red people that the land belonged to the
tribes, and that the sachems had no authority to alienate
it, so that the English were trespassers in the red men's
country. This was, of course, because Canada laid claim
to all of the land of Penacook under royal grant to
Champlain; but, put in this way, it was precisely the sort
of talk the tribes had been waiting years to hear. The
friendship with the Wabanakes was further cemented,
while the Penacook tribes, although very suspicious of the
Catholic church and the French feudal manors,
nevertheless began to feel more friendly towards the
French than toward the English, fought shy of alliances. It
had been due to a split over the question of a French
alliance that there were two federations instead of one,
and the Penacook tribes clung to their principles as ever.
Nevertheless it became fairly certain that the Penacook
Federation would take advantage of the first opportunity
to recoup their losses in Metacom's war.

75. The Hudson Valley is Attacked. As we have


seen, the Andros regime was overthrown in 1689, and
214
nine rebel governments organized temporarily for the
various colonies that had thrown off the yoke of Andros.
At this time, Canada, besides its friction with the English
in the course of expansion, and its "charter" claims to
everything as far south as Philadelphia, was also looking
for a port that would keep it in communication the year
round, since the St. Lawrence River freezes in winter. The
only available outlet to the southward was from Montreal
up Lake Champlain, thence by portage to the Hudson,
and down to New York; but the way was blocked squarely
by the Iroquois Federation which was again backed by the
Andros regime with its military forces. This backing was
removed by the rebellion in 1689, and the French, with
their Huron allies, set to attacking the Iroquois. Besides,
the overthrow in England was still pending, with the
forces of James II still holding out in Ireland, King James
himself having escaped to France and secured French aid
toward his restoration to the English throne; while
Canada, through this attack on the Iroquois, was trying to
take away his American estate of New York. Thus war
between France and England broke out both in America
and Europe, and it was a matter of course that all the
line-up of allies, aids, and sympathizing tribes, should be
drawn into the fight in America, as a similar line-up of
nationalities was drawn into the war in Europe. Hostilities,
which had been preparing on both sides of the ocean for
years, burst out into a world war.

The Leisler government in New York, which was


organized on a temporary basis, planning to surrender
power any moment, was not ready to meet such a
challenge and for a time it appeared as though Governor
Frontenac's expedition would succeed in conquering for

215
France a continuous strip of territory from Montreal down
to New York.

The fear of an attack on New York by water at this


period induced the building of stronger fortifications at
the southern part of Manhattan Island. Originally there
was merely a battery of guns set up at the tip of the
island facing the bay, later replaced by a large fort, the
Battery, by which name that end of the island is still
known.

76. The Rebel Governments. The rebel


governments, in the meantime, were attempting to
straighten out their internal affairs, mainly with the object
(except in New York) of restoring the "status quo ante," of
bringing matters back to where they left off when the
Andros regime interrupted everything. At the same time,
these provincial governments felt themselves to be
temporary, expecting to surrender power any moment,
and were consequently cautious about altering
procedures too much. As a result, much of the land-
stealing that Andros had perpetrated from Maine to New
Jersey remained permanent, and much of the farming
population remained in the condition of serfdom to which
Andros had reduced them, although with a strong
memory of better days; during the short period while the
rebel governments remained in power, it was not found
possible to clear everything up in this regard, even
though much was done to restore the old liberties of the
people, as a result of which Andros's attempt to create a
peasantry out of the Yankee farmers was never quite
successful.

In New York, the only "status quo ante" was the


Dutch rule, so that restoration of previous conditions was
216
not the object. The Leisler governments, however,
proceeded to build up some sort of democracy in
imitation of New England, whence had come the initiative
in overthrowing Andros. However, all such formal
changes were granted, not so much by popular demand
as by personal grace of Jacob Leisler, who was thus really
as much an absolute sovereign as Andros had been,
although a liberal ruler. No attempt was made to alter the
feudal system in the upper Hudson Valley, that being
apparently regarded as fundamental in New York as
slavery was in the South.

In New Jersey there was little trouble in bringing


back previous conditions. Restoring the proprietorship of
Carteret in East Jersey, and of the Penn partnership in
West Jersey, practically finished that work there, as
further adjustments internally could then be made by the
proprietors.

Thus, it was only in New England that the change,


both economic and political, had been so great as to
make the restoration difficult. This was particularly the
case in Massachusetts, which had been the center of
Andros's despotism. The Puritan governments were
restored, but much was left to be undone. The severe
system of capital punishments current in England of that
time had been imposed in New England, as it had been in
use in the South for the better part of the century; under
this administration almost all offenses, down to the
pettiest, were punishable by hanging; and though the
Puritans restored their own milder penal order of prison
sentences for serious crimes, and various forms of public
exposure for lesser offenses, the effects of the severities
of the Andros regime still remained. Witchcraft
prosecutions ceased, though there was no actual disbelief
217
in the superstition anywhere at that time, and
consequently nothing was done for the prisoners already
sentenced. The trial marriage system recognized in
Puritan communities under the name of "bundling" was
beginning to break down after the prosecutions of the
Andros regime, which, following the rules current in
England, treated "bundling" as a capital offense. In short,
the institutions so laboriously set up by the Puritans and
the rest of New England were disintegrating, without
anything substantial to take their places excepting the
strife, ever-present in New England, between a
population determined to attain its rights and an equally
determined power of authorities.

However, these nine rebel governments, both those


in New England and their neighbors to the southwest,
quickly had their attention absorbed with matter of more
pressing importance. It was realized that Frontenac’s
attack on the Hudson valley was a danger to all the
northern English colonies, and that threat must first of all
be guarded against. The New England colonies were, in
fact, in almost as immediate peril as New York, there
having been even in peace time a conflict between
French and English over Maine.

The Iroquois Federation was able to hold off


Frontenac’s attempt at invasion of New York, but, in the
meantime, persuaded the nine rebel governments that
they ought to federate as had the Iroquois. William Penn,
who had been an early convert to the idea of a
federation, naturally came to the front as an exponent of
this plan, even though this federation was proposed for
purposes of defense; and Penn, as a Quaker and opposed
to war, did not agree with that as an object of
organization. New Englanders took to the idea readily, as
218
a result of their previous experiences with federation;
while New York and East Jersey, being directly threatened
by French attack, were willing to accede to any
proposition that might render them aid in emergency.

Thus, in the fall of 1689, the rebel provinces and


Pennsylvania sent delegates to a federal council at New
York, organized much along the same lines at the New
England confederation had done earlier. This organization
was, in this case, intended as a council of defense, but, to
indicate that it was more than a mere advisory body, no
longer used the name of council, but entitled itself
Congress. It was from this title that the present federal
legislative body directly derives its name. The Congress
of 1689 might have had more lasting results, had it not
been composed of governments which had not the
slightest intention of remaining in existence any longer
than was necessary to replace them by more permanent
regimes.

77. Scalping Bounties. Under the new Congress,


the attack on New York was repulsed by the united
assistance of all the rebel provinces. Even Pennsylvania,
which had originally been planned as a country without
military force, permitted the assembling of an expedition
to help New York, although such a plan was disapproved
by Penn and the Quaker population, who were opposed to
war of any sort.

The northern English colonies felt that French


possession of the Hudson would be a threat to all the
rebel provinces; Massachusetts was particularly
interested in that it had its claims to Maine, which were
disputed not only by the population there, but by Canada,
which claimed Maine as one of its own provinces. It is
219
questionable as to whether the defense of New York was
really in the interest of the other provinces, however; with
New York’s absolutist and feudal organization, only
somewhat lightened under Leisler, it would probably have
progressed better under French rule than as a partner of
the New England colonies and Pennsylvania; New York,
furthermore, differed from the other English colonies in
language, and in still feeling itself a conquered province
in spite of its recent rebellion.

As a means of warring against the French, the


Congress recalled Connecticut’s experience of 1637, and,
under federal direction, the various provinces offered
bounties to both whites and Iroquois for enemy scalps,
while the French in Canada retaliated with a similar offer
to their own people, and to their various red allies, as well
as to neutral nations such as the Penacooks. The result
was the forcing of most of the neutral tribes on the
French side, the English being determined to consider
them as enemies. In New England, it meant a revival of
Metacom’s war, and English colonists and Penacooks
were soon busily making scalping raids on one another,
mainly for the bounties offered. White people were easily
susceptible to offers of monetary rewards; by this time
the red tribes on the Atlantic coast had begun to learn
the value of money in dealing with the whites, and such
an offer of reward was able to have an effect in 1690 as it
could not have had in 1637. This prevalence of scalping
raids was found along other sections of the front,
beginning with the Huron raid on Schenectady in the
winter of 1690. In 1691 there were many scalping raids
by the New Englanders on the Penacook tribes, and by
the tribes on the more northerly New England towns,
such as Haverhill. When such a raid was made by red
220
tribes, however, it was noticeable that they were as yet
more anxious to make prisoners than to procure scalps,
while the white raids on red towns were wholesale
massacres of men, women, and children, with no quarter
given, since every scalp meant money.

In spite of the growing frequency of these scalping


raids, however, the guerrilla fighting in the Hudson Valley
War became rather perfunctory, with the red tribes, on
whom this activity mainly depended, being totally unable
to carry on the long and vindictive wars to which the
whites were accustomed. The attempt by Canada to
capture New York had been abandoned, and the French
and English confined themselves largely to sniping in
Maine. The tribes would have probably made peace, as
was always their custom shortly after an outbreak of
hostilities, and induced Canada and the Rebel Provinces
to follow suit, had not the latter peoples felt their
respective loyalties to France and England, which
persisted in carrying on the War of the Palatinate. The
Reds would have made an early peace, but the whites in
Europe prevented them.

78. Down the Mississippi. Before the Hudson


Valley War had started, the French, in the course of their
expansion into the interior, had finally, with the aid of
their stations at the Checagou portage, penetrated to the
Mississippi, and traveled down that river to its outlet.
With most of the tribes down the river, a friendly relation
was established, but some difficulties were encountered
with the Natchez, a peculiar nationality differing both in
language and customs from the rest of the North
American tribes. Like the Iroquois, they were in more
solid possession of their small territory than were the
surrounding tribes, and the difficulty in establishing
221
relations with them was similar to that encountered with
the Iroquois.

The source of this strange nation, and how they


happened to come there, isolated among a whole
continent of peoples of totally different language and
customs, will probably never be solved. The indications
are that they were the last remnants of a people who had
once occupied more extensive territory, but who were
pushed back by enemies to their last stand, a stretch of
about thirty miles on the east bank of the Mississippi. It is
possible―although there can be no proof―that they were
remnants of the ancient Mound Builders who once
covered the entire Mississippi Valley. They were sun-
worshippers, and were organized in sharply-defined
castes, the highest being the Suns, the family of
sovereigns supposed to be descendants of the Sun; next
came the nobility, then the common people, or Stinkards,
as they were called, and, below these were slaves.
Despotism was absolute, the domination of the Suns
being unquestioned, and numbers of people were
sacrificed on the death of any member of the ruling
family of Suns. It may be noted, in this connection, that
tradition of northern central tribes has it that it was
precisely such customs that led to the downfall of the
Mound Builders.

These people lived in more solidly built towns than


their neighbors the Maskoki, and, while they showed no
aversion to trading with the French, their attitude became
more hostile as soon as the French began to show signs
of trying to establish mission and trading posts there.
When the Hudson Valley War began, the French tried to
take possession of enough territory for a military post,

222
resulting in involving the Natchez in the war against
France.

However, France did not desire to urgently press its


claims to the Mississippi. King Louis XIV was apparently of
the opinion that Canada was sufficient land for French
dominion. The king had so far discouraged attempts at
exploring into the interior, and his opposition was only
partly broken down when the explorer La Salle
complimented his sovereign by naming the Mississippi
River country Louisiana.

However, France ultimately proved itself able to


outdo the other nations in claiming title by "discovery." It
was convenient, in the case of the Mississippi, for France
to claim that "discovery" of a river―the same process of
finding what had never been lost, and was known and
occupied all the time―gave title, not merely to the land
alleged to be so discovered, but also to all territory
drained by the river's tributaries. This basis of territorial
claims gave France, in its own estimation, right to a
vague region covering at least half of the continent, and
whose boundaries could be variously interpreted to cover
most of the other half. It was to be anticipated that any
nation inheriting those claims would naturally come into
conflict with most of its neighbors, especially since most
of this vast area had never been even approached by the
whites.

79. End of the Rebel Governments. The new


king, William of Orange, had been brought into England
as a result of a parliamentary revolution whose object
was the curtailment of royal powers and the
establishment of a certain degree of civil rights,
especially as enunciated in the Bill of Rights of 1689. The
223
ruler himself, however, was totally out of sympathy with
this procedure, but had to submit, as far as England was
concerned. In regard to his American policy, however, he
was not so hampered, although the war had kept him too
busy to formulate or carry out any American policy for the
first few years.

However, the situation at home soon became


quieter, when the "Orange" army had driven James II's
from his last stand in Ireland in 1690, and after another
few years had passed, and the war against France had
quieted down enough to enable King William to turn his
attention to administrative affairs across the sea. The
absolutism he showed in Ireland, the severe punishment
that island received for harboring the former sovereign,
should have been a sign that America had little to hope
for from him; yet the nine rebel governments which had
control of the English settlements eastward from the
Delaware were looking forward hopefully to the time
when the new king would give them permanent
governments, some of those colonies feeling that the
case of Ireland might even prove that they would be
rewarded for taking the initiative in overthrowing James's
rule. These rebel governments all considered themselves
temporary, and without authority to exist, because their
authority, being derived merely from the people, was not
as yet felt to be sufficient, they were therefore ready to
surrender to whatever government the ruler should
appoint for them.

King William's policy was to place colonial armies as


closely under his own supervision and direct control as
possible. Both the democratic organization of New
England and the proprietary organization of the middle
colonies were too far removed from his immediate power
224
to suit his purpose, and he resolved to be appointed by
the Crown. Even Maryland lost its proprietorship, which
had been unquestioned under the Stuarts. Penn's
authority in Pennsylvania was constantly threatened, but
he was able to save it from being dominated by royal
control. However, it became plain that the rebel
provinces east of the Delaware were to expect total
subjugation, and they all received it except Connecticut
and Rhode Island, whose independent form of
government had been recognized by the Stuarts, and
which received renewals of their former charters. New
York, having been claimed from the start as conquered
territory, and having been the private estate of the
former sovereign, naturally came under the most
autocratic rule of all; New Jersey was organized as a royal
colony (the end of the proprietorship abolishing the
distinction between the two Jerseys), under fairly absolute
control of the governor. New Hampshire was similarly
organized under a royal governor, and a Massachusetts
charter was granted, giving the Puritan "general court"
wide legislative powers subject to the veto of a governor
who was to be the king's appointee. Massachusetts was
extended to include the revived Plymouth colony and
Maine. This readjusted lineup of the colonies persisted
with slight alteration until long after England's authority
was overthrown. In all cases, a legislative assembly was
organized, but in most cases with little authority; in New
England, however, a repetition of the Andros overthrow
was feared, and it was considered best to give the
popular rule more power, although the king intended
gradually to weaken popular rights in America until royal
rule should be as absolute there as the monarch, from his
Dutch experience, would like to have had it in England.

225
In New Hampshire, this procedure resulted in
establishing the popular government, which had always
been in conflict with the proprietary rule, but which now
lost its great rival authority and gained considerably in
power.

In the South, royal rule had always been quite


direct, and little was changed.

The new colonial governments were organized in


1692, and the rebel provinces surrendered without
trouble. Possibly the immediate threat of invasion from
Canada made them more submissive than they might
have been in times of peace. The royal governor,
Sloughter, arrived to take possession of New York, and
Jacob Leisler, who had been governing the province since
1689, immediately turned over to Sloughter his entire
authority. Sloughter replied by arresting Leisler as a
traitor, and although Leisler could have appealed to the
king, he refused to do this in order to show that he had
really turned over the governorship to the royal governor.
Leisler was hanged, no protest coming from New York,
although howls of indignation were heard from New
England and even from the South. Thus ended the only
rebel leader New York ever had, with a magnificent
gesture of martyrdom, trying to demonstrate his
submissiveness.

In the same year, 1692, came the royal governor


appointed for Massachusetts, Sir William Phipps, with a
staff of judges enough to handle all the county and higher
courts (for, under the colony's new charter, these judges
were no longer chosen by the people, as before, but were
appointed by the king). The former royal governor, Sir
Edmond Andros, was still in prison in Boston. He had
226
escaped twice, but was recaptured each time. Phipps
released him, and sent him back to England in all
haste―probably to avoid another King Street uprising;
from England Andros was sent back to America as
Governor of Virginia.

In Massachusetts immediately began a conflict


between the legislature ("general court") and the town
meetings on the one hand; and the executive and
judiciary, the royal appointees, on the other. This
opposition could only end in the ousting of one group or
the other, and, the people being directly involved on one
side through the town meetings, it was obvious that, in
the long run, it was not that side which would be ousted.
This discord could be protracted, dragged out, but it
could only terminate in the overthrow of English authority
in Massachusetts.

The witchcraft prosecutions, which had begun under


the tyranny of Andros, and had been suspended during
the revival of Puritan rule, were now revived with
renewed fury, and every encouragement was given to
any fanatic who could accuse anybody of witchcraft. The
royal authorities did not as yet dare to attempt abolition
of jury trial, but the royal judges indulged in browbeating
to induce the juries to find prisoners guilty of witchcraft,
in many cases sending them back to the jury-room after a
verdict of not guilty, and giving them new instructions
which practically amounted to instructing a verdict of
guilty. This situation lasted only a few months, during
which time the judges just sent over from England, with
the help of a few local fanatics, succeeded in hanging
thirty-four people, mainly in Salem, and imprisoning a
hundred more on this absurd charge. Finally the Puritans
could stand the reign of terror no longer, and, by general
227
agreement, reached principally through the town
meeting, juries absolutely refused to convict; from which
time on, thanks to the decisiveness of Puritan action,
witchcraft persecutions were never again attempted in
New England, although they continued for years longer in
Pennsylvania and in the South. This was the first open
conflict between the people and the new royal authority
in Massachusetts, ending in a decisive victory for the
people.

CHAPTER XVI

INTERCOLONIAL STRUGGLES
80. The Peace of 1697. The Pfalzkrieg (War of the
Palatinate) was dragging on in Europe rather indecisively,
while the Hudson Valley War in America was proceeding
in a more perfunctory way without either side doing
anything further about it. Finally, in 1697, the kings back
in Europe decided to conclude peace. As far as America
was concerned, however, the European rulers were
neither able to force a war to continue, nor to make a
state of peace effective, since the red tribes, whom the
European rulers preferred to consider their subjects, were
still independent, and would not necessarily agree to
terms of peace concluded on their behalf and without
consulting them.

The war having been an indecisive one, with the sole


result that, in America, neither side had been able to
make any conquests, it followed that the peace must be
one of "status quo," leaving things as they were before.
The Peace of 1697, however, represented a mutual
228
recognition by the French and English of their rights to
their respective colonies, a right which could not have
been acknowledged before. In a way, 1697 really marks
the first partition of America among European powers.
Colonies had been established before, with the claim of
indefinite rights to land still under red control; but not
only did the colonies of the European powers fail to
recognize the existence and rights of the red nations, but
they also failed to recognize one another, considering
each other trespassers, in the same way as they looked
on the red man as an outlaw in his own country.

By the Peace of 1697, France acknowledged English


claims to the Atlantic coast as far inland as the ridge of
the Appalachian Mountains, and as far northeastward as
the Kennebec River; also the Iroquois Federation ("the
Five Nations") were recognized as under English
protection. England, in return, recognized France as
having the right to the St. Lawrence and Mississippi
valleys, and to the Acadian peninsula. Thus was North
America partitioned between England and France, before
either had as yet actual possession of more than a small
amount of territory.

But it was one thing to make a treaty in Europe, and


another to enforce it in America. Both English and French
had drawn red nations into the war, and these allies were
not so easily to be called off. In 1698, a general
conference of tribes, from the Atlantic to the Mississippi,
was assembled in Montreal, and they were induced to
stop the war; but, since nothing had been settled, it was
to be expected that the peace could hardly be lasting.
The Iroquois, who had entered the war merely to help
England, readily concluded peace; but other nations,
including the Penacook, were more reluctant to make a
229
settlement which seemed to be taking their territory
away from them and making them subjects of the
European invaders. However, there was nothing to do
except make their peace and await an opportunity, since
they could not stand alone in the face of a general
European agreement. But no actual peace was able to
materialize; the contest between Canadian voyageurs
and "Bastonnais" traders continued throughout the
Kennebec region; and the American colonies never
seemed to recognize the peace settlements, particularly
Virginia, which still claimed the entire interior country.
Peace could readily be made in Europe, but it proved
more difficult to bind America to it.

81. Louisiane. Before intercolonial wars were


started, King Louis XIV of France had discouraged
exploration of the interior, feeling that Canada was all the
American territory that France could handle. French
policy in this regard was reversed after the Hudson Valley
War, and attempts were made to colonize the Mississippi
Valley, and link it up by a chain of communication with
Canada. A chain of forts was thrown across the line of
water communication; or, rather, more forts were added
to the chain already started. The community of
"Louisiane" began in earnest, as a shipload of French
settlers came to the Gulf coast near the mouth of the
Mississippi in 1699, and captured the red town of Biloxi,
making it the headquarters of the new French colony of
"Louisiane." A charter had been granted to a French
banker for a company to administer the colony, but was
soon abandoned, to be replaced by a new charter
granted by France to a Scotchman, John Law, organizing
the "Mississippi Company." John Law sold shares in this
company to the French people at constantly inflating
230
prices, until the whole structure crashed and the
company was dissolved without ever having functioned,
leaving many people in France minus their money, and
with worthless stock on their hands. Many of these
people, finding little likelihood of earning a living in
France after everything had been affected by this crash,
took the opportunity of emigrating to the country in which
they had bought shares.

The colony of Louisiane started out by asserting


rights to a considerable stretch of Gulf Coast on both
sides of the Mississippi, conflicting with Spanish claims.
Settlements were attempted in Texas, but failed; but the
claim that Texas thereby became part of "Louisiane"
remained on paper for a long time. Eastward also, the
new colony encroached on the Spanish colony of Florida,
and siege was laid to the Floridian town of Mauvilla in
1702, with victory for the French, who occupied it as the
town of Mobile, and made it their new capital. The
Spanish then immediately established a new outpost near
Mobile, at Pensacola.

The establishment of a French community called


Fort Rosalie in Natchez territory was a signal for a new
outbreak between French and Natchez, as similarly the
attempt to enforce the partition of North America was
occasioning trouble on all sides. These events were soon
bound to lead to a renewal of the war.

In the Great lakes region, the upper lakes formed


the key to communication between Canada and
Louisiane. The chief portage between the two water
systems was now selected as the location for a French
fort, at Checagou; and it was seen that the Straits
between Lake Erie and Lake Huron formed an important
231
key in the line of communication, so it was arranged to
fortify them. At first it was attempted to fortify the Lake
Erie end of the straits, at the island which the French
named Bois Blanc (now corrupted to Bob-Lo); but, on
account of the multiplicity of water passages at this point,
a suitable defense could not be arranged there, and the
expedition, led by the Jesuit Père de la Motte Cadillac,
decided to try the outlet of Lake St. Clair, at a point just
below the island of Wensbezee (named Belle Isle by the
French), where the channel of the Straits unites. Here
was built the French Fort Détroit, and around it "la Ville
du Détroit" (the City of the Straits). This was the
beginning of the present city of Detroit, in 1701, in
preparation for a renewal of intercolonial wars.

82. The English Colonies after the Partition.


Although in Maine there was still some sporadic fighting
between Yankees and French, and in spite of the fact that
South Carolina had its troubles similarly with Florida,
there was as yet a certain amount of peace in the Atlantic
seaboard, where the English settlements were. King
William was getting ready to impose a new system of
despotism on these colonies, probably because he felt he
could not do it in England. The old Navigation Acts, which
had always been a bone of contention between England
and America, and over which Massachusetts lost her
original charter, were strengthened, so that even tree
cutting or the sale of woolen goods was forbidden, and it
became almost impossible to obtain clothing in the
English colonies of America, which were forced to adopt a
system of manufacture of clothing in the homes. Similarly
iron mining was forbidden, because it might compete
with England's iron business. Since American juries were
unwilling to help in the enforcement of these laws, the
232
task was given to the Courts of Admiralty in England,
which sometimes consented to hold trials in America, but
which usually insisted on dragging anyone accused over
to England for trial.

There was a new spurt in the direction of education,


especially in New England, where the enforced
disestablishment of the Puritan Church was having
beneficial results, in the way of releasing much of the
individual activity that had been bound up under
provincial control. The mass education idea was
prevalent, and in 1701 Connecticut organized Yale
College at New Haven, formed by graduates of Harvard
College, and mainly as a local rival to Harvard, which it
seems to have remained to the present time.

Mass education, however, was not the only form


developed at this period. The dissemination of news was
also begun, an attempt to start a news bulletin having
been suppressed in 1688 by Governor Andros. In 1704, it
was reorganized, and started as the Boston News Letter,
a small bulletin giving the important public news without
comment or expression of opinion. This was the original
form in which the American press started, and was the
legitimate form of news dissemination for which freedom
to operate could properly be made an issue in fighting for
public liberty; totally in contrast to the present press,
which tries to avail itself of such privileges for the
purpose of dictating opinions to the people, and for which
liberty can only mean a license to conduct a private reign
of terror. Freedom of the press, in its original form, was,
however, very much an issue during the Andros period,
and properly so; and America's first news publication
represents a certain concession won from the English
rulers by the people of New England.
233
To the South, especially to Virginia, the partition of
1697 was a matter to be totally ignored. Virginia's
unnecessarily rapid expansion of territory was bound to
come in conflict with French claim to the Mississippi
Valley, and, naturally, a little thing like a treaty could not
be allowed to stand in the way.

The subjugation of the farm population of New


England was proceeding rapidly, although their traditions
as a free people ruling themselves and conducting their
own affairs could not so easily be wiped out. External
submission, however, there was, mainly because attacks
by the French or their red allies was still feared; but the
people were constantly ready to rebel. A submissive
Puritan is a combination that has never been found.

King William was planning to reduce all America to


personal dependence on himself, and, with that point in
view, was taking steps to turn all the colonies into royal
colonies, although Penn was able to prevent Pennsylvania
from being taken out of his hands. Maryland, New
Hampshire, and the Carolinas were taken out of the
hands of their proprietors, and proprietorship of the
Cartarets was put to an end in New Jersey. Connecticut
and Rhode Island were still allowed to retain their charter
governments, but the king was getting ready to amend
these charters so as to make himself absolute ruler there
too. A gradual scheme of curtailment of civil rights in
America was worked out, but the king never had time to
carry it into operation.

In 1702, on the death of King William and the


accession of his daughter Anne to the English throne, all
these schemes of well-planned repression were dropped,
and America was afflicted instead with a set of extremely
234
corrupt royal governors. New York particularly, which was
regarded as the personal estate of the Crown, received as
a governor Lord Cornbury, a cousin of the queen, who
diverted an extraordinary amount of public funds into his
own pockets, and told the assembly, in reply to their
meekly-voiced objections, that they only had such rights
as the queen chose to give them! A strongly built
organization for political larceny was formed in New York
to help the governor carry on this work―largely recruited
from the similar aides of the Dutch governors and their
successors―this has functioned in one form or another to
the present time, and the corruption with which it has
honeycombed New York is regarded locally as an
absolutely necessary and indispensable adjunct of
government. As New Yorkers, in contrast to the Puritan
population of New England, are submissive, and have a
remarkable reverence for authority, no objection was
made after Cornbury gave the assembly its rebuke.

Queen Anne was greatly interested in promoting the


slave trade, and forced it on all parts of the English
territory in America. New York became a special center
for the enterprise, and, in the early part of the eighteenth
century there were several slave uprisings in New York,
the slaves in New York having apparently more courage
than the citizens.

83. The Acadian War. As we have seen, the state


of hostilities between the English and French colonies and
their red allies, which began with the Hudson Valley War,
did not really end when peace was signed in Europe.
Clashes were constantly taking place on a small scale;
while Maine, being Wabanake territory, not under actual
possession of either English or French, was a ground of
quarrels between Canadians and "Bastonnais." Although
235
the Penacook Federation had withdrawn from the fight in
1698, many Penacook tribesmen were considerably
influenced by the French Jesuit missionary Father Rasles,
who persuaded them that the tribal councils had
exceeded their authority in giving over the land of the
tribes to the English. This propaganda fell at the time on
fertile soil, and the Wabanakes, plus a number of
individuals from the Penacook tribes who joined with the
Wabanakes, kept up the skirmishing that France officially
had stopped.

This situation was, of course, bound to lead to a


renewal of hostilities between France and England, and,
in 1702, shortly after Queen Anne's accession as ruler,
the war was officially renewed. The official excuse in
Europe (whose diplomatists apparently felt bound to
ignore America as far as possible) was a disagreement
over the succession to the throne of Spain, from which
circumstance the Acadian War of America (otherwise
more commonly known as Queen Anne's War) became, in
Europe, the War of the Spanish Succession. The Spanish
king in power being backed by France, it meant that
Spain became involved as an ally of France, in spite of
the French encroachments on Florida.

Upon the declaration of war, the old line-up was


resumed. The Iroquois joined England, as they had always
regularly done under their alliance treaty of 1634 (which
the Iroquois still consider to be in force); the Penacook
Federation needed little persuasion to resume fighting
the Yankees of New England who had been slowly but
surely pushing them out of their country. The French
garrison at Fort Rosalie was making additional demands
on the Natchez, and war was renewed there.

236
The Spanish entry into the war resulted in Florida,
with the help of many of its red neighbors who had no
friendship for the English "land-grabbing policy,"
attacking South Carolina. A reprisal resulted, due to
which the Spanish settlements on Appalachee Bay were
captured, and annexed, for the time being, to South
Carolina. But in the north, against France, the balance
was more even, until 1709, when the Penacook
Federation commenced its own separate peace
negotiations, since the red men were unable to
understand the long-drawn-out continuance of the white
men's wars.

The Penacooks had been far from defeated, and, in


fact, had successfully destroyed many Yankee towns
during the course of this war; but maintaining a state of
hostility for an indefinite period was not their way, and
the Federation was not as yet ready to keep it up just
because the French wished them to do so. It is said that
what brought this matter to a head was Squando (the
Bashaba of Penacook) losing his young son Menewee,
which affected him much as a similar loss had formerly
affected another Bashaba, Metacom, and made him
unable to continue the battle. After seven years of
fruitless warring, the Penacook tribes were easily
persuaded to ask the English for peace, and Squando met
Waldron, the Governor of New Hampshire, at Piscataqua,
in Maine, just across the river from Portsmouth. The
Penacooks offered peace, with little regard for terms.

"Waldron of Piscataqua,
Hear what Squando has to
say.

"Take the captives he has


237
ta'en,
Let the land have peace
again."

Whittier

This peace, "the truce of Piscataqua," as it was


called, proved to be the turning point of the war, giving
the English the victory, and turned out to be disastrous
for the Penacook tribes. No territory was taken at the
time from the Penacooks, although they were treated as
subjects, the English considering that the tribes had sued
for peace. Squando attempted, in arranging for the
peace, to be allowed to adopt a little girl he had chosen
from the captives, to replace his lost son, but he failed in
this plan, and the child was adopted by Waldron; but the
Bashaba kept in touch with her, and she grew up initiated
in tribal principles, and, in later life, had much to do with
the stirring up revolution in England.

After this "truce," expeditions from New England


captured Port Royal, in the French province of Acadie.
This community had been captured during the Hudson
Valley War, but had been returned by the peace treaty.
On its recapture, the Acadian port was named after the
English queen, and was called Annapolis. The rest of the
Quoddy peninsula was soon taken by the English, and
James I's old "charter" for that district was revived,
resulting in the organization of that peninsula into the
province of Nova Scotia.

The English army released from America by the


truce with the Penacook Federation also enabled England
to attack Spain in its home ground, and lay siege to
238
Gibraltar, which was captured by the English before the
war was over. An expedition was also to be assembled to
enter the St. Lawrence River, and attack Quebec; and it
might have materialized had the organization been left to
Americans; but the English officers sent over for the
purpose of heading such an important selected group
dawdled and delayed in Boston until the French had time
to learn the plan and it was too late to do anything; the
English officers apparently were of the sort that preferred
to stay and enjoy the attractions of the big city rather
than take risks for themselves. The expedition finally
started out, but it was a complete failure.

When the war was ended, in 1714, England retained


the Acadian peninsula (Nova Scotia) but returned Cape
Breton Island with its valuable fortress of Louisburg,
guarding the entrance to the St. Lawrence. In exchange
for Louisburg, France gave England the city of Madras in
India, thus providing England a first foothold there.
Gibraltar was also recognized as English, and the
boundaries of Carolina (still considered as one province,
although with two separate governments) were extended
to the Savannah River. France also ceded to England the
entire Hudson Bay basin for the use of the Hudson Bay
Company, which had had its forts and trading posts
throughout that area for some time; this terrain was
named "Prince Rupert Land." France itself was recognized
as the holder of the entire valley of the Mississippi, as
well as the entire Great Lakes region (except the Iroquois
district south of Lake Ontario) and the St. Lawrence
Valley. English Maine was extended to the St. Croix River,
according to the peace treaty, making the greater portion
of Wabanake territory theoretically English (though taking
possession was a totally different matter). But France was
239
still recognized as entitled to all land behind the
Appalachian mountain range.

The English victory in this war is usually attributed to


the union of England and Scotland in 1707, but, since
Scotland had been, for all practical military purposes,
united with England for over a century, the political union
could not be expected to have any effect. The actual
turning point in the war was the truce offered by the
Penacook Federation, and in a way that proved disastrous
to the Red tribes in general. The truce offered at
Piscataqua seemed to be a case of "peace at any price."

84. Wars Against the Tribes. The peace of 1714


was a fairly lasting one, in spite of the fact that both sides
still had controversial issues. However, the characteristic
of this "peace" was that both sides kept themselves busy
in the attempt to subdue or destroy the Red peoples
within their respective territories. This process began in
1713, before the peace was signed, when North Carolina
began surveying Tuscarora land, in the Appalachian
foothills, to divide among a group of Germans who had
just arrived across the ocean. This division resulted in a
bitter war between North Carolina and the Tuscaroras, as
a result of which the Tuscaroras were forced out of their
mountain lands, and migrated northward to the Iroquois
Federation, who admitted them as a sixth state of the
Federation, on the basis of a common language and a
common origin.

The English also undertook the subjugation of the


Wabanake region (Maine), where Father Rasles, the Jesuit
missionary, obtained greater support than ever by
encouraging resistance on the part of the tribes. Many
Wabanake towns were destroyed by the English, and
240
their inhabitants massacred, after the "peace" was
concluded. Finally, in 1724, Norridgewock was burned
and all the red men there killed, not to mention Father
Rasles himself. This was the end of the power of the
Wabanake Federation. The Penacook Federation suffered
somewhat, too, from these raids, although not to the
same extent as the Wabanakes. This was the result of the
Penacook tribes wishing to make peace with the English
prematurely.

The French were equally active in their own realm.


Many new settlements were made, the most important
being the town of Nouvelle Orléans (New Orleans), near
the mouth of the Mississippi, which became the new
capital of the French province of Louisiane. The chief
obstacle to French control of the Mississippi was the
Natchez nation, which suddenly received an ultimatum to
surrender its capital for farm grounds for the French
garrison commander. This command resulted in a war
between French and Natchez in 1729, and the Natchez
were hunted down through the swamps and killed
wherever found, men, women or children. Many escaped
to the Creek nation, which adopted them as a separate
and newly formed gens, which is still part of the
tribe―the Natchez gens. The rest of them, finding escape
cut off, and still refusing to surrender, arranged a
triumphal march, early in 1730―about ten thousand
strong―with their sacred fire at the head of the
procession, and the entire tribe, or what was left of it,
marched right into the Mississippi River. The peace
following the Acadian War was thus more of a state of
war than the official war it purported to end.

85. A Thirteenth Colony. At this time there were


four New England colonies recognized (New Hampshire,
241
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut), four middle
colonies (New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware),
and four southern colonies (Maryland, Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina). Technically, there were only
ten provinces instead of twelve, but Delaware had
actually its own autonomy; and the two Carolinas were
governed separately, and, the proprietors selling out their
title to the crown, the separation of North and South
Carolina became officially acknowledged.

However, England was still designing further


expansion of dominion at the expense of
Florida―probably with the design of ultimately
conquering Florida itself―and so a thirteenth colony was
planned.

In 1732, General Oglethorpe, proposed a plan of


making a penal reform colony out of any spare American
territory, where English prisoners could be sent to start
over again in a new land; and Parliament granted him the
area between the Savannah and Altamaha Rivers for the
experiment. This region was Spanish by the peace treaty,
and it was a foregone conclusion that the colony would
have to fight hard for its existence. The first settlement,
Savannah, was selected at a site close to the recognized
frontier, so it could easily be aided by South Carolina.

Oglethorpe accompanied a shipload of criminals


and debt prisoners to the new promised land in 1733, and
organized his little penal colony at Savannah, naming the
colony after King George II, the Province of Georgia. The
colony prospered from the beginning, and Oglethorpe
proved a benevolent if despotic leader. Georgia was run
as a penal colony, a place to which convicts were
regularly exiled, for many years to come. The other
242
English colonies in America did not regard Georgia as on
an equal footing during all this time.

Oglethorpe, unlike the rulers of the other colonies,


did not treat the red tribes as outlaws and trespassers on
their own land. He arranged peace conferences with the
neighboring tribes, and obtained their permission for the
Georgia settlements. The friendship of the tribes was thus
assured, and they helped ward off Spanish attacks on the
little colony. South Carolina had been exposed to Spanish
attack due to its having antagonized the red people; but
Georgia was in a much stronger position because General
Oglethorpe took an opposite attitude on the question.

Oglethorpe's plan was strictly one of reform. The


colonists were prisoners on parole, and given their liberty,
but carefully watched, and under strict regulation; every
effort was made to make them useful and self-supporting
members of the new community. Oglethorpe was strict in
particular about barring slaves and rum from his
province; but this regulation persisted only as long as
Oglethorpe was in Georgia personally to supervise its
enforcement. The British government itself was still
acting as agent for the Spanish slave trade, and efforts to
import slaves into Georgia were put through as soon as
Oglethorpe returned to England, in a few years from the
founding of the colony. Liquor, which was an important
article of trade for British shipping, was also distributed
among the ex-convicts; so, between drink, and the slaves
who were forced to do the colonists' work, the industrious
and self-supporting habits that Oglethorpe had so
carefully cultivated in his wards quickly fell to pieces, and
the reform plan failed. Slavery became the order of the
day, and the ex-prisoners became harsher slave-drivers
than the aristocrats of Virginia and the Carolinas.
243
86. Religious Reform. The disestablishment of
the Puritan church in Massachusetts, resulting from the
royal regime taking control there, left the followers of
that church free to reconsider much in the way of dogma
that had been imposed by administrative authority during
the greater part of the seventeenth century. A similar
occurrence had taken place earlier in Connecticut, due to
the dissolution of the strong theocracy of New Haven, and
its unity with the Connecticut colony. In Massachusetts,
there was no further cause for distinction between Pilgrim
and Puritan churches, previously distinguished by the fact
that the latter was an established church, and the former
was not. But, in both Massachusetts and Connecticut, the
early part of the eighteenth century saw a strong
tendency on the part of the followers of the Puritan
church to question the ruling powers of their religion, who
had hitherto used their governmental authority to
prevent any expression of opinion against them. The fact
that prominent Puritan ministers, such as Cotton Mather,
had proved themselves traitors to Puritan ideals during
the Andros regime, was enough to produce doubt in the
minds of the New Englanders, especially in view of the
strength of individual opinion and principles in New
England.

This attitude resulted, about the year 1730, in a


schism in the Puritan sect, a large reform group splitting
off. These schismatics were known as New Lights, while
the followers of the Congregational Church proper (the
united Puritan and Pilgrim church) called themselves, in
reply, Old Lights. Eventually (about 1736), the "New
Lights" lined themselves up with the Methodist sect which
had just come into New England.

244
This division in the ranks of the Congregationalists
also brought up, in a somewhat disguised manner, the
question of tolerance, which had been the original point
of contention over which Rhode Island had broken away
from Massachusetts. Although this problem, as such, had
come to be identified with Rhode Island, and
consequently had bitter opposition in Massachusetts, the
split in the church brought the issue back in a different
aspect; much was now being done toward promoting
general freedom of discussion on both religious and
political subjects; on the latter, the unusually democratic
forms of New England had always encouraged
considerable freedom, which was bound to be applied
generally as soon as restraint was removed.

In the interests of general freedom of speech the


town of Boston received in 1708 a gift of a meeting hall
from a merchant named Peter Faneuil, who, anticipating
that authorities might be tempted at some time to set
limits to public discussions, made freedom of discussion a
condition to the town's title to the hall. The building was
given for a combined market and meeting place, and is
still used for the same purpose. The meeting hall of this
building was from the beginning, and still is, a storm
center, having been used for mass meetings of the rebels
in the days before the American Revolution; then, later, in
the movement against slavery; still more recently in
strike movements and in all grades of civic protest
meetings; and even America's first communist mass
meeting was held in Faneuil Hall. Even though attempts
have been made to tie up Faneuil Hall's freedom of
discussion in various forms of regulation and red tape,
that building has remained a center for all forms of
movements for American liberty. The building has quite
245
appropriately received the name of "The Cradle of
Liberty."

The issue of religious tolerance, however, was not


settled, and a test was to come in 1742 when a refugee
colony of Portuguese Jews, exiled from their home
country, and rejected by the countries of Europe, came to
America seeking admission in the English provinces. They
were refused admission in Massachusetts, New York, and
Pennsylvania, in spite of the fact that a few of that
religion were already living in Charles Town; but they
were welcomed as refugees in Rhode Island, where they
settled in Newport.

87. The Georgian War. After thirty years of


"peace", consisting of constant wars against the red
tribes, and in constant maneuvering for position on the
part of both English and French colonies, and in England’s
forcing the slave trade on her American colonies in
fulfillment of a treaty with Spain making England general
agent for Spain's slave trade, war finally broke out in
1744 as a result of Spain's attempting to take possession
of Georgia, which, as we have seen, was built on territory
recognized as Spanish by the treaty of 1714. This event
brought back all the alliances in Europe and America that
had been made to involve so many of the nations of the
two continents in the Acadian War. Incidentally, France
was concerned, which brought back Canada and
Louisiana into the arena of battle. In Europe this conflict
was known as the War of the Austrian Succession.

Georgia made unsuccessful attempts to capture


Florida. Virginia, which, in its rapid expansion caused by
providing new estates for the aristocrats, had already
begun to occupy the Shenandoah Valley, at the foot of
246
the Blue Ridge Mountains, was preparing to push across
the mountain barrier, and into the valley of the Ohio
River, and was sending out trading expeditions into
enemy territory, while the French were also preparing to
take possession of "La Belle Rivière" (the French
translation of the Iroquois, Oheeyo). No clashes, however,
occurred on the Ohio region during this war. In 1746,
when a number of Scotch prisoners were captured in the
defeat of the "Pretender" were sent as indentured
servants to Virginia, it was considered more imperative to
provide new estates where they could be sent when they
were freed, which was scheduled for 1753. It was
anticipated, that, in 1753 and 1754, peace or war, the
Ohio dispute would be forced to a head.

As the thirty years' peace had been a very


belligerent one, so the Georgian War proved fairly
peaceful, on the whole, there being little fighting; and the
whole war was ended by a peace treaty in 1748,
recognizing England's claims to Georgia, but otherwise
leaving everything as it was before the war. The Ohio
area was still claimed by Virginia, which obstinately
refused to recognize any of the peace treaties as far as
territorial provisions were concerned. So was initiated a
short peace which was to be merely a preparation for a
battle to the finish between English and French colonies
in America.

CHAPTER XVII

247
THE GREAT OHIO WAR
88. Canessetago and Franklin. In the Georgian
War, as in previous outbursts of the intercolonial
struggles, the Iroquois, the chief allies of the English
colonies, were strongly impressed with the inability of the
English colonies to act in any united moves. Since all
parties now felt that the peace of 1748 must be a period
for lining up for a finish fight, the Iroquois Federation
decided to take steps to convince their allies of the
necessity of forming a similar federation. The Congress of
1690, which had been formed mainly by the rebel
colonies of the north, was a precedent; but the Iroquois
seemed to think that all the English colonies should
federate, being of common origin and having a common
language, and thus conforming to the Iroquois
federability standards. The Congress of 1690 included
only the northern colonies, having been mainly formed
under the influence of the precedent of the New England
Confederation, which, in turn, was under Penacook
influence, and therefore took into consideration chiefly
the similarity of institutions rather than of race or
language. It is, of course, largely open to question
whether New York should have been included in a
federation on either plan, since it was obviously of Dutch
origin, had social institutions linking it with the South
rather than the North, and was as yet not an English
speaking region.

However, the Iroquois Federation decided to


persuade the English in America to federate all their
colonies on a basis similar to the Iroquois, and chose a
sachem of their Federal Council, Canessetago, as an
envoy to accomplish this mission. He chose for this
purpose a Philadelphia printer and journalist by the name
248
of Benjamin Franklin, known to be friendly to the Iroquois,
and who, through his journalistic work, had come to have
some political standing in Pennsylvania. His early training
in Boston, his native city, also helped make him a fit
subject for persuasion in this direction. Franklin was not,
however, as most New Englanders would be likely to be,
an ardent advocate of popular rule: which was probably
another qualification that recommended him strongly to
the oligarchical Iroquois.

Canessetago found Franklin an easy subject for


persuasion as to the advisability of federation of the
colonies. Franklin kept the work up in his paper, and an
illustration of his has become well known, representing
the colonies as a dismembered snake (the parts labelled
with the initials of the various colonies), with the motto
"Unite or Die." This referred at the time, of course, to the
danger from the French, not to national independence, as
it was construed later on; but, as Franklin's federal idea
was undoubtedly the parent of the federations of these
colonies, it is probable that this illustration was the origin
of the rattlesnake by which, some twenty years later, the
rebelling colonists symbolized themselves.

Benjamin Franklin drew up an actual plan of union


for the colonies, with a governor-general to be appointed
from England, and a congress of delegates representing
the administrations of the various colonies; the functions
of the federation to be for common defense, and for
certain intercolonial matters such as a postal service. The
representation was to be from the administrations of the
colonies rather than from the people; and Georgia, as a
penal colony, was left out of the union as planned.
Delaware, having its own legislature, but governed as a
dependency of Pennsylvania, was, under Franklin's
249
scheme, represented only through a delegation from
Pennsylvania.

Under the Penacook standards of federability, it


would not have been attempted to federate the
democratic New England colonies with the aristocratic
South, or with despotic New York; but the federation was
planned under Iroquois auspices, and all the colonies
from New England to South Carolina were included in the
design for union.

This plan was hardly, if at all, understood in


England, and much objection was raised in that quarter
because the scheme was too democratic, even though it
left the federation mainly controlled by the colonial
governors, most of whom were appointed from England!

However, in spite of all the objections, delegates


were ultimately sent to a Congress of the various
colonies, in accordance with Franklin's plan of federation.
The title of the Congress was a hold-over from the
Congress of 1690 which met in New York and which was a
federation of the rebel provinces of that period; this
Congress distinguished itself from the previous one by
claiming to represent the American colonies as a whole,
instead of only the North, as did the previous one,
because of which it became known as the Continental
Congress. The project was kept under strict supervision
by the Iroquois Federation, who, as the most powerful
allies of the English, as the original model on which the
Congress was being formed, persuaded the new Congress
to open in territory which was originally Iroquois. The
session was accordingly held in 1754 at Albany; from
which circumstance Franklin's plan of union is sometimes
referred to as the Albany Plan. The scheme itself had
250
been drawn up in writing, largely adapted from the
Iroquois constitution, according to the suggestions of
Canessetago, and was really the prototype for the various
constitutions which have been drawn up in America.

The Iroquois Federation, in order to make sure that


the whites would understand the meaning of federation,
and how it was to be accomplished, sent to the Albany
Congress an envoy, a courier named Hianinogaro, who, at
the opening of this first Congressional session, made a
speech explaining to the assembled delegates how the
Iroquois were able to strengthen themselves against their
enemies by forming a federation, and urging on the
delegates the wisdom of doing likewise.

This "Continental Congress" did not, however, prove


popular in the colonies, especially in the northern
colonies, where the people regarded it as an attempt to
increase the power of the royal governors and suppress
popular government; while England regarded the union
as an attempt to unite the colonies against the mother
country. The Congress did not continue its existence,
accordingly, for lack of support from either side of the
ocean, the objections being of totally opposite natures.
This fact convinced Franklin that he had hit the "happy
medium."

89. Expulsion of the Acadians. Nova Scotia, the


peninsula which had been called Acadie by the French,
was, during all this time, a conquered dependency of
England, largely populated by a French peasantry, plus a
few British settlers who had drifted in during the forty
years since England had conquered the peninsula. Due to
the fact that James I had, while the peninsula was still in
Red possession, given it a Scotch charter, it was
251
considered a Scottish province, and attempts were made
to colonize the peninsula with a Scotch population; this
had become still more important since Scotland had been
the source of rebellions recently, and it was thought that
the Scotch could be made to feel a material interest in
union with England.

The excuse was found in the discovery of an alleged


plot among the French population of Nova Scotia to
overthrow English rule, and return to French allegiance.
Such a plot may have possibly existed, for there is every
reason to believe that the British authorities, who
regarded the "Acadians" as intruders on territory properly
Scotch, did not maintain friendly relations with the
population. Whether such a conspiracy existed or not,
however, it would be an absolute impossibility for it to be
very widespread until an open attempt at rebellion had
been made; and, even were the evidence not
manufactured, it is improbable that the majority of the
Acadian population knew anything of it.

However, on this occasion the British military


authorities were looking for trouble, and, as frequently
happens in such cases, found an excuse very readily. In
the fall of 1754, a military order was issued exiling the
entire French-speaking population of the Nova Scotia
peninsula, and confiscating their lands, cattle, and the
crops just ready for harvest. A number of British ships
were sent to Nova Scotia, which carried away the people
of the province, and deposited them in various ports of
the other English provinces of America. Many of the
Acadians escaped into Canada, while those who were
taken to the colonial ports, in a strange country where
they could not understand the language, starved; many
found their way in to Louisiane, where they found a
252
friendly people speaking their own language, and where
ultimately most of the refugees gathered and formed a
small "Acadian" colony on the Atchafalaya River, where
the old Acadian dialect of French is still spoken, and
where the people to this day are known as Acadians, or,
more commonly, as "Cajuns" or "Cageants." The French
settlement of the interior of the continent also had their
portion of escaping Acadians to care for.

Although the Acadians expelled from their homes in


this sudden and unceremonious fashion were technically
British subjects by the peace treaties, still their
connection with France was too recent and too obvious to
make it possible for France to disregard this outrage
entirely. Although, of course, this could not be made
directly a cause of war between France and England, it
nevertheless was a contributing factor toward that
renewal of hostilities which all America knew was bound
to come.

90. The Lenapes' New Home. During the three


intercolonial wars, the Lenape Federation, had fought a
losing fight against the advances of the English, aided as
they were by the Iroquois from the rear. Lenape
organization had differentiated between the functions of
their two phratries; the elder, or Wolf, phratry, being
military in its functions, while the Turtle phratry was in
charge of functions of peace. It was the Wolf phratry that
maintained alliance with the French, so that the Lenapes
were known to the French as Loups; and it was the Wolf
phratry that so persistently fought the English. The
successive defeats drove the Wolf phratry farther and
farther westward, leaving their brothers, the Turtles, to
the mercy of an enemy who knew nothing of these
phratry distinctions. The next intercolonial war would
253
mean the certain destruction of the Turtle clans, already
nearly extinct; these clans attempted to duplicate in the
middle colonies the work of the tribal penetration that
had been so well carried out in New England by the
Okamakammessets, namely, that of coördinating white
adoptees into a sort of extension of the tribal structure,
for the perpetuation of tribal principles. This society,
however, instead of being made part of the tribe, as was
done in New England, was an independent group, called
the Sons of Tamenund (Tamenund being the original
founder of the Lenape Federation), or, as the whites
called it, Sons of Tammany. The association also lacked
the fundamental democratic ideals of the
Okamakammesset organization, due to the differences
between the tribes; also, due to the nature of the
separation of Wolf and Turtle, the Turtles were unable to
give to this fellowship of theirs any such rebel spirit as
the Okamakammessets gave in New England.

In the meanwhile, the Wolf clans had gradually


been driven farther and farther into the interior, until, by
the middle of the eighteenth century, the Lenapes (or
"Delawares," as the English called them), were across the
mountains, in what was recognized as under French
protection. They finally took refuge in Shawnee country,
the Shawnees being already friendly to the French, and
hostile to both English and Iroquois; therefore naturally
friendly to the Lenapes. This area comprised the region
south of Lake Erie, between that lake and the river called
by the Iroquois, Oheeyo (beautiful river), and by the
French, La Belle Rivière, a translation of the Iroquois
name. The English called the river, which they had only
recently "discovered," by their own version of the Iroquois

254
name, Ohio, the name which is now also given to the
Shawnee-Lenape territory.

91. French Expansion in the Interior. The peace


of 1748 was also utilized by the French in further
establishment of trading posts and fortifications in the
interior of the continent, this time designed not merely to
establish a line of communication between Canada and
Louisiana, but to form a fortified ring around the English
colonies in case of further conflict, which all parties
concerned knew to be inevitable. The ring was drawn
much closer, and the valley of "La Belle Rivière" was
especially watched, because, during the previous war, it
had been penetrated by some English traders. The forts
of Vincennes and Louisville guarded the lower portion of
the valley. And, as Louisiana was the part west of the
Mississippi, occupied as yet only by the red tribes, the
French, in the attempt to penetrate it as they had the
east side of the valley, located their first outpost in that
territory, a post near the mouth of the Missouri River, and
named after the patron saint of the ruling Bourbon family,
Saint Louis. Before 1755, several rings of French forts had
been placed around the English colonies, establishing
chains of French communication at short distances all the
way from Quebec and Montreal to New Orleans. At first
sign of actual English opposition, the rings of French forts
were to be drawn closer yet.

92. Virginia's Ohio Expedition. As we have


already seen, Virginia, in portioning out needlessly large
tracts of land as new feudal estates in the interior, had
been expanding with alarming rapidity, and was thus
committed to an ever-increasing policy of conquest in
westerly and northwesterly direction, in total disregard of
existing occupants of the land, and even of peace
255
treaties, which, to Virginia, seemed mere scraps of paper.
In 1753-54, the freeing of a number of indentured
servants who had been taken prisoner in Scotland as
rebels against the king had necessitated the granting of
estates to the aristocrats farther into the interior than
before. This land was given in the Shenandoah Valley
(sometimes also called the Valley of Virginia), which
brought expansion practically up to the English
boundaries as provided in the peace treaties. Virginia's
policy required further territory, and resort must be had
to claiming an area beyond the Blue Ridge Mountains,
occupied by red tribes who were placed under French
protection by the peace treaty. Virginian aristocracy was
already beginning to clamor for seizure of this region,
which they claimed was Virginia's by right of an old
charter granted by Charles I, before any appreciable
white settlements had been made in America. It would be
necessary to provide such new estates to take care of
any number of further accession of population which
England might in future sell to Virginian overlords.

In 1755, a small group of young Virginians of


aristocratic families, led by one George Washington, heir
to a large Potomac River estate, consulted with governor
Dinwiddie as to organizing an expedition for the purpose
of taking possession of the Ohio River country, and
readily won his approval. This group accordingly set out
and invaded French territory (really red tribal land under
French protectorate). They reached the Ohio River,
explored considerably on the farther side of it, and
"surveyed" it for themselves. It is this circumstance which
is probably responsible for the allegation that Washington
was a surveyor in his youth. After thus claiming the
region north of the Ohio River, which the French called
256
Illinois after one of the red nations there (Washington,
supposing that the French name was Ile Noire, referred to
it as "Black Island"), the little expedition returned to the
Ohio River and built a small fortification on the coast side
of it, "Fort Necessity," and raised the British flag over it.
Another fortification was started and abandoned a bit
farther south on the river, called Fort Prince George.

It was not, of course, to be expected that the


French government at Quebec would look calmly on, and
allow this action to pass unquestioned. An army was sent
to the upper Ohio (the part now called Allegheny), where
the Virginian outposts had just been established by
Washington's private expedition, and attacked Fort
Necessity, capturing all who were in it and bringing them
as prisoners to Quebec. Washington himself escaped,
returning to Virginia with a complaint against the French
invading their own territory.

To protect the Ohio River against further attacks


from the over-aggressive Virginians, Canada decided on
the necessity of fortifying the upper Ohio River at a spot
which could directly threaten Virginia. This location was
found on the site of abandoned Fort Prince George, where
the Monongahela River, flowing in from the general
direction of Virginia and Maryland, joins the Ohio. Here
was built Fort Duquesne, bringing the French ring of
fortifications very close indeed to English settlements,
indeed within easy striking distance.

Governor Dinwiddie, after receiving Washington's


complaint against the French, regarded this new move as
an invitation to further warfare, and sent General
Braddock out with an army of a few thousand men to
penetrate the mountains and capture Fort Duquesne.
257
George Washington was made a colonel in this army, and
went along mainly as a guide to the expedition.

The presence of a large army of redcoats aroused


the hostility of not only the French, but also of the
mountain tribes, who were now forced to take notice of
the invasion of their ground. The scarlet uniforms of the
British soldiers made an excellent target for the Indians,
and, at a spot where the army of invasion passed through
a large clearing, the tribesmen contrived to surround
them, and, by shooting from behind trees, the entire
army was killed. The only part of Braddock's army that
escaped this massacre was the part under Washington's
command, which took to the shelter of the trees at the
first sign of trouble, following the red men's own method
of fighting, to which Washington had become accustomed
on his previous Ohio River Expedition.

The small fragment left of Braddock's expedition


could not very well proceed against Fort Duquesne, and
Washington, after much difficulty, conducted his force
back to Virginia, blaming the French for the attack by the
red tribes whose territory had just been invaded. This
incident, of course, merely served to increase the tension
between English and French in America, and resulted in
mutual recriminations between the mother countries in
Europe.

The signal victory of the red tribes of the mountains


over the British army was undoubtedly due to the latter's
insistence on fighting in the open, a type of tactics which
might have been good in Europe of the eighteenth
century, but which was of little avail against tribal tactics
of fighting. Washington's advantage apparently lay in his
having learned to copy tribal methods, not in any special
258
personal superiority; although his being able to save his
own remnant of the army earned him a reputation as a
military genius. So far, he was merely successful in the
conducting of a one-man war, and at starting single-
handed greater international complications than the
combined efforts of many statesmen have generally been
able to produce.

93. The Great Ohio War Starts. As we have


seen, the peace of 1748 between England and France
was regarded on all sides as merely a rest in preparation
for a finish fight. The expulsion of the Acadians did much
to aggravate the tension between English and French;
and the Ohio River skirmishing strained it to the breaking
point.

Virginia and Canada were already, to all intents and


purposes, at war, although this status did not apply to the
mother countries, or to the northern English colonies.
However, such a state of affairs meant that declaration of
war would be inevitable, and all the red tribes in the
eastern part of America were ready to line up on one side
or the other. The Iroquois, of course, were ready, under
the alliance of 1634, to throw in their lot with England the
moment war became official; while the Lenapes and
Shawnees of the Ohio region, and the Penacook tribes of
New England, were ready to take the other side―not
through any partiality toward the French, but rather
because there were scores to even up with the English,
including the comparatively recent massacre at
Norridgewock. The Hurons north of the Adirondacks, and
the Wabanakes of Maine, were practically vassals of the
French by this time, and would naturally be drawn into
the war.

259
Everybody, including the Penacook Federation,
realized that a finish battle was impending, in which it
was a case of stake all for whatever could result. The
Okamakammessets, in view of this outlook, strengthened
and consolidated the organization of their adoptees so
that they could carry on the social structure and
principles of the "Great Tribe" even if the original
tribesmen should be wiped out in the coming war; and
these adoptees, living as they did in a naturally hostile
community, were coördinated for the purpose of carrying
the war on indefinitely against the ruling administrations
of New England, and especially against British domination
in the Okamakammessets' homeland of Massachusetts.
The association was thus consolidated so that it could
continue to function and hand down the tradition of
freedom and popular government without the guiding
hand of the original red men; they were rather instructed
to exercise a similar guiding hand over their own
community. Unlike the similar society formed for similar
reasons by the Lenapes, careful instruction in basic
principles was made a prerequisite for membership,
which was greatly limited in order to maintain the high
standard of those principles, which this same
organization, operating under the name of the original
red tribe, the Okamakammessets, has constantly adhered
to and fought for at all times.

Meanwhile, England and France themselves were


busy lining up their allies on their own side of the ocean.
England conveniently remembered at this juncture that it
was laying claims to India, which was then largely in
French possession; while France was calling in its allies,
Spain and Austria, to aid in case of trouble. At this time
some Austrian regiments sent their empress a petition in
260
verse asking her to keep out of hostilities: "Maria
Theresia, zieh nicht in den Krieg" (Maria Theresa, do not
go to war); but to no avail. Prussia, on the other hand,
conveniently remembered its claims to Silesia, and a
quarrel started on this matter; while, in the attempt to
line up allies for England and France, even Poland and
Russia were drawn in.

The failure of negotiations to settle the Ohio trouble


finally ended in a declaration of war in 1756, involving a
general struggle between the entire group of allies of
both sides of the ocean. This war, started over a "land-
grabbing attempt" in the then obscure Ohio Valley,
succeeded in growing into a contention involving a
greater portion of the earth than any other conflict in the
entire history of the world; most of the people involved in
this strife having never heard of Ohio, and knowing still
less what or where it might be. Even such a well-informed
person as Voltaire made the statement that England was
fighting France over "quelques arpents de neige au
Canada" (a few acres of snow in Canada).

This was the Great Ohio War, one of the most


important conflicts in the world's history, more commonly
known in America as the French and Indian War, and in
Europe as the Seven Years' War.

94. Iroquois Territory Invaded. As in the case of


the Hudson Valley War, the land of the Iroquois
Federation was key country, and both English and French
invaded this region to take possession of strategic points
for fortification. Thus, the English built Fort Stanwix on
the upper Mohawk River, and even fortified for their own
use the Iroquois town of Oswego, on Lake Ontario; while
the French, coming up Lake Champlain, captured the
261
Iroquois town of Ticonderoga on that lake, and there built
Fort Carillon; which the English answered by building Fort
William Henry at the tip of the Lake.

On other parts of the long frontier of English terrain


the red allies of both sides were seeking the rewards
offered for enemy scalps, and indulging in other methods
of warfare new to them, but suggested by the whites,
who would stop at nothing to gain their ends through
tribes against whom they would afterwards turn. The
English invasion of Iroquois ground was a case in point as
to how little the rights of even an ally were respected by
the whites in that war; and the English, to justify such
action, invented the story that the Iroquois were false
allies.

The result of the English quarreling with their own


allies, the Iroquois, was that the English forts in Iroquois
territory were mostly captured by the French during the
early years of the war. Oswego became a French outpost
under the name of Chouéguen. Fort William Henry
surrendered to the French general, Montcalm, after he
had put the fort under siege with the aid of his allies the
Hurons. But the Hurons were not made parties to the
terms of surrender, and so considered those in the fort as
still enemies; accordingly, when the occupants of the fort
evacuated, they were massacred by the Hurons―an
arrangement probably made deliberately by General
Montcalm. At any rate, the Hurons duly received their
scalp-rewards for this act from the administration at
Quebec.

In the meantime, the Iroquois, far from really being


false allies, were busy in the interior disrupting French
communications, and, by harassing the Lenapes and
262
Shawnees, protecting the western settlements of Virginia
to a great extent from raids. However, scalp raids were
common throughout both English and French
settlements, as they had been in the previous
intercolonial wars, and "block houses," as well as a
certain form of diminutive stone castle, were to be found
in every white town as a means of defense. The small
stone building in Newport which is now attributed to the
Norse, is probably of such origin.

The east shore of Lake Champlain was Penacook


Federation territory, and therefore practically in French
possession for the purpose of the war, since the Penacook
Federation was fighting against the English, but not for
the French. This area, of course, also became a strategic
point, much desired by the English on account of the
hope it presented of the recovery of English control in
Iroquois territory. However, the mountainous character of
this country made it difficult to attack.

Iroquois activity in the interior had, by 1758,


succeeded in thoroughly disrupting communications
between French outposts in the neighborhood. Another
expedition was sent out against Fort Duquesne, this time
by Pennsylvania; and now it had the protection of the
Iroquois army, which prevented the repetition of such a
disaster as had happened to the Braddock expedition in
1755. With the protection and aid of the Iroquois
Federation, Pennsylvania laid siege to the fort, already in
reduced condition by the breaking of communications,
and Fort Duquesne shortly surrendered to the army from
Philadelphia. It was now occupied as a British fort, and
renamed Fort Pitt, after the British prime minister.
Pennsylvania settlers were brought over to start a new

263
settlement on the Ohio River; and the town they founded
was given the name Pittsburgh.

This strategy proved to be the turning point in the


war. The French forts in Iroquois territory, Chouéguen and
Carillon, shortly afterwards succumbed to a combined
attack by English and Iroquois, while Iroquois raids were
keeping the French busy in Canada.

This success enabled England to concentrate its


activities on the other side of the world, attacking the
French in India; while the French, on the contrary, were
forced to take their army away from India to some extent,
in order to strengthen the defense of Canada against the
English and Iroquois. In this manner, Iroquois aid in
America made it possible for England to conquer India
and become a world power. England acquired a world
empire which it owes mainly to the Iroquois Federation.

95. Amherst's Small-Pox. By 1758 the Penacook


weakness in favor of peace had begun to show itself, and
the Penacook Federation was attempting to negotiate for
peace. Lord Geoffrey Amherst, who was in charge of
British operations against the tribes in that section,
pretended to proceed with the negotiations, and
presented large quantities of blankets to the members of
the various Penacook tribes in token of pacific intentions.
These blankets, however, had all been previously infected
with small-pox, and special precautions were taken in
their handling to prevent the British soldiers from
becoming infected. Since the red men had much less
immunity to the disease than the whites, the epidemic
wiped out the entire population of the Federation within a
few months, the only remnant being small groups which

264
had left the main tribes and were living near the white
settlements, having assumed white men's ways.

The adoptees of the Okamakammessets, who by


now, although few in numbers, had been coördinated so
that they could take over the entire tribal structure, were
the only fragment left of the society of either the Great
Tribe or the Penacook Federation; but they, working as
they had to within the English settlements of
Massachusetts, proceeded to continue the work of the
Penacook Federation, and chose for themselves a
Bashaba, at a northern Middlesex town called Groton. The
newly-chosen Bashaba was partly descended from the
old-line Okamakammessets; but thenceforth the tribe of
the Okamakammessets had to carry on the functions of
the Penacook federation with a membership of white
people initiated and adopted into the tribe, but who by
that adoption were considered to become red men. It was
believed to be a spy association in enemy territory, as the
adoptees had operated before, with the membership
itself remaining secret, even to a great extent from one
another. In this form the Okamakammessets are
functioning to this day in America, especially in
Massachusetts.

The Penacook territory in northern New England,


thus vacated by the effects of Amherst's small-pox
betrayal, was immediately taken over by Yankee settlers
from all the New England colonies. The capital city of
Penacook itself became a New Hampshire town under the
name of Rumford. But the Winooski district, between the
Connecticut Rover and Lake Champlain, which, as we
have seen, was an important strategic location for the
English, was not only settled by a large Yankee colony,
but guarded by a volunteer mountaineer army, carrying
265
on guerrilla proceedings against the French, who still
lingered about the Green Mountains. This army was
called the Vermontiers by the French (from Verts Monts,
meaning Green Mountains). The settlers, carrying Yankee
customs and institutions with them, immediately
organized themselves wherever they settled into town
meetings on the regular New England plan, and formed a
temporary provincial government, which, from the title of
Vermontiers given them by the enemy, took the name of
Vermont. This government was never recognized by
England, which repeatedly attempted to place Vermont
under the control of direct British authority, and which
was as frequently defied by the people of Vermont, in
spite of their claiming allegiance to England. It was the
case of the Plymouth colony all over again, with the
exception that Plymouth never encountered real
opposition from England, while Vermont was operating its
local administration against constant opposition from the
mother country. Then and there, 1758, was formed the
first independent administration of the whites in America,
and there was planted the seed of rebellion which was
later to bring independence to the American colonies.
Vermont remained an independent republic, recognized
by nobody, and at odds with its neighbors, from 1758 to
1790, when it finally submitted to annexation by the
United States.

96. Capture of Canada. An immediate result of


the occupation of the Green Mountain region (Vermont)
was that the English side suddenly found itself in
possession of an important position directly overlooking
the Canadian capital of Quebec. The New England
colonies no longer had to defend themselves against
raids from the tribes, and, with the capture of Louisbourg
266
for the third time by Massachusetts forces, Quebec was
almost cut off from communication with France. Quebec
was attacked from the east by the New England armies
(now placed in charge of a British general, Wolfe), from
the south by the "Vermontiers," and from the west by the
Iroquois. The city was, however, well fortified, and able to
stand a siege; but an unfortunately timed sally of the
local garrison in September, 1759, resulted in final defeat
of the Canadian forces at the Battle of the Heights of
Abraham, where both generals, Wolf and Montcalm, died.
Quebec was occupied, and, although that did not mean
an immediate conquest of all of Canada, it was the end of
organized French administration in Canada. Remaining
French forts in Canada were then isolated and
surrounded by Iroquois, and soon surrendered to the
English, who, in 1760, succeeded in capturing Montreal
and Detroit; then reducing and taking all remaining
French outposts in Canada.

In 1760, also, an English expedition was sent up the


Mississippi to make a final clean-up of French forts in that
valley; which was easy, since the French could now no
longer rely on aid from Canada as formerly. Such was the
state of ignorance in England in regard to American
geography that this fleet was sent out with orders to take
all French posts on the Mississippi as far north as the
mouth of the Ganges! However, the capture of the
Mississippi valley was affected with comparative ease,
and French control was eliminated from North America.

The British forces now were able to turn their


attention to Spain. The Georgians captured Florida, which
had been steadily losing ground since Georgia was
settled, and even before; then an army was sent across

267
the Straits of Florida, occupied Havana, and finally
conquered Cuba entirely.

97. The Peace of 1763. The Great Ohio War, still


prolonged in Europe, had already resulted in the downfall
of French empire in America and India. Tribal raids on the
middle English colonies still continued; but otherwise the
war was practically settled.

In the spring of 1763, England finally forced the


conquered countries to sign a treaty of peace, at Paris.
This treaty transferred more territory than has ever
changed hands at any one time in the history of the
world. By it, France gave up its claims in America and
India. Spain, however, was considered as a victim of
French intrigue, and was allowed not only to keep all its
land but also to take French territory. Accordingly, all
French territory in America east of the Mississippi was
given to England, and all west of the Mississippi was
given to Spain. Only Florida was given up by Spain.

Thus ended the great French empire in North


America, and thus began the career of Great Britain as a
world empire. The Algonquin nations, that had relied on
the French for protection, were suddenly left undefended,
and even actually surrendered by the treaty to be subject
to England; while the English colonies, no longer fearing
either tribal or French attacks, were no longer in need of
the defensive power of the mother country. Vergennes,
the French prime minister, felt on that account that the
original English colonies would not remain loyal to
England, and, after he had signed the peace treaty, he
made the prophetic statement: "I have signed their
defeat."

268
CHAPTER XVIII

AFTERMATH OF THE GREAT OHIO WAR


98. Royal Peace Proclamation. British territory in
America, increased as it was by the treaty of peace, and,
for the same reason, freed of the foreign boundary
disputes which had troubled it up to this time, was
apportioned into provinces by a proclamation issued by
King George III shortly after the treaty was signed. The
original provincial divisions of the former English colonies
were retained, but new land had to be apportioned, and
the English provinces in America expected the new
territory to be divided among them; in fact, the southern
provinces, especially Virginia, where the war had started,
fought for that specific purpose of acquiring new territory
from the French.

But such was not the arrangement. A part of Florida


was annexed to Georgia, the remainder being divided
into two provinces, East Florida and West Florida,
definitely delimited by the proclamation, the division line
being the Perdido or Pensacola River; East Florida (which
covers the area of the present State of Florida) being the
part settled by the Spanish from Cuba, while West Florida
covered a region mainly settled by the French, including
such cities as Mobile and Biloxi.

On the north side, the provinces of Nova Scotia, and


the province of New Brunswick which had been formed
during the war out of the land between Nova Scotia and
Maine, were recognized; and the remainder of Canada
north of the Great Lakes was formed into the Province of
Quebec, put under a temporary civil government with
269
English law. Since Maine had been disputed territory up
to the Great Ohio War, a definite boundary was set, which
was, however, poorly defined and never surveyed, but
which took in much territory which had been definitely
settled by the French.

The provision of the proclamation that caused the


most dismay among those colonial elements who had
been looking for expansion and additional land, was that
which forbade all settlement of colonists at any new
points west of the Appalachian watershed between the
Great Lakes and Florida, reserving all this territory for the
use of the red nations. Existing white communities in this
area, such as Detroit, Vincennes, and Pittsburgh, were
permitted to continue; but the idea of reserving all this
region for the free growth of the red peoples was a move
considered necessary by the British for the purpose of
preventing further unnecessary race wars in America, and
a move which naturally antagonized the groups of "land-
grabbers" such as the Virginian aristocrats who had
started the war.

Vermont, which had established an independent


unrecognized administration during the war, was placed
under the control of the Province of New York. This meant
the destruction of the existing representative government
in Vermont and the complete outlawing of the town
meetings which were the foundation of New England
popular rule, substituting the irresponsible rule of an
almost despotic governor, under which New York had
been ever since its foundation. But it was one thing to
place Vermont under New York on paper, and a totally
different matter to enforce this decree. Vermont was able
to resist successfully all attempts of New York authorities
to take control, and the outlawed popular administration
270
of Vermont remained in power long enough to serve as
an example of independent action to the other English
colonies in America.

There still remained some internal boundary


disputes which were not settled by the royal
proclamation. In particular, the boundaries between New
England and the middle provinces, as well as between
middle and south, remained hazy, with overlapping
claims. The Massachusetts corridor, the tribal avenue of
escape to Iroquois territory during Metacom's war, and
now in Massachusetts' possession, was also claimed by
New York, while Massachusetts asserted rights through to
the Pacific (now limited by the treaty to the Mississippi);
so that Albany was claimed by Massachusetts, while
Holyoke and Northampton were claimed by New York. A
boundary was fixed in the Berkshires, near the back line
of the Dutch manors, as late as 1773.

But with the boundary between middle and


southern colonies, the question was more acute. The end
of hostilities had already opened up terrain for settlement
farther west than either Pennsylvania or Maryland had
previously attempted, and conflicting land grants by the
two provinces made a tangle. As it was, a wide strip was
claimed by both colonies, which included Baltimore as
well as part of Philadelphia, not to mention
Pennsylvania's autonomous appendage, the Delaware
Counties. England accordingly commissioned two
surveyors, Mason and Dixon, to survey and mark a new
boundary which divided the disputed area between
Pennsylvania and Maryland. This fixed a definite
boundary between North and South, ever since known as
Mason and Dixon’s line.

271
99. The Ottawa Federation. The Algonquin
nations west of the Alleghany Mountains had been under
French protection, and now France had, by peace treaty,
surrendered them to be British subjects. That the French
were defeated and could no longer protect them was a
thing that these tribes could readily understand, hard as
such a situation might be; but that the French should
attempt to deliver up their former allies to the enemy in
this fashion was regarded as sheer treachery. In this, not
only not only the Shawnees, Ottawas, Wyandottes,
Illinois, and many other central tribes were agreed, but
also the Lenapes who had come over the mountains from
the seacoast expressly to escape British power. A
sagamore of the Ottawa by the name of Pontiac
organized all these tribes into a federation called the
Ottawa Federation.

With the aid of an adopted white man, known only


by his tribal name of Waccusta, Pontiac led the Ottawa
Federation into a war against all the English forts of the
northwest, in the spring of 1763, and succeeded in
destroying many of these forts almost immediately. The
post of Checagou, which had served for a long time as a
link between the Great Lakes and the Mississippi, and
which, before the coming of the French, had for some
reason been an important tribal town, was among those
destroyed, and the site of the place was abandoned for
some fifty years; in spite of which, it has become one of
the most important cities in America. The only white
outposts in this region which succeeded in holding out
were Detroit and Michillimackinac (now Mackinac Island).
Detroit was saved from a surprise capture by the warning
of a red girl who was living with a British officer, and who
betrayed her own people for that reason. After these two
272
forts had withstood a ten-month siege, British
reinforcements from the colonies made a successful sally
from Detroit possible. The fortunes of war were now
turned, and the British hunted down every trace of the
Ottawa forces. Pontiac himself was killed, the Ottawa
Federation broken up, and the tribes reduced to
subjection.

Fragments of the organization of the Ottawa


Federation, however, persisted in the western portions,
on the northern Mississippi, who were not under British
dominion or claims. This combination became known as
the United Tribes, or Dakota. It may be noted that this
idea of giving a federation a purely federational name in
this manner has been copied in the name United States,
which could almost be a translation of the word Dakota.

The British at this time attempted to prove that the


Senecas, of the Iroquois Federation, who had been British
allies throughout, and who had been really responsible
for British victory in the war, were in this rebellion. This
story may have served its purpose among those colonists
who were trying to take Iroquois land, but there seems to
be no truth whatever in the allegation.

100. Spanish Expansion. As we have seen, the


French claims to "Louisiane" were vague, and no one
knew how far they involved claims to either the Gulf of
Mexico or the Pacific. Spain had already a few outposts in
the so-called "New Mexico" region, such as Santa Fé and
Tuscón, established in the sixteenth century, before the
French had thought of laying claims to America; but even
that region might have been claimed as part of
"Louisiane," not to mention the Pacific Coast beyond.
Since this claim had now been ceded to Spain, the
273
Spanish now felt safe in colonizing the Pacific coast, to
the northward of the peninsula which Cortez, the Spanish
conqueror of Mexico, had named after a novel of his day,
California.

After the war, a group of Franciscan friars from


Mexico, led by Junipero Serra, started northward up the
Pacific coast from the California Peninsula to establish
their missions in the new region of "Alta California," or
Upper California. As was the usual Spanish method, under
the guise of "conversion" the native tribes were made
slaves of the missions, which parcelled out for
themselves immense stretches of land, the remainder of
the vast territory being divided into "ranchos" for various
prominent Spanish families. The missions in many cases
made "converts" by catching the red people with nets
and dragging them in.

The establishment of these missions went on for a


period of about twenty years, after which that part of the
Pacific coast was dotted with the Franciscan missions,
each with the name of a Catholic saint. The first coast
mission was that of San Diego de Alcalá, founded shortly
after the peace treaty; and, following that were
established many other missions, each with a village
around it named after the mission. Thus, there were the
missions, and towns, of San Louis Obispo, San Juan
Capistrano, San Gabriel Arcángel, and, as late as 1776,
the red town of Yung-Na was used as a site for the
mission of Our Lady Queen of the Angels (Nuestra Seňora
la Reina de Los Angeles). Still the Franciscans continued
establishing new missions, enslaving the tribes as they
went along, and herding them into new mission villages,
such as San Buenaventura, Santa Barbara, San José,
Santa Cruz, and many others. The problem of
274
transporting supplies for all these mission villages
became serious, and a road, called El Camino Real (The
Royal Road), was built for the purpose. This proving
insufficient, the future explorations by the priests were
guided by a search for a harbor, especially since they had
heard that one had been seen on that coast a century
before. San Diego was a good harbor for the southern or
older mission towns, but they were already getting too far
for even that base. As it had been noticed that no mission
had as yet been named for the founder of the
Franciscans, it was decided that the harbor, if discovered,
should be the site of his mission. The harbor previously
seen was missed by these invaders, but another one was
reached in 1783, and the mission and its surrounding
settlement, as well as the bay, received the name of San
Francisco de Assisi.

Thus were the tribes of "Alta California" (now the


State of California) brought into subjugation, and the
place within one generation converted into a Spanish
colony. The process of enslavement of the tribes was
rendered easier by the nature of the country, divided as it
was into small valleys with almost no communication
between each other. The Californian tribes, separated by
narrow mountain passes easily guarded by very few men,
remained without intercommunication, and hostile to
each other until even their languages became so different
that no relation between them was recognizable. Of
course, in such a situation, a powerful outside expedition
could easily subject the entire region. Lack of
communication had also prevented these tribes from
advancing either economically, as the Mexican nations
had, or socially, as the tribes in the East.

275
It is noticeable that, in modern California, a similar
situation of intense rivalry between the various valleys
had developed, practically paralleling that of the old
tribes.

Louisiana proper, however, was left very much to


itself. The "Island of Orleans," a swamp-surrounded
region on which New Orleans is located, was Spanish
territory, although actually on the east side of the
Mississippi River; and Lake Pontchartrain, on the other
side of the "Island," was, due to its outlet in the province
of West Florida, inaccessible to any but English vessels,
so that the Spanish front of the lake had to be strongly
fortified. That part of New Orleans is still known as
Spanish Fort. French settlements remained undisturbed
on the Gulf coast of Louisiana, but almost everything the
French had started in the interior was abandoned, and, as
the Spanish found it difficult to enslave the red tribes in
this region, the tribes were left to control the interior of
the Louisiana province. The only interior outpost the
Spanish kept was "San Louis," as they called the war-born
French town of Saint Louis.

101. The New Regime in Canada. Under English


rule, Canada was subjected to a heavy influx of
newcomers from the English colonies of America,
especially from New England. These were called "old
subjects," in contrast to the "new subjects," who had just
come under England as a result of the war.

Canada was still under a military regime, although


some civil government was being established, and placed
largely under the English system of laws, but with
adaptations to the French conditions and customs
prevailing in Canada. This situation brought complaints
276
from both the "old subjects" and from the "new subjects,"
the former wishing to have exclusive control of Canada
under a completely Anglicized system, and the latter
preferring some of their original French institutions.
However, the fact that the "old subjects," particularly the
New England Yankees, were trying to gain control of the
province, disposed England to be more friendly to the
"new subjects," the French Canadians; and the tendency
was to return the Province of Quebec to the type of
French feudal government it had been under before the
war. The situation was fast developing into a struggle
between England and the American colonies for control
over Canada.

A large number of new emigrants from England filled


the new province of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, the
latter province recently emptied of its population by the
expulsion of the Acadians. These people, being recently
sent over by Great Britain and given new lands on this
side of the ocean, were naturally quite zealously loyal to
England, and at the same time served as a
counterbalance to the French in the Province of Quebec.
These provinces received much the same sort of
administration as the middle English colonies, with
democratic forms, but largely under the centralized
control of a governor appointed from London.

102. Manufacturing in England and America.


This was the period of the so-called "Industrial
Revolution" in England. For about two hundred years
attempts had been made to introduce inventions into
England, as well as into the rest of Europe, which would
simplify the various manufacturing processes; but such
attempts had always been opposed because it would put
the craftsmen out of work and cause a general condition
277
of destitution. The same objections held in Europe on the
Continent, but England now had suddenly acquired
immense new territories, and was anxious to ship so
many people out to America that the introduction of
machinery would simply supply more people willing to
emigrate. Factories were established in England under
control of individuals, and workers were recruited for
them by wholesale dispossession of the farming
population, most of whom were turned over to the
factories as virtual slaves, while many escaped to
America. America was also the refuge of many of the old-
time craftsmen who lost their trade through the new
machinery.

In the meantime, America had its own development


of manufactures on altogether different lines. The South
remained predominantly agricultural; a feudal
aristocracy. The middle colonies were agricultural, but
engaged in much ocean trading. In New England,
however, the land was not suitable for extensive
agricultural development. Even trading depended largely
on the ingenuity of the population, and some sort of
manufacturing was almost a necessity there. The peculiar
devices known as Yankee "notions," partly, as we have
seen, also a result of Penacook influence, were the
answer to this demand, and New England had already
come to do a sizable amount of manufacturing on this
small scale. The influx of craftsmen from England
augmented this noticeably.

But building and using factories was not enough for


England. No competition from America was wanted, and
the old laws against manufacturing in America, always a
bone of contention between America and England, were
now enforced with renewed vigor. This restriction, of
278
course, hit the New England provinces harder than
anyone else; while such cities as New York, living almost
entirely on transatlantic trade, had everything to gain and
nothing whatever to lose by the suppression of Yankee
manufactures. In the South, such an issue as the
manufacturing question was practically absent, although
strict enforcement of the anti-factory laws from England
had, at times in the past, made even the South suffer.

It was, therefore, to be expected that New England


would make considerable objection to the enforcement of
this internal control from England. This was an
opportunity for just such a secret association as the
Okamakammessets, who, although no longer a tribe of
actual red men, refused to recognize the peace treaty,
still considered themselves at war with the colonial and
British governments because the Tribe had never been
asked to sign the peace. Their function now was to start
internal trouble against the existing regime and to work
for popular control through institutions. Accordingly, in
the issue concerning manufacturing, the Tribe went to
work to organize the secret manufacturing according to
the Penacook plan of co-operation. A group of
sympathizers, the Sons of Liberty, was formed, and they
provided various hiding places throughout Massachusetts
where craftsmen and other volunteer workers could get
together for the purpose of producing various sorts of
necessary goods. These secret factories, instead of
belonging to individuals as in England, were controlled by
those working in them, much on the "town-meeting" plan,
while even the Sons of Liberty, which supplied the initial
capital, merely supervised the procedure without actually
owning the factories. This was about as near to the
Penacook plan of co-operation as it was possible to get
279
where money and property were the established
institutions.

Boston itself had one of these factories, a textile


goods factory located not far from the Common, on
Tremont Street at the corner of Rawson's Lane (now
Bromfield Street). Ten miles away, the town of King's
Lynn (the original capital of the Saugus tribe), was chosen
as a good smuggling port, accessible to three separate
harbors at once, and there a factory was established for
making shoes; the royal title of the town was dropped,
and under the name of Lynn it is now one of the greatest
shoe-manufacturing cities in the world. Other factories of
this secret and volunteer co-operating type were
established away from centers of population, in many
cases on the sites of abandoned tribal towns.

These factories, originating as they did, differed in


many ways from the ones being introduced into England.
The English factories represented the enslavement of the
population, and their submission to a new class of factory
owners; while the Massachusetts factories of that period,
on the contrary, represented a refuge of the poorer
population from the attempted enslavement by England.
The factories in England represented the dispossession of
the people from the land, while those in Massachusetts
represented the people's resistance to dispossession by
those who forbade the establishment of the factories. The
English factories represented the accession to power of a
moneyed class; the Massachusetts factories were in
themselves a rebellion against money, and a move by,
and for, the poorer elements of the population. The
Massachusetts factories gave the English ones
competition, not merely by producing goods to compete
with English goods, but by opposing institutions
280
belonging to the poor people against the English ones
belonging to the rich.

The Tribe and its affiliates, such as the Sons of


Liberty in New England, gradually organized their circle of
sympathizers to give American volunteer factory workers
a living by buying only their products instead of British
goods; and many newspapers helped out the process by
frequently printing, as though by way of advertisement,
that certain merchants named sold British goods, thereby
actually losing trade for them forcing the sale of locally-
made goods through the type of concerted action which,
some hundred years later, was given the name of
boycott.

103. New Titles in New England. The Hudson


Valley and the South had been under feudal rule for the
entire period of their colonization, but this form of
government had as yet been seen very little in New
England, even where New Hampshire and Maine, which
had been started as feudal colonies, rapidly worked
themselves out of that status. We have seen that
Governor Andros attempted to dispossess the farming
population of New England in order to make them serfs to
the nobility that he introduced, but this process had not
been able to progress very far during his short but
infamous reign, and much of what he did in that direction
was undone by the Puritan restoration that followed
Andros' overthrow.

After the Great Ohio War, England attempted once


more to convert New England into a feudal domain by
creating new titles of nobility carrying with them land
tenures in America. The land thus given was already
occupied, and this meant dispossession or even
281
enslavement of the former occupants, many of whom
were actually turned into serfs for the new manorial lords.

The manors thus granted were frequently quite


extensive. Sir William Pepperell, who had been an officer
in the war, was given an estate covering the southerly
corner of Maine for a distance of about thirty miles along
the coast, and about fifty miles inland―almost as much
of Maine as the English settled during the seventeenth
century. The same officer was given a smaller additional
estate in northern Middlesex; and both these estates
included more tracts already occupied by numerous
Yankees both as towns and as farms. Other similar
estates were parcelled out, and the New England farmer
had reason to protest against the new policy of the
mother country in America.

104. Collecting for the War. England felt by this


time that America was becoming a rich country, and went
about to make America pay for the entire expense of the
war, by enforcing and increasing the taxation imposed.
This process started as early as 1761, before the war was
ended. England not only imposed taxation on America,
but resorted to such measures as general search-
warrants enabling the British authorities to search entire
American towns for smuggling goods.

Since goods made in New England's new factories,


or goods imported from Europe otherwise than through
Great Britain, came under the heading of smuggled
goods, the merchants of all parts of the American
colonies were hard hit. The boycott imposed by the New
England factories meant the growth of smuggling rings
among the merchants, especially in Boston, but also in
the other ports. The merchants naturally protested
282
against these measures, though it was scarcely an
important issue to the American population in general.

This smuggling ring differed further from the factory


and farmer rebels of Massachusetts in that they were
merely protesters, and had otherwise no direct quarrel
with Great Britain, their aim being to settle difficulties by
petition or not at all. Besides, since the factories were
bringing pressure on the merchants, no sympathy was
lost between the two classes. The smuggling ring may
have been the noisier group, but the farmers and factory
workers were the real rebels in America of that period.

CHAPTER XIX

DEFIANCE
104b. The Stamp Act Congress. England's effort
to make America pay for the war resulted in a series of
taxation measures, as we have already seen, which were
largely resented by the rings of smuggling merchants;
and it was felt that America was being taxed to enable
England to better suppress popular government. The
restriction of manufacture also became a difficult task for
British authorities in America, since paper, clothing, and
numbers of other articles were being made in New
England, in spite of all British efforts to suppress this form
of activity.

In 1765, the British Parliament hit on a plan for both


enforcement of taxation and suppression of certain
283
American manufactures. The so-called Stamp Act
required that all newspapers, advertisements, legal
documents, wills, and many other kinds of writings be on
special stamped paper. This was intended as a general
tax on America, and would also be a blow at the illicit
paper manufactures going on in America. Had it been
completely enforced, thousands of Americans would have
been left without any occupation, and everything in
America would have had to suffer as a result.

Widespread opposition was evoked by this action in


all the American colonies, but it was mainly a
crystallization of the antagonism against England which
had been growing as a result of other causes. To the
Okamakammesset Association in Massachusetts, the
exact incidence of taxation was of little importance, since
it was intended to work for an organization similar to the
tribal system, in which administration was a self-
supporting affair, and required no tribute to keep it going.
But the combined assertion of English authority and
forcing of English goods that this involved, induced the
tribes to take a hand, not with those who were protesting
the Stamp Act, but to direct this protest so as to aid the
secret factories and the farmers, and to bring trouble to a
head. The Sons of Liberty, as a result, were ready to aid
in any demonstrations in this matter; and, this being the
case in Massachusetts, the Sons of Liberty Societies
elsewhere followed the lead. When stamped paper was
sent to Boston, the Sons of Liberty, to maintain the
boycott against British goods, seized and burned the
paper; in other ports, the Sons of Liberty started
demonstrations, but did nothing further.

In October, 1765, delegates sent from the various


colonial legislatures met in New York to draw up a
284
petition to the British parliament for the repeal of the
Stamp Act. This was known as the Stamp Act Congress,
and was much more ephemeral than even the
evanescent Congresses of 1690 and 1754, since in this
case the delegates assembled to draw up a single
document, and the Congress dissolved as soon as that
work was done.

This Congress had no idea of defiance or rebellion,


but rather consisted of a group of loyal subjects
petitioning their rulers for mercy. However, the influence
of the "Sons of Liberty" organizations was felt there, and
the Massachusetts delegation managed to work the
Stamp Act issue into a framework of theory regarding
individual and colonial civil rights which indicates that the
factory and land issue of that colony and the ideas of
individual rights engendered by these issues had
influenced the delegation. The petition in its final form, as
forwarded to England, asked for a repeal of the Stamp
Act, but also contained statements of the New England
ideas of civil and colonial rights which marked their
origin. As for individual rights, the claims were
substantially what Massachusetts had claimed in the
charter quarrels of the late seventeenth century, and
what the Puritans had learned from the Penacook
Federation. Although taxation was not a problem
considered of great importance by the
Okamakammessets, the Tribe managed to introduce into
the Stamp Act Congress a slogan which placed the
question squarely on the basis of the democratic ideals of
the Penacook peoples, "No taxation without
representation;" the theory being that the colonies in
America could only be taxed by their own legislatures,
not by the British parliament, in which America was not
285
represented. By inference, this statement was made to
apply to other matters of regulation, thus challenging
England's control over America. This slogan was to
become a watchword in subsequent difficulties on the tax
question between America and England.

Although the tax issue was not itself likely to lead to


rebellion, it gave some backing to the rebel leanings that
existed both in New England and in the South. The theory
expressed by the Congress's petition―strictly a New
England one, and dating to the earlier charter difficulties
of Massachusetts under Charles II―to the effect that
colonial charters entitled the American provinces to
govern themselves independently of interference by
England, was a standard to which any shade of rebel
tendency could rally; and the success of the
Okamakammesset influence in inducing the Stamp Act
Congress to put itself on record as supporting that theory,
was another step toward forcing the peaceful tax
protesters into joining hands with the rebels. It also put
on record, for the first time, as the official declaration of a
people, a declaration of civil and representative rights.

The slogan "no taxation without representation"


happened to "hit home" in England, since it immediately
brought up the question of the newly-arisen industrial
cities such as Manchester, for which no parliamentary
representation had been provided. Thus this issue in itself
created dissension on the American question in England,
although Parliament as a whole clung to its authority over
America, and met the challenge of the Massachusetts
theory of colonial charters by the opposite extreme,
namely, that all the colonial charters were void, since
Parliament's legislative powers over the British Empire
could not be alienated to any other bodies such as
286
colonial legislatures; that the American colonies had
actually no right of self-government, and that all colonial
laws not passed in London were invalid and ineffective. It
was obviously a fight to the finish between American
legislatures and British Parliament for the upper
hand―but, so far, only a paper fight, and was limited, on
the American side, by the fact that the American appeal
to charters was actually an appeal to royal authority as
opposed to parliamentary, and constituted a claim of
allegiance by America to the British crown, but not to the
parliament, over whose head the charters were granted.

This Congress, being a temporary organization, did


not impress the American colonies any further with the
necessity or advisability of federating, but it did lay a
foundation for future efforts in that direction. It also
served to draw a line of cleavage in the colonies between
the legislatures, chosen by the Americans, and the
governors and judges who were sent over from England
(except in the case of Connecticut and Rhode island,
where even those were chosen at home).

The petition of the special Congress was rejected,


and the Stamp Act went into effect—on paper. But the
boycott on British importations was, in most of the
colonies, much more effective, and the Stamp Act was
totally disregarded in most of the American colonies. It is
true that a few loyalists voluntarily obeyed the law; and
New York City, from which a congress composed mainly
of outsiders had issued the declaration of rights, was
willing to petition the British authorities for a repeal, but,
for the most part, would not follow to the extent of joining
in a general defiance of established authority, although a
few of the Sons of Liberty attempted to demonstrate for a

287
boycott, thereby succeeding in getting a beating by the
people of the city.

In most of America, however, enforcement of this


law proved practically impossible. As producer of revenue
for England, it was an utter failure, for the cost of
enforcement was over ten times the amount of revenue
actually obtained. Many newspapers, instead of printing
on the stamped paper required by the law, appeared
printed on American paper, carrying skulls and cross-
bones where the stamp was supposed to appear.

A reduction in the amount of the stamp tax was


later attempted, but failed as a measure of reconciliation.
The reply came from Boston that the question was "not
peace but principle;" a reply characteristic of the Yankee,
for whom the principle has always been, as with the
Penacook principles inhabiting the country before him, a
matter of prime and fundamental importance.

It was about this time that the old Massachusetts


rebel emblem of the Pine Tree, which was in its turn the
emblem of the Penacook tribes, denoting the pine forests
of New England and the type of freedom native to them,
was put into use in modified form as a symbol of protest
against arbitrary authority. The Pine Tree was still the
emblem of the Massachusetts rebels, especially of the
Okamakammesset followers; while those who indulged in
the more centralized forms of protest sponsored by the
Sons of Liberty in the colonies as a whole used the device
in the modified form of a tall pole―the Pine Tree without
its needles. These "liberty poles" played a great part in
subsequent demonstrations against the authorities in
America, and were later adopted as a rebel emblem in
other countries.
288
105. Boston is Invaded. In 1767, after two years
of futile effort at making the stamp tax yield a revenue
for Great Britain, the English Parliament, still determined
to make America pay the cost of the late war, repealed
the Stamp Act in order to save a heavy drain on
England's treasury, but replaced it by a tax on certain
imports; and, to punish America for its resistance,
authorized the British military authorities to occupy any
part of the American colonies at the expense of the
colonists.

As Boston was regarded as a "hotbed of revolt," it


was there that the military occupation part of the
measure was applied, and, in December, 1768, four
shiploads of soldiers were landed at Long Wharf in
Boston, with a store of ammunition and artillery that
impressed some of the townspeople as being enough for
a siege.

The new taxes, far from producing revenue,


increased the smuggling trade. In Boston, as well as in
many other parts of the American colonies, articles were
illicitly imported from other European countries, such as
Holland (it being forbidden to import any such
merchandise except via England); and the boycott on
British goods maintained by the Sons of Liberty
associations was a further incentive to this procedure.
This time, New York was affected, since importing was
the main enterprise in that city; and many would-be
opponents of the tax among the New York City merchants
hastened to join the Sons of Liberty, flooding that
organization, and turning the policy from a boycott (which
would ruin the import trade) to a policy of dealing only in
non-taxable goods. The boycott supporters were labelled
"radicals," and accused of trying to destroy aristocracy in
289
New York (apparently a sacrilege of some sort), and of
bringing New York to "the leveling tendency of New
England." The Sons of Liberty thus became in New York
an instrumentality of the aristocracy and moneyed
groups, from which the rebel elements were being fast
"frozen out," even such as they were.

In the meantime, the military occupation of Boston,


with the British soldiers conspicuously parading the
streets and occupying the houses of townspeople who
were forced to support them, was arousing to fury an
already excited New England. Street clashes of one kind
or another between soldiers and civilians were frequent
on Boston streets, laborers in particular being the victims
of unprovoked attacks on the part of the soldiery, as they
were always under suspicion of being connected with the
secret factories which the soldiers knew of, but could
never find. Boston Common, the great park which was
supposed to be the common property of the townspeople,
was used for a military headquarters, while the
marshland on the river front of the Common, separated
by a small peak from the main portion of the Common,
was used for frequent rebel rallies. The antagonism
became greater every day. In the late afternoon of
Monday, March 5, 1770, a group of laborers coming home
from work were passing through the square on King
Street where Governor Andros's tyranny had been
overthrown some eighty-one years before; there they
were challenged by a group of soldiers patrolling the
place looking for a quarrel. An argument was started, and
many sympathizers came to the aid of the laborers, filling
the square with a defiant mob, such as the same place
had been crowded with on the previous occasion when
Andros was deposed. Again a group of defiant Bostonians
290
were face to face with a British militia on the very same
spot, although presumably this time to referee a "friendly
argument." Suddenly, without warning, the soldiers fired
indiscriminately into the throng, killing six men and
wounding over thirty more. The group dispersed, but the
fire of resentment left by this incident was to remain for
many years. Every year, on March 5, the anniversary of
the affray, secret memorial services were held for the
victims of what the speakers named "the Boston
Massacre." This yearly memorial gave the rebel elements,
guided by the Okamakammessets who considered
themselves still at war with Great Britain, an excellent
opportunity to spread the feeling that it would remain a
blot on Massachusetts until the militia occupying Boston
were driven out; a result which was finally accomplished
one March day six years later.

The soldiers who participated in the shooting were


given a mock trial by Governor Hutchinson, and acquitted
in a hurry; thus, of course, adding to the fury of the
people against the administration. It is said, however,
that Hutchinson, in later life, having throat trouble, kept
declaring that the blood of the Boston Massacre was
choking him.

106. The South Defies the Proclamation. In the


meantime, the South was having its causes of difference
with the British authority, for totally different reasons
from what prevailed in New England. As we have seen, it
was a small company of Virginians who started the Great
Ohio War for the purpose of enriching themselves with
the territory of the interior, beyond the mountains, in the
Ohio Valley. The large landholders in the South,
especially in Virginia, were expanding so much more
rapidly than the population required, that they had to
291
seize country in the Ohio Valley, for which they then had
to fight France. The war ended, with England the victor,
and France driven off the North American continent
entirely. But the royal peace proclamation of 1763
reserved terrain beyond the mountains for the red tribes;
all of which angered the Southern aristocrats and land-
grabbers, who proceeded to appropriate the region
anyway, in defiance of the proclamation. Even the poorer
elements of the Southern provinces, seeking some refuge
from the aristocracy, were attempting to push into the
interior in advance of the aristocrats.

In 1768, a group of such adventurers assembled in


the North Carolina mountains, to make their homes in the
mystic western area beyond the peaks where the red
men of the high hills located their "Happy Hunting
Ground," or Kenta-Ke, where departed souls go. These
would-be settlers, then, set out across the mountains to
seek the mysterious land they called "Kentucke," and
finally came out into the prairie region south of the Ohio
River, where they settled in total disregard of the
Cherokee inhabitants who already occupied the place.
The several towns thus formed beyond the mountains
were organized into a colonial administration called
Transylvania (Beyond the Woods), which, though it still
recognized British sovereignty in a distant way, was
nevertheless in existence in direct defiance of British
authority, and was practically, in point of fact, an
independent republic, making war against the Cherokees,
who were British allies.

A similar expedition the following year resulted in


the formation of another group of towns beyond the
mountains, but close to the foothills on the western side,
and therefore much to the southeast of the Transylvania
292
settlements. A system of administration was organized
for these, under the name of Watauga. Thus these
elements of Southern population, trying to escape
westward from the Virginian and Carolinian aristocrats,
founded what were practically two independent republics,
whose situation was analogous to that of Vermont in the
north, except that they were more outlawed than
Vermont, in that the British officially permitted settlement
in Vermont, but forbade it in Transylvania and Watauga.
These two abortive republics were the foundations of the
present states of Kentucky and Tennessee.

The Virginian aristocracy, in the meantime, had no


intention of letting go either of these people over the
mountains or the soil they were cultivating, and found
that Virginia's old charter granted them terrain
indefinitely west and northwest as far as the Pacific
Ocean. This was done when no settlements had really
been made, and when the kings were giving away freely
the domains of others. The fact that since then the region
beyond the mountains had been definitely given up by
England to France apparently meant nothing to the "land-
grabbers," whose previous actions in seizing the territory
from France and the red tribes had brought on the war.
Every effort, accordingly, was made to suppress the self-
governing administrations in Transylvania and Watauga,
and bring them under Virginian rule. But this, too, was
forbidden by the royal proclamation, which meant that
back in Virginia, the aristocracy was preparing to fight
England over possession and control of the area beyond
the mountains. Both the British government and the
Virginian aristocracy were agreed on suppressing the
western governments; but Britain wished to break up the
settlements in order to free the ground for the Cherokees
293
and the other red nations to whom the land really
belonged, while the Virginians were attempting to bring
Transylvania and Watauga under subjection.

It turned out that the settlements of Watauga were


south of the line mentioned in Virginia's charter as the
southern boundary; all of which meant that the "charter"
claim was transferred to North Carolina, whose landlords
were as intent on subjecting Watauga as the Virginian
ones had been. In two of the southern colonies, then,
namely, Virginia and North Carolina, the landed
proprietors were determined to subjugate the western
pioneers, and ready to defy British authority in order to
do it.

Meanwhile, George Washington and his group of


Virginian aristocrats, whose "land-grabbing" activities had
started the Great Ohio War, were busy trying to take
possession of some of the terrain that England had
forbidden them to take. Since their pre-war activities had
mainly been on the upper Ohio, it was there that the
"Vandalia Company," as this group now called itself
(possibly because they were really a group of vandals),
began to apportion large estates to its members, taking
possession in the name of the Dominion of Virginia. This
action, of course, put them on record as having
committed a definite act of defiance of the Crown.

It will be seen that defiance of British authority was


of a directly opposite nature in the South from what it
was in New England. Virginia and North Carolina were
performing acts of defiance mainly in support of further
aristocratic privilege; for distinctly aggressive purposes;
for the purpose of suppressing the new popular
governments arising in the west; and for the purpose of
294
being better able to enslave the common people.
Massachusetts, on the contrary, was in constant defiance
of British authority in defense of laborers and craftsmen;
to resist the encroachments of British aristocracy; to
defend the people against enslavement. The smuggling
rings, however, which were not in agreement with either
the New England labor groups or the Southern
aristocracy, managed to hang on to both movements to
cover their smuggling operations, and formed a link
between the two diametrically opposed rebel movements
which had really nothing in common except a common
enemy.

107. The Virginia Liberals. In the meantime, a


different set in Virginia was arising to link the aristocratic
rebels of Virginia with the proletarian ones of New
England. A group of liberals, such as Patrick Henry and
Thomas Jefferson, who were largely followers of
Rousseau's book "Contrat Social," published in French
during the war, were advancing theories of human liberty
which were indefinite enough to be used by the Virginian
aristocrats to justify their acts of defiance, and also to
dovetail well with the ideas of civil rights as advanced by
the Massachusetts rebels. They were a discordant
element in Virginia, even amongst the forces of defiance,
for these theories of liberty were ill adapted for the use of
an upper class in rebellion for more power; they opposed
slavery, which, with the Virginian aristocrats, was the
worst possible form of heresy; and they largely opposed
the power of the Anglican Church, which was the
established church in Virginia, and backed by the
aristocracy there.

The defiant aristocrats of Virginia, however, were


quite willing to see the established church kept out of the
295
Kentucky question and the related questions concerning
Virginian expansion. The taxation problem entered into
the issue too, so that Virginia passed a law reducing
ministers' salaries; which England declared void as
opposed to royal authority over the church. In this case
the Virginia liberals were able to prove themselves
heroes by fighting for the validity of this law; and they
thus gained the opportunity of expounding their ideas
regarding liberty, which were largely a cross between the
slogans then being rapidly turned out in Massachusetts,
and the "social contract" theories of Rousseau.

The Virginia liberals, besides presenting Virginian


defiance to the world in a way to make the New England
rebels think Virginia agreed with them, also served the
purpose of lining up behind the rebel aristocrats those
elements in Virginia who still preserved the tradition of
the "lost cause" of Bacon's rebellion of 1706, and who
were still secretly celebrating as a day of remembrance
and hope for future successful revolt the anniversary of
the false amnesty granted on Saturday, July 4, 1676. This
potential insurgent group hardly fitted in with the
aristocratic element who were leading Virginian rebellion
for their own private ends, any more than the liberals
who brought them together fitted in with either. But the
propaganda issued by the Virginia liberals of that period
was of the type that gave to all those elements a
temporary illusion of unity, which could last only as long
as the destructive stage of the revolution would last.

108. The Quebec Act. While thus discontent had


been brewing in the old English colonies since the Great
Ohio War, it was otherwise in the newer and the non-
English settlements under British rule. The province of
New Brunswick, established during the war out of
296
territory conquered from France, and the province of
Nova Scotia, peopled by a new immigration sent from
England to replace the banished Acadians, naturally
extremely loyal to Britain; and, in proportion as the older
English colonies were deprived of rights, these new
provinces received the privileges taken from the older
colonies. Canada―the truly French region around the St.
Lawrence River―was as yet under military government,
but every effort was made to please the French
population there, and to curb the predatory tendencies of
the newcomers from the older colonies. The tendency
was to work toward an administration as close as possible
to what Canada had had, before the war, under France.

In 1772, a permanent civil government for Canada


was provided by the Quebec Act, which defined the
Province of Quebec as extending to the Ohio River, and
placed it under French civil law and English criminal law.
The Catholic Church was recognized as the established
church in that province, and was allowed to maintain
censorship over all communications and publications, as
it had when Quebec was under French rule.

The area between the Great Lakes and the Ohio


River, not included in the Province of Quebec by the royal
peace proclamation, but containing numerous French
settlements, such as Detroit, Vincennes, Sandouske, was
now included in the new territory of the civil government
of Quebec. It had long been recognized as an integral
part of Canada, but was the region for which Washington
and his Virginians originally started the Great Ohio War.
This Ohio territory, originally settled by the red tribes,
and partly by French, had been constantly claimed by
Virginia ever since the war, but now England definitely
recognized it as Canadian. Canada, having just acquired
297
such a large accession of land, was, on the whole,
pleased with the new dispensation, and, at a period when
most of the older colonies were grumbling against the
mother country, England found a valuable ally in the
French Canadians.

The Quebec Act also confirmed the claim of the


military government at New York to the territory of the
Green Mountains, which increased the determination of
the Vermonters to resist both New York and British
authority.

109. Other Complaints. These were not the only


causes of complaint the English colonists in America had
against England.

In the first place, due to the difficulty in enforcing


many of the laws designed mainly to show British
authority over America, it proved necessary for the British
government to send over large numbers of English
bureaucrats to take charge of that enforcement. Of
course, these bureaucrats were given extensive powers
in the way of collecting their salaries and expenses from
the people in America, adding considerably to the
economic difficulties of the Americans. This petty tyranny
was a source dissatisfaction among all classes of
Americans, and pleased nobody except the officials
themselves. In North Carolina, the governor helped
himself liberally to everything the people had, much of
which went for the support of officials, but most of which
went to enrich the governor himself. This had been a
recognized practice in New York ever since its foundation,
but North Carolina did not submit so easily, and armed
groups of citizens called "Regulators" were formed to
oppose this type of robbery. They made the mistake,
298
however, of assembling openly and avowing their
purpose, thus giving the British militia the chance of
defeating them decisively before the organization could
get a good start. Most of the Regulators, as well as their
sympathizers, escaped into the Watauga colony beyond
the mountains, helping to make it more defiant of British
authority than ever. Many also fled to the mountains of
North Carolina itself, within the lines still open for
settlement under the royal proclamation, and practically
made a rebel district out of the mountain region. An
undercurrent of resentment was also left in the older
North Carolina villages nearer the seacoast.

In Pennsylvania, including its autonomous


appendage, the Delaware Counties, the Penn family had
become regular feudal lords, insisting on their aristocratic
and manorial privileges at the expense of the people of
their land. This meant straining of relations between the
poorer elements of the population, and the Penn family,
who for their own benefit were taxing the people of the
two colonies to the utmost. This family, now established
as feudal overlords of the two colonies for nearly a
century, were no longer following the liberal principles on
which their ancestor, William Penn, had proceeded in
founding the colony, but, being, as it were, "born to the
purple," they had become petty tyrants. The Sons of
Liberty in Pennsylvania and the three lower Delaware
counties directed their efforts toward supporting the
interests of the common people against those of the
Penns. In the lower counties there was the additional
local appeal that freedom from control by the Penns
would also mean separation from Pennsylvania itself,
whose authority over them had always irked the
Delaware Counties.
299
New England and Pennsylvania had been anxious for
over a century to accomplish the abolition of slavery. In
New England, the Penacook Federation had always
opposed the introduction of slavery, and the
Okamakammesset motto, "No slave upon our land," had
been gradually inculcated into the Puritans as well. Even
as early as 1634, resolutions were passed in the
Massachusetts Bay General Court condemning slavery.
Pennsylvania was inhabited by Quakers, to whom
slaveholding was a sin, and who considered all men
rightfully equal, but Great Britain would not permit any
measures looking toward actual abolition of slavery, with
the result that New England and Pennsylvania were both
straining at the leash. This situation had been more
serious since the time Queen Anne had undertaken to act
as slave-trade agent for Spain; and later Great Britain
attempted to force the American colonies to handle this
trade. Many New Englanders were not averse to taking up
this enterprise, but general opinion was against it, and
though, under British rule, such traders were within the
law, the home towns in New England lost no opportunity
of harassing such people, if it had to be done by legal
technicalities and hair-splitting. New England and
Pennsylvania both resented having slavery and the slave-
trade forced upon them; and this made an additional
reason for objection to government by Britain. In the
South, of course, where almost all labor was performed
by slaves working for landed aristocrats, there was no
such objection; neither was there any such objection in
New York and its extension, East Jersey, where the slave-
trade was an important item of livelihood, and where
slavery had begun to spread considerably. West Jersey,
however, sided with Pennsylvania, from which it was
colonized, against the mother country.
300
110. Smugglers' Resistance. We have seen that
the smuggling rings in the various American ports
became allied with the Sons of Liberty in so far as the
taxation question was involved. In Connecticut and Rhode
Island, which had never been under direct supervision
from England as had the other colonies, England's
attempts at thus controlling the import trade seemed a
direct blow at the popular administration of the
provinces, and possibly an entering wedge towards
placing those colonies under an English governor as the
others had. Both provinces were full of harbors and bays
and inlets which were favorable for smuggling; but
Connecticut's harbors opened on Long Island Sound, not
directly on the ocean, while Rhode Island opened on the
ocean, and was therefore better situated for smuggling
operations, which were now actually conducted with the
approval of the provincial government.

To prevent this lawbreaking, a British ship was


stationed at the mouth of Narragansett Bay, at the
original Red Island. This ship, the Gaspee, searched
thoroughly every ship that attempted to pass in or out.
The smuggling trade and the taxation question were, of
course, of little or no interest to the secret organizations
behind the Sons of Liberty; but a direct interference by
Great Britain in the affairs of the colony of Rhode Island
and Providence Plantations, one of the great strongholds
of popular rights, was a different matter. So, one night in
1772, eight boats filled with people set out from
Providence for the mouth of the bay, proceeded
noiselessly as befitted their secret mission, and came up
unexpectedly alongside the Gaspee. Then the passengers
of these boats, still unnoticed, and without arousing the
suspicions of the Gaspee's crew, boarded the British ship,
301
and seized everyone on board. The ship's crew were
taken off to shore and left bound, while the Gaspee itself
was set on fire.

The British authorities offered a reward of £4000 for


information leading to the arrest of the guilty parties, but
nobody volunteered any information. This expedition was
conducted in secrecy, and has remained in the same
cloud of secrecy ever since. It was never revealed who
was responsible for this act of defiance, the first of its
kind to show itself in America out of all the mass of
complaint and discontent.

Finally the British Parliament, now more desperately


attempting to assert its authority over America rather
than to obtain a revenge, decided, in 1773, to repeal all
import taxes but one―enough to show America that
Britain still ruled. This was what it was thought would be
a comparatively unimportant one, namely, a tax on tea,
which, due to the smuggling trade, was not imported
from England to any great extent. The British
government, however, this time made arrangements with
the British East India Company by which tea could be
"dumped" in America more cheaply than it was sold in
England, and more cheaply than it could be smuggled in
from Holland.

Under this arrangement, the British East India


Company sent test shiploads of tea to importers in all the
large American ports in the fall of 1773, the British
government hoping that by that means it might prove
possible to collect some revenue from America. Needless
to say, this attempt at forcing goods on America came
into direct conflict with the boycott on British goods which
had been maintained by the Sons of Liberty and their
302
affiliated secret associations and committees. Even in
New York, where the boycott was not on British articles,
but merely on taxable material, there was serious
objection to forcing shiploads of goods in that manner on
merchants who had never ordered them. The British
authorities assumed a threatening attitude, and one
which amounted to a warning that the people of the
various ports would be held strictly responsible for any
boycott, or for anything that happened to the cargoes. As
a rhymester of the time expressed the British point of
view in the matter:

"Buy it, my pretty maids, white, black, or


brown!
If not, we'll cut your throats and burn your
town!"

In most of the ports, the consignees, who had never


actually ordered the tea, were easily persuaded to refuse
to take it; and, as even the law imposed on America from
England had not as yet provided for forcing anyone to
buy anything not asked for, the East India Company's
ships had little else to do than go back to England with
their entire cargoes. This happened at New York,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, and several other ports. At
Charleston, in South Carolina, the Sons of Liberty actually
went to the extent of buying up ship and cargo, and
burning them in the harbor; whereby a conspicuous
demonstration was effected, and no tax paid, while the
ship owner and the East India Company received their
money and had nothing of which to complain.

Such displays of ill will had, of course, been


expected from Boston, and there the East India Company
303
took the precaution of arranging with a Boston merchant
to receive the tea. To induce this consignee to resign was
not possible; and, since Boston had a large military force
occupying it, any open exhibition of resentment against
landing the tea was equally out of the question.

The Boston smuggling ring was especially


concerned in keeping the tea out of the town; while the
Okamakammesset sympathizers, from Middlesex and the
interior of Massachusetts, were little interested in the tax
on tea; much more in bringing matters to the point of
rebellion. The smugglers were pacific, talking against the
authorities, but taking no decisive steps, and were totally
out of sympathy with any attempt to make Massachusetts
independent of Great Britain. The Okamakammessets,
therefore, whose interest in tea was almost nil, saw in
this impasse a good opportunity to force the smuggling
ring into a rebel position.

When the East India Company's ship landed at


Griffin's Wharf in Boston on Sunday, November 28, 1773,
the Boston smuggling group, and the Sons of Liberty,
organized mass meetings of protest at the Old South
Church and at Faneuil Hall. The ship captain was
persuaded to postpone landing the tea, to avoid civil
disturbances in the town. But the law only allowed a
delay of twenty days, and after this time the consignee
could force an unloading of the cargo.

In the meantime, the protest meetings went on, and


delegates were sent to the governor in vain to seek some
peaceful way out of the situation. In the evening of the
nineteenth day of the twenty, Thursday, December 16,
1773, after some of the Okamakammesset sympathizers
in the Sons of Liberty had managed to dispose of the ship
304
captain by the suggestion that a solution might be
reached by a last minute appeal to the governor at his
residence in Milton, a great special town meeting was
held in Boston in the Old South Church. Samuel Adams, a
leader in the smuggling ring, but with strong rebel
tendencies, was addressing the meeting of the citizens of
Boston, telling them that everything possible had been
done to keep the tea out of the town, and that it would be
necessary to bow to superior force; when suddenly, from
the street was heard the sound of war-whoops,
reminiscent of the old days when the red tribes raided a
town. The citizens attending the town-meeting flocked to
the door, to find the streets filled with what seemed like
an army of red men, in Mohawk regalia, marching down
toward the docks.

It would appear that, in the afternoon, as soon as it


had become obvious that the ship captain would be out of
town, crowds of people were brought in across the
Charles River from Middlesex, and that it was these
Middlesex rebels who were marching through the streets
of Boston, disguised as Mohawks. The citizens of Boston
themselves were practically all in the town-meeting
seeking a peaceful solution of the difficulty with the tea;
and the Mohawk regalia, considering that the Mohawks
themselves were British allies, must have come from the
supply captured by some Penacook tribe during the past
wars; and, coming from Middlesex, that tribe must have
been the Tribe of the Okamakammessets. The whole
arrangement was started and finished, however, in such a
shroud of mystery that, although thousands of people
must have been connected with it, neither the citizens of
Boston―even those friendly to the rebels―nor the ship
captain, nor the governor and his militia, had the slightest
305
inkling of what was coming; and so secret was it that
nobody to this day has ever found out definitely who was
in this unusual procession. As Julian Hawthorne says:
"Who were they?―Never was a secret better kept; after
six score years we know as little did King George's
officers on that night. They seem to have sprung into
existence solely to do that one bold deed, and then to
vanish like a dream."

Whoever may have been in this strange procession,


they marched down to Griffin's Wharf to the tune of war-
whoops, boarded the ship "Dartmouth," on which the tea
was still loaded, tomahawked the tea chests open, and
threw their contents into the Bay. All night these
"Indians" worked, until the last tea-leaf had gone to join
its fellows in the gigantic brew of tea which was prepared
that night, using the waters of Boston Harbor, and boiled
on the fires of the Okamakammesset rebel spirit.

This incident, which has since come to be known as


the Boston Tea Party, was not an important victory in
itself, but it did have the effect of crystallizing sentiment
on both sides. The smuggling associations hitherto had
been hesitant about drastic measures; but now they
would certainly be blamed for this destruction of the East
India Company's tea, especially since some of them had
been heard to say that the tea ought to be destroyed.
The result was that the smugglers were forced into a
rebel position, whether they liked it or not, and the
Middlesex rebels had definitely gained them as allies.
This "Tea Party" both strengthened the rebel line-up in
America and definitely antagonized England―not so
much against America as against Boston.

"No, never such a draught was poured


306
Since Hebe served with nectar
The bright Olympians and their lord,
Her over-kind protector,
Since Father Noah squeezed the grape,
And took to such behaving
As would have shamed our grandsire ape
Before the days of shaving.
------
No, ne'er was mingled such a draught
In palace, hall, or arbor,
As freemen brewed and tyrants quaffed
That night in Boston Harbor!"
-Holmes

This act of insurrection actually proved to be the


turning-point which set America definitely on the road to
revolution. The rebel feeling was certainly not over the
tea; and the tax question interested only a small portion
of those who were opposed to the British policy in
America. But a secretly-arranged demonstration, sprung
as a surprise in the same manner in which Andros had
formerly been overthrown, was calculated to set off rebel
fires in quarters having no connection with the tea
troubles.

"Ah, little dreams yon quiet dame


Who plies with rock and spindle
The patient flax, how great a flame
Yon little spark shall kindle!
The lurid morning shall reveal
A fire no king can smother,
307
Where British flint and Boston steel
Have clashed against each other!
Old charters shrivel in its track,
His worship's bench has crumbled;
It climbs and clasps the Union Jack;
Its blazoned pomp is humbled.
The flags go down on land and sea
Like corn before the reapers.
So burned the fire that brewed the tea
That Boston served her keepers."
―Holmes

111. Correspondence Committees. Ever since


the war, the Okamakammessets had not wished to rely
on the comparatively open association of the Sons of
Liberty entirely for making public contacts, and had
organized an intermediate group to maintain contacts
with everyone concerned in Massachusetts. This society
consisted of a group of "correspondence committees,"
picked at first by the Okamakammessets from among
their sympathizers, to maintain communication with one
another, and with both the Tribal Councils and members,
and the more open organizations, such as the Sons of
Liberty and the more rebellious town meetings, and by
means of which suggestions could pass along quietly to
the proper place at the proper time. These committees
maintained their own messengers, based on the old
Penacook courier system, using the same roads, riding
secretly to transmit messages; and sometimes these
riders also carried false messages for the authorities to
capture.

308
Later, the Sons of Liberty followed the example,
choosing their own correspondence committees on the
same plan; and the example was later followed, after the
"Boston Massacre," by the town meetings in many parts
of New England. These various grades of correspondence
committees representing different societies maintained
contact with each other, in many cases not knowing
exactly whom these committees they corresponded with
actually represented. The tribe itself, and other secret
tactical organizations, were thus able to keep themselves
out of sight of even the groups which were working
among the people for a change.

This correspondence committee system centered


about Middlesex County, which was the original home of
the Okamakammessets. It soon spread over not only
Massachusetts, but the rest of the New England
provinces, and amounted to a secret restoration of the
old New England Confederation. Vermont, which was
officially part of New York, but which was actually
maintaining itself independent of all outside authority
including the British, affiliated itself with this system as
an aid to maintaining its independence, although with a
warning that no outside encroachments would be
allowed.

The first attempt at affiliating with this


correspondence committee framework outside New
England was on the part of Virginia, which, as we have
seen, although not in sympathy with New England's
difficulties, had its own troubles with British authority.
Virginia's correspondence committee, however, was not
actually a secret association as were those in New
England, but was in reality an open legislative committee
to correspond with the New England rebels; and which,
309
far from being a help, actually endangered the insurgents
in New England. Virginia's example was followed by other
Southern provinces, and this at least had the effect of a
design for united action, but one which the New
Englanders had to be on their guard against. The Sons of
Liberty in New York arranged finally similar committees
as a link between New England and the South, but these
functioned merely as a communication link, as the New
York organization had never been willing to undertake
united action with anybody else.

112. The Boston Port Bill. The news of the


"Boston Tea Party" was, as may be expected, received in
England by a general fury on the part of the authorities.
This animosity was not directed against America as a
whole, there never having been such a unit in existence
politically; not even against the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, whose responsibility in the matter
was not obvious. It was directed against the town of
Boston, where the trouble occurred, and which had
already aroused considerable antagonism in England. It
seemed to be largely an issue with the British
government whether the British Empire could beat
Boston, or whether Boston could beat the British Empire.
Such recommendations were heard in Parliament as: "I
would pull Boston about their ears, and wipe out that nest
of locusts."

The final result of the winter's discussion in an


enraged Parliament was the passage of what was known
as the Boston Port Bill, closing the port to all trade, and
abolishing the charter government of Massachusetts. The
province, including Maine, was placed under a military
government, and all town meetings were forbidden,
bringing back approximately the same situation as under
310
the Andros regime. The fact that Boston had overthrown
Andros in a hurried surprised attack never discouraged
the British government from trying the same experiment
again.

Because all these actions of the British Parliament


were taken in the King's name, as is the habit with the
British government, the idea spread in America that it
was the Crown that was to blame, but that England itself
was on America's side. The fact remains, however, that it
was Parliament that took action every time during this
period, and that America was contending not with the
British King, but with the Parliament, the representatives
of the British people; and it was the Parliament that was
so intent on taking revenge on Massachusetts.

To further punish the town of Boston, the capital was


to be removed from there to Salem, where a hand-picked
legislature was to be allowed to assemble provided they
would obey the military governor of the province.

The new arrangement was to go into effect


Wednesday, June 1, 1774. A large military force, under
the command of General Gage, who was to be the new
military governor of Massachusetts, was sent over to
occupy the province, and especially Boston. A renewal of
the Andros regime was expected.

The whole plan of this military government of


Massachusetts was on the basis of collecting an
indemnity, and the occupation was supposed to last until
the East India Company was paid damages for the
destroyed tea. This procedure called forth expressions of
sympathy from the rest of the American provinces, such
as: "Don't pay for an ounce of the damned tea," from the
311
Virginia correspondence committee; while, in many
places, supporters of the rebel movement started
propaganda to ban the use of the "noxious word," tea.
New York, however, where the military type of
government had been ingrained in the people's habits for
over a century, seemed to take the same attitude as
England, that Massachusetts was being disobedient and
was getting proper punishment.

In the meantime Middlesex County was preparing to


disregard the new regime soon to be imposed on
Massachusetts from England. Representatives from the
town meetings assembled into a County Convention at
Concord, which was to take charge of the new local
administration. For enforcement of the peace in
Middlesex, and to prevent the British military government
from taking control in Middlesex, a local volunteer militia
was gathered together through the various secret
societies, meeting and operating in secret, and adopting
the slogan "Ready at a minute's notice," a slight
alteration of the Okamakammesset slogan, "Prompt when
duty calls." For this reason the new under-cover militia
became known as the Minute Men. Similar County
Conventions and Minute-Men bands were quietly
assembled in other counties of Massachusetts on the
Middlesex model, and delegates from the various County
Conventions met in Concord as a "Provincial Assembly" to
coordinate all the work of the county associations and
supervise an organized resistance to the new military
regime that was being sent over from England to take
charge of the affairs of Massachusetts. The County
Conventions and the Provincial Assembly retained the
real allegiance of the bulk of the population of the
province (outside of the small aristocracy and
312
bureaucracy, which was not important in Massachusetts
outside of Boston itself). The program was to be, not a
definite revolt against the new authority (since support
for a definite rebellion against England would at that time
have been difficult to muster), but a passive resistance,
organized and orderly, to the authority until such time as
further and more decisive action could be taken. This
passive resistance was given the name of "civil
disobedience," which was the entering wedge to casting
off the shackles of British rule in America.

313
CHAPTER XX

THE PERIOD OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE


113. A New Military Regime Enters
Massachusetts. General Gage was sent over from
England to take charge of the new military dictatorship
established in the province by the Boston Port Bill. As
with the previous case of the Andros tyranny, it meant a
dissolution of town meetings, legislatures, and in fact
everything that gave the people of the province any
314
connection with the administration of the colony. In
neighboring New Hampshire, which was wedged in
between two parts of the province of Massachusetts Bay
(Maine then being part of Massachusetts), and where the
royal governors and the town meetings were still
functioning as rival governments of the same territory,
this military rule in Massachusetts, besides establishing a
threat of the return of the Andros domination, was also
enough to revive the old hostility between the two rival
systems of government locally, the town meetings, which
meant to say, the people of New Hampshire as a whole,
naturally sympathized with the suppressed town
meetings in Massachusetts on which they had been
modelled. Connecticut and Rhode Island, the only
provinces which elected their own governors, were
naturally afraid of losing the self-government they had
enjoyed all this time. Even the South felt that it was a
threat to them in their battle for land in the interior if
once the precedent of military occupation of an American
colony should become established. In Pennsylvania,
where the strain had been continuing between the people
and the ruling Penn family, this military occupation and
dictatorship in Massachusetts was naturally felt to be a
dangerous precedent; while the "lower Delaware
counties," which had been trying to break away from the
control of Pennsylvania, naturally found encouragement
in a civil disobedience movement such as was forming in
Middlesex. In the Green Mountains, where independence
had been practically an accomplished fact for years, the
civil disobedience movement in Massachusetts was
sympathized with, but naturally did not go as far as
Vermont in defiance of British authority. Thus all the
colonies of English origin, except the recently colonized
New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, were definitely raged on
315
the side of the civil disobedience organization in
Massachusetts. Even little Bermuda, out in mid-Atlantic,
felt the "representative institutions" they boasted of were
now being endangered. But it was otherwise with the
British possessions in America which were not of British
origin. New York, which was still largely Dutch in speech
after over a century of British rule, had always been used
to considering government from above as the only
natural procedure, and so had the tendency to
sympathize with the military rule in Massachusetts; also
the City of New York felt that it could derive benefit from
the suppression of trade in the rival port of Boston. The
Floridas, recently conquered from France and Spain, had
never had any representative institutions to defend. The
same thing happened with the French in Canada,
although a small group of "patriots" there saw an
opportunity to organize an insurrection and return to
French rule; but the numerous small landowners, knowing
the opposition of the "Bastonnais" to feudal tenure of
land, were afraid of losing their estates; besides which,
the Canadian efforts to expand into the interior conflicted
with the claims of Virginia’s rebels, and the Canadians,
since the Quebec Act, had a certain amount of British
recognition on their side.

The actual commencement of the military authority


in Massachusetts accentuated the split between
legislatures and governors in the other colonies. The
Virginia legislature set aside June 1, the date of the
inauguration of the new Massachusetts military rule, as a
day of mourning; whereat the governor ordered the
legislature dissolved, and used military force to drive
them out of the hall where they were meeting; the
Burgesses then all went to a neighboring building,
316
resuming the session, declaring themselves, and not the
governor, to be the true government of Virginia.

Boston temporarily accepted the military


governorship with a sullen determination to refuse to co-
operate, and to resist under cover, as far as possible. The
import and export trade of Boston being cut off under the
new regulations (part of the punishment for the "Tea
Party"), the Boston merchants were offered free use of
Salem wharves for the emergency.

The military control of Massachusetts never


penetrated far into the interior of Massachusetts, but
confined itself largely to the seacoast, and most
particularly to Boston, with a sub-headquarters at Salem,
where it was hoped to establish a capital of the province
to replace Boston. The whole regime, while intended to
be an abolition of representative government in
Massachusetts, was primarily a punishment of Boston for
the destruction of the East India Company's tea.

In the interior of Massachusetts, and through almost


all of Maine, the "civil disobedience" regime was in full
effect, having its own peace officers, its own legislature,
its own courts (the "committees of safety" that were
formed to replace the town meetings if it should be found
impracticable to call all the citizens together for a
meeting), and its own militia (the Minute Men). Raids by
the British militia, either to make arrests or to confiscate
munitions of the Minute Men, were frequent, and
repressions were common during these raids; but
beginning with the effectiveness of the civil disobedience
regime, directed from Middlesex County, the old
Okamakammesset land, we may say that Massachusetts,
except certain small seaboard areas, was functioning in
317
point of fact independently of Great Britain, subject
merely to occasional raids, which were generally met by
peaceable forms of resistance as far as possible.

The military regime imposed by Great Britain was


actually intended to be a renewal of the Andros tyranny
which was overthrown in Boston in 1689; but General
Gage was of a different character from Andros, in that
Gage did not go out of his way to look for trouble. Faced
with a hostile interior, he preferred to wait his time rather
than risk too much by an immediate attack; and neither
had he any intention of unnecessarily provoking another
such revolt in Boston as "smote the crest of Andros
down"; Gage was resolute when action was called for, but
did not believe in unnecessary severity.

Thus, on June 1, 1774, the Province of


Massachusetts Bay was divided into two regimes, neither
of which had taken any part of the previous colonial
government into its own formation. One was the British
military regime, in Boston, and a few other seacoast
places, which, instead of taking over the former colonial
government, built anew on the basis of the militia sent
over from England; while, on the opposite side of the
picture, occupying the whole interior of the province, was
the civil disobedience regime, which was actually
independent of Great Britain and had no connection with
anything in any of the other colonies, and which, likewise,
used no part of the colonial government in the formation
of the new regime. The regime built up by the "civil
disobedience" went back to the town meetings, the
meetings of the citizens of each town, and, discarding all
the former superstructure, built everything anew.

318
Thus, in the other colonies, the movement against
the British government had to be built up on the already
existing legislatures, and was therefore a movement of
one part of the colonial government against another part,
so that even a successful revolt could only result in a
continuation of the old regime in some form; but in
Massachusetts, on the contrary, no part of the old
colonial administration was used, and the change of
administration in the area under control of the "civil
disobedience" regime was not only independent, but
completely new. Thus, not only did Massachusetts have
the first independent regime in America of any of the
white settlements; it was the only colony in which a
complete break was made from the old order, taking over
no officials , no assemblies, no departmental
organizations whatever. Vermont, of course, formed
really another exception, since it had been in a state of
de facto independence for eighteen years; but, even
there, there was a complete continuation in its entirety of
the regime that had recognized a nominal allegiance to
Great Britain, as contrasted with the complete break in
Massachusetts.

Another characteristic of the "civil disobedience" in


Massachusetts was the complete lack of visible
leadership, which did not prevent the organization from
functioning with perfect smoothness and accord. Of
course, there was considerable under-cover directing
done; but that was ordinarily not known to those taking
part in the "civil disobedience" administration, who
functioned without any actual known leaders, as is
generally the way that New Englanders function best.

This date, Wednesday, June 1, 1774, which was


intended by England to mark the complete subjugation of
319
Massachusetts, was also the date of the commencement
of an independent administrative regime, and is the date
from which, at present, Massachusetts dates its actual
independence. From that date on, the population of
Massachusetts and Maine refused to recognize or obey
the orders of the government of Great Britain.

114. Congress of the United Colonies. The


implied threat to void the charters of the other American
colonies and to administer them direct from England
became very much of a reality when the military regime
was established in the Province of Massachusetts Bay.
Virginia became more anxious than ever to assert her
charter "rights" of aggression into the interior, and an
application was made to Great Britain to permit the
incorporation of the "Vandalia Company" to hold the land
between the mountains and the Ohio River. The request
was refused, in accordance with the British policy of
reserving for the tribes the land beyond the mountains.

At this denial, Virginia became suddenly solicitous


about "rights" and "liberty," though the said rights
apparently actually consisted of the right to steal land
from others. So a call was sent out for united action in the
form of a sort of revival of the Stamp Act Congress to
send new petitions to Great Britain for mercy, and, as a
result in September the "Congress of the United Colonies
of America" met at Philadelphia, consisting of delegates
from the various legislatures in sympathy with the protest
at British policies. This Congress, like its short-lived
predecessor of 1754, was known as the "Continental
Congress," and considered itself as a renewal of the
former experiment, whose author, Benjamin Franklin, was
a member of the new Congress.

320
It must be remembered that at that time there was
no American nation, nor was even British North America
considered a single country, but as a group of a number
of separate countries under a single sovereignty. The
only connection, for example, between Massachusetts
and New Hampshire was in their common subjection to
England; and England saw to it that the various colonies
made no attempt to get together for common action on
the American side of the ocean. The formation of the
Continental Congress, therefore, in September, 1774, was
in itself an act of defiance of British authority, though
having nothing whatever to do, except incidentally, with
the "civil disobedience" trouble in Massachusetts. The
Continental Congress was also not an attempt to make a
single country out of the various colonies represented,
but simply an attempt to organise some sort of concerted
action for emergencies, as was the New York Congress of
the rebel provinces in 1690. The Continental Congress
was thus not as yet the creation of a federal authority,
but was merely the embryo of such an organisation. It
derived its sources, however, very definitely from the
Continental Congress of 1754, which was of Iroquois
origin, and from the old traditions of the New England
Confederation and its successor the new York Congress,
this being a line of descent tracing directly to the
Penacook Federation.

The Continental Congress of 1774 represented


colonial legislatures exclusively, unlike the abortive one
of 1754, which represented the colonial administrations
which were mostly appointed from England. Georgia,
which was not recognized in the 1754 plan because it
was a penal colony, nevertheless had an organized
provincial assembly, and was therefore represented in
321
the Continental Congress, where their recognition of
equality made them glad to join. In Penn's domain, the
so-called Lower Delaware Counties, having a separate
legislature from Pennsylvania proper, though under the
same governor, were naturally considered as part of
Pennsylvania in Franklin's original plan of 1754, but had
separate representation in the Congress of the United
Colonies, and were recognized as a separate colony
there, though not officially by the provincial
administration in Philadelphia. The unrecognized colonies
of Vermont, Transylvania, and Watauga were refused
representation in the Continental Congress because their
legislatures had no regular standing that the other
legislatures could recognize, besides the fact that
recognizing them would have been denying the claims of
the member colonies of New York, Virginia, and North
Carolina; and this the Continental Congress had no
authority to do. Virginia and North Carolina were in the
Continental Congress mainly in order to protest against
Great Britain's failure to recognize their claims to
Transylvania and Watauga respectively, and therefore
the Continental Congress had to respect those claims.

This Continental Congress had no authority over the


respective colonies whatever, but was intended as a
council of the colonies for action against encroachments
by the British administrations. The colonies represented
were: New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Providence
Plantations, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Lower Delaware Counties of Pennsylvania, Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. The
Continental Congress also having no executive power,
there was no actual administrative head, the nearest
thing to a head possessed by this Philadelphia
322
organization being the chairman, or President of the
Congress, who was actually nothing more than a
chairman, with no authority whatever himself.

Although the Province of Massachusetts Bay was


the actual center of the "civil disobedience" movement
that was challenging British authority in America, it was
not allowed representation in the Continental Congress
mainly because of that very fact. The Continental
Congress was a congress of officially recognized colonial
legislative assemblies, and Massachusetts now had
nothing like that to show. The military administration
there had ordered the legislature at first adjourned to
Cambridge, since Boston was being punished for the "Tea
Party," and could not be used as an assembly place; and,
as the first thing the legislature did was to send Governor
Gage a protest at being convened at a distance from the
provincial records, Gage immediately ordered the
legislature dissolved. No further attempt was made to
reconvene it, since the Provincial Assembly in Concord,
which was in charge of the "civil disobedience"
movement, was actually fulfilling legislative functions for
all parts of Massachusetts not under direct watch of the
military, and had the allegiance of the now outlawed town
meetings, which were the people of the province. This
Provincial Assembly, however, having no legal standing
under British sovereignty, could not be recognized as a
legislature by the Continental Congress, which
accordingly had no representation from Massachusetts.

The Continental Congress of 1774, like its


predecessor, the Stamp Act Congress of 1765 in New
York, met long enough to draw up a single petition, and
then adjourned. This document was a so-called "Petition
of Rights," which was merely an elaboration of the theory
323
of individual and colonial rights originally expounded in
the Stamp Act petition, and consisted mainly of begging
King George not to treat the other American colonies as
he had treated poor Massachusetts. This had, of course,
very little in common with the civil disobedience
movement of Massachusetts, which had scorned mere
petitions, and preferred to function through open
defiance and through a system of secret organizations
which could, at the proper time, act in measures of
complete surprise. The refusal of the Continental
Congress to recognize Massachusetts's Provincial
Assembly indicated how little sympathy there was
between the two movements, the rebel movement of
Massachusetts which was defying British authority on the
one hand, and the Continental Congress which was
petitioning the King for mercy on the other hand.

115. The Provincial Congress in


Massachusetts. The civil disobedience regime in
Massachusetts included mainly the farmers looking for a
restoration of their land, and the under-cover factory
workers who wanted the right to work in the type of
cooperation which Massachusetts had evolved for the
conduct of its factories, where the workers were not
nominally but actually in control of their work. The
smuggling ring which had little sympathy with these
elements, but was now forced to cooperate with them,
and which the British considered as the leaders of the
rebellious movement in Massachusetts, was mainly in the
places actually ruled by the British militia, so that they
and the civil disobedience were actually separated,
though in communication with one another; and the
rebels of the interior preferred to use the smugglers as
their spies in British-controlled territory, a purpose for
324
which the elaborate organization of "correspondence
committees" was admirably adapted.

Upon the dissolution of the General Court


(provincial legislature) of Massachusetts, General Gage
called for election of a new legislature, to assemble in
October at Salem. The entire province participated in this
election, though it was known that the legislature was
expected to be merely a "rubber stamp" for Gage, which
is precisely what the representatives from the civil
disobedience districts were instructed not to allow.
Around Boston, and the other seacoast centers held by
the militia, the loyalists, (or Tories, as they were called),
who had taken refuge there from all over the province,
elected a number of representatives, as did also some of
the smuggling ring who naturally had to side with the
"provincials," as the British called the rebels.

The first thing the General Court did at Salem was


to elect delegates to the Continental Congress, as they
could now do, being an officially recognized legislature
acting in opposition to the British administration.
Governor Gage, not intending to allow such actions, again
ordered the legislature dissolved, and, on their refusal to
adjourn, had them driven out by soldiers. The Tories in
the legislature then acquiesced; but the remainder of the
legislature, which was the majority, banded together
quietly later on, re-organizing as the Provincial Congress,
and adjourned to Concord.

The moving of the Provincial Congress to Concord,


and taking the place of the old Provincial Assembly at the
head of the "civil disobedience," was a disadvantage to
the revolutionaries in supplying them a thread of
connection with the old colonial regime, as well as with
325
the military government established by the Boston Port
Bill, therefore tending to end the discontinuity that, so
far, the rebels in Massachusetts alone had achieved; but,
even so, the Provincial Congress was largely kept in the
background, and the County Conventions, especially that
of Middlesex, took a more prominent place.

The election of delegates to the Continental


Congress, and the adoption of the title of Congress by the
provincial legislature, were intended as gestures of unity
and co-operation with a Continental Congress that had so
far refused to recognize Massachusetts. It was too late for
the Massachusetts delegates actually to go to
Philadelphia, as the Continental Congress of 1774 had
already adjourned; but this action of Massachusetts was a
move for the convocation of a new Continental Congress,
which the other colonies, the ones represented in the
Congress of 1774, arranged for, and set for the following
May in Philadelphia. The custom now became fixed of
electing and convening a new Continental Congress every
year.

The Provincial Congress, though it was allowed to


be the nominal head of the "civil disobedience"
movement, consisted more of representatives of the
smuggling ring and other elements who only had a
theoretical interest in what was going on, and were
therefore not so rebellious in tendencies as the Middlesex
revolutionary element required. Accordingly it did not
hold the allegiance of the people in "civil disobedience"
territory to the extent that its predecessor, the Provincial
Assembly, which represented directly the County
Conventions, held. On the other hand, its presence in
Concord gained the rebels the sympathies of elements
whose co-operation was needed at the time, and also
326
made it possible to co-operate with the other colonies
through the medium of such an incipient federation as
the Continental Congress. So the Provincial Congress was
allowed to function in Concord as the nominal head of
civil disobedience, while the real allegiance of the people
was retained by the County Conventions, and the town
meetings and town Committees of Safety.

116. Aid From New Hampshire. The province of


New Hampshire, located as it is between Massachusetts
and Maine, both of which were then under Massachusetts
Bay military rule, and in both of which a "civil
disobedience" campaign was organized, was in a peculiar
position, as holding an important line of communication
for the Massachusetts rebels. Since New Hampshire had
always been under two rival regimes, the royal governors
and the town meetings, which were merely at temporary
peace with each other, the sympathy of the town
meetings, which meant that of most of the people of New
Hampshire, naturally went with the rebels of the
neighboring province. The royal regime was, in fact,
almost isolated in that province, which had the "civil
disobedience" territory of Massachusetts to the south,
and the similar region of Maine to the east, while to the
west and northwest stretched the Green Mountain range,
the home of the defiant and unrecognized colony which
called itself Vermont. By sea, through the one harbor of
Portsmouth, was the only line of communication New
Hampshire had that was not controlled by either the
Massachusetts civil disobedience system or the Vermont
insurgents; and even that was so close to Maine that any
strong rebel action across the Piscataqua might mean a
blockade.

327
The people of the New Hampshire towns had
generally expressed a certain sympathy with the people
of the neighboring province. In Portsmouth, a protest
meeting over the Boston tea affair had been held the
previous winter at the same time that the "Tea Party" was
going on in Boston; and this winter the people of
Portsmouth, as well as in the neighboring regions of
Maine, were preparing for a grand memorial on Friday,
December 16, the first anniversary of the Boston Tea
Party.

In the meantime, in Massachusetts, throughout the


civil disobedience territory, the scattered British patrols
that occasionally appeared were busy on the hunt for the
ammunition that the civil disobedience regime was
secretly making and smuggling to its minute men. The
ammunition factory itself was located on a thickly
wooded hilltop in Watertown, a Middlesex town not far
from Boston itself, and from this location they had the
advantage of being able to see a long distance without
being seen themselves. The smuggling of powder and
guns was usually carried on successfully, although
sometimes the munitions were captured by the British
militia. Occasionally such artifices as raised drawbridges,
or causing small local fights with the militia, were used
successfully to detain the patrols until the contraband
munitions could be removed to a place of safety.

Smuggling into Maine, however, really required the


co-operation of the people of the twenty-mile corridor of
New Hampshire that separated the two parts of the
Province of Massachusetts Bay, Portsmouth being the
New Hampshire town that had to take the brunt of this
smuggling trade; it was also the capital and the only
seaport of the province.
328
Since both the British militia and the people of
Massachusetts anticipated clashes on the Tea Party
anniversary, much smuggling of munitions went on in
preparation for the sixteenth of December; and this
included the sending of supplies across New Hampshire
to the Minute Men in Maine; while the townspeople of
Portsmouth also procured part of the smuggled
ammunition to be ready for emergencies for their own
anniversary celebration.

Governor Gage had so far not attempted to


interfere with New Hampshire, which, being a separate
colony and administered as a separate nation, was
outside his territory; but this time he sent to the royal
administration in Portsmouth to ask for aid in the
suppression of the ammunition-smuggling.

The town correspondence committee in Boston


received word of this move, and, on Wednesday,
December 14, they sent one of their couriers, a Boston
silversmith by the name of Paul Revere, to Portsmouth by
way of the marshes of the New Hampshire coast, to warn
Portsmouth townspeople and the Minute Men in Maine
across the river, of the new move, and of the way the
administration of New Hampshire was taking a hand in
matters.

The messenger reached Portsmouth after an all-day


ride, in the evening of the fourteenth, but too late to
forestall action by the governor of New Hampshire. The
smuggled ammunition had been intercepted by the
British authorities in New Hampshire, and taken by the
soldiers to Fort William and Mary, on the island of New
Castle in Portsmouth Harbor. However, the appearance of
the rider gave them new courage, and carried with it the
329
suggestion of co-operation from the neighboring
province. A group of citizens of Portsmouth banded
together hastily, with such arms as they were able to
assemble in Portsmouth, rushed over to New Castle,
where Fort William and Mary, not expecting such a
sudden onslaught from the rear, proved unable to keep
the rebels out, with the result that the crowd entered the
fort, seized the captured ammunition, and returned to
Portsmouth with it.

This incident on the night of December 14, 1774, is


now claimed by New Hampshire as the real start of the
American Revolution, although it had no characteristics of
a revolution about it. There was no actual defiance of
authority; it was merely another of the numerous street
riots that had been taking place in America for some
time, on this occasion taken, on the spur of excitement,
into the fort, but with no object of capturing anything but
the smuggled goods they were after. There was no
intention to challenge the army's right to occupy the fort,
as was proved by the crowd's retiring as soon as they
obtained the contraband they were seeking.

But, in the eyes of England, this action placed New


Hampshire in the same rebel category as Massachusetts.
Their hands were too full with Massachusetts at the time
for them to be able to give New Hampshire much
attention, but it became painfully obvious that New
Hampshire was slated to receive punishment next, after
Massachusetts should have been fully dealt with.

117. The Winter of 1774. During the winter of


1774, Boston became more than ever isolated from the
rest of Massachusetts. Military patrols interfered
considerably with movement of people about the city,
330
and the military administration was afraid that too much
contact with the Middlesex rebels might result in a flare-
up of some sort in Boston. Governor Gage was under
orders to arrest Samuel Adams, John Hancock, and Joseph
Warren as leaders of the revolutionary movement and
ship them to England to be tried for treason (England
considered that no colonial court had sufficient authority
for such a trial); but Gage realized that these men were
not really leaders of the rebels, nor even a great
influence with them, so he postponed the unpleasant
duty as long as possible, especially since he considered
that premature action might provoke an uprising of some
sort in Boston; and this atmosphere of secret conspiracy
that surrounded him made him suspicious of any trivial
occurrence.

To such a governor, the constant series of


complaints that the citizens of Boston and the other
points under actual military control kept pouring in on the
slightest occasion was sufficient to give an impression as
to the difficulty of his task; but still, he was enough of a
military man to stand firm in spite of everything, and
stick to his determination to knock the idea of resistance
out of the heads of those Yankees in Massachusetts and
Maine. But one particular complaint seemed to make a
special impression on him. In December, when the boys
of the Boston Latin School began coasting down the slope
of School Street, in front of the school, as had been their
habit every winter, one of Gage's officers, who was
billeted across the street from the school, and was
disturbed by the coasting, and who considered that
sledding might interfere with military processions in the
street, had the coast broken up so as to prevent the
further use of sleds on that street. The school-boys met
331
together in standard town-meeting style, drew up a
complaint and delegated the principal of the school to
present the complaint to the officer across the street.
This was reported by the officer to Governor Gage, who
ordered the coast on School Street restored, remarking
that it was impossible to eradicate the notion of liberty
from a people who acquired it from childhood. Gage could
become hardened to complaints in general, but seemed
to think a complaint from children was something to be
feared. These children were the future Bostonians, and
they were fast learning the art of passive resistance
which was being promulgated from Middlesex.

We may note that the Boston Latin School of that


day was an elementary school, not a high school as it has
become at the present time, and it was then actually
situated on School Street, at about the place where is
now the hotel known as the Parker House; while the
headquarters of the officer to whom the complaint was
made is now the location of the Boston City Hall!

Anniversaries that the rebels (or rather, the "civil


disobedients" and the seaport smuggling rings) might use
as an occasion for celebration and gatherings, were most
especially feared by Governor Gage, and at such times he
always took special measures to see that no disturbance
was attempted in the territory under occupation of his
soldiers. The rebels themselves took full advantage of
this, not to make special resistance on those days, but to
work on his fears. The New Hampshire incident preceding
the anniversary of the Boston Tea Party is a good
example of this.

On Sunday, March 5, 1775, the fifth anniversary of


the Boston Massacre, it was attempted as usual to hold in
332
the Old South Church a memorial service for the victims
of that incident. The Governor could not help seeing some
sort of menace to himself in such a celebration, but was
afraid to raise too much trouble. Dr. Joseph Warren―one
of those whom Gage had been ordered to arrest―was
scheduled to make the speech. The building was so
crowded that the people overflowed into the surrounding
streets, and stood so thick that it was with great difficulty
that even Dr. Warren could get in. From the Province
House across the street, Governor Gage himself was
watching the crowd, ready to give orders to his regiment
in case of the slightest sign of trouble. The subject
selected by Dr. Warren for his speech was "On the
Baneful Influence of Standing Armies in Time of Peace,"
and it duly impressed the audience with the moral that
was obviously intended, though not definitely stated. No
attempts at rioting, however, took place, but General
Gage felt that something was in the air, that some new
form of resistance had been presented to the citizens of
Boston without his knowing quite what or how.

But, with the coming of spring, a seemingly more


dangerous anniversary was at hand―April 18, the
anniversary of the overthrow of Andros, traditionally
celebrated by the rebel elements in Massachusetts as a
double anniversary, the 18th for the overthrow of
despotism, and the 19th for the restoration of the popular
administration under the Puritan regime. This seemed
particularly ominous, as Gage was, in point of fact, taking
Andros's place, and attempting to restore Andros's
system of despotic and military administration. What
might not the anniversary of Andros's overthrow mean for
Gage? It was on that day then, that Gage determined to
arrest the "rebel leaders" he was ordered to ship to
333
England―Adams, Hancock, and Warren―and during that
period he was going to make a real effort to crush the
civil disobedience campaign in Concord itself, and take
possession of Middlesex itself. But, when the 18th of April
came around, it appeared that the three Bostonians that
were slated for arrest were not to be found anywhere. All
three, warned by the correspondence committee spy
system, had disappeared: Dr. Warren was hiding, and
Adams and Hancock had been sent into Middlesex
County, to hide out there until they should have the
chance to go secretly to Philadelphia and attend the
Continental Congress, to which the Salem legislature had
sent them as delegates.

Also, for no special reason except to put fear into


the city of Boston, and to prevent any demonstrations on
the 18th and 19th, Gage had the fleet in the harbor
bombard Boston on the 18th. This is the standard idea
the army and navy of England always have of punishing
any recalcitrant community; in this case, it merely served
to stir up resentment in many quarters where there had
been none before, and consolidated the rebel's ranks.

During this winter there had also been considerable


migration of the population, the Tory element in the
interior of Massachusetts moving into Boston to avoid
clashes with the civil disobedients, while the rebel
sympathizers in Boston, to a large extent, moved into
Middlesex and other interior points. But the Tories in
many cases did not consider even the military protection
in Boston as sufficient, and it was not difficult to see that
more trouble was in store. So there was considerable
migration of Tories from Boston to Canada and to New
York; while, on the other hand, many rebel sympathizers
moved out of New York, mainly to Philadelphia.
334
118. New York Attempts to Oust the
Vermonters. Vermont had been definitely assigned by
England to the province of New York, but with New
Hampshire issuing the land grants to settlers. The
Vermonters never actually recognized New York's
jurisdiction, and were prepared to resist any attempt to
break up the town-meeting system of administration they
had organized, but which was strictly illegal in New York.
It was not entirely a defiance to British authority, since
they had gone through the formality of acquiring land
title from New Hampshire, so that their right to the land
would be recognized in England.

But the Continental Congress of 1774, consisting of


legislatures which were mostly at variance with the royal
governors of their respective provinces, was encouraging
Virginia in pressing its claims to land beyond the
mountains where independent local governments had
already been set up; and the hint to the New York
legislature and its followers was only too obvious. The
court sitting at Albany, though royal by appointment,
was, of course, not unwilling to extend jurisdiction at this
time to suppress the Vermont rebels, at the same time
hoping for a reconciliation with the people and its
legislature, the interior of the province, unlike New York
City, being in sympathy with the Continental Congress,
and not above being bribed by an offer of new lands.

So some technicalities were found, according to


which all the land grants made by New Hampshire were
void, and New York province sued in its own courts to
oust all the Vermonters. Ethan Allen, the head of the
Vermonter's small army of defense, was despatched to
Albany to defend the Vermonter's side of the case. Since
he was not a lawyer but a soldier, his speech was not
335
based upon legal technicalities, but upon the general
principles of rights such as the New England rebels had
been enunciating; and, as might be expected of such a
speech before a court and in a community unmistakably
hostile, the case, which had obviously been pre-judged
anyway, was decided in favor of New York's own
provincial claims, in a court decision bearing the full
weight of British authority, as well as having the full
support of the Continental Congress and of the New York
Sons of Liberty. It was ordered that all Vermonters be
ousted from their land; a thing which, considering the
situation, was much easier to order than to do.

As Allen left the court house at Albany, he was


surrounded by a jeering throng of the citizens, who,
whether Tory or rebel, were all against the Yankee
intruders in Vermont. They kept on shouting at him: "Now
do you know you're licked?" Allen mounted his horse,
shouted: "The gods of the mountains are not the gods of
the plains," and rode off to Vermont to organize
resistance. A new volunteer army, known as the "Green
Mountain Boys," was organized by Allen in Vermont; and,
to prevent undue opposition from the rebels elsewhere,
Allen obtained a commission from his native province of
Connecticut, so that he and his army should have some
standing before the Continental Congress.

The Vermonters "did not know when they were


licked," and it was just that characteristically Yankee trait
of persistence which enabled them to hold out in what
seemed at the time a most absurd defiance of British
authority.

119. The British Raid Middlesex. We have seen


that, on Tuesday, April 18, 1775, the eighty-sixth
336
anniversary of the overthrow of the Andros regime in
Boston, the new military regime which England had
intended as a restoration of the Andros regime forestalled
possible demonstrations in Boston by bombarding the
city, and that the three leaders of the Boston smuggling
ring, Samuel Adams, John Hancock, and Joseph Warren,
were sought by the soldiers and went into hiding, the two
former in Middlesex, the latter in Boston. The rebel
celebration of the anniversary was a two-day celebration,
and the military dictatorship planned to show its power
the second day by raiding Middlesex County, the very
center of the rebels, and taking possession of the center
of civil disobedience, Concord, as well as seeking the
fugitives, Adams and Hancock.

The spy system that was kept up by the


correspondence committees and by the tribal
organization of the Okamakammessets was, however, in
good order on such an occasion. Middlesex farmers who
came to Faneuil Hall to sell their goods, as is still their
custom, were commissioned to act as tribal spies, and
kept their ears open for news of any hostile military move
while they were in Boston. The news thus reached
Concord in the early evening of the 18th, through
tribesmen returning home from market, that a visit from
the "duly constituted" authorities could be expected next
morning, looking for fugitives and munitions, and to
destroy the Provincial Congress and the entire civil
disobedience organization.

In order to throw the authorities in Boston off the


track, and make them believe that Middlesex was
unwarned, it was arranged that the Boston
correspondence committees should send out three
messengers to Middlesex in the middle of the night, but
337
as conspicuously as possible. This was arranged under
direction of Dr. Joseph Warren, who sent out three
messengers in a style somewhat similar to Van Corlear's
ride through Manhattan Island when the British attacked
New Amsterdam. These riders, operating by a set of
signal lights that could be seen by the militia better than
by the messengers themselves, started out through
Middlesex shouting from door to door the absurd news
"The British are coming"―absurd because Massachusetts
was recognized British territory, and Middlesex itself had
British patrols trying to keep order. The three messengers
were Paul Revere, who started from Charlestown―the
same messenger that rode to Portsmouth the time New
Hampshire captured their confiscated ammunition―and
two other messengers, William Dawes and a Dr. Prescott,
sent to Middlesex by way of Roxbury. All three
messengers were captured before they went far―as it
was deliberately designed that they should be. It should
have been obvious that, after the cautious way the civil
disobedience regime had been conducted, a message of
that importance would not be sent out with so little
precaution, in such a dramatic and conspicuous manner,
broadcasting the news to friend and foe alike in this
manner. But the military authorities, who, as is frequently
the case, fail to see through such pretext, were easily
deceived by that ruse, and were now able to proceed on
the assumption that they had actually prevented
Middlesex County from getting any news of the
impending raid. In point of fact, the Lexington committee
of safety had circulated a notice of the raid to the
townspeople at nine in the evening, about two hours
before the three riders started out from Boston.

338
That night the soldiers were ordered to permit no
one to leave Boston―though the order came too late to
prevent this dramatic display of horsemanship. In all the
surrounding towns, patrols watched carefully for any
signs of demonstration, or any crowds massing in the
streets; all of which, however, was no part of the civil
disobedience plans. From start to finish, there were no
mass demonstrations, making it extremely difficult for the
British soldiery to find any mark to shoot at. One mass
demonstration such as other countries find necessary for
having a revolution or a disagreement with authorities,
and the whole uprising could have been quelled with very
little difficulty. But, particularly on the night when the
military were looking for such demonstrations, all was
serene in Middlesex―apparently. The soldiers on patrol in
the metropolitan part of Middlesex met with no trouble or
interference; and, outside of capturing the three riders
with the false messages, nothing unusual occurred.

Of the actual transmission of the notice of the


coming raid, the general public naturally had no
knowledge. It was passed among the secret
correspondence committees, through channels provided
by the Tribe and by the Sons of Liberty organizations,
aided by the committees of safety, which finally received
the messages and spread the news to their followers in
each town. But so secretly was this done that it never
became publicly known, and the rider, Paul Revere, who,
according to his subsequent affidavit, never actually went
beyond the Cambridge hills, now is credited with warning
the population. He and the other two riders, Dawes and
Prescott, of course performed a useful spy service to the
rebels by throwing the army off guard, and making the
government authorities believe they wee making a
339
surprise raid; but to the unknown members of the tribe of
the Okamakammessets, who obtained the news by
mingling with the farmers in Faneuil Hall, and brought it
quietly back to Middlesex while they apparently had with
them only a wagon emptied of its load of farm produce,
belongs the real credit of notifying Middlesex County and
the entire civil disobedience organization of the coming
attack, and enabling them to resist in the most effective
way that could be planned by joint action of the towns in
and around Middlesex.

In the early morning of the 19th, the second day of


the rebel anniversary celebration, marking the restoration
of popular Puritan government in 1689, about five
hundred soldiers were landed from the British ship
Somerset on the Middlesex shore, in the swampy tide-
flats where is now East Cambridge. Another contingent of
five-hundred were sent out of Boston by land, through
Roxbury and Brookline and over the bridge at the town of
Cambridge (where the Anderson Bridge is now located),
into Middlesex. All was quiet as they marched through
these towns―even in Cambridge, the first Middlesex
settlement they encountered. Beyond Cambridge, the
troops from the Somerset joined them, and they
continued along the very path that had been laid out as a
post-road long ago by the Iroquois and Penacook tribes,
and followed the highway into the heart of Middlesex.

The next town they passed through was Menotomy


(now known as Arlington). It was dawn, and the streets
and the town-house square were absolutely empty―most
suspiciously empty, had the soldiers only been able to
read the signs rightly. All the soldiers in this punitive
expedition were surprised how foolishly easy it was, after
all, to march into this dreaded county of Middlesex―when
340
suddenly they found themselves being peppered with
bullets flying in all directions. And still the square was as
vacant as if the town had never been inhabited for a long
time. The minute-men were there, watching the
triumphal entry into Menotomy, and shooting at them
from behind every picket fence in town, thoroughly
invisible while they could see everything.

Had the army been able to shoot back, their morale


might have been more easily maintained; but, as it was,
it was impossible even to fire back. There was nothing to
shoot at. And there, in the square at Menotomy, the
modern Arlington Center, began the first real signs of
revolution in America―the attack on the British army, on
the representatives of all duly constituted authority in
Massachusetts, by the townspeople of the little town of
Menotomy, in Middlesex County, in the dawn of that
eventful day, April 19, 1775.

The British troops, still highly irritated over this


attack by an invisible enemy, though they had sustained
no actual losses, continued their march. It was reported
that the fugitives Adams and Hancock were hiding in the
next town, Lexington, and they must hurry on to capture
these dangerous characters, since the king wanted them
shipped back to England for trial. It took another hour to
march on to Lexington, where they again found an empty
street. Their experience in Menotomy might have warned
them against empty streets in Middlesex, but they had
not learned yet how American fighting was conducted.
The army passed by the very inn where Adams and
Hancock were spending the night, and marched into the
heart of the town of Lexington. Nothing was as yet to be
seen, and, at the church ahead of them, the road forked,
while behind the church, between the two branches of
341
the road, was the town green, the park which forms the
center of all New England towns. The British militia took
the right branch of the road, and passed by the church,
when they suddenly found themselves face to face with a
couple of hundred minute men gathered on Lexington
Green, and who had been invisible until then, due to the
church obstructing the view. These minute men had been
gathered there all night, expecting trouble, and preparing
to meet it, with arms if necessary. Their captain had
given them their orders: "Stand your ground. Don't fire
unless fired upon. But, if they mean to have a war, let it
begin here!" This was a natural order under the
circumstances, simply amounting to directions not to
start a fight, but to be ready to meet it; but the last part
of the order, turning out as it did to be prophetic, seems
to have made an impression as though it had been so
intended. At that, we may really consider that the war
had already started, at Menotomy one hour earlier.

Faced with this defiant-looking crowd of minute-


men, the leader of the British punitive expedition, Col.
Pitcairn, shouted, "Disperse, you rebels!" Then, seeing
that no attention was paid to his "reading the riot act," he
called out again: Damn you, why don't you disperse?"
Upon which the soldiers fired, killing seven minute-men.
The minute-men fired back, but the soldiers went on
along the road. Their chief objective was Concord, the
headquarters of the civil disobedience conspiracy.

While this shooting was going on, the fugitives


Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whom the army was
seeking, took advantage of the excitement, and started
out from Lexington, walking across country to Woburn,
about four miles away. There they waited for an
opportunity to get a stage to take them to Philadelphia
342
where the Continental Congress was to meet in May.
Adams and Hancock were elected as delegates to the
Continental Congress by the legislature that Gage had
dissolved in Salem, and, in spite of the army sent put to
capture them, they attended the Continental Congress
according to schedule.

The British army continued its march into Bedford,


where they found similar trouble to what they had
encountered in Menotomy, and at about seven in the
morning they entered Concord, thoroughly irritated, and
with their morale already badly damaged, in spite of their
apparent victory at Lexington. Fighting invisible enemies
on a long, hard march is not the best means of
maintaining an army's courage.

In Concord, the same suspiciously empty streets.


The rebel supply of ammunition there was discovered,
and the British seized it to bring it back to Boston (which,
as it turned out, they did in faster time than they had
intended). In the offing, down the street, appeared a
small group of minute-men similar to those at Lexington,
but retreating rapidly. Although the militia had not
intended to go beyond Concord, they started off in
pursuit. The minute-men retreated across the bridge
which crosses the Concord River at that point―the old
Wamesset River which was the heart if the land of the
Okamakammessets. The British followed in hot pursuit. At
the bridge, they were forced to thin out, coming a few at
a time over the narrow way. On the other side of the
bridge, they found, not the small group of minute-men
they were pursuing, but an aggregation of about three
thousand waiting for them: the minute-men of all
surrounding towns, who had poured into Concord during
the night in order to be ready to meet the emergency. As
343
at Lexington, the British soldiers fired; the fire was
returned by a rebel force that outnumbered them, and
the British, who, on account of the bridge, were not in a
position to make much use of their numbers, and whose
morale had been injured already by the earlier events of
the morning, broke out in a panic. They ran―ran as hard
as they could―all of the twenty-odd miles of the road
back to Boston. The issue had been tried out between
Middlesex and the British Empire, and Middlesex County
was winning.

The word was sent out into the interior of


Massachusetts of the victory over the raiders, in the
cryptic form: "Their sun has set on Worcester and
Middlesex." This might seem on the surface, to be a
message of defeat; but, taken in connection with the
famous British boast that the sun never sets on the
British dominions, the meaning becomes obvious. The
inhabitants were now rid of the military authority, and of
the nobles who had been taking away their land and
forcing them into servitude. From now on, no more
saluting the lord of the manor; the farmers had regained
the freedom they had traditionally enjoyed before the
days of the infamous Governor Andros.

"He made obeissance, mute and slow,


Repaid by nod polite;
For such the way with high and low
Till after Concord fight."
- Holmes.

From Concord, the town that had served as the

344
center of the civil disobedience campaign, now dated the
foundations of an independent America, from the battle
at the old Concord bridge on the morning of April 19,
1775. The province of Massachusetts Bay was now
definitely beginning a revolution, and well may
Massachusetts celebrate the anniversary, April 19, in
memory of this occasion, which was also the anniversary
of the restoration of popular government after Andros
was overthrown. The rebels had made a good job of
celebrating their anniversary.

120. The Pursuit. The British troops retreated in


panic from Concord, closely pursued by minute-men,
who, in addition to the ones at Concord, came swarming
from all directions ready to shoot at the fleeing soldiers.
Rebel groups appeared all along the road, some showing
themselves and firing, flying various rebel banners,
prominent among which was the one set up by the
Okamakammessets, the red banner of the red tribes, with
the pine-tree which was the emblem of the Penacook
peoples, and which had recently become a symbol of
liberty.

"The people's spokesmen were pursued


By soldiers through the land,
While round them Bay Land's people, armed,
Arose on every hand.
They thus repulsed the tyrant's men,
As, floating at their head,
Appeared the Bay Land freedom's flag;
The banner of the red."

345
Though many groups of minute-men were visible,
many more of them were not to be seen, but fired, in the
fashion of the red men, from behind trees, fences, and
any other hiding-places they could find. Through
Lexington and Menotomy ran the pursuit; here the British
army split, part heading for Charlestown and part heading
for Roxbury. The part running towards Charlestown
passed through Medford, where new groups of minute-
men from distant Lynn and Salem were ready to greet
them with rifles and bullets; but, as in Charlestown, they
were met by more soldiers, who finally conducted them
safely to the Somerset or to Boston. The other group,
running through Cambridge and Roxbury, had a longer
way to go, but did not have to rely on boats to take them
into Boston. All along the way they were encouraged to
better speed by shots from behind trees and fences, or
sometimes from people whom they saw, though they
were in far too great a hurry to return the fire. Through
Cambridge thus, over the Charles River, across the plains
south of the river, pressed the pursuit; then into the hill
district at Brookline, where the road winds between the
hills of the town. From their lookout points on Corey Hill
and Aspinwall Hill the Brookline minute-men, themselves
unseen, opened fire; no messengers had been needed to
let them know what was coming, for from the top of
Corey Hill they could see the army approaching over an
hour in advance of their reaching Brookline. By now the
panic among the British soldiers had grown remarkably,
and, with Boston practically in sight, they redoubled their
speed. Through Roxbury, where they encountered similar
fire from the heights of Parker Hill and the Highlands, and
over Boston Neck, the isthmus that then was Boston's
only connection with the mainland, though now the tidal
346
flats on both sides of it have been thoroughly filled in. At
the junction of the road in Roxbury which has since been
given the name of Warren Street, they could see the
minute-men from Dorchester approaching down that
road, joining the pursuit. A reinforcement came out from
Boston to meet the British, conducting them safely into
the town, while the Roxbury and Dorchester minute-men,
pursuing, halted at the isthmus, and dug themselves into
a trench which they made across the isthmus at about
the point where now stands the Northampton Street
elevated station. Here they could remain unseen, and,
with the fewest possible men, they could bottle up the
authorities in Boston. The siege of Boston had begun,
and, in that one day, April 19, 1775, the revolution had
begun, the interior of Massachusetts had been cleared of
all the duly constituted authorities, and the civil
disobedience regime, now converted into an instrument
of active opposition, was supreme in its own territory.

Minute-men in the following towns of Middlesex and


its vicinity contributed to the fighting and pursuit on that
eventful day, Wednesday, April 19, 1775, when revolution
began in America:

Acton Bedford Billerica Brookline

Charlestow
Beverly Cambridge Carlisle
n

Chelmsfor
Concord Danvers Dedham
d

Dorchester Framingha Lexingto Lincoln

347
m n

Lynn Littleton Medford Milton

Menotomy Needham Newton Pepperell

Roxbury Reading Salem Stow

Sudbury Watertown Westford Woburn

These thirty-two towns started resistance to the "duly-


constituted authorities," and began a revolution which
was to lead to America's independence. These thirty-two
towns in Massachusetts may well be considered the
nucleus of independent United States.

CHAPTER XXI

THE SIEGE OF BOSTON


121. The Siege Begins. After the hurried retreat
from Concord, the authorities were fairly well secured in
Boston by the rebels, who were actually in control outside
Boston, with their own governmental machinery and an
army that was directly engaged in fighting the
administration, though the rebels were not ready as yet
to come out openly for independence, since such a move
might lose them any hope of aid from outside
Massachusetts. Those in power, and the people in Boston,
were effectively cut off from all land communication,
although it was still possible to enter and leave Boston by
sea. It is true, the Boston Port Bill, which had in a way
348
brought about this situation, and which was responsible
for the military government, forbade ships from using the
port of Boston, but that was easily taken care of by
special military permits, which, on account of the
emergency, were readily granted.

The rebels, on the day of the battle and the pursuit,


had effectively cleared their territory of outlying British
patrols, and then proceeded to the task of recapturing
the large estates that had been taken away from their
original occupants and given to various English
aristocrats. The capital of the rebels was moved in from
Concord to Watertown, so the insurgents might be better
able to supervise military activities in the siege, which, at
the same time, must be so conducted as not to appear to
the rest of America to be actually a rebellion against the
King, to whom the remaining colonies were still at least
nominally loyal. Accordingly, while the true story of what
happened at Lexington and Concord was well known to
the Minute Men and to their followers in and around
Middlesex, another version was concocted for public
circulation. The tale was spread that the British militia
had raided Lexington and Concord, wantonly firing into
groups of peaceful citizens at Lexington and Concord.
This account, being the one that was circulated outside
Massachusetts, reached Boston soon by the sea route,
and it became necessary for the British to take steps to
combat the report, and circulating the interpretation of
the event, which has now become the patriotic rendering
in America, portraying the incidents of that day as a
battle instead of as a massacre of unarmed citizens. A
bulletin was posted in Boston by the authorities, stating
what had happened. It is said that one morning a bulletin
was found with a correction supplied by some humorous
349
citizen; where the bulletin stated, "We were forced to
resort to our arms for defense," someone had struck out
the word "arms", and written in "legs."

122. Capture of Ticonderoga. Vermont, of


course, had presented for years a situation parallel to
that of the "civil disobedience" in neighboring
Massachusetts; and this tension was heightened by the
order from Albany to oust all the Vermonters.

The fort of Ticonderoga on the west side of Lake


Champlain, captured from the French in the Great Ohio
War, was a British outpost that threatened the rear of
both Vermonters and Massachusetts rebels; so after the
civil disobedience in Massachusetts had fairly well
intrenched themselves by the Lexington-Concord
incidents, the next step was to assemble an
expeditionary force from Berkshire County to attack
Ticonderoga, securing it as they had done with military
posts in Boston.

However, in this case, the "Green Mountain Boys,"


the independent army of Vermont, "stole a march" on
them. Before enough volunteers could be mustered
together in Massachusetts, the Vermonters, who were
much nearer the fort in question, crossed Lake Champlain
quietly and unexpectedly, and on the night of Monday,
May 1, overpowered the sentries guarding the fort, who
were not prepared for an attack. The fort was thus easily
entered, and the commander of the fort was awakened
from a sound sleep by Ethan Allen's thundering cry of
"Surrender!" The commander himself, not even realizing
that there was an enemy, and still retaining, even under
such circumstances, the dignity expected of British
officers on all occasions, answered: "In whose name?"
350
And Allen, the leader of the Vermont army, replied: "In
the name of Jehovah and the Continental Congress!" The
commander of the fort had no alternative but to
surrender, and the American revolutionists now had a
military outpost in the province of New York. Although the
Continental Congress did not recognize Vermont, which
had actually taken Ticonderoga, still Ticonderoga was not
within Vermont's territorial claims, and the Continental
Congress was therefore nominally the party to which
surrender was made.

This capture of an outpost in the province of New


York encouraged people in the upper portion of the
province to express sympathy for the rebels. Even in the
city of New York itself, far from this scene, and generally
hostile to the revolutionaries, and all their works, a small
group of minute-men were recruited who, realizing that
the city was not safe for them, marched up the river to
the protection of the Yankee conquerors of Ticonderoga,
although not until one old Dutchman, with some show of
bravado, appeared at the gate of the Battery fort in New
York City loudly but uselessly demanding that they
surrender their ammunition, and that they should send
nothing to the aid of the besieged in Boston.

Ticonderoga was in Iroquois territory, and, while the


Iroquois Federation managed to overlook the occupation
of a fort on their ground by their supposed allies, it was
different when that same fort was in rebel hands. The
English settlers in the Mohawk Valley had been trying,
like the southerners, to push into the interior and invade
the Iroquois domain, but the British authorities were
restraining them. Now, however, there was a tendency
similar to that in the South, and rebellious
demonstrations took place for the right of the settlers to
351
establish their homes on Iroquois land. Thus a small
revolutionary center grew up around Ticonderoga, whose
main object was to attack the Iroquois.

The Iroquois Federation, then one of the greatest


powers in America, held a council over the emergency
issue, and finally decided that they were bound by the
alliance to Great Britain that they had signed in 1634. All
the Iroquois nations, except the Oneidas, declared war
against the insurgents in order to support an ally that no
longer recognized the alliance―but also for self-
protection, which was a much more important issue to
them.

123. The Mecklenburg Declarations. It was well


into May before word of the Lexington-Concord events
reached the South; and the information that reached
them was not of the battles and pursuit that actually took
place, but the version that the Massachusetts civil
disobedience regime was spreading―that the British
militia holding the dictatorship over Massachusetts had
deliberately gone into Middlesex, and fired on groups of
peaceful citizens in the streets of Lexington and Concord.
This account of affairs had made no impression in New
York, where such incidents had been common and had
been taken for granted; and was received even with
some indifference in Philadelphia, where some peaceful
settlement of the difficulty was hoped for; but in the
South, where resentment against British authority was
being stirred up for quite different and opposite reasons,
such news was well calculated to arouse further agitation.

In Virginia the liberals raised storms of protest about


liberty; but in North Carolina, in the interior, where the
so-called Regulators were having their own clashes with
352
the regular administration, the reports provoked more
action.

On Saturday, May 20, 1775, the secret associations


backing the "Regulators" in Mecklenburg County, North
Carolina made up their reply to the supposed outrages of
Lexington and Concord, in a document that stated that
they could owe no further allegiance to a government
and a king that could do such deeds; and, with a great
preamble about liberty and individual rights such as had
been discussed throughout America for some time, they
proceeded to declare themselves absolved from all
allegiance to the Crown of Great Britain.

This document, known as the "Mecklenburg


Declaration of Independence," was a secret paper,
passed around among the underground rebel societies,
but was never publicly issued, and did not, in fact,
become publicly known until some thirty years later. Its
authenticity has accordingly been questioned; but the
fact that, for instance, the "peaceful-citizen" version of
Lexington and Concord warfare appears there instead of
the battle news as disclosed later, indicates that the
document dates from the period immediately following
the Middlesex outburst. The fact that the document was
not published at the time is, of course, no real evidence
against its authenticity, as a secret group could hardly be
expected at the time to publish a statement of that
nature.

After the "undercover" organizations had resolved


that they no longer owed allegiance to Great Britain, a
public announcement was made on Wednesday, May 31,
stating that a certain speech in the British Parliament had
stated that the colonial governments were null and void
353
(which had indeed been much the British attitude all
along); in consequence of which measures were being
taken to establish a new administration machinery in
Mecklenburg County.

The Mecklenburg Declarations were not the first


attempts in the British colonies in America to separate
from British rule, since Vermont had been enjoying a de
facto independence for seventeen years. The
Massachusetts civil disobedience campaign actually
created a regime independent of British authority, while
the interior colonies of Vandalia, Transylvania, and
Watauga were operating in actual defiance of England.
But the Mecklenburg Declaration may be considered as
the beginning of an attempt to put the defiance into
words, though Mecklenburg did not show the resistance
to authority that was to be found in Middlesex or
Vermont.

124. Revolt in Maine. The legislatures of the other


New England colonies, fearing the same sort of extinction
as had been delivered to that of Massachusetts Bay, sent
over men to aid in the siege of Boston, although showing
no resistance to constituted authority at home. This there
grew around Boston an increasing insurgent besieging
force, representing now not merely Massachusetts but
the whole of New England. It was mainly concentrated in
Cambridge, Brookline, and Roxbury. Unlike a standard
European army, it was not held together by strict
obedience to one man, but was a voluntary association of
men bound together by a common cause. The general in
actual charge of the volunteers was named Artemus
Ward, who was rather an elected tactical advisor than an
official who could enforce obedience from every

354
individual. In other words, this army was under a
democracy instead of a dictatorship.

This, and the "civil disobedience" outposts


throughout the interior of Massachusetts, kept
Massachusetts proper clear of control by the recognized
authorities; but Maine, being a non-contiguous section of
the same province, and therefore under the same military
rule, was not covered by this administrative procedure. It
remained for Maine to have its Lexington and Concord.

The military government in Maine centered around a


was vessel called the Margaretta, stationed in Penobscot
Bay, from which the British militia made raids on
revolutionary centers throughout Maine. They had
already burned down the town of Falmouth (now
Portland) as a supposed rebel nucleus; but, on the whole,
this ship was not successful in stopping town meetings in
Maine―even the royalists had to pretend some form of
rebel sympathy in order to obtain permission from the
town meetings to take any action.

Finally the minute-men of East Machias, a town on


the shore of Penobscot Bay, determined to rid the
community of the ship Margaretta which represented the
British regime in Maine. A surprise attack was carried out
on Friday, June 16, 1775, and the Margaretta was actually
boarded by East Machias minute-men before the crew
were able to do anything by way of resistance. The British
ship fled, closely pursued by two row-boats loaded with
Maine minute-men; the Margaretta was finally captured,
and the red pine-tree flag was run up in place of the
British flag which the insurgents had taken down. This
incident ended British rule on the coast of Maine,

355
although the revolutionary divisions in Maine continued to
have skirmishes with British troops coming from Canada.

125. The Continental Congress of 1775. Early in


May, 1775, soon after the Middlesex raid, the second
Continental Congress met at Philadelphia. For the first
time the recalcitrant province of Massachusetts was
represented there, and the presence of the supposed
revolutionaries in a body which considered its purpose to
be one of conciliation was a problem, although the
Massachusetts delegates were by no means the rebels
they were supposed to be. The Massachusetts delegates
were met at Frankford, a few miles outside Philadelphia,
by a small reception committee from among the other
delegates to the Congress, who warned them that, while
talk of revolution and independence might be all right in
Massachusetts, it would not be tolerated in Philadelphia;
that the northern rebels and their supposed leaders were
regarded in Philadelphia as malcontents, and that they
must govern their speech accordingly. It became obvious
that the Massachusetts delegates would be faced with
the problem of forcing the rest of the Continental
Congress into a position of supporting the Massachusetts
rebellion, while not letting them know that such
manueuvres were being conducted.

The Congress had originally been planned for


Monday, the first of May, which, as we have already seen,
had long been used by the Okamakammessets as a day
of remembrance of white tyranny (being the anniversary
of the declaration of the Pequot War in 1637), and which
had recently been adopted as a grand day of observance
by the parallel secret society initiated by the Lenapes, the
Sons of Tammany (or Sons of Tamenund), among the
colonists of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. This
356
association, which had charge of most of the rebel
sympathy work in these colonies, made Tamenund, the
founder of the Lenape federation, its patron saint, had
made May 1 as his saint's day. But, due to the delays of
travelling in those days, especially with war conditions
springing up in so many places, it was not until Friday,
May 5 that a meeting was actually held.

The first resolution passed by the new Congress


was one urging all Americans to remain loyal to the
British crown. Then the problem came up of the
Congress's attitude towards the uprising going on in
Massachusetts, especially as regarded the events around
Boston, where a group of insurgents were actually
attacking a part of the British army. It was hard either to
approve or condemn in this case; upholding the right of
such rebel action would mean trouble with the
government, not to mention that public opinion in most of
the colonies was not ready for such opposition to
authority; while condemning the revolutionary activities
would equally lose the Continental Congress the backing
of the New England colonies, and possibly even some
Southern support, leaving only the middle colonies, which
had been the least active in the matter of complaints
against British interference.

It therefore seemed as though there was no way to


turn, in the way of taking any definite stand on the
question; yet it was too urgent an issue to ignore. To
come out against the besiegers of Boston and their allies
in Ticonderoga might lose Yankee aid; while indorsement
of those rebel activities, which went far beyond the
purposes of the Continental Congress, would possibly be
displeasing to Southern delegates, and almost certainly
to New York delegates.
357
Samuel Adams, one of the Massachusetts
delegates, one of the fugitives from Boston who had
escaped under the nose of the British army during the
fight at Lexington, was, as might have been expected, in
favor of the Congress's approving the minute-men's siege
of Boston; he went even further, and proposed that the
Congress itself take charge of military operations. This
suggestion was partly due to his lack of complete
sympathy with the purposes of the minute-men; since
Adams himself belonged to the group interested in
smuggling, and was therefore concerned mainly with the
taxation problem. His proposition was that the Congress
take over the combined troops of the various New
England colonies operating around Boston, and erect
them into a Continental Army, under a commander-in-
chief to be appointed by the Congress; and, presumably
to placate the South, though actually to force the South
into participation as rebels, he further suggested that a
Southern commander should be appointed. This proposal
to a great extent overcame opposition from the South,
and it was a case of North and South together against a
divided sentiment among the delegates from the middle
colonies. It was accordingly so agreed finally by the
Continental Congress, and, on Friday, June 16, George
Washington of Virginia was appointed commander-in-
chief of the Continental Army, and sent to Cambridge to
take charge.

126. The Attack on Charlestown. The besiegers


of Boston, during the spring of 1775, used the time to
concentrate their positions in Cambridge, Brookline, and
Roxbury, while the besieged British troops in Boston
simply waited. The "waiting game" in the besieged city
was tedious. All normal activities had suspended in the
358
city almost immediately as soon as the siege began. The
Boston Latin School, which had been involved in its rather
unusual protest activities the previous winter, closed
down on the nineteenth of April, immediately upon the
return of the militia to Boston; and it was not long before
all other activities of the city likewise ceased, especially
since shipping as well as interior communication was at a
standstill. There was nothing to do but wait. The soldiers
took several steps to show their contempt for the
population of Boston, especially for the places that had
been used as revolutionary gathering-places. The Old
South Church was converted into a riding school for the
troops, and tons of earth were brought into the building
to make it a better stable for the horses; while the
records kept in the building, including the original records
of the Plymouth Colony, were looted by the troops.
Especially in view of the fact that theaters were much
disapproved of by the people of Massachusetts, the
militia in control of Boston during the siege converted
Faneuil Hall into a theater, where the soldiers and officers
themselves acted various dramatic pieces, both those
composed in England and some impromptu pieces. The
people, being equally idle and finding time heavy on their
hands, made up various kinds of amusement, composing
new variations when the old ones became too boring;
thus a new type of dance, and a new card-game, both
named Boston, originated during this period of inactivity.

This "waiting game," of course, helped to break


down the morale of British troops in the besieged city.
Occasionally, it is true, a cannon was fired from
Cambridge at the Somerset or any ships that appeared in
the Charles River; but such shots could hardly reach
Boston. Thus, while the insurgents were solidifying their
359
position surrounding Boston, the British were simply
watching for signs of some new activity; their experience
at Lexington and Concord was a warning against another
attempt to invade Middlesex directly, while the trenches
at Boston Neck (now the South End) effectively kept them
from leaving Boston by land. Watching and map-making
seemed to be practically all that the surrounded troops
could do; and the British army besieged in Boston
certainly did make some very good maps of the city and
its environs.

In the rebel camp, which had its headquarters in


Cambridge, on the contrary, everything was activity. The
Middlesex farmers, after driving out the Tory (royalist)
owners of large estates, and thus obtaining more land
through the activities of the minute-men and their allies
from neighboring colonies, were glad enough to trade
with the rebel camp, which, indeed, contained many of
their own people. New contingents kept arriving from
various parts of New England. The Provincial Congress, in
nominal charge of the civil disobedience, moved from
Concord to Watertown so as to be in closer contact with
Cambridge, the revolutionary military headquarters.
Cambridge became, for the time being, the actual rebel
headquarters of America. Since it was desired to keep
Harvard College going, and of course the belligerents
wanted it as a means of training the youth of America to
stand on the insurrectionist side, it was decided, for its
protection, to remove it from the scene of military
operations by moving the college temporarily to Concord,
where it remained until the siege was over.

As the centennial of the declaration of Metacom's


war against the Pilgrims, Saturday, June 17, 1775 was
approaching, it was natural for a volunteer body under
360
the influence of such a secret association as the
Okamakammessets to choose that date as the time for
the attack. It was planned to make the assault on Boston
by the same route as the Puritans in 1630 made their
charge on Boston's predecessor, the red town of
Shawmut; consequently it was planned to occupy the
Mishawum peninsula, which the British called
Charlestown, preparatory to an advance on Boston itself.

Accordingly, early in the morning of the 17th, an


expedition of minute-men set out from Cambridge for
Charlestown. They planned to take possession of the
isthmus known as Charlestown Neck, connecting
Charlestown with the mainland of Middlesex, and then to
occupy the northern one of Charlestown's twin hills,
known as Bunker Hill. This elevation was not one which
actually commanded the city of Boston at all, since
another hill, Breed's Hill, lay between Bunker Hill and the
Charles River which separated the Charlestown peninsula
from Boston. Occupying Bunker Hill would, however, give
the minute-men the advantage of a position close to
Boston, and invisible to the authorities in the city; if they
had a chance to strengthen that position, and with that
support, they could advance on Breed's Hill, and be in a
position to fire directly at Boston.

However, the tactics were not carried through as


planned by those in charge of the civil disobedience
campaign. The minute-men, arriving at Bunker Hill,
became impatient at the idea of waiting there, where
they were no nearer entering Boston than they were in
Cambridge. And so, on their own initiative, they marched
to Breed's Hill, where they dug themselves in―much
closer to Boston, but under the watch of the British militia
under siege in Boston. In the course of this advance, they
361
also left Charlestown Neck unprotected against a possible
landing party from the Charles or Mystic Rivers, so that a
British force could possibly have landed behind the rebels
and have cut them off completely. This strategy,
however, was not attempted by the British, to whom the
entire move was much of a surprise, and who did not
know that the Neck was not as much intrenched as was
Breed's Hill.

The British militia immediately dispatched forces to


Charlestown, and, for no apparent reason whatever, set
fire to the town of Charlestown, driving back into the
flames all the inhabitants who tried to escape. This
action, which was quite plainly visible from Boston, added
to the resentment of the population within the British
lines.

The final result of the skirmish at the top of Breed's


Hill was successful for the British administration
militia―at least insofar as reaching the hill and driving
the minute-men back may constitute victory. The minute-
men, by advancing too far, had cut themselves off from
their base, and, after two successful charges against the
army, were finally forced to retreat for lack of
ammunition. The Charlestown peninsula was now brought
within the British lines, but at a cost of about a third of
the British garrison in Boston. The minute-men, however,
were able to establish a post close to Charlestown Neck,
on Prospect Hill, in the region that is now the city of
Somerville; and, in this way, even the defeat on Breed's
Hill actually resulted in the minute-men's advancing their
lines.

This was the only occasion between the beginning


and the end of the siege of Boston that the besieged
362
"ministerial forces," as the rebels called them, attempted
a sortie from the city. The resulting victory had been too
costly to encourage any repetition of the attempt, and
the British army began to feel more respect for their
besiegers. As General Gage commented, two more such
victories and there would be no army left. The red pine-
tree banner of the Penacooks was making itself strongly
felt even in defeat, and the centennial of the declaration
of Metacom's War was well observed.

It would seem that Dr. Joseph Warren, who had


been caught in Boston during the siege, had managed to
edge through the lines and participate in the hostilities at
Charlestown, where he was killed.

This conflict was quite properly called by the British


troops the Battle of Charlestown; but, for some reason or
other, the Americans have given the combat the name of
Bunker Hill, which is not where the fighting took place,
but where the minute-men had planned to post
themselves and had failed. The name has clung to such
an extent that at the present time the monument on
Breed's Hill commemorating the site of the battle, is also
called the Bunker Hill Monument. The anniversary of the
fray, June 17, which is also the anniversary of Metacom's
War, is regularly celebrated in and near Boston.

127. Washington Takes Command. In the


meantime George Washington, the Virginian, was on his
way to Cambridge to take command of the revolutionary
military activities. He had already, as we have seen, been
nominated for this post by the Continental Congress, and
it was necessary for the minute-men to put military
operations in his charge if any outside aid was to be
expected.
363
On Monday, July 3, 1775, Washington reached
Cambridge, and, since the minute-men and their allies
from the other New England colonies staged a review on
the Cambridge Common, Washington, standing under an
old elm tree just outside the Common, took command of
this military force, thereby placing it under control of the
Continental Congress and constituting it as the
Continental Army.

This placing of a volunteer army of Massachusetts


workers and farmers under the discipline of a Southerner
brought to an end the initial, or civil disobedience, stage
of the American Revolution, and gave it more the
character of a national war between America and
England. Washington himself, though, still remained
unwilling to acknowledge that he was fighting England,
or, indeed, anyone except certain officers in Boston; he
still clung to his declaration "I love my king."

The minute-men had been a volunteer group, merely


acting in cooperation under guidance of secret
associations, voluntarily, and without enforced discipline;
this, of course, was extremely distasteful to the
commander-in-chief, to whom the monarchical discipline
was an important item. As a result, many who had
volunteered as minute-men now rapidly deserted, while
Artemas Ward, who had been in command of the
besieging troops until Washington's arrival, and to whom
Washington had given a commission as major, found it
impossible to get along with Washington, hence resigned
and went home. The volunteer spirit which had started
the Middlesex uprising was now being speedily crushed
by Washington.

364
Even the red pine-tree flag which had just made
such a showing in Charlestown was tabooed by
Washington as too radical to be the standard of the true
aristocracy of the South which he represented. For the
red field of the Penacook pine-tree emblem, Washington
substituted the red and white stripes of the coat of arms
of the Washington family, the only concession to the
Continental Congress which had appointed Washington to
the command being that the stripes were made thirteen
in number, for the thirteen colonies represented in the
Congress. The pine tree in the corner of the minute-men's
banner, to which they looked up as their emblem of
liberty, was thrown out altogether by Washington, who
substituted a British Union Jack to attest to his
unswerving loyalty to the king. The result was a British
flag, altered only by the introduction of a stripe design,
which the British officers in Boston called "the rebel
stripes."

Nevertheless, in spite of the changed atmosphere,


the individual minute-men, now transformed into soldiers
of the Continental Army, were still, in their own
estimation, fighting for individual and colonial freedom,
and pamphlets on the subject of liberty or equality or
individual rights found circulation among them. Many
were even optimistic enough to hope that a
reorganization of the army under Washington would, in
the long run, help the cause of individual freedom. It
became a tradition around Cambridge that the elm tree
under which Washington took command would last as
long as America stood for liberty and kept out of
connections with England. (Strangely enough, it was in
1917, when America entered the World War on the same

365
side as England, and when wholesale repressions of civil
rights were started, that the tree finally died.)

128. Attack on Canada. At this time, although all


the colonies from Maine to Georgia were represented in
the Continental Congress which was lending support to
the besiegers of Boston, and although all their
legislatures had broken with the British administration,
there were few parts of America in open rebellion,
including mainly Massachusetts proper, Vermont, a small
region around Ticonderoga in New York Province, and the
Penobscot Bay region of Maine. In addition, there was an
incipient state of uprising in the interior of North Carolina,
and, beyond the Appalachian Mountain range, were the
outlawed colonies of Transylvania, Vandalia, and
Watauga, not exactly in insurrection, but settling where
they were in direct disobedience of orders. England had
as yet made little attempt to send over troops to the
South or to the middle colonies, except for a
concentration of troops on Staten Island, at the entrance
to the harbor of New York, where military rule was the
normal rather than the abnormal state. In New England,
the British troops were almost entirely surrounded in
Boston, and their only communication was by sea. But
the grand headquarters of the British forces in America
was in the walled and fortified city of Quebec, recently
conquered from France. This fortress was a standing
threat to the revolutionary outposts in Maine and
Vermont, which were within fairly easy striking distance
of Quebec. Accordingly a party started out from the rebel
center at Penobscot Bay across the Maine woods to
Quebec, to attack the militarists in their own
headquarters. Meanwhile, Montgomery's band, the
insurrectionist sympathizers from New York which had
366
fled for safety to Ticonderoga, seeing in a Canadian
journey a chance to get a bit farther from New York,
marched northward across the Adirondacks, through
hostile Iroquois country, into Canada, and captured St.
Johns and then Montreal, neither of which showed much
resistance. Using Montreal as a base, Montgomery's New
York troops proceeded down the St. Lawrence River to
join the Maine expedition against Quebec.

The French population of Canada was very much


divided in their attitude toward the invaders. While small
armies of French "patriots" organized behind the
American rebel lines in Canada, to free their Canada from
the British conqueror, there were more among the French
Canadians who were afraid that the hated "Bastonnais"
might take away their land, and who thus rallied to the
support of England. The insurgent "patriots" became
known to the bulk of French Canadians as "Bastonnais."
Even leaders of the revolutionary movement among the
French Canadians were derisively styled by their
opponents "Baston;" but the rebels, noting that "Baston"
was also a common alternative spelling for the French
word "bâton" (stick), made use of the title themselves. It
was in the main largely the influence of the Catholic
Church which kept the French Canadians loyal to
England; the church took that side because England
granted it almost complete control of the Province of
Quebec.

The small "patriot" bands were naturally a help to


the advance of both the New York and Maine armies in
Canada, and the two finally joined and surrounded
Quebec for a long siege, which went on almost parallel to
the siege of Boston. In the case of Boston, however, the
population both inside and outside the city was almost
367
overwhelmingly favorable to the insurrectionists, while in
the case of Quebec, in spite of the numerous patriot
squadrons conducting guerrilla warfare outside the city,
and the equally numerous attempts in the besieged city
to stir up uprisings by secret handbills signed "Baston,"
the American revolutionaries found hostility from both the
besieged city, and from within their own lines―especially
from the "grand seigneurs" or Quebec feudal lords, who
were afraid the Yankees had come to take their land
away, and who made it hard for the besieging rebel
forces to obtain supplies. An attempt of the British
garrison to sally out of Quebec on New Year's Eve was
repulsed, but finally, in May, after the siege had gone on
for ten months, the American rebels, faced with the
increasing difficulty of getting supplies in a country so
largely hostile to them, finally retreated, and lost all
Canadian territory they had gained. The French Canadian
"patriot" troops, however, kept up this guerrilla warfare
through the rest of the war for independence, and
literature concerning the Bastonnai's doctrines of
"liberté" and "égalité" and "droits de l'homme" had a
chance to circulate among the French in Canada. But
Canada itself was now definitely lost to the insurgents.

129. Evacuation of Boston. After the failure to


enter Boston by way of Charlestown, from the north, the
minute-men had planned to attempt effecting an entry
into the besieged city from the opposite direction, from
the south side. On this side of Boston was the peninsula
then known as Dorchester Neck, at present called South
Boston, on which was a hill (then called Nook's Hill, or
Dorchester Heights, but now known as Telegraph Hill)
which overlooked Boston; not quite as close to the city as
Breed's Hill, but having the added advantage of
368
commanding the harbor as well as the town, so that, with
Dorchester Heights fortified, the British military force
would be cut off from sea as well as land communication.

Accordingly plans were being made in the early


summer of 1775 to take up a position on Dorchester
Heights, when an interruption took place in the form of
George Washington's taking command of the besiegers.
Washington thought the volunteers were too
"undisciplined," requiring military drilling. It was also true
that the minute-men were short in ammunition, though
that was soon remedied; sympathizers in the mid-Atlantic
island of Bermuda managed to capture the British naval
supply of munitions on that island, and smuggled it to the
Continental Army in Massachusetts.

Still Washington refused to act, but insisted on


putting the "Continentals" through useless drills for
months, to break them into that same against which they
were rebelling. All through the autumn and winter this
went on, while the Boston garrison still had sea
communication, and was able to obtain reinforcements
from England by that route. The ineffective General Gage,
in command of the British forces in Boston, was replaced
by Lord Howe, while among the insurrectionists
surrounding the city Washington spent most of his time
holding in a condition of inactivity an army with a definite
plan of action and anxious to act.

Finally, on Monday, March 4, 1776, after this state of


inertia had lasted about eight months, Washington
consented to take action on the Dorchester Heights
suggestion. Under cover of night, quantities of guns and
ammunition were transported to Dorchester Heights,
while at the same time trenches were dug and bulwarks
369
erected. Enough men were employed to enable the work
to be completed in a single night, so that by morning,
Lord Howe's forces in Boston were surprised to find
Dorchester Heights, which had been vacant the night
before, completely fortified and apparently ready to
attack not only Boston but the ships in the harbor. This
loss meant destroying the only outside line of
communication the British had, and Lord Howe
immediately opened negotiations for an evacuation of
Boston. Washington granted this request, and the British
troops in Boston began preparations to depart. Several
thousand Tories likewise made arrangements to leave
Boston together with Howe's army, realizing that feeling
ran high in the city, and being afraid of what might
happen if left without royal protection.

In the meantime, the people of Boston were given


reason to fear some final act of revenge from Howe, such
as a burning of the town on evacuation. The selectmen of
Boston obtained assurances from Howe that arson would
not be attempted, and sent Howe's letter on the subject
to Washington, asking for similar assurances from him.
Washington, who was more meticulous about addressing
and titles than the British general, and who looked down
on New England's democratic institutions, replied that he
could pay no attention to Howe's communication,
because it was "addressed to nobody"! That was
evidently Washington's opinion of the representatives of
the citizens of Boston―they were to him, "nobody."

Although the English made no attempt to burn the


town, a New York regiment in Howe's army went through
the city with axes, breaking open houses, looting
whatever they could find of value, and destroying much
else. By March 13, the harbor waters were full of
370
destroyed furniture from Boston homes and shops. The
records of the Plymouth Colony, which had been kept in
the Old South Church, turned up in England as late as
1910, in the hands of an Englishman who knew nothing
as to how it came into his possession, except that it had
been in the family for some time.

On the 16th, and the morning of the 17th,


everything being ready for the evacuation, Howe
attempted a last-minute attack on the Dorchester Heights
trenches, but with no result. Finally, on Sunday, March
17, 1776, Howe, and his entire army, and eleven hundred
Tories who were afraid to remain in Boston, left the city
and set sail for Halifax, although a British fleet remained
for several months outside Boston Harbor, off Nantasket.
Within a few hours after the British evacuated Boston, the
Roxbury minute-men marched into Boston and took
possession of Boston and Charlestown. Massachusetts,
with the exception of parts of Maine and some outlying
islands, was now definitely in revolutionary control, and
could turn its attention to aiding the rebellion in the other
colonies.

CHAPTER XXII

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
130. The Continental Army Moves to New
York. After the evacuation of Boston, the city was
occupied by the Continental Army, which placed both
Boston and the rest of Massachusetts, not under the civil
disobedience regime that had started the original
371
Middlesex uprising, but under the Provincial Congress,
which was in reality an outlawed branch of the British
administration of Massachusetts, and which actually
contained British government spies among its members.
Thus Massachusetts was now under a regime which was
out of sympathy with the purposes of the minute-men,
who, however, still retained control of local town
administration in the interior of Massachusetts; and, with
the capture of Boston, the smuggling ring of the port of
Boston was enabled to take complete control of the
Provincial Congress. This was the beginning of a definite
counter-revolution in Massachusetts, which was to be
consummated a few years later. This risk is always run by
any revolution that admits into its administration any
part, however small or insignificant, of the administrative
machinery of the previous regime. The advantage that
the civil disobedience regime had in its complete lack of
continuity with the official rule, was now completely lost;
and it was mainly that advantage that enabled
Massachusetts to initiate the move for a revolution in
America.

Although Boston was evacuated on Sunday, March


17, 1776, the British fleet remained off Nantasket, just
outside the harbor, for some time longer. The Continental
Army had to occupy the islands of Boston Harbor, and
then engage in a sea fight with the fleet, before Boston
was finally clear of the menace of the possible return of
the "ministerial forces," on Friday, June 14.

In the meantime, Lord Howe's army, with the Boston


Tories, had sailed for Halifax, where Lord Howe was able
to obtain reinforcements from among the loyal
inhabitants of newly-settled Nova Scotia, leaving his Tory
passengers to take up their abode there. Many Nova
372
Scotia towns at present date their foundation to 1776,
and claim ancestors who fled from Boston to escape the
rebels of Massachusetts Bay; while many others returned
to New England after the revolution to become citizens of
the new nation. The monarchists who took the chances of
remaining in Boston were afraid of wholesale measures of
vengeance from the occupying Continental force,
especially from the minute-men; but nothing of the sort
took place. No reign of terror was attempted, and even
well-known monarchists were allowed to remain
undisturbed as long as they behaved peaceably, with the
result that most of them, in the course of time, forgot
their antagonism to the rebels, who thereby lost enemies
where they would have gained many by a policy of
vengeance and terrorism. There was, it is true,
confiscation of real estate left by the fugitives, especially
at the top of Beacon Hill, where most of the English
aristocrats in Boston lived; but much of this land was
later paid for, and even returned in the case of those who
changed sides later. The confiscated land on Beacon Hill
is now the site of the State House.

General Washington, however, affected to disbelieve


the statement issued by Lord Howe that his destination
was Halifax, and insisted on making preparations against
Howe's landing in New York. New York, with its
aristocratic institutions, in point of fact, interested
Washington much more than the strong democratic
tendencies of New England with which he found himself
in constant opposition; and, with his army out of touch
with such Yankee heresies as democracy and
independence, Washington's personal contact with such
New York aristocratic families as the Livingstons might
result in considerable financial support for the Continental
373
Army, as well as head off the rapidly growing agitation for
complete independence which the army was beginning to
acquire in revolutionary Massachusetts. After all, the
Continental Congress was not in sympathy with the
minute-men, and was merely supporting a warfare
against certain individual officers who were alleged to be
tyrants; to prevent the army from getting too far away
from the stand of the Congress, it would be necessary to
remove them from New England, where, now that Boston
was captured, their presence was no longer needed.
Accordingly, leaving a small portion of the Continental
Army to harass the British fleet off Nantasket, the great
bulk of the army was marched across Rhode Island and
into Norwich in the province of Connecticut; from there
the Continentals went by boat to New York, where they
had mostly a sullenly hostile population with which to
deal. On Staten Island, across the bay, was a large British
camp, which, however, remained quiet as long as it was
supposed that the Continentals were not fighting them,
but merely acting as a local police for the city; and New
York, true to its usual policy of submissiveness to
whomever their rulers for the time might be, accepted
the Continentals without resistance, although looking to
Staten Island for their ultimate deliverance.

131. Independence in Rhode Island. In the


meantime British ships were busy on the lines of sea
communication between Boston and New York, ranging
mainly around the East Paumonok Islands, using Newport
as their central base.

Massachusetts had by now achieved a de facto sort


of independence, and, although no attempt was made to
set that status down on paper, there was a strong
tendency by this time in Massachusetts, especially
374
among the former followers of the civil disobedience
movement, to regard the community as no longer a
British province, but as an independent nation, so that
the name, "Province of Massachusetts Bay," the official
name of the colony, was gradually being replaced in
popular speech, though not officially, by the more
independent title "State of Massachusetts Bay." (The
term "state" had at that time the meaning of
"government" or "nation," so that, in using this title, the
people of Massachusetts were regarding themselves as
an independent nation, owing no allegiance to any
outside power.

Rhode Island and Connecticut differed from the


other American colonies in that England had no direct
part in their government, merely claiming nominal
allegiance, although there had been attempts at
interference with Rhode Island; and now Newport was
being occupied by the British fleet, though the civil
government had not as yet been interfered with.
Consequently, there was no real necessity for such a
revolution there as would have been requisite to remove
British domination elsewhere in America, where England
sent over her own governors, judges, and other officials.
Rhode Island and Connecticut had, however, aroused
English ire by sending help in that siege which had just
ousted British forces from Boston, and from
Massachusetts generally.

Not long after the evacuation of Boston, the British


fleet at Newport began raiding the mainland ports of
Narragansett Bay for food supplies and whatever could
be taken out of the towns. The town of Bristol was
bombarded after it had refused a demand from the fleet
to give up all the food in the town for the use of the navy;
375
which, as with the bombardment of Boston a year earlier,
aroused antagonistic feeling throughout Rhode Island, to
which the rebellion had previously been merely brought
in from neighboring Massachusetts.

Also, both among the minute-men and among the


New England civilians, the idea of "out-and-out"
independence had been gradually spreading. As we have
seen, the civil-disobedience territory of Massachusetts
(which was now the entire province), as well as Vermont,
had had a de facto independence or some time;
pamphlets from all over America were now circulating
rapidly, which gave form to this inchoate idea. A New
York refugee in Philadelphia, Thomas Paine, who had
become known by writing a pamphlet on "The Rights of
Man" about the time the siege of Boston was beginning,
now wrote another pamphlet, which gained great
circulation all over America, called "Common Sense,"
presenting America as a properly separate nationality,
urging that England had no claim on America, since
England, far from defending America, was now wantonly
attacking her, and instancing the sufferings of the
"unhappy town of Boston" (which, according to the
version the minute-men circulated outside
Massachusetts, was not being besieged so much as
suffering severe punishment at the hands of the British
troops).

This idea of independence received its particular


strength when Boston was evacuated, even though the
middle and southern colonies still claimed allegiance to
the king. But the bombardment of Bristol immediately
brought Rhode Island around to a point of view which was
already very much "in the air" in New England. Rhode
Island had considered herself fairly immune from British
376
interference, and bound to England only by allegiance
instead of being governed from England as were the
other colonies; so that, while Rhode Island was
presumably less concerned with the question of
independence than the rest of America, such an act of
actual interference as the bombardment of Bristol meant
a threat to Rhode Island's self government, and it became
a choice of cutting loose or going under. With the British
completely out of Massachusetts, and therefore shown to
be not as invincible as they had been supposed, the
remaining colonies felt less afraid of England, and better
able to act for themselves; especially little Rhode Island,
surrounded on two sides by Massachusetts territory, and
able to rely on Massachusetts for protection in case of
trouble.

Consequently, on Saturday, May 4, 1776, the


legislature of the little colony of Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations resolved to drop all mention of
Great Britain or the King in its charter and laws, and to
delete from the records anything implying allegiance to
England. For the formula, "God save the King," with which
laws and proclamations were concluded, was substituted
the formula, "God save the United Colonies," the
implication being that the Continental Congress was now
the recipient of all the allegiance formerly given to His
Britannic Majesty. Since the charter of the colony
provided for no direct governing of Rhode Island from
England, this renunciation of allegiance was all that was
necessary to make the government of Rhode Island
completely independent of England.

The fact that, in this case, independence took the


form of a legislative resolution is probably what
influenced the Continental Congress later to adopt
377
independence in the similar form of a public declaration.
Massachusetts had fought hard for its independence, and
had won it without using unnecessary words about it; but
to Rhode Island belongs the distinction of being the first
American colony to make a public declaration of
renunciation of allegiance to England―the first American
state to put itself down in writing as independent.

132. Independence Discussed by the


Continental Congress. The Continental Congress that
assembled in Philadelphia in the spring of 1776 was not
so over-anxious to protest its allegiance to the King as
had been its predecessors of the two previous years. By
the time the delegates from all the colonies assembled,
the only irreconcilable loyalists appeared to be some of
the New York delegation. Independence was a subject
already widely discussed through America, though still
much under cover. The evacuation of Boston by the
British on March 17, and the ensuing declaration of
independence by Rhode Island on May 4 (which
Connecticut shortly afterwards seconded), made the
question a very live issue, especially in New England,
where independence was already almost an
accomplished fact. In the South, there was no such
readiness to accept independence as a solution of the
difficulties, even though the Virginia "liberals," who
sympathized more with the New Englanders than with the
local aristocrats who were the main opponents of the
administration, rather favored the idea of breaking loose
from England. As we have seen, the secret organizations
in the interior of North Carolina had already committed
themselves for independence. But the Virginia liberals
were hesitating, though hoping for some decisive action
to mark their own anniversary, the centennial of the
378
amnesty of the Bacon rebellion, which was due to be
celebrated on July 4, 1776. In the middle colonies, New
York, which carried with it the eastern part of New Jersey,
had always been definitely hostile to the rebel
movement, while Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland,
where there was some agitation against control by the
feudal proprietary families of Penn and Calvert, were
beginning to be mildly interested in independence as one
way to remove their overlords, although it was still hoped
that such extreme measures would not be required. Even
among the super-loyal population of New York City there
was already much discussion of what the people there
deliberately mispronounced "Indepency," in spite of the
fact that few had anything favorable to say on the
subject.

As a result, when the question came to a vote in the


Continental Congress, Saturday, June 29, eleven of the
thirteen colonies were favorable to the proposition to
appoint a committee to draw up an independence
resolution; New York voted against this proposition, while
South Carolina's vote was divided. When the resolution
carried the Congress, several New York delegates
resigned from the Congress, while the rest of the New
York delegation, wishing to remain on the winning side,
switched over, so that New York's vote was counted in
favor of independence, too.

On that same day, June 29, a British fleet, upon


rumors of disloyalty in the South, acted to forestall them
by bombarding Charles Town, the chief port of South
Carolina; this added much to the anti-British sentiment in
South Carolina, and, when the news reached Philadelphia
about two weeks later, influenced the remaining South

379
Carolina delegates to sign the declaration of
independence which had already been adopted.

The committee appointed by the Congress to draw


up a resolution of independence met immediately. It was
assumed that John Adams, a cousin of the Boston leader
Samuel Adams, would do the actual drafting of the final
resolution; but, as the Adamses' policy in the Continental
Congress seems to have been to obtain Southern backing
by forcing Southerners into responsibility, John Adams
managed to shift the drafting work to the Virginian
member of the committee, Thomas Jefferson, an
outstanding example of the Virginia liberals.

That such a document, when published, would


brand the entire delegation as traitors, and be a risk to
the lives of all, was not overlooked; besides which, the
Continental Congress was not so far removed from the
secret associations supporting the rebel movement that it
could not understand the need for some such action as
misdating to render a possible treason prosecution more
difficult, should it ever come to that. Accordingly it was
decided to put a false date on the resolution in
committee, before the Congress should receive it; and
Jefferson, being a leader among the Virginia liberals,
selected the Bacon amnesty centennial as the best
available date, and one which would gain support in
Virginia. Accordingly, not knowing just when Congress
would pass upon his resolution, Jefferson affixed on the
resolution the "faked" date of Thursday, July 4, 1776, the
centennial of Amnesty Day of Virginia's Bacon rebellion,
which represented the first recognition of representative
government in the South. The Continental Congress
passed the independence declaration on July 2; but it has
been the day of the temporary victory of Virginia's revolt
380
a hundred years before that which America has since
been celebrating as the anniversary of the Declaration of
Independence, which is now reputed, on that account, to
have been signed on July 4 instead of July 2.

The risk involved, and the necessity of secrecy were


realized all too well by the Continental Congress, as is
well instanced by the remark of Benjamin Franklin, the
sponsor of the original Continental Congress of 1754, on
that occasion: "Now we must all hang together, or we
shall all hang separately!" Even in Philadelphia it was
many days before any public announcement was made of
the action, although the people in the city were awaiting
the news eagerly; but a public announcement there
before opportunity to gain definite support in other parts
of America might have been a fatal mistake. The common
story representing the news as being announced by loud
ringing of the bell in the tower of the building where the
Congress met is obviously impossible, as such a mode of
celebration might be well suited to a victory of an
established regime, rather than to the taking of a new
and untried step in a revolution which was as yet merely
feeling its way. One reason why it might become easy to
suppose that the bell in that tower had been used to
signal the signing of the Declaration of Independence was
the remarkable coincidence that that particular bell,
which was already about twenty years old, had
nevertheless been cast with the inscription, quoted from
the Bible: "Proclaim liberty throughout the land, to all the
inhabitants thereof." But it is enough of a strange
coincidence that the Continental Congress should have
been holding its meetings in a building surmounted by a
bell carrying that inscription; unless, indeed, the building
had been selected partly with that appropriate
381
circumstance in mind as a proper place for an
organization defending civil rights.

As the "United Colonies of America" were now


resolved to be "free and independent states" (i.e.,
nations), the Continental Congress had to change its own
title, the title of the federation it represented. The
constituent provinces were now, by their own declaration,
independent and sovereign nations instead of British
colonies, and the name of "states" had to be substituted
for "colonies"; so that the Declaration itself used for the
first time the name of the federation as thus changed to
meet the new status. The Declaration was entitled "The
unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of
America"; thus establishing the name of the American
"continental" federation, now for the first time a
federation of independent nations, as United States of
America―which is not the name of a nationality (each
state having its own particular national name), but a title
merely expressing the fact that the entire republic is
essentially federal in form.

From the same motive of secrecy, none of the


signatures were in an avowedly official capacity, but
simply grouped together by States without any distinctive
labels, the "signers" being all members of the Continental
Congress who were not voting against the measure; while
the signature of the president of the meeting, the same
John Hancock who had escaped from Lexington during
the battle there, naturally headed the list of signatures,
and was much more conspicuous, although he did not, in
that document, refer to himself as president of the
meeting, since that would have been too dangerous. But,
by the passage of the resolution, the President of the
Continental Congress of 1776, John Hancock of Boston,
382
automatically became the first president of the United
States of America.

133. The Declaration of Independence. The


resolution of American independence, as presented to
and accepted by the Continental Congress in 1776, was
one of the most remarkable documents ever issued in the
history of the world. The declaration proper is merely a
paragraph at the end of the paper stating: "We therefore,
the representatives of the United States, in General
Congress assembled……do, in the name and by the
authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly
publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and
of right ought to be, free and independent States; that
they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown,
and that all political connection between them and the
state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally
dissolved; and that, as free and independent States, they
have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract
alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts
and things which independent States may of right do."

But the most interesting and remarkable feature of


the document is, not the declaration of independence
proper with which the document concludes, but the
preamble and explanation which really constitute the
body of the document. Probably the only precedent for
issuing a declaration of independence in history lay in the
two earlier documents of this same revolution, the
Mecklenburg Declarations, and the Rhode Island
legislative resolutions of independence; in both of which
cases a written declaration of renunciation of allegiance
was issued, although it was a secret and unpublished
declaration in the Mecklenburg case. It was mainly from
the Mecklenburg document that the general Continental
383
declaration copied its preamble, which was really an
apology, in a way, for going to the length of taking such a
step as complete separation. The first paragraph is
definitely an explanation of why it was deemed proper to
issue a declaration at all on taking the step of renouncing
allegiance:

When, in the course of human events, it


becomes necessary for one people to dissolve
the political bands which have connected
them with another, and to assume, among the
powers of the earth, the separate and equal
station to which the laws of nature and of
nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to
the opinions of mankind requires that they
should declare the causes which impel them
to the separation.

The most remarkable feature of the preamble to the


Declaration of Independence issued at Philadelphia on
this occasion is, however, the declaration of inalienable
rights, which has, in reality, a continuous American
history dating back to earliest times. The form the
declaration took was largely taken from the Mecklenburg
Declarations of the previous year; the substance derives
from the Stamp Act Congress petition of 1765, and that,
in turn, from the claims of civil rights made by
Massachusetts in its charter disputes at the end of the
seventeenth century: that, in turn, is related to various
declarations of rights enumerated in the earliest laws of
the New England colonies, derived directly from the
Penacook Federation. The declaration of rights on this
occasion, however, differs from the previous ones, and
differs from all similar declarations issued in other
384
countries, in that they are declared to be "inalienable,"
that is to say, rights which the individual cannot waive or
surrender, and which are viewed as paramount to the
government, and as actual limitations on the latter’s
rights and powers―in fact, as the sole basis on which any
government can claim the right to govern its people. It is
declared that, the people’s inalienable rights being
superior to even the existence of governments, it
becomes the people’s right and duty to overthrow a
government and establish a new one whenever they find
their existing government to interfere with their
inalienable rights. Rights of individuals have been
declared in other countries, but nowhere except in
America have those rights been considered as actually
limiting the powers of governments: in fact, it is entirely
foreign to any European conception that the powers of a
government can be restricted in any way, while such
limitations have always been native to North America,
and has remained in the traditions of Americans, both red
and white, even though actual enforcement of those
rights and limitations as against the government has
been at times very ineffective. This declaration of
inalienable rights, standing alone as it does in the world’s
history, and being concisely worded, is in itself a passage
worth outstanding consideration:

We hold these truths to be self-evident: that


all men are created equal; that they are
endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable rights; that among these are life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that, to
secure these rights, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers from the
consent of the governed; that whenever any
385
form of government becomes destructive of
these ends, it is the right of the people to alter
or abolish it, and to institute a new government,
laying its foundations on such principles, and
organizing its powers in such form as to them
shall seem most likely to effect their safety and
happiness.

It may be noticed, incidentally, as another mark of


the red-race ancestry of these rights, that the right of
property, so frequently emphasized by governmental
authorities as though it were the only "right" deserving of
notice, is totally omitted from the list found in America’s
Declaration of Independence; while the right of
revolution, which the authorities for obvious reasons have
been at great pains to deny, and which they have
constantly taught to be un-American, is not merely
declared in the document which gave the United States
its existence, but is recited and explained in detail. It is
distinctly set out in the Declaration of Independence that
only a government based on, and recognizing, the
inalienable rights of the people, and "deriving just powers
from the consent of the governed," is entitled to
obedience or even existence, and that otherwise it is the
people’s right to abolish the government, establishing a
new one in its place. This right, more than anything else,
is the very foundation of the entire Declaration of
Independence, and therefore of the existence of America
as a nation. Not even the right of self-defense is
conceded to a government as against its own people; for
governments are expressly declared to derive their just
powers from the consent of the governed.

386
So impressed, indeed, was Thomas Jefferson, the
drafter of the independence resolution, with this right of
revolution as a necessity for a free people, that he
actually considered that no people could remain truly free
without having a revolution at least once every twenty
years.

The Continental Congress, in issuing this declaration


of independence, not merely brought into existence a
new nation to take its place among the powers of the
earth; it also brought into being a new concept of
government, based on purely American rather than on
European antecedents. As opposed to the European idea
of "Divine Right of Kings," there was declared to the world
on that occasion at Philadelphia the new conception of
governments deriving their just powers from the consent
of the governed, and whose rights are limited by the
superior and inalienable rights of the governed. The new
nation may have never succeeded in putting this novel
idea actually into effect; but as the characteristic ideal of
the American people it remains, and all who claim to
believe in America’s Declaration of Independence, and all
who claim to celebrate the anniversary of that
declaration, should by the same token believe that
governments derive their just powers from the consent of
the governed, and that it is the right of any people to
abolish any government interfering with their individual
inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness. It is only on this basis that America can claim
to be a nation.

134. The Accusations in the Declaration. The


greater part of the Declaration of Independence,
however, is not either the declaration of rights, or the
resolution of independence proper, but an arraignment of
387
the British government, directed specifically against the
King, in whose name all official acts were done. It is
emphasized, however, that the British people are equally
guilty, as accomplices of their government, contrary to
the assertions of the modern minimizers of the American
revolution, who insist that the English people had no fight
with America.

Nor have we been wanting in our


attentions to our British brethren. We have
warned them, from time to time, of attempts
by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable
jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of
the circumstances of our emigration and
settlement here. We have appealed to their
native justice and their magnanimity, and we
have conjured them, by the ties of our common
kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which
would inevitably interrupt our connections and
correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to
the voice of justice and consanguinity. We
must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity
which denounces our separation, and hold
them, as we hold the rest of mankind—
enemies in war; in peace, friends.

The accusations themselves are illustrative of the


heterogeneous character of the tendencies which led to
the American Revolution; and it is noteworthy that the
prohibition of manufacture and the imposition of slavery
on America, two of the greatest sources of complaint in
New England, were completely omitted from
Philadelphia's arraignment of the British crown. But the
establishment of the military regime in Massachusetts
388
came in for its share of notice, the siege operations
around Boston still being represented, according the
usual version of the day, as a war of soldiery against an
unarmed people. Examples of such counts of the
arraignment are as follows:

He has dissolved representative houses


repeatedly for opposing, with manly firmness,
his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused, for a long time after such


dissolutions, to cause others to be elected,
whereby the legislative powers, incapable of
annihilation, have returned to the people at
large for their exercise....

He has kept among us, in times of peace,


standing armies, without the consent of our
legislatures.

He has affected to render the military


independent of, and superior to, the civil
power....

For quartering large bodies of troops


among us.

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from


punishment for any murders which they should
commit on the inhabitants of these states....

For taking away our charters, abolishing


our most valuable laws, and altering
fundamentally the forms of our governments....

He has abdicated government here by


389
declaring us out of his protection, and waging
war against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our


coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the
lives of our people.

The implication is quite noticeable here that military


power must be subordinate to the civil power, and that
standing armies maintained among a civil population are
in themselves objectionable; a basic keynote of anti-
militarism found only in America, which not even the
most radical libertarian revolt in Europe has ever been
able to attain. It may also be noted that dissolution of
legislatures by executive authorities, which still forms a
basic part of all governments in Europe, republican as
well as monarchical, is definitely set forth as a violation of
the people's fundamental rights, and has actually been so
treated throughout the entire period of existence of the
United States.

Although the prohibition of manufacture, one of the


most important of the original causes leading up to the
Revolution, was omitted from the Declaration, as being
the complaint of a poor element with which the
Continental Congress refused to have anything to do, the
same did not apply to the less important but noisier
accusations made by smuggling rings, which were well
represented in the Congress:

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the


world;
For imposing taxes on us without our

390
consent.

Again, the Southern expansionists, who had been


fighting through the Great Ohio War for conquest of the
Illinois country, made a denunciation of the Quebec Act of
1772, which made that country part of Canada, and
barred out settlement by the Southern aristocracy:

For abolishing the free system of


English laws in a neighboring province,
establishing therein an arbitrary
government, and enlarging its
boundaries, so as to render it at once
an example and fit instrument for
introducing the same absolute rule into
these colonies.

It hardly seems consistent with the entire spirit of


the Declaration of Independence to speak of the "free
system of English laws," which was, apparently, precisely
from what it was desired to escape. The charge, of
course, really was, that the Ohio territory was reserved
for the French of Canada, and for the original red
inhabitants, rather than left open for Southern invasion
and subjection to Southern aristocrats. Another count of
complaint which appeared as a result of the expansionist
element in the Congress, was the statement that England
had prevented naturalization and immigration. This is
particularly interesting in view of the number of people
who had been contending, at various periods in the
history of the Second Republic, that Americanism consists
in limitation or exclusion of immigration and
naturalization.

391
He has endeavored to prevent the
population of these States; for that
purpose obstructing laws for the
naturalization of foreigners; refusing to
pass others to encourage their migration
hither, and raising the conditions of new
appropriations of lands.

The last item in this count reveals it as an


expansionist accusation; but other rebel elements of that
time were also able to indorse the complaint against an
anti-foreign policy. In fact, one of the potent arguments
for independence at that time was that America, far from
being of homogeneous origin, was in reality a mixture of
all sorts of European national origins, such as the Dutch
of New York and New Jersey, the Germans of
Pennsylvania, the Swedes of the Delaware Counties,
French and Germans in the Carolinas, and mixed
nationalities who had been steadily migrating to all parts
of America throughout colonial history. Exclusion of
foreigners, therefore, was definitely an item of complaint.

On the allied subject of naturalization, mentioned in


this count of the accusation, it may be noted that
naturalization is a particularly American institution. Those
traditions which America has inherited from Europe have
never been reconciled to the idea of foreigners being
naturalized, since nationality in Europe has always been a
matter of heredity, and it was unthinkable for a vassal to
cut loose from subjection his lord. In America, on the
contrary, naturalization was part of the recognized order
long before the white people came, and it has remained
an American institution in spite of all European influence
to the contrary; and on this subject, as on many others,
392
the Declaration of Independence reveals the clash of
interests.

The arraignment of the British administration


(personified in the king, because all British governmental
action is taken in the king's name) thus appears as a
combination of conflicting elements, but as
predominantly Southern as the declaration of rights in the
same document is Northern. The Declaration of
Independence mentions nothing of the items of complaint
that had most to do with initiating a civil disobedience
and a revolutionary movement in Massachusetts―the
manufacturing issue, the land-aristocracy issue, and the
slavery issue. Nevertheless it was that neglected element
which started the revolt in Middlesex County in
Massachusetts which actually made independence in
America possible.

It needed all the country's aid


Before the monarch's men
Were beaten so they never could
To Bay Land come again.
The nation's independence thus,
Through this revolt was won
Which by the fight for liberty
In Bay Land had begun.

135. Federal Structure of the First Republic.


The Declaration of Independence made of America a
nation which thought of itself more as a federation than
as a republic. The primary issue from then on became
nationality and independence, and it was on those
questions that the rebels and the loyalists were split
393
apart. Together with independence, the right to federate
had been an important issue; while the form of
government in America was never a primary issue. If
America was to be independent, it was somehow taken
for granted that a democratic form must follow; indeed, it
does not appear that any argument was raised on that
point during the revolution. In subsequent revolutions
taking place in Europe, there was no issue of nationality,
but only as to the form of government; but America was
fighting rather to organize a federation than to become a
republic; and this fact is reflected in the title of the new
republic now established in America. The independent
government in America has never at any time referred to
itself as a republic officially, although it actually was the
pioneer among republics; it was merely referred to as an
American federation―the United States of America.

This federation, which, as we have seen, was


organized two years earlier as a mere complaint
conference similar to the Stamp Act Congress, was
actually a loose federation of independent governments
which could truly be called states. In this respect it
resembled the Penacook Federation, from which many of
its characteristics were definitely and directly derived.
Like the Penacook Federation, it originated as a wartime
alliance, although the elements which composed it were
too incongruous to be properly federated under Penacook
standards of federability. Many of the units of this
federation were fighting for diametrically opposed
purposes, and had nothing in common except the
common enemy. Thus, Massachusetts and New
Hampshire were revolting against a landed aristocracy
and the slave trade, while Virginia and the Carolinas were
battling for these very types of social structure. As a
394
more incongruous combination, Pennsylvania was one of
the most important members of the federation, while the
Lower Delaware Counties, which were waging war mainly
to separate from Pennsylvania, had also separate
representation in the same Congress, and, in fact, by
virtue of the Declaration of Independence, gained their
separation, organizing under the name of the State of
Delaware. The standard of federability was nearer to the
Iroquois group of requirements (common origin and
language) than to the Penacook requisites of common
social institutions and interests. According to the latter
standard, there should have been at least two
federations, one consisting of the Northern states, and
the other of the Southern states; the two having for the
time being a common enemy and therefore being able to
help each other, but nevertheless fighting in opposed
directions―therefore bound to come into constant
conflict, and more so within the same federation than if
separated. Conflicts between those two divisions have
characterized the history of the United States at all
periods, and might have been avoided in large measure if
the Penacook standard of federability had been adopted
rather than the Iroquois, thus avoiding the costly error of
federating together the incompatible elements of North
and South, which still show every sign of being truly
separate nationalities.

When the Declaration of Independence created the


United States of America as a federation, this federation
consisted of one constituent government Massachusetts,
which had been completely rebuilt from top to bottom,
retaining no element of the former administration; the
other constituents, Connecticut and Rhode Island, which
had already sworn off British allegiance, but which had
395
made no alteration whatever in internal government; one
more constituent, Delaware, which had just cut itself
loose from a neighboring state, and nine constituents in
which there had been merely a revolt of the legislature
against the governor and his administration. In addition,
four unrecognized colonies, Vermont, Vandalia,
Transylvania, and Watauga, were outside the federation
trying to become members.

The direct descent of this federation from the


Iroquois and Penacook and other red federations has
already been traced. In the first place, the first United
States federation was, in its inception, a revival of the
Albany Congress of 1754 (or at least so intended), which,
in its turn, had been directly suggested and guided by the
Iroquois; on the other hand, it was a legitimate successor
to the Stamp Act Congress, which was in itself a
continuation of the Congress of rebel provinces in 1690,
which derived from the New England Confederation,
modelled largely on the Penacook Federation. The title,
United States, was in itself a fairly good translation of the
name Dakota (allied tribes), applied to the red federation
of the upper Mississippi Valley. To follow the precedent of
the Iroquois and Penacook Federations, the Continental
Congress considered it necessary to draw up in
documentary form a statement of the functions, powers,
and organization of the federate administration, and to
that end appointed a committee to draw up a
constitution. This constitution was intended to express
the form of federated government, in the same way as
the world's first federation, that of the Iroquois, had done;
but it differed from the Iroquois constitution in that the
Iroquois Federation (likewise the Penacook) was formed
by the treaty which served as a constitution, whereas, in
396
the case of the Continental Congress, it was the federate
organization which was formed first, and which drew up
its own constitution. Despite this difference, in spite of
the fact that the United States took form before any
constitution creating a federation was drawn up, the
constitution was regarded as the Iroquois and Penacook
tribes regarded theirs, as a treaty between the
governments which were constituent units of the
federation.

The Declaration of Independence was a declaration


of the independence of each individual state of the
thirteen; it did not state that America was an independent
nation, but that the states were free and independent
states. All matters of ordinary law and administration
were state matters; in fact, the individual States fulfilled
every function expected of a nation in Europe; the
Continental Congress, the federate portion of the
organization, was merely conducting the concerted action
of fighting the revolution, and even that was done mainly
with the co-operation of the individual States. The
Congress was, at the beginning of the United States, not
so much a national government as a council of war, but
formed on a permanent instead of a temporary basis.
Delegates to the Continental Congress were elected
annually by the State governments, who could recall their
delegates at will; and the Congress was the supreme
power in the federal organization. There was no single
person who could be considered the head of the
organization; the Continental Congress had no ruler or
executive authority, but merely a presiding officer
(President), whom the outside world considered a rebel
ruler, as witness the British derision of "King Hancock," a
misunderstanding similar to the Puritans'
397
misunderstanding of the Penacook Federation when they
called the Bashaba Metacom "King Phillip." The President
of the Continental Congress was not the head of a
government, but the presiding officer of a council, who,
as the presiding officer, was properly called a President;
but, on the basis of that precedent, the chief executive
authority of republics has ever since been given the title
of President, in all parts of the world.

Thus was created a type of organization new to the


world of white men, although common among the reds―a
federated republic. The First Republic of the United
States, was not the same as the present government of
United States. The First Republic, the one created by the
American Federation, was a short-lived one, lasting but
thirteen years, and then being overthrown. Nevertheless,
it was this First Republic which issued the Declaration of
Independence, and which published to the world the
ideas of the rights of the people.

New England thus revolted; and so the


country o'er,
From Apalachee's mountains to ocean's salty
shore,
Men rose against the tyrant, and federal union
made,
As once by Quinnitucket the red men were
arrayed.

CHAPTER XXIII

THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE


398
136. Proclaiming Independence. The
Declaration of Independence, once passed as a resolution
in the Continental Congress, was then to be proclaimed in
the various States. This had to be done anyway, since the
Congress itself had no authority to pass laws for the
States themselves. Accordingly, at various periods during
the month of July, 1776, each of the thirteen States
forming part of the federation issued its own
proclamation, which was read to the people of the capital,
together with a reading of the Declaration of
Independence. In the case of New York, the procedure
was different, on account of the known hostility of the
people of New York City. The city was at the time
occupied by the Continental Army which had just come
from Boston; and the Declaration of Independence was
privately read to the Army, as soon as the news arrived
from Philadelphia, by their commander-in-chief, George
Washington, who was personally opposed to the idea of
independence, and who was therefore all the more
anxious to suppress the news from the general public.
The public proclamation was then made about two weeks
later.

The title of State, used in the Declaration as a sign


of independent government, was immediately adopted by
all the colonies. In most cases, celebrations followed the
proclamations of independence. In New York, the
celebration was practically confined to the Continental
Army―mostly New Englanders―who pulled down the
statue of King George on the Bowling Green, melted it up,
and made it into bullets, while the citizens, horrified at
such disloyalty, remained sullenly submissive as usual,
but made special efforts to secure deliverance from the
British military camp across the bay on Staten Island.
399
In many cities, royal names in use for various
localities were immediately changed. This was especially
to be observed in Boston, where a number of streets
received new names on that account. King Street, which
was famous historically for both the overthrow of Andros
and the Boston Massacre, could not be allowed to retain
such a name, and its title was appropriately changed to
State Street; while its continuation, Queen Street,
became Court Street. In New York, the Continental Army
ordered similar changes of names, which the people
never recognized, and which did not actually become
effective until after the peace treaty; Queen Street, which
had been Perel Street under the Dutch, was to resume its
old name, and be called Pearl Street; while Crown Street
was called Liberty Street by the Continental Army. The
names of Kings and Queens County on Long Island, and
of the King's Highway near Brooklyn, however, remain
unchanged to the present.

Lord Howe, the military governor who had been


forced to evacuate Boston, came to Staten Island, in New
York Harbor, with reinforcements for the British camp
there, and, on Friday, July 12, replied to the Declaration
of Independence with an offer of pardon for all rebels who
would return to their old allegiance. This document was
reprinted by the Continental Congress, and transmitted to
all States.

Up to this point, Massachusetts had been fighting


the British military authorities almost alone, except for a
few isolated regions in other parts of the northern
colonies. The Declaration of Independence, however,
together with Lord Howe's reply from Staten Island,
brought North America in general actively into the
conflict. It was practically a declaration of war on both
400
sides, and it now became a national war between United
States and Great Britain, instead of the fight for a new
form of government as it had been before. The American
Revolution, as revolution, was practically over; what now
began was the War for Independence. These two terms
are usually spoken of as synonymous; but there is
properly a distinction between the first year of the
fighting, when there was honestly an attempt to
overthrow established authority, and the subsequent
fighting, which was merely a patriotic war on behalf of
already established authority against a foreign power.
The motivating forces in the two cases were entirely
opposed to one another, being in one case opposition to
established authority, and, in the other case, blind
support of established authority. This is a risk run by
every revolution, since success can convert what was
previously rebel activity into blinder support of the
established order than the previous regime ever
demanded; and the danger is magnified when support of
a cause and a principle is allowed to turn into support of a
nationality and an administration; the true revolutionary
can always take the former stand, but must of necessity
oppose the latter, which all too frequently gains
adherents in the name of a revolution which has failed in
the very process of success. In this case, there was no
longer the original rebel movement, but a patriotic and
nationalistic one, which was rapidly deserted by many of
the original Massachusetts insurrectionists, even though
gaining the support of many former rebel sympathizers
all over America; and a movement to which liberty
meant, not the rights of the individual, but the separation
of America from England irrespective of individual rights.

401
After the Declaration of Independence, Vandalia
applied to the Continental Congress for admission as a
fourteenth State of the federation; but Virginia, whose
claim for independence had been mainly for purposes of
aggression in the west, replied by sending an army west,
subduing the two colonies of Vandalia and Transylvania,
and annexing them to Virginia, alleging in justification an
old charter of King Charles I, and in total disregard of the
fact that this territory had in the meantime been under
French possession!

As the Continental Congress was getting ready to


draw up a constitution for itself in accord with the
precedent of the Iroquois and Penacook Federations, it
also, misunderstanding the purpose of such a
constitution, urged all the States, when the proclamation
of independence was transmitted, to draw up their own
State constitutions. This was not the original purpose of
the written constitution, which was that of a treaty
between the units of a federation creating the federation,
and defining its organization and functions. A State
constitution, which was the constitution of an individual
national government, could have no such purpose. But,
as the original precedent for written constitutions was
that of a treaty creating a federation of independent
governments, the individual States adapted it so that it
was virtually in the form of a written contract federating
the people into a State, defining the functions and
organization of the State, and the respective rights of the
State and of the individuals. Connecticut and Rhode
Island, in which, as we have seen, no actual change of
government took place as a result of the American
Revolution, made no attempt to re-organize, but
continued under the same charters that had been
402
granted to them by England. Besides, Connecticut was
originally organized as a federation of towns, and
therefore had the first federate constitution of any white
settlements; so that it was merely retaining the
constitution that it had given itself, ignoring England, in
1636; and, in a way, the charters of Connecticut and
Rhode Island served as a basis for the constitutions of the
other States. This reorganization of State governments
brought them more nearly into line with precedents of
the former colonial regime, from which the legislatures of
the various States were actually inherited. However, it
was several years before the States went through this
reorganization.

137. England Recovers New York. As we have


seen, New York City at the time of the Declaration of
Independence was occupied by the Continental Army,
which had to deal with a hostile population looking to the
British army camp on Staten Island for deliverance. So
well was the hostility of the population in New York
recognized that the news of the Declaration of
Independence was suppressed there until the Continental
Army had heard a private reading of the Declaration, and
could be lined up in support of independence.
Independence also meant that the Continental Army,
principally composed of insurrectionists from New
England, had to deal with new desertions, not only of
many new recruits it had acquired in New York, but also
on the part of many of the old New England rebels who
were revolting against established authority and who
were not interested in helping a new established
authority conquer and subjugate a recalcitrant city. The
public proclamation of independence, accompanied by
the Continentals staging a demonstration on the Bowling
403
Green by pulling down the leaden statue of King George,
and melting it for bullets, served to increase the hostility
of the city population against the revolutionaries.

On Friday, July 12, 1776, before the news of the


Declaration of Independence reached New York, Lord
Howe, the ousted English governor of Massachusetts,
who had fled to Halifax on evacuating Boston, came to
Staten Island in New York with a large reinforcement for
the British camp there. A proclamation was then issued
from the camp on Staten Island offering pardon to all
such as would return to British allegiance, and it did have
the effect of consolidating monarchist sentiment in New
York City, but it had little effect in the rest of America,
although the Continental Congress actually had this
British proclamation reprinted and spread broadcast over
the country.

On Monday, August 26, a night crossing was made


by a large British detachment from Staten Island across
the Narrows to the southwestern end of Long Island, at
places which were then about ten miles outside Brooklyn,
although now sections of Brooklyn known as Bay Ridge
and Gerritsen Beach. From these landing points, the
British forces spread during the night, occupying the
whole western end of Long Island south of the Great
Terminal Moraine (a high ridge which splits the island
lengthwise), and by morning they had come to the
moraine on the north and as far east as the town of
Jamaica. Some of the Continental Army were stationed in
Brooklyn, north of the moraine, and, the moraine being a
natural defense, the passes in the ridge near Brooklyn
were well guarded. A fight ensued at the moraine passes;
but the Continentals had no guard at the pass on the
Jamaica Road (now known as East New York), which made
404
it a simple matter for the British to get north of the
moraine by that route, and around the east flank of the
Continental Army. The pass at what is now known as
Greenwood Cemetery was held by the American forces
several hours more, but eventually it became a British
victory all around, and the Continental troops were forced
to retreat and abandon Brooklyn to the British. A last
stand was made by the Americans on Brooklyn Heights,
on the shore of the East River near Brooklyn; but another
fight there two days later forced the Americans to retreat
over the river into New York itself, leaving the whole of
Long Island in British possession.

Since the British were making visible preparations to


cross the East River to Manhattan above New York, and
since the city proved difficult for the Continentals to keep
subdued, another retreat was made on Friday, September
13, to Murray Hill, where the Americans concentrated at
about the present location of East 34th Street, leaving the
city of New York to be entered by Lord Howe and his
army. The city welcomed the British as a deliverance
from the Yankee rebels, but enough rioting arose in the
city over the event to start a serious fire, which burned a
large part of the city. In spite of this catastrophe, the
enthusiasm of the New Yorkers over the return of the
British army was not a bit dampened, and the city
remained loyal to England throughout the War for
Independence. During the entire time that the United
States was building itself up as a nation, a small British
dominion including a large territory around New York and
its surroundings had become quite firmly established, and
the entire United States had been able to become
thoroughly organized without New York and its
surroundings forming any part of it. Through the War for
405
Independence, New York was the British headquarters in
America.

Even on Murray Hill, the Continentals were not able


to hold their position for long. It was attempted to throw
the American line across the entire island at this point,
but before this could be done the British troops in the city
started in pursuit, and were in a good position to circle
the Americans from the west side. The Americans
retreated over Murray Hill in a northwesterly direction,
both to elude pursuit and to head off a British march up
the old tribal trail that led up the length of the island. A
temporary stand was made at the Long Acre, a deserted
region on that trail, part of which was at a much later
date converted into a city square called Longacre
Square―now known as Times Square. After a hurried
conference at the place now occupied by one of New
York’s great theater buildings, the Paramount Theater, it
was decided that the Long Acre was a very weak spot to
defend, and a further retreat was made to the high hills in
the center of the Island of Manhattan (now Central Park),
where a fort was established on the top of one of the hills
west of Harlem Mere.

During all these retreats the American army actually


received much aid from the civilian population, who were
more anxious to see the Yankees leave than to see them
come; in fact, it seemed to be quite agreed that they
ought to be sent back to Massachusetts, whence they
came. The fact that this aid in many cases took the form
of women’s detaining the British soldiers with an excess
of hospitality seems to indicate that there was no
antagonism to the British involved.

406
In the meantime further British forces were sent up
the west side of the Hudson River, and occupied the
portion of New Jersey which is near New York. To block
their spread northward behind the Continental lines,
some of the Continental Army were posted on the New
Jersey Palisades, while, in Manhattan itself, the American
troops occupied Harlem Heights (now called
Morningside), while the British occupied the villages of
Bloomingdale and Harlem, between which lay the hills on
which the Continental Army had built their fortifications.
The British were finally successful in storming Harlem
Heights, forcing the Americans to another retreat
northwards to almost the tip of the island, while a
corresponding retreat was made across the river,
establishing the American lines for a while at new
fortifications called Fort Washington in Manhattan, and
Fort Lee in New Jersey, located near the present site of
the George Washington Memorial Bridge. Even these
proved untenable, and the American forces left the island
of Manhattan altogether, and returned to the American
continent proper. In accordance with the civilian
population’s policy of helping the Americans to get out of
there, it is said that when the American soldiers came
down the first mainland ridge the women threw
featherbed mattresses on the road to deaden the noise of
marching; from which circumstance that road, now a
street in the Bronx, bears the name of Featherbed Lane.

The gradual retreat of the Continental Army


proceeded in all directions from the city, until they had
been forced to the Connecticut border on the east, to the
Hudson River Highlands on the north, and to the
Delaware River on the west. On Christmas night of 1776,
a surprise return of American troops from Pennsylvania
407
over the Delaware resulted in a temporary defeat of the
British at Trenton the following day, and the western part
of New Jersey again came into rebel possession. In
Westchester County, the mainland north of New York, it
was not found feasible for either British or Americans to
occupy the place, so it remained a neutral ground,
subject to constant raids from both sides, and actually
ruled till the end of the war by two organized rival gangs
of marauders who were known as the Skinners and the
Cowboys.

138. "Burgoyning." As we have seen, Ticonderoga,


which had been captured by the Vermonters at the
beginning of the revolution, formed a center around
which the revolutionary element of the state of New York
was able to congregate. This ultimately meant the
organization of an independent state over a region
reaching from Lake Champlain to the upper part of the
Hudson Valley, with Albany as a metropolis; it was to
Albany that the Assembly of the province of New York
fled when the Continental Army started retreating from
the city of New York―as a result, Albany became the
capital of the state of New York, and has remained so
ever since; while New York City became the capital of
British territory in the old English colonies of America.

In the same way as, in 1689, the French sought an


outlet to the sea from Montreal by Lake Champlain and
the Hudson River, the British armies in Canada, under
General Burgoyne, attempted the same outlet in 1777,
expecting thereby to effect a junction with the British
forces under Howe in New York, and separate New
England from the rest of the rebel country. The east side
of Lake Champlain, Vermont, was too hopelessly rebel
territory for the British to attack directly into their
408
mountains; but on the west, or Adirondak, side, the
British had the aid of their ally the Iroquois Federation; as
a result of the combination, Ticonderoga was recaptured
in July by the British, who proceeded triumphantly as far
as the southern end of Lake Champlain, where, coming to
the end of that water barrier, they had to spread out
somewhat. An entry into Vermont was then attempted
around the southern end of Lake Champlain, in the hope
that this would form an easier way to get into that region
which had defied England for nineteen years with
complete success. However, the Vermont army, the
"Green Mountain Boys," aided by the minute-men of New
Hampshire, met them at Bennington on Saturday, August
16, 1777, and inflicted on the British a severe defeat
which drove them back to the Hudson Valley. By this time
reinforcements were arriving from the Continental Army
in New Jersey. In September the retreating army of
Burgoyne made a stand at Saratoga, when the
Continentals joined the pursuit forces from Vermont and
New Hampshire, and several skirmishes ensued at that
point.

In the meanwhile, the British troops in New York,


finding the American army weakened in New Jersey,
made a drive across New Jersey and into Philadelphia,
expecting that the capture of the rebel capital would end
the war. In this case, however, the federate form of
government, which Europe had never possessed, and
could not understand, proved an unexpected source of
strength, since the real capitals were in the states, while
the Continental Congress, being a loosely organized
federation with little to hold it to any one spot, simply
moved from Philadelphia to Lancaster. The Quakers of
Pennsylvania were neutral, but, since the British had the
409
money, while the revolutionaries had none, it was the
British who procured the supplies, there being even much
smuggling through the lines into Philadelphia, while the
Continental Army had to spend a winter with little in the
way of food or clothing, at Valley Forge, between
Philadelphia and Lancaster.

But the volunteer groups in the north, with such aid


as the Continentals were able to send them, were faring
differently. They rapidly closed in on Burgoyne’s army,
and, after a few indecisive fights, the Vermonters and
their temporary allies finally won out so definitely that, on
Friday, October 17, 1777, General Burgoyne surrendered
his army to the United States.

It was planned to send Burgoyne’s army back to


Europe from the port of Boston; but the Americans at that
time had difficulty in arranging for the transportation of
eight thousand men and their supplies, so they were sent
to Virginia instead, to await some opportunity of
transportation across the ocean. Many of them were
Germans from the armies of little principalities in
Germany, and who were rented out to England for the
special service; and these expressed a preference for
staying in America. They were allowed to become citizens
of the United States, and remained in America, while the
Englishmen in Burgoyne’s army were later returned to
England under parole.

This sudden victory, at the time when the revolution


seemed losing in all directions and doomed to defeat,
was a great surprise to the Americans themselves, and
might not have been possible but for the intervention of
the little independent republic of Vermont, which the
United States no less than England regarded as an
410
enemy, since they were defying the sovereign claims of
the State of New York. But it was nevertheless this
intervention of Vermont that turned the tide of the war
definitely, at least as far as the north was concerned, and
made it impossible for the British ever again to be a
serious menace to the northern states, outside of the
neighborhood of New York City, which was at that time
more pro-British than England itself.

"And, with defeat impending, in Freedom’s darkest hour,


The mountaineers descended and crushed the tyrant’s
power,
From out these hills where Freedom for years had made
its stand,
O’erlooking Quinnitucket and guarding o’er its strand."

This victory over such a powerful nation as Great


Britain immediately brought the revolution in America to
the attention of the world, and, for the first time, Europe
began to pay attention to America as a possible factor in
international affairs. Lexington and Concord had been
much more decisive victories; but the complete surrender
of an army of eight thousand was enough to excite
attention across the sea.

From this victory at Saratoga, there was in use in


America for some time after that a new word, "to
burgoyne," expressing the sudden and unexpected
conversion of hopeless defeat into triumphant victory.

139. Foreign Aid. The War for Independence


proved an attraction for certain classes of European
adventurers looking for some new quarter of the world to
fight in. The first case was the Marquis de Lafayette, who
411
had a small army of private soldiers of his own, and was
looking for a chance to give them practice in warfare;
they left France for Spain quietly, and sailed in secret for
America, landing at Charles Town, in South Carolina, in
the spring of 1777. The Polish aristocrats Kosciusko and
Pulaski, and the Prussian Baron von Steuben, came over
to America later on in the same way, although Lafayette’s
group of French was the only effective foreign ally the
United States had in the War for Independence. Lafayette
and his Frenchmen were with the Continentals at Valley
Forge, and later, in 1778, helped to drive the British out
of the naval base in Newport, the only New England point
the British still retained.

As the Marquis de Lafayette was one of the high


French nobility, and in the king’s favor, France followed
up his departure officially with a diplomatic recognition of
the United States as an independent nation―the first
foreign recognition the United States had ever received.
Benjamin Franklin was sent over as American
ambassador to France, and became exceedingly popular
in Paris, apparently as the latest Parisian fad.

This recognition of the United States was


interpreted in London as an insult to the British Empire,
and trouble immediately arose between England and
France over the situation. Since the French government
saw in this situation a chance to recover Canada and
India, and in other ways to cripple England as a rival,
there was no objection on the part of France to letting the
matter drift into a war. The declaration of war was
followed by a treaty of alliance between France and the
United States, both nations pledging themselves not to
make separate peace―an agreement which almost
proved completely disastrous later on.
412
This sudden declaration of war by a neighbor
resulted in a surge of nationalist enthusiasm in England,
whose people had up to then comparatively little interest
in the doings in far-off America. But a new nation was to
come in on the side of France and America. Spain, finding
England engaged with two enemies, decided that it would
be a good opportunity to recover Gibraltar as well as
some of it former Western Hemisphere possessions such
as Florida, Belize, and Jamaica. So Spain concluded an
alliance with France, and declared war against England;
and Spain and France together started a siege of
Gibraltar.

England now, being beset with enemies, proceeded


on her old theory that "Britannia rules the waves," to take
it out on neutral shipping in the English Channel and the
Atlantic Ocean, searching and seizing many neutral ships.
As a result, the various neutral countries in Europe,
including Prussia, Austria, Russia, and many others,
formed an alliance called the Armed Neutrality, to protect
their rights as neutrals, and particularly defining the
rights of neutral ships on the high seas. Although only
one nation of the Armed Neutrality, namely, Holland,
became actually involved in the war, the entire alliance
was a menace to England, to such an extent that, by
1780, very little English shipping was left on the ocean,
England's supplies were to a great extent cut off, and an
armed military force had to be kept in London itself to
avert possible uprising at home.

140. Articles of Confederation. In the meantime,


the committee of the Continental Congress appointed at
the time of the Declaration of Independence to draft a
constitution for the newly-independent federation, was at

413
work drawing up what it entitled "Articles of
Confederation and Perpetual Union."

The States themselves were also urged to show


their independence by making up constitutions of their
own to replace the charters which represented authority
England had given them to have a government of their
own. As we have seen, Rhode Island and Connecticut,
whose charters gave England no control, and which had
declared their independence before the Congress did,
continued to function without any change in form of
government, keeping their old charters; Connecticut
actually had among its fundamental laws a compact
which served the purpose of a federate constitution,
being a treaty of federation of towns into a single
provincial administration. In Massachusetts, the minute-
men's organization, carried over from the civil
disobedience period, differed from the other states in that
it was not based on the previous regime, and had no
precedents but its own to follow or to overthrow. New
Hampshire also differed from the other states in having
participated in the revolution before the declaration of
independence; but, unlike the case of its neighbor
Massachusetts the revolt was definitely one of the
legislature against the English-appointed governor and
judges, and, even before independence was declared,
New Hampshire proceeded to reorganize its government
on a standard British model, with an elected executive t