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About 1600, a.d., 

The earliest genuine full view, from a unique drawing in Pepys's Collection in Magdalen College, Cambridge, reproduced, by permission, from a photo-chromo-lithograph 

made for the NEW SHAKSPERE SOCIETY, 1881, by W. Griggs. 






J. R. GREEN, M.A. 

Illustrated E&ition 











Notes ox the Illustrations lv — lxxxii 



Sect. i. — The Puritans, 1583 — 1603 935 

„ 2. — The First of the Stuarts, 1604 — 1623 967 

,, 3. — The King and the Parliament, 1623 — 1629 10 17 

,, 4. — New England 1043 

,, 5. — The Personal Government, 1629 — 1640 ic6y 

,, 6. — The Long Parliament, 1640 — 1642 1111 

,, 7. — The Civil War, July 1642 — August 1646 1141 

„ 8. — The Army and the Parliament, 1646 — 1649 1176 

„ 9. — The Commonwealth, 1649 — 1653 1205 

,, 10. — The Fall of Puritanism, 1653 — 1660 1233 



Sect. i. — England and the Revolution 1286 

,, 2. — The Restoration, 1660 — -1667 131 7 

,, 3. — Charles the Second, 1667 — 1673 1351 

„ 4.— Danby, 1673— 1678 1383 


Old London Bridge, c. a.d. 1600 Frontispiece to Vol. III. 

Reproduced, by permission, from a photo-chromolithograph made for the 
New Shakspere Society from a drawing in Pepys' Collection at Magdalene 
College, Cambridge. This is the earliest genuine view of London Bridge. 

The bridge itself was built 1 176-1209. Between the Middlesex shore and 
the first pier next that side stand the waterworks, built 1582. On the eighth 
pier stands the Bridge Chapel, dedicated to S. Thomas of Canterbury. The 
twelfth pier (seventh from the Surrey side) was formerly occupied by a draw- 
bridge tower, on the top of which traitors' heads were set. In 1576 this 
tower, "being in great decay,'"' was taken down, and in its stead was put up, 
c. 1584, "a pleasant and beautiful dwelling-house/' made entirely of wood, 
and called Nonesuch House. It was made in Holland, brought over in pieces, 
and put together entirely with wooden pegs. Between Nonesuch House and 
the next block of buildings is a wooden drawbridge, "to let masted or big 
boats through." On the third pier from Surrey side is another curious 
wooden edifice, consisting of four round turrets connected by a curtain and 
embattled, and enclosing several small habitations, with a broad covered 
passage beneath, the building itself overhanging the bridge on both side- ; 
this dated from 1577-9. On the next pier stands Southwark, or Traitors' 
Gate, built at the same time ; here the traitors' heads were placed after the 
demolition of the old drawbridge tower. The last two arches on the Surrey 
side are occupied by Southwark corn-mills, built c. 1588. The rest of the 
buildings on the bridge were dwelling-houses and shops. 

Monument to John Stowe to face page 934 

Stowe, a tailor by trade, is famous as the historian and topographer of 
London. He died in 1605, and this monument was placed by his widow over 
his tomb in the church of S. Andrew Undershaft, Leadenhall Street. It is of 
veined English alabaster, with black marble introduced in the frieze, and a 
white marble plinth. The use of English alabaster seems to prove it to be of 
native workmanship. The quill pen placed in the hand of the figure has had 
to be replaced many times, having been stolen by visitors who imagined it to 
be the identical one with which Stowe wrote his chronicles. The decoration 
on the sides is mostly allegorical ; ornaments made of books, crossed ink-horns, 
bones and shovels, the flame rising from a lamp, and a skull. The coat of 
arms above is of very singular design. The monument, the detail of which it 
is peculiarly difficult to see in its actual position, has been drawn specially for 
this book. 

Illustration on Title-page of "Commonplaces of Christian Religion,"' 

1563 938 

Preaching before the King and Prince of Wales at Paul's Cr ss, 

1616. 939 

From a picture in the collection of the Society of Antiquaries. This 
"Cross," or pulpit, was built (on the site of an earlier one) towards the end 
of the fourteenth century. The frame was of timber, the steps of stone, the 
roof of lead. It was razed by order of Parliament in 1642-3 ; preaching in it 
had ceased in 1633. The picture represents Dr. John King, Bishop of 



London, preaching in 1616 before the King, Queen, and Prince of Wales, 

who are seated in a sort of bay jutting out from the gallery facing the 

Colonel Hutchinson and his Son {Picture by R. Walker, formerly at 

Owthorpe) 94° 

"The English Gentleman" {Braithwait, " The English Gentleman" second 

edition, 1633) 94 " 2 

"The English Gentlewoman" {Braithwait, "The English Gentlewoman;' 

1631) 943 

A Puritan Family ■ 944 

Frontispiece to a music-book, "Tenor of the whole Psalms in 4 Parts . . . 
set forth for the encrease of vertue and the abolishynge of other vayne and 
tryflyng ballades," London, 1563. 

John Milton, aged ten years {Picture by Cornelius Jansscn, in the possession 

of Mr. Edgar Disney, of the Hyde, Ingatestone) 945 

Organ positive, early seventeenth century {South Kensington Museum) 946 
The organ on which Milton played was probably an instrument of this 
kind. It was called "positive," as being intended to occupy a fixed position 
on a stand or table, unlike the earlier " portative " shown in p. 396. 

The Mother of Oliver Cromwell 949 

From an original portrait in the possession of Mrs. Russell Astley, of 
Chequers Court, who has kindly had it photographed for reproduction in this 
book. Mrs. Cromwell was Elizabeth, daughter of William Steward, of Ely. 

Brass of Humphry Willis, Esq 950 

Humphry Willis died in 1618, aged twenty-eight years. This memorial of 
him, placed in Wells Cathedral by his widow, is a curious illustration of 
Puritan modes of thought. The dead man's shield, charged with the arms of 
his family, hangs behind him on a shattered tree labelled "Broken, not dead, 
I live in hope " ; to the plumed hat, the buckled shoes, the broken sword, the 
cards and dice, the tennis-racket and the viol, which he leaves behind him, he 
exclaims, " Vain things, farewell " ; instead of them he turns to the "Armour 
of God" and the "Word of Life," praying, " Give me these, O Lord" ; an 
angel replies, " To him that asketh, it shall be given," and holds out the book 
of life, while another, holding a crown, says, "Take it, thou hast conquered." 
The two birds and the hand in the upper corner may represent the Christian 
soul and its refuge, figured by the dove sheltered in Noah's ark. 

John Bunyan {Drawing by Robert White, in British Museum) 951 

A Family Meal, early seventeenth century {Ballad in Roxburghe Col- 
lection, British Museum) 952 

Thomas Cartwright {S. Clark, "Lives of Eminent Persons") 954 

Richard Hooker {Picture in National Portrait Gallery) 956 

John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury {Engraving by G. Vertue) . . 959 
Richard Bancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury {Engraving by G. Vertue). 960 
George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury {Engravi7ig by Simon Pass) . . 961 

An English Printing-office, 1619 964 

From the title-page of R. Pont (Pontanus), "De Sabbaticorum annorum 
periodis Digestio," printed by William Jones, 1619. 

Leicester's Hospital, Warwick 965 

A most interesting group of buildings. The gate is the old west gate of the 
town, and dates from the thirteenth century ; the tower was added by Thomas 
Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, under Richard II. Close beside the gate the 
united gilds of Holy Trinity, S. Mary and S. George reared their Hall, in the 
sixth year of Richard's reign. In 37 Hen. VIII. the gild was dissolved ; in 
4 Ed. VI. the hall was granted to Sir Nicolas Le Strange ; under Mary it 
passed into the hands of the bailiff and burgesses ; these conveyed it in 1571 
to the Earl of Leicester, and he turned it into a " Maison-Dieu," or hospital, 
for a master and twelve brethren, and appointed Thomas Cartwright the first 



"The Map of Mock-beggar Hall, with his situation in the spac: 

country called Anvwhere*' (Roxbnrghe Ballcuf) 966 

At the close of Elizabeth's reign, and throughout the reign of James I. and 
the early years of Charles, there was much complaining in the rural districts 
because the nobles and gentry flocked up to London, leaving their country houses 
empty and neglected, so that where in former times there had been feasting 
for rich and poor alike, a beggar could not now get a crust of bread. To the 
houses thus deserted was given the nickname of " Mock-beggar Hall." One 
result of this gathering to the Court was that for the first time news of the 
doings there were carried back to every district throughout England, and thus 
became a matter of criticism to the country at large. 

Ignatius de Loyola (Rose, " S. Ignatius de Loyola") 96S 

From a picture by Coello, in the house of the Jesuits at Madrid. 

"Fishing for Souls," 1614 970 

From a picture by Adrian van de Venne, in the Museum at Amsterdam. 
An allegorical representation of the religious strife of the time. On the left of 
the spectator is a group of Protestants, in the midst of them preachers in 
boats, one of whom holds up to the men in the water around a Bible inscribed 
" Evangelio Piscatores, 16 14 '" ; the ships on the right are filled with Catholic 
bishops, priests, and monks, and the Catholics are grouped on the shore near 
them. Many of the figures are portraits. 

George Herbert (Engraving by Robert White] 972 

James I. (Picture by P. van Somer, in National Portrait Gallery) 975 

CONVOCATION, 1623-4 (Contemporary print in British Museum) 977 

The Nation and its Riotous Governors, 1603 97S 

From a satirical print in the British Museum. The figures of the various 
people striving to mount the ass which represents England, of the poor man 
who begs the judge to supersede them, and of the judge who wisely declines 
to meddle in the fray, illustrate not merely the costume but also the temper of 
the people with whom James had to deal at the beginning of his reign, and 
their view of the political situation. 

Queen Elizabeth opening Parliament 0S2 

From R. Glover's " Nobilitas politica et civilis," 1608. This is probably 
the earliest authentic representation of a meeting of the House of Lords : for 
in that on p. 445 there is a confusion of dates, and the Peer^gathered round 
Henry VIII. in p. 691 are evidently very informally grouped. In the present 
illustration the arrangement of the House, save that the mitred abbots have 
disappeared, is much the same as in Edward IV. 's time. The chair on the 
Queen's right is marked " Rex Scocix," that on her left " Princeps Wallix.'" 
The 17 bishops sit on the right side of the House (viewed from the throne), 
29 lay peers on the left ; the judges are in the middle ; immediately before 
the throne stand the Treasurer and the Marshal ; in the rear are some of the 
peers' eldest sons ; and at the bar stands a deputation of the Commons, 
presenting their newly-chosen Speaker to the Queen. 

Unite of James I ' 9S4 

James I. issued coins similar to those already in use in England ; but he also 
issued in 1604, beside the sovereign, a gold coin of the same value, called the 
unite, which commemorated the union of England and Scotland by the legend 
" King of Great Britain " (instead of "England and Scotland "), " France and 
Ireland " on the obverse, and " I will make them one people " on the reverse. 
Its value was afterwards raised to 22s. The specimen here figured (from the 
British Museum) dates from 1612-1619. 

Henry, Prince of Wales 9S5 

From a miniature by Isaac Oliver, at Windsor Castle. Henry, eldest son of 
James L, was born in 1594 and died in 1612. 

The Gunpowder Plotters 987 

From the title-page of a German tract, " Warhafftige und eigentliche Be- 
schreibung der Verratherei," Sec, published at Frankfort in 1606, by the brothers 
De Br}-, who were in London at the time of the Plot. 



Front of House of Sir Paul Pindar . . . . . . . . . 98S 

Formerly in Bishopsgate Without, London ; built in 1600 by Sir Paul Pindar, 
a great Levant merchant, who was sent by James I. as ambassador to Turkey 
from 161 1- 1620. The house was demolished in 1890, when its front was 
removed to the South Kensington Museum, where it is now preserved. Its 
lower part had been altered so that restoration was impossible ; the windows 
have been filled with modern glass, of a 17th century pattern ; in the engraving 
this has been replaced by the simpler glazing which is shown in an old drawing 
of the house. 

Arms of the Levant Company {Hazlitt, "Livery Companies of London") . 989 
The Company of Levant or Turkey merchants was incorporated by Queen 

Arms of the African Company {Hazlitt, "Livery Companies") 989 

This Company was first incorporated in 1588 ; secondly, in 1662, under the 
name of " The Company of Royal Adventurers of England and Africa," and 
finally in 1672, as "The Royal African Company." Its success was small, 
owing to the opposition of the Dutch. 

Original Arms of the East India Company 990 

Mr. F. C. Danvers has kindly lent this illustration from his paper on the 
" India Office Records." The first charter granted to the East India Company 
by Elizabeth in 1600 gave them the exclusive privilege of trading to the Indies 
for fifteen years. In May 1601 they ordered their treasurer "to paye to the 
Kynge of Heraldes the some of Twentie merkes for assigninge a Armes to the 
Companie by vertue of his Office." In July, finding their voyage round the 
Cape hindered by Dutch and Spanish ships, they determined to seek a north- 
west passage to India ; some interesting records of this scheme are preserved. 
At first they traded only with Java, Sumatra, and the neighbouring isles ; in 
1608 they sent ships to Surat and Cambay, and thus began a trade with India 
proper, where Surat became their chief seat. The earliest extant document 
from abroad relating to the Company's business is a translation of the Articles 
granted by the King of Achin to the subjects of the Queen of England, for free 
entry and trade in his dominions. 

Court of Wards and Liveries, temp. Elizabeth 991 

From the engraving in " Vetusta Monumenta " of a picture in the collection 
of the Duke of Richmond. The date appears to be c. 1580-98. At the head 
of the table sits the Master of the Court (who at that time was Lord Burleigh), 
with the mace on the table beside him ; right and left of him sit two judges, 
probably acting as his assessors ; next to these sit, on the right the Surveyor, 
on the left the Attorney of the Court ; next to the Surveyor is the Receiver- 
General, reading a scroll, and beyond him the Usher with his rod ; opposite 
are the Auditor, and the Messenger wearing his badge ; facing the Master stand 
three clerks, and behind them two Serjeants. 

Cresset, Seventeenth Century ( Tower of London) 992 

Monument of Richard Humble, Alderman of London, and his Family 993 
In the church of S. Mary Overie (also called S. Saviour), Southwark. Richard 
Humble died in 1616 ; this tomb, erected by his only surviving child, is one 
of the two canopied monuments in London, and has therefore been drawn 
specially for this book. The Alderman's two wives kneel behind him ; below 
are represented, on one side his four daughters, on the other his two sons. 

The Bellman of London, 1616 994. 

From the title-page of a tract or broadside, "The Bellman of London," 
1616, in the Bagford Collection (British Museum). Some forty years later 
Samuel Pepys writes in his Diary :— " I staid up till the bellman came by with 
his bell, just under my window, as I was writing this very line, and cried, 
' Past one of the clock, and a cold, frosty, windy morning.' " 

Old Town Hall, Hereford 995 

From a facsimile, published by the Camden Society, of a MS. " History 
from Marble," compiled by Thomas Dingley in the reign of Charles II. The 
Hereford Town-hall was built in 1618-20 by Tohn Abell, who was considered 
the master-builder of the 17th century, and who was appointed "one of 
his Majesty's carpenters" during the defence of Hereford at the siege of 1643. 



The building is now destroyed. Dingley gives a curious account of it : — 
"This is a fair Timber Structure supported by Columns of wood. Here sit 
the Judges of Assize over the Piazza or Walk. In the uppermost part of this 
building are Chambers for the several Corporacons of this city with their 
Arms, and these proper verses of Scripture and devices over their Doors. 

"The Skinners have the representation of Adam and Eve, and these words : — 
Unto Adam also and to his wife did the Lord God make coats of skin, and 
cloathed them. — Gen. ch. 3 ver. 21. 

" The Tanners this : — Send therefore to Joppa and call hither Simon whose 
surname is Peter ; he is lodged in the house of one Symon a Tanner, by, <X:c. 
— Acts 10 v. 32. 

"Butchers, the motto: — Omnia subjecisti sub pedibus, oves & boves." — 
Psal. 8 v. 6 and 7. 

"Glovers: — They wandred about in sheepskins and goatskins, being 
destitute, &c. — Heb. ch. 11 v. 37. 

" Bakers : — Give us day by day our daily bread. — Luke II v. 3 d . 
" Cloathiers or Cloath Workers . . . have this motto : — My trust is in God 
alone, besides about their chamber these verses (I suppose sett up by one John 
Lewis, once master of the Company here), in old English Character, such as 
it is : — 

" Cloathing doth other trades exceed as fan- 
As splendid Sol outshines the dullest starr. 

By it the poor doe gain their lively hood 

Who otherwise might starve for want of Food. 

Farmers by it make money and do pay 

Their Landlords duly on the very day. 

The Clothiers they grow rich, shopkeepers thrive, 

The Winter's worsted and man kept alive. 

Advance but Clothing and we need not sayle 

To Colchus against dragons to prevayle 

Or yoke wild Bulls to gain the Golden Fleece, 

As Jason did who stray'd so far from Greece. 

Promote the Staple Trade with Skill and Art 

The Fleece of Gold will satisfye your heart, 

Concenter that the Weever may go on, 

John Lewis swears by Jove it shall be done." 

Two Judges, temp. Elizabeth [MS. Add. 28330) to face p. 996 

Sir Edward Coke {Engraved Portrait by David Loggan) 997 

"Kniperdoling" 998 

From a sketch by Inigo Jones, by whom the costumes, scenery, and stage 
contrivances for the Court masques under James I. and Charles I. were nearly 
all designed ; the examples of his sketches here given are from the Shake- 
speare Society's facsimiles of originals in the collection of the Duke of Devon- 
shire. Kniperdoling, or Knipperdolling, was a cobbler and a prophet of great 
repute among the Anabaptists in the time of John of Leyden (early 16th 
century). The figure to which his name has been given by I. Jones was 
evidently designed for some Court masque, and intended as a satire upon the 
sectaries. It thus illustrates the contemptuous attitude of the Court towards 
the people. 

Group from the Masque of " The Fortunate Isles " 999 

By Inigo Jones. This masque was performed at Court on Twelfth Night, 
1626. The characters here represented are an " Airy Spirit," " Scogan," 
" Skelton " (said to have been poets of the 15th century), and " A Brother of 
the Rosy Cross." 

"Cade" 1000 

Sketched by Inigo Jones, probably lor the part of Jack Cade in Shake- 
speare's "Henry VI.," Part 2. In this figure, as in that of Knipperdolling, 
Jones was evidently making a mock, for the entertainment of the court, at a 
popular leader. Cade's attitude is that of drunken bravado ; his tattered 
trousers contrast absurdly with his plumed head-piece, which is a " sallet " or 



"salad " a peculiarly shaped helmet worn in Cade's time, but already un- 
common in that of Shakespere (who has a punning allusion to the double 
meaning of its name; "Henry VI., Part 2, Act iv. Sc. x.), and all but 
obsolete in that of Jones. 

Robert Carr and Frances Howard, Earl and Countess of Somerset 

{contemporary print in British Museum) I° 01 

Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury {engraving by Elstrak) 1003 

German Crossbow \ q l6oo {To:ver of London) 1004 

Arbalest j . 

The later crossbows were mostly made in Germany ; some of them were 

highly ornamented. The second of those here figured is inlaid with ivory. 

Crossbows are said to have been used in actual warfare for the last time by 

some of the English troops in the expedition to La Rochelle, in 1627 ; see 

below, p. 1033. 

A Cannon, 1608 .••••••• IO ° 5 

From MS. Cotton Julius F. iv. (British Museum), a treatise on artillery, 

written 1608. 


Musketeer, temp. James I . • . 1007 

These two figures are from a broadside in the collection of the Society of 

A Knight of the Garter and his Usher, 1623-5 . . 1008 

From MS. Egerton 1264 (British Museum), the Album of a traveller from 
Nuremberg, George Holtzschuher. 
Tile with arms and crest of the Bacon family {South Kensington 

Museum) 1009 

The initials N. B. on this tile represent Sir Nicholas Bacon, father of 
Charles I. as Prince of Wales {miniature by Peter Oliver, at Windsor 

Castle) 1012 

Rocking-horse of Charles 1 1013 

From the Old Palace, Theobald's Grove ; now in the Great House, 

The Lord Mayor of London, his sword-bearer, and purse-bearer, 

1623-5 (AT.?. Eg. 1264) 1014 

The Lady Mayoress and her attendants, 1623-5 {MS. Eg. 1264) . . . 1015 

Entry of Prince Charles into Madrid, 1623 {contemporary German print) . 1016 

Prince Charles's Welcome Home from Spain {broadside, in collection of 

Society of Antiquaries) • 1018 

The English Council of War, 1623-4 {broadside, in same collection) . . . 1020 
Catchpoll f SEVENTEENTH century (Tower of London) 102 1 

Charles I. opening Parliament {contemporary print in British Museum) . 1022 
An adaptation of the older engraving reproduced in p 982. The alteration 
in costume is noticeable. 

St. Germans Church and Port Eliot 1025 

Sir John Eliot {picture in the possession of the Earl of St. Germans, at Port 

Eliot) I02 6 

GeorgeVilliers, Duke of Buckingham {from W. J. Delff's engraving of 

a picture by Miercveldt) 1028 

Chief Justice Crew, {after IV. Hollar) 103 1 

Monument of Sir Charles Montague, 1625 {Gardiner, " Students' History 

England") .... io ^ 2 

In Barking Church, Essex. A similar illustration of the tents and military , 
accoutrements of the time occurs on a monument in S. Helen's Church, 
Bishopsgate, to the memory of Martin Bond, captain of the Trained Bands of 
London, who died in 1643. 



Ships of Buckingham's Fleet ["A manifestation of the Duke of Buckingham," 

1627) 1033 

Facsimile of a page from the Account-Book of the Coopers' Company 

of London, 1576 Hazlitt, "Livery Companies") 1034 

An illustration of the elaborate care and artistic skill which the great 
manufacturing and trading companies bestowed upon their documents and 
records. The influence of these companies (among whom the Coopers were 
one of the most important) on both local and central government was at this 
time very great. The Coopers* Company dates from the fourteenth century ; 
its extant records and accounts begin in 1439. 

The House of Commons, temp. Charles 1 1036 

From " Discours du bon et loial subject de la Grande Bretagne a la Royne 
de ce Pays,'' Paris, 1648. 

A Supper-party, early Seventeenth Century Roxbnrghe Ballad) .... 103S 

" Triple Episcopacie " {Tract, 1641) 1040 

The minister called " of God " is evidently a Puritan ; the other two figures 
are caricatures of Laud, and the whole illustrates the popular feeling about 
him and his proceedings. 

Haymakers, early Seventeenth Century Roxburgh* Ballad) 1042 

Map of the American Colonies in 1640 1044 

Sir Humphry Gilbert {engraving by C, van de Fas in Holland's " Heroo- 

logia '■') 1045 

A Family Group, early Seventeenth Century {Roxbnrghe Ballad) .... 1046 

John Smith, Governor of Virginia 1047 

From the map of New England in his "Generall Historie of Virginia,'' 
London, 1624. 

George Calvert, first Lord Baltimore 104S 

From a picture in the Earl of Verulam's collection at Gorhambury. The :" 
Lord Baltimore planned the settlement of Maryland, which was carried into 
effect by his son. 

Medal of Lord and Lady Baltimore, 1632 British Museum . 1049 

A very rare silver medal, with portraits of Cecil Calvert, 2nd Lord Balti- 
more, and Anne Arundell, his wife, in the year in which Charles I. granted 
him the province of Maryland. 

Grave of Thomas Clark, mate of the "Mayflower," d. 1627 {Har: 

Magazine) 1050 

On Burial Hill, Xew Plymouth, Massachusetts. 

Allyn House, Xew Plymouth 105 1 

Built by one of the Pilgrim Fathers ; demolished 1826 ; here reproduced 
from W. Tudor's "Life of James Otis," Boston (Mass.), 1S23. 

An English Citizen riding with his Wife io;2 

From MS. Egerton, 1269 (British Museum), the Album of Tobias 
Oelhafen, a citizen of Xuremburg who visited England in 1623-5. 

Rural Scene, Mid-Seventeenth Century {Roxbnrghe Ballad) 1053 

William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury picture by Vandyck) 1054 

Brass of Samuel Harsnett, Archbishop of Vork 1056 

On his tomb inChigwell Church, Essex ; here reproduced from the frontis- 
piece to Mr. Gordon Goodwin's Catalogue of the Harsnett Library-, Colch 
ter. Harsnett died in 163 1. The brass is an interesting illustration of the 
revived use of the old ecclesiastical vestments at this period ; it represents the 
archbishop in full pontificals, with stole, alb, dalmatic, cope, mitre and 
pastoral staff, and is the latest known example of an English prelate thus 

A Schoolmaster, early Seventeenth Century . . • 1057 

From the frontispiece to a Latin comedy, " Pedantius,'' written in the latter 
years of Elizabeth for performance at Trinity College, Cambridge, but not 
printed till 1631. Its author, whom the figure of " Pedantius " is thought to 




r>- Thorns Beard master of the Hospital at Huntingdon, and 
represent was ^; J r ^X l where^ Oliver Cromwell was one of his pupils. 

°epu«e among Ihe Puritans. After his death the lecture was suppressed by 




T ^S£ T fiS?pS o^^act, « The lamentable complaints of Nick Froth 
the npster and Rulerost the cooke, concerning the restraint lately set forth 
a/ainsUrink^g, potting, and piping on the Sabbath day, and against selling 
nKte " 641. Ir t that year the Puritan House of Commons issued, as a 
counterblast to the Book of Sports, a prohibition of all feasting, merrymaking, 
and opening of taverns on Sunday. 
William Juxon, Bishop of London and Archbishop of Canterbury 

(from an engraving by H. D. Thielcke) I0t)I 

"Coach and Sedan" {Tract, 1636) Io62 

Lambeth Palace Chapel, looking west . . • . • • Io6 3 

The ceiling is Laud's work; the stalls and the screen were probably erected 
by his friend and successor, Juxon, at the Restoration, after the chapel had 
been again ruined under the Commonwealth. 

Charles I. (Q. P. Miscell. Books III, Public Record Office) 1066 

Scottish Soldiers in the Service of Gustavus Adolphus {German 

Broadside, 163 1, in British Museum) . . . • • : io68 

Called "Irish," but really Scotch Highlanders, probably of Mackay s 
» Gustavus Adolphus {from an engraving by Delff } after a picture by Miereveldt) 1069 

Alderman Abel, Patentee and Monopolist, 1641, and his wife . . . 1072 
From a broadside, dated 1641, "An exact legendary compendiously con- 
taining the whole life of Alderman Abel, the maine Proiector and Patentee for 
the raising of wines." Beginning life as apprentice to a vintner, Abel rose to 
great wealth and importance in the city. The site of his house, the " Ship " 
in Old Fish Street, had once belonged to Cardinal Wolsey, and it was popu- 
larly said that in excavating its cellars he had found some of the Cardinal's 
hidden treasure. In 1637 he and his cousin Richard Kilvert were joined in 
a patent whereby the London Vintners obtained a monopoly of the sale of 
wines by retail. A Parliamentary proclamation put an end to this monopoly, 
and led to the downfall of its projectors, in 1641. 

London from the River, early Seventeenth Century {from an engraving 

by Cornelius Jan Visscher) 1 073 

Flying from the Plague, 1630 1074 

From a broadside, " Looking-glass for town and country," in the collection 
of the Society of Antiquaries. The town complains that people are deserting 
it through fear of the plague. 

An English Kitchenmaid, 1644 (Hollar, " Ornatus Muliebris Anglicanus") . 1075 

Burford Priory, Oxfordshire 1076 

The seat of the Lenthall family. The house was chiefly, and the chapel 
(the small building on the left) entirely, built by William Lenthall, the Speaker 
of the Long Parliament. 

A Lady of the English Court (Hollar, "Ornatus Muliebris Anglicanus," 

1643) 1077 

An English Lady in Winter Dress (Hollar, "Aula Veneris,'" 1644) . . . 1078 

Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford (engraved by 0. Lacour, after a 
picture by Vandyck in the possession of Sir Philip Grey-Egerton, Bart., of 
Oulton Park, Cheshire) 1080 



Room in Malahide Castle {after IV. H. Bartlctt) 1082 

The site of Malahide, four miles from Dublin, was granted by Henry II. to 
an ancestor of the Talbot family. The room here figured seems to have been 
decorated in the early part of the seventeenth century. It is panelled with 
dark Irish oak, richly carved with small figures, mostly of Scriptural subjects. 

James Usher, Archbishop of Armagh {from Vertu/s engraving- of a picture 

by Sir P. Lely) 1083 

Stone Candlestick, dated 1634 {Antiquarian Museum, Edinburgh) 1085 

In the form of a Roman altar; one of a pair, seemingly of Scotch manufac- 

Map of Modern Scotland 1086 

A Scotswoman, temp. Charles I. {Hollar, "Ornatus Muliebris Anglicanus," 

1649) 1087 

Traquair Castle, Peebles-shire 1090 

The best example now remaining of Scottish domestic architecture, unaltered 
since the seventeenth century. It was probably built, or at least completed, 
by the Earl of Traquair, who was Lord High Treasurer of Scotland in 1635. 

Christ's College, Cambridge, in the Seventeenth Century 1092 

From Loggan's " Cantabrigia Illustrata," 1688. Save for the block of 
buildings at rear, added in 1642, the college could then have been scarcely 
altered since Milton's time ; it has been greatly altered since Loggan's. The 
tree in the middle of the Fellows' garden (behind the new building) is a mulberry 
which Milton is said to have planted, and which remains to this day. 

John Milton, aged 21 {from Vertius engraving, 1731, of a picture then in the 

possession of Speaker Onslow) 1093 

Figures Designed by Inigo Jones for a Masque {Shakcspere Society's 

facsimile) 1095 

Ludlow Castle in the Seventeenth Century 1096 

From a drawing by Thomas Dineley in his "Account of the Official Progress 
of Henry first Duke of Beaufort through Wales, 1684," a MS. in the posses- 
sion of the Duke of Beaufort. The drawing is here reproduced by permission 
from the facsimile published by Messrs. Blades, East, and Blades. 

John Prynne {after W. Hollar) j gy 

The " Sovereign of the Seas" {contemporary print by John Payne) .... 1098 
This ship was built for the Royal Navy in 1 63 7. 

John Hampden {portrait in collection of the Earl of St. Germans, at Port Eliot) 1100 

John Bastwick 1 , /.. ljr rr ,, , 

J y {after IV. Hollar) Tr0 2 

Henry Burton f KJ ' Il ° 2 

Facsimile of Part of the Solemn League and Covenant, 1638 {Anti- 
quarian Museum, Edinburgh) 1104 

Alexander Leslie, Earl of Leven {picture by Vandyck) 1107 

Parliament House, Edinburgh iio 8 

From the middle of the sixteenth century the Scottish Parliament, the 
Courts of Justice, and the Town Council of Edinburgh, had all held then- 
sittings in a building almost on the same site as the hall here represented, 
which was built in 1632-39 by subscriptions raised in Edinburgh by order of 
the Town Council, owing to a threat that Parliament and the Courts should 
be removed from the city unless better accommodation were provided for them. 
After the extinction of the Scottish Parliament in 1707, the hall was divided 
by partitions into booths occupied by small traders ; it has since been used as 
a vestibule to the Court Rooms which form the several judicial chambers of 
the Court of Session. 

John Pym {miniature by Samuel Cooper in the collection of Mrs. Russell-Astley, 

at Chequers Court) 1112 

Charles I. in the House of Lords (" Discours du bon et loial subject," 1648) . 1 1 14 
The Chancellor stands behind the King on the right, the treasurer on the 
left ; the Grand Chamberlain holds the crown, the Constable the sword ; in 
the foreground are a herald and an usher ; some of the peers are grouped 




j j* jr j j \ 1 1 IO 

One" of the 'very' few' existing 'view's of the old House of Parliament. The 
building was originally a chapel, founded by King Stephen in honour of his 
patron saint, and refounded by Edward III. as a collegiate church attached to 
the roval palace of Westminster. After the suppression of the college under 
Edward VI., the chapel became the meeting place of the House of Commons, 
whose sessions had hitherto been held in the chapter-house of the Abbey. 
The^Commons continued to meet in St. Stephen s chapel till 1834, when it 
was burnt down ; only the crypt now remains. 

Lambeth Palace {after W. Hollar, 1647) IIlS 

Trial of Strafford {after IV. Hollar). " 2 ° 

Execution of Strafford {after IV. Hollar) 1122 

James Grahame, Earl (afterwards Marquis) of Montrose {from an en- 
graving by Faed of a picture by Honthorsi) 1125 

Lucius Cary, Viscount Falkland {Picture by Franz Hals, in the collection 

of Lord Arundell of Wardotir) 1 127 

Sir Edmund Verney II2 8 

Ever since Charles was thirteen, Sir Edmund Verney (who was ten years 
older) had been in his household ; since Charles's accession to the Crown, he 
had been Knight Marshal of the Palace ; he was appointed Standard-bearer 
to the King in August, 1642, vowed that "By the grace of God, they that 
would wrest that standard from his hand must first wrest his soul from his 
body," and kept his vow ; the standard was taken at Edgehill out of the rigid 
•clasp of a dead man's hand. The picture here reproduced is among the 
Verney family portraits at Claydon House ; it was painted by Vandyck for 
Charles I. as a present to Sir Edmund. He is represented with his Marshal's 
staff; the head-piece on the table beside him is a " Pott for the Hedd " which 
he ordered to be made and sent after him when on the march to Scotland with 
Charles in 1639, but it was so difficult to get one made big enough that he 
never received it till the expedition was at an end, whereupon he wrote to his 
son " I will now keepe it to boyle my porrage in." 

"The Carelesse Non-resident" . . 1130 

From the title-page of a tract, "A Remonstrance against the Non-residents 
of Great Britain," 1642. Shows how long the popular feeling against pluralists 
had existed before the system was abolished in 1838. The figure gives the dress 
of an English clergyman in the middle of the seventeenth century. 

Proctor and Parator 1131 

From the title-page of a tract, "The Proctor and Parator, their Mourning, or 
the Lamentation of Doctors' Commons at their downfall ; being a true 
Dialogue relating the fearfull abuses and exorbitances of those spirituall courts." 

William Lenthall, Speaker of the Long Parliament to face p. 11 32 

From a water-colour copy (in the Sutherland collection, Bodleian Library), 
by Thomas Athow, of a picture formerly at Burford Priory, the home of the 

Facsimile of part of Sir Ralph Verney's Notes of the Long Parlia- 
ment 1 134 

Reproduced, by permission, from Lady Verney's "Memoirs of the Verney 
Family." Sir Ralph (son of Sir Edmund represented in p. 11 28 ; see above) 
was present as member for Aylesbury, in the House of Commons when 
Charles went to seize the five members. The account of the scene given in the 
text is derived from the notes here reproduced. 

An English Archer {Gervase Markham, "Art ofArcherie" 1634) 1135 

Seemingly meant to represent the King himself. 

William Cavendish, Earl (afterwards Duke) of Newcastle {from HoWs 

engraving of a picture by Vandyck in the collection of Earl Spencer) . ... 1137 

Militiamkn, temp. Charles I. {contemporary tract) 1138 



Medal of Sir John Hotham 1139 

A unique medal 'silver) in the British Museum ; by Thomas Simon, a med- 
allist who worked for the Parliamentary party. Sir J. Hotham was accused 
of treason to the Parliament in 1644, and beheaded January 2, 1645. This 
medal was a memorial executed for his family and friends, according to a 
custom very general at this time. 

Reverse of Second Great Seal of Charles 1 1140 

This seal, used in 1627 — 1640, is the finest of the three seals of Charles I. 
Its obverse shows the King on his throne ; the spirited figure on the reverse 
represents him as the type of a dashing Cavalier soldier, in striking contrast 
with the Puritan warrior portrayed on the seal of Oliver Cromwell (p. 1247 . 
Compare the whole conception of this seal with that of the Commonwealth 
(pp. 1220 — 1 221). 

Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, General of the Parliamentary 

Forces {after I 'V. Hollar) II42 

Prince Rupert {from a mezzotint by himself ') 1143 

Pillar and Staircase leading to Hall, Christ Church, Oxford ... 1144 
From a photograph. A fine example of English architecture c. 1640. 

£l Gold Piece of Charles I., 1643 (British Museum) 1145 

During the year 1642-4 Charles issued some gold pieces, worth 60*. each. 
They seem to have been all coined at Oxford. The types vary ; this one, the 
finest, is very rare. The legend, an abbreviation of " Religio Protestans, 
Leges Anglioe, Libertas Parliamenti," refers to the King's Declaration at 
Wellington, September 19, 1642, that he would preserve "the Protestant 
religion, the known laws of the land, and the just privileges of Parliament." 

Sir Bevil Greenvil {picture belonging to Mr. Bernard Grenville) 1147 

An English Tradesman's Wife and Citizen's Daughter 'Hollar, " Aula 

Veneris," 1649) 114S 

Highland Dirk, Seventeenth Century {Antiquarian Museum, Edinburgh) . 1149 

Mould for Communion-tokens 1150 

Stamp for Communion-tokens 1151 

The use of " tokens " to be distributed by the minister or elders to intending 
communicants a day or two before the Communion Service, and by them re- 
turned when they came to the service, was first adopted by the French Calvin- 
ists in 1560. From them the practice soon spread among the Scottish 
Presbyterians. The French tokens were of lead ; in Scotland written tickets 
seem to have been used at first, but early in the seventeenth century metallic 
tokens became common, and have remained in use till the present time, when 
cards are again superseding them. They were generally made of lead ; 
sometimes of brass or tin. The earliest of them were square, about half an inch 
to one inch in diameter, and marked simply with the initial of the parish ; in 
the seventeenth century they grew larger, to make room for the introduction 
of a date and a more elaborate monogram ; then there grew up a custom of 
making new tokens, or recasting old ones, when a new minister came to a 
parish, and early in the eighteenth century it became usual to mark them 
with the minister's initials. The tokens were generally made under the per- 
sonal superintendence of certain members of the kirk-session appointed for 
the purpose. Each kirk-session had its own mould, or stamp, for making 
them. The examples here given are reproduced, by permission, from the Rev. 
T. Burns's "Old Scottish Communion Plate." The first illustration shows the 
token-mould of Crail parish, open, and with a token in it. The second repre- 
sents the token-starnp of Swinton parish, in its box, and with a token beside it. 
Both date from the seventeenth century. 

The Solemn League and Covenant, 1643 lI S 2 

A reduced facsimile of an engraving by W. Hollar, containing the text of 
the Covenant with allegorical illustrations. In the first compartment, on each 
side of the title, is a group of men swearing to the Covenant with uplifted 
hands, beneath the text Jer. 1. 5 ; the first article is illustrated by a preacher, 
with the text Deut. xxvi. 17, 18 ; the second, by a church door whence issues 
a procession of " coristers, singing-men, deanes and bishops," over whose 


heads is written Matt. xv. 13 ; the third stands between the Houses of Lords 
and Commons, with the text Is. iv. 5 ; the fourth between " A Malignant " and 
"A Preist," who are both being led to punishment ; over their heads is a text 
from Ez. xx. 38. The fifth article is illustrated by three men, representing 
England, Scotland, and Ireland, holding three strands of one rope, with the 
text from Eccles. iv. 12; the sixth, by a man, from whose mouih issue the 
words " Breake the Covenant," having his hands and feet bound by another 
who answers " no, no," while over them is an inscription from Dan. xi. 28 : 
at the foot of the last article is a church, to which a man points, with words 
from Micah iv. 2 ; another man addresses a third, "Come, let's go to the 
tavern," and a fourth man meets, with the words "I am not hee," a woman 
who says "I am shee." 

Medal of Earlof Manchester (i?;-///;//. JZ/www) . . . . . . . . . . . . 1153 

A silver medal, very rare ; issued as a military reward to his soldiers, and in- 
teresting for the view of the two Houses of Parliament on the reverse. 

Order of Parliament concerning Arms ; • • IJ 54 

Reproduced, by kind permission of Miss Toulmin Smith, from a copy in her 
possession. This order, issued March 23, 1644 (1643, old st y le )» is interesting 
on account of the "mark" or monogram, L. C. E., representing the Lords 
and Commons of England, beneath the crown whose authority they had taken 
to themselves. 

The Earl of Essex («//.•;• //: ^//ar) 1155 

Oliver Cromwell (picture by Walker, at HincJiinbrook) . . . • 1 156 

Plan of the Battle of Marston Moor 11 58, 11 59 

Memorial Medal of the Earl of Essex, 1646 (British Museum) .... 1160 
Silver ; very rare. 

"A Lovely Company" 1162, 1163, 1164, 1165, 1166 

Cromwell's own description of his brigade (see p. 1 162) is well illustrated by 
these figures, carved in wood on the staircase at Cromwell House, Highgate. 
Local tradition asserts that this house — now used as a convalescent home in 
connexion with the Hospital for Sick Children in Great Ormonde Street — was 
originally built in 1630, and was altered and re-decorated by Oliver 
Cromwell, and given by him to his daughter Bridget and her first husband, 
Ireton, whom she married in 1646. It is certain that Ireton lived at Highgate, 
where he was one of the acting governors of the Grammar School ; the 
monogram I.C., doubtless representing Ireton and Cromwell, is on a mantel- 
piece in one of the rooms at Cromwell House ; on the ceiling of another room 
(partly burnt in 1865, but restored) is a coat of arms which seems to be that 
of the Ireton family ; and on a boundary stone let into the garden wall the 
initials I.C. appear again, with a small O between them, perhaps standing for 
Oliver. The whole decoration of the house shows that it was designed for the 
abode of an officer of the New Model. Two figures, said to have been 
Cromwell and Ireton, were destroyed at the Restoration ; the nine which 
remain, placed as if on guard on the newels of the staircase, are unmistak- 
ably carved from the life ; the originals were in all likelihood picked men of 
the New Model Army. They are : 

1. Fifer. 

2. Drummer. 

3. Targeteer or rondelier, a kind of infantry thought by some leaders to be 
valuable against pikemen. 

4. Officer of infantry, perhaps pikemen ; a beautiful figure, with a very 
ornamental breastplate. That he is not a cavalry officer is shown by his iron 
skirts or tassets, which are unsuited for riding, and also by his having no spurs 
and no long steel gauntlet on his left hand. 

5. Musketeer ; a capital figure, the musket-stock very well carved. From 
earlier descriptions of these carvings before they were so much mutilated it is 
known that this man originally had a rest as well as a musket. 

6. Pikeman ; this figure formerly had a pike. As his sword is a short side- 
arm, he is not an officer. 

7. Cahver-man. This figure had a caliver (a smaller piece than a musket) 
in the left hand ; his armour and dress however are those of the typical pike- 


man, and as he has no bandolier or belt with little boxes of powder-charges 
hanging from it, he seems to have been an untidy man who carried his powder 
loose in his pocket. 

8. Targeteer ; this man formerly had a pike. 

9 and 10. Musketeer (two views of the same figure). This man had a 
musket and a rest in his left hand, and still has his bandolier on his shoulder. 
The attitude with the hat off occurred in drill. 

It is curious that among these figures there is no light horseman, though the 
light horseman is specially associated with Cromwell. This deficiency is 
supplied by a figure given below, p. 1222. 

The Staircase, Cromwell House, Highgate 1167 

This staircase has very fine panels, each representing a different military 
device, while at the top, crowning all, is a panel with the emblems of victor}-. 
a laurel-wreath and crossed olive-branches. This panel is given in the 
illustration, with one of the lower ones, representing a drum, halberts. and 

Sir Thomas Fairfax [from an engraving by H. Hondius) 1 169 

The Treaty-House, Uxbridge {drawing in Sutherland collection, Bodleian 

Library) 1 1 70 

Bridge and Bridge-gates, Chester, 1645 • 1171 

A sketch made just before the siege, by Randle Holme, the third of four 
successive bearers of that name, whose hereditary home was in Bridge 
Street, Chester. The first Randle Holme was Deputy to the College of Arms 
for Cheshire, Shropshire, and Xorth Wales, and was an adherent of the 
Parliament. His grandson, who was eighteen years old when he made this 
sketch, became Deputy Garter for Cheshire and North Wales under Charles 
II., though his devotion to the King was very doubtful. He lived till 1699. 
A large collection of antiquarian, genealogical and topographical MSS. 
relating to Cheshire was begun by his grandfather, continued by his father, 
himself, and his son ; it now forms vols. 1920 — 2180 of the Harleian MSS. 
(British Museum). The sketch here reproduced is in vol. 2073. 

Plan of the Battle of Xaseby 11 72 

John Paulet, fifth Marquis of Winchester {from an engraving by R. 

Cooper after Peter Oliver) 1 r 74 

,S mall Brass Cannon {Tower of London) 117; 

One of a set given by the Armourers' Company of London to Charles I. for 
his son (afterwards Charles II.), to teach the boy the art of war. 

'"Two upstart Prophets " 117- 

From the title-page of a tract, " A discourse of the two infamous upstart 
prophets, Richard Farnham, weaver of White-Chappell, and John Bull, 
weaver of Saint Butolphs Aldgate," 1636. 

John Lilburne />;-/«/, 1649, in British Museum) 117S 

""These Tradesmen are Preachers in and about the City of London '* 

[broadside, 1647, in British Museum) 1 1 79 

Church and Conventicle, 1648 11S1 

Frontispiece to "A Glasse for the Times, by which according to the Scrip- 
tures, you may clearly behold the true Ministers of Christ, how farre differing 
from false Teachers. . . . Collected by T. C , a Friend to Truth,'' 164S. 

Bristol Castle {Millard's Map of Bristol, 1763) 11 S3 

The cannon on the walls show that the original drawing from which this 
view was copied must have been made between 1642, when the castle was put 
in condition for defence, and 1656, when it was dismantled. 


From a broadside, "A Pious and Seasonable Perswasive to the Sonnes of 
Zion, soveraignely useful for Composing their Unbrotherly Devisions," 1647. 

Denzil Holles {frontispiece, by R. White, to Holies s " Memoirs" 1699) . . . 1186 

Anderson's Place, Newcastle-on-Tyne 11S7 

The house in which Charles I. lodged. 

Vol. Ill— B 



Blacksmiths, middle seventeenth century {Roxburghe BaUad) 1188 

Countryman and Citizen . . 1189 

From the title-page of a tract, "The Countrymans Care, and the Citizens 
feare, in bringing up their Children in good Education ; set forth in a Dialogue 
between a Citizen and a Country-Man," 1641. The countryman is warned not 
to send his son to the University, because it is corrupted by Popish supersti- 
tions ; not to make him a "minister of God's word," because " you may see 
Coblers and Tinkers, arising from the very Dunghill, beating the Pulpits as 
conformably as if they were Kings professors of Divinity ; " such persons preach 
in barns. He is also advised not to make his son a divine, or, if he do, "he 
must have good care least the Archbishop doe not cut of his eares. But I will 
free you from that feare," adds the citizen, "for I tell once againe, there will 
be no more Bishops." The citizen ends by advising his friend to apprentice 
his son to a vintner, as the youth may thereby one day become an alderman — 
evidently an allusion to the career of Alderman Abel ; see above, p. lxii. 

Henry Ireton {from an engraving by Houbrakcn of a miniature by S. Cooper) . 1 190 

Part of a suit of gilt armour given by the City of London to Charles I. 

{Tower of London) 1191 

Gateway of Carisbrook Castle {after J. M. IV. Turner) 1195 

" The Humble Petition of Jock of Bread " {title-page of a tract, 1648) . . . 1196 
Jock's Petition complains of the civil war and the disturbances in Scotland, 
and desires a better settlement of divine worship. 

Siege-piece, Colchester {British Museum) 1198 

Cut out of some article of gold plate, stamped, and used instead of coin 
during the siege, 1648. Silver pieces were also made in the same way. 

Colchester Castle {after IV. H. Bartlett) 1199 

Trial OF Charles I. (Nalson, "A true Copy of the Journal of the High Court of 

Justice for the Try 'al of King Charles I, " 1684) 1 20 1 

A is the King ; B, Bradshaw, President of the Court ; C, John Lisle, D, 
William Say, assistants to the president ; E, Andrew Broughton, F, John 
Phelps, clerks of the court ; G, the table, with the mace of the Commonwealth 
and the sword of state lying on it ; H, commissioners ; I, the achievement of 
the Commonwealth ; K, Cromwell ; L, Henry Martyn ; M, spectators ; N, 
the floor of the hall, matted and kept clear ; O, passage leading from the 
Court of Wards, through which the commissioners entered the hall ; P, guard 
attending the commissioners ; Q, guard attending the King ; R, passage 
railed off for the king between his seat and the stairs ; S, counsel for the 
Commonwealth : T, stairs ; U, passage leading to Sir R. Cotton's house, 
where the king was confined ; W and X, passages kept clear by soldiers ; Y, 
spectators ; Z, officers. 

Oliver Cromwell {from a contemporary Dutch print) 1204 

Frontispiece to Eikon Basilike, 164- 1207 

Drogheda {drawing, c. 1680, in British Museiuii) 1209 

S. Laurence's Gate, Drogheda 12 10 

From a photograph. This and one other gate are the sole remnants left by 
Cromwell of the fortifications of Drogheda. It had once a complete circle of 
walls, and of gates no less than ten. 

Reginald's Tower, Waterford {after W. H. Bartlett) 121 1 

One of the two towers which alone remain of the fortifications of Waterford. 
The "Reginald" whose name it bears is a Danish Ragnald, ruler of the 
Ostmen of Waterford in the eleventh century. The present building was pro- 
bably erected by the Anglo-Norman conquerors in the twelfth or early thirteenth 
century, on the site of an earlier fortress which may have been destroyed in 
the war of invasion. 

Cork in the Seventeenth Century {Stafford, " Pacata Hibernia," 1633) • • 1212 
Dunbar I2I4 



Medal for Victory of Dunbar, 1650 1215 

On 7th Sept., 1650, the House of Commons resolved "that their special 
thanks be conveyed to the Lord General for his eminent services at the great 
victory of Dunbar, and that his Excellency be desired to return their thanks abo 
to the officers and soldiers of the army, and that a number of gold and silver 
medals be distributed among them."' These medals are now extremely rare ; 
the British Museum possesses specimens of them in both metals, and from one 
of these the present illustration is made. The design was suggested by Crom- 
well himself; the representation of the House of Commons on the reverse is 
noticeable, as showing the same feeling as the Great Seal of the Common- 
wealth see below, p. 1221), the medal of the Earl of Manchester (above, p. 1 1 53 . 
and some other medals of the time. The Dunbar medal was the work of 
Thomas Simon, the finest English medallist of the day, who was sent by the 
Parliament to Scotland expressly to take the "effigies, portrait or statue of the 
Lord General, to be placed on the medal " ; and he had some difficulty in 
satisfying the Lord General with the likeness. 

"The Scots holding their young King's Nose to the Grindstone" 

{broadside, 165 1, in the British Museum) 1216 

Crowning of Charles II. at Scone 121 7 

From " Konincklijcke Beltenis, &c, van Karel de II.", Dordrecht, 1661. 
In the latter part of the seventeenth century a number of illustrations of 
English history are supplied by contemporary Dutch engravings ; and the con- 
nexion between the two countries was so close that these engravings need not 
be regarded as wholly fancy pictures. In the present case the church is evidently 
drawn from the artist's own imagination, or from some building in which he 
was accustomed to worship ; but its arrangement probably represents fairly 
that of a Presbyterian kirk of the period. 

Flight of Charles II. from Worcester {"Konincklijcke Beltenis") .... 1218 

Charles II. and Jane Lane (" Konincklijcke Beltenis'') 1219 

Jane Lane acted as Charles's guide during a part of his flight in disguise after 
the battle of Worcester. They are here represented making their way through 
a troop of Roundheads, who do not recognize the fugitive. 

Great Seal of the Commonwealth, 1651 1220, 1221 

A unique design for a great seal ; obverse, map of England and Ireland ; 
reverse, the House of Commons in session. It shows the noble conception 
which Cromwell had of the Commonwealth, and what he desired to make it. 
The seal was the work of Thomas Simon, the maker of the medal for Dunbar 
(see above, p. 12 15). The beautiful workmanship of this artist and of several 
of his contemporaries, and the lavish employment of them by the Government, 
shows that the refined taste and lofty feeling for art noticed in p. 941 as strong 
in the early days of Puritanism had by no means died out even in its later 
phases and amid the troubles of the Civil War. 

Light Horseman, temp. Oliver Cromwell 1222 

From a figure in the possession of Captain Orde Browne, who has kindly 
had it photographed for this book. The armour came from the Tower. The 
three-barred cavalry helmet, the long steel gauntlet on the left hand, the 
leather glove on the right, and the steel breast-piece (on the right side of which 
a bullet-mark is distinctly visible) formed the regular accoutrement of the light 
horseman under Cromwell. The dress is made up, but correct, except that 
there ought to be no seam across the right flap of the coat. 

The "Sampson," " Salvador," and "St. George" (satirical print in British 

Museum) 1223 

These three ships and their cargoes were captured by the English in 1652. 
They were sailing under Dutch colours, but to escape confiscation they produced 
forged papers in Flemish and Spanish, and the ambassador of Spain claimed 
them for his sovereign. A London silversmith named Violet, who knew the 
tricks of the contraband trade through having been much engaged in it himself, 
discovered the vessels to be Dutch, and they and their cargoes were confiscated 



Dutch Satire on the English Government, 1652 1224 

From a Dutch broadside, "Impotent ambition shown to the life in the 
present government of obdurate England." A satire on the results of Blake's 
fight with Tromp, whereby the peace between England and Holland was broken. 
Cromwell is trampling on the broken treaty ; Hugh Peters, " once a preacher 
and now a colonel in London," blows into his ear with a pair of bellows de- 
corated with three crowns, i.e., advises him to assume the crowns of Great 
Britain and Ireland ; before him stand Blake, Fairfax, and some members of 
Parliament. Some Levellers are presenting a petition ; and some women and 
children are appealing to Cromwell against the pressing of their husbands and 
fathers as seamen for the war ; the ships are seen in the distance. _ A dog is 
guarding the sceptre and crown against another dog. On the wall is a picture 
of Tromp as a doctor, physicking and bleeding Cromwell. 

Admiral Martin Harpentzoon Tromp, "Grandfather of the Sailors " 

(from an engraving by Snidcrhoef, after H. Pott) 1225 

Admiral De Ruyter (from an etching by A. Blotelingh) 1226 

Admiral Blake (from T. Preston's engraving, c. 1730, of a picture then in the 

possession of J. Ames) 1 227 

Medal commemorating Blake's Victories, 1653 . 1228 

By Thomas Simon. Four of these gold medals were struck by order of Par- 
liament ; two, with gold chains worth ^300 each, were presented to Blake and 
Monk ; two, with chains worth ^"ioo each, to Admirals Penn and Lawson. 
The original die of the reverse is in the British Museum ; the obverse is here 
copied from Pinkerton's " Medallic History of England." 

Satire on the Rump Parliament 1229 

One of a pack of playing cards designed in the reign of Charles IT., and now 
in the possession of Earl Nelson ; here reproduced, by permission, from a 
facsimile issued by Messrs. Goldsmid, of Edinburgh. 

Sir Harry Vane (picture by Sir Peter Lely, at Raby Castle) . • 1230 

Shaft of the Mace of the House of Commons (Antiquary) 1231 

In 1649 the Commons had a new mace made for their Speaker by 
Thomas Maunday, the best English silversmith of the day. This was the 
"bauble" turned out by Cromwell. At the Restoration a new head and 
base were fitted to Maunday 's shaft ; the shaft alone is therefore figured here. 

Cromwell expelling the Parliament, 1653 1232 

From a satirical Dutch print, in the British Museum. Cromwell, Lambert, 
Cooper and Strickland are bidding the members "begone"; Harrison 
"lends " the Speaker " a hand to come down " (see p. 1231) ; near the Chair 
Cromwell again appears, having seized the mace, and in the act of driving out 
a goose with a peacock's tail. In the foreground are two dogs, one of them 
being evidently a caricature of the British lion, who is often satirized thus in 
Dutch prints of the time. The owl with spectacles, and carrying a lighted 
candle fixed on a collar round its neck, is a detail frequently introduced in 
Dutch satirical compositions of this period. It occurs in a picture by Jan 
Steen, now in the Rijks-Museum at Amsterdam (No. T 1379), where the 
painter has added the motto, in minute characters, as follows : 
" Wat baeten Kaers of Bril 
Als den Uil niet sien wil." 
i.e. " Of what use are candle or spectacles when the owl will not see ? " 

A Roper and a Cordwainer • 1236 

A Potter 1236 

A Tailor 1237 

A Shoemaker 1237 

A Blacksmith 1238 

A Spectacle maker 1238 

Paper-makers 1239 

A Book-binder 1239 

These eight illustrations are from the English edition, by Charles Hoole, 
published in 1659, of Comenius's (or Komensky's) " Orbis sensualium pictus." 



The Exchange, Ne\vcastle-on-Tyne (Brand, " History of Newcastle") . . . 1240 
Built 1655-1658. 

White Hart Inn, Scole, Norfolk Richardson, " Studies from Old English 

Mansions'') 1 24 1 

Built in 1655 by John Peck, a merchant of Norwich. The sign, of carved 
oak, was the work of John Fairchild ; it was taken down early in the present 
century, and is restored in Richardson's engraving from a drawing made by 
J. Kirby in 1740, and preserved in the inn. This sign, 35 feet long, and 2>2> 
feet high, had in the middle a pendent figure of a White Hart with the shield of 
Peck hanging from its neck, a Latin motto taken from Virgil, " They are filled 
with old wine and rich flour,'"' and the date, " Anno Dom. 1655." ^ n tne two 
sides of the post supporting the end of the sign were figures of Cerberus ar.d 
of Charon in his boat; the corbel supporting the post against the wall was 
carved with Jonah issuing from the whale's mouth. The middle part of the 
cornice represented the story of Diana and Actceon, in figures as large as life, 
and with another Latin inscription, ''Time, the devourer of all things, Diana. 
I am Acueon ; recognise your master."' The other decorations comprised 
figures of Saturn supporting a weather-cock, Neptune on a dolphin, Bacchus on 
a wine-barrel, Prudence, Fortitude, Temperance, Justice, a shepherd, and a 
huntsman ; crowning the whole was an astronomer seated on a circumferentor, 
and so constructed that in fine weather he faced the north, and in bad weather 
the quarter whence a change was about to come. The mythological and fan- 
tastic character of the whole design is, considering its date, even more remark- 
able than its elaborate workmanship, and shows very strikingly how much of 
the Renascence influence, noticed in pp. 941 and 947 as strong in the early 
days of Puritanism, had lingered on even into its later and sterner period. 

" The Royall Oakeof Brittayne : ' satirical print in British Museum) . . 1244 
Cromwell, standing on " a slippery place," above the mouth of Hell, and 
beneath the avenging fires, "late but determined," of Heaven, directs the 
cutting down of the Royal Oak, which represents the English constitution. 
Monarchy ("Eikon Basilike"), Religion the Bible), Liberty ("Magna 
Charta"), Law and Order ("Statutes" and " Reportes "\ hang on its 
branches and fall with it. A group of men gather up the fallen bough- ; 
some swine, " fatted for slaughter," represent the common people in whose 
interest this destruction is nominally wrought, and who are destined to be its 
real victims. 

Second Great Seal of Protector Oliver, 1655-8 1246, 1247 

By Thomas Simon. The royal arms and the map of England and Ireland 
have here given place to a heraldic design composed of the emblems of 
England, Scotland, and Ireland (the crosses of S. George and S. Andrew, and 
the harp) ; a griffin takes the place of the unicorn as dexter supporter, as it 
had done for some years past on the seals of the Lord Chief Justices of 
England ; beneath is Cromwell's motto, " Peace is sought through war." On 
the reverse is Cromwell on horseback, a striking contrast to Charles I. in p. 
1 140. The shield behind him is the same as that on the obverse of the seal, 
but it has in the middle an escutcheon of pretence charged with the arms of 

Satire on the Earl of Argyll and the Scotch Presbyterians [Messrs. 

Goldsmid s facsimile of playing-card in the possess on of Earl Nelson) .... 1249 

A Street in Galway {after IV. H. Bartlett) 125c 

The house on the right, known as Lynch's mansion, was the residence of 
Thomas Lynch FitzAmbrose, mayor of Galway, who was driven out as a 
Catholic by Cromwell in 1654. Since Bartlett's drawing was made the lower 
part of this house has been altered, and the house facing it has been pulled 
down ; both are given here as illustrations of the Saracenic character noticeable 
in the architecture of many old buildings in Galway, and doubtless due to the 
intercourse with Spain which was a chief source of the commercial prosper, 
of the town. The Lynches were the most illustrious of the families known as 
the " tribes of Galway," from the fidelity with which they stood together in 
their resistance to Cromwell. The first recorded provost of Galway was 
Thomas "de Lince," in 1274; the last was John Lynche Fitz Edmund, in 
1285 ; the first mayor was Pierce Lynche, in the same year. The chief 



magistracy of the city, under the various titles of Provost, Sovereign, and 
Mayor, was held by a Lynch ninety-four times between 1274 and 1654. 
The mansion was probably built late in the fifteenth or early in the sixteenth 
century. On its front are sculptured the arms of the Lynch family, with their 
crest, a lynx ; and also a group representing a monkey and a child, in allusion to 
a story that when the house was on fire a child of the family had been saved 
by a pet monkey. 

Irish Man and Woman {Hollars Map of Ireland, 1653) 1251 

An Irish Milkmaid . . . 1251 

Reproduced, by permission, from facsimile published by the Kilkenny 
Archaeological Society (now the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland) of a 
drawing in Thomas Dineley's (or Dinglev's), MS. "Tour through Ireland," 

Facsimiles of Irish MSS., a.d. 1634-1650 1252 

These facsimiles, from Professor O'Curry's " Lectures on Materials for Irish 
History," are given in continuation of the series begun in p. 909. After the 
Elizabethan conquest the national literature almost died out for a time. After 
a few years of quiet it sprung however into new life. First Keating, parish 
priest of Tubrid near Clonmel, compiled, about 1626-30, a history of Erinn 
from the earliest times to 1170. This work, written among the caves and 
rocks of the Galtee mountains where the author was hiding from a local tyrant, 
is still of value, as much of it is derived from original sources which are 
now lost. Of Keatiug's own MS. however no trace now exists. 

The first specimen here given is from the original MS., preserved in the 
Museum of the Royal Irish Academy, of the Annals of the Four Masters. It 
consists of the opening paragraph of the dedication : "I beseech God to 
bestow every happiness that may conduce to the welfare of his body and soul 
upon Fearghal O'Gara, Lord of Magh-Ui-Gadhra and Cuil O bh- Finn, one 
of the two knights of Parliament who were elected and sent from the County 
of Sligo to Dublin, this year of grace 1634" — i.e., the famous Parliament 
summoned by Wentworth ; see p. 1084. It is in the handwriting of Michael 
O'Clery, the chief of the "Four Masters " by whom the work was compiled, 
and from whom it derives its name. He thus tells his own story, and that of 
his book : "I, Michael O'Clery, a poor Friar of the Order of S. Francis, have 
come before you, O noble Fearghal O'Gara. I have calculated on your honour 
that it seemed to you a cause of pity and regret, grief and sorrow (for the glory 
of God and the honour of Ireland), how much the race of Gaedhil the son of 
Niul have passed under a cloud of darkness, without a knowledge or record of 
the death or obit of saint or virgin, archbishop, bishop, abbot, or other 
noble dignitary of the Church, of king or of prince, of lord or of chieftain, or of 
the synchronism or connexion of the one with the other. I explained to you 
that I thought I could get the assistance of the chroniclers for whom I had most 
esteem, in writing a book of Annals in which these matters might be put on 
record ; and that, should the writing of them be neglected at present, they 
would not again be found to be put on record or commemorated, even to the 
end of the world. There were collected by me all the best and most copious 
books of annals that I could find throughout all Ireland (though it was diffi- 
cult for me to collect them to one place), to write this book in your name, and 
to your honour ; for it was you that gave the reward of their labour to the 
chroniclers by whom it was written ; and it was the Friars of the convent of 
Donegal that supplied them with food and attendance." 

The second facsimile is from the same MS , and gives the signature of 
Michael O'Clery, appended to the dedication. 

The third is from a MS. (II. i. 18) in Trinity College, Dublin, the Chronic on 
Scotorum, an abstract of early Irish history down to the vear 1 135, in the fine bold 
autograph of the compiler, Duald Mac Firbis. This man was the last of a long 
line of historians and scholars whose ancestral home was at Lecain, in county 
Sligo. In 1650 he seems to have finished the compilation of his two principal 
works, the Chronicon Scotorum, and a book of pedigrees of Irish families. In 
1670, when over eighty years of age, he was murdered at Dunflin by a personal 
enemy who felt himself secure from punishment, his victim being under the ban 
of the penal laws. Mac Firbis was, savs Professor O'Currv, " the last of the 



regularly educated and most accomplished masters of the history, antiquities, 
laws and language of ancient Erinn." Under the Cromwellian settlement of 
Ireland the traditional Irish scholarship, which had struggled so long and so 
hard for existence, at last died out. Our own age has witnessed its revival. 

Cardinal Richelieu {picture by P. de Champaigne, in the National Gallery) . . 1255 

Map of Europe in 1648 1256 

Autograph note of Oliver Cromwell {India Office) 1258 

Scrawled, with characteristic blots, on a petition of the East India Company, 
November 1657. 

Tetbury Markkt-flace (from an old drawing) 1260 

The market-house here shown was built in 1655. It was demolished in 
1750, and replaced by one in a very different style of architecture. 

The Lord High Admiral (after IV. Holla?-) 1264 

Robert, Earl of Warwick, named by Parliament to the command of the fleet 
in 1642 (see p. 1139), carried, as Lord High Admiral, the sword of state 
at the inauguration of Oliver Cromwell as Protector. 

Whitehall from the River (after IV. Hollar) 1265 

Whitehall, built by Wolsey (see p. 635), passed at his fall into the hands of 
Henry VIII., ami became the usual London residence of later sovereigns, by 
whom it was much altered. Oliver Cromwell took _up his abode there as 

" The Horrible Tail-man " (Dutch satire, 1658, in British Museum) . . . 1266 
Cromwell receives from Fairfax three crowns ; " Adm. Black " (Blake) and 
some members of Parliament stand by. Cromwell has a long serpent-like tail, 
composed of the coin of the Commonwealth, of which a Zealander (" Zeeuw "), 
a Hollander, a Frisian ("Fries"), an Irishman (" Yer") with a knife, Prince 
Rupert (" Prins Robhert "), a Scot (with a sword), and a Royalist (" Conings- 
man ") are all trying to seize shares. 

A Party at the Duke hf Newcastle's House . . . 1268 

Frontispiece to "Nature's Pictures," by Margaret Duchess of Newcastle, 
1656. The two persons crowned with laurel are the authoress and her 
husband the Duke, whose portrait is in p. 1 137. 

Satire on Richard Cromwell (Dutch broadside in British Museum) .... 1272 
Richard Cromwell, dressed as a cooper, with a mallet breaks up a cask from 
which issue a number of owls bearing candles and crying " King " as they fly 
away. " Pickleherring," a Fool, lifts up his hands in amazement at Richard's 
folly. On the wall is a picture of the Frogs and their King Stork (Oliver), 
and another of a State proclamation (evidently meant for that of King Log, 
i.e., Charles II.) taking place in the courtyard of a house, above the door of 
which is the shield of the Commonwealth. The broadside has verses in 
French and German, explaining the print and ending with the fable of the 
Frogs and their King. 

General Monk (miniature by S. Cooper at Windsor Castle) I2 74 

General Lambert (from an old print) 1275 

Charles II. embarking for England (" Konincklijcke Beltenis van Karel II" 

1660) 1276 

Entry of Charles II. into London (from the same) 1277 

Banquet at Whitehall (/m« //w raw) 1278 

Monument of John Donne 1280 

In S. Paul's Cathedral. The inscription runs : " After the various studies 
to which from his earliest years he devoted himself faithfully and not unsuccess- 
fully, by the inspiration and impulse of the Holy Spirit and on the advice and 
exhortation of King James he embraced holy orders in the year of his beloved 
Jesus 1614, and of his own age 42. He was invested with the deanery of this 
Church 27 November 1621, and divested of it by death on the last day of 
March 163 1. Here, though in decaying ashes, he looks for Him whose 
Name is the Dayspring. " A striking proof of the popularity of Donne as a 
poet is afforded by the fact that nineteen of his poems were translated into 



Dutch by Constantijn Huygens, father of the illustrious Chnstiaan Huygens 
the philosopher. The poems were sent to him by some English friends in 
1630, and are included in the complete edition of his works (Groningen, 
1892-3). The monument, of very fine workmanship, is one of the very few in S. 
Paul's that escaped destruction in the Great Fire. Within the present century 
it has been restored to its original upright position, but the niche in which it 
now stands is smaller than that which it occupied before the Fire. It is here 
engraved from a drawing specially made for this book. 

John Milton {frontispiece, engraved by W. Faithorne, to Milton's " History of 

Britain," 1670) I28r 

Milton's Cottage at Chalfont St. Giles, Bucks 1282 

" Paradise Lost " was finished and "Paradise Regained " projected in this 
cottage, to which Milton withdrew for a short time in 1665 to escape the 
plague that had broken out in London. It is the only one of Milton's various 
dwelling-places still existing. 

Crown-piece designed by Thomas Simon {Mint Museum) 1285 

Simon, the greatest English medallist, was chief engraver of the Mint from 
1646 till the Restoration (examples of his work have been given in pp. 1215, 
1 221, 1228, 1246, 1247). After the accession of Charles a Dutchman, 
Roettier, was appointed assistant engraver, and both artists made pattern 
pieces for the new coinage. " For the honour of our countrymen," writes 
Evelyn, "I cannot here omit that ingenious trial of skill which a commend- 
able emulation has produced in a medal performed with extraordinary accuracy 
by one who, having been deservedly employed in the Mint at the Tower, was 
not willing to be supplanted by foreign competitors." Simon's magnificent 
crown-piece has on its obverse a bust of Charles, with the words " Carolus 
Dei Gra." (" Charles, by the grace of God — ") and the artist's signature; 
on the reverse are four crowned escutcheons of England, Scotland, Ireland, 
and France, arranged in the form of a cross, with St. George and the Garter 
in the middle, and two interlaced C's in each angle, and surrounded by the 
continuation of the legend, "Mag. Bri. Fr. et Hib. Rex. 1663." On the 
edge, in two lines, is engraved Simon's petition : "Thomas. Simon, most. 
humbly . prays . your . Majesty . to . compare . this . his . tryall . piece . with . 
the . Dutch . and . if. more . truly . drawn . and . embossed . more . gracefully . 
ordered . and . more . accurately . engraven . to . relieve . him . " To this fine 
piece of work Charles preferred the very inferior design of Roettier, ordered 
him to make the new dies, and soon afterwards appointed him chief engraver 
to the Mint instead of Simon, who was made engraver of royal seals, an office 
which he continued to hold during the rest of his life. 

Ampulla or Anointing Cruse 1286 

In the form of an eagle. English work of the seventeenth century ; probably 
made for the coronation of Charles II. ; (now among the Regalia in the Tower). 
The anointing was a peculiarly sacred ceremony, used in the earliest times 
only for the Kings of England, France, Jerusalem, and Sicily ; in later days 
the Kings of Scotland obtained the privilege of anointing by special grant 
from the Pope. The English Kings were anointed not with mere holy oil, but 
with a specially prepared cream which was consecrated by the Primate or by 
some bishop deputed by him. The cream used for anointing Charles I. was 
thus consecrated by Laud, who was then Bishop of St. David's. 

Charles II. {illumination in letters patent, Q.R. Miscell. Books 118, Public 

Record Office) to face p. 1 286 

Satire on the Puritans, temp. Charles II. {Messrs. Goldsmid's facsimile of 

playing-cards in the possession of Earl Nelson) . 1287, 1288, 1 289, 1 290, 1 29 1, 1292 

Monument of " Democritus Junior" ^94 

Robert Burton, author of the "Anatomy of Melancholy," assumed this 
name, professing himself an imitator of the old Greek philosopher. Born in 
1577, he became vicar of S. Thomas's Church, Oxford, in 1616, rector of 
Segrave in Leicester-hire about 1630, and kept both livings "with much ado 
to his dying day." The "Anatomy" was published in 1621 ; "I write of 
melancholy," he says, "by being busy to avoid melancholy." According to 
his epitaph, "Known to few, unknown to yet fewer, here lies Democritus 


Junior, to whom Melancholy gave both life and death.'"' He died almost at 
the exact time which he had foretold some years before by the calculation of 
his nativity. This calculation was placed on the monument erected by his 
brother above his grave in Christ Church Cathedral, Oxford. An enlarged 
copy of the horoscope is given at the corner of the engraving, copied from 
Nichols's "History of Leicestershire.'' 

Elias Ashmole, Windsor Herald, and William Dugdale, Xorroy King 

OF ARMS {Sandford, " Funeral of the Duke of Albemarle," 1670) 1 295 

Elias Ashmole, born 161 7, was named a commissioner of excise in 1 644 by 
Charles I., to whom he adhered throughout the civil war. At the Restoration 
he was rewarded with the office of Windsor Herald, from which he retired in 
1672. He was considered " the greatest virtuoso and curioso that ever was 
known or read of in England before his time."' In 1682 he presented to the 
University of Oxford a collection of curiosities, natural and antiquarian, 
chiefly left to him by his friend John Tradescant, keeper of the Botanic Gar- 
den at Chelsea, which formed the nucleus of the Ashmolean Museum. He 
also bequeathed to the University a number of valuable MSS., now in the 
Bodleian Library. 

William Dugdale, famous as the compiler of the " Monasticon Anglicanum." 
"History of Warwickshire," "Baronage of England," and other valuable 
historical works, was born in 1605, appointed Blanch Lyon pursuivant extra- 
ordinary in 1638, Rouge Croix pursuivant 1639, and Chester Herald 1644. 
During the early part of the civil war he was constantly in attendance on the 
King or employed in delivering royal warrants ; his estates were in conse- 
quence sequestrated by the Parliament. On 10 May, 1660, he, of his own 
accord, proclaimed Charles II. at Coleshill : a month later his loyalty was 
rewarded with the office of Xorroy King of Arms ; in 1677 he was knighted 
and promoted to be Garter King of Arms ; he died in 1686. 

Ashmole and Dugdale are here represented as they appeared at the public 
funeral of George Monk, Duke of Albemarle, in 1670. Ashmole, as Windsor 
Herald, carried in the procession the Duke's target, or escutcheon, surrounded 
by the ribbon of the Garter ; Dugdale, as Xorroy, carried the Duke's sword. 
Francis Sandford, who compiled and illustrated the account of the ceremonv 
from which these figures are taken, was himself present in the official capacity 
of Rouge Dragon pursuivant. 

William Harvey (from J. Halt 's engraving of a picture by Cornells Janssen at 

the Royal College of Physicians, London) 129S 

JOHN Wilkins (from Blooteling's engraving of a picture by Mrs. Beale) .... 1297 
Wilkins became Bishop of Chester in 1668. 

JOHN Wallis {portrait by Sir Godfrey Kneller, painted for Samuel Pepys ; now 

in the Bodleian Library) 1298 

John Wallis was born at Ashford in Kent on the 23rd Xovember, 1616. At 
the age of sixteen he proceeded to Emmanuel College in Cambridge, was 
later made fellow of Queens', and took orders. In the Civil War he joined 
the side of the Parliament, and served his party by deciphering intercepted 
despatches. In 1649 ne was appointed Savilian professor of Geometry at 
Oxford by the Parliamentary visitors. His political opinions, however, after- 
wards underwent a change, and he was enabled to employ the same talent for 
decipherment in the interests of the Royalists. Accordingly at the Restoration 
he was confirmed in his appointment, and made one of the Royal chaplains. 
He died on the 28th October, 1703. Wallis's principal works as a mathe- 
matician are his " Arithmetic* Infinitorum '' (published in 1655), "Mathes 
Universalis" (1657), the treatise on Mechanics 1669-1671 I, and the treatise on 
Algebra (1685*. Historically considered he is the immediate predecessor of 
Xewton, and his power of generalization, in which he surpassed all preceding 
mathematicians, enabled him to anticipate many of the results if not the actual 
processes of the Integral Calculus. For instance, " The Binomial Theorem 
was a corollary of the results of Wallis on the quadrature of curves, the 
sagacity of Xewton supplying that general mode of expression which it is 
extraordinary that Wallis should have missed." 

The portrait of Wallis was commissioned by Pepys. as he says, "to be 
lodged as an humble present of mine, though a Cambridge man, to my dear 


Aunt, the University of Oxford." Kneller went to Oxford specially to paint 
it. Writing to Pepys he says : " And I can show I never did a better picture, 
nor so good a one, in my life, which is the opinion of all as has seen it." The 
solemn thanks of the University were returned to Pepys for his munificence 
on October 30th, 1702. 

John FLAMSTEED {portrait by Gibson, in ihc possession of the Royal Society) . . . 1299 
John Flamsteed was born at Denby, near Derby, on the 19th August, 1646. 
In 1669 he made an astronomical contribution to the Royal Society, and from 
this time forward his reputation increased, until, when Charles II. founded an 
Observatory, he was appointed astronomer royal or "astronomical observator. " 
He began his residence at the Observatory in 1676. From this time until his 
death in 1 719 he was unceasingly occupied in amassing the observations after- 
wards published in his " Historia Coelestis." Flamsteed has been called not 
inaptly " Tycho Brahe with a telescope," and his observations form the starting- 
point and foundation of modern astronomy. 

Solution of the problem of the brachystochrone or curve of 

quickest descent by newton i3oo 

This problem was proposed for solution to the mathematicians qui toto orbe 
florent by the celebrated John Bernoulli in the Acta Eruditorum, January, 
1697. ^ was required to determine the curve in which a body would descend 
in the quickest time from one given point to another. On the day after he 
received the problem Newton sent the solution to Mr. Charles Montague, 
the President of the Royal Society. He announced that the curve was 
a cycloid, and gave a method of determining it. Bernoulli had allowed six 
months for the solution of the problem ; but Leibniz, who also produced a 
solution, begged that the period might be extended to twelve months, which 
Bernoulli readily granted. When the solutions were sent in, one of them 
(Newton's) was anonymous ; but Bernoulli recognised the author, as he said, 
tamquam ex ungue leonem — " as a lion from his claw." 

Signatures of Charles II. and James, Duke of York, attached to the 

Charter of the Royal Society, 1663 1301 

We have a contemporary notice of the signing of the charter-book by the 
King in a letter from R. Moray to Christiaan Huygens, dated 20th January, 
1665 (" CEuvres Completes de Christiaan Huygens,"/. 215). 

"Seulement faut il que je vous die que le Roy a signe son nom dans 
nostre liure de cette facon. 

" Charles R. et au dessous Founder, Son Altesse Royal o, James, et plus 
bas Fellow. 

" Monsieur le prince Royal Rupert et plus bas Fellow, aussi." 

The King and the Duke of York signed their names on the 9th January, 
1665, and the book was produced at the meeting of the Society which took 
place on the nth of the same month. 

The Old Observing-room, Greenwich 1302 

Reproduced, by the kind permission of the Astronomer Royal, from a 
volume of Views of Greenwich Observatory preserved there. The original 
engravings appear to have been made by Flamsteed's directions to illustrate 
his "Historia Ccelestis"; that work, however, was not published till after 
his death, and his executors apparently omitted the illustrations. The Ob- 
servatory was built by Sir Christopher Wren ; he unfortunately fixed it a little 
askew to the meridian, and has thus much troubled astronomers. The back 
part of the building consists of a very large octagonal room, with windows 
from floor to ceiling on every side, so as to give openings for the telescope to 
be set towards any part of the heavens. This view gives an exact representa- 
tion of the room as it was in Flamsteed's day, with the three original 
"observers" at their work— Flamsteed himself, his one paid assistant, and a 
N friend, Marsh, who gave him his help. From the imperfection of scientific 
instruments at that time, observations could only be taken by means of tele- 
scopes of immense length; one of these is here shown, supported in a primitive 
manner on the rung of a ladder to give it the right elevation, and stuck out 
through the window of the room. 



Sir Isaac Newton* {from J. Smith's engraving of a picture by Sir G. Knitter] . 1303 

Woolsthorpe House, Lincolnshire 1304 

The birthplace of Isaac Newton. 

Cast of the head of Sir Isaac Newton (in the possession of the Royal Society) 1305 

John Hales (frontispiece to his " Tracts,' 1 ' 1677) 1306 

William Chillingworth (from an engraving by F. A'yte) 1307 

Jeremy Taylor (from an engraving by P. Lombart) 1308 

Thomas Hobbes (from a picture by Michael Wright, in the National Portrait 

Gallery) 1 31 1 

Title-page of Hobbes's "Leviathan," 165 1 1312 

1<)HN LOCKE (from G. Vertue's engraving of a picture by Kneller) 1315 

A Game of Tennis (English edition, 1 659, ofComenius's ' * Orbis sensualium pictus ") 1 3 1 6 

" Boyes Sports" (from the same) 1317 

Mace of the Bailiff of Jersey 1318, 1319 

The present Bailiff of Jersey has kindly caused this mace, of which no 
reproduction has ever before been made, to be photographed specially for this 
book. It bears a Latin inscription which may be thus translated : "All are 
not esteemed worthy of such honour. Charles II., the most serene King of 
Great Britain, France and Ireland, desired that his royal affection towards the 
island of Jersey, where he twice found a refuge when he was shut out of his 
other dominions, should be displayed to posterity by this truly regal memorial. 
He therefore bade that it should henceforth be carried before the Bailiffs, in 
memory of the fidelity preserved towards his august father Charles I. , as well 
as to himself, by the illustrious knights Philip and George Casteret, bailiffs 
and royal prefects of this island." Charles further granted to Jersey a charter 
with a special clause allowing "for the great constancy, fidelity and loyalty 
which the bailiffs and jurats and all other inhabitants of the said island have 
shown to us and our predecessors," the bailiff for all future time to have a 
mace carried before him. 

Stables at Marple Hall, Cheshire 1321 

Marple Hall was the seat of the Bradshaw family. The house was built, c. 
1658, by Colonel Henry Bradshaw, elder brother of John Bradshaw the regi- 
cide ; the stables are dated 1669. This engraving is kindly lent by Mr. 
Earwaker from his "East Cheshire." 

A Bishop, temp. Charles II. (after IV. Hollar) 1322 

A Judge, temp. Charles II. (after IF. Hollar) 1323 

Title-page to Book of Common Prayer, London, 1662 1325 

Mitre of Bishop Wren, 1660-1667 1326 

Matthew Wren, Bishop of Ely 1638, imprisoned by order of Parliament 
1640, released and restored to his see 1660, built and endowed in 1663 a new 
chapel at Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, where he had formerly studied. In 
1667 he died, and was buried in the chapel, where his mitre (here reproduced 
from a photograph, taken specially for this book) is now preserved. It is of 
English workmanship, silver-gilt, with repousse decorations ; its height is 
11^ in., its diameter 7^ in. Fitting into it is a cap of crimson satin lined with 
white silk, and the state of this lining shows that the mitre had been not 
merely fitted on but worn — a proof that, contrary to a view which has been 
frequently asserted, such episcopal ornaments were not merely treasured by 
the bishops of the Restoration for their intrinsic value or their artistic beauty, 
but actually used, by some prelates at least, as part of their ecclesiastical 

Mace of the House of Commons 'J«/^«ar/) 1327 

Maunday's shaft of 1649 (see above, p. 1231), with a new head and base 
made in 1660. 

Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon (from an original engraving by David 

Loggan) 1329 


Anthony Ashley Cooper (painting by Sir Peter I ely, in possession of the Earl 

of Shaftesbury) J 33° 

S. Margaret's Church, Westminster, 1692- 1 721 133 2 

From a rare print by J. Brock. It shows the east window dated 1692, 
which was removed in 1721 ; the altar and reredos as they existed at the same 
period ; several old monuments, now gone, on the north side ; the pew of the 
Speaker of the Commons, in its original position ; and a striking example of 
the arrangement of clerk's desk, reading desk, and pulpit common in the last 
century, and vulgarly known as a "three-decker." 

The Heretical Synod at S alters' Hall . . . . . ■ 1334 

The meeting-house adjoining (and originally forming part of) Salters' Hall, 
Walbrook, was first used by a Presbyterian congregation, c. 1690. In 1 710 
an assembly of ministers was held there to consider what steps should be 
taken respecting the spread of Arian opinions. A proposal that all members 
should be required to subscribe a declaration of Trinitarian faith led to a very 
stormy discussion, and as no conclusion was arrived at, the affair gave rise to 
a good deal of satire, of which the print here reproduced is probably an 
example. It shows the end of the chapel occupied by the pulpit, with 
sounding-board above and reading-desk below ; in a pew directly under these, 
and facing the same way, sit "The Four Moderators." Four men facing 
them say, " We are for no Impositions " ; one of a group in the gallery calls 
out to the crowd below, "All you that are for the Trinity come up, we have 
subscribed" ; one of two men in the fore-ground says, " For or against the 
Trinity, beloved ? " the other, who has two faces, holds in one hand a paper 
inscribed " As my principles," and in the other a second paper, "For my 

A Nonconformist Minister, late seventeenth century (Tempest's Cries 

"of London") 1335 

Fifty plates, representing the "Cries of the City of London," were 
engraved and published in 1688 by Pierce Tempest after drawings by Marcel 
Lauron, or Laroon. Later editions were issued, with additional plates, 
either by Laroon (who died 1702) or by his son. All are extremely rare. 
The copy in the British Museum, from which these illustrations are taken, 
dates from 1 7 1 1 . 

A Quakers' Meeting, late seventeenth century (satirical print, probably 

by Marcel Lauron, in the British Museum) 1337 

RICHARD Baxter (picture by J. Riley, in Dr. Williams s Library, London) . . 1338 

"The Hebrew Alphabet writ by George Fox the Proto Quaker" . . 1339 
Attached to a page of notes on the Old Testament, part of which is in the 
handwriting of George Fox ; now among the historical autographs in the 
British Museum. 

Bun van's Meeting-house, Zoar Street, Gravel Lane, Southwark. . . 1340 

From " Londina lllustrata," 1819. Three Protestant Nonconformist 
gentlemen, named Mallet, Warburton and Holland, profited by the 
Declaration of Indulgence in 1687 to build this chapel, with a school-room 
attached, at a cost of ^360. It came to be known as " Bunyan's Meeting- 
house" ; but Bunyan cannot have preached in it more than once, on his last 
visit to London, as he died within sixteen months after the purchase of the 
ground on which it was built. 

Gravel Lane Charity School 1342 

The school -room connected with, and under a part of, Bunyan's Meeting- 
house ; opened by the founders of the Meeting-house, in 1587, to counteract 
the attractions of a Roman Catholic school which a gentleman named Poulter 
had set up in the same neighbourhood under James's protection. This early 
Nonconformist Charity School was still carrying on its work in the original 
school-room in the year 1819, as is shown by the dress of its scholars in this 
illustration, reproduced from "Londina lllustrata." 

Bunyan's Dream (frontispiece to 4th edition of " Pilgrim's Progress;' 1680). . . 1343 



Bahvlonian Stone found in London {British Museum) 1345 

Three black diorite stones, with strange figures and letters, were found 
early in 1891 by workmen digging foundations for a house in Knightrider 
Street, London. These proved to be Babylonian stones ; one of them dating 
from c. 1200 or 1300 B.C., another from c. 4500 B.C., and the third from 
c. 4000 B.C., The first seems to have been a boundary stone, the second had 
been used as part of a holy-water basin, and the third, which is here figured, 
had been made to serve as a door-socket. It bears a cuneiform inscription 
which states that it was dedicated to the god Nina. Knightrider Street and 
its neighbourhood were the favourite abode of Dutch merchants in the time 
of Charles II. Along with the stones were found some Dutch tiles of the 
seventeenth century. It has therefore been supposed that these Chaldean 
relics were brought, either as ballast or as curiosities, to London with other 
goods from the Persian Gulf, where Holland had a great trade, and lay in 
the Dutch counting-house till the fire of 1666, when they and the tiles were 
alike buried in the ruins. 

Stern of the "Royal Charles" 1346 

A part of the stern of this ship, bearing the arms of England, has been 
preserved as a relic in the Museum at Amsterdam, with an inscription which 
may be thus translated: "These arms adorned the 'Royal Charles,' of a 
hundred guns, the largest ship of the English Navy, conquered with other 
ships in the glorious expedition on the river of Rochester in the year 1667, 
under the command of Lieutenant Admiral M. A. de Ruyter and the 
Ruwaard" (an old Dutch word for "governor") " C. de Wit, brought into 
the Meuse the same year, and broken up at Hellevoetsluis in the year 167 ;." 
A contemporary engraving of the ship was made which is in the Amsterdam 
Museum, and has been photographed specially for this book. 

Fight between Monk and De Ruyter, 1666 {from a very rare contemporary 

Dutch print, in the British Museum) 1347 

Facsimile of an Advertisement in the " Intelligencer," April 24, 1666 . 1348 
In which Charles announces that he will no longer touch for the King's 
Evil for fear of the infection of the Plague. 

Unfinished Tapestry-work saved from the Great Fire of London, 

1666 {Guildhall Museum) 1 348 

Found in a house in Cheapside. 

The Magazine at Sheerness burnt by the Dutch, 1667 {contemporary 

Dutch print in British Museum) T 349 

The "Royal Charles" 1350 

From a picture by Storch, in the Museum at Amsterdam ; photographed 
specially for this book. The picture bears a Latin inscription which, 
literally translated, runs thus: "The representation most accurately painted 
of this, once the British flagship, which stood as a memorial, first of the 
conquered King Charles I. and the royal army defeated at Naseby ; then of 
the return of King Charles II. to his own realm (after whose name it was 
called the Royal Charles) ; and lastly — taken by the Dutch in Britain itself — 
of a gigantic victory and also of peace keenly desired, — is dedicated to 
Cornells de Witt, commander of the whole Belgic fleet, and the Dutch 
conqueror, and to his children after him as an incitement to the valour of 
their father and forefather." 

Watch {South Kensington Afitseum) J 35 1 

Of seventeenth century workmanship, with an engraved brass face, and a 
double silver case, on the inside of which are the words " Edmund Bull, Fleet 
Street, fecit." 

Charles II. {miniature by Samuel Cooper, at Windsor Castle) *352 

Nell Gwynne {pictwe by Lely, in the collection of Earl Spencer, at Althorpe) . . 1354 



James, Duke of Monmouth, when a child {miniature by S. Cooper, at 

Windsor Castle) r 355 

Head-piece to the form of thanksgiving for the King's Restoration 

{Book of Common Prayer, 1662) 135^ 

John Maitland, Earl and Duke of Lauderdale {picture by Vandyck, at 

Ham House) I35 8 

James Butler, First Duke of Ormond {from an engraving by Scriven, after 

a picture by Sir Godfrey Kneller) 1 360 

Wren's original design for S. Paul's Cathedral 1362 

From a drawing, made specially for this book, of Wren's model preserved 
in the present cathedral. Its story is thus told by Allan Cunningham : 
"The form of the classic temple he [Wren] imagined suited the reformed 
worship best, being compact and simple without long aisles, our religion not 
using processions like that of Rome ; he accordingly planned a church of 
moderate size, of good proportion ; a convenient choir with a vestibule and 
porticos and a dome conspicuous above the houses. . . . Much as this plan 
was approved, it was nevertheless one of those which he sketched ' merely,' 
as he said, 'for discourse sake'; he had bestowed his study upon two 
designs both of which he liked ; though one of them he preferred, and justly, 
above the other. The ground plans of both were in the form of the cross ; 
that which pleased Charles, the Duke of York, and the Courtiers, retained 
the primitive figure with all its sharp advancing and receding angles ; the one 
after Wren's own heart substituted curves for these deep indentations, by 
which one unbroken and beautiful winding line was obtained for the exterior, 
while the interior accommodation which it afforded, and the elegance which 
it introduced, were such as must have struck every beholder. . . . But if we 
may credit Spence, taste had no share in deciding the choice of the design. 
He says, on the authority of Harding, that the Duke of York and his party 
influenced all ; the future king even then contemplated the revival of the 
Popish service, and desired to have a cathedral with long aisles for the sake 
of its processions. This not only caused the rejection of Wren's favourite 
design, but materially affected the other which was approved. The side 
oratories were proposed by the Duke, and though this narrowed the building 
and broke much in upon the breadth and harmony of the interior elevation, 
and though it was resisted by Wren even to tears, all was in vain — -the 
architect was obliged to comply." (Allan Cunningham, " Lives of the most 
eminent British Painters, Sculptors, and Architects," iv. pp. 205-207). 

The Comte d'Estrades, Ambassador of France to England, 1661 
{Jusserand, "A French Ambassador at the Court of Charles II." from an 
engraving by Etienne Picart) 1364 

Dunkirk {Dutch print, ijlh or 18th century) 1365 

Plenipotentiaries of England, France and Holland signing the Treaty 

OF Breda {Dutch print in British Museum) 1368 

Sir William Temple {picture by Sir Peter Lely, in the National Portrait 

Gallery) .... 1370 

Hugues de Lionne, Foreign Secretary to Lewis XIV. {Jusserand, " A 

French Ambassador," from an engraving by N. de Farmessin, 1664) . . . . 1371 

Two " Drumms and a Fife, and the Drumme Major " {Sandford, " Funeral 

of the Duk: of Albemarle," 1670) 1373 

Funeral car of George Monk, Duke of Albemarle {from the same) . . . 1374 

Two of " His Grace's Watermen " -j 

rp„ T ^ A/r _ L {from the same) I37<» 

Two Masters of the Chancery / ' JO 

The University Library, Leyden {from a Dutch engraving, 1610, after J. 

C. Woudanus) 1376 

Fight with the Dutch in Solebay, June 7, 1672 {from a contemporary 

Dutch print, in the British Museum) 1378 

Barbara Palmer, Countess of Castlemaine and Duchess of Cleveland 

{from an engraving by W. Sherzuiu, 1670) 1380 



Huntsmen, late 17TH or early i8th century [Roxburghe Ballad) .... 1382 

Anthony Ashley Cooper, first Earl of Shaftesbury (miniature by S. 

Cooper, in the possession of the Earl of Shaftesbury) l 3&4- 

Gresham House, afterwards Gresham College {Burgon's "Life of 

Grtsham," from Vertue's engraving, 1739) 1386 

In Bishopsgate Street, London ; built by Sir Thomas Gresham, for his own 
residence, in 1563-6. At the death of his widow, in 1596, the house and the 
rents arising from the Royal Exchange both passed by his will into the hands 
of the Corporation of London and the Mercers' Company as trustees, for the 
endowment of a college. Seven professors, with a salary of ^50 a year each, 
were to have rooms in the house and to deliver free lectures, one on every day 
of the week, on divinity, astronomy, music, geometry, law, medicine, and 
rhetoric. The first seven professors were appointed early in 1597; three came 
from Oxford, three from Cambridge ; the professor of music, Dr. Bull, was a 
graduate of both Universities and was nominated by the queen. Next year it 
was ordained that each lecture should be delivered twice ; at 8 a.m. in Latin, 
because it was thought " very likely that diverse strangers of forreign countries, 
who resort to Gresham College, and understand not the English tongue, will 
greatly desire to hear the reading of the said lectures, whereby the memory of 
the said founder in the erecting of the said college for the encrease of learning 
may be divulged, to the good exsample of forreign nations, and the honour and 
credit of this honourable city " ; and at 2 P.M. in English. Dr. Bull was ex- 
cused the Latin lecture, because he was not a classical scholar. The meetings 
of the Royal Society were held at the College till the Great Fire ; after that 
the College was used as an Exchange for seven years (while a new Exchange 
was being built), and the Royal Society removed to Arundel House in the 
Strand; thence they returned to the College in 1673. f R 1710 they bought 
a house in Crane Court, Fleet Street, which they occupied till 1780, when 
the Government gave them rooms in Somerset House ; these were exchanged 
in 1857 for apartments in Burlington House, Piccadilly. In 1768 the College 
was pulled down, and the lectures transferred to a room over the Royal 
Exchange ; after the destruction of this building in 1838 they were given in 
the theatre of the City of London School till 1843, when a new College was 
built in Gresham Street. The most remarkable feature of Gresham's scheme 
was the prominence given to astronomy and music. Astronomy in his day 
was an almost unknown science, and neither of the Universities had anv 
provision for teaching it. Sir Christopher Wren held the Professorship of 
Astronomy for some time, and gave lectures in Gresham College. 

The second Royal Exchange (Burgon, " Life of Gresham ") 1387 

The Exchange built by Gresham (see pp. 786, 787) was destroyed in the Great 
Fire, September 1666 ; the founder's statue, at the north-west corner, alone 
escaped. In April 1667 Jerman, one of the City surveyors, was commissioned 
by the Corporation and the Mercers' Company to make a design for a new 
Exchange ; the foundation-stone was laid May 6, and on October 23 Charles 
II. laid the base of a column on the west side of the north entrance. Pepvs 
writes : " Sir W. Pen and I back into London, and there saw the king, with 
his kettledrums and trumpets, going to the Exchange ; which, the gates 
being shut, I could not get in to see. So with Sir YV. Pen to Captain 
Cockes, and thence again towards Westminster; but, in my way, stopped at 
the Exchange and got in, the king being newly gone, and there find the 
bottom of the first pillar laid. And here was a shed set up, and hung with 
tapestry and a canopy of state, and some good victuals and wine for the king, 
who it seems did it." The new building was burnt down in 1838. To the 
last the traditional connexion between Gresham College and the Roval 
Exchange was continued, and the Gresham College Lectures were held in it 
from 1768 till its own destruction. 

Interior of S. Stephen's Church, Walbrook 1388 

From a drawing made specially for this book. The church, one of Wren's 
masterpieces, was built 167 2- 1679. 

Figure of S. Helen, c. 1680 1389 

In S. Helen's Church, Bishopsgate ; reproduced from a drawing made 
specially for this book. 



Porch of the Nag's Head Inn, Leicester {Richardson, (t Studies from Old 

English Mansions") 1390 

Built 1663. 
Doorway of Pearce's Clothing Manufactory, West Mills, Newbury . 1391 

Thomas Pearce, clothier, of Newbury, who died in 167 1, endowed two 
almshouses at West Mills, for poor weavers "of honest life and good 
manners." Part of the buildings of his own factory seem to have been 
converted for this purpose. The view here given is from a " History of 
Newbury" published in 1839. 
Inn, formerly at Oxford, called " Antiquity " Hall 1392 

This building dated from 1675 at latest. The print here reproduced was 
designed and engraved by George Vertue, about the middle of the last century, 
in satirical commemoration of a visit paid to the inn by the antiquary Thomas 
Hearne and two of his friends, and of the effect produced on them by its 
"mild ale." The reference to this appears on the label humorously written 
in Greek characters, /xiASaAe. 
Entrance to Arbour of the Shoemakers' Gif.d, Shrewsbury .... 1394 

From an original drawing kindly lent by Mr. F. A. Hibbert. Shrewsbury 
contained a number of trade gilds, which before the Reformation had been 
wont to unite in a splendid procession on Corpus Christi day. After the 
abolition of the religious festival, the day was still kept by them with feasting 
and merry-making in the public land called Kingsland, outside the town. It 
seems that at the close of the sixteenth century the Corporation allotted to 
each gild a small plot of ground ; this, being hedged in and planted in with 
trees, was called an Arbour. Early in the seventeenth century wooden 
shelters were put up in the arbours, and a little later the gilds put up 
bulddings of brick. All the arbours were fitted up inside with a long table and 
benches on either side of it, a raised chair under a canopy at one end for the 
warden of the gild, and a buttery partitioned off at the other end. The earliest 
as well as largest of these arbours, and also the last surviving, was that of the 
Shoemakers, which is first mentioned in 1637. The enclosure in which it stood 
had a gate of stone, erected in 1679 "by the freewill offerings of the brethren 
and half brethren " of the gild, aided by a contribution from the general 
fund ; the cost was £2% 6s. yd. Two stone figures representing "Crispin 
and Crispianus," — the old patron saints of the gild — were placed above the 
arch in 1684. 

Corporation Badges, Leicester {Art Journal) 1395 

The larger of these badges is now in the Museum at Leicester ; it is the only 
one now left of the ancient badges of the town-waits, and seems to date from 
the sixteenth or seventeenth century. In Canterbury the scutcheon given to 
each of the four minstrels yearly appointed was worth 100/-, and was returned 
at the end of the year to the city chamberlain. The smaller badge is that of 
Edmund Sutton, Mayor of Leicester in 1676. 

Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby {Picture by Vandyck, in possession of Mr. 

F. Vernon Wentworth) 1396 

Sign of the Bell, Knightrider Street, 1668 {Guildhall Museum) .... 1398 

Sign of the Boar's Head, Eastcheap, 1668 {Guildhall Museum) 1399 

Sign of the Anchor, London, 1669 {Guildhall Museum) 1400 

Sign of Abraham Bartlett, maker of "Boulting Mills and Clothes," 

1678 {Guildhall Museum) 1401 

Princess Mary {from an etching by A. Mongin, in Hemerton's Poj-tfolio of Art, 

from a picture by Sir P. Lely at Hampton Court) . 1402 

Possibly represents her as she appeared (at the age of twelve years) on 
December 16, 1674, when she and her sister performed at Court in a ballet 
entitled "Callista, or the Chaste Nymph." 

Four Illustrations of the Popish Plot 1404, 1405, 1406, 1407 

From a set of designs for playing cards by W. Faithorne, 1684 ; now in the 
British Museum. 

Sword-rest of the Lord Mayor of London 1408 

In S. Helen's Church, Bishopsgate; drawn specially for this book. 


Section I. — The Puritans, 1583— 1603 

\A11thorities. — For the primary facts of the ecclesiastical history of this time, 
Strype's " Annals,"' and his lives of Grindal and YVhitgift. Neal's M History of 
the Puritans," besides its inaccuracies, contains little for this period which is 
not taken from the more colourless Strype. For the origin of the Presbyterian 
movement, see the "Discourse of the Troubles at Frankfort, 1576/' often 
republished ; for its later contest with Elizabeth, Mr. Maskell's u Martin 
Marprelate," which gives copious extracts from the rare pamphlets printed 
under that name. Mr. Hallam's account of the whole struggle ■'" Constitutional 
History," caps. iv. and vii.) is admirable for its fulness, lucidity, and impartiality. 
Wallington's " Diary " gives us the common life of Puritanism ; its higher side 
is shown in Mrs. Hutchinson's Memoirs of her husband, and in the early life of 
Milton, as told in Mr. Masson's biography.] 

No GREATER moral change ever passed over a nation than The 
passed over England during the years which parted the middle of 
the reign of Elizabeth from the meeting of the Long Parliament. 
England became the people of a book, and that book was the 
Bible. It was as yet the one English book which was familiar 
to every Englishman ; it was read at churches and read at home, 
and everywhere its words, as they fell on ears which custom had 
not deadened, kindled a startling enthusiasm. When Bishop 
Bonner set up the first six Bibles in St. Paul's iV many well- 
disposed people used much to resort to the hearing thereof, 
especially when they could get any that had an audible voice to 
read to them." ..." One John Porter used sometimes to be occu- 
pied in that goodly exercise, to the edifying of himself as well as 
others. This Porter was a fresh voun^ man and of a bier stature ; 
and great multitudes would resort thither to hear him, because he 

could read well and had an audible voice." But the " goodly 
Vol. Ill— I 



Sec. i exercise " of readers such as Porter was soon superseded by the 
the continued recitation of both Old Testament and New in the public 

Puritans ... 

1583 services of the Church ; while the small Geneva Bibles carried the 
1603 Scripture into every home. The popularity of the Bible was 
owing to other causes besides that of religion. The whole prose 
literature of England, save the forgotten tracts of Wyclif, has 
grown up since the translation of the Scriptures by Tyndale and 
Coverdale. So far as the nation at large was concerned, no 
history, no romance, hardly any poetry, save the little-known verse 
of Chaucer, existed in the English tongue when the Bible was 
ordered to be set up in churches. Sunday after Sunday, day after 
day, the crowds that gathered round Bonner's Bibles in the nave 
of St. Paul's, or the family group that hung on the words of the 
Geneva Bible in the devotional exercises at home, were leavened 
with a new literature. Legend and annal, war-song and psalm, 
State-roll and biography, the mighty voices of prophets, the 
parables of Evangelists, stories of mission journeys, of perils by 
the sea and among the heathen, philosophic arguments, apocalyptic 
visions, all were flung broadcast over minds unoccupied for the 
most part by any rival learning. The disclosure of the 
stores of Greek literature had wrought the revolution of the 
Renascence. The disclosure of the older mass of Hebrew 
literature wrought the revolution of the Reformation. But the one 
revolution was far deeper and wider in its effects than the other. 
No version could transfer to another tongue the peculiar charm of 
language which gave their value to the authors of Greece and 
Rome. Classical letters, therefore, remained in the possession of 
the learned, that is, of the few ; and among these, with the excep- 
tion of Colet and More, or of the pedants who revived a Pagan 
worship in the gardens of the Florentine Academy, their direct 
influence was purely intellectual. But the tongue of the Hebrew, 
the idiom of the Hellenistic Greek, lent themselves with a curious 
felicity to the purposes of translation. As a mere literary 
monument, the English version of the Bible remains the noblest 
example of the English tongue, while its perpetual use made it 
from the instant of its appearance the standard of our language. 
For the moment however its literary effect was less than its social. 
The power of the book over the mass of Englishmen showed itself 






in a thousand superficial ways, and in none more conspicuously 
than in the influence it exerted on ordinary speech. It formed, 
we must repeat, the whole literature which was practically 
accessible to ordinary Englishmen ; and when we recall the 
number of common phrases which we owe to great authors, the 
bits of Shakspere, or Milton, or Dickens, or Thackeray, which 
unconsciously interweave themselves in our ordinary talk, we 
shall better understand the strange mosaic of Biblical words and 
phrases which coloured English talk two hundred years ago. The 
mass of picturesque allusion and illustration which we borrow 
from a thousand books, our fathers were forced to borrow from 
one ; and the borrowing was the easier and the more natural 
that the range of the Hebrew literature fitted it for the expression 
of every phase of feeling. When Spenser poured forth his 
warmest love-notes in the " Epithalamion," he adopted the very 
words of the Psalmist, as he bade the gates open for the entrance 
of his bride. When Cromwell saw the mists break over the hills 
of Dunbar, he hailed the sun-burst with the cry of David : " Let 
God arise, and let his enemies be scattered. Like as the smoke 
vanisheth, so shalt thou drive them away ! " Even to common 
minds this familiarity with grand poetic imagery in prophet and 
apocalypse gave a loftiness and ardour of expression, that with all 
its tendency to exaggeration and bombast we may prefer to the 
slipshod vulgarisms of to-day. 

But far greater than its effect on literature or social phrase was 
the effect of the Bible on the character of the people at large. 
Elizabeth might silence or tune the pulpits ; but it was impossible 
for her to silence or tune the great preachers of justice, and mercy, 
and truth, who spoke from the book which she had again opened 
for her people. The whole moral effect which is produced now-a- 
days by the religious newspaper, the tract, the essay, the lecture, 
the missionary report, the sermon, was then produced by the Bible 
alone ; and its effect in this way, however dispassionately we 
examine it, was simply amazing. One dominant influence told on 
human action : and all the activities that had been called into life 
by the age that was passing away were seized, concentrated, and 
steadied to a definite aim by the spirit of religion. The whole 
temper of the nation felt the change. A new conception of life 

Sec. I 







Sec. I 





and of man superseded the old. A new moral and religious 
impulse spread through every class. Literature reflected the 
general tendency of the time ; and the dumpy little quartos of 
controversy and piety, which still crowd our older libraries, drove 
before them the classical translations and Italian novelettes of the 

C Eocic 16 pattern antf courteous ictl) not, oott) nor 


ointii us fozteyfi) *j| <r mti3 3ou fo 3guifo r .i3gtre oj Qavicmotd | 


age of the Renascence. " Theology rules there," said Grotius of 
England only two years after Elizabeth's death ; and when 
Casaubon, the last of the great scholars of the sixteenth century, 
was invited to England by King James, he found both King and 
people indifferent to pure letters. " There is a great abundance of 


A.D. I6l6. 
Picture belonging to the Society of Antiquaries. 


Sec I 






theologians in England," he says, "all point their studies in that 
direction." Even a country gentleman like Colonel Hutchinson 
felt the theological impulse. "As soon as he had improved his 
natural understanding with the acquisition of learning, the first 
studies he exercised himself in were the principles of religion." 
The whole nation became, in fact, a Church. The great problems 

Picture by R. Walker, formerly at Oivthorpe. 

ism and 

of life and death, whose questionings found no answer in the 
higher minds of Shakspere's day, pressed for an answer not only 
from noble and scholar but from farmer and shopkeeper in the age 
that followed him. We must not, indeed, picture the early Puritan 
as a gloomy fanatic. The religious movement had not as yet 
come into conflict with general culture. With the close of the 


Elizabethan age, indeed, the intellectual freedom which had marked Sec. i 
it faded insensibly away : the bold philosophical speculations which The 
Sidney had caught from Bruno, and which had brought on Mar- 15S3 


lowe and Ralegh the charge of atheism, died, like her own 1603 
religious indifference, with the Queen. But the lighter and more 
elegant sides of the Elizabethan culture harmonized well enough 
with the temper of the Puritan gentleman. The figure of Colonel 
Hutchinson, one of the Regicides, stands out from his wife's canvas 
with the grace and tenderness of a portrait by Vandyck. She 
dwells on the personal beauty which distinguished his youth, on 
"his teeth even and white as the purest ivory," "his hair of brown, 
very thickset in his youth, softer than the finest silk, curling with 
loose great rings at the ends." Serious as was his temper in 
graver matters, the young squire of Owthorpe was fond of hawk- 
ing, and piqued himself on his skill in dancing and fence. His 
artistic taste showed itself in a critical love of" paintings, sculpture, 
and all liberal arts," as well as in the pleasure he took in his 
gardens, " in the improvement of his grounds, in planting groves 
and walks and forest trees." If he was "diligent in his examin- 
ation of the Scriptures," " he had a great love for music, and often 
diverted himself with a viol, on which he played masterly." We Puritan- 
miss, indeed, the passion of the Elizabethan time, its caprice, its human 
largeness of feeling and sympathy, its quick pulse of delight ; but, conduct 
on the other hand, life gained in moral grandeur, in a sense of 
the dignity of manhood, in orderliness and equable force. The 
temper of the Puritan gentleman was just, noble, and self-controlled. 
The larger geniality of the age that had passed away was replaced 
by an intense tenderness within the narrower circle of the home. 
" He was as kind a father," says Mrs. Hutchinson of her husband, 
" as dear a brother, as good a master, as faithful a friend as the 
world had." The wilful and lawless passion of the Renascence 
made way for a manly purity. " Neither in youth nor riper years 
could the most fair or enticing woman ever draw him into 
unnecessary familiarity or dalliance. Wise and virtuous women 
he loved, and delighted in all pure and holy and unblameable 
conversation with them, but so as never to excite scandal or 
temptation. Scurrilous discourse even among men he abhorred ; 
and though he sometimes took pleasure in wit and mirth, yet 






Sec. i that which was mixed with impurity he never could endure." 
the To the Puritan the wilfulness of life, in which the men of the 


Renascence had revelled, 
seemed unworthy of life's 
character and end. His 
aim was to attain self- 
command, to be master of 
himself, of his thought and 
speech and acts. A cer- 
tain gravity and reflective- 
ness gave its tone to the 
lightest details of his con- 
verse with the world about 
him. His temper, quick 
as it might naturally be, 
was kept under strict con- 
trol. In his discourse he 
was ever on his guard 
against talkativeness or 
frivolity, striving to be de- 
liberate in speech and 
" ranking the words be- 
forehand." His life was 
orderly and methodical, 
sparing of diet and of self- 
indulgence ; he rose early, 
" he never was at any time 
idle, and hated to see any 
one else so." The new 
sobriety and self-restraint 
marked itself even in his 
change of dress. The gor- 
geous colours and jewels 

Frontispiece to Brathwait's "English Gentleman." 

of the Renascence disap- 
peared. Colonel Hutchin- 
son " left off very early the wearing of anything that was 
costly, yet in his plainest negligent habit appeared very much 
a gentleman." The loss of colour and variety in costume 




reflected no doubt a certain loss of colour and variety in life 
itself; but it was a loss compensated by solid gains. Greatest 
among these, perhaps, was the 
new conception of social equal- 
ity. Their common calling, their 
common brotherhood in Christ, 
annihilated in the mind of the 
Puritans that overpowering sense 
of social distinctions which 
characterized the age of Eliza- 
beth. The meanest peasant felt 
himself ennobled as a child of 
God. The proudest noble re- 
cognized a spiritual equality in 
the poorest " saint." The great 
social revolution of the Civil 
Wars and the Protectorate was 
already felt in the demeanour 
of gentlemen like Hutchinson. 
" He had a loving and sweet 
courtesy to the poorest, and 
would often employ many spare 
hours with the commonest sol- 
diers and poorest labourers." 
" He never disdained the mean- 
est nor flattered the greatest." 
But it was felt even more in 
the new dignity and self- 
respect with which the con- 
sciousness of their " calling " 
invested the classes beneath 
the rank of the gentry. Take 
such a portrait as that which 
Nehemiah Wallington, a turner 
in Eastcheap, has left us of a 

London housewife, his mother. " She was very loving," he says, 
"and obedient to her parents, loving and kind to her husband, 
very tender-hearted to her children, loving all that were godly, 



Frontispiece to Brathwait's 
' ' English Gentlewoman. ' ' 

Sec. I 




ism and 




Sec. I 





much misliking the wicked and profane. She was a pattern 
of sobriety unto many, very seldom was seen abroad except at 
church ; when others recreated themselves at holidays and other 
times, she would take her needle-work and say, ' here is my 
recreation.' . . . God had given her a pregnant wit and an 
excellent memory. She was very ripe and perfect in all stories of 
the Bible, likewise in all the stories of the Martyrs, and could 
readily turn to them ; she was also perfect and well seen in the 
English Chronicles, and in the descents of the Kings of England. 



" The whole Psalms in Four Parts" 1563. 

She lived in holy wedlock with her husband twenty years, wanting 
but four days." 

The strength of the religious movement lay rather among the 
middle and professional classes than among the gentry ; and it is 
in a Puritan of this class that we find the fullest and noblest 
expression of the new influence which was leavening the temper of 
the time. John Milton is not only the highest, but the completest 
type of Puritanism. His life is absolutely contemporaneous with 
his cause. He was born when it began to exercise a direct power 
over English politics and English religion ; he died when its effort 




to mould them into its own shape was over, and when it had again 
sunk into one of many influences to which we owe our English 
character. His earlier verse, the pamphlets of his riper years, the 
epics of his age, mark with a singular precision the three great 
stages in his history. His youth shows us how much of the gaiety, 
the poetic ease, the intellectual culture of the Renascence lingered 
in a Puritan home. Scrivener and " precisian " as his father was, 
he was a skilled musician ; and the boy inherited his father's skill 

- ;. I 




Picture by Cornelius Janssen, in collection of Mr. Edgar Disney. 

on lute and organ. One of the finest outbursts in the scheme of 
education which he put forth at a later time is a passage in which 
he vindicates the province of music as an agent in moral training. 
His home, his tutor, his school were all rigidly Puritan ; but there 
was nothing narrow or illiberal in his early training. " My father," 
he says, " destined me while yet a little boy to the study of humane 
letters ; which I seized with such eagerness that from the twelfth 
year of my age I scarcely ever went from my lessons to bed before 
midnight." But to the Greek, Latin, and Hebrew he learnt at 




Sec. I 





school, the scrivener advised him to add Italian and French. Nor 
were English letters neglected. Spenser gave the earliest turn to 
his poetic genius. In spite of the war between playwright and 
precisian, a Puritan youth could still in Milton's days avow his love 
of the stage, "if Jonson's learned sock be on, or sweetest Shak- 


Early Seventeenth Century. 

South Kensington Museum. 

spere, Fancy's child, warble his native woodnotes wild," and gather 
from the " masques and antique pageantry " of the court-revel hints 
for his own " Comus " and " Arcades." Nor does any shadow of 
the coming struggle with the Church disturb the young scholar's 
reverie, as he wanders beneath "the high embowed roof, with 


antique pillars massy proof, and storied windows richly dight, Sec. i 
casting; a dim religious light," or as he hears " the pealing organ The 

fa . . r t> & Puritans 

blow to the full-voiced choir below, in service high and anthem 1583 


clear. 5 ' His enjoyment of the gaiety of life stands in bright 1603 
contrast with the gloom and sternness which strife and persecution 
fostered in the later Puritanism. In spite of " a certain reservedness 
of natural disposition," which shrank from " festivities and jests, in 
which I acknowledge my faculty to be very slight," the young 
singer could still enjoy the "jest and youthful jollity " of the world 
around him, its " quips and cranks and wanton wiles ; " he could 
join the crew of Mirth, and look pleasantly on at the village fair, 
" where the jocund rebecks sound to many a youth and many a 
maid, dancing in the chequered shade." But his pleasures were 
" unreproved." There was nothing ascetic in his look, in his slender, 
vigorous frame, his face full of a delicate yet serious beauty, the 
rich brown hair which clustered over his brow ; and the words we 
have quoted show his sensitive enjoyment of all that was beautiful. 
But from coarse or sensual self-indulgence the young Puritan 
turned with disgust : " A certain reservedness of nature, an honest 
haughtiness and self-esteem, kept me still above those low descents 
of mind." He drank in an ideal chivalry from Spenser, but his 
religion and purity disdained the outer pledge on which chivalry 
built up its fabric of honour. " Every free and gentle spirit," said 
Milton, ' without that oath, ought to be born a knight." It was 
with this temper that he passed from his London school, St. Paul's, 
to Christ's College at Cambridge, and it was this temper that he 
preserved throughout his University career. He left Cambridge, 
as he said afterwards, " free from all reproach, and approved by all 
honest men," with a purpose of self-dedication " to that same lot, 
however mean or high, towards which time leads me, and the will 
of Heaven." 

Even in the still calm beauty of a life such as this, we catch the Cromwell 
sterner tones of the Puritan temper. The very height of its aim, B and 
the intensity of its moral concentration, brought with them a loss 
of the genial delight in all that was human which distinguished the 
men of the Renascence. " If ever God instilled an intense love of 
moral beauty into the mind of any man," said Milton, " he has 
instilled it into mine." " Love Virtue," closed his " Comus," " she 


sec. i alone is free ! " But the passionate love of virtue and of moral 
the beautv. if it save strength to human conduct, narrowed human 

Puritans / > fc> » 

1583 sympathy and human intelligence. Already in Milton we note a 
1603 certain " reservedness of temper," a contempt for "the false 
estimates of the vulgar, " a proud retirement from the meaner and 
coarser life around him. Great as was his love for Shakspere, we 
can hardly fancy him delighting in Falstaff. In minds of a less 
cultured order, this moral tension ended, no doubt, in a hard un- 
social sternness of life. The ordinary Puritan " loved all that 
were godly, much misliking the wicked and profane." His bond 
to other men was not the sense of a common manhood, but 
the recognition of a brotherhood among the elect. Without 
the pale of the saints lay a world which was hateful to them, 
because it was the enemy of their God. It was this utter 
isolation from the " ungodly " that explains the contrast which 
startles us between the inner tenderness of the Puritans and 
the ruthlessness of so many of their actions. Cromwell, 
whose son's death (in his own words) went to his heart " like a 
dagger, indeed it did ! " and who rode away sad and wearied 
from the triumph of Marston Moor, burst into horse-play as he 
signed the death-warrant of the King. A temper which had thus 
lost sympathy with the life of half the world around it could hardly 
sympathize with the whole of its own life. Humour, the faculty 
which above all corrects exaggeration and extravagance, died 
away before the new stress and strain of existence. The absolute 
devotion of the Puritan to a Supreme Will tended more and more 
to rob him of all sense of measure and proportion in common 
matters. Little things became great things in the glare of religious 
zeal ; and the godly man learnt to shrink from a surplice, or a 
mince-pie at Christmas, as he shrank from impurity or a lie. Life 
became hard, rigid, colourless, as it became intense. The play, 
the geniality, the delight of the Elizabethan age were exchanged 
for a measured sobriety, seriousness, and self-restraint. But the 
self-restraint and sobriety which marked the Calvinist limited 
itself wholly to his outer life. In his inner soul sense, reason, judge- 
ment, were too often overborne by the terrible reality of invisible 
Cromwell tmn g s - Our first glimpse of Oliver Cromwell is as a young country 
b. 1599 squire and farmer in the marsh levels around Huntingdon and St. 




Ives, buried from time to time in a deep melancholy, and haunted 
by fancies of coming death. " I live in Meshac," he writes to a 
friend, " which they say signifies Prolonging ; in Kedar, which 

Sec. I 




signifies Darkness ; yet the Lord forsaketh me not." The vivid 1603 

From a Picture in the possession of Mrs. Russell Astley, at Chequers Court. 

sense of a Divine Purity close to such men made the life of common 
men seem sin. " You know what my manner of lffe has been," 
Cromwell adds. " Oh, I lived in and loved darkness, and hated 
light. I hated godliness." Yet his worst sin was probably nothing 

Vol. Ill— 2 




Sec. I 




B uny an 
b. 1628 

more than an enjoyment of the natural buoyancy of youth, and a 
want of the deeper earnestness which comes with riper years. In 
imaginative tempers, like that of Bunyan, the struggle took a more 
picturesque form. John Bunyan was the son of a poor tinker at 
Elstow in Bedfordshire, and even in childhood his fancy revelled in 
terrible visions of Heaven and Hell. " When I was but a child of 

Wells Cathedral. 

nine or ten years old," he tells us, " these things did so distress 
my soul, that then in the midst of my merry sports and childish 
vanities, amidst my vain companions, I was often much cast down 
and afflicted in my mind therewith ; yet could I not let go my sins." 
The sins he could not let go were a love of hockey and of dancing 
on the village green ; for the only real fault which his bitter self- 



accusation discloses, that of a habit of swearing, was put an end to 
at once and for ever by a rebuke from an old woman. His passion 
for bell-ringing clung to him even after he had broken from it as a 
"vain practice ;" and he would go to the steeple-house and look 
on, till the thought that a bell might fall and crush him in his sins 


Sec. I 




Drawing by Robert White (British Museum). 

drove him panic-stricken from the door. A sermon against dancing 
and games drew him for a time from these indulgences ; but the 
temptation again overmastered his resolve. " I shook the sermon 
out of my mind, and to my old custom of sports and gaming I 
returned with great delight. But the same day, as I was in the 

95 2 



Sec. I 




midst of a game of cat, and having struck it one blow from the 
hole, just as I was about to strike it the second time, a voice did 
suddenly dart from heaven into my soul, which said, ' Wilt thou 
leave thy sins and go to Heaven, or have thy sins and go to Hell? ' 
At this I was put in an exceeding maze ; wherefore, leaving my 
cat upon the ground, I looked up to heaven ; and was as if I had 
with the eyes of my understanding seen the Lord Jesus looking 
down upon me, as being very hotly displeased with me, and as if 
He did severely threaten me with some grievous punishment for 
those and other ungodly practices." 


Early Seventeenth Century. 

Ballad in Roxburghe Collection. 



Such was Puritanism, and it is of the highest importance to 
realize it thus in itself, in its greatness and its littleness, apart from 
the ecclesiastical system of Presbyterianism with which it is so 
often confounded. As we shall see in the course of our story, not 
one of the leading Puritans of the Long Parliament was a Presby- 
terian. Pym and Hampden had no sort of objection to Episcopacy, 
and the adoption of the Presbyterian system was only forced on the 
Puritan patriots in their later struggle by political considerations. 
But the growth of the movement, which thus influenced our 


history for a time, forms one of the most curious episodes in sec. i 
Elizabeth's reign. Her Church policy rested on the Acts of „ Th e 


Supremacy and of Uniformity ; the first of which placed all 1583 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction and legislative power in the hands of the 1603 
State, while the second prescribed a course of doctrine and disci- 
pline, from which no variation was legally permissible. For the 
nation at large Elizabeth's system was no. doubt a wise and healthy 
one. Single-handed, unsupported by any of the statesmen or 
divines about her, the Queen forced on the warring religions a 
sort of armed truce. The main principles of the Reformation were 
accepted, but the zeal of the ultra-reformers was held at bay. The 
Bible was left open, private discussion was unrestrained, but the 
warfare of pulpit against pulpit was silenced by the licensing of 
preachers. Outer conformity, attendance at the common prayer, 
was exacted from all ; but the changes in ritual, by which the 
zealots of Geneva gave prominence to the radical features of the 
religious change which was passing over the country, were steadily 
resisted. While England was struggling for existence, this 
balanced attitude of the Crown reflected faithfully enough the 
balanced attitude of the nation ; but with the declaration of 
war by the Papacy in the Bull of Deposition the movement in 
favour of a more pronounced Protestantism gathered a new 
strength. Unhappily the Queen clung obstinately to her system of 
compromise, weakened and broken as it was. With the religious 
enthusiasm which was growing up around her she had no sympathy 
whatever. Her passion was for moderation, her aim was simply 
civil order ; and both order and moderation were threatened by 
the knot of clerical bigots who gathered under the banner of 
Presbyterianism. Of these Thomas Cartwright was the chief. He CarU 
had studied at Geneva ; he returned with a fanatical faith in * T ?f T 
Calvinism, and in the system of Church government which Calvin 
had devised ; and as Margaret Professor of Divinity at Cambridge 
he used to the full the opportunities which his chair gave him of 
propagating his opinions. No leader of a religious party ever 
deserved less of after sympathy than Cartwright. He was un- 
questionably learned and devout, but his bigotry was that of a 
mediaeval inquisitor. The relics of the old ritual, the cross in 
baptism, the surplice, the giving of a ring in marriage, were to 




Sec. i him not merely distasteful, as they were to the Puritans at large, 

The they were idolatrous and the mark of the beast. His declamation 


1583 against ceremonies and superstition however had little weight with 


1603 Elizabeth or her Primates ; what scared them was his reckless 

.9. Clark, " Lives of Eminent Persons. 

advocacy of a scheme of ecclesiastical government which placed the 
State beneath the feet of the Church. The absolute rule of bishops, 
indeed, he denounced as begotten of the devil ; but the absolute 
rule of Presbyters he held to be established by the word of God. 


For the Church modelled after the fashion of Geneva he claimed Sec. i 
an authority which surpassed the wildest dreams of the masters of „ Th e 

* L Puritans 

the Vatican. All spiritual authority and jurisdiction, the decreeing 1583 


of doctrine, the ordering of ceremonies, lay wholly in the hands of 1603 
the ministers of the Church. To them belonged the supervision of 
public morals. In an ordered arrangement of classes and synods 
these Presbyters were to govern their flocks, to regulate their own 
order, to decide in matters of faith, to administer " discipline." 
Their weapon was excommunication, and they were responsible 
for its use to none but Christ. The province of the civil ruler was 
simply to carry out the decisions of the Presbyters, " to see their 
decrees executed and to punish the contemners of them." The 
spirit of Calvinistic Presbyterianism excluded all toleration of 
practice or belief. Not only was the rule of ministers to be estab- 
lished as the one legal form of Church government, but all other 
forms, Episcopalian and Separatist, were to be ruthlessly put down. 
For heresy there was the punishment of death. Never had 
the doctrine of persecution been urged with such a blind and reck- 
less ferocity. " I deny," wrote Cartwright, " that upon repentance 
there ought to follow any pardon of death. . . . Heretics oug"ht to 
be put to death now. If this be bloody and extreme, I am content 
to be so counted with the Holy Ghost." 

Opinions such as these might wisely have been left to the good Hooker 
sense of the people itself. Before many years they found in fact a I594 
crushing answer in the " Ecclesiastical Polity " of Richard Hooker, 
a clergyman who had been Master of the Temple, but whose 
distaste for the controversies of its pulpit drove him from London 
to a Wiltshire vicarage at Boscombe, which he exchanged at a 
later time for the parsonage of Bishopsbourne among the quiet 
meadows of Kent. The largeness of temper which characterized 
all the nobler minds of his day, the philosophic breadth which is 
seen as clearly in Shakspere as in Bacon, was united in Hooker 
with a grandeur and stateliness of style, which raised him to the 
highest rank among English prose writers. Divine as he was, his 
spirit and method were philosophical rather than theological. 
Against the ecclesiastical dogmatism of Presbyterian or Catholic 
he set the authority of reason. He abandoned the- narrow ground 
of Scriptural argument to base his conclusions on the general 




Sec. I 




principles of moral and political science, on the eternal obligations 
of natural law. The Puritan system rested on the assumption that 
an immutable rule for human action in all matters relating to 

Picture in the National Portrait Gallery. 

religion, to worship, and to the discipline and constitution of the 
Church, was laid down, and only laid down, in Scripture. Hooker 
urged that a Divine order exists, not in written revelation 




only, but in the moral relations, the historical developement, and 
the social and political institutions of men. He claimed for human 
reason the province of determining the laws of this order ; of dis- 
tinguishing between what is changeable and unchangeable in 
them, between what is eternal and what is temporary in the Bible 
itself. It was easy for him to push on to the field of theological 
controversy where men like Cartwright were fighting the battle of 
Presbyterianism, to show that no form of Church government had 
ever been of indispensable obligation, and that ritual observances 
had in all ages been left to the discretion of churches, and 
determined by the differences of times. But the truth on which 
Hooker based his argument was of far higher value than his argu- 
ment itself ; and the acknowledgement of a divine order in human 
history, of a divine law in human reason, which found expression 
in his work, harmonized with the noblest instincts of the Eliza- 
bethan age. Against Presbyterianism, indeed, the appeal was 
hardly needed. Popular as the Presbyterian system became in 
Scotland, it never took any general hold on England ; it remained 
to the last a clerical rather than a national creed, and even in the 
moment of its seeming triumph under the Commonwealth it was 
rejected by every part of England save London and Lancashire, 
and part of Derbyshire. But the bold challenge to the Govern- 
ment which was delivered by Cartwright's party in a daring 
" Admonition to the Parliament," which demanded the establish- 
ment of government by Presbyters, raised a panic among English 
statesmen and prelates which cut off all hopes of a quiet appeal to 
reason. It is probable that, but for the storm which Cartwright 
raised, the steady growth of general discontent with the ceremonial 
usages he denounced would have brought about their abolition. 
The Parliament of 1571 had not only refused to bind the clergy to 
subscription to three articles on the Supremacy, the form of 
Church government, and the power of the Church to ordain rites 
and ceremonies, but favoured the project of reforming the Liturgy 
by the omission of the superstitious practices. But with the 
appearance of the " Admonition " this natural progress of opinion 
abruptly ceased. The moderate statesmen who had pressed for a 
change in ritual withdrew from union with a party which revived 
the worst pretensions of the Papacy. As dangers from without 

Sec. I 




The Ad- 




Sec. i 





and from within thickened round the Queen the growing Puritanism 
of the clergy stirred her wrath above measure, and she met the 
growth of " nonconforming " ministers by a measure which forms 
the worst blot on her reign. 

The new powers which were conferred in 1583 on the Eccle- 
siastical Commission converted the religious truce into a spiritual 
despotism. From being a temporary board which represented the 
Royal Supremacy in matters ecclesiastical, the Commission was 
now turned into a permanent body wielding the almost unlimited 
powers of the Crown. All opinions or acts contrary to the Statutes 
of Supremacy and Uniformity fell within its cognizance. A right 
of deprivation placed the clergy at its mercy. It had power to 
alter or amend the statutes of colleges or schools. Not only 
heresy, and schism, and nonconformity, but incest or aggravated 
adultery were held to fall within its scope : its means of enquiry 
were left without limit, and it might fine or imprison at its will. 
By the mere establishment of such a Court half the work of the 
Reformation was undone. The large number of civilians on the 
board indeed seemed to furnish some security against the excess of 
ecclesiastical tyranny. Of its forty-four commissioners, however, 
few actually took any part in its proceedings ; and the powers of 
the Commission were practically left in the hands of the successive 
Primates. No Archbishop of Canterbury since the days of 
Augustine had wielded an authority so vast, so utterly despotic, as 
that of Whitgift and Bancroft and Abbot and Laud. The most 
terrible feature of their spiritual tyranny was its wholly personal 
character. The old symbols of doctrine were gone, and the 
lawyers had not yet stepped in to protect the clergy by defining 
the exact limits of the new. The result was that at the Com- 
mission-board at Lambeth the Primates created their own tests of 
doctrine with an utter indifference to those created by law. In one 
instance Parker deprived a vicar of his benefice for a denial of the 
verbal inspiration of the Bible. Nor did the successive Arch- 
bishops care greatly if the test was a varying or a conflicting one. 
Whitgift strove to force on the Church the Calvinistic supralap- 
sarianism of his Lambeth Articles. Bancroft, who followed him, 
was as earnest in enforcing his anti-Calvinistic dogma of the Divine 
right of the episcopate. Abbot had no mercy for Arminianism. 

From an Engraving by G. Vertue 




Sec. I 




Laud had none for its opponents. It is no wonder that the 
Ecclesiastical Commission, which these men represented, soon 
stank in the nostrils of the English clergy. Its establishment 
however marked the adoption of a more resolute policy on 
the part of the Crown, and its efforts were backed by stern 

From an Engraving by G. Vertue. 

measures of repression. All preaching or reading in private 
houses was forbidden ; and in spite of the refusal of Parlia- 
ment to enforce the requirement of them by law, subscription 
to the Three Articles was exacted from every member of 
the clergy. 




For the moment these measures were crowned with success. 
The movement under Cartwright was checked ; Cartwright himself 
was driven from his Professorship ; and an outer uniformity of 
worship was more and more brought about by the steady pressure 

Sec. I 





of Puri- 

From an Engraving by Simon Pass. 

of the Commission. The old liberty which had been allowed in 
London and the other Protestant parts of the kingdom was no 
longer permitted to exist. The leading Puritan clergy, whose 
nonconformity had hitherto been winked at, were called upon to 


Sec. i submit to the surplice, and to make the sign of the cross in 
} t^e baptism. The remonstrances of the country gentry availed as 
Ts83 NS little as the protest of Lord Burleigh himself to protect two 
1603 hundred of the best ministers from being driven from their 
parsonages on a refusal to subscribe to the Three Articles. But 
the persecution only gave fresh life and popularity to the doctrines 
which it aimed at crushing, by drawing together two currents of 
opinion which were in themselves perfectly distinct. The Presby- 
terian platform of Church discipline had as yet been embraced by 
the clergy only, and by few among the clergy. On the other 
hand, the wish of the Puritans for a reform in the Liturgy, the 
dislike of " superstitious usages," of the use of the surplice, the sign 
of the cross in baptism, the gift of the ring in marriage, the posture 
of kneeling at the Lord's Supper, was shared by a large number of 
the clergy and laity alike. At # the opening of Elizabeth's reign 
almost all the higher Churchmen save Parker were opposed to 
them, and a motion in Convocation for their abolition was lest but 
by a single vote. The temper of the country gentlemen on this 
subject was indicated by that of Parliament ; and it was well 
known that the wisest of the Queen's Councillors, Burleigh, 
Walsingham, and Knollys, were at one in this matter with the 
gentry. If their common persecution did not wholly succeed in 
fusing these two sections of religious opinion into one, it at any 
rate gained for the Presbyterians a general sympathy on the part 
of the Puritans, which raised them from a clerical clique into a 
popular party. Nor were the consequences of the persecution 
The limited to the strengthening of the Presbyterians. The " Separa- 
e * a ! tists " who were beginning to withdraw from attendance at public 
worship on the ground that the very existence of a national Church 
was contrary to the Word of God, grew quickly from a few 
scattered zealots to twenty thousand souls. Presbyterian and 
Puritan felt as bitter an abhorrence as Elizabeth herself of the 
" Brownists," as they were nicknamed after their founder Robert 
1593 Brown. Parliament, Puritan as it was, passed a statute against 
them. Brown himself was forced to fly to the Netherlands, and of 
his followers many were driven into exile. So great a future 
awaited one of these congregations that we may pause to get a 
glimpse of "a poor people" in Lincolnshire and the neighbour- 




hood, who " being enlightened by the Word of God," and their 

members " urged with the yoke of subscription," had been led " to 

see further." They rejected ceremonies as relics of idolatry, the 

rule of bishops as unscriptural, and joined themselves, " as the 

Lord's free people," into " a church estate on the fellowship of the 

Gospel." Feeling their way forward to the great principle of 

liberty of conscience, they asserted their Christian right " to walk 

in all the ways which God had made known or should make known 

to them." Their meetings or " conventicles " soon drew down the 

heavy hand of the law, and the little company resolved to seek a 

refuge in other lands ; but their first attempt at flight was 

prevented, and when they made another, their wives and children 

were seized at the very moment of entering the ship. At last, 

however, the magistrates gave a contemptuous assent to their 

project ; they were in fact " glad to be rid of them at any price ; " 

and the fugitives found shelter at Amsterdam, from whence some 

of them, choosing John Robinson as their minister, took refuge in 

1609 at Leyden. " They knew they were pilgrims and looked not 

much on these things, but lifted up their eyes to Heaven, their 

dearest country, and quieted their spirits." Among this little band 

of exiles were those who were to become famous at a later time 

as the Pilgrim Fathers of the Mayflower. 

It was easy to be " rid " of the Brownists ; but the political 
danger of the course on which the Crown had entered was seen in 
the rise of a spirit of vigorous opposition, such as had not made its 
appearance since the accession of the Tudors. The growing power 
of public opinion received a striking recognition in the struggle 
which bears the name of the " Martin Marprelate controversy." 
The Puritans had from the first appealed by their pamphlets from 
the Crown to the people, and Whitgift bore witness to their in- 
fluence on opinion by his efforts to gag the Press. The regulations 
of the Star-Chamber for this purpose are memorable as the first 
step in the long struggle of government after government to check 
the liberty of printing. The irregular censorship which had long 
existed was now finally organized. Printing was restricted to 
London and the two Universities, the number of printers reduced, 
and all candidates for licence to print were placed under the 
supervision of the Company of Stationers. Every publication too, 

Sec. I 






9 6 4 


Sec I 





great or small, had to receive the approbation of the Primate or 
the Bishop of London. The first result of this system of repression 
was the appearance, in the very year of the Armada, of a series of 
anonymous pamphlets bearing the significant name of " Martin 
Marprelate," and issued from a secret press which found refuge 
from the royal pursuivants in the country-houses of the gentry. 
The press was at last seized ; and the suspected authors of these 
scurrilous libels, Penry, a young Welshman, and a minister named 
Udall, died, the one in prison, the other on the scaffold. But the 

Title-page of R. Pont, " De Sabbaticorum annorum periodis digcstio. 

virulence and boldness of their language produced a powerful 
effect, for it was impossible under the system of Elizabeth to 
" mar " the bishops- without attacking the Crown ; and a new age 
of political liberty was felt to be at hand when Martin Marprelate 
forced the political and ecclesiastical measures of the Government 
into the arena of public discussion. The suppression, indeed, of 
these pamphlets was far from damping the courage of the Presby- 
terians. Cartwright, who had been appointed by Lord Leicester 
to the mastership of an hospital at Warwick, was bold enough to 
organize his system of Church discipline among the clergy of that 




Sec. I 




county and of Northamptonshire. His example was widely 
followed ; and the general gatherings of the whole ministerial 
body of the;clergy, and the smaller assemblies for each diocese or 
shire, which in the Presbyterian scheme bore the name of Synods 
and Classes, began to be held in many parts of England for the 
purposes of debate and consultation. The new organization was 
quickly suppressed indeed, but Cartwright was saved from the 
banishment which Whitgift demanded by a promise of submission ; 
his influence steadily increased ; and the struggle, transferred to 
the higher sphere of the Parliament, widened into the great contest 
for liberty under James, and the Civil War under his successor. 


Early Seventeenth Century. 
Ballad in Roxburghe Collection. 




Sec. II 

The First 
of THE 




Section II. — The First of the Stuarts, 1604 — 1623 

[Authorities. — Mr. Gardiner's " History of England from the Accession of 
James I." is invaluable for its fairness and good sense, and for the fresh inform- 
ation collected in it. We have Camden's "Annals of James I.." Goodman's 
"Court of James I.," Weldon : s "Secret History of the Court of James I.," 
Roger Coke's " Detection," the correspondence in the " Cabala," the letters in 
the " Court and Times of James I.," the documents in Winwood's " Memorials 
of State,"' and the reported proceedings of the last two Parliaments. The 
Camden Society has published the correspondence of James with Cecil, and 
Walter Yonge's " Diary." The letters and works of Bacon (fully edited by Mr. 
Spedding) are necessary for a knowledge of the period. Hacket's " Life of 
Williams," and Harrington's" Nugae Antiquae'' throw valuable side-light on the 
politics of the time. But the Stuart system can only be fairly studied in the 
State-Papers, calendars of which are being published by the Master of the 
Rolls.] [The State Papers are now carried on to 1644. — Ed.] 

To judge fairly the attitude and policy of the English Puritans, The 
that is of three-fourths of the Protestants of England, at this Reaction 
moment, we must cursorily review the fortunes of Protestantism 
during the reign of Elizabeth. At its opening the success of the 
Reformation seemed almost everywhere secure. Already trium- 
phant in the north of Germany at the peace of Augsburg, it was 
fast advancing to the conquest of the south. The nobles of 
Austria as well as the nobles and the towns of Bavaria were 
forsaking the older religion. A Venetian ambassador estimated 
the German Catholics at little more than one-tenth of the whole 
population of Germany. The new faith was firmly established in 
Scandinavia. Eastward the nobles of Hungary and Poland 
became Protestants in a mass. In the west France was yielding 
more and more to heresy. Scotland flung off Catholicism under 
Mary, and England veered round again to Protestantism under 
Elizabeth. Only where the dead hand of Spain lay heavy, in 
Castille, in Aragon, or in Italy, was the Reformation thoroughly 
crushed out ; and even the dead hand of Spain failed to crush 
heresy in the Low Countries. But at the very instant of its 


Picture by Coello, in the House of the Jesuits at Madrid. 

Rose, "S. Ignatius de Loyola." 




seeming triumph, the advance of the new religion was suddenly Sec, ii 

arrested. The first twenty years of Elizabeth's reign were a T J=^ 

period of suspense. The progress of Protestantism gradually Stuarts 

ceased. It wasted its strength in theological controversies and jo 

. J 623 

persecutions, and in the bitter and venomous discussions between — 

the Churches which followed Luther and the Churches which 

followed Zwingli or Calvin. It was degraded and weakened by 

the prostitution of the Reformation to political ends, by the greed 

and worthlessness of the German princes who espoused its cause, 

by the factious lawlessness of the nobles in Poland, and of the 

Huguenots in France. Meanwhile the Papacy succeeded in 

rallying the Catholic world round the Council of Trent. The 

Roman Church, enfeebled and corrupted by the triumph of ages, 

felt at last the uses of adversity. Her faith was settled and 

denned. The Papacy was owned afresh as the centre of Catholic 

union. The enthusiasm of the Protestants roused a counter 

enthusiasm among their opponents ; new religious orders rose to 

meet the wants of the day ; the Capuchins became the preachers 

of Catholicism, the Jesuits became not only its preachers, but its 

directors, its schoolmasters, its missionaries, its diplomatists. 

Their organization, their blind obedience, their real ability, their 

fanatical zeal galvanized the pulpit, the school, the confessional 

into a new life. If the Protestants had enjoyed the profitable 

monopoly of martyrdom at the opening of the century, the 

Catholics won a fair share of it as soon as the disciples of Loyola 

came to the front. The tracts which pictured the tortures of 

Campian and Southwell roused much the same fire at Toledo or 

Vienna as the pages of Foxe had roused in England. Even 

learning came to the aid of the older faith. Bellarmine, the 

greatest of controversialists at this time, Baronius, the most erudite 

of Church historians, were both Catholics. With a growing 

inequality of strength such as this, we can hardly wonder that 

the tide was seen at last to turn. A few years before the fight 

with the Armada Catholicism began definitely to win ground. 

Southern Germany, where Bavaria was restored to Rome, and 

where the Austrian House so long lukewarm in the faith at last 

became zealots in its defence, was re-Catholicized. The success of 

Socinianism in Poland severed that kingdom from any real com- 

chap vin PURITAN ENGLAND 97 1 

munion with the general body of the Protestant Churches ; and Sec. ii 
these again were more and more divided into two warring camps the first 

& O 1 OF the 

by the controversies about the Sacrament and Free Will. Every- Stuarts 
J J 1604 

where the Jesuits won converts, and their peaceful victories were to 

. 1623 

soon backed by the arms of Spain. In the fierce struggle which — 

followed, Philip was undoubtedly worsted. England was saved by 
its defeat of the Armada ; the United Provinces of the Netherlands 
rose into a great Protestant power through their own dogged 
heroism and the genius of William the Silent. France was rescued 
from the grasp of the Catholic League, at a moment when all hope 
seemed gone, by the unconquerable energy of Henry of Navarre. 
But even in its defeat Catholicism gained ground. In the Low 
Countries, the Reformation was driven from the Walloon pro- 
vinces, from Brabant, and from Flanders. In France Henry the 
Fourth found himself obliged to purchase Paris by a mass ; and 
the conversion of the King was followed by a quiet breaking up 
of the Huguenot party. Nobles and scholars alike forsook 
Protestantism ; and though the Reformation remained dominant 
south of the Loire, it lost all hope of winning France as a whole to 
its side. 

At the death of Elizabeth, therefore, the temper of every Puritan- 
earnest Protestant, whether in England or abroad, was that of a anc i trl e 
man who, after cherishing the hope of a crowning victory, is forced u 

to look on at a crushing and irremediable defeat. The dream of a 
Reformation of the universal Church was utterly at an end. The 
borders of Protestantism were narrowing every day, nor was 
there a sign that the triumph of the Papacy was arrested. As 
hope after hope died into defeat and disaster, the mood of the 
Puritan grew sterner and more intolerant. What intensified the 
dread was a sense of defection and uncertainty within the pale of 
the Church of England itself. As a new Christendom fairly 
emerged from the troubled waters, the Renascence again made its 
influence felt. Its voice was heard above all in the work of 
Hooker, and the appeal to reason and to humanity which there 
found expression coloured through its results the after history of 
the English Church. On the one hand the historical feeling 

showed itself in a longing; to ally the religion of the present with TJ i e Hi s h 

& & * f* r Church- 

the religion of the past, to claim part in the great heritage of men 




Sec. ii Catholic tradition. Men like George Herbert started back from 
r HE first the bare, intense spiritualism of the Puritan to find nourishment 

OF THE ' ~ 

for devotion in the outer associations which the piety of ages had 
grouped around it, in holy places and holy things, in the stillness 
of church and altar, in the awful mystery of sacraments. Men 
like Laud, unable to find standing ground in the purely personal 



Frovi an Engraving by R. White. 


relation between man and God which formed the basis of 
Calvinism, fell back on the consciousness of a living Christendom, 
which, torn and rent as it seemed, was soon to resume its ancient 
unity. On the other hand, the appeal which Hooker addressed to 
reason produced a school of philosophical thinkers whose timid 
upgrowth was almost lost in the clash of warring creeds about 
them, but who were destined — as the Latitudinarians of later days 


— to make a deep impression on religious thought. As yet Sec. ii 
however this rationalizing movement limited itself to the work of the first 


moderating - and reconciling to recognizing with Calixtus the pet- Stuarts 
to s> s s 1 l6o4 

tiness of the points of difference which parted Christendom, and to 

1 • • 1 l62 3 

the greatness of its points of agreement, or to revolting with — 

Arminius from the more extreme tenets of Calvin and Calvin's 
followers. No men could be more opposed in their tendencies to 
one another than the later High Churchmen, such as Laud, and 
the later Latitudinarians, such as Hales. But to the ordinary 
English Protestant both Latitudinarian and High Churchman 
were equally hateful. To him the struggle with the Papacy was 
not one for compromise or comprehension. It was a struggle 
between light and darkness, between life and death. No innovation 
in faith or worship was of small account, if it tended in the 
direction of Rome. Ceremonies, which in an hour of triumph 
might have been allowed as solaces to weak brethren, he looked 
on as acts of treason in this hour of defeat. The peril was too 
great to admit of tolerance or moderation. Now that falsehood 
was gaining ground, the only security for truth was to draw a 
hard and fast line between truth and falsehood. There was as yet 
indeed no general demand for any change in the form of Church 
government, or of its relation to the State, but for some change in 
the outer ritual of worship which should correspond to the advance 
which had been made to a more pronounced Protestantism. We 
see the Puritan temper in the Millenary Petition (as it was called), Millenary 
which was presented to James the First on his accession by some l6o , 
eight hundred clergymen, about a tenth of the whole number in 
his realm. It asked for no change in the government or organiza- 
tion of the Church, but for a reform of its courts, the removal of 
superstitious usages from the Book of Common Prayer, the disuse 
of lessons from the apocryphal books of Scripture, a more rigorous 
observance of Sundays, and the provision and training of preaching 
ministers. Even statesmen who had little sympathy with the 
religious spirit about them pleaded for the purchase of religious 
and national union by ecclesiastical reforms. " Why," asked 
Bacon, " should the civil state be purged and restored by good and 
wholesome laws made every three years in Parliament assembled, 
devising remedies as fast as time breedeth mischief, and contrari- 


Sec. ii wise the ecclesiastical state still continue upon the dregs of time, 
the first and receive no alteration these forty-five years or more ? " A 


Stuarts general expectation, in fact, prevailed that, now the Queen's opposi- 
tion was removed, something would be done. But, different as his 
theological temper was from the purely secular temper of Eliza- 
beth, her successor was equally resolute against all changes in 
Church matters. 

The ]sr sovereign could have jarred against the conception of an 

Divine to J & r 

Right of English ruler which had grown up under Plantagenet or Tudor 




more utterly than James the First. His big head, his slobbering 
tongue, his quilted clothes, his rickety legs, stood out in as 
grotesque a contrast with all that men recalled of Henry or 
Elizabeth as his gabble and rhodomontade, his want of personal 
dignity, his buffoonery, his coarseness of speech, his pedantry, 
his contemptible cowardice. Under this ridiculous exterior 
however lay a man of much natural ability, a ripe scholar 
with a considerable fund of shrewdness, of mother-wit, and ready 
repartee. His canny humour lights up the political and theo- 
logical controversies of the time with quaint incisive phrases, 
with puns and epigrams and touches of irony, which still retain 
their savour. His reading, especially in theological matters, was 
extensive ; and he was a voluminous author on subjects which 
ranged from predestination to tobacco. But his shrewdness and 
learning only left him, in the phrase of Henry the Fourth, "the 
wisest fool in Christendom." He had the temper of a pedant, 
a pedant's conceit, a pedant's love of theories, and a pedant's 
inability to bring his theories into any relation with actual facts. 
All might have gone well had he confined himself to speculations 
about witchcraft, about predestination, about the noxiousness of 
smoking. Unhappily for England and for his successor, he clung 
yet more passionately to theories of government which contained 
within them the seeds of a death-struggle between his people and 
the Crown. Even before his accession to the English throne, he 
had formulated his theory of rule in a work on " The True Law 
of Free Monarchy ; " and announced that, " although a good 
King will frame his actions to be according to law, yet he is not 
bound thereto, but of his own will and for example-giving to 
his subjects." With the Tudor statesmen who used the phrase, 

James I. 

Picture by P. van Somer, in the National Portrait Gallery. 


Sec. ii " an absolute King," or " an absolute monarchy," meant a sovereign 
The first or rule complete in themselves, and independent of all foreign 


Stuarts or Papal interference. James chose to regard the words as 
implying the monarch's freedom from all control by law, or from 
responsibility to anything but his own royal will. The King's 
theory however was made a system of government ; it was soon, 
as the Divine Right of Kings, to become a doctrine which bishops 
preached from the pulpit, and for which brave men laid their 
heads on the block. The Church was quick to adopt its sovereign's 

1606 discovery. Convocation in its book of Canons denounced as a 
fatal error the assertion that " all civil power, jurisdiction, and 
authority were first derived from the people and disordered 
multitude, or either is originally still in them, or else is deduced 
by their consent naturally from them ; and is not God's ordinance 
originally descending from Him and depending upon Him." In 
strict accordance with James's theory, these doctors declared 
sovereignty in its origin to be the prerogative of birthright, 
and inculcated passive obedience to the monarch as a religious 

1608 obligation. Cowell, a civilian, followed up the discoveries of 
Convocation by an announcement that " the King is above the 
law by his absolute power," and that " notwithstanding his oath 
he may alter and suspend any particular law that seemeth hurtful 

1610 to the public estate." The book was suppressed on the remon- 
strance of the House of Commons, but the party of passive 
obedience grew fast. A few years before the death of James, 
the University of Oxford decreed solemnly that " it was in no 
case lawful for subjects to make use of force against their princes, 
or to appear offensively or defensively in the field against them." 
The King's " arrogant speeches," if they roused resentment in 
the Parliaments to which they were addressed, created by sheer 
force of repetition a certain belief in the arbitrary power they 
challenged for the Crown. We may give one instance of their 
tone from a speech delivered in the Star-Chamber. "As it is 
atheism and blasphemy to dispute what God can do," said James, 
" so it is presumption and a high contempt in a subject to dispute 
what a King can do, or to say that a King cannot do this or that." 
" If the practice should follow the positions," once commented a 
thoughtful observer on words such as these, "we are not likely 

Contemporary Print in British Museum. 


to leave to our successors that freedom we received from our Sec. ii 
forefathers." The First 


It is necessary to weigh throughout the course of James's 

reign this aggressive attitude of the Crown, if we would rightly to 

judge what seems at first sight to be an aggressive tone in some of 

• The 

the proceedings of the Parliaments. With new claims of power Crown 

such as these before them, to have stood still would have been Bishops 

ruin. The claim, too, was one which jarred against all that 

was noblest in the temper of the time. Men were everywhere 

reaching forward to the conception of law. Bacon sought 

for law in material nature ; Hooker asserted the rule of law 

over the spiritual world. The temper of the Puritan was eminently 

a temper of law. The diligence with which he searched the 

Scriptures sprang from his earnestness to discover a Divine Will 

which in all things, great or small, he might implicitly obey. 

But this implicit obedience was reserved for the Divine Will 

alone ; for human ordinances derived their strength only from 

their correspondence with the revealed law of God. The Puritan 

was bound by his very religion to examine every claim made 

on his civil and spiritual obedience by the powers that be ; and to 

own or reject the claim, as it accorded with the higher duty 

which he owed to God. " In matters of faith," Mrs. Hutchinson 

tells us of her husband, " his reason always submitted to the 

Word of God ; but in all other things the greatest names in 

the world would not lead him without reason." It was plain 

that an impassable gulf parted such a temper as this from the 

temper of unquestioning devotion to the Crown which James 

demanded. It was a temper not only legal, but even pedantic 

in its legality, intolerant from its very sense of a moral order 

and law of the lawlessness and disorder of a personal tyranny ; 

a temper of criticism, of judgement, and, if need be, of stubborn 

and unconquerable resistance ; of a resistance which sprang, not 

from the disdain of authority, but from the Puritan's devotion 

to an authority higher than that of kings. But if the theory 

of a Divine Right of Kings was certain to rouse against it all 

the nobler energies of Puritanism, there was something which 

roused its nobler and its pettier instincts of resistance alike in 

the place accorded by James to Bishops. Elizabeth's conception 


Sec. ii of her ecclesiastical Supremacy had been a sore stumbling-block 
The first to her subjects, but Elizabeth at least regarded the Supremacy 


Stuarts s j m ply as a branch of her ordinary prerogative. The theory 
to of James, however, was as different from that of Elizabeth, as 
his view of kingship was different from hers. It was the outcome 
of the bitter years of humiliation which he had endured in 
Scotland in his struggle with Presbyterianism. The Scotch 
presbyters had insulted and frightened him in the early days 
of his reign, and he chose to confound Puritanism with Presby- 
terianism. No prejudice, however, was really required to suggest 
his course. In itself it was logical, and consistent with the 
premisses from which it started. If theologically his opinions 
were Calvinistic, in the ecclesiastical fabric of Calvinism, in its 
organization of the Church, in its annual assemblies, in its public 
discussion and criticism of acts of government through the pulpit, 
he saw an organized democracy which threatened his crown. 
The new force which had overthrown episcopacy in Scotland 
was a force which might overthrow the monarchy itself. It was 
the people which in its religious or its political guise was the 
assailant of both. And as their foe was the same, so James 
argued with the shrewd short-sightedness of his race, their cause 
was the same. " No bishop," ran his famous adage, " no King ! " 
Hopes of ecclesiastical change found no echo in a King who, 
among all the charms that England presented him, saw none 
so attractive as its ordered and obedient Church, its synods that 
met at the royal will, its courts that carried out the royal 
ordinances, its bishops that held themselves to be royal officers. 

Hampton If he accepted the Millenary Petition, and summoned a conference 
Conference °^ P re ^ ates an d Puritan divines at Hampton Court, he showed 
1604 no purpose of discussing the grievances alleged. He revelled 
in the opportunity for a display of his theological reading ; but 
he viewed the Puritan demands in a purely political light. The 
bishops declared that the insults he showered on their opponents 
were dictated by the Holy Ghost. The Puritans still ventured 
to dispute his infallibility. James broke up the conference with 
a threat which revealed the policy of the Crown. " I will make 
them conform,'' he said of the remonstrants, " or I will harry them 
out of the land." 


It is only by thoroughly realizing the temper of the nation Sec. ii 

on religious and civil subjects, and the temper of the King, that The f«st 

we can understand the lon^; Parliamentary- conflict which occupied Stuarts 

. ... !6o4 

the whole of James's rei^n. But to make its details intelligible to 

tt l62 3 

we must brieflv review the relations between the two Houses — 

and the Crown. The wary prescience of \\ olsey had seen in Crown 

Parliament, even in its degradation under the Tudors, the a p ar i ia ! 
memorial of an older freedom, and a centre of national resistance ment 
to the new despotism which Henry was establishing, should the 
nation ever rouse itself to resist. Never perhaps was English 
liberty in such deadly peril as when Wolsey resolved on the 
practical suppression of the two Houses. But the bolder genius 
of Cromwell set aside the traditions of the New Monarchy. His 
confidence in the power of the Crown revived the Parliament 
as an easy and manageable instrument of tyranny. The old 
forms of constitutional freedom were turned to the profit of 
the royal despotism, and a revolution which for the moment 
left England absolutely at Henry's feet was wrought out by a 
series of parliamentary statutes. Throughout Henry's reign 
Cromwell's confidence was justified by the spirit of slavish 
submission which pervaded the Houses. But the effect of the 
religious change for which his measures made room began to 
be felt during the minority of Edward the Sixth ; and the debates 
and divisions on the religious reaction which Mary pressed on 
the Parliament were many and violent. A great step forward 
was marked by the effort of the Crown to neutralize by u manage- 
ment" an opposition which it could no longer overawe. The 
Parliaments were packed with nominees of the Crown. Twenty- 
two new boroughs were created under Edward, fourteen under 
Mary ; some, indeed, places entitled to representation by their 
wealth and population, but the bulk of them small towns or 
hamlets which lay wholly at the disposal of the royal Council. 
Elizabeth adopted the system of her two predecessors, both in 
the creation of boroughs and the recommendation of candidates ; 
but her keen political instinct soon perceived the uselessness of 
both expedients. She fell back as far as she could on Wolsey's 
policy of practical abolition, and summoned Parliaments at longer 
and longer intervals. By rigid economy, by a policy of balance 
Vol. Ill— 4 

First Authentic Representation of the Opening of the Houses. . 
R. Glover, " Nobilitas Politico, et Civilis" 1608. 

chap., vin PURITAN ENGLAND 983 

and peace, she strove, and for a long time successfully strove, n 

to avoid the necessity of assembling; them at all. But Mary of The First 

* ° J OF THE 

Scotland and Philip of Spain proved friends to English liberty * T V* RTS 

in its sorest need. The struggle with Catholicism forced Elizabeth to 

to have more frequent recourse to her Parliament, and as she — 

was driven to appeal for increasing supplies the tone of the 
Houses rose higher and higher. On the question of taxation 
or monopolies her fierce spirit was forced to give way to their 
demands. On the question of religion she refused all concession, 
and England was driven to await a change of system from 
her successor. But it is clear, from the earlier acts of his reign, The policy 
that James was preparing for a struggle with the Houses rather 
than for a policy of concession. During the Queen's reign, the 
power of Parliament had sprung mainly from the continuance of 
the war, and from the necessity under which the Crown lay of 
appealing to it for supplies. It is fair to the war party in Eliza- 
beth's Council to remember that they were fighting, not merely 
for Protestantism abroad, but for constitutional liberty at home. 
When Essex overrode Burleigh's counsels of peace, the old minister 
pointed to the words of the Bible, " a blood-thirsty man shall 
not live out half his days." But Essex and his friends had nobler 
motives for their policy of war than a thirst for blood ; as James 
had other motives for his policy of peace than a hatred of blood- 
shedding. The peace which he hastened to conclude with Spain 
was necessary to establish the security of his throne by depriving 
the Catholics, who alone questioned his title, of foreign aid. With 
the same object of averting a Catholic rising, he relaxed the penal 
laws against Catholics, and released recusants from payment of 
fines. But however justifiable such steps might be, the sterner 
Protestants heard angrily of negotiations with Spain and with 
the Papacy which seemed to show a withdrawal from the struggle 
with Catholicism at home and abroad. 

The Parliament of 1604 met in another mood from that of any The Par. 
Parliament which had met for a hundred years. Short as had been of™6oi 
the time since his accession, the temper of the King had already 
disclosed itself; and men were dwelling ominously on the claims of 
absolutism in Church and State which were constantly on his lips. 
Above all, the hopes of religious concessions to which the Puritans 

9 8 4 


sec ii had clung had been dashed to the ground in the Hampton Court 
theFwst Conference ; and of the squires and merchants who thronged the 
benches of Westminster three-fourths were in sympathy Puritan. 
They listened with coldness and suspicion to the proposals of the 
King for the union of England and Scotland under the name of 




First Coin which bore the Legend " Great Britain. 

of the 

Great Britain. What the House was really set on was religious 
reform. The first step of the Commons was to name a committee 
to frame bills for the redress of the more crying ecclesiastical 
grievances ; and the rejection of the measures they proposed was 
at once followed by an outspoken address to the King. The 
Commons Parliament, it said, had come together in a spirit of peace : " Our 
desires were of peace only, and our device of unity." Their aim 
had been to put an end to the long-standing dissension among the 
ministers, and to preserve uniformity by the abandonment of "a. 
few ceremonies of small importance," by the redress of some 
ecclesiastical abuses, and by the establishment of an efficient 
training for a preaching clergy. If they had waived their right to 
deal with these matters during the old age of Elizabeth, they 
asserted it now. " Let your Majesty be pleased to receive public 
information from your Commons in Parliament, as well of the 
abuses in the Church, as in the civil state and government." The 
claim of absolutism was met in words which sound like a prelude 
to the Petition of Right. " Your Majesty would be misinformed," 
said the address, " if any man should deliver that the Kings of 
England have any absolute power in themselves either to alter 

Miniature by Isaac Oliver, in the Royal Collection at Windsor Castle. 

9 86 






The Gun 


Sec. 11 religion, or to make any laws concerning the same, otherwise than 
the first a s in temporal causes, by consent of Parliament." The address 
was met by a petulant scolding from James, and the Houses were 
adjourned. The support of the Crown emboldened the bishops to 
a fresh defiance of the Puritan pressure. The act of Elizabeth 
which sanctioned the Thirty-nine Articles compelled ministers to 
subscribe only to those which concerned the faith and the 
sacraments; but the Convocation of 1604 by its canons required 
subscription to the articles touching rites and ceremonies. The 
new archbishop, Bancroft, added a requirement of rigid conformity 
with the rubrics on the part of all beneficed clergymen. In the 
following spring three hundred of the Puritan clergy were driven 
from their livings for a refusal to comply with these demands. 

The breach with the Puritans was followed by a breach with the 
Catholics. The increase in their numbers since the remission of 
fines had spread a general panic ; and Parliament had re-enacted 
the penal laws. A rumour of his own conversion so angered the 
King that these were now put in force with even more severity 
than of old. The despair of the Catholics gave fresh life to a 
conspiracy which had long been ripening. Hopeless of aid from 
abroad, or of success in an open rising at home, a small knot of 
desperate men, with Robert Catesby, who had taken part in the 
rising of Essex, at their head, resolved to destroy at a blow both 
King and Parliament. Barrels of powder were placed in a cellar 
beneath the Parliament House ; and while waiting for the fifth of 
November, when the Parliament was summoned to meet, the plans 
of the little group widened into a formidable conspiracy. 
Catholics of greater fortune, such as Sir Everard Digby and 
Francis Tresham, were admitted to their confidence, and supplied 
money for the larger projects they designed. Arms were bought 
in Flanders, horses were held in readiness, a meeting of Catholic 
gentlemen was brought about under show of a hunting party to 
serve as the beginning of a rising. The destruction of the King 
was to be followed by the seizure of his children and an open 
revolt, in which aid might be called for from the Spaniards in 
Flanders. Wonderful as was the secrecy with which the plot was 
concealed, the family affection of Tresham at the last moment gave 
a clue to it by a letter to Lord Monteagle, his relative, which 




warned him to absent himself from the Parliament on the fatal Sec. ii 
day ; and further information brought about the discovery of the the Fh 

•' ' & ; OF TH 

cellar and of Guido Fawkes, a soldier of fortune, who was charged 
with the custody of it. The hunting party broke up in despair, 
the conspirators were chased from county to county, and either 
killed or sent to the block, and Garnet, the Provincial of the 
English Jesuits, was brought to trial and executed. He had 
shrunk from all part in the plot, but its existence had been made 






Cn r tffonjjtf I0J11 
Wright Wriwt j-j£ 

From Title-page of De Bry's " \Varhafftige Beschreibung der Verrdtkerei," &c, 

Frankfurt, 1606. 


known to him by another Jesuit, Greenway, and horror-stricken as 
he represented himself to have been he had kept the secret and 
left the Parliament to its doom. 

Parliament was drawn closer to the King by deliverance from 
a common peril, and when the Houses met in 1606 the Commons 
were willing to vote a sum large enough to pay the debt left by 
Elizabeth after the war. But the prodigality of James was fast 
raising his peace expenditure to the level of the war expenditure of 
Elizabeth ; and he was driven by the needs of his treasury, and the 
desire to free himself from Parliamentary control, to seek new- 

and the 

Built 1600 ; now in South Kensington Museum. 






Incorporated by Elizabeth. 

Hazlitt, "Livery Companies of London." 

sources of revenue. His first great innovation was the imposition 

of customs duties. It had long been declared illegaPfor the Crown 

to levy any duties un- 

granted by Parliament save 

those on wool, leather, and 

tin. A duty on imports 

indeed had been imposed 

in one or two instances by 

Mary, and this impost had 

been extended by Elizabeth 

to currants and wine ; but 

these instances were too 

trivial and exceptional to 

break in upon the general 

usage. A more dangerous 

precedent lay in the duties 

which the great trading 

companies, such as those to the Levant and to the Indies, exacted 

from merchants, in exchange — as was held — for the protection they 

afforded them in far-off seas. The Levant Company was now 

dissolved, and James seized 
on the duties it had levied 
as lapsing to the Crown. 
Parliament protested in vain. 
James cared quite as much to 
assert his absolute authority 
as to fill his treasury. A 
case therefore was brought 
before the Exchequer Cham- 
ber, and the judgement of the 
Court asserted the King's 
right to levy what customs 
duties he would at his plea- 
sure. "All customs," said the 
Judges, " are the effects of 
foreign commerce, but all 

affairs of commerce and treaties with foreign nations belong to the 

King's absolute power. He therefore, who has power over the cause, 


Incorporated 1588. 

Hazlitt, " Livery Companies of London." 

Sec. II 

The First 
of THE 



The Im- 





Sec. ii has power over the effect." The importance of a decision which 
The first would go far to free the Crown from the necessity of resorting to 

OF THE ° J ° 

Parliament was seen keenly enough by James. English commerce 
was growing fast, and English merchants were fighting their way 
to the Spice Islands, and establishing settlements in the dominions 
of the Mogul. The judgement gave James a revenue whicl| was 
sure to grow rapidly, and the needs of his treasury forced him to 
action. After two years' hesitation a royal proclamation imposed 




Incorporated 1600. 

Danvers, "India Office Records." 

a system of customs duties on many articles of export and import. 
But if the new impositions came in fast, the royal debt grew 
faster. Every year the expenditure of James reached a higher 
level, and necessity forced on the King a fresh assembling of 
Parliament. The " great contract " drawn up by Cecil, now Earl of 
rod Salisbury, proposed that James should waive certain oppressive 
feudal rights, such as those of wardship and marriage, and the 
right of purveyance, on condition that the Commons raised the 
royal revenue by a sum of two hundred thousand a year. The 





bargain failed however before the distrust of the Commons : and 
the King's demand for a grant to pay off the royal debt was met 
by a petition of grievances. They had jealously watched the new 
character given by James to royal proclamations, by which he 


The I 

". HB 


7 . 

Vetusta Konumenta " ; from picture in Collection of Duke of Richmond, 

created new offences, imposed new penalties, and called offenders 
before courts which had no legal jurisdiction over them. The 
province of the spiritual courts had been as busily enlarged. It 
was in vain that the judges, spurred no doubt by the old jealousy 
between civil and ecclesiastical lawyers, entertained appeals 



sec. ii against the High Commission, and strove by a series of decisions 
The First to set bounds to its limitless claims of jurisdiction, or to restrict its 


Stuarts powers of imprisonment to cases of schism and heresy. The 
to judges were powerless against the Crown ; and James was 
vehement in his support of courts which were closely bound 
up with his own prerogative. Were the treasury once full no 
means remained of redressing these evils. Nor were the Commons 
willing to pass over silently the illegalities of the past years. 
^, James forbade them to enter on the subject of the new duties, but 

The J J 

Petition their remonstrance was none the less vigorous. " Finding that 

your Majesty without advice or counsel of 
Parliament hath lately in time of peace set 
both greater impositions and more in number 
than any of your noble ancestors did ever 
in time of war," they prayed " that all im- 
positions set without the assent of Parliament 
may be quite abolished and taken away," 
and that " a law be made to declare that 
all impositions set upon your people, their 
goods or merchandise, save only by common 
consent in Parliament, are and shall be void." 
As to Church grievances their demands were 
in the same spirit. They prayed that the 
deposed ministers might be suffered to preach, 
and that the jurisdiction of the High Com- 
mission should be regulated by statute ; in 
other words, that ecclesiastical like financial 
matters should be taken out of the sphere 
of the prerogative and be owned as lying 
henceforth within the cognizance of Parlia- 
ment. Whatever concessions James might 
offer on other subjects, he would allow no 
interference with his ecclesiastical preroga- 
tive ; the Parliament was dissolved, and three 
years passed before the financial straits of the Government 
forced James to face the two houses again. But the spirit of 
resistance was now fairly roused. Never had an election stirred so 
1614 much popular passion as that of 1614. In every case where 



Seventeenth Century. 

Tower of London. 





Sec. ii rejection was possible, the court candidates were rejected. All the 
the first leading members of the popular party, or as we should now call it, 





the Opposition, were again returned. But three hundred of the 
members were wholly new men ; and among these we note for the 
first time the names of two leaders in the later struggle with the 
Crown. Yorkshire returned Thomas Wentworth ; St. Germans, 
John Eliot. Signs of an unprecedented excitement were seen in 

Title-page in Bagford Collection {British Museum). 

the vehement cheering and hissing which for the first time marked 
the proceedings of the Commons. But the policy of the Parliament 
was precisely the same as that of its predecessors. It refused to 
grant supplies till it had considered public grievances, and it fixed 
on the impositions and the abuses of the Church as the first to be 
redressed. Unluckily the inexperience of the bulk of the House 
of Commons led it into quarrelling on a point of privilege with 
the Lords ; and the King, who had been frightened beyond his 




wont at the vehemence of their tone and language, seized on the 
quarrel as a pretext for their dissolution. 

Four of the leading members in the dissolved Parliament were 
sent to the Tower ; and the terror and resentment which it had 
roused in the King's mind were seen in the obstinacy with which 
he long persisted in governing without any Parliament at all. For 

Sec. II 

The First 
of THE 






Built 1618 — 1620; drawn by Thomas Dingley, temp. Charles II. ; now destroyed. 

seven years he carried out with a blind recklessness his theory of 
an absolute rule, unfettered by any scruples as to the past, or 
any dread of the future. All the abuses which Parliament after 
Parliament had denounced were not only continued, but carried to 
a greater extent than before. The spiritual courts were encouraged 
in fresh encroachments. Though the Crown lawyers admitted the 




Sec. II 

The First 
of THE 






and the 


illegality of proclamations they were issued in greater numbers than 
ever. Impositions were strictly levied. But the treasury was still 
empty ; and a fatal necessity at last drove James to a formal breach 
of law. He fell back on a resource which even Wolsey in the 
height of the Tudor power had been forced to abandon. But the 
letters from the Council demanding benevolences or gifts from the 
richer landowners remained generally unanswered. In the three 
years which followed the dissolution of 16 14 the strenuous efforts 
of the sheriffs only raised sixty thousand pounds, a sum less than 
two-thirds of the value of a single subsidy ; and although the 
remonstrances of the western counties were roughly silenced by 
the threats of the Council, two counties, those of Hereford and 
Stafford, sent not a penny to the last. In his distress for money 
James was driven to expedients which widened the breach between 
the gentry and the Crown. He had refused to part with the feudal 
rights which came down to him from the Middle Ages, such as his 
right to the wardship of young heirs and the marriage of heiresses, 
and these were steadily used as a means of extortion. He degraded 
the nobility by a shameless sale of peerages. Of the forty-five lay 
peers whom he added to the Upper House during his reign, many 
were created by sheer bargaining. A proclamation which forbade 
the increase of houses in London brought heavy fines into the 
treasury. By shifts such as these James put off from day to day 
the necessity for again encountering the one body which could 
permanently arrest his effort after despotic rule. But there still 
remained a body whose tradition was strong enough, not indeed to 
arrest, but to check it. The lawyers had been subservient beyond 
all other classes to the Crown. In the narrow pedantry with which 
they bent before isolated precedents, without realizing the conditions 
under which these precedents had been framed, and to which they 
owed their very varying value, the judges had supported James in 
his claims. But beyond precedents even the judges refused to go. 
They had done their best, in a case that came before them, to 
restrict the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts within legal and 
definite bounds : and when James asserted an inherent right in the 
King to be heard before judgement was delivered, whenever any 
case affecting the prerogative came before his courts, they timidly, 
but firmly, repudiated such a right as unknown to the law. James 

Temp. Elizabeth 
From MS. Add. 28330 (British Museum) 




sent for them to the Royal closet, and rated them like school-boys, Se:. ii 
till they fell on their knees, and, with a single exception, pledged T ^ : 
themselves to obey his will. The Chief-Justice, Sir Edward Coke, 



From an Engraving by David Loggan. 

a narrow-minded and bitter-tempered man, but of the highest 
eminence as a lawyer, and with a reverence for the law that over- 
rode every other instinct, alone remained firm. When any case 

came before him, he answered, he would act as it became a judge 
Vol. Ill— 5 

99 8 



Sec. II 

The First 
of THE 




of Coke 


T>r\ h&JoA- 


The Court 

to act. Coke was at once dismissed from the Council, and a 
provision which made the judicial office tenable at the King's 

pleasure, but which 
had long fallen into 
disuse, was revived 
to humble the com- 
mon law in the per- 
son of its chief 
officer ; on the con- 
tinuance of his re- 
sistance he was de- 
prived of his post of 
Chief - Justice. No 
act of James seems 
to have stirred a 
deeper resentment 
among Englishmen 
than this announce- 
ment of his will to 
tamper with the 
course of justice. It 
was an outrage on 
the growing sense of 
law, as the profu- 
sion and profligacy 
of the court were 
an outrage on the 
growing sense of 
morality. The trea- 
sury was drained to 
furnish masques and 
revels on a scale of 
unexampled splen- 
dour. Lands and 
jewels were lavished 
on young adven- 
turers, whose fair faces caught the royal fancy. If the court of 
Elizabeth was as immoral as that of her successor, its immorality 


Court Satire on an Anabaptist, sketched by Inigo Jones for a 




had been shrouded by a veil of grace and chivalry. But no 
veil hid the degrading grossness of the court of James. The 
King was held, though unjustly, to be a drunkard. Actors in a 
masque performed at court were seen rolling intoxicated at his 

Sec. II 

The First 
of THE 






feet. A scandalous trial showed great nobles and officers of 
state in league with cheats and astrologers and poisoners. James 
himself had not shrunk from meddling busily in the divorce of 
Lady Essex ; and her subsequent bridal with one of his favourites 





Sec. ii was celebrated in his presence. Before scenes such as these, 
The first the half-idolatrous reverence with which the sovereign had been 


Stuarts regarded throughout the period of the Tudors died away into 
to abhorrence and contempt. The players openly mocked at the 

— King on the stage. Mrs. Hutchinson denounced the orgies of 

Whitehall in words 
as fiery as those 
with which Elijah 
denounced the sen- 
suality of Jezebel. 
But the immorality 
of James's court was 
hardly more despic- 
able than the folly 
of his government. 
In the silence of 
Parliament, the royal 
Council, composed as 
it was not merely 
of the ministers, but 
of the higher nobles 
and hereditary offi- 
cers of state, had 
served even under a 
despot like Henry 
the Eighth as a 
check upon the ar- 
bitrary will of the 
sovereign. But after 
the death of Lord 
Burl eigh's son, 
Robert Cecil, the 
minister whom 
Elizabeth had bequeathed to him, and whose services in pro- 
curing his accession were rewarded by the Earldom of Salis- 
bury, all real control over affairs was withdrawn by James 
from the Council, and entrusted to worthless favourites whom 
the King chose to raise to honour. A Scotch page named 


Satire on Popular Leaders, sketched by Inigo Jones for a 
Court Masque. 





Carr was created Viscount Rochester and Earl of Somerset, and Sec. ii 

married after her divorce to Lady Essex. Supreme in State The First 

* *• OF THE 

affairs, domestic and foreign, he was at last hurled from favour Stuarts 

. . J 6o4 

and power on the charge of a horrible crime, the murder of to 

Sir Thomas Overbury by poison, of which he and his Countess — 

Contemporary Print in British Museum. 

were convicted of being the instigators. Another favourite was 
already prepared to take his place. George Villiers, a hand- 
some young adventurer, was raised rapidly through every rank 
of the peerage, made Marquis and Duke of Buckingham, and 
entrusted with the appointment to high offices of state. The 




Sec. II 
The First 

of THE 








payment of bribes to him, or marriage with his greedy relatives, 
became the one road to political preferment. Resistance to his 
will was inevitably followed by dismissal from office. Even the 
highest and most powerful of the nobles were made to tremble 
at the nod of this young upstart. " Never any man in any age, 
nor, I believe, in any country," says the astonished Clarendon, 
" rose in so short a time to so much greatness of honour, power, 
or fortune, upon no other advantage or recommendation than of 
the beauty or gracefulness of his person." Buckingham indeed 
had no inconsiderable abilities, but his self-confidence and reck- 
lessness were equal to his beauty ; and the haughty young 
favourite on whose neck James loved to loll, and whose cheek he 
slobbered with kisses, was destined to drag down in his fatal 
career the throne of the Stuarts. 

The new system was even more disastrous in its results abroad 
than at home. The withdrawal of power from the Council left 
James in effect his own chief minister, and master of the control 
of affairs as no English sovereign had been before him. At his 
accession he found the direction of foreign affairs in the hands of 
Salisbury, and so long as Salisbury lived the Elizabethan policy 
was in the main adhered to. Peace, indeed, was made with Spain ; 
but a close alliance with the United Provinces, and a more guarded 
alliance with France, held the ambition of Spain in check almost 
as effectually as war. When danger grew threatening in Germany 
from the Catholic zeal of the House of Austria, the marriage of the 
King's daughter, Elizabeth, with the heir of the Elector-Palatine 
promised English support to its Protestant powers. But the death 
of Salisbury, and the dissolution of the Parliament of 161 4, were 
quickly followed by a disastrous change. James at once proceeded 
to undo all that the struggle of Elizabeth and the triumph of the 
Armada had done. His quick, shallow intelligence held that in a 
joint action with Spain it had found a way by which the Crown 
might at once exert weight abroad, and be rendered independent 
of the nation at home. A series of negotiations was begun for the 
marriage of his son with a Princess of Spain. Each of his 
successive favourites supported the Spanish alliance ; and after 
years of secret intrigue the King's intentions were proclaimed to 
the world, at the moment when the policy of the House of Austria 




threatened the Protestants of Southern Germany with utter ruin or Sec. ii 
-civil war. From whatever quarter the first aggression should come, the first 

* °° OF THE 



From an Engraving by Elstrak. 

It was plain that a second great struggle in arms between Pro- 
testantism and Catholicism was to be fought out on German soil. 




Sec. ii It was their prescience of the coming conflict which, on the very eve 
The first of the crisis, spurred a party among his ministers who still clung to 
the traditions of Salisbury to support an enterprise which promised 
to detach the King from his new policy by entangling him in a 






war with Spain. Sir Walter Ralegh, the one great warrior of the 
Elizabethan time who still lingered on, had been imprisoned ever 

Tower of London. 

since the beginning of the new reign in the Tower on a charge of 
treason. He now disclosed to James his knowledge of a gold- 
mine on the Orinoco, and prayed that he might sail thither and 
work its treasures for the King. The King was tempted by the 
bait of gold ; but he forbade any attack on Spanish territory, or 
the shedding of Spanish blood. Ralegh however had risked his 

Tower of London. 

head again and again, he believed in the tale he told, and he knew 
that if war could be brought about between England and Spain a 
new career was open to him. He found the coast occupied by 
Spanish troops ; evading direct orders to attack he sent his men 
up the country, where they plundered a Spanish town, found no 
gold-mine, and came broken and defeated back. The daring of 




the man saw a fresh resource ; he proposed to seize the Spanish Sec. ii 
treasure ships as he returned, and, like Drake, to turn the heads the first 
of nation and King by the immense spoil. But his men would not 
follow him, and he was brought home to face his doom. James at 
once put his old sentence in force ; and the death of the broken- 
hearted adventurer on the scaffold atoned for the affront to Spain. 
The failure of Ralegh came at a critical moment in German 
history. The religious truce which had so long preserved the 
peace of Germany was broken in 161 8 by the revolt of Bohemia 





MS. Cotton Julius F. z'v., a.d. 1608. 

against the rule of the Catholic House of Austria ; and when the 
death of the Emperor Matthias raised his cousin Ferdinand in 
1619 to the Empire and to the throne of Bohemia, its nobles 
declared the realm vacant and chose Frederick, the young Elector 
Palatine, as their King. The German Protestants were divided by 
the fatal jealousy between their Lutheran and Calvinist princes ; 
but it was believed that Frederick's election could unite them, and 
the Bohemians counted on England's support when they chose 
James's son-in-law for their king. A firm policy would at any rate 

Th irty 





Sec. II 

The First 
of THE 



have held Spain inactive, and limited the contest to Germany 
itself. But the "statecraft" on which James prided himself led 
him to count, not on Spanish fear, but on Spanish friendship. Hs 
refused aid to the Protestant Union of the German Princes when 
they espoused the cause of Bohemia, and threatened war against 
Holland, the one power which was earnest in the Palatine's cause. 
It was in vain that both court and people were unanimous in their 


Temp. James I. 

Broadside {Society of Antiquaries). 

cry for war. James still pressed his son-in-law to withdraw from 
Bohemia, and relied in such a case on the joint efforts of England 
and Spain to restore peace. But Frederick refused consent, and 
Spain quickly threw aside the mask. Her famous battalions were 
soon moving up the Rhine to the aid of the Emperor ; and their 
march turned the local struggle in Bohemia into a European war. 
Nov. 1620 While the Spaniards occupied the Palatinate, the army of the 




'Catholic League under Maximilian of Bavaria marched down the 5k. n 
Danube, reduced Austria to submission, and forced Frederick to The 
battle before the walls of Prague. Before the day was over he was 
galloping off, a fugitive, to North Germany, to find the Spaniards 
■encamped as its masters in the heart of the Palatinate. 

or THE 



James had been duped, and for the moment he bent before the The Par - 
J r hament 

burst of popular fury which the danger to German Protestantism of 1621 


Temp. James I. 

Broadside {Society of Antiquaries). 

called up. He had already been brought to suffer Sir Horace Yere 
to take some English volunteers to the Palatinate. But the 
succour had come too late. The cry for a Parliament, the 
necessary prelude to a war, overpowered the King's secret 
resistance ; and the Houses were again called together. But the 
Commons were bitterly chagrined as they found only demands for 
supplies, and a persistence in the old efforts to patch up a peace. 





Sec. ii James even sought the good will of the Spaniards by granting 
The first license for the export of arms to Spain. The resentment of the 
Commons found expression in their dealings with home affairs. 
The most crying constitutional grievance arose from the revival of 
monopolies, in spite of the pledge of Elizabeth to suppress them. 
A parliamentary right which had slept ever since the reign of 
Henry VI., the right of the Lower House to impeach great offenders 
at the bar of the Lords, was revived against the monopolists ; and 
James was driven by the general indignation to leave them to their 




Album of G. Holtzschuher of Nuremberg, 1623 — 1625. MS. Eg. 1624. 

fate. But the practice of monopolies was only one sign of the 
corruption of the court. Sales of peerages and offices of state had 
raised a general disgust ; and this disgust showed itself in the 
impeachment of the highest among the officers of State, the 
Fall of Chancellor, Francis Bacon, the most distinguished man of his time 
for learning and ability. At the accession of James the rays of 
royal favour had broken slowly upon Bacon. He became 
successively Solicitor and Attorney-General ; the year of Shak- 
spere's death saw him called to the Privy Council ; he verified 




Elizabeth's prediction by becoming Lord Keeper. At last the goal 
of his ambition was reached. He had attached himself to the rising 
fortunes of Buckingham, and the favour of Buckingham made him 
Lord Chancellor. He was raised to the peerage as Baron Verulam, 
and created, at a later time, Viscount St. Albans. But the nobler 
dreams for which these meaner honours had been sought escaped 
his grasp. His projects still remained projects, while to retain 
his hold on office he was stooping to a miserable compliance with 
the worst excesses of Buckingham and his royal master. The 
years during which 
he held the Chancel- 
lorship were the most 
disgraceful years of 
a disgraceful reign. 
They saw the execu- 
tion of Ralegh, the 
sacrifice of the Pala- 
tinate, the exaction 
of benevolences, the 
multiplication of 
monopolies, the su- 
premacy of Bucking- 
ham. Against none 
of the acts of folly 
and wickedness 
which distinguished 
James's Government 
did Bacon do more 

than protest ; in some of the worst, and above all in the attempt to 
coerce the judges into prostrating law at the King's feet, he took 
a personal part. But even his remonstrances were too much for the 
young favourite, who regarded him as the mere creature of his will. 
It was in vain that Bacon flung himself on the Duke's mercy, and 
begged him to pardon a single instance of opposition to his 
caprice. A Parliament was impending, and Buckingham resolved 
to avert from himself the storm which was gathering by sacrificing 
to it his meaner dependants. To ordinary eyes the Chancellor 
was at the summit of human success. Jonson had just sung of 

South Kensington Museum. 

Sec. II 
The First 

of THE 






sec. ii him as one " whose even thread the Fates spin round and full out 

The first of their choicest and their whitest wool," when the storm burst. 

OF THE -i i • • 

Stuarts The Commons charged Bacon with corruption in the exercise of his 

'to 4 office. It had been customary among Chancellors to receive gifts 
l — from successful suitors after their suit was ended. Bacon, it is cer- 
tain, had taken such gifts from men whose suits were still unsettled ;. 
and though his judgement may have been unaffected by them, the 
fact of their reception left him with no valid defence. He at 
once pleaded guilty to the charge. " I do plainly and ingenuously 
confess that I am guilty of corruption, and do renounce all 
defence." " I beseech your Lordships," he added, " to be merciful 
to a broken reed." The heavy fine imposed on him was remitted 
by the Crown ; but the Great Seal was taken from him, and he was 
declared incapable of holding office in the State or of sitting in 
Parliament. Bacon's fall restored him to that position of real 
greatness from which his ambition had so long torn him away. 
" My conceit of his person," said Ben Jonson, " was never increased 
towards him by his place or honours. But I have and do reverence 
him for his greatness that was only proper to himself, in that he 
seemed to me ever by his work one of the greatest men, and most 
worthy of admiration, that had been in many ages. In his 
adversity I ever prayed that God would give him strength : for 
greatness he could not want." His intellectual activity was never 
more conspicuous than in the last four years of his life. He had 
presented " Novum Organum " to James in the year before his fall ; 
in the year after it he produced his " Natural and Experimental 
History." He began a digest of the laws, and a " History of 
England under the Tudors," revised and expanded his " Essays," 
dictated a jest book, and busied himself with experiments in 
Death of physics. It was while studying the effect of cold in preventing 
animal putrefaction that he stopped his coach to stuff a fowl with 
snow and caught the fever which ended in his death. 
Dissolu- James was too shrewd to mistake the importance of Bacon's 
thenar- impeachment ; but the hostility of Buckingham to the Chancellor, 
liament anc i Bacon's own confession of his guilt, made it difficult to resist 
his condemnation. Energetic too as its measures were against 
corruption and monopolists, the Parliament respected scrupulously 
the King's prejudices in other matters ; and even when checked by 




an adjournment, resolved unanimously to support him in any sec. ii 
earnest effort for the Protestant cause. A warlike speech from The First 


a member before the adjournment roused an enthusiasm which Stuarts 

! 6o4 
recalled the days of Elizabeth. The Commons answered the to 

appeal by a unanimous vote, " lifting their hats as high as they 
could hold them," that for the recovery of the Palatinate they 
would adventure their fortunes, their estates, and their lives. 
" Rather this declaration," cried a leader of the country party 
when it was read by the Speaker, " than ten thousand men already 
on the march." For the moment the resolve seemed to give 
vigour to the royal policy. James had aimed throughout at the 
restitution of Bohemia to Ferdinand, and at inducing the Empero^ 
through the mediation of Spain, to abstain from any retaliation on 
the Palatinate. He now freed himself for a moment from the 
trammels of diplomacy, and enforced a cessation of the attack on 
his son-in-law f, s dominions by a threat of war. The suspension 
of arms lasted through the summer ; but mere threats could do 
no more, and on the conquest of the Upper Palatinate by the 
forces of the Catholic League, James fell back on his old policy 
of mediation through the aid of Spain. The negotiations for 
the marriage with the Infanta were pressed more busily. Gon- 
domar, the Spanish Ambassador, who had become all-powerful 
at the English court, was assured that no effectual aid should 
be sent to the Palatinate. The English fleet, which was cruising 
by way of menace off the Spanish coast, was called home. The 
King dismissed those of his ministers who still opposed a 
Spanish policy ; and threatened on trivial pretexts a war with 
the Dutch, the one great Protestant power that remained in 
alliance with England, and was ready to back the Elector. But 
he had still to reckon with his Parliament ; and the first act Nov. 1621 
of the Parliament on its re-assembling was to demand a de- 
claration of war with Spain. The instinct of the nation was 
wiser than the statecraft of the King. Ruined and enfeebled 
as she really was, Spain to the world at large still seemed the 
champion of Catholicism. It was the entry of her troops into 
the Palatinate which had first widened the local war in Bohemia 
into a great struggle for the suppression of Protestantism along 
the Rhine ; above all it was Spanish influence, and the hopes 




Sec. ii held out of a marriage of his son with a Spanish Infanta, which 
the first were luring the King into his fatal dependence on the great enemy 
of the Protestant cause. In their petition the Houses coupled 
with their demands for war the demand of a Protestant marriage 
for their future King. Experience proved in later years how 
perilous it was for English freedom that the heir to the Crown 
should be brought up under a Catholic mother ; but James was 
beside himself at their presumption in dealing with mysteries 
of state. " Bring stools for the Ambassadors," he cried in bitter 




Miniature by Peter Oliver, in the Royal Collection at Windsor. 

irony as their committee appeared before him. He refused the 
petition, forbade any further discussion of state policy, and 
threatened the speakers with the Tower. " Let us resort to 
our prayers," a member said calmly as the King's letter was 
read, "and then consider of this great business." The temper 
Protesta- of the House was seen in the Protestation which met the royal 


of the command to abstain from discussion. It resolved "That the liber- 
ties, franchises, privileges, and jurisdictions of Parliament are the 
ancient and undoubted birthright and inheritance of the subjects 
of England ; and that the arduous and urgent affairs concerning 




the King, state, and defence of the realm, and of the Church 
of England, and the making and maintenance of laws, and redress 
of grievances, which daily happen within this realm, are proper 
subjects and matter of council and debate in Parliament. And that 
in the handling and proceeding of those businesses every member 
of the House hath, and of right ought to have, freedom of speech 
to propound, treat, reason, and bring to conclusion the same." 

The King answered the Protestation by a characteristic outrage. 
He sent for the Journals of the House, and with his own hand tore 
out the pages which contained it. " I will govern," he said, 

Sec. II 

The First 
of THE 



From the Old Palace, Theobald's Grove ; now in the Great House, Cheshunt. 

" according to the common weal, but not according to the common 

will." A few days after he dissolved the Parliament. " It is Dec. 1621 

the best thing that has happened in the interests of Spain and 

of the Catholic religion since Luther began preaching," wrote 

the Count of Gondomar to his master, in his joy that all danger 

of war had passed away. " I am ready to depart," Sir Henry 

Savile, on the other hand, murmured on his death-bed, "the 

rather that having lived in good times I foresee worse." Abroad 
Vol. Ill— 6 




Sec. II 
The Fikst 




indeed all was lost ; and Germany plunged wildly and blindly 
forward into the chaos of the Thirty Years' War. But for England 
the victory of freedom was practically won. James had himself 
ruined the main bulwarks of the monarchy. In his desire for 
personal government he had destroyed the authority of the Council. 
He had accustomed men to think lightly of the ministers of the 
Crown, to see them browbeaten by favourites, and driven from 
office for corruption. He had disenchanted his people of their 
blind faith in the monarchy by a policy at home and abroad; 


Album of G. Holtzschuher of Nuremberg, 1623 — 1625. 

MS. Eg. 1264. 

which ran counter to every national instinct. He had quarrelled 
with, and insulted the Houses, as no English sovereign had ever 
done before ; and all the while the authority he boasted of was 
passing, without his being able to hinder it, to the Parliament 
which he outraged. There was shrewdness as well as anger 
in his taunt at its " ambassadors." A power had at last risen 
up in the Commons with which the Monarchy was henceforth 
to reckon. In spite of the King's petulant outbreaks, Parliament 
had asserted its exclusive right to the control of taxation. It 




had attacked monopolies. It had reformed abuses in the courts 
of law. It had revived the right of impeaching and removing 
from office the highest ministers of the Crown. It had asserted 
its privilege of free discussion on all questions connected with 
the welfare of the realm. It had claimed to deal with the 
question of religion. It had even declared its will on the sacred 
"mystery" of foreign policy. James might tear the Protestation 
from its Journals, but there were pages in the record of the 
Parliament of 1621 which he never could tear out. 

Sec. II 

The First 
of THE 




Album of G. Holtzschuher of Nuremberg, 1623 — 1625. 
MS. Eg. 1264. 

chap, viii PURITAN ENGLAND 1017 

Sec. Ill 
The King 





Section III. — The King and the Parliament, 1623 — 1629 ^29 

[Authorities. — For the first part of this period we have still Mr. Gardiner's 
" History of England from the Accession of James I.,'" which throws a full and 
fresh light on one of the most obscure times in our history. His work is as 
valuable for the early reign of Charles, a period well illustrated by Mr. Forster's 
" Life of Sir John Eliot." Among the general accounts of the reign of Charles, 
Mr. Disraeli's " Commentaries on the Reign of Charles I." is the most prominent 
on the one side; Brodie's "History of the British Empire, 1 ' and Godwin's 
" History of the Commonwealth," on the other. M. Guizot's work is accurate 
and impartial, and Lingard of especial value for the history of the English 
Catholics, and for his detail of foreign affairs. For the ecclesiastical side see 
Laud's " Diary." The Commons Journal gives the proceedings of the Parlia- 
ments. Throughout this period the Calendars of State Papers, now issuing 
under the direction of the Master of the Rolls, are of the greatest historic value. 
Ranke's " History of England in the Seventeenth Century" is important for the 
whole Stuart period.] 

In the obstinacy with which he clung to his Spanish policy The 
James stood absolutely alone ; for not only the old nobility and Marriage 
the statesmen who preserved the tradition of the age of Elizabeth, 
but even his own ministers, with the exception of Buckingham, 
and the Treasurer, Cranneld, were at one with the Commons. The 
King's aim, as we have said, was to enforce peace on the com- 
batants, and to bring about the restitution of the Palatinate 
to the Elector, through the influence of Spain. It was to secure 
this influence that he pressed for a closer union with the great 
Catholic power ; and of this union, and the success of the policy 
which it embodied, the marriage of his son Charles with the 
Infanta, which had been held out as a lure to his vanity, was 
to be the sign. But the more James pressed for this consum- 
mation of his projects, the more Spain held back. At last 
Buckingham proposed to force the Spaniard's hand by the 
arrival of Charles himself at the Spanish Court. The Prince 
quitted England in disguise, and appeared with Buckingham at 
Madrid to claim his bride. It was in vain that Spain rose in 1623 
its demands ; for every new demand was met by fresh concessions 
on the part of England. The abrogation of the penal laws 































































-chap, viii PURITAN ENGLAND 1019 

against the Catholics, a Catholic education for the Prince's Sec hi 
children, a Catholic household for the Infanta, all were no sooner The K: 


asked than they were granted. But the marriage was still delayed, p ^*r 
while the influence of the new policy on the war in Germany was l62 3 
hard to see. The Catholic League and its arm)-, under the com- 1629 
mand of Count Tilly, won triumph after triumph over their divided 
foes. The reduction of Heidelberg and Mannheim completed the 
conquest of the Palatinate, whose Elector fled helplessly to 
Holland, while his Electoral dignity was transferred by the 
Emperor to the Duke of Bavaria. But there was still no sign 
of the hoped-for intervention on the part of Spain. At last 
the pressure of Charles himself brought about the disclosure 
of the secret of its policy. " It is a maxim of state with us 
Olivares confessed, as the Prince demanded an energetic inter- 
ference in Germany, " that the King of Spain must never fight 
against the Emperor. We cannot employ our forces against the 
Emperor." '"If you hold to that," replied the Prince, "there 
is an end of all." 

His return was the signal for a burst of national joy. All Charles 

London was alight with bonfires, in her joy at the failure of the First 

Spanish match, and of the collapse, humiliating as it was, of the 
policy which had so long trailed English honour at the chariot- 
wheels of Spain. Charles returned to take along with Buckingham 
the direction of affairs out of his father's hands. The journey to 
Madrid had revealed to those around him the strange mixture of 
obstinacy and weakness in the Prince's character, the duplicitv 
which lavished promises because it never purposed to be bound by 
any, the petty pride that subordinated every political considera- 
tion to personal vanity or personal pique. He had granted 
demand after demand, till the very Spaniards lost faith in his 
concessions. With rage in his heart at the failure of his efforts, 
he had renewed his betrothal on the very eve of his departure, 
•only that he might insult the Infanta by its withdrawal when he 
was safe at home. But to England at large the baser features 
of his character were still unknown. The stately reserve, the 
personal dignity and decency of manners which distinguished the 
Prince, contrasted favourably with the gabble and indecorum of 
"his father. The courtiers indeed who saw him in his youth, would 




often pray God that kk he might be in the right 
way when he was set ; for if he was in the 
wrong he would prove the most wilful of any 
king that ever reigned." But the nation was 
willing to take his obstinacv for firmness ; els 
it took the pique which inspired his course on 
his return for patriotism and for the promise 
of a nobler rule. Under the pressure of Charles 
and Buckingham the King was forced to call 
a Parliament, and to concede the point on 
which he had broken with the last, by laying 
before it the whole question of the Spanish 
negotiations. Buckingham and the Prince 
gave their personal support to Parliament in 
its demand for a rupture of the treaties with 
Spain and a declaration of war. A subsidy 
was eaeerlv voted ; 


Seventeenth Century. 
Tozver of London. 

the persecution of 
the Catholics, which 
had loner been sus- 
pended out of deference to Spanish 
intervention, began with new vigour. 
The head of the Spanish party, Cran- 
field, Earl of Middlesex, the Lord 
Treasurer, was impeached on a charge 
of corruption, and dismissed from 
office. James was swept along help- 
lessly by the tide ; but his shrewdness 
saw clearly the turn that affairs were 
taking ; and it was only by hard 
pressure that the favourite succeeded 
in wresting his consent to the dis- 
grace of Middlesex. "You are making 
a rod for your own back," said the 
King. But Buckingham and Charles 
persisted in their plans of war. A 
treaty of alliance was concluded with 
Holland ; negotiations were 

Sec. Ill 
The I 









Seventeenth Century. 

Tower of London, 


Contemporary Print in the British Museum. 

chap, vin PURITAN ENGLAND 1023 

with the Lutheran Princes of North Germany, who had looked sec. hi 
coolly on at the ruin of the Elector Palatine ; an alliance The Kin<; 


with France was proposed, and the marriage of Charles with P £ent 
Henrietta, a daughter of Henry the Fourth of France, and sister l62 3 

' TO 

of its King. To restore the triple league was to restore the 1629 

system of Elizabeth ; but the first whispers of a Catholic Queen 1625 

woke opposition in the Commons. At this juncture the death Death of 

of the King placed Charles upon the throne ; and his first 

Parliament met in May, 1625. "We can hope everything from 

the King who now governs us," cried Sir Benjamin Rudyerd 

in the Commons. But there were cooler heads in the Commons 

than Sir Benjamin Rudyerd's ; and enough had taken place 

in the few months since its last session to temper its loyalty 

with caution. 

The war with Spain, it must be remembered, meant to the The 

Policy of 

mass of Englishmen a war with Catholicism ; and the fervour Charles 
against Catholicism without roused a corresponding fervour against 
Catholicism within the realm. Every English Catholic seemed to 
Protestant eyes an enemy at home. A Protestant who leant 
towards Catholic usage or dogma was a secret traitor in the ranks. 
But it was suspected, and suspicion was soon to be changed into 
certainty, that in spite of his pledge to make no religious 
concessions to France, Charles had on his marriage promised to 
relax the penal laws against Catholics, and that a foreign power 
had again been given the right of intermeddling in the civil affairs 
of the realm. And it was to men with Catholic leanings that 
Charles seemed disposed to show favour. Bishop Laud was 
recognized as the centre of that varied opposition to Puritanism, 
whose members were loosely grouped under the name of 
Arminians ; and Laud now became the King's adviser in eccle- 
siastical matters. With Laud at its head the new party grew in 
boldness as well as numbers. It naturally sought for shelter for 
its religious opinions by exalting the power of the Crown. A 
court favourite, Montague, ventured to slight the Reformed 
Churches of the Continent in favour of the Church of Rome, and 
to advocate as the faith of the Church the very doctrines rejected 
by the Calvinists. The temper of the Commons on religious 
matters was clear to every observer. " Whatever mention does 


Sec. hi break forth of the fears or dangers in religion, and the increase of 

the king Popery," wrote a member who was noting the proceedings of the 

parlia- House, " their affections are much stirred." Their first act was to 


1623 summon Montague to the bar and to commit him to prison. But 


1629 there were other grounds for their distrust besides the King's 
ecclesiastical tendency. The conditions on which the last subsidy 
had been granted for war with Spain had been contemptuously set 
aside ; in his request for a fresh grant Charles neither named a 
sum nor gave any indication of what war it was to support. His 
reserve was met by a corresponding caution. While voting a small 
and inadequate subsidy, the Commons restricted their grant of 
certain customs duties called tonnage and poundage, which had 
commonly been granted to the new sovereign for life, to a single 
year, so as to give time for consideration of the additional 
impositions laid by James on these duties. The restriction was 
taken as an insult ; Charles refused to accept the grant on such a 

A 1625 condition, and adjourned the Houses. When they met again at 
Oxford it was in a sterner temper, for Charles had shown his 
defiance of Parliament by drawing Montague from prison, by 
promoting him to a royal chaplaincy, and by levying the disputed 
customs without authority of law. " England," cried Sir Robert 
Phelips, " is the last monarchy that yet retains her liberties. Let 
them not perish now ! " But the Commons had no sooner 
announced their resolve to consider public grievances before 
entering on other business than they were met by a dissolution. 

Bucking- Buckingham, to whom the firmness of the Commons seemed 
designs s i m pty tne natural discontent which follows on ill success, resolved 
to lure them from their constitutional struggle by a great military 
triumph. His hands were no sooner free than he sailed for the 
Hague to conclude a general alliance against the House of 
Austria, while a fleet of ninety vessels and ten thousand soldiers 
left Plymouth in October for the coast of Spain. But these vast 
projects broke down before Buckingham's administrative in- 
capacity. The plan of alliance proved fruitless. After an idle 
descent on Cadiz the Spanish expedition returned broken with 
mutiny and disease ; and the enormous debt which had been 
incurred in its equipment forced the favourite to advise a new 
summons of the Houses. But he was keenly alive to the peril in 




which his failure had plunged him, and to a coalition which had Sec. hi 
been formed between his rivals at Court and the leaders of the last The King 


Parliament. His reckless daring led him to anticipate the danger, P ^!;. ! T A " 
and by a series of blows to strike terror into his opponents. The l62 3 
Councillors were humbled by the committal of Lord Arundel to the l & 2 9 
Tower. Sir Robert Phelips, Coke, and four other leading patriots 
were made sheriffs of their counties, and thus prevented from 
sitting in the coming Parliament. But their exclusion only left 
the field free for a more terrible foe. 

If Hampden and Pym are the great figures which embody the Eliot 
later national resistance, the earlier struggle for Parliamentary 


liberty centres in the figure of Sir John Eliot. Of an old family 
which had settled under Elizabeth near the fishing hamlet of St. 
Germans, and raised their stately mansion of Port Eliot, he had 
risen to the post of Vice- Admiral of Devonshire under the 
patronage of Buckingham, and had seen his activity in the 
suppression of piracy in the Channel rewarded by an unjust 
imprisonment. He was now in the first vigour of manhood, 




Sec. hi with a mind exquisitely cultivated and familiar with the poetry and 

the king learning of his day, a nature singularly lofty and devout, a fearless 


P ment" an d vehement temper. There was a hot impulsive element in his 

l62 3 nature which showed itself in youth in his drawing sword on a 

Picture in the possession of the Earl of St. Germans, at Port Eliot. 

neighbour who denounced him to his father, and which in later 
years gave its characteristic fire to his eloquence. But his intellect 
was as clear and cool as his temper was ardent. In the general 
enthusiasm which followed on the failure of the Spanish marriage, 
he had stood almost alone in pressing for a recognition of the 


rights of Parliament, as a preliminary to any real reconciliation sec. hi 
with the Crown. He fixed, from the very outset of his career, on ThbKikg 


the responsibility of the royal ministers to Parliament, as the one P * R !; IA " 
critical point for English liberty. It was to enforce the demand 1623 
of this that he availed himself of Buckingham's sacrifice of the 1629 
Treasurer, Middlesex, to the resentment of the Commons. "The 1624 
greater the delinquent," he urged, " the greater the delict. They 
are a happy thing, great men and officers, if they be good, and 
one of the greatest blessings of the land : but power converted into 
evil is the greatest curse that can befall it." But the new- 
Parliament had hardly met, when he came to the front to threaten 
a greater criminal than Middlesex. So menacing were his words, as 
he called for an inquiry into the failure before Cadiz, that Charles 
himself stooped to answer threat with threat. " I see," he wrote Impeach- 
to the House, " you especially aim at the Duke of Buckingham. I Bucking- 
must let you know that I will not allow any of my servants to be 
questioned among you, much less such as are of eminent place 
and near to me." A more direct attack on a right already 1626 
acknowledged in the impeachment of Bacon and Middlesex could 
hardly be imagined, but Eliot refused to move from his constitu- 
tional ground. The King was by law irresponsible, he "could do 
no wrong." If the country therefore was to be saved from a pure 
despotism, it must be by enforcing the responsibility of the 
ministers who counselled and executed his acts. Eliot persisted in 
denouncing Buckingham's incompetence and corruption, and the 
Commons ordered the subsidy which the Crown had demanded to 
be brought in " when we shall have presented our grievances, and 
received his Majesty's answer thereto." Charles summoned them 
to Whitehall, and commanded them to cancel the condition. He 
would grant them " liberty of counsel, but not of control ; " and 
he closed the interview with a significant threat. " Remember," he 
said, " that Parliaments are altogether in my power for their 
calling, sitting, and dissolution : and, therefore, as I find the fruits 
of them to be good or evil, they are to continue or not to be." 
But the will of the Commons was as resolute as the will of the 
King. Buckingham's impeachment was voted and carried to the 
Lords. The favourite took his seat as a peer to listen to the 
charge with so insolent an air of contempt that one of the 

From an Engraving by IV. J. Delff % after a Portrait by Miereveldt. 

chap, vin PURITAN ENGLAND 1029 

managers appointed by the Commons to conduct it turned sharply Sec. hi 
on him. " Do you jeer, my Lord ! " said Sir Dudley Digges. " I The King 


can show you when a greater man than your Lordship — as high as I JjJ5i?" 

you in place and power, and as deep in the King's favour — has 1623 

been hanged for as small a crime as these articles contain/' The 1629 

" proud carriage " of the Duke provoked an invective from Eliot 

which marks a new era in Parliamentary speech. From the first 

the vehemence and passion of his words had contrasted with the 

grave, colourless reasoning of older speakers. His opponents 

complained that Eliot aimed to " stir up affections." The quick 

emphatic sentences he substituted for the cumbrous periods of the 

day, his rapid argument, his vivacious and caustic allusions, his 

passionate appeals, his fearless invective, struck a new note in 

English eloquence. The frivolous ostentation of Buckingham, his 

very figure blazing with jewels and gold, gave point to the fierce 

attack. " He has broken those nerves and sinews of our land, the 

stores and treasures of the King. There needs no search for it. 

It is too visible. His profuse expenses, his superfluous feasts, his 

magnificent buildings, his riots, his excesses, what are they but the 

visible evidences of an express exhausting of the State, a chronicle 

of the immensity of his waste of the revenues of the Crown ? " 

With the same terrible directness Eliot reviewed the Duke's greed 

and corruption, his insatiate ambition, his seizure of all public 

authority, his neglect of every public duty, his abuse for selfish 

ends of the powers he had accumulated. " The pleasure of his 

Majesty, his known directions, his public acts, his acts of council, 

the decrees of courts — all must be made inferior to this man's will. 

No right, no interest may withstand him Through the power of 

state and justice he has dared ever to strike at his own ends." 

" My Lords," he ended, after a vivid parallel between Buckingham 

and Sejanus, " you see the man ! What have been his actions, 

what he is like, you know ! I leave him to your judgment. This 

only is conceived by us, the knights, citizens, and burgesses of the 

Commons House of Parliament, that by him came all our evils, in 

him we find the causes, and on him must be the remedies ! Pereat 

qui perdere cuncta festinat. Opprimatur ne omnes opprimat ! " 

The reply of Charles was as fierce and sudden as the attack of The Kin g 

Eliot. He hurried to the House of Peers to avow as his own the People 
Vol. Ill— 7 




Sec. Ill 
The King 





June 16, 





deeds with which Buckingham was charged. Eliot and Digges 
were called from their seats, and committed prisoners to the Tower. 
The Commons, however, refused to proceed with public business 
till their members were restored ; and after a ten-days' struggle 
Eliot was released. But his release was only a prelude to the close 
of the Parliament. " Not one moment," the King replied to the 
prayer of his Council for delay ; and a final remonstrance in which 
the Commons begged him to dismiss Buckingham from his service 
for ever was met by their instant dissolution. The remonstrance 
was burnt by royal order ; Eliot was deprived of his Vice- Admiral- 
ty ; and an appeal was made to the nation to pay as a free gift the 
subsidies which the Parliament had refused, to grant till their 
grievances were redressed. But the tide of public resistance was 
slowly rising. Refusals to give anything, " save by way of Parlia- 
ment," came in from county after county. When the subsidy-men 
of Middlesex and Westminster were urged to comply, they answered 
with a tumultuous shout of " a Parliament ! a Parliament ! else no 
subsidies ! " Kent stood out to a man. In Bucks the very justices 
neglected to ask for the " free gift." The freeholders of Cornwall 
only answered that, " if they had but two kine, they would sell one 
of them for supply to his Majesty — in a Parliamentary way." The 
failure of the voluntary gift forced Charles to an open defiance of 
the law. He met it by the levy of a forced loan. Commissioners 
were named to assess the amount which every landowner was 
bound to lend, and to examine on oath all who refused. Every 
means of persuasion, as of force, was resorted to. The pulpits of 
the Laudian clergy resounded with the cry of " passive obedience." 
Dr. Mainwaring preached before Charles himself, that the King 
needed no Parliamentary warrant for taxation, and that to resist 
his will was to incur eternal damnation. Poor men who refused to 
lend were pressed into the army or navy. Stubborn tradesmen 
were flung into prison. Buckingham himself undertook the task of 
overawing the nobles and the gentry. Charles met the opposition 
of the judges by instantly dismissing from his office the Chief 
Justice, Crew. But in the country at large resistance was uni- 
versal. The northern counties in a mass set the Crown at defiance. 
The Lincolnshire farmers drove the Commissioners from the town. 
Shropshire, Devon, and Warwickshire " refused utterly." Eight 




Sec. Ill 

peers, with Lord Essex and Lord Warwick at their head, declined 

to comply with the exaction as illegal. Two hundred country The King 


gentlemen, whose obstinacy had not been subdued by their transfer 
from prison to prison, were summoned before the Council ; and 




After W. Hollar. 

John Hampden, as yet only a young Buckinghamshire squire, 
appeared at the board to begin that career of patriotism which has 
made his name dear to Englishmen. " I could be content to lend," 
he said, " but fear to draw on myself that curse in Magna Charta, 
which should be read twice a year against those who infringe it." 







Sec Ill 
The King 





So close an imprisonment in the Gate House rewarded his protest, 
" that he never afterwards did look like the same man he was 
before." With gathering discontent as well as bankruptcy before 
him, nothing could save the Duke but a great military success ; and 
he equipped a force of six thousand men for the maddest and most 
profligate of all his enterprises. In the great struggle with Catho- 
licism the hopes of every Protestant rested on the union of England 
with France against the House of Austria. But the blustering and 
blundering of the favourite had at last succeeded in plunging him 
into strife with his own allies, and England now suddenly found 

Gardiner, "Student's History 0/ England." 

herself at war with France and Spain together. The French 
minister, Cardinal Richelieu, anxious as he was to maintain the 
English alliance, was convinced that the first step to any effective 
interference of France in a European war must be the restoration 
of order at home by the complete reduction of the Protestant town 
of Rochelle which had risen in revolt. In 1625 English aid had 
been given to the French forces, however reluctantly. But now 
Buckingham saw his way to win an easy popularity at home by 
supporting the Huguenots in their resistance. The enthusiasm for 
their cause was intense ; and he resolved to take advantage of this 




enthusiasm to secure such a triumph for the royal arms as should 
silence all opposition at home. A fleet of a hundred vessels sailed 
under his command for the relief of Rochelle. But imposing as 
was his force, the expedition was as disastrous as it was impolitic. 
After an unsuccessful siege of the castle of St. Martin, the English 
troops were forced to fall back along a narrow causeway to their 
ships ; and in the retreat two thousand fell, without the loss of a 
single man to their enemies. 

The first result of Buckingham's folly was to force on Charles, 
overwhelmed as he was with debt and shame, the summoning of a 
new Parliament ; a Parliament which met in a mood even more 

Sec. Ill 
The King 





Siege of 



of Right 

ships of Buckingham's fleet, 1627. 

" Manifestation of the Duke of Buckingham." 

resolute than the last. The Court candidates were everywhere 
rejected. The patriot leaders were triumphantly returned. To 
have suffered in the recent resistance to arbitrary taxation was the 
sure road to a seat. In spite of Eliot's counsel, even the question 
of Buckingham's removal gave place to the craving for redress of 
wrongs done to personal liberty. " We must vindicate our ancient 
liberties," said Sir Thomas Wentworth, in words soon to be 
remembered against himself : " we must reinforce the laws made 
by our ancestors. We must set such a stamp upon them, as no 
licentious spirit shall dare hereafter to invade them." Heedless of The Par- 
sharp and menacing messages from the King, of demands that lia ^i°^ 
they should take his " royal word " for their liberties, the House 

chap, vin PURITAN ENGLAND ic 

bent itself to one great work, the drawing up a Petition of Right. Sbc in 
The statutes that protected the subject against arbitrarv taxation, the 


against loans and benevolences, against punishment, outlawry, or *£££' 
deprivation of goods, otherwise than by lawful judgment of his 1623 
peers, against arbitrary imprisonment without stated charge, 1629 
against billeting of soldiery on the people or enactment of martial 
law in time of peace, were formally recited. The breaches of 
them under the last two sovereigns, and above all since the 
dissolution of the last Parliament, were recited as formally. At 
the close of this significant list, the Commons prayed " that no 
man hereafter be compelled to make or yield any gift, loan, 
benevolence, tax, or such like charge, without common consent 
by Act of Parliament. And that none be called to make answer, 
or to take such oaths, or to be confined or otherwise molested or 
disputed concerning the same, or for refusal thereof. And that no 
freeman may in such manner as is before mentioned be im- 
prisoned or detained. And that your Majesty would be 
pleased to remove the said soldiers and mariners, and that your 
people may not be so burthened in time to come. And that the 
commissions for proceeding by martial law may be revoked and 
annulled, and that hereafter no commissions of like nature may 
issue forth to any person or persons whatsoever to be executed 
as aforesaid, lest by colour of them any of your Majesty's subjects 
be destroyed and put to death, contrary to the laws and franchises 
of the land. All which they humbly pray of your most excellent 
Majesty, as their rights and liberties, according to the laws and 
statutes of the realm. And that your Majesty would also vouch- 
safe to declare that the awards, doings, and proceedings to the 
prejudice of your people in any of the premises shall not be drawn 
hereafter into consequence or example. And that your Majesty 
would be pleased graciously for the further comfort and safety of 
your people to declare your royal will and pleasure, that in the 
things aforesaid all your officers and ministers shall serve you 
according to the laws and statutes of this realm, as they tender 
the honour of your Majesty and the prosperity of the kingdom." 
It was in vain that the Lords desired to conciliate Charles by a 
reservation of his " sovereign power." " Our petition," Pym 
quietly replied, " is for the laws of England, and this power seems 




to be another power distinct from the power of the law." The Sec. hi 
Lords yielded, but Charles gave an evasive reply ; and the failure the king 

*■ * AND THE 

of the more moderate counsels for which his own had been set parlia- 

aside, called Eliot again to the front. In a speech of unpre- 1623 


cedented boldness he moved the presentation to the King of a 1629 
Remonstrance on the state of the realm. But at the moment 
when he again touched on Buckingham's removal as the pre- 
liminary of any real improvement the Speaker of the House 
interposed. " There was a command laid on him," he said, " to in- 
terrupt any that should go about to lay an aspersion on the King's 
ministers." The breach of their privilege of free speech pro- 
duced a scene in the Commons such as St. Stephen's had never 
witnessed before. Eliot sate abruptly down amidst the solemn 
silence of the House. " Then appeared such a spectacle of 
passions," says a letter of the time, " as the like had seldom been 
seen in such an assembly ; some weeping, some expostulating, 
some prophesying of the fatal ruin of our kingdom, some playing 
the divines in confessing their sins and country's sins which drew 
these judgments upon us, some finding, as it were fault with those 
that wept. There were above an hundred weeping eyes, many 
who offered to speak being interrupted and silenced by their own 
passions." Pym himself rose only to sit down choked with tears. 
At last Sir Edward Coke found words to blame himself for the 
timid counsels which had checked Eliot at the beginning of the 
Session, and to protest " that the author and source of all those 
miseries was the Duke of Buckingham." 

Shouts of assent greeted the resolution to insert the Duke's The 
name in their Remonstrance. But at this moment Charles gave Bucking- 
way. To win supplies for a new expedition to Rochelle, Bucking- 
ham bent the King to consent to the Petition of Right. As 
Charles understood it, indeed, the consent meant little. The point 
for which he really cared was the power of keeping men in prison 
without bringing them to trial or assigning causes for their im- 
prisonment. On this he had consulted his judges ; and they had 
answered that his consent to the Petition left his rights untouched ; 
like other laws, they said, the Petition would have to be interpreted 
when it came before them, and the prerogative remained 
unaffected. As to the rest, while waiving all claims to levy taxes 


io 3 8 



Sec. hi not granted by Parliament, Charles still reserved his right to 
the king j ev y impositions paid customarily to the Crown, and amongst these 
he counted tonnage and poundage. Of these reserves however 
the Commons knew nothing. The King's consent won a grant of 
subsidy from the Parliament, and such a ringing of bells and 
lighting of bonfires from the people " as was never seen but upon 
his Majesty's return from Spain." But, like all Charles's conces- 
sions, it came too late to effect the end at which he aimed. The 
Commons persisted in presenting their Remonstrance. Charles 





Early Seventeenth Century. 

Ballad in Roxbtirghe Collection {British Museum). 

received it coldly and ungraciously ; while Buckingham, who had 
stood defiantly at his master's side as he was denounced, fell on 
his knees to speak. " No, George ! " said the King as he raised 
him : and his demeanour gave emphatic proof that the Duke's 
favour remain undiminished. " We will perish together, George," 
he added at a later time, " if thou dost." No shadow of his doom, 
in fact, had fallen over the brilliant favourite, when, after the 
prorogation of the Parliament, he set out to take command of a 
new expedition for the relief of Rochelle. But a lieutenant in the 
army, John Felton, soured by neglect and wrongs, had found in 




the Remonstrance some fancied sanction for the revenge he 
plotted ; and mixing with the throng which crowded the hall at 
Portsmouth, he stabbed Buckingham to the heart. Charles flung 
himself on his bed in a passion of tears when the news reached 
him ; but outside the Court it was welcomed with a burst of joy. 
Young Oxford bachelors, grave London aldermen, vied with each 
other in drinking healths to Felton. " God bless thee, little 
David," cried an old woman, as the murderer passed manacled by ; 
" the Lord comfort thee," shouted the crowd, as the Tower gates 
closed on him. The very crews of the Duke's armament at 
Portsmouth shouted to the King, as he witnessed their departure, 
a prayer that he would " spare John Felton, their sometime fellow 
soldier." But whatever national hopes the fall of Buckingham had 
aroused were quickly dispelled. Weston, a creature of the Duke, 
became Lord Treasurer, and his system remained unchanged. 
"Though our Achan is cutoff," said Eliot, "the accursed thing 

It seemed as if no act of Charles could widen the breach which 
his reckless lawlessness had made between himself and his 
subjects. But there was one thing dearer to England than free 
speech in Parliament, than security for property, or even personal 
liberty ; and that one thing was, in the phrase of the day, " the 
Gospel." The gloom which at the outset of this reign we saw 
settling down on every Puritan heart had deepened with each 
succeeding year. The great struggle abroad had gone more, and 
more against Protestantism, and at this moment the end of the 
cause seemed to have come. In Germany Lutheran and Calvinist 
alike lay at last beneath the heel of the Catholic House of Austria. 
The fall of Rochelle after Buckingham's death seemed to leave 
the Huguenots of France at the feet of a Roman Cardinal. While 
England was thrilling with excitement at the thought that her own 
hour of deadly peril might come again, as it had come in the year 
of the Armada, Charles raised Laud to the Bishopric of London, 
and entrusted him with the direction of ecclesiastical affairs. To 
the excited Protestantism of the country, Laud and the Church- 
men whom he headed seemed a danger really more formidable 
than the Popery which was making such mighty strides abroad. 
To the Puritans they were traitors to God and their country at 

Sec. Ill 

The King 
and THE 









Sec. hi once. Their aim was to draw the Church of England farther 
The king away from the Protestant Churches and nearer to the Church 


which Protestants regarded as Babylon. They aped Roman 






ceremonies. Cautiously and tentatively they were introducing 
Roman doctrine. But they had none of the sacerdotal independ- 
ence which Rome had at any rate preserved. They were abject 
in their dependence on the Crown. Their gratitude for the royal 

"triple episcopacie." 

Satire of the Puritan Party on Laud and the Court Bishops. 

protection which enabled them to defy the religious instincts of 
the realm showed itself in their erection of the most dangerous 
pretensions of the monarchy into religious dogmas. Archbishop 
Whitgift declared James to have been inspired by God. They 
preached passive obedience to the worst tyranny. They declared 
the persons and goods of the subject to be at the King's absolute 
disposal. They were turning religion into a systematic attack on 




English liberty. Up to this time they had been little more than a 
knot of courtly ecclesiastics, for the mass of the clergy, like their 
flocks, were steady Puritans ; but the energy of Laud, and the 
patronage of the Court, promised a speedy increase of their 
numbers and their power. Sober men looked forward to a day 
when every pulpit would be ringing with exhortations to passive 
obedience, with denunciations of Calvinism and apologies for 
Rome. Of all the members of the House of Commons Eliot was 
least fanatical in his natural bent, but the religious crisis swept 
away for the moment all other thoughts from his mind. H Danger 
enlarges itself in so great a measure," he wrote from the country, 
" that nothing but Heaven shrouds us from despair." The House 
met in the same temper. The first business called up was that of 
religion. " The Gospel," Eliot burst forth, " is that truth in which 
this kingdom has been happy through a long and rare prosperity. 
This ground, therefore, let us lay for a foundation of our building, 
that that Truth, not with words, but with actions we will main- 
tain ! " " There is a ceremony," he went on, " used in the Eastern 
Churches, of standing at the repetition of the Creed, to testify their 
purpose to maintain it, not only with their bodies upright but with 
their swords drawn. Give me leave to call that a custom very 
commendable ! " The Commons answered their leader's challenge 
by a solemn avowal. They avowed that they held for truth that 
sense of the Articles as established by Parliament, which by the 
public act of the Church, and the general current exposition of 
the writers of their Church, had been delivered unto them. But 
the debates over religion were suddenly interrupted. The 
Commons, who had deferred all grant of customs till the wrong 
done in the illegal levy of them was redressed, had summoned the 
farmers of those due to the bar ; but though they appeared, they 
pleaded the King's command as a ground for their refusal to 
answer. The House was proceeding to a protest, when the 
Speaker signified that he had received an order to adjourn. 
Dissolution was clearly at hand, and the long-suppressed indigna- 
tion broke out in a scene of strange disorder. The Speaker was 
held down in the chair while Eliot, still clinging to his great 
principle of ministerial responsibility, denounced the New 
Treasurer as the adviser of the measure. " None have gone 

Sec. Ill 
The King 






tion of the 




Sec. Ill 
The King 





about to break Parliaments," he added in words to which after 
events gave a terrible significance, " but in the end Parliaments 
have broken them." The doors were locked, and in spite 
of the Speaker's protest, of the repeated knocking of the usher 
at the door, and of the gathering tumult within the House 
itself, the loud " Aye, Aye " of the bulk of the members supported 
Eliot in his last vindication of English liberty. By successive 
resolutions the Commons declared whomsoever should bring in 
innovations in religion, or whatever minister endorsed the levy of 
subsidies not granted in Parliament, " a capital enemy to the king- 
dom and commonwealth," and every subject voluntarily com- 
plying with illegal acts and demands, " a betrayer of the liberty of 
England and an enemy of the same." 


Early Seventeenth Century. 

Roxburghe Ballad. 




Section IV. — New England 

^Authorities. — The admirable account of American colonization given by 
Mr. Bancroft (' History of the United States,'") maybe corrected in some points 
of detail by Mr. Gardiner's History. For Laud himself, see his remarkable 
" Diary," and his Correspondence. His work at Lambeth is described in 
Prynne's scurrilous '''Canterbury's Doom."] (Mr. Doyle's book "The English 
in America" has appeared since this list was drawn up. — Ed.) 

Sec. IV 


The dissolution of the Parliament of 1629 marked the darkest 
hour of Protestantism, whether in England or in the world at large. 
But it was in this hour of despair that the Puritans won their 
noblest triumph. They " turned." to use Canning's words in a far 
truer and grander sense than that which he gave to them, they 
" turned to the New World to redress the balance of the Old." It 
was during the years of tyranny which followed the close of the 
third Parliament of Charles that a great Puritan emigration 
founded the States of New England. 

The Puritans were far from being the earliest among the 
English colonists of North America. There was little in the cir- 
cumstances which attended the first discovery of the Western 
world which promised well for freedom ; its earliest result, indeed, 
was to give an enormous impulse to the most bigoted and tyranni- 
cal among the powers of Europe, and to pour the wealth of Mexico 
and Peru into the treasury of Spain. But while the Spanish 
galleons traversed the Southern seas, and Spanish settlers claimed 
the southern part of the great continent for the Catholic crown, a 
happy instinct drew Englishmen to the ruder and more barren 
districts along the shore of Northern America. England had 
reached the mainland even earlier than Spain, for before Columbus 
touched its shores Sebastian Cabot, a seaman of Genoese blood 
born and bred in England, sailed with an English crew from 
Bristol in 1497, and pushed along the coast of America to the 

and the 





Sec. IV 


south as far as Florida, and northward as high as Hudson's Bay. 
But no Englishman followed on the track of this bold adventurer ; 
and while Spain built up her empire in the New World, the Eng- 
lish seamen reaped a humbler harvest in the fisheries of Newfound- 
land. It was not till the reign of Elizabeth that the thoughts of 


Englishmen turned again to the New World. The dream of 
finding a passage to Asia by a voyage round the northern coast 
of the American continent drew a west-country seaman, Martin 
Frobisher, to the coast of Labrador, and the news which he 
brought back of the existence of gold mines there set adventurers 
cruising among the icebergs of Baffin's Bay. Luckily the quest of 

VI 11 



gold proved a vain one ; and the nobler spirits among those who sec. iv 

had engaged i n it turned to plans of colonization. But the countrv, n 
vexed by long winters and thinly peopled by warlike tribes of — 

Indians, gave a rough welcome to the earlier color.:-:- After a 15I 

Engraving by C. Vau de Pas, in Holland's " Hzroologia." 

fruitless attempt to form a settlement, Sir Humphry Gilbert, one of 
the noblest spirits of his time, turned homewards again, to find his 
fate in the stormy seas. " We are as near to Heaven by sea as by 
land," were the famous words he was heard to utter, ere the light 
of his little bark was lost for ever in the darkness of the night. An 
Vol. Ill— 8 



Sec. IV 


expedition sent by his half-brother, Sir Walter Ralegh, explored 
Pamlico Sound ; and the country they discovered, a country 
where, in their poetic fancy, " men lived after the manner of the 
Golden Age," received from Elizabeth, the Virgin. Queen, the name 
of Virginia. The introduction of tobacco and of the potato into 
Europe dates from Ralegh's discovery ; but the energy of his 
settlers was distracted by the delusive dream of gold, the hostility 
of the native tribes drove them from the coast, and it is through 
the gratitude of later times for what he strove to do, rather than 


Temp. James I. 

Ballad in Roxburghe Collection. 

for what he did, that Raleigh, the capital of North Carolina, pre- 
1606 serves his name. The first permanent settlement on the Chesa- 
peake was effected in the beginning of the reign of James the First, 
and its success was due to the conviction of the settlers that the 
secret of the New World's conquest lay simply in labour. Among 
the hundred and five colonists who originally landed, forty-eight 
were gentlemen, and only twelve were tillers of the soil. Their 
leader, John Smith, however, not only explored the vast bay of 
Chesapeake and discovered the Potomac and the Susquehannah, 

QsShcfc arc the LitlCS thdtjhew thyTaCCibut thofc 

r Jkatfhcw thy GraCC and Cf Lory, brighter bee 

< jhy Tdirt-'Dijcou.cries and Towlc- Over throw cs 

Of Salvages, much, Civillizd by tfie&-\ Q^2 

BejlJTuw t/iy Sj3ifib;ana\ to it Glory CtVyn.^ 

So,thou art Braise ' widiout, but C/olac Within. . 



^Jo;iti^BraJ?e/h?o Joji Smiths c^ich to bearc) 
13 Ijyt thy Jwnt t m make BraJ?e< Steele out wears. . 

(Thitttsu thou art 1'irtues, 

SouthJfainvton ?V_ Hg#t 

From the Map of Xezu England in his '' Gene rail Historie of Virginia" 


Sec IV 




but held the little company together in the face of famine and 
desertion till the colonists had learnt the lesson of toil. In his 
letters to the colonizers at home he set resolutely aside the dream 
of gold. "Nothing is to be expected thence," he wrote of the 
new country, " but by labour ; " and supplies of labourers, aided by 

Picture in the collection of the Earl of Verulam, at Gorhambury . 

a wise allotment of lands to each colonist, secured after five 
years of struggle the fortunes of Virginia. " Men fell to building 
houses and planting corn ; " the very streets of Jamestown, as 
their capital was called from the reigning sovereign, were sown 
with tobacco ; and in fifteen years the colony numbered five 
thousand souls. 




The laws and representative institutions of England were first sec. iv 
introduced into the New World in the settlement of Virginia : new 


some years later a principle as unknown to England as it was to — 
the greater part of Europe found its home in another colony, which Pilgrim 
received its name of Maryland from Henrietta Maria, the Queen of 
Charles the First. Calvert, Lord Baltimore, one of the best of the 
Stuart counsellors, was forced by his conversion to Catholicism to 
seek a shelter for himself and colonists of his new faith in the 
district across the Potomac, and round the head of the Chesapeake. 
As a purely Catholic settlement was impossible, he resolved to 1634 
open the new colony to men of every faith. " Xo person within 


this province," ran the earliest law of Maryland, " professing to 
believe in Jesus Christ, shall be in any ways troubled, molested, or 
discountenanced for his or her religion, or in the free exercise 
thereof." Long however before Lord Baltimore's settlement in 
Maryland, only a few years indeed after the settlement of Smith in 
Virginia, the church of Brownist or Independent refugees, whom 
we saw driven in the reign of James to Amsterdam, had resolved 
to quit Holland and find a home in the wilds of the New World. 
They were little disheartened by the tidings of suffering which 
came from the Virginian settlement. " We are well weaned," 
wrote their minister, John Robinson, " from the delicate milk of 
the mother-country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange land ; 


Sec. IV 




the people are industrious and frugal. We are knit together as a 
body in a most sacred covenant of the Lord, of the violation 
whereof we make great conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold 
ourselves strictly tied to all care of each other's good and of the 
whole. It is not with us as with men whom small things can dis- 
courage." Returning from Holland to Southampton, they started 
in two small vessels for the new land : but one of these soon put 

- mm 


From Harper's Magazine. Copyright, 1878, by Harper & Brotherfl. 


back, and only its companion, the Mayflower, a bark of a hundred 
and eighty tons, with forty-one emigrants and their families on 
rfoo board, persisted in prosecuting its voyage. The little company of 
the " Pilgrim Fathers," as after-times loved to call them, landed on 
the barren coast of Massachusetts at a spot to which they gave the 
name of Plymouth, in memory of the last English port at which 
they touched. They had soon to face the long hard winter of the 
north, to bear sickness and famine : even when these years of toil 




and suffering had passed there was a time when " they knew not 
at night where to have a bit in the morning." Resolute and 
industrious as they were, their progress was very slow ; and at the 
end of ten years they numbered only three hundred souls. But 
small as it was, the colony was now firmly established and the 
struggle for mere existence was over. " Let it not be grievous 
unto you," some of their brethren had written from England to the 
poor emigrants in the midst of their sufferings, " that you have 

Sec. IV 



Built by one of the Pilgrim Fathers ; demolished 1826. 

Tudor, "Life of Otis," 1823. 

been instrumental to break the ice for others. The honours shall 
be yours to the world's end." 

From the moment of their establishment the eyes of the English 
Puritans were fixed on the little Puritan settlement in North 
America. Through the early years of Charles projects were 
canvassed for a new settlement beside the little Plymouth ; and 
the aid which the merchants of Boston in Lincolnshire gave to the 
realization of this project was acknowledged in the name of its 
capital. At the moment when he was dissolving his third Parlia- 
ment, Charles granted the charter which established the colony of 
Massachusetts ; and by the Puritans at large the grant was at once 




Sec. IV 




regarded as a Providential call. Out of the failure of their great 
constitutional struggle, and the pressing danger to " godliness " in 
England, rose the dream of a land in the West where religion and 
liberty could find a safe and lasting home. The Parliament was 
hardly dissolved, when " conclusions " for the establishment of a 
great colony on the other side the Atlantic were circulating among 
gentry and traders, and descriptions of the new country of Massa- 
chusetts were talked over in every Puritan household. The 
proposal was welcomed with the quiet, stern enthusiasm which 


Album of Tobias Oelhafen of Nuremberg, 1623 — 1625. 
M.S. Eg. 1269. 


marked the temper of the time ; but the words of a well-known 
emigrant show how hard it was even for the sternest enthusiasts to 
tear themselves from their native land. " I shall call that my 
country,'"' said the younger Winthrop, in answer to feelings of this 
sort, " where I may most glorify God and enjoy the presence of my 
dearest friends." The answer was accepted, and the Puritan 
emigration began on a scale such as England had never before 
seen. The two hundred who first sailed for Salem were soon 
followed by John Winthrop with eight hundred men ; and seven 
hundred more followed ere the first year of the king's personal rule 



I0 53 

had run its course. Nor were the emigrants, like the earlier 
colonists of the South, " broken men," adventurers, bankrupts, 
criminals ; or simply poor men and artisans, like the Pilgrim 
Fathers of the Mayflower. They were in great part men of the 
professional and middle classes ; some of them men of large landed 
estate, some zealous clergymen like Cotton, Hooker, and Roger 
Williams, some shrewd London lawyers, or young scholars from 
Oxford. The bulk were God-fearing farmers from Lincolnshire 

Sec. IV 



Middle Seventeenth Century. 

Ballad in Roxburghe Collection. 

and the Eastern counties. They desired in fact " only the best " 
as sharers in their enterprise ; men driven forth from their father- 
land not by earthly want, or by the greed of gold, or by the lust of 
adventure, but by the fear of God, and the zeal for a godly worship. 
But strong as was their zeal, it was not without a wrench that they 
tore themselves from their English homes. " Farewell, dear 
England ! " was the cry which burst from the first little company of 
emigrants as its shores faded from their sight. ,; Our hearts," 
wrote Winthrop's followers to the brethren whom they had left 




Sec. iv behind, " shall be fountains of tears for yoar everlasting welfare, 

new when we shall be in our poor cottages in the wilderness." 

England * ° 

L . During the next two years, as the sudden terror which had 

and the found so violent an outlet in Eliot's warnings died for the moment 

away, there was a lull in the emigration. But the measures of 

Pic hire by Vandyck. 

Laud soon revived the panic of the Puritans. The shrewdness of 
James had read the very heart of the man when Buckingham 
pressed for his first advancement to the see of St. David's. " He 
hath a restless spirit," said the old King, " which cannot see when 
things are well, but loves to toss and change, and to brin^ matters 


to a pitch of reformation floating in his own brain. Take him Sec. iv 
with you, but by my soul you will repent it." Cold, pedantic, new 

II* N G L> A N D 

superstitious as he was (he notes in his diary the entry of a robin- 
redbreast into his study as a matter of grave moment), William 
Laud rose out of the mass of court-prelates by his industry, his 
personal unselfishness, his remarkable capacity for administration. 
At a later period, when immersed in State-business, he found time 
to acquire so complete a knowledge of commercial affairs that the 
London merchants themselves owned him a master in matters of 
trade. Of statesmanship indeed he had none. But Laud's 
influence was really derived from the unity of his purpose. He 
directed all the power of a clear, narrow mind and a dogged will to 
the realization of a single aim. His resolve was to raise the 
Church of England to what he conceived to be its real position as 
a branch, though a reformed branch, of the great Catholic Church 
throughout the world ; protesting alike against the innovations of 
Rome and the innovations of Calvin, and basing its doctrines and 
usages on those of the Christian communion in the centuries which 
preceded the Council of Nicaea. The first step in the realization 
of such a theory was the severance of whatever ties had hitherto 
united the English Church to the Reformed Churches of the 
Continent. In Laud's view episcopal succession was of the essence 
of a Church, and by their rejection of bishops, the Lutheran and 
Calvinistic Churches of Germany and Switzerland had ceased to 
be Churches at all. The freedom of worship therefore which had 
been allowed to the Huguenot refugees from France, or the 
Walloons from Flanders, was suddenly withdrawn ; and the 
requirement of conformity with the Anglican ritual drove them in 
crowds from the southern ports to seek toleration in Holland. 
The same conformity was required from the English soldiers and 
merchants abroad, who had hitherto attended without scruple the 
services of the Calvinistic churches. The English ambassador in 
Paris was forbidden to visit the Huguenot conventicle at Charenton. 
As Laud drew further from the Protestants of the Continent, he 
drew, consciously or unconsciously, nearer to Rome. LI is theory 
owned Rome as a true branch of the Church, though severed from 
that of England by errors and innovations against which Laud 
vigorously protested. But with the removal of these obstacles 

„£-t ^vvt un tomr IN CHIGWELL CHURCH, 


The latest representation of an English prelate in the old episcopal vestments. 

Catalogue of Harsnett Library. 




Sec. IV 


reunion would naturally follow, and his dream was that of bridging 
over the gulf which ever since the Reformation had parted the two 
Churches. The secret offer of a cardinal's hat proved Rome's 
sense that Laud was doing his work for her ; while his rejection 
of it, and his own reiterated protestations, prove equally that he 
was doing it unconsciously. Union with the great body of 
Catholicism, indeed, he 
regarded as a work which 
only time could bring 
about, but for which he 
could prepare the Church 
of England by raising it 
to a higher standard 
of Catholic feeling and 
Catholic practice. The 
great obstacle in his way 
was the Puritanism of 
nine-tenths of the English 
people, and on Puritan- 
ism he made war without 
mercy. No sooner had 
his elevation to the see of 
Canterbury placed him at 
the head of the English 
Church, than he turned 
the High Commission into 
a standing attack on the 
Puritan ministers. Rectors 
and vicars were scolded, 
suspended, deprived for 
"Gospel preaching." The 
use of the surplice, and 

the ceremonies most offensive to Puritan feeling, were enforced in Laud as 
every parish. The lectures founded in towns, which were the bishop 
favourite posts of Puritan preachers, were rigorously suppressed. 1633 
They found a refuge among the country gentlemen, and the Arch- 
bishop withdrew from the country gentlemen the privilege of keeping 
chaplains, which they had till then enjoyed. As parishes became 


Schoolmaster and Lecturer at a Puritan Church in 

Frontispiece to his " Pedantius," 1631. 

io 5 8 



Sec. IV 


vacant the High Church bishops had long been filling them with 
men who denounced Calvinism, and declared passive obedience to 
the sovereign to be part of the law of God. The Puritans soon 
felt the stress of this process, and endeavoured to meet it by buying 
up the appropriations of livings, and securing through feoffees a 
succession of Protestant ministers in the parishes of which they 
were patrons ; but Laud cited the feoffees before the Court of 
Exchequer, and roughly put an end to them. Nor was the 


Early Seventeenth Century. 

Roxburghc Ballad. 

persecution confined to the clergy. Under the two last reigns the 
small pocket-Bibles called the Geneva Bibles had become uni- 
versally popular amongst English laymen ; but their marginal notes 
were found to savour of Calvinism, and their importation was 
prohibited. The habit of receiving the communion in a sitting 
posture had become common, but kneeling was now enforced, and 
hundreds were excommunicated for refusing to comply with the 
injunction. A more galling means of annoyance was found in the 
different views of the two religious parties on the subject of 




Sunday. The Puritans identified the Lord's day with the Jewish Sec. iv 
Sabbath, and transferred to the one the strict observances which „ n "e w 

' England 

were required for the other. The Laudian clergy, on the other Sunda 
hand, regarded it simply as one among the holidays of the Church, pastimes 
and encouraged their flocks in the pastimes and recreations after 
service which had been common before the Reformation The 
Crown under James had taken part with the High Churchmen, and 
had issued a " Book of Sports " which recommended certain games 



Tract, 1641. 

as lawful and desirable on the Lord's day. The Parliament, as 
might be expected, was stoutly on the other side, and had forbid- 
den Sunday pastimes by statute. The general religious sense of 
the country was undoubtedly tending to a stricter observance of the 
day, when Laud brought the contest to a sudden issue. He sum- 
moned the Chief-Justice, Richardson, who had enforced the statute 
in the western shires, to the Council-table, and rated him so 
violently that the old man came out complaining he had been all 
but choked by a pair of lawn sleeves. He then ordered every 




Sec. IV 



and the 


minister to read the declaration in favour of Sunday pastimes from 
the pulpit. One Puritan minister had the wit to obey, and to close 
the reading with the significant hint, " You have heard read, good 
people, both the commandment of God and the commandment of 
man. Obey which you please." But the bulk refused to comply 
with the Archbishop's will. The result followed at which Laud 
no doubt had aimed. Puritan ministers were cited before the 
High Commission, and silenced or deprived. In the diocese of 
Norwich alone thirty parochial ministers were expelled from their 

The suppression of Puritanism in the ranks of the clergy was 
only a preliminary to the real work on which the Archbishop's 
mind was set, the preparation for Catholic reunion by the elevation 
of the clergy to a Catholic standard in doctrine and ritual. Laud 
publicly avowed his preference of an unmarried to a married 
priesthood. Some of the bishops, and a large part of the new 
clergy who occupied the posts from which the Puritan ministers 
had been driven, advocated doctrines and customs which the 
Reformers had denounced as sheer Papistry ; the practice, for 
instance, of auricular confession, a Real Presence in the Sacrament, 
or prayers for the dead. One prelate, Montague, was earnest for 
reconciliation with Rome. Another, Goodman, died acknowledging 
himself a Papist. Meanwhile Laud was indefatigable in his efforts 
to raise the civil and political status of the clergy to the point 
which it had reached ere the fatal blow of the Reformation fell on 
the priesthood. Among the archives of his see lies a large and 
costly volume in vellum, containing a copy of such records in the 
Tower as concerned the privileges of the clergy. Its compilation 
was entered in the Archbishop's diary as one among the " twenty- 
one things which I have projected to do if God bless me in them," 
and as among the fifteen to which before his fall he had been 
enabled to add his emphatic " done." The power of the Bishops' 
Courts, which had long fallen into decay, revived under his patron- 
age. In 1636 he was able to induce the King to raise a prelate, 
Juxon, Bishop of London, to the highest civil post in the realm, 
that of Lord High Treasurer. " No Churchman had it since 
Henry the Seventh's time," Laud comments proudly. " I pray 
God bless him to carry it so that the Church may have honour, 




and the State service and content by it. And now, if the Church s«civ 
will not hold up themselves, under God I can do no more.'' As he Ei £^ XD 
aimed at a more Catholic standard of doctrine in the clergy, so he La ^~ and 
aimed at a nearer approach to the pomp of Catholicism in public Ritual 


From an Engraving by H. D. Thielcke. 

worship. His conduct in his own house at Lambeth brings out 
with singular vividness the reckless courage with which he threw 
himself across the religious instincts of a time when the spiritual 
aspect of worship was overpowering in most men's minds its aesthe- 
tic and devotional sides. Men noted as a fatal omen the accident 
Vol. Ill— 9 



Sec. IV 


which marked his first entry into Lambeth ; for the overladen 
ferry-boat upset in the passage of the river, and though the horses 
and servants were saved, the Archbishop's coach remained at the 
bottom of the Thames. But no omen, carefully as he might note 
it, brought a moment's hesitation to the bold, narrow mind of the 
new Primate. His first act, he boasted, was the setting about a 
restoration of his chapel ; and, as Laud managed it, his restoration 
was the simple undoing of all that had been done there by his 
predecessors since the Reformation. The chapel of Lambeth 
House was one of the most conspicuous among the ecclesiastical 
buildings of the time ; it had seen the daily worship of every 
Primate since Cranmer, and was a place " whither many of the 
nobility, judges, clergy, and persons of all sorts, as well strangers 

Title-page of Tract "Coach and Sedan," 1636. 

as natives, resorted." But all pomp of worship had gradually 
passed away from it. Under Cranmer the stained glass was 
dashed from its windows. In Elizabeth's time the communion 
table was moved into the middle of the chapel, and the credence 
table destroyed. Under James Archbishop Abbot put the finish- 
ing stroke on all attempts at a high ceremonial. The cope was no 
longer used as a special vestment in the communion. The 
Primate and his chaplains forbore to bow at the name of Christ. 
The organ and choir were alike abolished, and the service reduced 
to a simplicity which would have satisfied Calvin. To Laud the 
state of the chapel seemed intolerable. With characteristic energy 
he aided with his own hands in the replacement of the painted 
glass in its windows, and racked his wits in piecing the fragments 

Ceiling put up by Laud ; stalls and screen by Juxon. 




Sec. IV 



together. The glazier was scandalized by the Primate's express 
command to repair and set up again the " broken crucifix " in the 
east window. The holy table was removed from the centre, and 
set altar-wise against the eastern wall, with a cloth of arras behind 
it, on which was embroidered the history of the Last Supper. The 
elaborate woodwork of the screen, the rich copes of the chaplain, 
the silver candlesticks, the credence table, the organ and the choir, 
the stately ritual, the bowings at the sacred name, the genuflexions 
to the altar, made the chapel at last such a model of worship as 
Laud desired. If he could not exact an equal pomp of devotion in 
other quarters, he exacted as much as he could. Bowing to the 
altar was introduced into all cathedral churches. A royal injunc- 
tion ordered the removal of the communion table, which for the 
last half-century or more had in almost every parish church stood 
in the middle of the nave, back to its pre-Reformation position in 
the chancel, and secured it from profanation by a rail. The re- 
moval implied, and was understood to imply, a recognition of the 
Real Presence, and a denial of the doctrine which Englishmen 
generally held about the Lord's Supper. But, strenuous as was 
the resistance Laud encountered, his pertinacity and severity 
warred it down. Parsons who denounced the change from their 
pulpits were fined, imprisoned, and deprived of their benefices. 
Churchwardens who refused or delayed to obey the injunction 
were rated at the Commission-table, and frightened into compli- 

In their last Remonstrance to the King the Commons had 
denounced Laud as the chief assailant of the Protestant character 
of the Church of England ; and every year of his Primacy showed 
him bent upon justifying the accusation. His policy was no 
longer the purely conservative policy of Parker or Whitgift ; it 
was aggressive and revolutionary. His " new counsels " threw 
whatever force there was in the feeling of conservatism into the 
hands of the Puritan, for it was the Puritan who now seemed to be 
defending the old character of the Church of England against its 
Primate's attacks. But backed as Laud was by the power of the 
Crown, the struggle became more hopeless every day. While the 
Catholics owned that they had never enjoyed a like tranquillity, 
while the fines for recusancy were reduced, and their worship 


suffered to go on in private houses, the Puritan saw his ministers s«c iv 
silenced or deprived, his Sabbath profaned, the most sacred act of _ New 

1 1 England 

his worship brought near, as he fancied, to the Roman mass. 
Roman doctrine met him from the pulpit, Roman practices met 
him in the Church. We can hardly wonder that with such a 
world around them " godly people in England began to apprehend 
a special hand of Providence in raising this plantation " in 
Massachusetts ; " and their hearts were generally stirred to come 
over." It was in vain that weaker men returned to bring news of 
hardships and dangers, and told how two hundred of the new 
comers had perished with their first winter. A letter from 
Winthrop told how the rest toiled manfully on. " We now enjoy 
God and Jesus Christ," he wrote to those at home, " and is not that 
enough ? I thank God I like so well to be here as I do not 
repent my coming. I would not have altered my course though I 
had foreseen all these afflictions. I never had more content of 
mind." With the strength and manliness of Puritanism, its 
bigotry and narrowness had crossed the Atlantic too. Roger 
Williams, a young minister who held the doctrine of freedom of 
conscience, was driven from the new settlement, to become a 
preacher among the settlers of Rhode Island. The bitter 
resentment stirred in the emigrants by persecution at home was 
seen in their rejection of Episcopacy and their prohibition of the 
use of the Book of Common Prayer. The intensity of its religious 
sentiments turned the colony into a theocracy. " To the end that 
the body of the Commons may be preserved of honest and good 
men, it was ordered and agreed that for the time to come no man 
shall be admitted to the freedom of the body politic but such as 
are members of some of the churches within the bounds of the 
same." As the contest grew hotter at home the number of Puritan 
emigrants rose fast. Three thousand new colonists arrived from 
England in a single year. The growing stream of emigrants 
marks the terrible pressure of the time. Between the sailing of 
W T inthrop's expedition and the assembly of the Long Parliament, 
in the space, that is, of ten or eleven years, two hundred emigrant 
ships had crossed the Atlantic, and twenty thousand Englishmen 
had found a refuge in the West. 

M««fe ...;, ,.,„ ^iAAvzmm 

Illumination on a Patent in Public Record Otfice. 

chap, viii PURITAN ENGLAND 1067 

Sec. V 





Section V. — The Personal Government, 1629 — 1640 

\_Authorities. — For the general events of the time, see previous sections. 
The " Strafford Letters/' and the Calendars of Domestic State Papers for this 
period give its real history. " Baillie's Letters " tell the story of the Scotch 
rising. Generally, Scotch affairs may be studied in Mr. Burton's " History of 
Scotland." Portraits of Weston, and most of the statesmen of this period, may 
be found in the earlier part of Clarendon's " History of the Rebellion." ] 

At the opening of his third Parliament Charles had hinted in The Sus- 
ominous words that the continuance of Parliament at all depended f p ar lia- 
on its compliance with his will. " If you do not your duty," said ment 
the King, " mine would then order me to use those other means 
which God has put into my hand." The threat, however, failed to 
break the resistance of the Commons, and the ominous words 
passed into a settled policy. " We have showed," said a proclama- 
tion which followed on the dissolution of the Houses, " by our 
frequent meeting our people, our love to the use of Parliament ; Mar. 1629 
yet, the late abuse having for the present driven us unwillingly 
out of that course, we shall account it presumption for any to 
prescribe any time unto us for Parliament." 

No Parliament in fact met for eleven years. But it would be The 
unfair to charge the King at the outset of this period with any *?%%££ 
definite scheme of establishing; a tyranny, or of chansnna- what he 
conceived to be the older constitution of the realm. He " hated 
the very name of Parliaments," but in spite of his hate he had as 
yet no settled purpose of abolishing them. His belief was that 
England would in time recover its senses, and that then Parliament 
might re-assemble without inconvenience to the Crown. In the 
interval, however long it might be, he proposed to govern single- 
handed by the use of " those means which God had put into his 
hands." Resistance, indeed, he was resolved to put down. The 




Sec. V 




leaders of the popular party in the last Parliament were thrown 
into prison ; and Eliot died, the first martyr of English liberty, in 
the Tower. Men were forbidden to speak of the reassembling of a 
Parliament. But here the King stopped. The opportunity which 
might have suggested dreams of organized despotism to a 
Richelieu, suggested only means of filling his Exchequer to 
Charles. He had in truth neither the grander nor the meaner 

In [olehem UaktQckndk 800 In Stettin aii^onimcnlrrlancfer 

orfer Irren. -=-— 

Contemporary German Broadside in British Museum. 


instincts of a born tyrant. He did not seek to gain an absolute 
power over his people, because he believed that his absolute power 
was already a part of the constitution of the country. He set up 
no standing army to secure it, partly because he was poor, but yet 
more because his faith in his position was such that he never 
dreamed of any effectual resistance. His expedients for freeing 
the Crown from that dependence on Parliaments against which his 
pride as a sovereign revolted were simply peace and economy. To 




secure the first he sacrificed an opportunity greater than ever his 
father had trodden under foot. The fortunes of the great struggle 

Sec. V 




From an engraving by Delff after a picture by Miereveldt. 

in Germany were suddenly reversed at this juncture by the 
appearance of Gustavus Adolphus, with a Swedish army, in the 
heart of Germany. Tilly was defeated and slain ; the Catholic 


Sec. v League humbled in the dust ; Munich, the capital of its Bavarian 
the leader, occupied by the Swedish army, and the Lutheran princes 


Govern- f North Germany freed from the pressure of the Imperial 

WENT J - 1 x 

1629 soldiery ; while the Emperor himself, trembling within the walls of 

TO ; 

1640 Vienna, was driven to call for aid from Wallenstein, an adventurer 
whose ambition he dreaded, but whose army could alone arrest the 
progress of the Protestant conqueror. The ruin that James had 
wrought was suddenly averted ; but the victories of Protestantism 
had no more power to draw Charles out of the petty circle of his 
politics at home than its defeats had had power to draw James out 
of the circle of his imbecile diplomacy. When Gustavus, on the 
point of invading Germany, appealed for aid to England and 
France, Charles, left penniless by the dissolution of Parliament, 
resolved on a policy of peace, withdrew his ships from the Baltic, 

1630 and opened negotiations with Spain, which brought about a treaty 
on the virtual basis of an abandonment of the Palatinate. Ill luck 
clung to him in peace as in war. The treaty was hardly concluded 
when Gustavus began his wonderful career of victory. Charles 
strove at once to profit by his success, and a few Scotch and 
English regiments followed Gustavus in his reconquest of the 
Palatinate. But the conqueror demanded, as the price of its 
restoration to Frederick, that Charles should again declare war 
upon Spain ; and this was a price that the King would not pay, 
determined as he was not to plunge into a combat which would 
again force him to summon Parliament. His whole attention was 
absorbed by the pressing question of revenue. The debt was a 
large one ; and the ordinary income of the Crown, unaided by 
parliamentary supplies, was inadequate to meet its ordinary 
expenditure. Charles himself was frugal and laborious ; and the 
economy of Weston, the new Lord Treasurer, whom he made Earl 
of Portland, contrasted advantageously with the waste and 
extravagance of the government under Buckingham. But 
economy failed to close the yawning gulf of the treasury, and the 
course into which Charles was driven by the financial pressure 
showed with how wise a prescience the Commons had fixed on the 
point of arbitrary taxation as the chief danger to constitutional 

It is curious to see to what shifts the royal pride was driven in 


, V 

its effort at once to fill the Exchequer, and yet to avoid, as far as sec v 
it could, any direct breach of constitutional law in the imposition the 


of taxes by the sole authority of the Crown. The dormant powers Ganmm- 
of the prerogative were strained to their utmost. The right of the 1629 


Crown to force knighthood on the landed gentry was revived, in 1640 
order to squeeze them into composition for the refusal of it. Fines The 
were levied on them for the redress of defects in their title-deeds. Rufe** 
A Commission of the Forests exacted large sums from the neigh- 
bouring landowners for their encroachments on Crown lands. 
London, the special object of courtly dislike, on account of its 
stubborn Puritanism, was brought within the sweep of royal 
extortion by the enforcement of an illegal proclamation which 
James had issued, prohibiting its extension. Every house through- 
out the large suburban districts in which the prohibition had been 
disregarded was only saved from demolition by the payment of 
three years' rental to the Crown. Though the Catholics were no 
longer troubled by any active persecution, and the Lord Treasurer 
was in heart a Papist, the penury of the Exchequer forced the 
Crown to maintain the old system of fines for " recusancy." 
Vexatious measures of extortion such as these were far less 
hurtful to the State than the conversion of justice into a means of The Star 
supplying the royal necessities by means of the Star Chamber. Chamber 
The jurisdiction of the King's Council had been revived by Wolsey 
as a check on the nobles ; and it had received great developement, 
especially on the side of criminal law, during the Tudor reigns. 
Forgery, perjury, riot, maintenance, fraud, libel, and conspiracy, 
were the chief offences cognizable in this court, but its scope 
extended to every misdemeanour, and especially to charges where, 
from the imperfection of the common law, or the power of 
offenders, justice was baffled in the lower courts. Its process 
resembled that of Chancery : in State trials it acted on an informa- 
tion laid before it by the King's Attorney. Both witnesses and 
accused were examined on oath by special interrogatories, and the 
Court was at liberty to adjudge any punishment short of death. 
However distinguished the Star Chamber was in ordinary cases for 
the learning and fairness of its judgements, in political trials it was 
impossible to hope for exact and impartial justice from a tribunal 
almost entirely composed of privy councillors. The possession of 




Sec. V 





Fines and 

such a weapon would have been fatal to liberty under a great 
tyrant ; under Charles it was turned freely to the profit of the 
Exchequer and the support of arbitrary rule. Enormous penalties 
were exacted for opposition to the royal will, and though the fines 
imposed were often remitted, they served as terrible engines of 
oppression. Fines such as these however affected a smaller range 
of sufferers than the financial expedient to which Weston had 
recourse in the renewal of monopolies. Monopolies, abandoned by 
Elizabeth, and extinguished by Act of Parliament under James, 


Broadside. 1641. 

were again set on foot, and on a scale far more gigantic than had 
been seen before ; the companies who undertook them paying a 
fixed duty on their profits as well as a large sum for the original 
concession of the monopoly. Wine, soap, salt, and almost every 
article of domestic consumption fell into the hands of monopolists, 
and rose in price out of all proportion to the profit gained by the 
Crown. ' ; They sup in our cup," Colepepper said afterwards in the 
Long Parliament, " they dip in our dish, they sit by our fire ; we 
find them in the dye-fat, the wash bowls, and the powdering tub. 



/ j 

They share with the cutler in his box. They have marked and 
sealed us from head to foot." But in spite of these expedients the 
Treasury would have remained unfilled had not the King persisted 
in those financial measures which had called forth the protest of 
the Parliament. The exaction of customs duties went on as of old 
at the ports. The resistance of the London merchants to their 
payment was roughly put down ; and one of them, Chambers, who 

Sec. V 






Early Seventeenth Century. 

Engraving' by C. J. Visscher. 

complained bitterly that merchants were worse off in England than 
in Turkey, was brought before the Star Chamber and ruined by a 
fine of two thousand pounds. It was by measures such as these 
that Charles gained the bitter enmity of the great city whose 
strength and resources were fatal to him in the coming war. The 
freeholders of the counties were equally difficult to deal with. On 
one occasion, when those of Cornwall were called together at Bod- 




Sec. V 




min to contribute to a voluntary loan, half the hundreds refused, 
and the yield of the rest came to little more than two thousand 
pounds. One of the Cornishmen has left an amusing record of the 
scene which took place before the Commissioners appointed for 
assessment of the loan. " Some with great words and threatenings, 
some with persuasions," he says, " were drawn to it. I was like to 
have been complimented out of my money ; but knowing with 
whom I had to deal, I held, when I talked with them, my hands 
fast in my pockets." 

By such means as these the debt was reduced, and the annual General 

revenue of the Crown increased. Xor was there much sign of perity 

active discontent. Vexatious 
indeed and illegal as were 
the proceedings of the Crown, 
there seems in these earlier 
years of personal rule to have 
been little apprehension of 
any permanent danger to 
freedom in the country at 
large. To those who read 
the letters of the time there 
is something inexpressibly 
touching in the general faith 
of their writers in the ulti- 
mate victory of the Law. 
Charles was obstinate, but 
obstinacy was too common 
a foible amongst Englishmen 
to rouse any vehement re- 
sentment. The people were 
as stubborn as their King, 
and their political sense told 
them that the slightest dis- 
turbance of affairs must shake 
down the financial fabric 

which Charles was slowly building up, and force him back on 
subsidies and a Parliament. Meanwhile they would wait for 
better days, and their patience was aided by the general prosperity 

Hollar, " Ornatus Mitliebris Anglicamts." 




of the country. The great Continental wars threw wealth into 
English hands. The intercourse between Spain and Flanders 
was carried on solely in English ships, and the English flag 
covered the intercourse between Portuguese ports and the colonies 
in Africa, India, and the Pacific. The long peace was producing 
its inevitable results in an extension of commerce and a rise 
of manufactures in the towns 
of the West Riding of York- 
shire. Fresh land was being 
brought into cultivation, and a 
great scheme was set on foot 
for reclaiming the Fens. The 
new wealth of the country 
gentry, through the increase 
of rent, was seen in the splen- 
dour of the houses which the}* 
were raising. The contrast of 
this peace and prosperity with 
the ruin and bloodshed of the 
Continent afforded a ready ar- 
gument to the friends of the 
King's system. So tranquil 
-was the outer appearance of 
the country that in Court 
circles all sense of danger had 
disappeared. " Some of the 
greatest statesmen and privy 
councillors," says May, "would 
ordinarily laugh when the 
word, ' liberty of the subject,' 

was named." There were courtiers bold enough to express their 
hope that " the King would never need any more Parjiaments." But 
beneath this outer calm " the country," Clarendon honestly tells us 
while eulogizing the peace, "' was full of pride and mutiny and 
discontent." Thousands were quitting England for America. The 
gentry held aloof from the Court. " The common people in the 
generality and the country freeholders would rationally argue of 

their own rights and the oppressions which were laid upon them." 
Vol. Ill — 10 

Ji*U<jicit J tit 

Hollar, " Ornatus Muliebris Anglicanns" 1643. 

Sec. V 








Sec. V 





If Charles was content to deceive himself, there was one man 
among his ministers who saw that the people were right in their 
policy of patience, and that unless other measures were taken the 
fabric of despotism would fall at the first breath of adverse fortune. 
Sir Thomas Wentworth, a great Yorkshire landowner and one 
of the representatives of his county, had stood during the Parlia- 
ment of 1628 among the more prominent members of the popular 

party in the Commons. But 
from the first moment of his 
appearance in public his pas- 
sionate desire had been to 
find employment in the ser- 
vice of the Crown. At the 
close of the preceding reign 
he was already connected 
with the Court, he had se- 
cured a seat in Yorkshire for 
one of the royal ministers, 
and was believed to be on 
the high road to a peerage. 
But the consciousness of 
political ability which spurred 
his ambition roused the 
jealousy of Buckingham ; and 
the haughty pride of Went- 
worth was flung by repeated 
slights into an attitude of 
opposition, which his elo- 
quence — grander in its sud- 
den outbursts, though less earnest and sustained, than that 
of Eliot — soon rendered formidable. His intrigues at Court 
roused Buckingham to crush by a signal insult the rival whose 
genius he instinctively dreaded. While sitting in his court as 
sheriff of Yorkshire, Wentworth received the announcement of his 
dismissal from office, and of the gift of his post to Sir John Savile, 
his rival in the county. " Since they will thus weakly breathe on 
me a seeming disgrace in the public face of my country," he said 
with a characteristic outburst of contemptuous pride, " I shall crave 

Hollar, '■''Aula Veneris" 1644. 




leave to wipe it away as openly, as easily ! " His whole conception 
of a strong and able rule revolted against the miserable govern- 
ment of the favourite. Wentworth's aim was to force on the King, 
not such a freedom as Eliot longed for, but such a system as the 
Tudors had clung to, where a large and noble policy placed the 
sovereign naturally at the head of the people, and where Parlia- 
ments sank into mere aids to the Crown. But before this could be, 
Buckingham must be cleared away. It was with this end that 
YYentworth sprang to the front of the Commons in urging the 
Petition of Right. Whether in that crisis of Wentworth's life some 
nobler impulse, some true passion for the freedom he was to 
trample under foot mingled with his thirst for revenge, it is hard to 
tell. But his words were words of fire. " If he did not faithfully 
insist for the common liberty of the subject to be preserved whole 
and entire," it was thus he closed one of his speeches on the 
Petition, " it was his desire that he might be set as a beacon on 
a hill for all men else to wonder at." 

It is as such a beacon that his name has stood from that time 
to this. The death of Buckingham had no sooner removed the 
obstacle that stood between his ambition and the end at which it 
had aimed throughout, than the cloak of patriotism was flung by. 
Wentworth was admitted to the royal Council, and he took his 
seat at the board determined, to use his own phrase, to " vindicate 
the Monarchy for ever from the conditions and restraints of 
subjects." So great was the faith in his zeal and power which he 
knew how to breathe into his royal master that he was at once 
raised to the peerage, and placed with Laud in the first rank of 
the King's councillors. Charles had good ground for this rapid 
confidence in his new minister. In Wentworth, or as he is known 
from the title he assumed at the close of his life, in the Earl of 
Strafford, the very genius of tyranny was embodied. If he shared 
his master's belief that the arbitrary power which Charles was 
wielding formed part of the old constitution of the country, and 
that the Commons had gone out of their " ancient bounds " in 
limiting the royal prerogative, he was clear-sighted enough to see 
that the only way of permanently establishing absolute rule in 
England was not by reasoning, or by the force of custom, but by 
the force of fear. His system was the expression of his own inner 

Sec. V 




worth as 




Sec. V 




temper ; and the dark gloomy countenance, the full heavy eye, 
which meet us in Strafford's portrait are the best commentary on 
his policy of " Thorough." It was by the sheer strength of his 
genius, by the terror his violence inspired amid the meaner men 
whom Buckingham had left, by the general sense of his power, 


Engraved by O. Lacour, after the picture by Vandyke in the possession of 
Sir Philip Grey-Egerton, Bart., of O niton Park, Cheshire. 

that he had forced himself upon the Court. He had none of the 
small arts of a courtier. His air was that of a silent, proud, 
passionate man ; when he first appeared at Whitehall his rough un- 
courtly manners provoked a smile in the royal circle. But the 
smile soon died into a general hate. The Queen, frivolous and 




meddlesome as she was, detested him ; his fellow-ministers intrigued 
against him, and seized on his hot speeches against the great lords, 
his quarrels with the royal household, his transports of passion at 
the very Council-table, to ruin him in his master's favour. The 
King himself, while steadily supporting him against his rivals, was 
utterly unable to understand his drift. Charles valued him as an 
administrator, disdainful of private ends, crushing great and small 
with the same haughty indifference to men's love or hate, and 
devoted to the one aim of building up the power of the Crown. 
But in his purpose of preparing for the great struggle with freedom 
which he saw before him, of building up by force such a despotism 
in England as Richelieu was building up in France, and of thus 
making England as great in Europe as France had been made by 
Richelieu, he could look for little sympathy and less help from the 

Wentworth's genius turned impatiently to a sphere where it 
could act alone, untrammelled by the hindrances it encountered at 
home. His purpose was to prepare for the coming contest by the 
provision of a fixed revenue, arsenals, fortresses, and a standing 
army, and it was in Ireland that he resolved to find them. He saw 
in the miserable country which had hitherto been a drain upon the 
resources of the Crown the lever he needed for the overthrow of 
English freedom. The balance of Catholic against Protestant in 
Ireland might be used to make both parties dependent on the 
royal authority ; the rights of conquest, which in Wentworth's 
theory vested the whole land in the absolute possession of the 
Crown, gave him a large field for his administrative ability ; and 
for the rest he trusted, and trusted justly, to the force of his genius 
and of his will. In 1633 he was made Lord Deputy, and five years 
later his aim seemed all but realized. " The King," he wrote to 
Laud, " is as absolute here as any prince in the world can be." 
Wentworth's government indeed was a rule of terror. Archbishop 
Usher, with almost every name which we can respect in the island, 
was the object of his insult and oppression. His tyranny strode 
over all legal bounds. A few insolent words, construed as mutiny, 
were enough to bring Lord Mountnorris before a council of war, 
and to inflict on him a sentence of death. But his tyranny aimed 
at public ends, and in Ireland the heavy hand of a single despot 

Sec. V 





worth in 





delivered the mass of the people at any rate from the local 
despotism of a hundred masters. The Irish landowners were for 
the first time made to feel themselves amenable to the law. Justice 

Sec. V 




From an engraving by George Verttte of a picture by Sir Peter Lely. 

was enforced, outrage was repressed, the condition of the clergy 
was to some extent raised, the sea was cleared of the pirates who 
infested it. The foundation of the linen manufacture which was 




Sec. V 

to bring wealth to Ulster, and the first developement of Irish 
commerce, date from the Lieutenancy of Wentworth. But good 



government was only a means with him for further ends. The 




noblest work to be done in Ireland was the bringing about a re- 
conciliation between Catholic and Protestant, and an obliteration 
of the anger and thirst for vengeance which had been raised by the 
Ulster Plantation. Wentworth, on the other hand, angered the 
Protestants by a toleration of Catholic worship and a suspension of 
the persecution which had feebly begun against the priesthood, 
while he fed the irritation of the Catholics by schemes for a 
Plantation of Connaught. His purpose was to encourage a dis- 
union which left both parties dependent for support and protection 
on the Crown. It was a policy which was to end in bringing about 
the horrors of the Irish revolt, the vengeance of Cromwell, and the 
long series of atrocities on both sides which make the story of the 
country he ruined so terrible to tell. But for the hour it left 
Ireland helpless in his hands. He doubled the revenue. He re- 
organized the army. To provide for its support he ventured, in 
1634 spite of the panic with which Charles heard his project, to summon 
an Irish Parliament. His aim was to read a lesson to England 
and the King, by showing how completely that dreaded thing, a 
Parliament, could be made the organ of the royal will ; and his 
success was complete. Two-thirds, indeed, of an Irish House of 
Commons consisted of the representatives of wretched villages, the 
pocket-boroughs of the Crown ; while absent peers were forced to 
entrust their proxies to the Council to be used at its pleasure. But 
precautions were hardly needed. The two Houses trembled at the 
stern master who bade their members not let the King " find them 
muttering, or, to speak it more truly, mutinying in corners," and 
voted with a perfect docility the means of maintaining an army of 
five thousand foot and five hundred horse. Had the subsidy been 
refused, the result would have been the same. " I would under- 
take," wrote Wentworth, " upon the peril of my head, to make the 
King's army able to subsist and provide for itself among them with- 
out their help." 
Charles While Wentworth was thus working out his system of 

Scotland " Thorough " on one side of St. George's Channel, it was being 
carried out on the other by a mind inferior, indeed, to his own 




in genius, but almost equal to it in courage and tenacity. On 
Weston's death in 1635, Laud became virtually first minister at 
the English Council-board. We have already seen with what a 
reckless and unscrupulous activity he was crushing Puritanism in 
the English Church, and driving Puritan ministers from English 
pulpits ; and in this work his new position enabled him to back 
the authority of the High Commission by the terrors of the Star 
Chamber. It was a work, indeed, which to Laud's mind was at 
once civil and religious : he had allied the cause of ecclesiastical 
organization with that of absolutism in the State ; and, while 
borrowing the power of the Crown to crush ecclesiastical liberty, 
he brought the influence of the Church to bear on the ruin of civil 
freedom. But his power stopped 
at the Scotch frontier. Across 
the Border stood a Church with 
bishops indeed, but without a 
ritual, modelled on the doctrine 
and system of Geneva, Calvinist 
in teaching and to a great ex- 
tent in government. The mere 
existence of such a Church gave 
countenance to English Puritan- 
ism, and threatened in any hour 
of ecclesiastical weakness to bring 
a dangerous influence to bear on 
the Church of England. With 

Scotland indeed, Laud could only deal indirectly through Charles, 
for the King was jealous of any interference of his English 
ministers or Parliament with his Northern Kingdom. But Charles 
was himself earnest to deal with it. He had imbibed his father's 
hatred of all that tended to Presbyterianism, and from the outset 
of his reign he had been making advance after advance towards 
the more complete establishment of Episcopacy. To understand, 
however, what had been done, and the relations which had by this 
time grown up between Scotland and its King, we must take up 
again the thread of its history which we broke at the moment when 
Mary fled for refuge over the English border. 

After a few years of wise and able rule, the triumph of 



Antiquarian Museum, Edinbtirgh. 

Sec. V 





Walker &■ lioutall sc. 




Sec. V 




Protestantism under the Earl of Murray had been interrupted by 
his assassination, by the revival of the Queen's faction, and by the 
renewal of civil war. The next regent, the child-king's grand- 
father, was slain in a fray ; but under the strong hand of Morton 
the land won a short breathing-space. Edinburgh, the last fortress 

held in Mary's name, surrendered to an English force sent bv Scotland 

. / and the 
Elizabeth ; and its captain, Kirkcaldy of Grange, was hanged for Stuarts 

treason in the market-place ; while the stern justice of Morton *572 
forced peace upon the war- 
ring lords. The people of 
the Lowlands, indeed, were 
now stanch for the new 
faith ; and the Protestant 
Church rose rapidly after 
the death of Knox into a 
power which appealed at 
every critical juncture to 
the deeper feelings of the 
nation at large. In the 
battle with Catholicism the 
bishops had clung to the old 
religion ; and the new faith, 
left without episcopal inter- 
ference, and influenced by 
the Genevan training of 
Knox, borrowed from Cal- 
vin its model of Church 
government, as it borrowed 
its theology. The system of 
Presbyterianism, as it grew 

up at the outset without direct recognition from the law, not only 
bound Scotland together as it had never been bound before bv 
its administrative organization, its church synods and general 
assemblies, but by the power it gave the lay elders in each 
congregation, and by the summons of laymen in an overpowering 
majority to the earlier Assemblies, it called the people at large to 
a voice, and as it proved, a decisive voice, in the administration of 
affairs. If its government by ministers gave it the outer look of 


Temp. Charles I. 

IV. Hollar, t: Ornatus Miiliebris Anglicanus" 1649. 




Sec. V 







an ecclesiastical despotism, no Church constitution has proved in 
practice so democratic as that of Scotland. Its influence in raising 
the nation at large to a consciousness of its own power is shown by 
the change which passes, from the moment of its final establish- 
ment, over the face of Scotch history. The sphere of action to 
which it called the people was in fact not a mere ecclesiastical but 
a national sphere ; and the power of the Church was felt more and 
more over nobles and King. When after five years the union of 
his rivals put an end to Morton's regency, the possession of the 
young sovereign, James the Sixth, and the exercise of the royal 
authority in his name, became the constant aim of the factions who 
were tearing Scotland to pieces. As James grew to manhood, 
however, he was strong enough to break the yoke of the lords, and 
to become master of the great houses that had so long overawed 
the Crown. But he was farther than ever from being absolute 
master of his realm. Amidst the turmoil of the Reformation a 
new force had come to the front. This was the Scotch people 
which had risen into being under the guise of the Scotch Kirk. 
Melville, the greatest of the successors of Knox, claimed for the 
ecclesiastical body an independence of the State which James 
hardly dared to resent, while he struggled helplessly beneath the 
sway which public opinion, expressed through the General 
Assembly of the Church, exercised over the civil government. In 
the great crisis of the Armada his hands were fettered by the 
league with England which it forced upon him. The democratic 
boldness of Calvinism allied itself with the spiritual pride of the 
Presbyterian ministers in their dealings with the Crown. Melville 
in open council took James by the sleeve, and called him " God's 
silly vassal." " There are two Kings," he told him, " and two 
kingdoms in Scotland. There is Christ Jesus the King, and His 
Kingdom the Kirk, whose subject James the Sixth is, and of whose 
kingdom not a king, nor a lord, nor a head, but a member." The 
words and tone of the great preacher were bitterly remembered 
when James mounted the English throne. " A Scottish Presby- 
tery," he exclaimed years afterwards at the Hampton Court 
Conference, " as well fitteth with Monarchy as God and the Devil ! 
No Bishop, no King ! " But Scotland was resolved on " no 
bishop." Episcopacy had become identified among the more 


zealous Scotchmen with the old Catholicism they had shaken off. Sec. v 
When he appeared at a later time before the English Council-table, The 


Melville took the Archbishop of Canterbury by the sleeves of his c-overn- 
rochet, and, shaking them in his manner, called them Romish rags, 1629 


and marks of the Beast. Four years therefore after the ruin of 1640 
the Armada, Episcopacy was formally abolished, and the Presby- Presby- 

t€ tx cz 71 is tyt 

terian system established by law as the mode of government of established 
the Church of Scotland. The rule of the Church was placed in a J 592 
General Assembly, with subordinate Provincial Synods, Presby- 
teries, and Kirk Sessions, by which its discipline was carried down 
to every member of a congregation. All that James could save 
was the right of being present at the General Assembly, and of 
fixing a time and place for its annual meeting. But James had no 
sooner succeeded to the English throne than he used his new 
power in a struggle to undo the work which had been done. In 
spite of his assent to an act legalizing its annual convention, he 
hindered any meeting of the General Assembly for five successive 
years by repeated prorogations. The protests of the clergy were 
roughly met. When nineteen ministers constituted themselves an 1605 
Assembly they were banished as traitors from the realm. Of the 
leaders who remained the boldest were summoned with Andrew 1606 
Melville to confer with the King in England on his projects of 
change. On their refusal to betray the freedom of the Church 
they were committed to prison ; and an epigram which Melville 
wrote on the usages of the English communion was seized on as a 
ground for bringing him before the English Privy Council. He 
was sent to the Tower, and released after some years of imprison- 
ment only to go into exile. Deprived of their leaders, threatened 
with bonds and exile, deserted by the nobles, ill supported as yet 
by the mass of the people, the Scottish ministers bent before the 
pressure of the Crown. Bishops were allowed to act as presidents 
in their synods ; and episcopacy was at last formally recognized in Episco- 
the Scottish Church. The pulpits were bridled. The General r £tored 
Assembly was brought to submission. The ministers and elders 1610 
were deprived of their right of excommunicating offenders, save 
with a bishop's sanction. A Court of High Commission enforced 
the Supremacy of the Crown. But with this assertion of his royal 
authority James was content. His aim was political rather than 




Sec. V 





and the 


religious, and in seizing on the control of the Church through his 
organized prelacy, he held himself to have won back that mastery 
of his realm which the Reformation had reft from the Scottish 
Kings. The earlier policy of Charles followed his father's line of 
action. It effected little save a partial restoration of Church-lands, 
which the lords were forced to surrender. But Laud's vigorous 
action soon made itself felt. His first acts were directed rather to 


Built c. 1635. 


points of outer observance than to any attack on the actual fabric 
of Presbyterian organization. The Estates were induced to 
withdraw the control of ecclesiastical apparel from the Assembly, 
and to commit it to the Crown ; a step soon followed by a 
resumption of their episcopal costume on the part of the Scotch 
bishops. When the Bishop of Moray preached before Charles in 
his rochet, on the King's visit to Edinburgh, it was the first 
instance of its use since the Reformation. The innovation was 




followed by the issue of a royal warrant which directed all ministers 
to use the surplice in divine worship. From costume, however, 
the busy minister soon passed to weightier matters. Many years 
had gone by since he had vainly invited James to draw his Scotch 
subjects " to a nearer conjunction with the liturgy and canons of 
this nation." " I sent him back again," said the shrewd old King, 
" with the frivolous draft he had drawn. For all that, he feared 
not my anger, but assaulted me again with another ill-fangled 
platform to make that stubborn Kirk stoop more to the English 
platform ; but I durst not play fast and loose with my word. He 
knows not the stomach of that people." But Laud knew how to 
wait, and his time had come at last. He was resolved to put an 
end to the Presbyterian character of the Scotch Church altogether, 
and to bring it to a uniformity with the Church of England. A 
book of canons issued by the sole authority of the King placed 
the government of the Church absolutely in the hands of its 
bishops ; no Church Assembly might be summoned but by the 
King, no alteration in worship or discipline introduced but by his 
permission. As daring a stretch of the prerogative superseded 
what was known as Knox's Liturgy — the book of Common Order 
drawn up on the Genevan model by that Reformer, and generally 
used throughout Scotland — by a new Liturgy based on the 
English Book of Common Prayer. The Liturgy and canons drawn 
up by four Scottish bishops were laid before Laud ; in their 
composition the General Assembly had neither been consulted nor 
recognized ; and taken together they formed the code of a political 
and ecclesiastical system which aimed at reducing Scotland to an 
utter subjection to the Crown. To enforce them on the land was 
to effect a revolution of the most serious kind. The books 
however were backed by a royal injunction, and Laud flattered 
himself that the revolution had been wrought. 

Triumphant in Scotland, with the Scotch Church — as he 
fancied — at his feet, Laud's hand still fell heavily on the English 
Puritans. There were signs of a change of temper which might 
have made even a bolder man pause. Thousands of "the best," 
scholars, merchants, lawyers, farmers, were flying over the Atlantic 
to seek freedom and purity of religion in the wilderness. Great 
landowners and nobles were preparing to follow. Ministers were 

Sec. V 





The new 






quitting their parsonages rather than abet the royal insult to the 
sanctity of the Sabbath. The Puritans who remained among the 
clergy were giving up their homes rather than consent to the 
change of the sacred table into an altar, or to silence in their pro- 
tests against the new Popery. The noblest of living Englishmen 
refused to become the priest of a Church whose ministry could 

Sec. V 




From Verities engraving, 1731, 0/ a picture then in the possession of Speaker Onslow. 

only be " bought with servitude and forswearing." We have seen 
John Milton leave Cambridge, self-dedicated " to that same lot, 
however mean or high, to which time leads me and the will of 
Heaven." But the lot to which these called him was not the 
ministerial office to which he had been destined from his childhood. 
In later life he told bitterly the story, how he had been " Church- 
outed by the prelates." " Coming to some maturity of years, and 
Vol. Ill— 11 


Sec. v perceiving what tyranny had invaded in the Church, that he who 
the would take orders must subscribe slave, and take an oath withal, 


Govern- which unless he took with a conscience that would retch he must 


1629 either straight perjure or split his faith, I thought it better to pre- 


1640 fer a blameless silence before the sacred office of speaking, bought 
1633 and begun with servitude and forswearing." In spite therefore of 
his father's regrets, he retired to a new home which the scrivener 
had found at Horton, a village in the neighbourhood of Windsor, 
and quietly busied himself with study and verse. The poetic 
impulse of the Renascence had been slowly dying away under the 
Stuarts. The stage was falling into mere coarseness and horror ; 
Shakspere had died quietly at Stratford in Milton's childhood ; 
the last and worst play of Ben Jonson appeared in the year of 
his settlement at Horton ; and though Ford and Massinger still 
lingered on there were no successors for them but Shirley and 
Davenant. The philosophic and meditative taste of the age had 
produced indeed poetic schools of its own : poetic satire had 
become fashionable in Hall, better known afterwards as a bishop, 
and had been carried on vigorously by George Wither ; the so- 
called " metaphysical " poetry, the vigorous and pithy expression 
of a cold and prosaic good sense, began with .Sir John Davies, and 
buried itself in fantastic affectations in Donne ; religious verse had 
become popular in the gloomy allegories of Ouarles and the tender 
refinement which struggles through a jungle of puns and ex- 
travagances in George Herbert. But what poetic life really re- 
mained was to be found only in the caressing fancy and lively 
badinage of lyric singers like Herrick, whose grace is untouched 
by passion and often disfigured by coarseness and pedantry ; or in 
the school of Spenser's more direct successors, where Browne in his 
pastorals, and the two Fletchers, Phineas and Giles, in their un- 
readable allegories, still preserved something of their master's 
His early sweetness, if they preserved nothing of his power. Milton was 
himself a Spenserian ; he owned to Dryden in later years <; that 
Spenser was his original," and in some of his earliest lines at Horton 
he dwells lovingly on " the sage and solemn tones " of the " Faerie 
Queen," its " forests and enchantments drear, where more is meant 
than meets the ear." But of the weakness and affectation which 
characterized Spenser's successors he had not a trace. In the 




"Allegro" and " Penseroso," the first results of his retirement at 
Horton, we catch again the fancy and melody of the Elizabethan 
verse, the wealth of its imagery, its wide sympathy with nature and Govern 


Sec. V 





man. There is a loss, perhaps, of the older freedom and spontaneity 
of the Renascence, a rhetorical rather than passionate turn in the 
young poet, a striking absence of dramatic power, and a want of 




Sec. V 




subtle precision even in his picturesque touches. Milton's imagin- 
ation is not strong enough to identify him with the world which he 
imagines ; he stands apart from it, and looks at it as from a dis- 
tance, ordering it and arranging it at his will. But if in this 
respect he falls, both in his earlier and later poems, far below 
Shakspere or Spenser, the deficiency is all but compensated by his 
nobleness of feeling and expression, the severity of his taste, his 
sustained dignity, and the perfectness and completeness of his 

T. Dineley. "Progress of the Duke of Beaufort through Wales," 1684. 


and Ship- 

work. The moral grandeur of the Puritan breathes, even in these 
lighter pieces of his youth, through every line. The " Comus," 
planned as a masque for the festivities which the Earl of Bridge- 
water was holding at Ludlow Castle, rises into an almost im- 
passioned pleading for the love of virtue. 

The historic interest of Milton's " Comus " lies in its forming 
part of a protest made by the more cultured Puritans at this time 
against the gloomier bigotry which persecution was fostering in 
the party at large. The patience of Englishmen, in fact, was 




slowly wearing out. There was a sudden upgrowth of virulent 
pamphlets of the old Martin Marprelate type. Men, whose names 
no one asked, hawked libels, whose authorship no one knew, from 
the door of the tradesman to the door of the squire. As the hopes 
of a Parliament grew fainter, and men despaired of any legal 
remedy, violent and weak-headed fanatics came, as at such times 
they always come, to the front. Leighton, the father of the saintly 
Archbishop of that name, had given a specimen of their tone at the 
outset of this period, by denouncing the prelates as men of blood, 
Episcopacy as Antichrist, and the Popish queen as a daughter of 
Heth. The : ' Histrio-mastix " of Prynne, a lawyer distinguished 
for his constitutional know- 
ledge, but the most obstinate 
and narrow-minded of men, 
marked the deepening of Puri- 
tan bigotry under the fostering 
warmth of Laud's persecution. 
The book was an attack on 
players as the ministers of 
Satan, on theatres as the devil's 
chapels, on hunting, may- 
poles, the decking of houses at 
Christmas with evergreens, on 
cards, music, and false hair. 
The attack on the stage was as 
offensive to the more cultured 
minds among the Puritan 
party as to the Court itself; 
Selden and Whitelock took a 

prominent part in preparing a grand masque by which the 
Inns of Court resolved to answer its challenge, and in the fol- 
lowing year Milton wrote his masque of " Comus " for Ludlow 
Castle. To leave Prynne, however, simply to the censure of wiser 
men than himself was too sensible a course for the angry Primate. 
Xo man was ever sent to prison before or since for such a sheer 
mass of nonsense ; but a passage in the book was taken as a re- 
flection on the Queen, and his sentence showed the hard cruelty of 
the Primate. Prynne was dismissed from the bar, deprived of his 

After IV. Hollar. 

Sec. V 









M 8 


c <i 


>; *s 






— 1 

a t 




'3 S 






chap, viii PURITAN ENGLAND 1099 

university degree, and set in the pillory. His ears were clipped sec. v 
from his head, and he was taken back to prison. But the storm of the 


popular passion which was gathering was not so pressing a Govhrm- 
difficulty to the royal ministers at this time as the old difficulty of 1629 


the exchequer. The ingenious devices of the Court lawyers, the 1640 
revived prerogatives, the illegal customs, the fines and confiscations 
which were alienating one class after another and sowing in home 
after home the seeds of a bitter hatred to the Crown, were in- 
sufficient to meet the needs of the Treasury ; and new exactions 
were necessary, at a time when the rising discontent made every 
new exaction a challenge to revolt. A fresh danger had suddenly 
appeared in an alliance of France and Holland which threatened 
English dominion over the Channel ; and there were rumours of a 
proposed partition of the Spanish Netherlands between the two 
powers. It was necessary to put a strong fleet on the seas ; and 
the money which had to be found at home was procured by a 
stretch of the prerogative which led afterwards to the great contest $hip- 
over ship-money. The legal research of Nov, one of the law money 
officers of the Crown, found precedents among the records in the 
Tower for the provision of ships for the King's use by the port- 
towns of the kingdom, and for the furnishing of their equipment 
by the maritime counties. The precedents dated from times when 
no permanent fleet existed, and when sea warfare was waged by 
vessels lent for the moment by the various ports. But they were 
seized as a means of equipping a permanent navy without cost to 
the exchequer ; the first demand for ships was soon commuted into 
a demand of money for the payment of ships ; and the writs which 
were issued to London and the chief English ports were enforced 
by fine and imprisonment. When Laud took the direction of 
affairs a more vigorous and unscrupulous impulse made itself felt. 
To Laud as to Wentworth, indeed, the King seemed over-cautious, 
the Star Chamber feeble, the judges over-scrupulous. " I am for 
Thorough," the one writes to the other in alternate fits of im- 
patience at the slow progress they are making. Wentworth was 
anxious that his good work might not " be spoiled on that side." 
Laud echoed the wish, while he envied the free course of the Lord 
Lieutenant. " You have a good deal of honour here," he writes, 
" for your proceeding. Go on a' God's name. I have done with 





Sec. V 





The new 


expecting of Thorough on this side." The financial pressure was 
seized by both to force the King on to a bolder course. " The 
debt of the Crown being taken off/' Wentworth urged, " you may 
govern at your will." All pretence of precedents was thrown 
aside, and Laud resolved to find a permanent revenue in the con- 
version of the " ship-money," till now levied on ports and the 
maritime counties, into a general tax imposed by the royal will 

Portrait in the collection of the Earl of St. Germans, at Fort Eliot. 

upon the whole country. " I know no reason," Wentworth had 
written significantly, " but you may as well rule the common 
lawyers in England as I, poor beagle, do here ; " and the judges no 
sooner declared the new impost to be legal than he drew the 
logical deduction from their decision. " Since it is lawful for the 
King to impose a tax for the equipment of the navy, it must be 
equally so for the levy of an army : and the same reason which 


authorizes him to levy an army to resist, will authorize him to carry 3 - v 
that army abroad that he mav prevent invasion. Moreover what _ The 

J J r Per- 

is law in England is law also in Scotland and Ireland. The g „ e "t"" 
decision of the judges will therefore make the King absolute at l62 9 
home and formidable abroad. Let him only abstain from war for 1640 
a few years that he may habituate his subjects to the pavment of The 

that tax, and in the end he will find himself more powerful and re- ance 

spected than any of his predecessors." But there were men who 

saw the danger to freedom in this levy of ship-money as clearly as 

Wentworth himself. The bulk of the country party abandoned all 

hope of English freedom. There was a sudden revival of the 

emigration to New England ; and men of blood and fortune now 

prepared to seek a new home in the West. Lord Warwick 

secured the proprietorship of the Connecticut valley. Lord Save 

and Sele and Lord Brooke began negotiations for transporting 

themselves to the New World. Oliver Cromwell is said, by a 

doubtful tradition, to have only been prevented from crossing the 

seas by a royal embargo. It is more certain that Hampden 

purchased a tract of land on the Xarragansett. John Hampden, a 

friend of Eliot's, a man of consummate ability, of unequalled power 

of persuasion, of a keen intelligence, ripe learning, and a character 

singularly pure and loveable, had already shown the firmness of his 

temper in his refusal to contribute to the forced loan of 1627. He 

now repeated his refusal, declared ship-money an illegal impost Jan. 1636 

and resolved to rouse the spirit of the country by an appeal for 

protection to the law. 

The news of Hampden's resistance thrilled through England 

at a moment when men were roused by the news of resistance in 

the north. The patience of Scotland had found an end at last. 

While England was waiting for the opening of the great cause of 

ship-money, peremptory orders from the King forced the clergy of 

Edinburgh to introduce the new service into their churches. But 

the Prayer Book was no sooner opened at the church of St. Giles's j u iy 2 $ 

than a murmur ran through the congregation, and the murmur 

soon grew into a formidable riot. The church was cleared, and the 

service read ; but the rising discontent frightened the judges into 

a decision that the royal writ enjoined the purchase, and not the 

use, of the Prayer Book. Its use was at once discontinued, and the 

I 102 



Sec. V 





angry orders which came 
from England for its re- 
storation were met by a 
shower of protests from 
every part of Scotland. The 
Duke of Lennox alone took 
sixty-eight petitions with 
him to the cqurt ; while 
ministers, nobles, and gen- 
try poured into Edinburgh 
to organize the national 
resistance. The effect of 
these events in Scotland 
was at once seen in the 
open demonstration of dis- 
content south of the border. 
The prison with which Laud 
had rewarded Prynne's 
bulky quarto had tamed his spirit 
written within its walls attacked 

After W. Hollar. 

After IV. Hollar. 

so little that a new tract 
the bishops as devouring 
wolves and lords of Lucifer. 
A fellow-prisoner, John 
Bastwick, declared in his 
" Litany " that " Hell was 
broke loose, and the Devils 
in surplices, hoods, copes, 
and rochets, were come 
among us." Burton, a 
London clergyman silenced 
by the High Commission, 
called on all Christians to 
resist the bishops as " rob- 
bers of souls, limbs of 
the Beast, and factors of 
Antichrist." Raving of this 
sort might have been 
passed by had not the 
general sympathy shown 


how fast the storm of popular passion was rising. Prynne Sec. v 
and his fellow pamphleteers, when Laud dragged them before The 
the Star Chamber as " trumpets of sedition," listened with de- govern- 


fiance to their sentence of exposure in the pillory and imprison- 1629 
ment for life ; and the crowd who filled Palace Yard to witness 1640 
their punishment groaned at the cutting off of their ears, and 
"gave a great shout" when Prynne urged that the sentence on 
him was contrary to the law. A hundred thousand Londoners 
lined the road as they passed on the way to prison ; and the 
journey of these " Martyrs," as the spectators called them, was 
like a triumphal progress. Startled as he was at the sudden 
burst of popular feeling, Laud remained dauntless as ever- 
Prynne's entertainers as he passed through the country were 
summoned before the Star Chamber, while the censorship struck 
fiercer blows at the Puritan press. But the real danger la}- not in Hamp- 
the libels of silly zealots but in the attitude of Scotland, and in Xov l6 -- 
the effect which was being produced in England at large by the 
trial of Hampden. For twelve days the cause of ship-money was 
solemnly argued before the full bench of judges. It was proved 
that the tax in past times had been levied only in cases of sudden 
emergency, and confined to the coast and port towns alone, and that 
even the show of legality had been taken from it bv formal statute : 
it was declared a breach of the " fundamental laws " of England. 
The case was adjourned, but the discussion told not merely on 
England but on the temper of the Scots. Charles had replied to 
their petitions by a simple order to all strangers to leave the 
capital. But the Council at Edinburgh was unable to enforce his 
order ; and the nobles and gentry before dispersing to their homes 
named a body of delegates, under the odd title of "the Tables," 
who carried on through the winter a series of negotiations with the 
Crown. The negotiations were interrupted in the following spring 
by a renewed order for their dispersion and for the acceptance of a 
Prayer Book: ; while the judges in England delivered at last their 
long-delayed decision on Hampden's case. Two judges only pro- j une 1638 
nounced in his favour ; though three followed them on technical 
grounds. The majority, seven in number, gave judgement against 
him. The broad principle was laid down that no statute prohibiting 
arbitrary taxation could be pleaded against the King's will. " I 


chap, vni PURITAN ENGLAND 1105 

never read or heard," said Judge Berkley, "that lex was rex, but sec. v 
it is common and most true that rex is lex." Finch, the Chief- J us- the 


tice, summed up the opinions of his fellow judges. "Acts of Parlia- G ^™" 
ment to take away the King's royal power in the defence of his 1629 


kingdom are void," he said :...." they are void Acts of 1640 

Parliament to bind the King not to command the subjects, their 

persons, and goods, and I say their money too, for no Acts of 

Parliament make any difference." 

" I wish Mr. Hampden and others to his likeness," the Lord The 

Deputy wrote bitterly from Ireland, " were well whipt into their 

right senses/' Amidst the exultation of the Court over the decision 
of the judges, Wentworth saw clearly that Hampden's work had 
been done. His resistance had roused England to a sense of the 
danger to her freedom, and forced into light the real character 
of the royal claims. How stern and bitter the temper even of the 
noblest Puritans had become at last we see in the poem which 
Milton produced at this time, his elegy of " Lycidas." Its grave 
and tender lament is broken by a sudden flash of indignation at 
the dangers around the Church, at the " blind mouths that scarce 
themselves know how to hold a sheep-hook," and to whom " the 
hungry sheep look up, and are not fed," while "the grim wolf" of 
Rome "with privy paw daily devours apace, and nothing said!" 
The stern resolve of the people to demand justice on their tyrants 
spoke in his threat of the axe. Wentworth and Laud, and Charles 
himself, had yet to reckon with " that two-handed engine at the 
door" which stood "ready to smite once, and smite no more." But 
stern as was the general resolve, there was no need for im- 
mediate action, for the difficulties which were gathering in the 
north were certain to bring a strain on the Government which 
would force it to seek support from the people. The King's demand 1638 
for immediate submission, which reached Edinburgh while England 
was waiting for the Hampden judgement, at once gathered the 
whole body of remonstrants together round " the Tables " at 
Edinburgh ; and a protestation, read at Edinburgh and Stirling, 
was followed, on Johnston of Warriston's suggestion, by a renewal 
of the Covenant with God which had been drawn up and sworn to 
in a previous hour of peril, when Mary was still plotting against 
Protestantism, and Spain was preparing its Armada. " We 


Sec. v promise and swear," ran the solemn engagement at its close, " by 
the the great name of the Lord our God, to continue in the profession 


G °ent N ano - obedience of the said religion, and that we shall defend the 
1629 same and resist all their contrary errors and corruptions according 


1640 to our vocation and the utmost of that power which God has put 
into our hands all the days of our life." The Covenant was signed 
in the churchyard of the Grey Friars at Edinburgh, in a tumult 
of enthusiasm, " with such content and joy as those who, having 
long before been outlaws and rebels, are admitted again into 
covenant with God." Gentlemen and nobles rode with the 
document in their pockets over the country, gathering subscrip- 
tions to it, while the ministers pressed for a general consent to it 
from the pulpit. But pressure was needless. " Such was the zeal 
of subscribers that for a while many subscribed with tears on their 
cheeks " ; some were indeed reputed to have " drawn their own 

The blood and used it in place of ink to underwrite their names." The 
revolution f° rce given to Scottish freedom by this revival of religious fervour 
was seen in the new tone adopted by the Covenanters. The 
Marquis of Hamilton, who came as Royal Commissioner to put an 
end to the quarrel, was at once met by demands for an abolition of 
the Court of High Commission, the withdrawal of the Books of 
Canons and Common Prayer, a free Parliament, and a free General 
Assembly. It was in vain that he threatened war ; even the Scotch 
Council pressed Charles to give fuller satisfaction to the people. 
" I will rather die," the King wrote to Hamilton, " than yield to 
these impertinent and damnable demands ; " but it was needful to 
gain time. " The discontents at home," wrote Lord Northumber- 
land to Wentworth, " do rather increase than lessen : " and Charles 
was without money or men. It was in vain that he begged for a 
loan from Spain on promise of declaring war against Holland, or 
that he tried to procure two thousand troops from Flanders with 
which to occupy Edinburgh. The loan and troops were both re- 
fused, and some contributions offered by the English Catholics did 
little to recruit the Exchequer. Charles had directed the Marquis 
to delay any decisive breach till the royal fleet appeared in the 
Forth ; but it was hard to equip a fleet at all. Scotland indeed was 

The sooner ready for war than the King. The Scotch volunteers who 
Scotch J . s 

war had been serving in the Thirty Years' War streamed home at the 



1 107 

call of their brethren. General Leslie, a veteran trained under 
Gustavus, came from Sweden to take the command of the new 
forces. A voluntary war tax was levied in every shire. The 
danger at last forced the King to yield to the Scotch demands ; but 
he had no sooner yielded than the concession was withdrawn, and 
the Assembly hardly met before it was called upon to disperse. 
By an almost unanimous vote, however, it resolved to continue its 

Sec. V 




Picture by Vandyck. 

session. The innovations in worship and discipline were abolished, 
episcopacy was abjured, the bishops deposed, and the system of 
Presbyterianism re-established in its fullest extent. The news that 
Charles was gathering an army at York, and reckoning for support 
on the scattered loyalists in Scotland itself, was answered by the 
seizure of Edinburgh, Dumbarton, and Stirling ; while 10,000 well- 
equipped troops under Leslie and the Earl of Montrose entered 
Aberdeen, and brought the Catholic Earl of Huntly a prisoner to 


chap, vin PURITAN ENGLAND 1109 

the south. Instead of overawing the country, the appearance of Sec v 
the royal fleet in the Forth was the signal for Leslie's march with ^ The 

J ° Personal 

20,000 men to the Border. Charles had hardly pushed across the G ° v ™' 

Tweed, when the " old little crooked soldier," encamping on the 1629 

hill of Dunse Law, fairly offered him battle. 1640 

Charles however, without money, to carry on war, was forced to The 

consent to the gathering of a free Assembly and of a Scotch Par- war 

liament. But in his eyes the pacification at Berwick was a mere 

suspension of arms ; his summons of YVentworth from Ireland was 

a proof that violent measures were in preparation, and the Scots 

met the challenge by seeking for aid from France. The discovery 

of a correspondence between the Scotch leaders and the French 

court raised hopes in the King that an appeal to the country for 

aid against Scotch treason would still find an answer in English 

loyalty. Wentworth, who was now made Earl of Strafford, had 

never ceased to urge that the Scots should be whipped back to their 

border ; he now agreed with Charles that a Parliament should be 

called, the correspondence laid before it, and advantage taken of 

the burst of indignation on which the King counted to procure 

a heavy subsidy. While Charles summoned what from its brief 

duration is known as the Short Parliament, Strafford hurried to 

Ireland to levy forces. In fourteen days he had obtained money 

and men from his servile Parliament, and he came back flushed 

with his success, in time for the meeting of the Houses at 

Westminster. But the lesson failed in its effect. Every member The Short 

of the Commons knew that Scotland was fighting the battle of ment 

English liberty. All hope of bringing them to any attack upon Apri/1640 

the Scots proved fruitless. The intercepted letters were quietly 

set aside, and the Commons declared as of old that redress of 

grievances must precede the grant of supplies. No subsidy could 

be granted till security was had for religion, for property, and for 

the liberties of Parliament. An offer to relinquish ship-money 

failed to draw Parliament from its resolve, and after three weeks' 

sitting it was dissolved. " Things must go worse before they 

go better," was the cool comment of St. John, one of the patriot 

leaders. But the country was strangely moved. " So great a 

defection in the kingdom," wrote Lord Northumberland, " hath 

not been known in the memory of man." Strafford alone stood 
Vol. Ill— 12 


sec. v undaunted. He urged that, by the refusal of the Parliament to 
The supply the King's wants, Charles was " freed from all rule of 

Personal * x •' ° 

G ment N government," and entitled to supply himself at his will. The Earl 
1629 W as bent upon war, and took command of the royal army, which 


1640 again advanced to the north. But the Scots were ready to cross 
the border ; forcing the passage of the Tyne in the face of an Eng- 
lish detachment, they occupied Newcastle, and despatched from 
that town their proposals of peace. They prayed the King to 
consider their grievances, and, " with the advice and consent of the 
Estates of England convened in Parliament, to settle a firm and 
desirable peace." The prayer was backed by preparations for a 
march upon York, where Charles had abandoned himself to 
despair. Strafford's troops were a mere mob ; neither by threats 
nor prayers could he recall them to their duty, and he was forced 
to own that two months were required before they could be fit for 
action. It was in vain that Charles won a truce. Behind him in 
fact England was all but in revolt. The London apprentices 
mobbed Laud at Lambeth, and broke up the sittings of the High 
Commission at St. Paul's. The war was denounced everywhere as 
" the Bishops' War," and the new levies murdered officers whom 
they suspected of Papistry, broke down altar-rails in every church 
they passed, and deserted to their homes. Two peers, Lord 
Wharton and Lord Howard, ventured to lay before the King 
himself a petition for peace with the Scots ; and though Strafford 
arrested and proposed to shoot them as mutineers, the English 
Council shrank from desperate courses. The King still strove to 
escape from the humiliation of calling a Parliament. He sum- 
moned a Great Council of the Peers at York. But his project 
broke down before its general repudiation by the nobles ; and 
with wrath and shame at his heart Charles was driven to 
summon again the Houses to Westminster. 




Section VI. — The Long Parliament, 1640 — 1642 

{Authorities. — Clarendon's " History of the Rebellion,"' as Hallam justly 
says, " belongs rather to the class of memoirs : ' than of histories, and the 
rigorous analysis of it by Ranke shows the very different value of its various 
parts. Though the work will always retain a literary interest from its nobleness 
of style and the grand series of character-portraits which it embodies, the worth 
of its account of all that preceded the war is almost destroyed by the contrast 
between its author's conduct at the time and his later description of the Parlia- 
ment's proceedings, as well as by the deliberate and malignant falsehood with 
which he has perverted the whole action of his parliamentary opponents. May's 
"History of the Long Parliament" is fairly accurate and impartial ; but the 
basis of any real account of it must be found in its own proceedings as they 
have been preserved in the notes of Sir Ralph Verney and Sir Simonds D'Ewes. 
The last remain unpublishe i ; but Mr. Forster has drawn much from them in 
his two works, "The Grand Remonstrance" and "The Arrest of the Five 
Members." The collections of state-papers by Rushworth and Nalson are 
indispensable for this period. It is illustrated by a series of memoirs, of very 
different degrees of value, such as those of Whitelock, Ludlow, and Sir Philip 
Warwick, as well as by works like Mrs. Hutchinson's memoir of her husband, 
or Baxter's " Autobiography." For Irish affairs we have a vast store of 
materials in the Ormond papers and letters collected by Carte ; for Scotland, 
" Baillie's Letters " and Mr. Burton's History. Lingard is useful for information 
as to intrigues with the Catholics in England and Ireland ; and Guizot directs 
special attention to the relations with foreign powers. Pym has been fairly 
sketched with other statesmen of the time by Mr. Forster in his " Statesmen of 
the Commonwealth," and in an Essay on him by Mr. Goldwin Smith. A good 
deal of valuable research for the period in general is to be found in Mr. Sand- 
ford's " Illustrations of the Great Rebellion."] (Mr. Gardiner has now carried 
on his History to 1644. — Ed.) 

Sec. VI 

Long Par- 




If Strafford embodied the spirit of tyranny, John Pym, the 
leader of the Commons from the first meeting of the new houses at 
Westminster, stands out for all after time as the embodiment of 
law. A Somersetshire gentleman of good birth and competent 
fortune, he entered on public life in the Parliament of 16 14, and 
was imprisoned for his patriotism at its close. He had been a 
leading member in that of 1620, and one of the "twelve am- 
bassadors " for whom James ordered chairs to be set at Whitehall. 





Sec. VI 

Long Par- 



Of the band of patriots with whom he had stood side by side in 
the constitutional struggle against the earlier despotism of Charles 
he was almost the sole survivor. Coke had died of old age ; 
Cotton's heart was broken by oppression ; Eliot had perished in 
the Tower ; Wentworth had apostatized. Pym alone remained, 
resolute, patient as of old ; and as the sense of his greatness grew 
silently during the eleven years of deepening misrule, the hope 

Miniature by Samuel Cooper, in the collection 0/ Mrs. Russell Astley, at Chequerc Court. 

and faith of better things clung almost passionately to the man 
who never doubted of the final triumph of freedom and the law. 
At their close, Clarendon tells us, in words all the more notable for 
their bitter tone of hate, " he was the most popular man, and the 
most able to do hurt, that has lived at any time." He had shown 
he knew how to wait, and when waiting was over he showed he 
knew how to act. On the eve of the Long Parliament he rode 
through England to quicken the electors to a sense of the crisis 



which had come at last ; and on the assembling of the Commons Sec. vi 
he took his place, not merely as member for Tavistock, but as the 

r ' Long Par- 

their acknowledged head. Few of the country gentlemen, L ' IAMENT 

1 640 
indeed, who formed the bulk of the members, had sat in any to 

previous House ; and of the few, none represented in so eminent a — 
way the Parliamentary tradition on which the coming struggle was 
to turn. Pym's eloquence, inferior in boldness and originality to 
that of Eliot or Wentworth, was better suited by its massive and 
logical force to convince and guide a great party ; and it was 
backed by a calmness of temper, a dexterity and order in the 
management of public business, and a practical power of shaping 
the course of debate, which gave a form and method to Parlia- 
mentary proceedings such as they had never had before. Valuable, 
however, as these qualities were, it was a yet higher quality which 
raised Pym into the greatest, as he was the first, of Parliamentary 
leaders. Of the five hundred members who sate round him at His 
St. Stephen's, he was the one man who had clearly foreseen, and ^'/^ 
as clearly resolved how to meet, the difficulties which lay before 
them. It was certain that Parliament would be drawn into a 
struggle with the Crown. It was probable that in such a struggle 
the House of Commons would be hampered, as it had been 
hampered before, by the House of Lords. The legal antiquaries 
of the older constitutional school stood helpless before such a 
conflict of co-ordinate powers, a conflict for which no provision 
had been made by the law, and on which precedents threw only a 
doubtful and conflicting light. But with a knowledge of precedent 
as great as their own, Pym rose high above them in his grasp of 
constitutional principles. He was the first English statesman who 
discovered, and applied to the political circumstances around him, 
what may be called the doctrine of constitutional proportion. He 
saw that as an element of constitutional life Parliament was of 
higher value than the Crown ; he saw, too, that in Parliament 
itself the one essential part was the House of Commons. On 
these two facts he based his whole policy in the contest which 
followed. When Charles refused to act with the Parliament, Pym 
treated the refusal as a temporary abdication on the part of the 
sovereign, which vested the executive power in the two Houses 
until new arrangements were made. When the Lords obstructed 

chap, vin PURITAN ENGLAND 1115 

public business, he warned them that obstruction would only force Sec. vi 
the Commons " to save the kingdom alone." Revolutionary as _ The , 

& J Long Par- 

these principles seemed at the time, thev have both been recognized LIAMENT 
r ^ ' & 1640 

as bases of our constitution since the davs of Pym. The first to 

• -i , l6 4 2 

principle was established by the Convention and Parliament which 

followed on the departure of James the Second ; the second by the 

acknowledgement on all sides since the Reform Bill of 1832 that 

the government of the country is really in the hands of the House 

of Commons, and can only be carried on by ministers who 

represent the majority of that House. Pym's temper, indeed, was 

the very opposite of the temper of a revolutionist. Few natures His 

have ever been wider in their range of sympathy or action, genius 

Serious as his purpose was, his manners were genial, and even 

courtly : he turned easily from an invective against Strafford to a 

chat with Lady Carlisle ; and the grace and gaiety of his social 

tone, even when the care and weight of public affairs were bringing 

him to his grave, gave rise to a hundred silly scandals among the 

prurient royalists. It was this striking combination of genial 

versatility with a massive force in his nature which marked him 

out from the first moment of power as a born ruler of men. He 

proved himself at once the subtlest of diplomatists and the 

grandest of demagogues. He was equally at home in tracking the 

subtle intricacies of royalist intrigues, or in kindling popular 

passion with words of fire. Though past middle life when his 

work really began, for he was born in 1584, four years before the 

coming of the Armada, he displayed from the first meeting of the 

Long Parliament the qualities of a great administrator, an immense 

faculty for labour, a genius for organization, patience, tact, a 

power of inspiring confidence in all whom he touched, calmness 

and moderation under good fortune or ill, an immovable courage, 

an iron will. No English ruler has ever shown greater nobleness of 

natural temper or a wider capacity for government than the 

Somersetshire squire whom his enemies, made clear-sighted by 

their hate, greeted truly enough as " King Pym." 

His ride over England with Hampden on the eve of the The 

Work of 
elections had been hardly needed, for the summons of a Parliament t h e p ar - 

at once woke the kingdom to a fresh life. The Puritan emigration liament 

to New England was suddenly and utterly suspended ; " the 



1 117 

change," said Winthrop, " made all men to stay in England in 
expectation of a new world." The public discontent spoke from 
every Puritan pulpit, and expressed itself in a sudden burst of 
pamphlets, the first-fruits of the thirty thousand which were issued 
in the next twenty years, and which turned England at large into 
a school of political discussion. The resolute looks of the members 
as they gathered at Westminster contrasted with the hesitating 
words of the King, and each brought from borough or county a 
petition of grievances. Fresh petitions were brought every day by 
bands of citizens or farmers. Forty committees were appointed to 
examine and report on them, and their reports formed the grounds 
on which the Commons acted. Prynne and his fellow ''martyrs," 
recalled from their prisons, entered London in triumph amidst the 
shouts of a great multitude who strewed laurel in their path. The 
Commons dealt roughly with the agents of the royal system. In 
every county a list of " delinquents," or officers who had carried 
out the plans of the government, was ordered to be prepared and 
laid before the House. But their first blow was struck at the 
leading ministers of the King. Even Laud was not the centre of 
so great and universal a hatred as the Earl of Strafford. Strafford's 
guilt was more than the guilt of a servile instrument of tyranny, 
it was the guilt of " that grand apostate to the Commonwealth 
who," in the terrible words which closed Lord Digby's invective, 
" must not expect to be pardoned in this world till he be despatched 
to the other." He was conscious of his danger, but Charles forced 
him to attend the Court ; and with characteristic boldness he 
resolved to anticipate attack by accusing the Parliamentary leadeps 
of a treasonable correspondence with the Scots. He was just 
laying his scheme before Charles when the news reached him that 
Pym was at the bar of the Lords with his impeachment for high 
treason. " With speed," writes an eye-witness, " he comes to the 
House : he calls rudely at the door," and, " with a proud glooming 
look, makes towards his place at the board-head. But at once 
many bid him void the House, so he is forced in confusion to go 
to the door till he was called." He was only recalled to hear his 
committal to the Tower. He was still resolute to retort the charge 
of treason on his foes, and " offered to speak, but was commanded 
to be gone without a word." The keeper of the Black Rod 

Sec VI 

Long Par- 




ment of 

Xov. II 

< -s £ 

s u "** 



chap, vin PURITAN ENGLAND 1119 

demanded his sword as he took him in charge. " This done, he Sk. vi 
makes through a number of people towards his coach, no man _ Th * 

° r r Long Par- 

capping to him, before whom that morning the greatest of all l:a 
_ , 1640 

England would have stood uncovered." The blow was quickly 

followed up. YVindebank. the Secretary of State, was charged — - 

• 1 r • r 1 , -r- -!-• , Fall of the 

with corrupt favouring of recusants, and escaped to France ; Finch. Ministers 
the Lord Keeper, was impeached, and fled in terror over-sea. Dec - l6 +° 
Laud himself was thrown into prison. The shadow of what was to 
come falls across the pages of his diary, and softens the hard tem- 
per of the man into a strange tenderness. " I stayed at Lambeth 
till the evening," writes the Archbishop, ,; to avoid the gaze of the 
people. I went to evening prayer in my chapel. The Psalms of 
the day and chapter fifty of Isaiah gave me great comfort. God 
make me worthy of it, and fit to receive it. As I went to my 
barge, hundreds of my poor neighbours stood there and prayed for 
my safetv and return to mv house. For which I bless God and 
them." Charles was forced to look helplessly on at the wreck of 
the royal system, for the Scotch army was still encamped in the 
north ; and the Parliament, which saw in the presence of the Scots 
a security against its own dissolution, was in no hurry to vote the 
money necessary for their withdrawal. " We cannot do without 
them," Strode honestly confessed, " the Philistines are still too 
strong for us." One by one the lawless acts of Charles's govern- 
ment were undone. Ship-money was declared illegal, the judge- 
ment in Hampden's case annulled, and one of the judges committed 
to prison. A statute declaring " the ancient right of the subjects 1641 
of this kingdom that no subsidy, custom, impost, or any charge 
whatsoever, ought or may be laid or imposed upon any merchan- 
dize exported or imported by subjects, denizens, or aliens, without 
common consent in Parliament," put an end for ever to all pre- 
tensions to a right of arbitrary taxation on the part of the Crown. 
A Triennial Bill enforced the assemblv of the Houses everv three 
years, and bound the returning officers to proceed to election if 
the Royal writ failed to summon them. A Committee of Religion 
had been appointed to consider the question of Church Reform, 
and on its report the Commons passed a bill for the removal of 
bishops from the House of Lords. 

The King made no sign of opposition. He was known to be 

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chap, vni PURITAN ENGLAND 1121 

resolute against the abolition of Episcopacy ; but he announced no Sac vi 

purpose of resisting the expulsion of the bishops from the Peers. Th | 

Strafford's life he was determined to save ; but he threw no UAMENT 

obstacle in the way of his impeachment. The trial of the Earl to 

beo;an in Westminster Hall, and the whole of the House of — 

_ The 

Commons appeared to support it. The passion which the cause Death of 

excited was seen in the loud cries of svmpathv or hatred which Strafford 

Jla r. 22 

burst from the crowded benches on either side. For fifteen days j }ie Tria i 
Strafford struggled with a remarkable courage and ingenuity 
against the list of charges, and melted his audience to tears by the 
pathos of his defence. But the trial was suddenly interrupted. 
Though tyranny and misgovernment had been conclusively proved 
against him, the technical proof of treason was weak. " The law 
of England," to use Hallam's words, " is silent as to conspiracies 
against itself," and treason by the Statute of Edward the Third 
was restricted to a levying of war against the King or a compassing 
of his death. The Commons endeavoured to strengthen their case 
by bringing forward the notes of a meeting of a Committee of the 
Commons in which Strafford had urged the use of his Irish troops 
" to reduce this kingdom ; " but the Lords would only admit the 
evidence on condition of wholly reopening the case. Pym and 
Hampden remained convinced of the sufficiency of the impeach- 
ment ; but the Commons broke loose from their control, and, guided 
by St. John and Henry Marten, resolved to abandon these judicial 
proceedings, and fall back on tne resource of a Bill of Attainder. Bill of 
Their course has been bitterly censured by some whose opinion in 
such a matter is entitled to respect. But the crime of Strafford 
was none the less a crime that it did not fall within the scope of the 
Statute of Treasons. It is impossible indeed to provide for some 
of the greatest dangers which can happen to national freedom by 
any formal statute. Even now a minister might avail himself of 
the temper of a Parliament elected in some moment of popular 
panic, and, though the nation returned to its senses, might simply 
by refusing to appeal to the country govern in defiance of its will. 
Such a course would be technically legal, but such a minister 
would be none the less a criminal. Strafford's course, whether it 
fell within the Statute of Treasons or no, was from beginning to 
end an attack on the freedom of the whole nation. In the last 

chap, viii PURITAN ENGLAND 1123 

resort a nation retains the right of self-defence, and the Bill of sec. vi 
Attainder is the assertion of such a right for the punishment of a the 

A Long Par- 

public enemy who falls within the scope of no written law. To L1AMENT 
save Strafford and Episcopacy Charles seemed to assent to a pro- 
posal for entrusting the offices of State to the leaders of the 
Parliament, with the Earl of Bedford as Lord Treasurer ; the only 
conditions he made were that Episcopacy should not be abolished 
nor Strafford executed. But the negotiations were interrupted by 
Bedford's death, and by the discovery that Charles had been 
listening all the while to counsellors who proposed to bring about The Army 
his end by stirring the army to march on London, seize the Tower, 
free Strafford, and deliver the King from his thraldom to Parlia- 
ment. The discovery of the Army Plot sealed Strafford's fate. 
The Londoners were roused to frenzy, and as the Peers gathered at 
Westminster crowds surrounded the House with cries of "Justice." 
On May 8 the Lords passed the Bill of Attainder. The Earl's one 
hope was in the King, but two days later the royal assent was 
given, and he passed to his doom. Strafford died as he had lived. 
His friends warned him of the vast multitude gathered before the 
Tower to witness his fall. " I know how to look death in the face, May 12 
and the people too," he answered proudly. " I thank God I am no 
more afraid of death, but as cheerfully put off my doublet at this 
time as ever I did when I went to bed." As the axe fell, the 
silence of the great multitude was broken by a universal shout of 
joy. The streets blazed with bonfires. The bells clashed out from 
every steeple. " Many," says an observer, " that came to town to 
see the execution rode in triumph back, waving their hats, and 
with all expressions of joy through every town they went, crying, 
< His head is off ! His head is off ! ' " 

The failure of the attempt to establish a Parliamentary ministry, The 
the discovery of the Army Plot, the execution of Strafford, were R em on- 
the turning points in the history of the Long Parliament. Till strance 
May there was still hope for an accommodation between the Com- 
mons and the Crown by which the freedom that had been won 
might have been taken as the base of a new system of government. 
But from that hour little hope of such an agreement remained. On 
the one hand, the air, since the army conspiracy, was full of 
rumours and panic ; the creak of a few boards revived the memory The Panic 


Sec. vi of the Gunpowder Plot, and the members rushed out of the House 
the of Commons in the full belief that it was undermined. On the 

Long Par- 
liament other hand, Charles regarded his consent to the new measures as 

to having been extorted by force, and to be retracted at the first 
opportunity. Both Houses, in their terror, swore to defend the 
Protestant religion and the public liberties, an oath which was 
subsequently exacted from every one engaged in civil employment, 
and voluntarily taken by the great mass of the people. The same 
terror of a counter-revolution induced Hyde and the " moderate 
men " in the Commons to agree to a bill providing that the present 
Parliament should not be dissolved but by its own consent. Of all 
the demands of the Parliament this was the first that could be 
called distinctly revolutionary. To consent to it was to establish a 
power permanently co-ordinate with the Crown. Charles signed 
the bill without protest, but he was already planning the means of 
breaking the Parliament. Hitherto, the Scotch army had held 
him down, but its payment and withdrawal could no longer be 
delayed, and a pacification was arranged between the two countries. 
The Houses hastened to complete their task of reform. The 
irregular jurisdictions of the Council of the North and the Court of 
Abolition the Marches of Wales had been swept away ; and the civil and 
°-Cf criminal jurisdiction of the Star Chamber and the Court of High 
Chamber Commission, the last of the extraordinary courts which had been 
the support of the Tudor monarchy, were now summarily abolished. 
The work was pushed hastily on, for haste was needed. The two 
armies had been disbanded ; and the Scots were no sooner on their 
way homeward than the King resolved to bring them back. In 
Charles in spite of prayers from the Parliament he left London for Edinburgh, 
Scotland yielded to every demand of the Assembly and the Scotch Estates, 
attended the Presbyterian worship, lavished titles and favours on 
the Earl of Argyle and the patriot leaders, and gained for a few 
months a popularity which spread dismay in the English Parlia- 
ment. Their dread of his designs was increased when he was 
found to have been intriguing all the while with the Earl of Mont- 
rose — who had seceded from the patriot party before his coming, 
and been rewarded for his secession with imprisonment in the 
castle of Edinburgh — and when Hamilton and Argyle withdrew 
suddenly from the capital, and charged the King with a treacherous 




plot to seize and carry them out of the realm. The fright was Sbc vi 
fanned to frenzy by news which came suddenly from Ireland, 

Long Par- 



From an engraving by Faed of a picture by Honthorst. 

■where the fall of Strafford had put an end to all semblance of rule. 
The disbanded soldiers of the army he had raised spread over the 
country, and stirred the smouldering disaffection into a flame. A 
Vol. Ill— 13 


Sec. vi conspiracy, organised with wonderful power and secrecy, burst forth 
. Th | in Ulster, where the confiscation of the Settlement had never been 

Long Par- 
liament forgiven, and spread like wildfire over the centre and west of the 

1° island. Dublin was saved by a mere chance ; but in the open 
1642 ' * 

— . country the work of murder went on unchecked. Thousands of 

The Irish 

Rising English people perished in a few days, and rumour doubled and 
Oct. 1641 trebled the number. Tales of horror and outrage, such as 
maddened our own England when they reached us from Cawnpore, 
came day after day over the Irish Channel. Sworn depositions 
told how husbands were cut to pieces in presence of their wives, 
their children's brains dashed out before their faces, their daughters 
brutally violated and driven out naked to perish frozen in the 
woods. " Some," says May, " were burned on set purpose, others 
drowned for sport or pastime, and if they swam kept from landing 
with poles, or shot, or murdered in the water ; many were buried 
quick, and some set into the earth breast-high and there left to 
famish." Much of all this was the wild exaggeration of panic. But 
the revolt was unlike any earlier rising in its religious character. 
It was no longer a struggle, as of old, of Celt against Saxon, but 
of Catholic against Protestant. The Papists within the Pale joined 
hands in it with the wild kernes outside the Pale. The rebels 
called themselves " Confederate Catholics," resolved to defend " the 
public and free exercise of the true and Catholic Roman religion." 
The panic waxed greater when it was found that they claimed to 
be acting by the King's commission, and in aid of his authority. 
They professed to stand by Charles and his heirs against all that 
should " directly and indirectly endeavour to suppress their royal 
prerogatives." They showed a Commission, purporting to have 
been issued by royal command at Edinburgh, and styled them- 
selves " the King's army." The Commission was a forgery, but 
belief in it was quickened by the want of all sympathy with the 
national honour which Charles displayed. To him the revolt 
seemed a useful check on his opponents. " I hope," he wrote 
coolly, when the news reached him, " this ill news of Ireland may 
hinder some of these follies in England." Above all, it would 
necessitate the raising of an army, and with an army at his com- 
mand he would again be the master of the Parliament. The 
Parliament, on the other hand, saw in the Irish revolt the dis- 




closure of a vast scheme for a counter-revolution, of which the Sec. vi 

withdrawal of the Scotch army, the reconciliation of Scotland, the T Th £ 

intrigues at Edinburgh, were all parts. Its terror was quickened LIA * ENT 
into panic by the exultation of the royalists at the King's return, 
and by the appearance of a royalist partv in the Parliament itself. — 

J v m The new 

The new party had been silently organized by Hyde, the future Royalists 

Picture by Franz Hals, in the possession of Lord Aricndell of IVardoitr. 

Lord Clarendon. With him stood Lord Falkland, a man learned 
and accomplished, the centre of a circle which embraced the most 
liberal thinkers of his clay, a keen reasoner and able speaker, 
whose intense desire for liberty of religious thought, which he now 
saw threatened by the dogmatism of the time, estranged him from 
Parliament, while his dread of a conflict with the Crown, his 




Sec. VI 

Long Par- 



passionate longing for peace, his sympathy for the fallen, led him 
to struggle for a King whom he distrusted, and to die in a cause 
that was not his own. Behind Falkland and Hyde soon gathered 

Picture by Vandyck, at Claydon House. 

a strong force of supporters ; chivalrous soldiers like Sir Edmund 
Verney (" I have eaten the King's bread and served him now thirty 
years, and I will not do so base a thing as to desert him "), as well 


as men frightened by the rapid march of change or by the dangers Sec. vi 

which threatened Episcopacy and the Church, the partizans of the Th | 

Court, and the time-servers who looked forward to a new triumph "**■" 

1 1640 

of the Crown. With a broken Parliament, and perils Gathering to 

r & & 1642 

without, Pym resolved to appeal for aid to the nation itself. The 


Grand Remonstrance which he laid before the House was a de- Grand 
tailed narrative of the work which the Parliament had done, the strance 
difficulties it had surmounted, and the new dangers which lay in its Nvo. 1641 
path. The Parliament had been charged with a design to abolish 
Episcopacy, it declared its purpose to be simply that of reducing 
the power of bishops. Politically it repudiated the taunt of 
revolutionary aims. It demanded only the observance of the ex- 
isting laws against recusancy, securities for the due administration 
of justice, and the employment of ministers who possessed the con- 
fidence of Parliament. The new King's party fought fiercely, 
debate followed debate, the sittings were prolonged till lights had 
to be brought in ; and it was only at midnight, and by a majority 
of eleven, that the Remonstrance was finally adopted. On an 
attempt of the minority to offer a formal protest against a subse- 
quent vote for its publication the slumbering passion broke out into 
a flame. " Some waved their hats over their heads, and others took 
their swords in their scabbards out of their belts, and held them by 
the pommels in their hands, setting the lower part on the ground." 
Only Hampden's coolness and tact averted a conflict. The Re- 
monstrance was felt on both sides to be a crisis in the struggle. 
" Had it been rejected," said Cromwell, as he left the House, " I 
would have sold to-morrow all I possess, and left England for 
ever." Listened to sullenly by the King, it kindled afresh the 
spirit of the country. London swore to live and die with the Par- 
liament ; associations were formed in every county for the defence 
of the Houses ; and when the guard which the Commons had asked 
for in the panic of the Army Plot was withdrawn by the King, 
the populace crowded down to Westminster to take its place. 

The question which had above all broken the unity of the Arrest 
Parliament had been the question of the Church. All were aereed °l. the 

^ & Five 

on the necessity of reform, and one of the first acts of the Parlia- Members 
ment had been to appoint a Committee of Religion to consider the 
question. The bulk of the Commons as of the Lords were at first 


Sec. VI 

Long Par- 






against any radical changes in the constitution or doctrines of the 
Church. But within as without the House the general opinion was 
in favour of a reduction of the power and wealth of the prelates, as 
well as of the jurisdiction of the Church Courts. Even among the 
bishops themselves, the more prominent saw the need for consent- 
ing to the abolition of Chapters and Bishops' Courts, as well as to 

Trxct, "Remonstrance against X on- Residents" 1642. 

the election of a council of ministers in each diocese, which had 
been suggested by Archbishop Usher as a check on episcopal 
autocracy. A scheme to this effect was drawn up by Bishop 
Williams of Lincoln ; but it was far from meeting the wishes of the 
general body of the Commons. Pym and Lord Falkland demanded, 
in addition to these changes, a severance of the clergy from all 
secular or state offices, and an expulsion of the bishops from the 




House of Lords. Such a measure seemed needed to restore the sec. vi 

independence of the Peers ; for the number and servility of the the 

r * Long Par- 

bishops were commonly strong enough to prevent any opposition UAMENT 
to the Crown. There was, however, a growing party which pressed 
for the abolition of Episcopacy altogether. The doctrines of Cart- 


wright had risen into popularity under the persecution of Laud, Bishops 

and Presbyterianism was now a formidable force among the middle UgaJZ 
classes. Its chief strength lay in the eastern counties and in 

rum inn mum n 

"""nrnmnnTrnTi hiimjj/: 


Title-page of a Tract on the abuses and exorbitances 

London, where a few ministers such as Calamy and Marshall had 
formed a committee for its diffusion ; while in Parliament it was 
represented by Lord Mandeville and some others. In the 
Commons Sir Harry Vane represented a more extreme partv of 
reformers, the Independents of the future, whose sentiments were 
little less hostile to Presbyterianism than to Episcopacy, but who 
acted with the Presbyterians for the present, and formed a part of 
what became known as the " root and branch party." from its 
demand for the extirpation of prelacy. The attitude of Scotland 


Sec. vi in the great struggle against tyranny, and the political advantages 

Long Par- 

. T , H £.„ °f a religious union between the two kingdoms, as well as the desire 

liament to k n ij. foe English Church more closely to the general body of 

to Protestantism, gave force to the Presbyterian party. Milton, who 
— after the composition of his " Lycidas " had spent a year in foreign 

travel, returned to throw himself on this ground into the theological 
strife. He held it " an unjust thing that the English should differ 
from all Churches as many as be reformed." In spite of this 
pressure, however, and of a Presbyterian petition from London 
with fifteen thousand signatures to the same purport, the 
Committee of Religion reported in favour of the moderate reforms 
proposed by Falkland and Pym ; and a bill for the removal of 
bishops from the House of Peers passed the Commons almost un- 
animously. Rejected by the Lords on the eve of the King's 
journey to Scotland, it was again introduced on his return. Pym 
and his colleagues, anxious to close the disunion in their ranks, 
sought to end the pressure of the Presbyterian zealots, and the 
dread of the Church party, by taking their stand on the 
compromise suggested by the Committee of Religion in the spring. 
But in spite of violent remonstrances from the Commons the bill 
still hung fire among the Peers. The delay roused the excited 
crowd of Londoners who gathered round Whitehall ; the bishops'' 
carriages were stopped, and the prelates themselves rabbled on 
their way to the House. The angry pride of Williams induced ten 
of his fellow bishops to declare themselves prevented from attend- 
ance in Parliament, and to protest against all acts done in their 
absence as null and void. The protest was met at once on the 
part of the Peers by the committal of the prelates who had signed 
it to the Tower. But the contest gave a powerful aid to the 
Cavaliers projects of the King. The courtiers declared openly that the 
Round- rabbling of the bishops proved that there "was no free Parliament/' 
heads anc j strove to bring about fresh outrages by gathering troops of 
officers and soldiers of fortune, who were seeking for employment 
in the Irish war, and pitting them against the crowds at Whitehall. 
The brawls of the two parties, who gave each other the nicknames 
of " Roundheads " and " Cavaliers," created fresh alarm in the 
Parliament ; but Charles persisted in refusing it a guard. " On the 
honour of a King," he engaged to defend them from violence as 


From a copy by Thomas Athow (in Sutherland collection, Bodleian 

Library) of a picture formerly at Burford Priory. 



completely as his own children, but the answer had hardly been sec. vi 

given when his Attorney appeared at the bar of the Lords, and The 

accused Hampden, Pym, Hollis, Strode, and Haselrig of high UAMENT 

treason in their correspondence with the Scots. A herald-at-arms to 

appeared at the bar of the Commons, and demanded the surrender — 
of the five members. If Charles believed himself to be within 
legal forms, the Commons saw a mere act of arbitrary violence in a 
charge which proceeded personally from the King, which set aside 
the most cherished privileges of Parliament, and summoned the 
accused before a tribunal which had no pretence to a jurisdiction 
over them. The Commons simply promised to take the demand 
into consideration, and again requested a guard. " I will reply to- 
morrow," said the King. On the morrow he summoned the Jan. 4, 
gentlemen who clustered round Whitehall to follow him, and, 
embracing the Queen, promised her that in an hour he would 
return master of his kingdom. A mob of Cavaliers joined him as 
he left the palace, and remained in Westminster Hall as Charles, 
accompanied by his nephew, the Elector-Palatine, entered the House 
of Commons. " Mr. Speaker," he said, " I must for a time borrow 
your chair ! " He paused with a sudden confusion as his eye fell 
on the vacant spot where Pym commonly sate : for at the news of 
his approach the House had ordered the five members to withdraw. 
" Gentlemen," he began in slow broken sentences, " I am sorry for 
this occasion of coming unto you. Yesterday I sent a Sergeant-at- 
arms upon a very important occasion, to apprehend some that by 
my command were accused of high treason, whereunto I did expect 
obedience, and not a message." Treason, he went on, had no 
privilege, "and therefore I am come to know if any of these persons 
that were accused are here." There was a dead silence, only 
broken by his reiterated " I must have them wheresoever I find 
them." He again paused, but the stillness was unbroken. Then 
he called out, "Is Mr. Pym here?" There was no answer; and 
Charles, turning to the Speaker, asked him whether the five mem- 
bers were there. Lenthall fell on his knees ; " I have neither eyes 
to see, " he replied, " nor tongue to speak in this place, but as this 
House is pleased to direct me." " Well, well, " Charles angrily 
retorted, " 'tis no matter. I think my eyes are as good as 
another's ! " There was another long pause, while he looked care- 

wuiwjw j« »i0l 

B- ■ ■• . ■ ■ ■ ' ,r , '; 

• ■ 


f *:'c't 




: : 



•■ * ' 

1 '"' 



" ^Temoirs of the J'crney Family." 

. —m 



ll 3S 

fully over the ranks of members. u I see," he said at last, " all the 
birds are flown. I do expect you will send them to me as soon as 
they return hither." If they did not, he added, he would seek them 
himself; and with a closing protest that he never intended any 
force, "he went out of the House," says an eye-witness, " in a more 
discontented and angry passion than he came in." 

Nothing but the absence of the five members, and the calm 
dignity of the Commons, had prevented the King's outrage from 
ending in bloodshed. 
"It was believed," says 
Whitelock, who was 
present at the scene 
" that if the King had 
found them there, and 
called in his guards 
to have seized them, 
the members of the 
House would have en- 
deavoured the defence 
of them, which might 
have proved a very un- 
happy and sad busi- 
ness." Five hundred 
gentlemen of the best 
blood in England 
would hardly have 
stood tamely by while 
the bravoes of White- 
hall laid hands on their 
leaders in the midst of 
the Parliament. But 
Charles was blind to 
the danger of his 
course. The five mem- 
bers had taken refuge 

in the city, and it was there that on the next day the King 
himself demanded their surrender from the aldermen at Guild- 
hall. Cries of " Privilege " rang round him as he returned 

Sec. VI 

Long Par- 




The Eve 

of the 

Gervase Markham, il Art of Archerie," 1034. 




Sec. VI 

Long Par- 



tions for 

through the streets : the writs issued for the arrest of the five 
were disregarded by the Sheriffs, and a proclamation issued four 
days later, declaring them traitors, passed without notice. Terror 
drove the Cavaliers from Whitehall, and Charles stood absolutely 
alone ; for the outrage had severed him for the moment from 
his new friends in the Parliament, and from the ministers, Falk- 
land and Colepepper, whom he had chosen among them. But 
lonely as he was, Charles had resolved on war. The Earl of 
Newcastle was despatched to muster a royal force in the north ; 
and on the tenth of January news that the five members were 
about to return in triumph to Westminster drove Charles from 
Whitehall. He retired to Hampton Court and to Windsor, while 
the Trained Bands of London and Southwark on foot, and the 
London watermen on the river, all sworn " to guard the Parlia- 
ment, the Kingdom, and the King," escorted Pym and his fellow- 
members along the Thames to the House of Commons. Both 
sides prepared for the coming struggle. The Queen sailed from 
Dover with the Crown jewels to buy munitions of war. The 
Cavaliers again gathered round the King, and the royalist press 
flooded the country with State papers drawn up by Hyde. On the 
other hand, the Commons resolved by vote to secure the great 
arsenals of the kingdom, Hull, Portsmouth and the Tower ; while 
mounted processions of freeholders from Buckinghamshire and 
Kent traversed London on their way to St. Stephen's, vowing to 
live and die with the Parliament. The Lords were scared out of 
their policy of obstruction by Pym's bold announcement of the new 
position taken by the House of Commons. " The Commons," said 
their leader, " will be glad to have your concurrence and help in 
saving the kingdom ; but if they fail of it, it should not discourage 
them in doing their duty. And whether the kingdom be lost or 
saved, they shall be sorry that the story of this present Parliament 
should tell posterity that in so great a danger and extremity the 
House of Commons should be enforced to save the kingdom 
alone." The effect of Pym's words was seen in the passing of the 
bill for excluding bishops from the House of Lords. The great 
point, however, was to secure armed support from the nation at 
large, and here both sides were in a difficulty. Previous to the 
innovations introduced by the Tudors, and which had been already 


• - ». m mm ;+ 




questioned by the Commons in a debate on pressing soldiers, the sec. vi 
King in himself had no power of calling on his subjects generally The 

\-» ONG rAR* 



From an engraving by Hoil of a picture by Vandyck, in the collection of Earl Spencer. 

to bear arms, save for purposes of restoring order or meeting 
foreign invasion. On the other hand, no one contended that such 
a power had ever been exercised by the two Houses without the 

n 3 8 



sec, vi King ; and Charles steadily refused to consent to a Militia bill, in 
the which the command of the national force was given in everv 

Long Par- o j 

i.iament county to men devoted to the Parliamentary cause. Both parties 



Exercife of the English,in the 

Militia of the Kingdome of 



Temp. Charles I. 

Title-page of a Tract. 

therefore broke through constitutional precedent, the Parliament in 

appointing the Lord Lieutenants who commanded the Militia by 

Outbreak ordinance of the two Houses, Charles in levying forces by royal 

of War commissions of array. The King's great difficulty lay in procuring 



I][ 39 

arms, and on the twenty-third of April he suddenly appeared before 
Hull, the magazine of the north, and demanded admission. The 
new governor, Sir John Hotham, fell on his knees, but refused to 
open the gates : and the avowal of his act by the Parliament was 
followed by the witndrawal of the royalist party among its members 
from their seats at Westminster. Falkland, Colepepper and Hyde, 
with thirty-two peers and sixty members of the House of Com- 
mons, joined Charles at York ; and Lyttelton, the Lord Keeper, 
followed with the Great Seal. They aimed at putting a check on 
the King's projects of war, and their efforts were backed by the 
general opposition of the country. A great meeting of the York- 
shire freeholders which he convened on Hey worth Moor ended in 

Sec. VI 

Long Par- 



May 1642 


Made by Thomas Simon, the great medallist, who worked for the Parliamentary party. 

Unique medal, in the British Museum, 

a petition praying him to be reconciled to the Parliament, and 
in spite of gifts of plate from the Universities and nobles of his 
party, arms and money were still wanting for his new levies. 
The two Houses, on the other hand, gained in unity and vigour 
by the withdrawal of the royalists. The militia was rapidly 
enrolled, Lord Warwick named to the command of the fleet, 
and a loan opened in the city to which the women brought 
even their wedding rings. The tone of the two Houses had 
risen with the threat of force : and their last proposals demanded 
the powers of appointing and dismissing the royal ministers, 
naming guardians for the royal children, and of virtually con- 




Sec. vi trolling military, civil, and religious affairs. " If I granted your 
the demands," replied Charles, " I should be no more than the mere 

Long Par- 
liament phantom of a king." 
1640 r b 






Section VII.— The Civil War. July 1642— Aug. 1646 

^Authorities. — To those before given we may add Warburton's biography of 
Prince Rupert, Mr. Clements Markham's life of Fairfax, the Fairfax Corre- 
spondence, and Ludlow's "Memoirs." Sprigg's "Anglia Rediviva" gives an 
account of the New Model and its doings. For Cromwell, the primary authority 
is Mr. Carlyle's " Life and Letters," an invaluable store of documents, edited 
with the care of an antiquary and the genius of a poet. Clarendon, who now 
becomes of greater value, gives a good account of the Cornish rising.] 

Sec. VII 

The Civu 




The breaking off of negotiations was followed on both sides 

by preparations for immediate war. Hampden, Pym, and Hollis 

became the guiding spirits of a Committee of Public Safety which 

was created by Parliament as its administrative organ ; English 

and Scotch officers were drawn from the Low Countries, and Lord 

Essex named commander of an army, which soon rose to twenty 

thousand foot and four thousand horse. The confidence on the 

Parliamentary side was great ; " we all thought one battle would 

decide," Baxter confessed after the first encounter ; for the King 

was almost destitute of money and arms, and in spite of his 

strenuous efforts to raise recruits he was embarrassed by the 

reluctance of his own adherents to begin the struggle. Resolved, 

however, to force on a contest, he raised the Royal Standard at 

Nottingham " on the evening of a very stormy and tempestuous 

day," but the country made no answer to his appeal ; while Essex, 

who had quitted London amidst the shouts of a great multitude, 

with orders from the Parliament to follow the King, ' 4 and by battle 

or other way rescue him from his perfidious counsellors and restore 

him to Parliament," mustered his army at Northampton. Charles 

had but a handful of men, and the dash of a few regiments of 

horse w r ould have ended the war ; but Essex shrank from a 

decisive stroke, and trusted to reduce the King to submission by a 

show of force. As Charles fell back on Shrewsbury, Essex too 

moved westward and occupied Worcester. But the whole face of 
Vol. Ill— 14 


Aug. 22 




Sec. vii affairs suddenly changed. Catholics and royalists rallied fast to 

The Civil the King's standard, and a bold march on London drew Essex 

War ° 

from Worcester to protect the capital. The two armies fell in 

1646 with one another on the field of Edgehill, near Banbury. The 

Oct. 23, 



Robert ditvtbxux. Eahxx ot tsszx hu zxclllescx. I-ord C£N£KAJUL <se. 

the Tare e* tsi£*d by tkeAuXhorrty ot the PkrlUmrrafc Tot th* dtfi-nct. of tfa« Kutf Hut JKiz^gJamj* 

After IV. Hollar- 

encounter was a surprise, and the battle which followed was little 
more than a confused combat of horse. At its outset the desertion 
of Sir Faithful Fortescue with a whole regiment threw the 
Parliamentary forces into disorder v while the royalist horse on 




1 143 

either wing drove the cavalry of the enemy from the field ; but the Sbc. vii 

foot soldiers of Lord Essex broke the infantry which formed the the Civil 

centre of the King s line, and though his nephew, Prince Rupert, 1642 

brought back his squadrons in time to save Charles from capture 1646 


Mezzotint by himself. 

or flight, the night fell on a drawn battle. The moral advantage 
however, rested with the King. Essex had learned that his 
troopers were no match for the Cavaliers, and his withdrawal 
to Warwick left open the road to the capital. Rupert pressed for 




Sec. vii an instant march on London, but the proposal found stubborn 
The~c~ivil opponents among the moderate royalists, who dreaded the 


I G46 

Built c. 1640. 

Charles at complete triumph of Charles as much as his defeat. The King 
x f or therefore paused for the time at Oxford, where he was received 








with uproarious welcome ; and when the cowardico of its garrison Sec vii 
delivered Reading to Rupert's horse, and his daring capture of The civil 
Brentford drew the royal army in his support almost to the walls 
of the capital, the panic of the Londoners was already over, and 
the junction of their trainbands with the army of Essex forced 
Charles to fall back again on his old quarters. But though the 
Parliament rallied quickly from the blow of Edgehill, the war, as 
its area widened through the winter, went steadily for the King. 
The fortification of Oxford gave him a firm hold on the midland 
counties ; while the balance of the two parties in the north was 

Coined at Oxford, 1643. 

overthrown by the march of the Earl of Newcastle, with the force 
he had raised in Northumberland, upon York. Lord Fairfax, the 
Parliamentary leader in that county, was thrown back on the 
manufacturing towns of the West Riding, where Puritanism found 
its stronghold ; and the arrival of the Queen with arms from Feb. 1643 
Holland encouraged the royal army to push its scouts across the 
Trent, and threaten the eastern counties, which held firmly for the 
Parliament. The stress of the war was shown by the vigorous 
exertions of the two Houses. Some negotiations which had gone 
on into the spring were broken off by the old demand that the 
King should return to his Parliament ; London was fortified ; and 
a tax of two millions a year was laid on the districts which adhered 


Sec. vii to the Parliamentary cause. Essex, whose army had been freshly 
The Civil equipped, was ordered to advance upon Oxford ; but though the 
1642 King held himself ready to fall back on the west, the Earl shrank 
1646 from again risking his raw army in an encounter. He confined 
himself to the recapture of Reading, and to a month of idle 
encampment round Brill. 
^ The But while disease thinned his ranks and the royalists beat up 

Rising his quarters the war went more and more for the King. The 
inaction of Essex enabled Charles to send a part of his small 
force at Oxford to strengthen a royalist rising in the west. No- 
where was the royal cause to take so brave or noble a form as 
among the Cornishmen. Cornwall stood apart from the general 
life of England : cut off from it not only by differences of blood 
and speech, but by the feudal tendencies of its people, who clung 
with a Celtic loyalty to their local chieftains, and suffered their 
fidelity to the Crown to determine their own. They had as yet 
done little more than keep the war out of their own county ; but 
the march of a small Parliamentary force under Lord Stamford 
May 1643 upon Launceston forced them into action. A little band of 
Cornishmen gathered round the chivalrous Sir Bevil Greenvil, " so 
destitute of provisions that the best officers had but a biscuit a 
day," and with only a handful of powder for the whole force ; but 
starving and outnumbered as they were, they scaled the steep rise 
of Stratton Hill, sword in hand, and drove Stamford back on 
Exeter, with a loss of two thousand men, his ordnance and 
baggage train. Sir Ralph Hopton, the best of the royalist 
generals, took the command of their army as it advanced into 
Somerset, and drew the stress of the war into the West. Essex 
despatched a picked force under Sir William Waller to check their 
advance ; but Somerset was already lost ere he reached Bath, and 
the Cornishmen stormed his strong position on Lansdowne Hill 
in the teeth of his guns. But the stubborn fight robbed the victors 
of their leaders ; Hopton was wounded, and Greenvil slain ; while 
soon after, at the siege of Bristol, fell two other heroes of the little 
army, Sir Nicholas Slanning and Sir John Trevanion, " both young, 
neither of them above eight and twenty, of entire friendship to 
one another, and to Sir Bevil Greenvil." Waller, beaten as he 
July 1643 was, hung on their weakened force as it moved for aid upon 




Oxford, and succeeded in cooping up the foot in Devizes. But Se.-. vii 

the horse broke through, and joining a force which Charles had ™^ VIL 
sent to their relief, turned back, and dashed Waller's army to 1642 
pieces in a fresh victory on Roundway Down. The Cornish 1646 

Picture in the collection of Mr. Bernard Grenville. 

rising seemed to decide the fortune of the war ; and the succours 
which his Queen was bringing him from the army of the North 
determined Charles to make a fresh advance upon London. He 
was preparing for this advance, when Rupert in a daring raid from 

1 148 



Sec, vii Oxford on the Parliamentary army, met a party of horse with 
the civil Hampden at its head, on Chalgrove field. The skirmish 

War ° 

1642 ended in the success of the royalists, and Hampden was 

1646 seen riding off the field before the action was done, " which 

he never used to do," with his head bending down, and rest- 

Death of ing his hands upon the neck of his horse. He was mortally 

wounded, and his death seemed an omen of the ruin of the cause 

Hollar, ''''Aula Veneris," 1649. 

he loved. Disaster followed disaster. Essex, more and more 
anxious for a peace, fell back on Uxbridge ; while a cowardly 
surrender of Bristol to Prince Rupert gave Charles the second 
city of the kingdom, and the mastery of the West. The news fell 
on the Parliament " like a sentence of death." The Lords debated 
nothing but proposals of peace. London itself was divided ; " a 
great multitude of the wives of substantial citizens " clamoured 
at the door of the Commons for peace ; and a flight of six of 




the few peers who remained at Westminster to the camp at 
Oxford proved the general despair of the Parliament's success. 

From this moment, however, the firmness of the Parliamentary 
leaders began slowly to reverse the fortunes of the war. If 
Hampden was gone, Pym remained. The spirit of the Commons 
was worthy of their great leader : and Waller was received on his 
return from Roundway Hill " as if he had brought the King prisoner 
with him." A new army was placed under the command of Lord 
Manchester to check the progress of Newcastle in the North. But 
in the West the danger was greatest. Prince Maurice continued 
his brother Rupert's career of success, and his conquest of Barn- 
staple and Exeter secured Devon for the King. Gloucester alone 
interrupted the communications between his forces in Bristol and 
in the north ; and Charles moved against the city, with a hope of 
a speedy surrender. But the gallant resistance of the town called 
Essex to its relief. It was reduced to a single barrel of powder 
when the Earl's approach forced Charles to raise the siege ; and 
the Puritan army fell steadily back again on London, after an 
indecisive engagement near Newbury, in which Lord Falkland fell 
" ingeminating ' Peace, peace ! : ' and the London trainbands flung 
Rupert's horsemen roughly off their front of pikes. In this 


The Civil. 




Sept. 6 


Seventeenth Century. 

Antiquarian Museum, Edinburgh. 

posture of his affairs nothing but a great victory could have saved 
the King, for the day which witnessed the triumphant return of 
Essex witnessed the solemn taking- of the Covenant. Pvm had 
resolved at last to fling the Scotch sword into the wavering 
balance ; and in the darkest hour of the Parliament's cause Sir 
Harry Vane had been despatched to Edinburgh to arrange the 
terms on which the aid of Scotland would be given. First amongst Lea SJ* e 

& with 

them stood the demand of a " unity in Religion ; " an adoption, in Scotland 




Sec. vii other words, of the Presbyterian system by the Church of 
The Civil England. Events had moved so rapidly since the earlier debates 

War & 



on Church government in the Commons that some arrangement 
of this kind had become a necessity. The bishops to a man, and 
the bulk of the clergy, whose bent was purely episcopal, had 
joined the royal cause, and were being expelled from their livings 
as " delinquents." Some new system of Church government was 

imperatively called for by the 
religious necessities of the 
country ; and though Pym 
and the leading statesmen 
were still in opinion moderate 
Episcopalians, the growing 
force of Presbyterianism, and 
still more the needs of the 
war, forced them to seek such 
a system in the adoption of 
the Scotch discipline. Scot- 
land, for its part, saw that the 
triumph of the Parliament 
was necessary for its own 
security ; and whatever diffi- 
culties stood in the way of 
Vane's wary and rapid ne- 
gotiations were removed by 
the policy of the King. While 
the Parliament looked for aid 
to the north, Charles had 
been seeking assistance from 
the Irish rebels. The mas- 
sacre had left them the 
objects of a vengeful hate such as England had hardly known 
before, but with Charles they were simply counters in his game 
of king-craft. The conclusion of a truce with the Confederate 
Catholics left the army under Lord Ormond, which had hitherto 
held their revolt in check, at the King's disposal for service 
in England. With the promise of Catholic support Charles 
might even think himself strong enough to strike a blow 

Seventeenth Century. 
Burns, :< Old Scottish Communion Plate." 




at the government in Edinburgh ; and negotiations were soon 
opened with the Irish Catholics to support by their landing in 
Argyleshire a rising of the Highlanders under Montrose. None of 
the King's schemes proved so fatal to his cause as these. As the 
rumour of his intentions spread, officer after officer in his own 
army flung down their commissions, the peers who had fled to 
Oxford fled back again to London, and the royalist reaction in the 
Parliament itself came utterly to an end. Scotland, anxious for 
its own safety, hastened to sign the Covenant ; and the Commons, 
" with uplifted hands," swore in St. Margaret's church to observe 
it. They pledged themselves to " bring the Churches of God in 
the three Kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in 


The Civil 



Sept. 15 

to the 



Seventeenth Century. 

Burns, " Old Scottish Communion Plate." 

religion, confession of faith, form of Church government, direc- 
tion for worship and catechizing ; that we, and our posterity after 
us, may as brethren live in faith and love, and the Lord may 
delight to live in the midst of us " : to extirpate Popery, prelacy, 
superstition, schism, and profaneness ; to " preserve the rights and 
privileges of the Parliament, and the liberties of the Kingdom ; " 
to punish malignants and opponents of reformation in Church 
and State ; to " unite the two Kingdoms in a firm peace and union 
to all posterity." The Covenant ended with a solemn acknow- 
ledgement of national sin, and a vow of reformation. " Our true, 
unfeigned purpose, desire, and endeavour for ourselves and all 
others under our power and charge, both in public and private, in 

Sept. 25 

' f avfolemn a ? 

Llagvl and coxtnant. 

for Reformation, and defence of 
Religion the Honour and haxrpmefle, 
of the king. Jtnd the Peace uid Uierv of the 

mrrr fcinffaoow of 

„_77um, JS*svns Aniabt/ Ciendamtn. L't/mrnr frurye ~cs if i niters Sthr G&'pei. and Cmutwus 
eftMJert* w. the Avp&ms p EogUnd, SexytUnd. +nU tt^lirui, *r a* /Wtu/V^ /«*-«/ *" > ^''' 
j-«r fcinj •*--*-* fWwt? efene r-e/mrm^l LKeLataiL. ken -*j t^rrr cur m* &** Chrr s+ M*-i aeul the *Jv*jvt 
wem t f&ie kuyadame e* ourLtmi ojiJ. Jeajuner fy'us ChrtA. the Hxnvur *nJ "Li/tlti^ ft tyfthe kjn#j Xj 
ie£ mJtus p^ierrfr **d *ke pwpu^iju/ /.therp- Sa/rir a nd Peace of the Kuutdfv 'ushereui evert 
0mm prweJe Ctn+i/u** te me-kedml anUaJUntl* m-CnM eke trna^ervur *nj tieeJr PteU. Cen/jpira ■ 
not Attemftr and PntctLCA/ of the £ nemiAf gftfcU, ajaisyt the true RcUqivtC xrui prv's'frr? the 
nyf i n alLwUcee e/f cct *4r' ** *?* *krve ktfif&iv eise*jLnc* the Fjrftrm6e£Lr n ef Kelgtern. tnl 
it* tr mueh thetr "MC rawer ojiJ vra/Umjfuon asr ff date ana. at Our hr.e uieredcd +mj ccer. 
eve* u,k*r*<r* ike J*g% r^b/UUefthe Church mfkutfdem, tf IreUnd. the L-W^'eJ cl^ 
tefthe Cfutrch a*U %J*tfd*m c/ £ngLuuL AtU the dmjrf*™*fj/Ute eflhr Church +nZ hufc - 
Jem afScotJApa, at? present arui puhuaue TeiimsnjeJ \yfhs**r 'new -tf -*£ 'ffter etker 

tne+*is f/SupmwewxtwK Kemeyfransv. Pfvtg4m J *e>t%j- a.rimi-^u/'e'nytes '\ W the r^ ^ l <^" 9t ■ St ~ r 

r •_/*-< aUr /W|f*ni / 'w» ujto— Ru±m setd Z)*frw^/» i n \.Y*mine a* thj c^menendeMe em 
fffmSe^r JtMif/fims m 'ermer tun^s ar^the FLx*-tpfr rf ^n./- Terror tex ether Xe^tenJ 

A *-uMne£ enJ/elemM^ L*?ue 
mfteshtr huHJetf witn t*ur 

_ arU the" LK+^fl, */ OUefmrp* 
ifa- metiurr **Itle*u£*e>n. rej'eived oetd d* ie nm isie -J L> enter InU a rt<-i--eP 
ftmd Cet*m*mt WkeretA. we +Ji 'u£/cri£e m%d •oak 

-V*. ^ei+r*4ZMJ u/fte rcux we *u u*<crt+e 

hmeUr Lfad Mf * the rrwi tyh .<?*C eU/we* 

I £%ehe&,'\* 

AJCAj**. •" 

TV tt>rh^U.ilfo with A\ ftitljidiHi 
lie endrjvour the dxfrove ry of uh 
fuchjs hivehnene-orttiAllbf lace 
dun«Maltgtu.rU». orev-dl InAru 
•tnents' by hindering tlteReforuU' 
hon of Religion, dividing the King 
from hif people or erne of the King I 
•donir from another, or raikmg^- 
Tjchonor parliey imongd the peo- 
ple contrary tothu leig ue &• Coue 
•nant that they maybe brought to pu 
■blicktruJl and receive condigne pit 
uulhinetaf med£groeofthetr»o(re - 
ceyfhall require or deferre. orthefu 
prea ludicaione* of both Kingdoms: 
refpecrivtily or oth err having powrt/ 
^■^rcm^ahem forthja efla^fhatl 

I Thai weihail hncerelr. really andcorutintly. th 
'jih tijeGrtce ofOod eudea-vo u.v in our ftvrr all p 
•70 ■?£* a.iux calling.*- the prefervTitionot'the Refbr- 
ined. Religion m the (Jiurch oCStodanJ i nDoo 
tnne.W'ormipDtfcipline &• Government againfi 
ourcoToonEnetniaj the retb-rtnationofT^cligi- 
on ltvthe kjugdonw o(ZrjqbutJ \u\A.Indis2d.\nZ)oc\ 
rnne »brfhipX>ifcipline and Governtnent, accoi+ 
ding to the Word of God and the Example of the 
befl Reformed Churchej. Andfhall indeavour 
to bring the Churches of God in the three ting 
dom; tothe neerert coruun<5lion and Uniformi- 
ty in Religion Confeffion ofraith, R>rtnofChiai|ij 
metU, directory for ^rfrup and Cate< 
Thai vce and our pollen ty after us may 
'irrn live in Faith and Love, and t 
nay delight to dwell in the mid; 
(left of of. 

i« flu u-/W* m*L 

>*-»■*- ■-*-- <~ A — r» 

*.*^Lu iL,. Du, J~ » %, 

^*i mtaiMaf m m mj' L e- tmm*r 
tArt rWri mm*ittt mm' mmtUams 

U Tlul we Ihall in lite manner without refpect of per 

■Ibnf ino>4iour the extirpation ofPopery Prelacie 'that u« 

/ Church «o\t rnmt nt b>. Arch Bilhony-Buriop* (hei r Cnancelloi 

\ Jnd ComilTanej Deanj Deans and Chaprexj- ArchdeacoiiS W 

• all other EccleliiflicaU Otficens depending on that Hierarchy^/ ' 

J^<£uperfiihon Herefte v5chifme Prophaneneue and what 

^—^ ■x joever fhallbefouud to be contrary lolbundDoc. 

ne, and the power of GodlinelTe led wr partaXe in 

lOtfaer mctu firvj and therbv be lndanfier to receivcof' 

lh« I r pUgilfif. anil thjj Ibe Loixl mab' oiiir md Ku Samron 

^ UL Wr fhall with the fame fit 
'Haility and confiancy inour (ev-traj 
Vocaitons, endna-vour with < 
rtiateis andLvej mutually to pnrv 
Irrve the Rights atui Pri valed'j 
ger of the Pirliamenls: and the I 
Laber-bes ofthetinijdopiej Jndl 
to prefrrve and defend thf K^n^ 
Maieftics perlon and irBtf^ontii 
in the prefervanon ana. cQ*enoej" 
of the true Religion ancLLiber r 
-tios of the kingdonoetf, that the j 
World may beare wilt ~ 
our coruciencos ofcru^&A/ J 
alrie, aud that we have 
houghly or mtenhonsl 
djmiruih hi* Maielu" ' 
oerte * U 


Jtr mm *4lKr oUyJIimmii f. 



VT Wefhall alfo acoorchng to our plat-e^ or callings in 
thu common cwCc ofReugion Liherry and Peace of 
the kingdomexy a/Tiit anddefend all thofe thai enter in 
to thu League and Covenant in the maintairilg S*pur| 
■iuittg thereof ind Ihall notluffer our lelvw directly or 
indj rectly by oi+iailbever combinalton pertwafion or te^ 
rot tc be dewtded k withdrawn from this blefledUruo 
&-cxjnnmgta cm whether to make defection to the Con- 
trary part or to give our felvos toadeteuable mdiflereti. 
cy or neutrality in thvj caufe- which fomuch cocerneth. 
the glory of God the good ofthe Kincdomj andhonotir 
of me king i but fhaJT all the day cj ofourlivcsiealoufly 
and conftantiy continue therein againli all oppoflbon 
and promote the umr according to ourpo-wr again/I all 
Lets and impedunentf whatfocver, an what we are not 
aMeoiirfclvestoilipprrileor overcome we Ihall revcalc 
anil tnaA? known that it may be timely preventrdor retno 
vrcL Allg4iirh ut- Ihjllrln as in itir AoKt nf C,<-A m 

Ajtd b«?c*ufe theff lutudomj Arc a \i til y of <T\mi\y CmJ in provT}C*rionj ag^JTui 
God. it hu S<m IrCxjks Oonft mj u loo manifeil by ctrrj>rcren* difrrelTej and dan. 
gecf tKrlVuuj lh*r reof We profeffc And declare before Cod md the world our unfiy 
neddrCre to be Kuml>l«l fo r oJT^Jr f o r the f>iv» jfihcfc kitiodoau efpecojlr <hal «rr hart 
not mf veottfbt raltwdttie tnefiiTnAislF brrtef\\ of the OofpeL tiuU webax-r oot liihmied tor 
Ibr purrtj- *.nd powrr thereof And tKu nrlu»riwl endeavored to receive Cbrut tn our 
he«\Ai. nor lowalk w mlli t afKim inourlivrj which are the caufej of other I \rv i-.J trartf 
c/reltioiw.ro much abounding aznonoA Utf A-nd our true and unfxyned ptArpofeddire 
AndLcndeaygrur for our fel^ej And All othery underour j>ow^r Andxhargc both in 
publitrt and in private, in aH duriet we owe to God and nun to Amend our liv ej- xn(i 
each one to So beibre Another in the LaAtnrar of a rrall rU-TC-rmJtion that the Lord may 
name AwAv'hir »»rA*h. ancUiearf inditfnAri^n i\*ui. eft J'lilh ll.efe C^urche-T and rjnp 
dorrxr in n-ulb and peace And thtt i overwinl *t maae in tlir niTlenceot almiglitr 
God. Ihe 5earcher oTall hearty wub alrue inlniluii. t.» rfrformt ihe I ame arfwelkaiTan 
Twer a» thai greal da» when the fecreta or all bra, t» Ihall be difclofed Mud hiimWr befro 
^^bintf the Lord toftrenothen tubyhu ltol>.Spii ifforlhu end andlo bUAe our deti, 
^Xjwj Andprocodano/ mth fitch luccefle a*- mar be deliverance andu/ety tohaa 
^^ people orencsuradflernriil tootherChnQuii Chvarcha/ (jroaniog lander or i-- 1 - 
~-.&l ^grrofrhe jroake ofAnli-eivnlhan Tyranny lovcyne in tfierirne or lake AJTocu 
i ^aaditfvnfcfata tothe etorr ofCod the rolar«em»al o/rhr riatiorfWiv Cfcj 
Lj^,^^,^— j^ie part mmm rr*i*«u*litr r*fOar«kA.ajiujriomj WpuvT w|^li 






all duties we owe to God and man, is to amend our lives, and each 
one to go before another in the example of a real reformation." 

The conclusion of the Covenant had been the last work of Pym. 
A " Committee of the Two Kingdoms " which was entrusted after 
his death in December with the conduct of the war and of foreign 
affairs did their best to carry out the plans he had formed for the 
coming year. The vast scope of these plans bears witness to his 
amazing ability. Three strong armies, comprising a force of fifty 
thousand men, had been raised for the coming campaign. Essex, 
with the army of the centre, was charged with the duty of watching 
the king at Oxford. Waller, with another army, was to hold Prince 
Maurice in check in the west. The force of fourteen thousand men 

Sec vii 

The Civil 





British Museum. 

which had been raised by the zeal of the eastern counties, and in 
which Cromwell's name was becoming famous as a leader, was 
raised into a third army under Lord Manchester, ready to co- 
operate in Yorkshire with Sir Thomas Fairfax. With Alexander 
Leslie, Lord Leven, at its head, the Scotch army crossed the border 
in January "in a great frost and snow," and Newcastle was forced 
to hurry northward to arrest its march. His departure freed the 
hands of Fairfax, who threw himself on the English troops from 
Ireland that had landed at Chester, and after cutting them to 
pieces marched as rapidlv back to storm Selbv. The danger in his 
rear called back Newcastle, who returned from confronting the 
Scots at Durham to throw himself into York, where he was 

Diclovis. 33. Martii. 1643, 

€ is tl)iS bap CWereb bp tf)c JLo^fi $ Com 
uions 3lffembleb in parliament, rijatno 
pcrfon ojperfonstotyatfoebet, boeatanp 
time from ftenecfojtl) blip, fell, o? tabefa 
pawn 02 crct)ange anp iF)0)fc,$ojfcs,£)ut; 
Kets, Carabines, 13iQols,}Di&cS, Co?flet£ 
0? map other 2rmeS, inarfceb ttntl) ti)e 
marttes abobc fpecifieb, tf)af no femtrt), 
(SOtvflnirt) 02 otljcr pctfott doc upon anp pictencesiMjatfo; 
efoer, citljcr alter 02 Deface the marttc abobc fpcnficD, bemg 
either on ^o;fe o; Slrmcs. Jt is further €>:bercb, tljatm 
Cafe anp $02fc 02 ^ozfesmaruebtofththismarlic, Qjaufali 
CicUr, JLamc, 02 othertoifc foi the pjefent piouc unfcraiccabie, 
<£ljat tl)e Conftablc of tl)c ^ro\»nc at the charge of that 
€otonc talie care to p2cfcrbe fuel) $?o:fcs until! tljep can be 
Cent unto fuel) as fljall beappointeb to rcectbe them: 3lnn 
that fuel) as flball rcceibcthem (hall befrap tlje charges of 
rtnm, 3tab if anp perfon 02 perfons offenb in thepjciniffcs, 
^t is02bercbtl)atl)eeo?tl)ep Qiall fuffcr^mpnfonmcntbu* 
ring tl)e pleaturc oft^e l*>ottfe, ana to forfeit tljc goobS fo 

Ordered br the I ords and Commons in Parliament allenibkd, that trm Order be 
forthwith Printed and publilhed. lohnHroxrn:. Cler. ParL 

London, Printed for John Wright, and are to be fold in the Old Baily. lt^}. 



Collection of Miss Toulmin Smith. 



1 1 


besieged by Fairfax and by the Scotch army. The plans of Pym 
were now rapidly developed. While Manchester marched with the 
army of the Associated Counties to join the forces of Fairfax and 
Lord Leven under the walls of York, Waller and Essex gathered 
their troops round Oxford. Charles was thrown on the defensive. 

Robert Dxvxrtvx. easxe or Tss tx ai9 Ixcel* 

tfc&cyvk CeneftUl tfy Army, 

Sec. VII 

The Civil 




After IV. Hollar. 

The troops from Ireland on which he counted had been cut to 
pieces by Fairfax or by Waller, and in North and South he seemed 
utterly overmatched. But he was far from despairing. He had 
already answered Newcastle's cry for aid by despatching Prince 
Rupert from Oxford to gather forces on the Welsh border ; and 

Picture by Walker, at Hinchinbrooke. 

chap, viii PURITAN ENGLAND 1157 

the brilliant partizan, after breaking the sieges of Newark and Sec. vii 
Lathom House, burst over the Lancashire hills into Yorkshire, The civil 
slipped by the Parliamentary army, and made his way untouched 1642 


into York. But the success of this feat of arms tempted him to a 1646 

fresh act of daring ; he resolved on a decisive battle, and a dis- Marston 

charge of musketrv from the two armies as thev faced each other : ° 0> 

July 2, 

on Marston Moor brought on, as evening gathered, a disorderly 1644 
engagement. On the one flank a charge of the King's horse broke 
that of the enemy ; on the other, Cromwell's brigade won as com- 
plete a success over Rupert's troopers. " God made them as 
stubble to our swords," wrote the general at the close of the day ; 
but in the heat of victory he called back his men from the chase to 
back Manchester in his attack on the royalist foot, and to rout 
their other wing of horse as it returned breathless from pursuing 
the Scots. Nowhere had the fighting been so fierce. A young 
Puritan who lay dying on the field told Cromwell as he bent over 
him that one thing lay on his spirit. " I asked him what it was," 
Cromwell wrote afterwards. " He told me it was that God had 
not suffered him to be any more the executioner of His enemies." 
At night-fall all was over ; and the royalist cause in the north had 
perished at a blow. Newcastle fled over sea : York surrendered, 
and Rupert, with about six thousand horse at his back, rode south- 
ward to Oxford. The blow was the more terrible that it fell on 
Charles at a moment when his danger in the south was being 
changed into triumph by a series of brilliant and unexpected suc- 
cesses. After a month's siege the King had escaped from Oxford 
followed by Essex and Waller ; had waited till Essex marched to 
attack Prince Maurice at Lyme ; and then, turning fiercely on 
Waller at Cropredy Bridge, had driven him back broken to London, 
two days before the battle of Marston Moor. Charles followed up 
his success by hurrying in the track of Essex, whom he hoped to 
crush between his own force and that under Maurice. By a fatal 
error, Essex plunged into Cornwall, where the country was hostile, 
and where the King hemmed him in among the hills, drew his lines 
tightly round his army, and forced the whole body of the foot to 
surrender at his mercy, while the horse cut their way through the 
besiegers, and Essex himself fled by sea to London. The day of 

the surrender was signalized by a royalist triumph in Scotland 
Vol. Ill— 15 




StunGrdi Geef-ZtUt _ > 




Sec. vii which promised to undo what Marston Moor had done. The Irish 
The Civil Catholics fulfilled their covenant with Charles by the landing of 

War j *=» 

1642 Irish soldiers in Argyle ; and as had long since been arranged, 
Montrose, throwing himself into the Highlands, called the clans to 


arms. Flinging his new force on that of the Covenanters at 

Tippermuir, he gained a victory which enabled him to occupy 

Perth, to sack Aberdeen, and to spread terror to Edinburgh. The 

news fired Charles, as he came up from the west, to venture on a 

march upon London ; but though the Scots were detained at New- 

Newbury cas tle the rest of the victors at Marston Moor lay in his path at 
Oct. 2 7 

Newbury ; and their force was strengthened by the soldiers who 

had surrendered in Cornwall, but who had been again brought into 

British Museum. 

the field. The charges of the royalists failed to break the Parlia- 
mentary squadrons, and the soldiers of Essex wiped away the 
shame of their defeat by flinging themselves on the cannon they 
had lost, and bringing them back in triumph to their lines. Crom- 
well would have seized the moment of victory, but the darkness 
hindered his charging with his single brigade. Manchester, mean- 
while, in spite of the prayers of his officers, refused to attack. 
Like Essex, he shrank from a crowning victory over the King. 
Charles was allowed to withdraw his army to Oxford, and even to 
reappear unchecked in the field of his defeat. 
Cromwell The quarrel of Cromwell with Lord Manchester at Newbury 
was destined to give a new colour and direction to the war. Pym, 



in fact, had hardly been borne to his grave in Westminster Abbey Sec vii 
before England instinctively recognized a successor of yet greater The civil 
genius in the victor of Marston Moor. Born in the closing years 1642 


of Elizabeth's reign, the child of a cadet of the great house of the 1646 
Cromwells of Hinchinbrook, and of kin through their mothers with 1599 
Hampden and St. John, Oliver had been recalled by his father's 
death from a short stay at Cambridge to the little family estate at 
Huntingdon, which he quitted for a farm at St. Ives. We have 
already seen his mood during the years of personal rule, as he 
dwelt in " prolonging" and " blackness " amidst fancies of coming 
death, the melancholy which formed the ground of his nature 
feeding itself on the inaction of the time. But his energy made 
itself felt the moment the tyranny was over. His father had sat, 
with three of his uncles, in the later Parliaments of Elizabeth. 
Oliver had himself been returned to that of 1628, and the town of 
Cambridge sent him as its representative to the Short Parliament 
as to the Long. It is in the latter that a courtier, Sir Philip 
Warwick, gives us our first glimpse of his actual appearance. " I 
came into the House one morning, well clad, and perceived a 
gentleman speaking whom I knew not, very ordinarily apparelled, 
for it was a plain cloth suit, which seemed to have been made by 
an ill country tailor. His linen was plain, and not very clean ; and 
I remember a speck or two of blood upon his little band, which 
Avas not much larger than his collar. His hat was without a hat- 
band. His stature was of a good size ; his sword stuck close to 
his side ; his countenance swoln and reddish ; his voice sharp and 
untuneable, and his eloquence full of fervour." He was already 
" much hearkened unto," but his power was to assert itself in deeds 
rather than in words. Men of his own time marked him out from 
all others by the epithet of Ironside. He appeared at the head of CromwelPs 


a troop of his own raising at Edgehill ; but with the eye of a born 
soldier he at once saw the blot in the army of Essex. " A set of 
poor tapsters and town apprentices," he warned Hampden, " would 
never fight against men of honour ; " and he pointed to religious 
enthusiasm as the one weapon which could meet the chivalry of 
the Cavalier. Even to Hampden the plan seemed impracticable ; 
but the regiment of a thousand men which Cromwell raised for the 
Association of the Eastern Counties was formed strictly of " men 




Sec. VII 

The Civil 



of religion." He spent his fortune freely on the task he set 
himself. " The business .... hath had of me in money between 
eleven and twelve hundred pounds, therefore my private estate can 
do little to help the public .... I have little money of my own 
(left) to help my soldiers." But they were " a lovely company," he 
tells his friends with soldierly pride. No blasphemy, drinking, 
disorder, or impiety were suffered in their ranks. " Not a man 


Wood-carving at Cromwell House, Highgate. 

swears but he pays his twelve pence." Nor was his choice of 
" men of religion " the only innovation Cromwell introduced into 
his new regiment. The social traditions which restricted com- 
mand to men of birth were disregarded. " It may be," he wrote, 
in answer to complaints from the committee of the Association, " it 
provokes your spirit to see such plain men made captains of horse. 
It had been well that men of honour and birth had entered into 




their employments ; but why do they not appear ? But seeing it is Sec. vii 
necessary the work must go on, better plain men than none : but THE t Civil 
best to have men patient of wants, faithful and conscientious in 1642 
their employment, and such, I hope, these will approve them- 
selves." The words paint Cromwell's temper accurately enough : 
he is far more of the practical soldier than of the reformer ; though 
his genius already breaks in upon his aristocratic and conservative 



Wood-caning at Cromwell House. Hizhzate. 

sympathies, and catches glimpses of the social revolution to which 
the war was drifting. " I had rather," he once burst out im- 
patiently, " have a plain russet-coated captain, that knows what he 
fights for and loves what he knows, than what you call a gentle- 
man, and is nothing else. I honour a gentleman that is so 
indeed ! " he ends with a characteristic return to his more common 
mood of feeling. The same practical temper broke out in a more 




Sec vii startling innovation. Bitter as had been his hatred of the bishops, 
the civil and strenuously as he had worked to bring about a change in 
Church government, Cromwell, like most of the Parliamentary 


1646 leaders, seems to have been content with the new Presbyterianism, 
Cromwell and the Presbyterians were more than content with him. Lord 
Manchester " suffered him to guide the army at his pleasure/' 


" The man, Cromwell," writes the Scotchman Baillie, " is a very 


Wood-carving at Cromwell House, Highgate. 

wise and active head, universally well beloved as religious and 
stout." But against dissidents from the legal worship of the 
Church the Presbyterians were as bitter as Laud himself; and, as 
we shall see, Nonconformity was rising into proportions which 
made its claim of toleration, of the freedom of religious worship, 
one of the problems of the time. Cromwell met the problem in 
his unspeculative fashion. He wanted good soldiers and good 




men; and, if they were these, the Independent, the Baptist, the SecVH 
Leveller, found entry among his troops. " You would respect the civil 
them, did you see them," he answered the panic-stricken Presby- 
terians who charged them with " Anabaptistry " and revolutionary 
aims : " they are no Anabaptists : they are honest, sober Christians : 
they expect to be used as men." He was soon to be driven — as in 

the social change we noticed before- 

•to a far larger and grander 






Wood-carz'ing at Cromwell House, Highgate. 

point of view. But as yet he was busier with his new regiment 
than with theories of Church and State ; and his horsemen were no 
sooner in action than they proved themselves such soldiers as the 
war had never seen yet. " Truly they were never beaten at all," 
their leader said proudly at its close. At Winceby fight they 
charged " singing psalms," cleared Lincolnshire of the Cavaliers, 
and freed the eastern counties from all danger from Newcastle's 



partizans. At Marston Moor they faced and routed Rupert's 
chivalry. At Newbury it was only Manchester's reluctance that 
hindered them from completing the ruin of Charles. 

Cromwell had shown his capacity for organization in the 

The New creation of his regiment ; his military genius had displayed itself 

at Marston Moor. Newbury first raised him into a political leader. 

" Without a more speedy, vigorous, and effective prosecution of 

Sec. VII 

The Civil 



/ tW f . 

Wood-carving at Cromwell House, Higligate. 

the war," he said to the Commons after his quarrel with Manches- 
ter, " casting off all lingering proceedings, like those of soldiers of 
fortune beyond sea to spin out a war, we shall make the kingdom 
weary of us, and hate the name of a Parliament." But under the 
leaders who at present conducted it a vigorous conduct of the war 
was hopeless. They were, in Cromwell's plain words, " afraid to 
conquer." They desired not to crush Charles, but to force him 



a ) ices 


Sec. vii back, with as much of his old strength remaining as might be, to 

the Civil the position of a constitutional King. The old loyalty, too, 

1642 clogged their enterprise ; they shrank from the taint of treason. 


1646 "If the King be beaten," Manchester urged at Newbury, "he will 
still be king ; if he beat us he will hang us all for traitors." To a 
mood like this Cromwell's attitude seemed horrible : " If I met the 
King in battle," he answered, according to a later story, " I would 
fire my pistol at the King as at another." The army, too, as he 
long ago urged at Edgehill, was not an army to conquer with. 
Now, as then, he urged that till the whole force was new modelled, 
and placed under a stricter discipline, " they must not expect any 
notable success in anything they went about." But the first step 
in such a re-organization must be a change of officers. The army 
The Self- was led and officered by members of the two Houses, and the Self- 

denying . . _ , . . . , 

Ordin- denying Ordinance, as it was introduced by Cromwell and Vane, 
declared the tenure of military or civil offices incompatible with a 
seat in either. The long and bitter resistance which this measure 
met before it was finally passed in a modified form was justified at 
a later time by the political results which followed the rupture of 
the tie which had hitherto bound the army to the Parliament. But 
the drift of public opinion was too strong to be withstood. 
The passage of the Ordinance brought about the retirement of 
Essex, Manchester, and Waller ; and the new organization of the 
army went rapidly on under a new commander-in-chief, Sir 
Thomas Fairfax, the hero of the long contest in Yorkshire, and 
who had been raised into fame by his victory at Nantwich, and his 
bravery at Marston Moor. But behind Fairfax stood Cromwell ; 
and the principles on which Cromwell had formed his brigade were 
carried out on a larger scale in the " New Model." The one aim 
was to get together twenty thousand " honest " men. " Be 
careful," Cromwell had written, "what captains of horse you 
choose, what men be mounted. A few honest men are better than 
numbers. If you choose godly honest men to be captains of horse, 
honest men will follow them." The result was a curious medley of 
men of different ranks among the officers of the New Model. The 
bulk of those in high command remained men of noble or gentle 
blood, Montagues, Pickerings, Fortescues, Sheffields, Sidneys, and 
the like. But side by side with these, though in far smaller pro- 




portion, were seen officers like Ewer, who had been a serving-man Sec. vii 
like Okey, who had been a drayman, or Rainsborou^h who had T** cwn. 
been a "skipper at sea." A result hardly less notable was the 1642 


From an engraving by H. Hondius. 

youth of the officers. Among those in high command there were 
few who, like Cromwell, had passed middle age. Fairfax was but 
thirty-three, and most of his colonels were even younger. Equally 




Sec. VII 

The Civil 



1 646 


strange was the mixture of religions in its ranks ; though a large 
proportion of the infantry w r as composed of pressed recruits, the 
cavalry was for the most part strongly Puritan, and in that part 
of the army especially dissidence of every type had gained a firm 

Of the political and religious aspect of the New Model we shall 
have to speak at a later time ; as yet its energy was directed solely 
to " the speedy and vigorous prosecution of the war." Fairfax was 

Drawing in Sutherland Collection, Bodleian Library. 

no sooner ready for action than the policy of Cromwell was aided 
by the policy of the King. From the hour when Newbury marked 
the breach between the peace and war parties in the Parliament, 
the Scotch Commissioners and the bulk of the Commons had 
seen that their one chance of hindering what they looked on as 
revolution in Church and State lay in pressing for fresh negotia- 
tions with Charles. Commissioners met at Uxbridge to draw up a 
treaty ; but the hopes of concession which Charles held out were 
suddenly withdrawn in the spring. He saw, as he thought, the 




Parliamentary army dissolved and ruined by its new modelling, at 
an instant when news came from Scotland of fresh successes on the 
part of Montrose, and of his overthrow of the Marquis of Argyle's 
troops in the victory of Inverlochy. " Before the end of the 
summer," wrote the conqueror, " I shall be in a position to come to 
your Majesty's aid with a brave army." The party of war gained 
the ascendant ; and in May the King opened his campaign by a 
march to the north. Leicester was stormed, the blockade of 

Sec. VII 

The Civil 




Sketch made by Randle Holme just before the siege. 

J AS". Harl. 2073. 

Chester raised, and the eastern counties threatened until Fairfax, 
who had been unwillingly engaged in a siege of Oxford, hurried at 
last on his track. Cromwell, who had been suffered by the House 
to retain his command for a few days in spite of the Ordinance, 
joined Fairfax as he drew near the King, and his arrival was greeted 
by loud shouts of welcome from the troops. The two armies 
met near Naseby, to the north-west of Northampton. The King 
was eager to fight. " Never have my affairs been in as good a state," 
he cried ; and Prince Rupert was as impatient as his uncle. On 

June 14, 


Stanford-i acegraphual Establijkrmr 

chap, viir PURITAN ENGLAND 1173 

the other side, even Cromwell doubted as a soldier the success of Sec. vii 
the newly-drilled troops, though religious enthusiasm swept away the Civil 
doubt in the assurance of victory. " I can say this of Naseby," he 1642 


wrote soon after, " that when I saw the enemy draw up and march 1646 

in gallant order towards us, and we a company of poor ignorant 

men, to seek to order our battle, the general having commanded 

me to order all the horse, I could not, riding alone about my 

business, but smile out to God in praises, in assurance of victory, 

because God would by things that are not bring to nought things 

that are. Of which I had great assurance, and God did it." The 

battle began with a furious charge of Rupert uphill, which routed 

the wing opposed to him under Ireton ; while the royalist foot, 

after a single discharge, clubbed their muskets and fell on the 

centre under Fairfax so hotly that it slowly and stubbornly gave 

way. But Cromwell's brigade were conquerors on the left. A 

single charge broke the northern horse under Langdale, who had 

already fled before them at Marston Moor ; and holding his troops 

firmly in hand, Cromwell fell with them on the flank of the royalist 

foot in the very crisis of its success. A panic of the King's reserve, 

and its flight from the field, aided his efforts : it was in vain that 

Rupert returned with forces exhausted by pursuit, that Charles, in 

a passion of despair, called on his troopers for " one charge more." 

The battle was over : artillery, baggage, even the royal papers, fell 

into the conqueror's hands ; five thousand men surrendered ; only 

two thousand followed the King in his headlong flight from the 

field. The war was ended at a blow. While Charles wandered Close of 

helplessly along the Welsh border in search of fresh forces, Fairfax 

marched rapidly into Somersetshire, and routed the royal forces at 

Langport. A victory at Kilsyth, which gave Scotland for the 

moment to Montrose, threw a transient gleam over the darkening 

fortunes of his master's cause ; but the surrender of Bristol to the 

Parliamentary army, and the dispersion of the last force Charles 

could collect in an attempt to relieve Chester, was followed by news 

of the crushing and irretrievable defeat of the " Great Marquis " at Sept. 1645 

Philiphaugh. In the wreck of the royal cause we may pause for a 

moment over an incident which brings out in relief the best temper 

of both sides. Cromwell " spent much time with God in prayer 

before the storm " of Basing House, where the Marquis of Win- 
Vol. Ill— 16 




Sec. vii Chester had held stoutly out through the war for the King. The 
The Civil storm ended its resistance, and the brave old royalist was brought 

War ' ° 



in a prisoner with his house flaming around him. He " broke out, '* 

From an engraving by R. Cooper after Peter Oliver. 

reports a Puritan bystander, " and said, ' that if the King had no 
more ground in England but Basing House he would adventure it 
as he did, and so maintain it to the uttermost,' comforting himself 




in this matter ' that Basing House was called Loyalty.'" Of loyalty 
such as this Charles was utterly unworthy. The seizure of his 
papers at Naseby had hardly disclosed his earlier intrigues with the 
Irish Catholics when the Parliament was able to reveal to England 
a fresh treaty with them, which purchased no longer their neutrality, 
but their aid, by the simple concession of every demand they had 
made. The shame was without profit, for whatever aid Ireland 
might have given came too late to be of service. The spring of 
1646 saw the few troops who still clung to Charles surrounded and 
routed at Stow. "You have done your work now," their leader, 
Sir Jacob Astley, said bitterly to his conquerors, " and may go to 
play, unless you fall out among yourselves." 

Sec. VII 

The Civil 





Tower of London. 


Sec. VIII 
The Army 





Section VIII. — The Army and the Parliament, 1646 — 1649 

[Authorities. — Mainly as before, though Clarendon, invaluable during the 
war, is tedious and unimportant here, and Cromwell's letters become, unfortu- 
nately, few at the moment when we most need their aid. On the other hand 
Ludlow and Whitelock, as well as the passionate and unscrupulous " Memoirs" 
of Holies and Major Hutchinson, become of much importance. For Charles 
himself, we have Sir Thomas Herbert's "Memoirs" of the last two years of 
this reign. Burnet's " Lives of the Hamiltons " throw a good deal of light 
on Scotch affairs at this time, and Sir James Turner's " Memoir of the Scotch 
Invasion." The early history of the Independents, and of the principle of 
religious freedom, is told by Mr. Masson (" Life of Milton," vol. Hi.).] 

With the close of the Civil War we enter on a time of confused 
struggles, a time tedious and uninteresting in its outer details, but 
of higher interest than even the war itself in its bearing on our 
after history. Modern England, the England among whose 
thoughts and sentiments we actually live, began however dimly 
with the triumph of Naseby. Old things passed silently away. 
When Astley gave up his sword the " work " of the generations 
which had struggled for Protestantism against Catholicism, for 
public liberty against absolute rule, in his own emphatic phrase, 
was " done." So far as these contests were concerned, however the 
later Stuarts might strive to revive them, England could safely "go 
to play." But with the end of this older work a new work began. 
The constitutional and ecclesiastical problems which still in one 
shape or another beset us started to the front as subjects of 
national debate in the years between the close of the Civil War 
and the death of the King. The great parties which have ever 
since divided the social, the political, and the religious life of 
England, whether as Independents and Presbyterians, as Whigs 
and Tories, as Conservatives and Liberals, sprang into organized 
existence in the contest between the Army and the Parliament. 
Then for the first time began a struggle which is far from having 




ended yet, a struggle between political tradition and political Sec. viii 
progress, between the principle of religious conformity and the T " E army 
principle of religious freedom. 

It was the religious struggle which drew the political in its 
train. We have already witnessed the rise under Elizabeth of sects 
who did not aim, like the Presbyterians, at a change in Church 
government, but rejected the notion of a national Church at all, 







Tract, 1636. 

and insisted on the right of each congregation to perfect independ- 
ence of faith and worship. At the close of the Queen's reign, how- 
ever, these " Brownists " had almost entirely disappeared. Some of 
the dissidents, as in the notable instance of the congregation that 
produced the Pilgrim Fathers, had found a refuge in Holland ; but 
the bulk had been driven by persecution to a fresh conformity 
with the Established Church. " As for those which we call 
Brownists," says Bacon, " being when they were at the best a very 
small number of very silly and base people, here and there in 







Sec. viii corners dispersed, they are now, thanks to God, by the good 
th^Trmy remedies that have been used, suppressed and worn out so that 

AND THE „ . . - , , 

there is scarce any news of them. As soon, however, as Abbots 
primacy promised a milder rule, the Separatist refugees began to 
venture timidly back again to England. During their exile in 

Holland the main body had con- 
tented themselves with the free 
developement of their system 
of independent congregations, 
each forming in itself a com- 
plete Church, and to them the 
name of Independents attached 
itself at a later time. A small 
part, however, had drifted into 
a more marked severance in 
doctrine from the Established 
Church, especially in their 
belief of the necessity of adult 
baptism, a belief from which 
their obscure congregation at 
Leyden became known as that 
of the Baptists. Both of these 
sects gathered a church in 
London in the middle of 
James's reign, but the perse- 
cuting zeal of Laud prevented 
any spread of their opinions 
under that of his successor ; 
and it was not till their num- 
bers were suddenly increased 
by the return of a host of emi- 
grants from New England, with 
Hugh Peters at their head, on 
the opening of the Long Parliament, that the Congregational or 
Independent body began to attract attention. Lilburne and Burton 
soon declared themselves adherents of what was called " the New 
England way ; " and a year later saw in London alone the rise of 
" four score congregations of several sectaries," as Bishop Hall 


Print, 1649, in British Museum. 




scornfully tells us, " instructed by guides fit for them, cobblers, 
tailors, felt-makers, and such-like trash." But little religious 
weight however could be attributed as vet to the Concrreo-ational 
movement. Baxter at this time had not heard of the existence of 

Sec. VIII 
The Army 






a SmitH 

a sho'-mafczr 

a 'Tayfor 

Broadside in British Museum. 

any Independents. Milton in his earlier pamphlets shows no sign 
of their influence. Of the hundred and five ministers present in the 
Westminster Assembly only five were Congregational in sympathy, 
and these were all returned refugees from Holland. Among the 


Sec. viii one hundred and twenty London ministers in 1643, only three were 
The Army suspected of leanings towards the Sectaries. 


Parlia- jhg struggle with Charles in fact at its outset only threw new 


1646 difficulties in the way of religious freedom. It was with strictly 


1649 conservative aims in ecclesiastical as in political matters that Pym 
Presby- and his colleagues began the strife. Their avowed purpose was 

t cricin 

England simply to restore the Church of England to its state undcr 
Elizabeth, and to free it from " innovations," from the changes 
introduced by Laud and his fellow prelates. The great majority 
of the Parliament were averse to any alterations in the constitution 
or doctrine of the Church itself ; and it was only the refusal of the 
bishops to accept any diminution of their power and revenues, the 
growth of a party hostile to Episcopalian government, the necessity 
for purchasing the aid of the Scots by a union in religion as in 
politics, and above all the urgent need of constructing some new 
ecclesiastical organization in the place of the older organization 
which had become impossible from the political attitude of the 
bishops, that forced on the two Houses the adoption of the 
Covenant. But the change to a Presbyterian system of Church 
government seemed at that time of little import to the bulk of 
Englishmen. The dogma of the necessity of bishops was held by 
few, and the change was generally regarded with approval as one 
which brought the Church of England nearer to that of Scotland 
and to the reformed Churches of the Continent. But whatever 
might be the change in its administration, no one imagined that it 
had ceased to be the Church of England, or that it had parted 
with its right to exact conformity to its worship from the nation at 
large. The Tudor theory of its relation to the State, of its right to 
embrace all Englishmen within its pale, and to dictate what should 
be their faith and form of worship, remained utterly unquestioned 
by any man of note. The sentiments on which such a theory 
rested indeed for its main support, the power of historical tradition, 
the association of " dissidence " with danger to the State, the 
strong English instinct of order, the as strong English dislike of 
" innovations," with the abhorrence of " indifferency," as a sign of 
lukewarmness in matters of religion, had only been intensified by 
the earlier incidents of the struggle with the King. The Parlia- 
ment therefore had steadily pressed on the new system of 




ecclesiastical government in the midst of the troubles of the war. 
An Assembly of Divines which was called together at Westminster 
in 1643, and which sat in the Jerusalem Chamber during the five 
years which followed, was directed to revise the Articles, to draw 
up a Confession of Faith, and a Directory of Public Worship ; and 
these with a scheme of Church government, a scheme only dis- 
tinguished from that of Scotland by the significant addition of a 
lay court of superior appeal set by Parliament over the whole 

Sec. VIII 

The Army 
and THE 



I 643- I 648 

Tract, "A Glasse for the Times," 1648. 

system of Church courts and assemblies, were accepted by the 

Houses and embodied in a series of Ordinances. 

Had the change been made at the moment when "with uplifted Freedom 

hands" the Commons swore to the Covenant in St. Margaret's of Con " 

o science 

it would probably have been accepted by the country at large. 
But it met with a very different welcome when it came at the end 
of the war. In spite of repeated votes of Parliament for its 
establishment, the pure Presbyterian system took root only in 


sec. viii London and Lancashire. While the Divines, indeed, were 
the army drawing up their platform of uniform belief and worship in the 


Parlia- Jerusalem Chamber, dissidence had grown into a religious power. 

MENT J O o x 

1646 In the terrible agony of the struggle against Charles, individual 

TO . 

1649 conviction became a stronger force than religious tradition. 
Theological speculation took an unprecedented boldness from the 
temper of the times. Four years after the war had begun a 
horror-stricken pamphleteer numbered sixteen religious sects as 
existing in defiance of the law ; and, widely as these bodies 
differed among themselves, all were at one in repudiating any 
right of control in faith or worship by the Church or its clergy. 
Milton himself had left his Presbyterian stand-point, and saw that 
" new Presbyter is but old Priest writ large." The question of 
sectarianism soon grew into a practical one from its bearing on the 
war ; for the class specially infected with the new spirit of religious 
freedom was just the class to whose zeal and vigour the Parliament 
was forced to look for success in its struggle. We have seen the 
prevalence of this spirit among the farmers from whom Cromwell 
drew his horsemen, and his enlistment of these " sectaries " was 
the first direct breach in the old system of conformity. The 
Cromwell sentiments of the farmers indeed were not his own. Cromwell had 
. , anc l. signed the Covenant, and there is no reason for crediting him with 

toleration & ° 

any aversion to Presbyterianism as a system of doctrine or of 
Church organization. His first step was a purely practical one, a 
step dictated by military necessities, and excused in his mind by a 
sympathy with " honest " men, as well as by the growing but still 
vague notion of a communion among Christians wider than that 
of outer conformity in worship or belief. But the alarm and 
remonstrances of the Presbyterians forced his mind rapidly 
forward on the path of toleration. " The State in choosing men to 
serve it," Cromwell wrote before Marston Moor, " takes no notice 
of these opinions. If they be willing faithfully to serve it, that 
satisfies." Marston Moor spurred him to press on the Parliament 
the need of at least "tolerating" dissidents ; and he succeeded in 
procuring the appointment of a Committee of the Commons to 
find some means of effecting this. But the conservative temper of 
the bulk of the Puritans was at last roused by his efforts. " We 
detest and abhor," wrote the London clergy in 1645, "the much 




endeavoured Toleration ; " and the Corporation of London 
petitioned Parliament to suppress all sects " without toleration." 
The Parliament itself too remained steady on the conservative 
side. But the fortunes of the war told for religious freedom. 
Essex and his Pres- 
byterians only 
marched from defeat 
to defeat. In re- 
modelling the army 
the Commons had 
rejected a demand 
made by the Lords 
that officers and 
men, besides taking 
the Covenant, should 
submit " to the form 
of Church govern- 
ment that was al- 
ready voted by both 
Houses." The vic- 
tory of Naseby 
raised a wider ques- 
tion than that of 
mere toleration. 
u Honest men served 
you faithfully in this 
action," Cromwell 
wrote to the Speaker 
of the House of 
Commons from the 
field. " Sir, they are 
trusty : I beseech 
you in the name of 
God not to discour- 
age them. He that ventures his life for the liberty of his 
country, I wish he trust God for the liberty of his conscience." 
The storm of Bristol encouraged him to proclaim the new 
principles yet more distinctly. " Presbyterians, Independents, all 

m^Tke fonlh pro fpecto/ part pj 
- 1 of J jhe Co/th of Bnftoll S f ] 


Millard's Map of Bristol, 1763 ; from a drawing, 
1642 — 1656. 

Sec. VIII 
The Armv 








Sec - vm here have the same spirit of faith and prayer, the same presence 

^ITdtST and answer - The y a gree here, have no names of difference; 

P ment" P lt y it: is it should be otherwise anywhere. All that believe 



a flocuy cCe/enhng 

Broadside, 1647, 2a British Museum. 

have the real unity, which is the most glorious, being the inward 
and spiritual, in the body and in the head. For being united 
in forms (commonly called uniformity), every Christian will for 
peace' sake study and do as far as conscience will permit. And 


from brethren in things of the mind we look for no compulsion Sec. vni 
but that of light and reason." The army 


The increasing" firmness of Cromwell's language was due to the Parl1a - 


growing irritation of his opponents. The two parties became every 1646 


day more clearly denned. The Presbyterian ministers complained 1649 
bitterly of the increase of the sectaries, and denounced the tolera- Charles 
tion which had come into practical existence without sanction from p re sby. 
the law. Scotland, whose army was still before Newark, pressed tenans 
for the execution of the Covenant and the universal enforcement of 
a religious uniformity. Sir Harry Vane, on the other hand, was 
striving to bring the Parliament round to less rigid courses by the 
introduction of two hundred and thirty new members, who filled 
the seats left vacant by royalist secessions, and the more 
eminent of whom, such as Ireton and Algernon Sydney, were in- 
clined to support the Independents. But it was only the pressure 
of the New Model, and the remonstrances of Cromwell as its 
mouthpiece, which hindered any effective movement towards per- 
secution. Amidst the wreck of his fortunes Charles intrigued 
busily with both parties, and promised liberty of worship to Vane 
and the Independents, at the moment when he was negotiating 
with the Parliament and the Scots. His negotiations were 
quickened by the march of Fairfax upon Oxford. Driven from Charles in 
his last refuge, the King after some aimless wanderings made his ' Ca?np 
appearance in the camp of the Scots. Lord Leven at once fell Ma y l6 4^ 
back with his royal prize to Newcastle. The new aspect of affairs 
threatened the party of religious freedom with ruin. Hated as 
they were by the Scots, by the Lords, by the City of London, the 
apparent junction of Charles with their enemies destroyed their 
growing hopes in the Commons, where the prospects of a speedy 
peace on Presbyterian terms at once swelled the majority of their 
opponents. The two Houses laid their conditions of peace before 
the King without a dream of resistance from one who seemed to 
have placed himself at their mercy. They required for the Parlia- 
ment the command of the army and fleet for twenty years ; the 
exclusion of all " Malignants," or royalists who had taken part in 
the war, from civil and military office ; the abolition of Episcopacy ; 
and the establishment of a Presbyterian Church. Of toleration or 
liberty of conscience they said not a word. The Scots pressed 




Sec. viii these terms on the King " with tears ; " his friends, and even the 
The army Queen, urged their acceptance. But the aim of Charles was 

AND THE ** ° X 

Parlia- simply delay. Time and the dissensions of his enemies, as he be- 
lieved, were fighting for him. " I am not without hope," he wrote 
coolly, " that I shall be able to draw either the Presbyterians or the 
Independents to side with me for extirpating one another, so that 




Frontispiece (engraved by R. White) to his Memoirs, 1699. 

I shall be really King again." His refusal of the terms offered by 
the Houses was a crushing defeat for the Presbyterians. " What 
will become of us," asked one of them, " now that the King has 
rejected our proposals ? " " What would have become of us," re- 
torted an Independent, "had he accepted them ? " The vigour of 
Holies and the Conservative leaders in the Parliament rallied how- 




ever to a bolder effort. The King's game lay in balancing the Sec. viii 
army against the Parliament ; and while the Scotch army lav at The Arm ^ 

J ° ' J J AND THE 

Newcastle the Houses could not insist on dismissing their own. 
It was only a withdrawal of the Scots from England and their 
transfer of the King's person into the hands of the Houses that 
would enable them to free themselves from the pressure of their 
own soldiers by disbanding the New Model. Hopeless of success 




Anderson's place. 

House in which Charles I. lodged at Newcastle. 

with the King, and unable to bring him into Scotland in face of Surrender 
the refusal of the General Assembly to receive a sovereign who King 
would not swear to the Covenant, the Scottish army accepted /«"• ^47 
^"400,000 in discharge of its claims, handed Charles over to a com- 
mittee of the Houses, and marched back over the Border. Masters 
of the King, the Presbyterian leaders at once moved boldly to 
their attack on the New Model and the Sectaries. They voted 









Sec. viii that the army should be disbanded, and that a new army should 
The army be raised for the suppression of the Irish rebellion with Presby- 
terian officers at its head. It was in vain that the men protested 
against being severed from " officers that we love," and that the 
Council of Officers strove to gain time by pressing on the Parlia- 
ment the danger of mutiny. Holies and his fellow-leaders were 
resolute, and their ecclesiastical legislation showed the end at 
which their resolution aimed. Direct enforcement of conformity 
was impossible till the New Model was disbanded ; but the Parlia- 
ment pressed on in the work of providing the machinery for en- 
forcing it as soon as the army was gone. Vote after vote ordered 


Middle Seventeenth Century. 

Ballad in Roxburzhe Collection. 

and the 

the setting up of Presbyteries throughout the country, and the 
first-fruits of these efforts were seen in the Presbyterian organiza- 
tion of London, and in the first meeting of its Synod at St. 
Paul's. Even the officers on Fairfax's staff were ordered to take 
the Covenant. 

All hung however on the disbanding of the New Model, and the 
New Model showed no will to disband itself. Its attitude can only 
fairly be judged by remembering what many of the conquerors of 
Naseby really were. They were soldiers of a different class and 
of a different temper from the soldiers of any other army that the 
world has seen. They were for the most part young farmers and 
tradesmen of the lower sort, maintaining themselves, for the pay 




was twelve months in arrear, mainly at their own cost. The horse- Sec. viii 
men in many regiments had been specially picked as " honest," or t "e army 


religious men ; and whatever enthusiasm or fanaticism they may 
have shown, their very enemies acknowledged the order and piety 
of their camp. They looked on themselves not as swordsmen, to 
be caught up and flung away at the will of a paymaster, but as 
men who had left farm and merchandise at a direct call from God. 
A great work had been given them to do, and the call bound 
them till it was done. Kingcraft, as Charles was hoping, might 


Country Man. 

Printedat London forT. B. I £4 \. 

Tract, 1 64 1. 




yet restore tyranny to the throne. A more immediate danger 
threatened that liberty of conscience which was to them " the 
ground of the quarrel, and for which so many of their friends' lives 
had been lost, and so much of their own blood had been spilt." 
They would wait before disbanding till these liberties were secured, 
and if need came they would again act to secure them. But their 
resolve sprang from no pride in the brute force of the sword they 
wielded. On the contrary, as they pleaded passionately at the bar 
of the Commons, •' on becoming soldiers we have not ceased to be 
citizens." Their aims and proposals throughout were purely 
Vol. Ill— 17 




Sec. viii those of citizens, and of citizens who were ready the moment their 
The Army a { m was WO n to return peacefully to their homes. Thought and 


Parlia- discussion had turned the army into a vast Parliament, a Parlia- 


1646 ment which regarded itself as representative of " godly " men in 


From an engraving by Honbraken of a 7>iiniatnre by S. Cooper. 

as high a degree as the Parliament at Westminster, and which 
must have become every day more conscious of its superiority in 
political capacity to its rival. Ireton, the moving spirit of the 
New Model, had no equal as a statesman in St. Stephen's : nor is 
it possible to compare the large and far-sighted proposals of the 




army with the blind and narrow policy of the two Houses. Sec. viii 

Whatever we may think of the means by which the New The army 


Model sought its aims, we must in justice remember that, parlia- 
so far as those aims 

went, the New Model was 
in the right. For the last 
two hundred years England 
has been doing little more 
than carrying out in a 
slow and tentative way the 
scheme of political and 
religious reform which the 
army propounded at the 
close of the Civil War. 
It was not till the rejec- 
tion of the officers' pro- 
posals had left little hope 
of conciliation that the 
army acted, but its action 
was quick and decisive. It 
set aside for all political 
purposes the Council of 
Officers, and elected a new 
Council of Agitators or 
Agents, two members being 
named by each regiment, 
which summoned a general 
meeting of the army at 
Triploe Heath, where the 
proposals of pay and dis- 
banding made by the Par- 
liament were rejected with 
cries of "Justice." While 
the army was gathering, 
in fact, the Agitators had 

taken a step which put submission out of the question. A 
rumour that the King was to be removed to London, a new army 
raised, a new civil war begun, roused the soldiers to madness. 

g:lt armour given to charles i. 
the city of london. 

Tozver of London. 





Sec. viii Five hundred troopers suddenly appeared before Holmby House, 
The Army where the King was residing in charge of Parliamentary Com- 


parlia- missioners, and displaced its ? uarc i S- « Where is your commis- 

MENT r ° J 

1646 sion for this act ? " Charles asked the cornet who commanded 

1649 them. " It is behind me," said Joyce, pointing to his soldiers. 

The " It is written in very fine and legible characters," laughed 
S ?he U King the King. The seizure had in fact been previously concerted 
June 1647 between Charles and the Agitators. " I will part willingly," he 
told Joyce, " if the soldiers confirm all that you have promised 
me. You will exact from me nothing that offends my conscience 
or my honour." "It is not our maxim," replied the cornet, "to 
constrain the conscience of any one, still less that of our King." 
After a fresh burst of terror at the news, the Parliament fell 
furiously on Cromwell, who had relinquished his command and 
quitted the army before the close of the war, and had ever since 
been employed as a mediator between the two parties. The 
charge of having incited the mutiny fell before his vehement pro- 
test, but he was driven to seek refuge with the army, and on the 
25th of June it was in full march upon London. Its demands 
were expressed with perfect clearness in an " Humble Representa- 
tion " which it addressed to the Houses. " We desire a settlement 
of the Peace of the kingdom and of the liberties of the subject 
according to the votes and declarations of Parliament. We desire 
no alteration in the civil government : as little do we desire to 
interrupt or in the least to intermeddle with the settling of the 
Presbyterial government." They demanded toleration ; but " not 
to open a way to licentious living under pretence of obtaining ease 
for tender consciences, we profess, as ever, in these things when 
the state has made a settlement we have nothing to say, but to 
submit or suffer." It was with a view to such a settlement that 
they demanded the expulsion of eleven members from the Com- 
mons, with Holies at their head, whom the soldiers charged with 
stirring up strife between the army and the Parliament, and with 
a design of renewing the civil war. After fruitless negotiations 
the terror of the Londoners forced the eleven to withdraw ; 
and the Houses named Commissioners to treat on the questions at 

Though Fairfax and Cromwell had been forced from their 




position as mediators into a hearty co-operation with the army, its 
political direction rested at this moment with Cromwell's son-in- 
law, Henry Ireton, and Ireton looked for a real settlement, not to 
the Parliament, but to the King. " There must be some differ- 
ence," he urged bluntly, " between conquerors and conquered ; " 
but the terms which he laid before Charles were terms of studied 
moderation. The vindictive spirit which the Parliament had 
shown against the royalists and the Church disappeared in the 
terms exacted by the New Model ; and the army contented itself 
with the banishment of seven leading " delinquents," a general 
Act of Oblivion for the rest, the withdrawal of all coercive power 
from the clergy, the control of Parliament over the military and 
naval forces for ten years, and its nomination of the great officers 
of state. Behind these demands however came a masterlv and 
comprehensive plan of political reform which had already been 
sketched by the army in the "Humble Representation," with which 
it had begun its march on London. Belief and worship were to be 
free to all. Acts enforcing the use of the Prayer-book, or at- 
tendance at Church, or the enforcement of the Covenant were to 
be repealed. Even Catholics, whatever other restraints might be 
imposed, were to be freed from the bondage of compulsory wor- 
ship. Parliaments were to be triennial, and the House of Com- 
mons to be reformed by a fairer distribution of seats and of 
electoral rights ; taxation was to be readjusted ; legal procedure 
simplified ; a crowd of political, commercial, and judicial privileges 
abolished. Ireton believed that Charles could be " so managed " 
(says Mrs. Hutchinson) " as to comply with the public good of his 
people after he could no longer uphold his violent will." But 
Charles was equally dead to the moderation and to the wisdom of 
this great Act of Settlement. He saw in the crisis nothing but an 
opportunity of balancing one party against another ; and believed 
that the army had more need of his aid than he of the army's. 
" You cannot do without me — you are lost if I do not support 
you," he said to Ireton as he pressed his proposals. " You have 
an intention to be the arbitrator between us and the Parliament," 
Ireton quietly replied, " and we mean to be so between the Parlia- 
ment and your Majesty." But the King's tone was soon ex- 
plained. A mob of Londoners broke into the House of Commons, 

Sec. VI 1 1 

The Arm* 
and THE 






and the 









Aug. 6 

Sec. viii and forced its members to recall the eleven. While some fourteen 
The Army peers and a hundred commoners fled to the army, those who re- 
mained at Westminster prepared for an open struggle with it, and 
invited Charles to return to London. But the news no sooner 
reached the camp than the army was again on the march. "In 
two days," Cromwell said coolly, " the city will be in our hands." 
The soldiers entered London in triumph, and restored the fugitive 
members ; the eleven were again expelled, and the army leaders 
resumed negotiations with the King. The indignation of the 
soldiers at his delays and intrigues made the task hourly more 
difficult ; but Cromwell, who now threw his whole weight on 
Ireton's side, clung to the hope of accommodation with a pas- 
sionate tenacity. His mind, conservative by tradition, and above 
all practical in temper, saw the political difficulties which would 
follow on the abolition of Monarchy, and in spite of the King's eva- 
sions he persisted in negotiating with him. But Cromwell stood 
almost alone ; the Parliament refused to accept Ireton's proposals 
as a basis of peace, Charles still evaded, and the army grew rest- 
less and suspicious. There were cries for a wide reform, for the 
abolition of the House of Peers, for a new House of Commons ; 
and the Agitators called on the Council of Officers to discuss the 
question of abolishing royalty itself. Cromwell was never braver 
than when he faced the gathering storm, forbade the discussion, 
adjourned the Council, and sent the officers to their regiments. 
But the strain was too great to last long, and Charles was still 
resolute " to play his game." He was in fact so far from being in 
earnest in his negotiation with Cromwell and Ireton, that at the 
moment they were risking their lives for him he was conducting 
another and equally delusive negotiation with the Parliament, 
fomenting the discontent in London, preparing for a fresh royalist 

rising, and for an intervention of the Scots in his favour. " The 

two nations," he wrote joyously, " will soon be at war." All that 

was needed for the success of his schemes was his own libertv ; and 

Flight 0/ in the midst of their hopes of an accommodation the army leaders 

Nov 1647 f° un d with astonishment that they had been duped throughout 

and that the King had fled. 

The The flight fanned the excitement of the New Model into frenzv, 

Second & J ' 

Civil War and only the courage of Cromwell averted an open mutiny in 




its gathering at Ware. But even Cromwell was powerless to break Sec. viii 

the spirit which now pervaded the soldiers, and the King's perfidy The 

left him without resource. " The King is a man of great parts and P ^J^" 

great understanding," he said, " but so great a dissembler and so 1646 

false a man that he is not to be trusted." The danger from his 1649 

After J. M. W. Turner. 

escape indeed soon passed away. By a strange error Charles had 
ridden from Hampton Court to the Isle of Wight, perhaps with 
some hope from the sympathy of Colonel Hammond, the Governor 
of Carisbrook Castle, and again found himself a prisoner. Foiled 
in his effort to put himself at the head of the new civil war, he set 




Sec. viii himself to organize it from his prison ; and while again opening 
the Army delusive negotiations with the Parliament, he signed a secret treaty 
with the Scots for the invasion of the realm. The practical 
suspension of the Covenant and the triumph of the party of 
religious liberty in England had produced a violent reaction across 
the Tweed. The moderate party had gathered round the Duke of 
Hamilton, and carried the elections against Argyle and the more 
zealous religionists ; and on the King's consenting to a stipulation 
1648 for the re-establishment of Presbytery in England, they ordered 






Tract, 1648. 

an army to be levied for his support. In England the whole of the- 
conservative party, with many of the most conspicuous members of 
the Long Parliament at its head, was drifting, in its horror of the 
religious and political changes which seemed impending, towards 
the King ; and the news from Scotland gave the signal for fitful 
insurrections in almost every quarter. London was only held 
down by main force, old officers of the Parliament unfurled the 
royal flag in South Wales, and surprised Pembroke. The seizure 
of Berwick and Carlisle opened a way for the Scotch invasion. 
Kent, Essex, and Hertford broke out in revolt. The fleet in the. 


Downs sent their captains on shore, hoisted the King's pennon, Sec. viii 
and blockaded the Thames. " The hour is come for the Parliament The army 


to save the kingdom and to govern alone," cried Cromwell ; but the P *l L s 1 *~ 
Parliament only showed itself eager to take advantage of the crisis 1646 
to profess its adherence to monarchy, to re-open the negotiations it 1649 
had broken off with the King, and to deal the fiercest blow at The 
religious freedom which it had ever received. The Presbyterians and the 
flocked back to their seats ; and an " Ordinance for the suppression Arm y 
of Blasphemies and Heresies," which Vane and Cromwell had long 
held at bay, was passed by triumphant majorities. Any man — 
ran this terrible statute — denying the doctrine of the Trinity or of 
the Divinity of Christ, or that the books of Scripture are " the 
Word of God," or the resurrection of the body, or a future day of 
judgment, and refusing on trial to abjure his heresy, "shall suffer 
the pain of death." Any man declaring (amidst a long list of 
other errors) " that man by nature hath free will to turn to God," 
that there is a Purgatory, that images are lawful, that infant 
baptism is unlawful ; any one denying the obligation of observing 
the Lord's day, or asserting " that the Church government by 
Presbytery is anti-Christian or unlawful," shall on a refusal to 
renounce his errors ' : be commanded to prison." It was plain that 
the Presbyterians counted on the King's success to resume their 
policy of conformity, and had Charles been free, or the New Model 
disbanded, their hopes would probably have been realized. But 
Charles was still safe at Carisbrook ; and the New Model was 
facing fiercely the danger which surrounded it. The wanton 
renewal of the war at a moment when all tended to peace swept 
from the mind of Fairfax and Cromwell, as from that of the army 
at large, every thought of reconciliation with the King. Soldiers 
and generals were at last bound together again in a stern 
resolve. On the eve of their march against the revolt all gathered 
in a solemn prayer-meeting, and came " to a very clear and joint 
resolution, g That it was our duty, if ever the Lord brought us back 
again in peace, to call Charles Stuart, that man of blood, to account 
for the blood he has shed and mischief he has done to his utmost 
against the Lord's cause and people in this poor nation.' ' In a 
few days Fairfax had trampled down the Kentish insurgents, and 
had prisoned those of the eastern counties within the walls of 




Sec. VIII 
The Army 









Aug. 17, 


Ruin of 
the Par- 

Colchester, while Cromwell drove the Welsh insurgents within 
those of Pembroke. Both towns however held stubbornly out ; 

and though a rising under Lord 
Holland in the neighbourhood of 
London was easily put down, there 
was no force left to stem the inroad 
of the Scots, who poured over the 
border some twenty thousand strong. 
Luckily the surrender of Pembroke 
at this critical moment set Cromwell 
free. Pushing rapidly northward with 
five thousand men, he called in the 
force under Lambert, which had been 
gallantly hanging on the Scottish flank, and pushed over the 
Yorkshire hills into the valley of the Ribble, where the Duke 
of Hamilton, reinforced by three thousand royalists of the north, 
had advanced as far as Preston. With an army which now 
numbered ten thousand men, Cromwell poured down on the flank 
of the Duke's straggling line of march, attacked the Scots as 
they retired behind the Ribble, passed the river with them, cut 
their rearguard to pieces at Wigan, forced the defile at Warring- 
ton, where the flying enemy made a last and desperate stand, 
and drove their foot to surrender, while Lambert hunted down 
Hamilton and the horse. Fresh from its victory, the New Model 
pushed over the Border, while the peasants of Ayrshire and 
the west rose in the a Whiggamore raid " (notable as the first 
event in which we find the name " Whig," which is possibly 
the same as our " Whey," and conveys a taunt against the 
"sour-milk" faces of the fanatical Ayrshiremen), and marching 
upon Edinburgh dispersed the royalist party and again installed 
Argyle in power. 

Argyle welcomed Cromwell as a deliverer, but the victorious 
general had hardly entered Edinburgh when he was recalled by 
pressing news from the south. The temper with which the Parlia- 
ment had met the royalist revolt was, as we have seen, widely 
different from that of the army. It had recalled the eleven 
members, and had passed the Ordinance against heresy. At the 
moment of the victory at Preston the Lords were discussing 




charges of treason against Cromwell, while commissioners were Sec. viii 
again sent to the Isle of Wight, in spite of the resistance of the Thk Army 

o o ' r AND THE 

Independents, to conclude peace with the King. Royalists and 
Presbyterians alike pressed Charles to grasp the easy terms which 
were now offered him. But his hopes from Scotland had only 
broken down to give place to hopes of a new war with the aid of an 
army from Ireland ; and the negotiators saw forty days wasted in 
useless chicanery. " Nothing," Charles wrote to his friends, " is 




After U\ H. Bartlett. 

changed in my designs." But the surrender of Colchester to 
Fairfax in August, and Cromwell's convention with Argyle, had 
now set free the army, and petitions from its regiments at once Demands 
demanded " justice on the King." A fresh " Remonstrance " from Army 
the Council of Officers called for the election of a new Parliament ; 
for electoral reform ; for the recognition of the supremacy of the 
Houses " in all things ; " for the change of kingship, should it be 
retained, into a magistracy elected by the Parliament, and without 
veto on its proceedings. Above all, they demanded " that the 


Sec. vm capital and grand author of our troubles, by whose commissions, 
the army commands, and procurements, and in whose behalf and for whose 


P ment interest only, of will and power, all our wars and troubles have 
1646 been, with all the miseries attending them, may be specially brought 
1649 to justice for the treason, blood, and mischief he is therein guilty 
of." The demand drove the Houses to despair. Their reply was 
to accept the King's concessions, unimportant as they were, as a 
basis of peace. The step was accepted by the soldiers as a 
Nov. 30 defiance : Charles was again seized by a troop of horse, and 
carried off to Hurst Castle, while a letter from Fairfax announced 
the march of his army upon London. "We shall know now," said 
Vane, as the troops took their post round the Houses of Parlia- 
ment, " who is on the side of the King, and who on the side of the 
people." But the terror of the army proved weaker among the 
members than the agonized loyalty which strove to save the 
monarchy and the Church, and a large majority in both Houses 
still voted for the acceptance of the terms which Charles had 
Pride's offered. The next morning saw Colonel Pride at the door of the 

urge House of Commons with a list of .forty members of the majority in 
Dec. 6 . y J J 

his hands. The Council of Officers had resolved to exclude them, 
and as each member made his appearance he was arrested, and put 
in confinement. " By what right do you act ? " a member asked. 
" By the right of the sword," Hugh Peters is said to have replied. 
The House was still resolute, but on the following morning forty 
more members were excluded, and the rest gave way. The sword 
had fallen ; and the two great powers which had waged this bitter 
conflict, the Parliament and the Monarchy, suddenly disappeared. 
The expulsion of one hundred and forty members, in a word of the 
majority of the existing House, reduced the Commons to a name. 
The remnant who remained to co-operate with the army were no 
longer representative of the will of the country ; in the coarse 
imagery of popular speech they were but the " rump " of a Parlia- 
ment. While the House of Commons dwindled to a sham, the 
House of Lords passed away altogether. The effect of " Pride's 
Purge" was seen in a resolution of the Rump for the trial of 
Charles and the nomination of a Court of one hundred and fifty 
Commissioners to conduct it, with John Bradshaw, a lawyer of 
eminence, at their head. The rejection of this Ordinance by the 


*"*°*>"Tme Co* of the Journal of them* k cZ t If 7 r , , 

Charles I.f' \es 4 T ° f ?"**• M «• Tryal of A', 


Sec. viii few peers who remained brought about a fresh resolution from 
The army members who remained in the Lower House, " that the People are, 


Parlia- under God, the original of all just power ; that the Commons of 
1646 England in Parliament assembled — being chosen by, and repre- 


1649 senting, the People — have the supreme power in this nation ; and 

that whatsoever is enacted and declared for law by the Commons 

in Parliament assembled hath the force of a law, and all the 

people of this nation are concluded thereby, although the consent 

and concurrence of the King or House of Peers be not had 


The Charles appeared before Bradshaw's Court only to deny its 

King's *^ . 

Death competence and to refuse to plead ; but thirty-two witnesses were 

examined to satisfy the consciences of his judges, and it was not 

till the fifth day of the trial that he was condemned to death 

as a tyrant, traitor, murderer, and enemy of his country. The 

popular excitement vented itself in cries of " Justice," or " God 

save your Majesty," as the trial went on, but all save the loud 

outcries of the soldiers was hushed as Charles passed to receive 

Jan. 30, his doom. The dignity which he had failed to preserve in his 

long jangling with Bradshaw and the judges returned at the 

call of death. Whatever had been the faults and follies of his 

life, " he nothing common did nor mean, upon that memorable 

scene." Two masked executioners awaited the King as he 

mounted the scaffold, which had been erected outside' one of 

the windows of the Banqueting House at Whitehall ; the streets 

and roofs were thronged with spectators, and a strong body of 

soldiers stood drawn up beneath. His head fell at the first 

blow, and as the executioner lifted it to the sight of all a groan 

of pity and horror burst from the silent crowd. 

From a contemporary Dutch engraving. 

- *_t: 




Section IX. — The Commonwealth, 1649 — 1653 

[Authorities. — Rushworth's collection ceases with the King's Trial ; White- 
lock and Ludlow continue as before, and must be supplemented by the Parlia- 
mentary History and the State Trials. Special lives of Vane and Martyn will 
be found in Mr. Forster's " Statesmen of the Commonwealth," and a vigorous 
defence of the Council of State in the " History of the Commonwealth," by Mr. 
Bisset. For Irish affairs see the Ormond Papers collected by Carte, and 
Cromwell's despatches in Carlyle's " Letters." The account given by Mr. 
Carlyle of the Scotch war is perhaps the most valuable portion of his work. 
The foreign politics and wars of this period are admirably illustrated with a 
copious appendix of documents by M. Guizot (" Republic and Cromwell," 
vol. i.)j whose account of the whole period is the fairest and best for the general 
reader. Mr. Hepworth Dixon has published a biography of Blake.] [Mr. 
Masson's " Life of Milton," vols. iv. and v., which illustrate this period, have 
been published since this list was drawn up. — Ed.] 

Sec. IX 




The news of the King's death was received throughout Europe 
with a thrill of horror. The Czar of Russia chased the English 
envoy from his court. The ambassador of France was withdrawn 
on the proclamation of the Republic. The Protestant powers 
of the Continent seemed more anxious than any to disavow 
all connexion with the Protestant people who had brought their 
King to the block. Holland took the lead in acts of open hostility 
to the new power as soon as the news of the execution reached 
the Hague ; the States-General waited solemnly on the Prince 
of Wales, who took the title of Charles the Second, and recog- 
nized him as " Majesty," while they refused an audience to the 
English envoys. Their Stadtholder, his brother-in law, the Prince 
of Orange, was supported by popular sympathy in the aid and 
encouragement he afforded to Charles ; and eleven ships of the 
English fleet, which had found a refuge in the Hague ever since 
their revolt from the Parliament, were suffered to sail under 
Rupert's command, and to render the seas unsafe for English 
traders. The danger was far greater nearer home. In Scotland 

Argyle and his party proclaimed Charles the Second King, and 
Vol. Ill— 18 

of State 




Sec. IX 







May 19 



and the 


despatched an Embassy to the Hague to invite him to ascend 
the throne. In Ireland, Ormond had at last brought to some 
sort of union the factions who ever since the rebellion had turned 
the land into a chaos — the old Irish Catholics or native party 
under Owen Roe O'Neil, the Catholics of the English Pale, 
the Episcopalian Royalists, the Presbyterian Royalists of the 
north ; and Ormond called on Charles to land at once in a country 
where he would find three-fourths of its people devoted to his 
cause. Nor was the danger from without met by resolution and 
energy on the part of the diminished Parliament which remained 
the sole depositary of legal powers. The Commons entered on 
their new task with hesitation and delay. Six weeks passed after 
the King's execution before the monarchy was formally abolished, 
and the government of the nation provided for by the creation 
of a Council of State consisting of forty-one members selected 
from the Commons, who were entrusted with full executive power 
at home or abroad. Two months more elapsed before the 
passing of the memorable Act which declared " that the People 
of England and of all the dominions and territories thereunto 
belonging are, and shall be, and are hereby constituted, made, 
established, and confirmed to be a Commonwealth and Free State, 
and shall henceforward be governed as a Commonwealth and 
Free State by the supreme authority of this nation, the repre- 
sentatives of the People in Parliament, and by such as they shall 
appoint and constitute officers and ministers for the good of 
the people, and that without any King or House of Lords." 

Of the dangers which threatened the new Commonwealth some 
were more apparent than real. The rivalry of France and Spain, 
both anxious for its friendship, secured it from the hostility of 
the greater powers of the Continent ; and the ill-will of Holland 
could be delayed, if not averted, by negotiations. The acceptance 
of the Covenant was insisted on by Scotland before it would 
formally receive Charles as its ruler, and nothing but necessity 
would induce him to comply with such a demand. On the side 
of Ireland the danger was more pressing, and an army of twelve 
thousand men was set apart for a vigorous prosecution of the 
Irish war. But the real difficulties were the difficulties at home. 
The death of Charles gave fresh vigour to the royalist cause, 




and the new loyalty was stirred to enthusiasm by the publication 
of the " Eikon Basilike," a work really due to the ingenuity of 
Dr. Gauden, a Presbyterian minister, but which was believed 
to have been composed by the King himself in his later hours 
of captivity, and which reflected with admirable skill the hopes, 

Sec. IX 





the suffering, and the piety of the royal " martyr/' The dreams 
of a rising were roughly checked by the execution of the Duke 
of Hamilton and Lords Holland and Capell, who had till now 
been confined in the Tower. But the popular disaffection told 
even on the Council of State. A majority of its members declined 
the oath offered to them at their earliest meeting, pledging them 


Sec. ix to an approval of the King's death and the establishment of the 

the Commonwealth. Half the judges retired from the bench. Thou- 


wealth sands of refusals met the demand of an engagement to be faithful 

to to the Republic which was made to all beneficed clergymen and 


public functionaries. It was not till May, and even then in spite 
of the ill-will of the citizens, that the Council ventured to proclaim 
the Commonwealth in London. The army indeed had no thought 
of setting up a mere military rule. Still less did it contemplate 
leaving the conduct of affairs to the small body of members which 
still called itself the House of Commons, a body which numbered 
hardly a hundred, and whose average attendance was little more 
than fifty. In reducing it by " Pride's Purge " to the mere shadow 
of a House the army had never dreamed of its continuance as 
a permanent assembly ; it had, in fact, insisted as a condition 
of even its temporary continuance that it should prepare a bill 
for the summoning of a fresh Parliament. The plan put forward 
by the Council of Officers is still interesting as the basis of many 
later efforts towards parliamentary reform. It advised a dissolu- 
tion in the spring, the assembling every two years of a new 
Parliament consisting of four hundred members elected by all 
householders rateable to the poor, and a redistribution of seats 
which would have given the privilege of representation to every 
place of importance. Paid military officers and civil officials were 
excluded from election. The plan was apparently accepted by 
the Commons, and a bill based on it was again and again dis- 
cussed, but there was a suspicion that no serious purpose of its 
own dissolution was entertained by the House. The popular 
discontent found a mouthpiece in John Lilburnc, a brave, hot- 
headed soldier, and the excitement of the army appeared suddenly 
in a formidable mutiny in May. " You must cut these people in 
pieces," Cromwell broke out in the Council of State, " or they will 
cut you in pieces ; " and a forced march of fifty miles to Burford 
enabled him to burst on the mutinous regiments at midnight, 
and to stamp out the revolt. But resolute as he was against 
disorder, Cromwell went honestly with the army in its demand 
of a new Parliament ; he believed, and in his harangue to the 
mutineers he pledged himself to the assertion, that -the House 
proposed to dissolve itself. Within the House, however, a vigorous 




Sec. IX 





knot of politicians was resolved to prolong its existence ; in a 
witty paraphrase of the story of Moses, Henry Martyn was soon 
to picture the Commonwealth as a new-born and delicate babe, 
and hint that " no one is so proper to bring it up as the mother 
who has brought it into the world." As yet, however, their 
intentions were kept secret, and in spite of the delays thrown 
in the way of the bill for a new Representative body Cromwell 
entertained no serious suspicion of the Parliament's design, when Aug. 1649 
he was summoned to Ireland by a series of royalist successes 
which left only Dublin in the hands of the Parliamentary forces. 

With Scotland threatening war, and a naval struggle impending 
with Holland, it was necessary that the work of the army in 
Ireland should be done quickly. The temper, too, of Cromwell 





Dra-duing, c. i63o, in British Museum. 

and his soldiers was one of vengeance, for the horror of the Irish 
massacre remained living in every English breast, and the revolt 
was looked upon as a continuance of the massacre. " We are 
come," he said on his landing, " to ask an account of the innocent 
blood that hath been shed, and to endeavour to bring to an 
account all who by appearing in arms shall justify the same." 
A sortie from Dublin had already broken up Ormond's siege of 
the capital ; and feeling himself powerless to keep the field before 
the new army, the Marquis had thrown his best troops, three 
thousand Englishmen under Sir Arthur Aston, as a garrison into 
Drogheda. The storm of Drogheda by Cromwell was the first Sept. 1649 




Sec. IX 




of a series of awful massacres. The garrison fought bravely, 
and repulsed the first attack ; but a second drove Aston and 
his force back to the Mill-Mount. " Our men getting up to 
them," ran Cromwell's terrible despatch, " were ordered by me 
to put them all to the sword. And indeed, being in the heat of 


action, I forbade them to spare any that were in arms in the town, 
and I think that night they put to death about two thousand 
men." A few fled to St. Peter's Church, " whereupon I ordered 
the steeple to be fired, where one of them was heard to say in 
the midst of the flames: 'God damn me, I burn, I burn.'' "In 
the church itself nearly one thousand were put to the sword. 




I believe all their friars were knocked on the head promiscuously 
but two," but these were the sole exceptions to the rule of killing 
soldiers only. At a later time Cromwell challenged his enemies 
to give "an instance of one man since my coming into Ireland, 
not in arms, massacred, destroyed, or banished." But for soldiers 
who refused to surrender on summons there was no mercy. Of 
the remnant who were driven to yield at last through hunger 
"when they submitted, their officers were knocked on the head, 
every tenth man of the soldiers killed, and the rest shipped for 

Sec. IX 




After W. H. Bartlett. 

the Barbadoes." "I am persuaded," the despatch ends, "that 
this is a righteous judgement of God upon these barbarous wretches 
who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent blood, and 
that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the future." 
A detachment sufficed to relieve Deny, and to quiet Ulster ; 
and Cromwell turned to the south, where as stout a defence was 
followed by as terrible a massacre at Wexford. A fresh success 
at Ross brought him to Waterford ; but the city held stubbornly 
out, disease thinned his army, where there was scarce an officer 




Sec. IX 





who had not been sick, and the general himself was arrested by 
illness. At last the tempestuous weather drove him into winter 
quarters at Cork with his work half done. The winter was one 
of terrible anxiety. The Parliament was showing less and less 
inclination to dissolve itself, and was meeting the growing dis- 

cork, a.d. 1633. 

Stafford, " gacata Hibernia" 1633. 

content by a stricter censorship of the press, and a fruitless 
prosecution of John Lilburne. English commerce was being 
ruined by the piracies of Rupert's fleet, which now anchored at 
Kinsale to support the royalist cause in Ireland. The energy 
of Vane indeed had already re-created a navy, squadrons of which 




were being despatched into the British seas, the Mediterranean, and 
the Levant, and Colonel Blake, who had distinguished himself 
by his heroic defence of Taunton during the war, was placed at 
the head of a fleet which drove Rupert from the Irish coast, and 
finally blockaded him in the Tagus. But even the energy of Vane 
quailed before the danger from the Scots. " One must go and 
die there," the young King cried at the news of Ormond's defeat 
before Dublin, " for it is shameful for me to live elsewhere." But 
his ardour for an Irish campaign cooled as Cromwell marched 
from victory to victory ; and from the isle of Jersey, which alone 
remained faithful to him of all his southern dominions, Charles 
renewed the negotiations with Scotland which his hopes from Ireland 
had broken. They were again delayed by a proposal on the part 
of Montrose to attack the very Government with whom his master 
was negotiating ; but the failure and death of the Marquis in 
the spring forced Charles to accept the Presbyterian conditions. 
The news of the negotiations filled the English leaders with 
dismay, for Scotland was raising an army, and Fairfax, while 
willing to defend England against a Scotch invasion, scrupled 
to take the lead in an invasion of Scotland. The Council 
recalled Cromwell from Ireland, but his cooler head saw that 
there was yet time to finish his work in the west. During the 
winter he had been busily preparing for a new campaign, and it 
was only after the storm of Clonmell, and the overthrow of the 
Irish under Hugh O'Neil, that he embarked again for England. 

Cromwell entered London amidst the shouts of a great 
multitude ; and a month after Charles had landed on the shores of 
Scotland the English army started for the north. It crossed the 
Tweed, fifteen thousand men strong ; but the terror of his 
massacres in Ireland hung round its leader, the country was 
deserted as he advanced, and he was forced to cling for provisions 
to a fleet which sailed along the coast. David Leslie, with a larger 
force, refused battle and lay obstinately in his lines between 
Edinburgh and Leith. A march of the English army round his 
position to the slopes of the Pentlands only brought about a 
change of the Scottish from: ; and as Cromwell fell back baffled 
upon Dunbar, Leslie encamped upon the heights above the town, 
and cut off the English retreat along the coast by the seizure of 

Sec. IX 






and the 



and Wor- 

July 1650 




Sec. IX 




Sept 3 

Cockburns-path. His post was almost unassailable, while the 
soldiers of Cromwell were sick and starving ; and their general had 
resolved on an embarcation of his forces, when he saw in the dusk 
of evening signs of movement in the Scottish camp. Leslie's 
caution had at last been overpowered by the zeal of the preachers, 
and his army moved down to the lower ground between the 
hillside on which it was encamped and a little brook which 
covered the English front. His horse was far in advance of the 
main body, and it had hardly reached the level ground when 


Cromwell in the dim dawn flung his whole force upon it. ' They 
run ; I profess they run ! " he cried as the Scotch horse broke after 
a desperate resistance, and threw into confusion the foot who were 
hurrying to its aid. Then, as the sun rose over the mist of the 
morning, he added in nobler words : " Let God arise, and let His 
enemies be scattered ! Like as the mist vanisheth, so shalt Thou 
drive them away!" In less than an hour the victory was 
complete. The defeat at once became a rout ; ten thousand 
prisoners were taken, with all the baggage and guns ; three 




thousand were slain, with scarce any loss on the part of the 
conquerors. Leslie reached Edinburgh, a general without an 
army. The effect of Dunbar was at once seen in the attitude of 
the Continental powers. Spain hastened to recognize the 
Republic, and Holland offered its alliance. But Cromwell was 
watching with anxiety the growing discontent at home. The 
general amnesty claimed by Ireton, and the bill for the Parlia- 
ment's dissolution, still hung on hand ; the reform of the courts of 
justice, which had been pressed by the army, failed before the 
obstacles thrown in its way by the lawyers in the Commons. 
" Relieve the oppressed," Cromwell wrote from Dunbar, " hear the 
groans of poor prisoners. Be pleased to reform the abuses of all 

Sec. IX 




Made by Thomas Simon ; the design suggested by Cromwell. 

professions. If there be any one that makes many poor to make a 
few rich, that suits not a Commonwealth." But the House was Break 
seeking to turn the current of public opinion in favour of its own Hrffand 
continuance by a great diplomatic triumph. It resolved secretly 
on the wild project of bringing about a union between England 
and Holland, and it took advantage of Cromwell's victory to 
despatch Oliver St. John with a stately embassy to the Hague. 
His rejection of an alliance and Treaty of Commerce which the 
Dutch offered was followed by the disclosure of the English 
proposal of union, but the proposal was at once refused. The 
envoys, who returned angrily to the Parliament, attributed their 
failure to the posture of affairs in Scotland, where Charles was pre- 




Sec, ix paring for a new campaign. Humiliation after humiliation had 
been heaped on Charles since he landed in his northern realm. 
He had subscribed to the Covenant ; he had listened to sermons 
and scoldings from the ministers ; he had been called on to sign a 
declaration that acknowledged the tyranny of his father and the 
idolatry of his mother. Hardened and shameless as he was, the 
young King for a moment recoiled. " I could never look my 






"the scots holding their young king's nose to the grindstone.' 

Broadside, 1651, in British Museum. 

mother in the face again," he cried, " after signing such a paper ; " 
but he signed. He was still, however, a King only in name, shut 
out from the Council and the army, with his friends excluded from 
all part in government or the war. But he was at once freed by 
the victory of Dunbar. " I believe the King will set up on his own 
score now," Cromwell wrote after his victory. With the overthrow 
of Leslie fell the power of Argyle and the narrow Presbyterians 



1 217 

whom he led. Hamilton, the brother and successor of the Duke 
who had been captured at Preston, brought back the royalists to 
the camp, and Charles insisted on taking part in the Council and 
on being crowned at Scone. Master of Edinburgh, but foiled in 
an attack on Stirling, Cromwell waited through the winter and the 
long spring, while intestine feuds broke up the nation opposed to 
him, and while the stricter Covenanters retired sulkily from the 

Sec. IX 




I65O- 165] 

Konincklijcke Beltenis ran Karel de IT.," Dordrecht, 1661. 

royal army on the return of the " Malignants," the royalists of the 
earlier war, to its ranks. With summer the campaign recom- 
menced, but Leslie again fell back on his system of positions, and 
Cromwell, finding the Scotch camp at Stirling unassailable, 
crossed into Fife and left the road open to the south. The bait 
was taken. In spite of Leslie's counsels Charles resolved to invade 
England, and was soon in full march through Lancashire upon the 




Sec. IX 





Sept 3, 


Severn, with the English horse under Lambert hanging on his rear, 
and the English foot hastening by York and Coventry to close the 
road to London. " We have done to the best of our judgement/' 
Cromwell replied to the angry alarm of the Parliament, " knowing 
that if some issue were not put to this business it would occasion 
another winter's war." At Coventry he learnt Charles's position, 

" Konincklijcke Beltenis," 1661 

and swept round by Evesham upon Worcester, where the Scotch 
King was encamped. Throwing half his force across the river, 
Cromwell attacked the town on both sides on the anniversary of 
his victory at Dunbar. He led the van in person, and was "the 
first to set foot on the enemy's ground." When Charles descended 
from the cathedral tower to fling himself on the eastern division, 
Cromwell hurried back across the Severn, and was soon " riding in 
the midst of the fire." For four or five hours, he told the Parlia- 



ment, " it was as stiff a contest as ever I have seen ; " the Scots, 
outnumbered and beaten into the city, gave no answer but shot to 
offers of quarter, and it was not till nightfall that all was over. 
The loss of the victors was as usual inconsiderable. The 
conquered lost six thousand men, and all their baggage and 
artillery. Leslie was among the prisoners : Hamilton among the 


Sec. IX 





" Konincklijcke Beltenis," 1661. 

dead. Charles himself fled from the field ; and after months of 
wanderings made his escape to France. 

" Now that the King is dead and his son defeated," Cromwell 
said gravely to the Parliament, " I think it necessary to come to a 
settlement." But the settlement which had been promised after 
Naseby was still as distant as ever after Worcester. The bill for 
dissolving the present Parliament, though Cromwell pressed it in 
person, was only passed, after bitter opposition, by a majority of 




■ y '*f.'" *' ' _?■*';' : . • 


■ - * 

. ' 


3 -' 



■ ?^*f* 


«? >: . 


By the great medallist Thomas Simon. 

GREA1 stAL House of Commons. 

The nation represented by the House 




Sec. IX 




of the 


two ; and even this success had been purchased by a compromise 
which permitted the House to sit for three years more. Internal 
affairs were almost at a dead lock. The Parliament appointed 
committees to prepare plans for legal reforms, or for ecclesiastical 
reforms, but it did nothing to carry them into effect. It was 

overpowered by the crowd of 
affairs which the confusion of the 
war had thrown into its hands, 
by confiscations, sequestrations, ap- 
pointments to civil and military 
offices, in fact, the whole admin- 
istration of the state ; and there 
were times when it was driven to 
a resolve not to take any private 
affairs for weeks together in order 
that it might make some progress 
with public business. To add to 
this confusion and muddle there 
were the inevitable scandals which 
arose from it ; charges of malver- 
sation and corruption were hurled 
at the members of the House ; and 
some, like Haselrig, were accused 
with justice of using their power 
to further their own interests. The 
one remedy for all this was, as 
the army saw, the assembly of a 
new and complete Parliament in 
place of the mere " rump " of 
the old ; but this was the one 
measure which the House was resolute to avert. Vane spurred it 
to a new activity. The Amnesty Bill was forced through after 
fifteen divisions. A Grand Committee, with Sir Matthew Hale at 
its head, was appointed to consider the reform of the law. A 
union with Scotland was pushed resolutely forward ; eight Eng- 
lish Commissioners convoked a Convention of delegates from its 
counties and boroughs at Edinburgh, and in spite of dogged 
opposition procured a vote in favour of the proposal. A bill was 


Temp. Oliver Cromwell. 

Figure in collection of Captain Orde 




introduced which gave legal form to the union, and admitted 
representatives from Scotland into the next Parliament. A 
similar plan was proposed for a union with Ireland. But it was 
necessary for Vane's purposes not only to show the energy of the 
Parliament, but to free it from the control of the army. His aim 
was to raise in the navy a force devoted to the House, and to 

Sec. IX 





Satirical Print in British Museum. 


eclipse the glories of Dunbar and Worcester by yet greater 
triumphs at sea. With this view the quarrel with Holland had War with 
been carefully nursed; a "Navigation Act" prohibiting the 
importation in foreign vessels of any but the products of the 
countries to which they belonged struck a fatal blow at the 
carrying trade from which the Dutch drew their wealth ; and fresh 




debates arose from the English claim to salutes from all vessels 
in the Channel. The two fleets met before Dover, and a sum- 
mons from Blake to lower the Dutch flag was met by the Dutch 
admiral, Tromp, with a broadside. The States-General attributed 
the collision to accident, and offered to recall Tromp ; but the 
English demands rose at each step in the negotiations till war 

Sec. IX 




Front an engraving- by Snide rhoef, after H. Pott. 


became inevitable. The army hardly needed the 
conveyed by the introduction of a bill for its disbanding to 
understand the new policy of the Parliament. It was significant 
that while accepting the bill for its own dissolution the House had 
as yet prepared no plan for the assembly which was to follow it ; 
and the Dutch war had hardly been declared when, abandoning 




Sec. ix the attitude of inaction which it had observed since the beginning 

the of the Commonwealth, the army petitioned, not only for reform in 

Common- j r ' ' J 

wealth Church and State, but for an explicit declaration that the House 

to would bring its proceedings to a close. The Petition forced the 

From an etching by A. Blotelingh 

House to discuss a bill for " a New Representative," but the 
discussion soon brought out the resolve of the sitting members to 
continue as a part of the coming Parliament without re-election. 
The officers, irritated by such a claim, demanded in conference 
after conference an immediate dissolution, and the House as 




resolutely refused. In ominous words Cromwell supported the 
demand of the army. " As for the members of this Parliament, 
the army begins to take them in disgust. I would it did so with 
less reason." There was just ground, he urged, for discontent in 
their selfish greed of houses and lands, the scandalous lives of 
many, their partiality as judges, their interference with the 
ordinary course of law in matters of private interest, their delay of 

Sec. IX 




From an engraving by T. Preston, c. 1730, 0/ a picture then in the possession of J. Ames. 

law reform, above all in their manifest design of perpetuating their 

own power. " There is little to hope for from such men," he 

ended with a return to his predominant thought, " for a settlement 

of the nation." 

For the moment the crisis was averted by the events of the The 

war. A terrible storm had separated the two fleets when on the Ejectio: 

r of the 

point of engaging in the Orkneys, but De Ruyter and Blake met Rump 




Sec. IX 





again in the Channel, and after a fierce struggle the Dutch were 
forced to retire under cover of night. Since the downfall of Spain 
Holland had been the first naval power in the world, and the 
spirit of the nation rose gallantly with its earliest defeat. Im- 
mense efforts were made to strengthen the fleet, and the veteran, 
Tromp, who was replaced at its head, appeared in the Channel 
with seventy-three ships of war. Blake had but half the number, 
but he at once accepted the challenge, and the unequal fight went 
on doggedly till nightfall, when the English fleet withdrew shat- 
tered into the Thames. Tromp swept the Channel in triumph, 


with a broom at his masthead ; and the tone of the Commons 
lowered with the defeat of their favourite force. A compromise 
seems to have been arranged between the two parties, for the bill 
providing a new Representative was again pushed on, and the 
Parliament agreed to retire in the coming November, while 
Cromwell offered no opposition to a reduction of the army. But 
the courage of the House rose afresh with a turn of fortune. The 
strenuous efforts of Blake enabled him again to put to sea in a 
few months after his defeat, and a running fight through four days 
ended at last in an English victory, though Tromp's fine seaman- 
ship enabled him to save the convoy he was guarding. The 




House at once insisted on the retention of its power. Not only 
were the existing members to continue as members of the new 
Parliament, depriving the places they represented of their right of 
choosing representatives, but they were to constitute a Committee 
of Revision, to determine the validity of each election, and the 
fitness of the members returned. A conference took place between 
the leaders of the Com- 
mons and the Officers 
of the Army, who re- 
solutely demanded not 
only the omission of 
these clauses, but that 
the Parliament should 
at once dissolve itself, 
and commit the new 
elections to the Coun- 
cil of State. " Our 
charge," retorted Hasel- 
rig, " cannot be trans- 
ferred to any one." 
The conference was 
adjourned till the next 
morning, on an under- 
standing that no de- 
cisive step should be 
taken : but it had 
no sooner re-assembled 
than the absence of 

Jhel^iimj? anddreaa? of the Tioiife 
of Com .remaining after* t/ie good 
members rvirejeurgeD out. 

Sec. IX 




Feb. 1653 

the leading members satire on the rump parliament. 

r 1 1 , Front Messrs. Goldsvtid's facsimile of Cavalier playing- 

Confirmed the neWS that cards in the possession of Earl Nelson. 

Vane was fast pressing 

the bill for a new Representative through the House. " It is 
contrary to common honesty," Cromwell angrily broke out : and, 
quitting Whitehall, he summoned a company of musketeers to 
follow him as far as the door of the Commons. He sate down 
quietly in his place, " clad in plain grey clothes and grey 
worsted stockings," and listened to Vane's passionate arguments. April 20, 
" I am come to do what grieves me to the heart," he said to l653 




Sec. IX 




his neighbour, St. John ; but he still remained quiet, till Vane 
pressed the House to waive its usual forms and pass the bill 
at once. " The time has come," he said to Harrison. " Think 
well," replied Harrison, " it is a dangerous work ! " and Cromwell 
listened for another quarter of an hour. At the question " that 
this bill do pass," he at length rose, and his tone grew higher 

Picture by Sir Peter Lely, at Raby Castle. 

as he repeated his former charges of injustice, self-interest, and 
delay. " Your hour is come," he ended, " the Lord hath done with 

The Par- you ! " A crowd of members started to their feet in angry protest. 

dtivenout "Come, come," replied Cromwell, "we have had enough of this;" 
and striding into the midst of the chamber, he clapt his hat on his 
head, and exclaimed, " I will put an end to your prating ! " In 







the din that followed his voice was heard in broken sentences — Sec. ix 
" It is not fit that you should sit here any longer ! You should 
give place to better men ! You are no Parliament." Thirty 
musketeers entered at a sign from their 
General, and the fifty members pre- 
sent crowded to the door. " Drunkard !" 
Cromwell broke out as Wentworth passed 
him ; and Martin was taunted with a 
yet coarser name. Vane, fearless to the 
last, told him his act was " against all 
right and all honour." " Ah, Sir Harry 
Vane, Sir Harry Vane," Cromwell re- 
torted in bitter indignation at the trick 
he had been played, " you might have 
prevented all this, but you are a juggler, 
and have no common honesty ! The 
Lord deliver me from Sir Harry Vane!" 
The Speaker refused to quit his seat, 
till Harrison offered to " lend him a 
hand to come down." Cromwell lifted 
the mace from the table. " What shall 
we do with this bauble ? " he said. 
*' Take it away!" The door of the 
House was locked at last, and the dis- 
persion of the Parliament was followed 
a few hours after by that of its ex- 
ecutive committee, the Council of State. 
Cromwell himself summoned them to 
withdraw. " We have heard," replied 
the President, John Bradshaw, " what 
you have done this morning at the 
House, and in some hours all England 

will hear it. But you mistake, sir, if you think the Parliament 
dissolved. No power on earth can dissolve the Parliament but 
itself, be sure of that ! " 


H 5 

w Si 


* -a 


'J C 

z •*, 

j -^ 

a, Q 

a « 

-j -a 

a .« 

> <o 

chap, viii PURITAN ENGLAND 1233 

Sec. X 


Fall op 


Section X.— The Fall of Puritanism, 1653— 1660 I( J53 

{Authorities. — Many of the works mentioned before are still valuable, but 
the real key to the history of this period lies in Cromwell's remarkable series 
of Speeches (Carlyle, " Letters and Speeches," vol. iii.). Thurlow*s State 
Papers furnish an immense mass of documents. For the Second Parliament 
of the Protector we have Burton's " Diary." For the Restoration, M. Guizot's 
" Richard Cromwell and the Restoration," Ludlow's " Memoirs," Baxter's 
" Autobiography," and the minute and accurate account given by Clarendon 

The dispersion of the Parliament and of the Council of State The 
left England without a government, for the authority of every conven- 
omcial ended with that of the body from which his power was tl0n 
derived. Cromwell, in fact, as Captain-General of the forces, was 
forced to recognize his responsibility for the maintenance of public 
order. But no thought of military despotism can be fairly traced 
in the acts of the general or the army. They were in fact far from 
regarding their position as a revolutionary one. Though incapable 
of justification on any formal ground, their proceedings since the 
establishment of the Commonwealth had as yet been substantially 
in vindication of the rights of the country to representation and 
self-government ; and public opinion had gone fairly with the army 
in its demand for a full and efficient body of representatives, as 
well as in its resistance to the project by which the Rump would 
have deprived half England of its right of election. It was only 
when no other means existed of preventing such a wrong that the 
soldiers had driven out the wrongdoers. " It is you that have 
forced me to this," Cromwell exclaimed, as he drove the members 
from the House ; " I have sought the Lord night and day that He 
would rather slay me than put me upon the doing of this work." 
The act was one of violence to the members of the House, but the 
act which it aimed at preventing was one of violence on their part 
to the constitutional rights of the whole nation. The people had 
in fact been " dissatisfied in every corner of the realm " at the state 
of public affairs : and the expulsion of the members was ratified by 
a general assent. " We did not hear a dog bark at their going," 
the Protector said years afterwards. Whatever anxiety may have 


Sec. x been felt at the use which was like to be made of " the power of 

the the sword," was in great part dispelled by a proclamation of the 

Puritanism officers. Their one anxiety was " not to grasp the power ourselves 

to nor to keep it in military hands, no not for a day," and their 

promise to " call to the government men of approved fidelity and 

honesty " was to some extent redeemed by the nomination of a 
provisional Council of State, consisting of eight officers of high 
rank and four civilians, with Cromwell as their head, and a seat in 
which was offered, though fruitlessly, to Vane. The first business 
of such a body was clearly to summon a new Parliament and to 
resign its trust into its hands : but the bill for Parliamentary 
reform had dropped with the expulsion : and reluctant as the 
Council was to summon a new Parliament on the old basis of 
election, it shrank from the responsibility of effecting so funda- 
mental a change as the creation of a new basis by its own authority. 
It was this difficulty which led to the expedient of a Constituent 
Convention. Cromwell told the story of this unlucky assembly 
some years after with an amusing frankness. " I will come and 
tell you a story of my own weakness and folly. And yet it was 
done in my simplicity — I dare avow it was. ... It was thought 
then that men of our own judgment, who had fought in the wars, 
and were all of a piece on that account — why, surely, these men 
will hit it, and these men will do it to the purpose, whatever can be 

_ desired ! And surely we did think, and I did think so — the more 


Barebones blame to me!" Of the hundred and fifty-six men, "faithful, 

Pa YLX ct — 

ment fearing God, and hating covetousness," whose names were selected 
July 1653 for this purpose by the Council of State, from lists furnished by 
the congregational churches, the bulk were men, like Ashley 
Cooper, of good blood and " free estates ; " and the proportion of 
burgesses, such as the leather-merchant, Praise-God Barebones, 
whose name was eagerly seized on as a nickname for the body to 
which he belonged, seems to have been much the same as in earlier 
Parliaments. But the circumstances of their choice told fatally on 
the temper of its members. Cromwell himself, in the burst of 
rugged eloquence with which he welcomed their assembling, was 
carried away by a strange enthusiasm. " Convince the nation," he 
said, " that as men fearing God have fought them out of their 
bondage under the regal power, so men fearing God do now rule 


them in the fear of God. . . . Own your call, for it is of God ; Sec, x 
indeed, it is marvellous, and it hath been unprojected. . . . Never Fa l" e of 
was a supreme power under such a way of owning God, and being Pomtamsm 
owned by Him." A spirit yet more enthusiastic appeared in the 
proceedings of the Convention itself. The resignation of their — 
powers by Cromwell and the Council into its hands left it the one 
supreme authority ; but by the instrument which convoked it 
provision had been made that this authority should be transferred 
in fifteen months to another assembly elected according to its 
directions. Its work was, in fact, to be that of a constituent 
assembly, paving the way for a Parliament on a really national 
basis. But the Convention put the largest construction on its 
commission, and boldly undertook the whole task of constitutional 
reform. Committees were appointed to consider the needs of the 
Church and the nation. The spirit of economy and honesty which 
pervaded the assembly appeared in its redress of the extravagance 
w r hich prevailed in the civil service, and of the inequality of taxa- 
tion. With a remarkable energy it undertook a host of reforms, 
for whose ' execution England has had to wait to our own day. 
The Long Parliament had shrunk from any reform of the Court of 
Chancery, where twenty-three thousand cases were waiting un- 
heard. The Convention proposed its abolition. The work of The work 

of the 

compiling a single code of laws, begun under the Long Parliament Conven- 
by a committee with Sir Matthew Hale at its head, was again 
pushed forward. The frenzied alarm which these bold measures 
aroused among the lawyer class was soon backed by that of the 
clergy, who saw their wealth menaced by the establishment of civil 
marriage, and by proposals to substitute the free contributions of 
congregations for the payment of tithes. The landed proprietors 
too rose against the scheme for the abolition of lay-patronage, 
which was favoured by the Convention, and predicted an age of 
confiscation. The " Barebones Parliament," as the assembly was 
styled in derision, was charged w r ith a design to ruin property, the 
Church, and the law, with enmity to knowledge, and a blind and 
ignorant fanaticism. Cromwell himself shared the general uneasi- 
ness at its proceedings. His mind was that of an administrator, 
rather than that of a statesman, unspeculative, deficient in fore- 
sight, conservative, and eminently practical. He saw the need of 





Sec. x administrative reform in Church and State ; but he had no sym- 

The pathy whatever with the revolutionary theories which were filling 

Puritanism t ^ e a j r aroU nd him. His desire was for " a settlement " which 


Comenius, " Orb is sensnalium pictus" English edition, 1659. 

should be accompanied with as little disturbance of the old state of 
things as possible. If Monarchy had vanished in the turmoil of 
war, his experience of the Long Parliament only confirmed him in 

Comenius, " Orbis sensualiiun pictus," English edition, 1659. 

his belief of the need of establishing an executive power of a 
similar kind, apart from the power of the legislature, as a condition 




of civil liberty. His sword had won " liberty of conscience ;" but Sec. x 
passionately as he clung to it, he was still for an established Fa ^ e of 
Church, for a parochial system, and a ministry maintained by p ™tanisii 


Comenius, " Orbis senstialiiiin f>ict?ts," English edition, 1659. 

tithes. His social tendencies were simply those of the class to 
which he belonged. " I was by birth a gentleman," he told a later 
Parliament, and in the old social arrangement of " a nobleman, a 

Comenius, '''Orbis sensualium pictus," English edition, 1659. 

gentleman, a yeoman," he saw " a good interest of the nation and 
•a great one." He hated " that levelling principle" which tended 

Vol. Ill— 20 

I2 3 8 



Sec. X 


Fall of 




to the reducing of all to one equality. " What was the purport of 
it," he asks with an amusing simplicity, " but to make the tenant 
as liberal a fortune as the landlord ? Which, I think, if obtained, 

Comenius, " Orbis sensualium picttts," English edition, 1659. 

would not have lasted long. The men of that principle, after they 
had served their own turns, would then have cried up property and 
interest fast enough." 

Comenius, "Orbis sensualium pictus," English edition, 1659. 

The New To a practical temper such as this the speculative reforms of 
" tion " the Convention were as distasteful as to the lawyers and clergy 




whom they attacked. " Nothing/' said Cromwell, " was in the 
hearts of these men but ' overturn, overturn/ " But he was 
delivered from his embarrassment by the internal dissensions of the 

Sec. X 


Fall of 




Comenius, " Orbis sensualium /ictus," English edition, 1659. 

Assembly itself. The day after the decision against tithes the Close of 
more conservative members snatched a vote by surprise " that the ve ntion 
sitting of this Parliament any longer, as now constituted, will not Dec. 1653 

Comenius, "Orbis sensualiutu pictus," English edition, 1659. 

be for the good of the Commonwealth, and that it is requisite to 
deliver up unto the Lord-General the powers we received from 




him." The Speaker placed their abdication in Cromwell's hands, 
and the act was confirmed by the subsequent adhesion of a 
Puritanism majority of the members. The dissolution of the Convention re- 
placed matters in the state in which its assembly had found them ; 
but there was still the same general anxiety to substitute some sort 
of legal rule for the power of the sword. The Convention had 
named during its session a fresh Council of State, and this body at 
once drew up, under the name of the Instrument of Government, a 

Sec. X 

Fall of 



Built 1655— 1658. 

Brand, "History of Newcastle." 

remarkable Constitution, which was adopted by the Council of 
The In- Officers. They were driven by necessity to the step from which 
strument ^ ^ad shrunk before, that of convening a Parliament on the 

of Govern- J & 

ment reformed basis of representation, though such a basis had no legal 
sanction. The House was to consist of four hundred members 
from England, thirty from Scotland, and thirty from Ireland. The 
seats hitherto assigned to small and rotten boroughs were 
transferred to larger constituencies, and for the most part to 
counties. All special rights of voting in the election of members 




were abolished, and replaced by a general right of suffrage, based 
on the possession of real or personal property to the value of two 
hundred pounds. Catholics and " Malignants," as those who had 
fought for the King were called, were excluded for the while from 
the franchise. Constitutionally, all further organization of the 
form of government should have been left to this Assembly ; but 
the dread of disorder during the interval of its election, as well as a 
longing for " settlement," drove the Council to complete their work 
by pressing the office of " Protector " upon Cromwell. " They told 

Sec. X 

Fall of 

J 653 


Built 1655. 

Richardson, " Studies from Old English Mansions." 

me that except I would undertake the government they thought 
things would hardly come to a composure or settlement, but blood 
and confusion would break in as before." If we follow however 
his own statement, it was when they urged that the acceptance of 
such a Protectorate actually limited his power as Lord-General, 
and " bound his hands to act nothing without the consent of a 
Council until the Parliament," that the post was accepted. The 
powers of the new Protector indeed were strictly limited. Though 
the members of the Council were originally named by him, each 


Sec. x member was irremovable save by consent of the rest : their advice 
the was necessary in all foreign affairs, their consent in matters of 

Fall of /to 

Puritanism peace and war, their approval in nominations to the great offices of 
to state, or the disposal of the military or civil power. With this 
body too lay the choice of all future Protectors. To the admin- 
istrative check of the Council was added the political check of the 
Parliament. Three years at the most were to elapse between the 
assembling of one Parliament and another. Laws could not be 
made, nor taxes imposed but by its authority, and after the lapse 
of twenty days the statutes it passed became laws even if the 
Protector's assent was refused to them. The new Constitution 
was undoubtedly popular ; and the promise of a real Parliament in 
a few months covered the want of any legal character in the new 
rule. The Government was generally accepted as a provisional 
one, which could only acquire legal authority from the ratification 
of its acts in the coming session ; and the desire to settle it on such 
a Parliamentary basis was universal among the members of the 
new Assembly which met in the autumn at Westminster. 
Parlia- Few Parliaments have ever been more memorable, or more 

of 1654 truly representative of the English people, than the Parliament of 
1654. It was the first Parliament in our history where members 
from Scotland and Ireland sate side by side with those from 
England, as they sit in the Parliament of to-day. The members 
for rotten boroughs and pocket-boroughs had disappeared. In 
spite of the exclusion of royalists and Catholics from the polling- 
booths, and the arbitrary erasure of the names of a few ultra- 
republican members by the Council, the House had a better title to 
the name of a " free Parliament" than any which had sat before. 
The freedom with which the electors had exercized their right of 
voting was seen indeed in the large number of Presbyterian 
members who were returned, and in the reappearance of Haselrig 
and Bradshaw, with many members of the Long Parliament, side 
by side with Lord Herbert and the older Sir Harry Vane. The 
first business of the House was clearly to consider the question of 
government ; and Haselrig, with the fiercer republicans, at once 
denied the legal existence of either Council or Protector, on the 
ground that the Long Parliament had never been dissolved. Such 
an argument, however, told as much against the Parliament in 





which they sate as against the administration itself, and the bulk Sec, x 
of the Assembly contented themselves with declining to recognize F ^" E OF 
the Constitution or Protectorate as of more than provisional validity. 
They proceeded at once to settle the government on a Parliament- 
ary basis. The " Instrument " was taken as the groundwork of the 
new Constitution, and carried clause by clause. That Cromwell 
should retain his rule as Protector was unanimously agreed ; that 
he should possess the right of veto or a co-ordinate legislative 
power with the Parliament was hotly debated, though the violent 
language of Haselrig did little to disturb the general tone of 
moderation. Suddenly, however, Cromwell interposed. If he had 
undertaken the duties of Protector with reluctance, he looked on all 
legal defects in his title as more than supplied by the consent of 
the nation. * I called not myself to this place," he urged, " God 
and the people of these kingdoms have borne testimony to it." His 
rule had been accepted by London, by the army, by the solemn 
decision of the judges, by addresses from every shire, by the very 
appearance of the members of the Parliament in answer to his 
writ. " Why may I not balance this Providence," he asked, " with 
any hereditary interest ? " In this national approval he saw a call 
from God, a Divine Right of a higher order than that of the kings 
who had gone before. 

But there was another ground for the anxiety with which he Crom- 
watched the proceedings of the Commons. His passion for admin- Adminis- 
istration had far overstepped the bounds of a merely provisional tratlon 
rule in the interval before the assembling of the Parliament. His 
desire for " settlement " had been strengthened not only by the 
drift of public opinion, but by the urgent need of every day ; and 
the power reserved by the "Instrument" to issue temporary 
ordinances, " until further order in such matters, to be taken by 
the Parliament," gave a scope to his marvellous activity of which he 
at once took advantage. Sixty-four Ordinances had been issued 
in the nine months before the meeting of the Parliament. Peace 
had been concluded with Holland. The Church had been set in 
order. The law itself had been minutely regulated. The union 
with Scotland had been brought to completion. So far was 
Cromwell from dreaming that these measures, or the authority 
which enacted them, would be questioned, that he looked to 

chap, viii PURITAN ENGLAND 1245 

Parliament simply to complete his work. " The great end of your Sec. x 

meeting," he said at the first assembly of its members, " is healing The 
& ' 7 *& Fall of 

and settling." Though he had himself done much, he added, Puritanism 

" there was still much to be done." Peace had to be made with to 

Portugal, and alliance with Spain. Bills were laid before the — 
House for the codification of the law. The plantation and settle- 
ment of Ireland had still to be completed. He resented the setting 
these projects aside for constitutional questions which, as he held, 
a Divine call had decided, but he resented yet more the renewed 
claim advanced by Parliament to the sole power of legislation. 
As we have seen, his experience of the evils which had arisen from 
the concentration of legislative and executive power in the Long 
Parliament had convinced Cromwell of the danger to public liberty 
which lay in such a union. He saw in the joint government of 
" a single person and a Parliament " the only assurance " that 
Parliaments should not make themselves perpetual," or that their 
power should not be perverted to public wrong. But whatever 
strength there may have been in the Protector's arguments, the act 
by which he proceeded to enforce them was fatal to liberty, and in 
the end to Puritanism. " If my calling be from God," he ended, 
" and my testimony from the People, God and the People shall 
take it from me, else I will not part from it." And he announced Dissolu- 
that no member would be suffered to enter the House without tl0 J} °f the 


signing an engagement " not to alter the Government as it is ment 
settled in a single person and a Parliament." No act of the 
Stuarts had been a bolder defiance of constitutional law ; and the 
act was as needless as it was illegal. One hundred members alone 
refused to take the engagement, and the signatures of three-fourths 
of the House proved that the security Cromwell desired might 
have been easily procured by a vote of Parliament. But those who 
remained resumed their constitutional task with unbroken firmness. 
They quietly asserted their sole title to government by referring 
the Protector's Ordinances to Committees for revision, and for 
conversion into laws. The " Instrument of Government " was 
turned into a bill, debated, and after some modifications read a 
third time. Money votes, as in previous Parliaments, were deferred 
till " grievances " had been settled. But Cromwell once more 
intervened. The royalists were astir again ; and he attributed 




sec. x their renewed hopes to the hostile attitude which he ascribed to 

t^e the Parliament. The army, which remained unpaid while the 

Puritanism SU p P lies were delayed, was seething with discontent. " It looks," 



said the Protector, " as if the laying grounds for a quarrel had 
rather been designed than to give the people settlement. Judge 
yourselves whether the contesting of things that were provided for 
by this government hath been profitable expense of time for the 





good of this nation." In words of angry reproach he declared the Sec, x 
Parliament dissolved. faT" E of 

With the dissolution of the Parliament of 1654 ended all show P*«™ns« 


Jan. 1655 


of constitutional rule. The Protectorate, deprived by its own act The New 

1 J Tyranny 

of all chance of legal sanction, became a simple tyranny. Crom- 
well professed, indeed, to be restrained by the " Instrument " ; but 
the one great restraint on his power which the Instrument provided, 


Sec. x the inability to levy taxes save by consent of Parliament, was 
f l" E of set as ^ e on tne P* ea °f necessity. " The People," said the Pro- 

Puritanism tector in words which Strafford might have uttered, "will prefer 
1653 . . , 

to their real security to forms." That a danger of royalist revolt 
1660 J & y 

existed was undeniable, but the danger was at once doubled by 
the general discontent. From this moment, Whitelock tells us, 
" many sober and noble patriots," in despair of public liberty, 
" did begin to incline to the King's restoration." In the mass 
of the population the reaction was far more rapid. " Charles 
Stuart," writes a Cheshire correspondent to the Secretary of 
State, " hath five hundred friends in these adjacent counties for 
every one friend to you among them." But before the over- 
powering strength of the army even this general discontent was 
powerless. Yorkshire, where the royalist insurrection was expected 
to be most formidable, never ventured to rise at all. There were 
risings in Devon, Dorset, and the Welsh Marches, but they were 
quickly put down, and their leaders brought to the scaffold. 
Easily however as the revolt was suppressed, the terror of the 
Government was seen in the energetic measures to which Cromwell 
The resorted in the hope of securing order. The country was divided 

Major- . ... 111 

Generals into ten military governments, each with a major-general at its 
head, who was empowered to disarm all Papists and royalists, 
and to arrest suspected persons. Funds for the supports of this, 
military despotism were provided by an Ordinance of the Council 
of State, which enacted that all who had at any time borne arms 
for the King should pay every year a tenth part of their income, in 
spite of the Act of Oblivion, as a fine for their royalist tendencies. 
The despotism of the major-generals was seconded by the older 
expedients of tyranny. The ejected clergy had been zealous 
in promoting the insurrection, and they were forbidden in revenge 
to act as chaplains or as tutors. The press was placed under 
a strict censorship. The payment of taxes levied by the sole 
authority of the Protector was enforced by distraint ; and when 
a collector was sued in the courts for redress, the counsel for the 
prosecution were sent to the Tower. 
Scotland If pardon, indeed, could ever be won for a tyranny, the 

Ireland wisdom and grandeur with which he used the power he had 
usurped would win pardon for the Protector. The greatest 




among the man)' great enterprises undertaken by the Long Sec. x 
Parliament had been the Union of the three Kingdoms : and The 

Fall of 

that of Scotland with England had been brought about, at P:R1TANISJI 

. 1653 

the very end of its career, by the tact and vigour of Sir 

Harry Vane. But its practical realization was left to Crom- 
well. In four months of hard fighting General Monk brought 
the Highlands to a 
new tranquillity ; and 
the presence of an 
army of eight thou- 
sand men, backed by 
a line of forts, kept 
the most restless of 
the clans in good 
order. The settlement 
of the country was 
brought about by the 
temperance and sa- 
gacity of Monk's suc- 
cessor, General Deane. 
No further interfer- 
ence with the Presby- 
terian system was at- 
tempted beyond the 
suppression of the 
General Assembly. 
But religious liberty 
was resolutely protect- 
ed, and Deane ven- 
tured even to interfere 
on behalf of the miser- 
able victims whom 
Scotch bigotry was 

torturing and burning on the charge of witchcraft. Even steady 
royalists acknowledged the justice of the Government and the 
wonderful discipline of its troops. " We always reckon those 
eight years of the usurpation," said Burnet afterwards, " a time of 
great peace and prosperity." Sterner work had to be done before 

*A*yy h a m uchle S co ich TQmut 

in gude faith Su : 


From Messrs. Goldsmid ' s facsimile of Cavalier playing 
cards in the possession of Earl Selson. 









O * 




Ireland could be brought into real union with its sister kingdoms. 
The work of conquest had been continued by Ireton, and com- 

Sec. X 

Fall of 

pleted after his death by General Ludlow, as mercilessly as it had Puritanism 



Hollar s Map of Ireland, 1653. 

begun. Thousands perished by famine or the sword. Shipload Settie- 
after shipload of those who surrendered were sent over sea for Ireland 
sale into forced labour in Jamaica and the West Indies. More 



T. Dineley, "Tour through Ireland," 1681. 

Journal of Kilkenny Archaeological Society, now Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. 

than forty thousand of the beaten Catholics were permitted to 
enlist for foreign service, and found a refuge in exile under the 

*Oo cuifieAffA ah bfiACAip tThcet O CleifAi§ peAiiiArn ah 
rf en-cj\oinic txvpAb Aimri t^eAbAji JJAbAtA "oo ^lAriAt), "oo ceA]\- 
cu^At) ocup *oo -pcpobAt) (AtnAiVle le uoit rh'tlACCAjiAin) "oo 
cum 50 pAchA-o 1 n^toip *oo *OhiA, in 6noi|\ *ootia riAomliAib, 



$&mv <yi<ymi£ tut $car-*6ros& 


FACSIMILES OF IRISH MSS., A. D. 1634— 1650. 

chap, vin PURITAN ENGLAND 1253 

banners of France and Spain. The work of settlement, which Sec, x 
was undertaken by Henry Cromwell, the younger and abler of the The 

J J & Fall of 

Protector's sons, turned out to be even more terrible than the Plrita- 

i6 53 

work of the sword. It took as its model the Colonization of 


Ulster, the fatal measure which had destroyed all hope of a united 

Ireland and had brought inevitably in its train the revolt and the 
war. The people were divided into classes in the order of their 
assumed guilt. All who after fair trial were proved to have 
personally taken part in the massacre were sentenced to banish- 
ment or death. The general amnesty which freed " those of the 
meaner sort " from all question on other scores was far from 
extending to the landowners. Catholic proprietors who had 
shown no goodwill to the Parliament, even though they had taken 
no part in the war, were punished by the forfeiture of a third of 
their estates. All who had borne arms were held to have forfeited 
the whole, and driven into Connaught, where fresh estates were 
carved out for them from the lands of the native clans. Xo such 
doom had ever fallen on a nation in modern times as fell upon 
Ireland in its new settlement. Among the bitter memories which 
part Ireland from England the memory of the bloodshed and 
confiscation which the Puritans wrought remains the bitterest ; 
and the worst curse an Irish peasant can hurl at his enemy is 
" the curse of Cromwell." But pitiless as the Protector's policy 
was, it was successful in the ends at which it aimed. The whole 
native population lay helpless and crushed. Peace and order were 
restored, and a large incoming of Protestant settlers from England 
and Scotland brought a new prosperity to the wasted country. 
Above all, the legislative union which had been brought about 
with Scotland was now carried out with Ireland, and thirty seats 
were allotted to its representatives in the general Parliament. 

In England Cromwell dealt with the rovalists as irreconcilable England 

. .' . . and the 

enemies ; but in even* other respect he carried fairly out his pledge Protec- 

of ' : healing and settling." The series of administrative reforms 

planned by the Convention had been partially carried into effect 

before the meeting of Parliament in 1654; but the work was 

pushed on after the dissolution of the House with yet greater 

energy. Nearly a hundred ordinances showed the industry of 

the Government. Police, public amusements, roads, finances, the 
Vol. Ill — 21 





Sec. x condition of prisons, the imprisonment of debtors, were a few 
the among; the subjects which claimed Cromwell's attention. An 

Fall of _ & J 

Puritanism ordinance of more than fifty clauses reformed the Court of 
Chancery. The anarchy which had reigned in the Church since 


well and 

the break-down of Episcopacy and the failure of the Presbyterian 
system to supply its place, was put an end to by a series of wise 
and temperate measures for its reorganization. Rights of patron- 
age were left untouched ; but a Board of Triers, a fourth of whom 
were laymen, was appointed to examine the fitness of ministers 
presented to livings ; and a Church board of gentry and clergy 
was set up in every county to exercise a supervision over ecclesi- 
astical affairs, and to detect and remove scandalous and ineffectual 
ministers. Even by the confession of Cromwell's opponents the 
plan worked well. It furnished the country with " able, serious 
preachers," Baxter tells us, " who lived a godly life, of what tolerable 
opinion soever they were," and, as both Presbyterian and Inde- 
pendent ministers were presented to livings at the will of their 
patrons, it solved so far as practical working was concerned the 
problem of a religious union among the Puritans on the base 
of a wide variety of Christian opinion. From the Church which 
was thus reorganized all power of interference with faiths differing 
from its own was resolutely withheld. Save in his dealings with the 
Episcopalians, whom he looked on as a political danger, Cromwell 
remained true throughout to the cause of religious liberty. Even 
the Quaker, rejected by all other Christian bodies as an anarchist 
and blasphemer, found sympathy and protection in the Protector. 
The Jews had been excluded from England since the reign of 
Edward the First ; and a prayer which they now presented for 
leave to return was refused by the commission of merchants and 
divines to whom the Protector referred it for consideration. But 
the refusal was quietly passed over, and the connivance of Crom- 
well in the settlement of a few Hebrews in London and Oxford 
was so clearly understood that no one ventured to interfere with 

No part of his policy is more characteristic of Cromwell's mind, 
whether in its strength or in its weakness, than his management of 
foreign affairs. While England had been absorbed in her long and 
obstinate struggle for freedom the whole face of the world around 




her had changed. The Thirty Years' War was over. The vie- sec x 
tories of Gustavus, and of the Swedish generals who followed him, the 

" Fall of 




Picture by P. de Champaigne, in the National Gallery. 

had been seconded by the policy of Richelieu and the intervention 
of France. Protestantism in Germany was no longer in peril from 
the bigotry or ambition of the House of Austria ; and the Treaty 

chap, vni PURITAN ENGLAND 1257 

of Westphalia had drawn a permanent line between the territories Sec. x 

belonging to the adherents of the old religion and the new. There Fa ^" e of 

was* little danger, indeed, now to Europe from the great Catholic ********** 

House which had threatened its freedom ever since Charles the to 


Fifth. Its Austrian branch was called away from dreams of - — 
aggression in the west to a desperate struggle with the Turk for 
the possession of Hungary and the security of Austria itself. 
Spain was falling into a state of strange decrepitude. So far from 
aiming to be mistress of Europe, she was rapidly sinking into the 
almost helpless prey of France. It was France which had now 
become the dominant power in Christendom, though her position 
was far from being as commanding as it was to become under 
Lewis the Fourteenth. The peace and order which prevailed after 
the cessation of the religious troubles throughout her compact and 
fertile territory gave scope at last to the quick and industrious 
temper of the French people ; while her wealth and energy were 
placed by the centralizing administration of Henry the Fourth, of 
Richelieu, and of Mazarin, almost absolutely in the hands of the 
Crown. Under the three great rulers who have just been named 
her ambition was steadily directed to the same purpose of terri- 
torial aggrandizement, and though limited as yet to the annexation Crom- 
of the Spanish and Imperial territories which still parted her foreign 
frontier from the Pyrenees, the Alps, and the Rhine, a statesman policy 
of wise political genius would have discerned the beginning of that 
great struggle for supremacy over Europe at large which was only 
foiled J}y the genius of Marlborough and the victories of the Grand 
Alliance. But in his view of European politics Cromwell was 
misled by the conservative and unspeculative temper of his mind 
as well as by the strength of his religious enthusiasm. Of the 
change in the world around him he seems to have discerned no- 
thing. He brought to the Europe of Mazarin the hopes and ideas 
with which all England was thrilling in his youth at the outbreak 
of the Thirty Years' War. Spain was still to him ''the head of 
the Papal Interest," whether at home or abroad. " The Papists in 
England," he said to the Parliament of 1656, "have been ac- 
counted, ever since I was born, Spaniolized ; they never regarded 
France, or any other Papist state, but Spain only." The old 
English hatred of Spain, the old English resentment at the shame- 





h .« 


chap, vin PURITAN ENGLAND 1259 

ful part which the nation had been forced to play in the great Sec. x 

German struggle by the policy of James and of Charles, lived on the 

in Cromwell, and was only strengthened by the religious enthu- Puritanism 

siasm which the success of Puritanism had kindled within him. to 

" The Lord Himself," he wrote to his admirals as they sailed to — 

the West Indies, "hath a controversy with your enemies: even 
with that Romish Babylon of which the Spaniard is the great 
underpropper. In that respect we fight the Lord's battles." What 
Sweden had been under Gustavus, England, Cromwell dreamt, 
might be now — the head of a great Protestant League in the strug- 
gle against Catholic aggression. " You have on your shoulders," 
he said to the Parliament of 1654, "the interest of all the Christian 
people of the world. I wish it may be written on our hearts to be 
zealous for that interest." 

The first step in such a struggle was necessarily to league the War with 

-f Spain 

Protestant powers together, and Cromwell's earliest efforts were 

directed to bring the ruinous and indecisive quarrel with Holland 
to an end. The fierceness of the strife had grown with each en- 
gagement ; but the hopes of Holland fell with her admiral, Tromp, 
who received a mortal wound at the moment when he had suc- 
ceeded in forcing the English line ; and the skill and energy of his 
successor, De Ruyter, struggled in vain to restore her waning 
fortunes. She was saved by the expulsion of the Long Parlia- 
ment, which had persisted in its demand of a political union of the 
two countries ; and the new policy of Cromwell was seen in the 
conclusion of peace. The United Provinces recognized the supre- 1654 
macy of the English flag in the British seas, and submitted to the 
Navigation Act, while Holland pledged itself to shut out the 
House of Orange from power, and thus relieved England from the 
risk of seeing a Stuart restoration supported by Dutch forces. The 
peace with the Dutch was followed by the conclusion of like 
treaties with Sweden and with Denmark ; and on the arrival of a 
Swedish envoy with offers of a league of friendship, Cromwell 
endeavoured to bring the Dutch, the Brandenburgers, and the 
Danes into a confederation of the Protestant powers. His efforts 
in this direction however, though they never wholly ceased, re- 
mained fruitless ; but the Protector was resolute to carry out his 
plans single-handed. The defeat of the Dutch had left England 

chap, viii PURITAN ENGLAND 1261 

the chief sea-power of the world ; and before the dissolution of the Sec. x 
Parliament, two fleets put to sea with secret instructions. The „ The 

1 Fall of 

first, under Blake, appeared in the Mediterranean, exacted repara- Pumt anism 
tion from Tuscany for wrongs done to English commerce, bom- 
barded Algiers, and destroyed the fleet with which its pirates — 
had ventured through the reign of Charles to insult the English 
coast. The thunder of Blake's guns, every Puritan believed, would 
be heard in the castle of St. Angelo, and Rome itself would have 
to bow to the greatness of Cromwell. But though no declaration 
of war had been issued against Spain, the true aim of both 
expeditions was an attack on that power ; and the attack proved 
singularly unsuccessful. Though Blake sailed to the Spanish 
coast, he failed to intercept the treasure fleet from America ; and 
the second expedition, which made its way to the West Indies, 
was foiled in a descent on St. Domingo. Its conquest of Jamaica, 
important as it really was in breaking through the monopoly 
of the New World in the South which Spain had till now enjoyed, 
seemed at the time but a poor result for a vast expenditure of 
blood and money. Its leaders were sent to the Tower on Sept. 1655 
their return ; but Cromwell found himself at war with Spain, 
and thrown whether he would or no into the hands of the French 
minister Mazarin. 

He was forced to sign a treaty of alliance with France ; while Parlia- 
the cost of his abortive expeditions drove him again to face a f l555 
Parliament. But Cromwell no longer trusted, as in his earlier 
Parliament, to freedom of elections. The sixty members sent from 
Ireland and Scotland under the Ordinances of union were simply 
nominees of the Government. Its whole influence was exerted to 
secure the return of the more conspicuous members of the Council 
of State. It was calculated that of the members returned one-half 
were bound to the Government by ties of profit or place. But 
Cromwell was still unsatisfied. A certificate of the Council was 
required from each member before admission to the House ; and a 
fourth of the whole number returned — one hundred in all, with 
Haselrig at their head — were by this means excluded on grounds 
of disaffection or want of religion. To these arbitrary acts of 
violence the House replied only by a course of singular moderation 
and wisdom. From the first it disclaimed any purpose of opposing 


Sec. x the Government. One of its earliest acts provided securities for 
the Cromwell's person, which was threatened by constant plots of 

Puritanism assassination. It supported him in his war policy, and voted 
to supplies of unprecedented extent for the maintenance of the struggle. 
— It was this attitude of loyalty which gave force to its steady refusal 
to sanction the system of tyranny which had practically placed 
England under martial law. In his opening address Cromwell 
boldly took his stand in support of the military despotism wielded 
by the major-generals. " It hath been more effectual towards the 
discountenancing of vice and settling religion than anything done 
these fifty years. I will abide by it," he said, with singular 
vehemence, " notwithstanding the envy and slander of foolish men. 
I could as soon venture my life with it as with anything I ever 
undertook. If it were to be done again, I would do it." But no 
sooner had a bill been introduced into Parliament to confirm the 
proceedings of the major-generals than a long debate showed the 
temper of the Commons. They had resolved to acquiesce in the 
Protectorate, but they were equally resolved to bring it again to a 
legal mode of government. This indeed was the aim of even 
Cromwell's wiser adherents. " What makes me fear the passing of 
this Act," one of them wrote to his son Henry, " is that thereby 
His Highness' government will be more founded in force, and more 
removed from that natural foundation which the people in Parlia- 
ment are desirous to give him, supposing that he will become more 
theirs than now he is." The bill was rejected, and Cromwell bowed 
to the feeling of the nation by withdrawing the powers of the 
Offer But the defeat of the tyranny of the sword was only a step 

Crown towards a far bolder effort for the restoration of the power of the 

t0 wen" 1 " ^ aw " ^ was no mere pedantry, still less was it vulgar flattery, 
which influenced the Parliament in their offer to Cromwell of the 
title of King. The experience of the last few years had taught the 
nation the value of the traditional forms under which its liberties 
had grown up. A king was limited by constitutional precedents. 
" The king's prerogative," it was well urged, " is under the courts 
of justice, and is bounded as well as any acre of land, or anything 
a man hath." A Protector, on the other hand, was new in our 
history, and there were no traditional means of limiting his power. 


" The one office being lawful in its nature," said Glynne, " known Sec. x 

to the nation, certain in itself, and confined and regulated by the Fa ^" e of 

law, and the other not so — that was the great ground why the PuRITANISM 

. „ l6 53 

Parliament did so much insist on this office and title." Under the to 

name of Monarchy, indeed, the question really at issue between — 

the party headed by the officers and the party led by the lawyers 
in the Commons was that of the restoration of constitutional and 
legal rule. The proposal was carried by an overwhelming majority, Mar. 1657 
but a month passed in endless consultations between the Parlia- 
ment and the Protector. His good sense, his knowledge of the 
general feeling of the nation, his real desire to obtain a settlement 
which should secure the ends for which Puritanism fought, political 
and religious liberty, broke in conference after conference through 
a mist of words. But his real concern throughout was with the 
temper of the army. Cromwell knew well that his government 
was a sheer government of the sword, and that the discontent of 
his soldiery would shake the fabric of his power. He vibrated to 
and fro between his sense of the political advantages of such a 
settlement, and his sense of its impossibility in face of the mood of 
the army. His soldiers, he said, were no common swordsmen. 
They were " godly men, men that will not be beaten down by a 
worldly and carnal spirit while they keep their integrity ; " men in 
whose general voice he recognized the voice of God. " They are 
honest and faithful men," he urged, " true to the great things of the 
Government. And though it really is no part of their goodness to 
be unwilling to submit to what a Parliament shall settle over them, 
yet it is my duty and conscience to beg of you that there may be 
no hard things put upon, them which they cannot swallow. I 
cannot think God would bless an undertaking of anything which 
would justly and with cause grieve them." The temper of the 
army was soon shown. Its leaders, with Lambert, Fleetwood, and 
Desborough at their head, placed their commands in Cromwell's 
hands. A petition from the officers to Parliament demanded the 
withdrawal of the proposal to restore the Monarchy, " in the name 
of the old cause for which they had bled." Cromwell at once 
anticipated the coming debate on this petition, a debate which 
might have led to an open breach between the army and the 

May 8, 

Commons, by a refusal of the crown. " I cannot undertake this 1657 

Earl of Warwick, appointed by Parliament, 1642 ; present officially at inauguration of Protector, 1657 

After W. Hollar. 




Government," he said, " with that title of King ; and that is my 
answer to this great and weighty business." 

Disappointed as it was, the Parliament with singular self- 
restraint turned to other modes of bringing about its purpose. 
The offer of the crown had been coupled with the condition 
of accepting a constitution which was a modification of the 
Instrument of Government adopted by the Parliament of 1654, and 
this constitution Cromwell emphatically approved. " The things 
provided by this Act of Government," he owned, " do secure the 
liberties of the people of God as they never before have had them." 
With a change of the title of King into that of Protector, the Act 

Sec. X 


Fall of 




of the 


Residence of the English Kings, and of Cromwell as Lord Protector. 

After W. Hollar. 

of Government now became law ; and the solemn inauguration of 
the Protector by the Parliament was a practical acknowledgement 
on the part of Cromwell of the illegality of his former rule. In the 
name of the Commons the Speaker invested him with a mantle of 
State, placed the sceptre in his hand, and girt the sword of justice 
by his side. By the new Act of Government Cromwell was allowed 
to name his own successor, but in all after cases the office was to 
be an elective one. In every other respect the forms of the older 
Constitution were carefully restored. Parliament was again to 
consist of two Houses, the seventy members of " the other House " 

The Commons regained their old 

June 26, 

being named by the Protector. 

chap, vin PURITAN ENGLAND 1267 

right of exclusively deciding on the qualification of their members. Sec. x 
Parliamentary restrictions were imposed on the choice of members m The 

J r Fall of 

of the Council, and officers of State or of the armv. A fixed Pu rita msm 

i6 53 
revenue was voted to the Protector, and it was provided that no to 

. r 1660 

moneys should be raised but by assent of Parliament. Liberty of 

worship was secured for all but Papists, Prelatists, Socinians, or 
those who denied the inspiration of the Scriptures ; and liberty of 
conscience was secured for all. 

The adjournment of the House after his inauguration left Crom- 
Cromwell at the height of his power. He seemed at last to have tr ^ mp h s 
placed his government on a legal and national basis. The ill- 
success of his earlier operations abroad was forgotten in a blaze of 
glory. On the eve of the Parliament's assembly one of Blake s 
captains had managed to intercept a part of the Spanish treasure 
fleet. At the close of 1656 the Protector seemed to have found the 
means of realizing his schemes for rekindling the religious war 
throughout Europe in a quarrel between the Duke of Savoy and 
his Protestant subjects in the valleys of Piedmont. A ruthless 
massacre of these Vaudois by the Duke's troops roused deep resent- 
ment throughout England, a resentment which still breathes in the 
noblest of Milton's sonnets. While the poet called on God to 
avenge his " slaughtered saints, whose bones lie scattered on the 
Alpine mountains cold," Cromwell was already busy with the work 
of earthly vengeance. An English envoy appeared at the Duke's 
court with haughty demands of redress. Their refusal would have 
been followed by instant war, for the Protestant Cantons of 
Switzerland were bribed into promising a force of ten thousand 
men for an attack on Savoy. The plan was foiled by the cool 
diplomacy of Mazarin, who forced the Duke to grant Cromwell's 
demands ; but the apparent success of the Protector raised his 
reputation at home and abroad. The spring of 1657 saw the 
greatest as it was the last of the triumphs of Blake. He found 
the Spanish Plate fleet guarded by galleons in the strongly-armed 
harbour of Santa Cruz ; he forced an entrance into the harbour 
and burnt or sank every ship within it. Triumphs at sea were 
followed by a triumph on land. Cromwell's demand of Dunkirk, 
which had long stood in the way of any acceptance of his offers of 
aid, was at last conceded ; and a detachment of the Puritan army 

Frontispiece to "Nature's Pictures" by Margaret, Duchess of Neiucastle, 1656. 

1 ^JM 

chap, viii PURITAN ENGLAND 1269 

Death of 

joined the French troops who were attacking Flanders under the Sec. x 
command of Turenne. Their valour and discipline were shown by M the 

1 J Fall of 

the part they took in the capture of Mardyke ; and still more by Puritanism 
the victory of the Dunes, a victory which forced the Flemish towns to 
to open their gates to the French, and gave Dunkirk to Cromwell. 
Never had the fame of an English ruler stood higher ; but in 
the midst of his glory the hand of death was falling on the Pro- Cromwell 
tector. . He had long been weary of his task. " God knows," he 
had burst out to the Parliament a year before, " I would have been 
glad to have lived under my woodside, and to have kept a flock ot 
sheep, rather than to have undertaken this government." And 
now to the weariness of power was added the weakness and 
feverish impatience of disease. Vigorous and energetic as his life 
had seemed, his health was by no means as strong as his will ; he 
had been struck down by intermittent fever in the midst of his 
triumphs both in Scotland and in Ireland, and during the past year 
he had suffered from repeated attacks of it. " I have some infirmi- 
ties upon me," he owned twice over in his speech at the re-opening 
of the Parliament after an adjournment of six months ; and his 
feverish irritability was quickened by the public danger. No Jan. 1658 
supplies had been voted, and the pay of the army was heavily in 
arrear, while its temper grew more and more sullen at the appear- 
ance of the new Constitution and the re-awakening of the royalist 
intrigues. Under the terms of the new Constitution the members 
excluded in the preceding year took their places again in the 
House. The mood of the nation was reflected in the captious and 
quarrelsome tone of the Commons. They still delayed the grant 
of supplies. Meanwhile a hasty act of the Protector in giving to 
his nominees in " the other House," as the new second chamber he 
had devised was called, the title of " Lords," kindled a strife 
between the two Houses which was busily fanned by Haselrig and 
other opponents of the Government. It was contended that the 
" other House " had under the new Constitution simply judicial 
and not legislative powers. Such a contention struck at Cromwell's 
work of restoring the old political forms of English life ; and the 
reappearance of Parliamentary strife threw him at last, says an 
observer at his court, " into a rage and passion like unto madness." 
What gave weight to it was the growing strength of the royalist 
Vol. Ill— 22 


Sec. x party, and its preparations for a coming rising. Charles himself 
the with a large body of Spanish troops drew to the coast of Flanders 

Puritanism j- take advantage of it. His hopes were above all encouraged by 
to the strife in the Commons, and their manifest dislike of the system 
— of the Protectorate. It was this that drove Cromwell to action. 

Hon of the Summoning his coach, by a sudden impulse, the Protector drove 
Parha- w j t ] 1 a f ew guards to Westminster ; and setting aside the 
remonstrances of Fleetwood, summoned the two Houses to his 
presence. " I do dissolve this Parliament," he ended a speech of 
angry rebuke, " and let God be judge between you and me." Fatal 
as was the error, for the moment all went well. The army was 
reconciled by the blow levelled at its opponents, and the few 
murmurers were weeded from its ranks by a careful remodelling. 
The triumphant officers vowed to stand or fall with his Highness. 
The danger of a royalist rising vanished before a host of addresses 
from the counties. Great news too came from abroad, where 
victory in Flanders, and the cession of Dunkirk, set the seal on 
Cromwell's glory. But the fever crept steadily on, and his looks 
told the tale of death to the Quaker, Fox, who met him riding in 
Hampton Court Park. "Before I came to him," he says, "as he 
rode at the head of his Life Guards, I saw and felt a waft of death 
go forth against him, and when I came to him he looked like a 
dead man." In the midst of his triumph Cromwell's heart was in 
fact heavy with the sense of failure. He had no desire to play the 
tyrant ; nor had he any belief in the permanence of a mere tyranny. 
He clung desperately to the hope of bringing the country to his 
side. He had hardly dissolved the Parliament before he was 
planning the summons of another, and angry at the opposition 
which his Council offered to the project. " I .will take my own 
resolutions," he said gloomily to his household ; " I can no longer 
satisfy myself to sit still, and make myself guilty of the loss of all 
the honest party and of the nation itself." But before his plans 

Aug. 1658 could be realized the overtaxed strength of the Protector suddenly 
gave way. He saw too clearly the chaos into which his death 
would plunge England to be willing to die. " Do not think I shall 
die," he burst out with feverish energy to the physicians who 
gathered round him ; " say not I have lost my reason ! I tell you 
the truth. I know it from better authority than any you can have 




from Galen or Hippocrates. It is the answer of God Himself to 
our prayers ! " Prayer indeed rose from every side for his recovery, 
but death drew steadily nearer, till even Cromwell felt that his 
hour was come. " I would be willing to live," the dying man 
murmured, "to be further serviceable to God and His people, but 
my work is done ! Yet God will be with His people !" A storm 
which tore roofs from houses, and levelled huge trees in every 
forest, seemed a fitting prelude to the passing away of his mighty 
spirit. Three days later, on the third of September, the day which 
had witnessed his victories of Worcester and Dunbar, Cromwell 
quietly breathed his last. 

So absolute even in death was his sway over the minds of men, 
that, to the wonder of the excited royalists, even a doubtful nomina- 
tion on his death-bed was enough to secure the peaceful succession 
of his son, Richard Cromwell. Many, in fact, who had rejected 
the authority of his father submitted peacefully to the new Pro- 
tector. Their motives were explained by Baxter, the most eminent 
among the Presbyterian ministers, in the address to Richard which 
announced his adhesion. "I observe," he says, "that the nation 
generally rejoice in your peaceable entrance upon the Government. 
Many are persuaded that you have been strangely kept from 
participating in any of our late bloody contentions, that God might 
make you the healer of our breaches, and employ you in that 
Temple work which David himself might not be honoured with, 
though it was in his mind, because he shed blood abundantly and 
made great wars." The new Protector was a weak and worthless 
man, but the bulk of the nation were content to be ruled by one who 
was at any rate no soldier, no Puritan, and no innovator. Richard 
was known to be lax and worldly in his conduct, and he was 
believed to be conservative and even royalist in heart. The tide 
of reaction was felt even in his Council. Their first act was to 
throw aside one of the greatest of Cromwell's reforms, and to fall 
back in the summons which they issued for the new Parliament 
on the old system of election. It was felt far more keenly in the 
tone of the new House of Commons. The republicans under 
Vane, backed adroitly by the secret royalists, fell hotly on Crom- 
well's system. The fiercest attack of all came from Sir Ashley 
Cooper, a Dorsetshire gentleman who had changed sides in the 

Sec. X 


Fall of 





Fall ot 


Jan. 1659 

chap, vin PURITAN ENGLAND 1273 

civil war, had fought for the King and then for the Parliament, Sec, x 
had been a member of Cromwell's Council, and had of late ceased _ The 

' Fall of 

to be a member of it. His virulent invective on " his Highness of p ^ R1 j ANISM 

l6 53 
deplorable memory, who with fraud and force deprived you of your to 

liberty when living, and entailed slavery on you at his death," was — 
followed by an equally virulent invective against the army. 
" They have not only subdued their enemies," said Cooper, " but 
the masters who raised and maintained them ! They have not 
only conquered Scotland and Ireland, but rebellious England too ; 
and there suppressed a Malignant party of magistrates and laws." 
The army was quick with its reply. It had already demanded the 
appointment of a soldier as its General in the place of the new 
Protector, who had assumed the command. The tone of the 
Council of Officers now became so menacing that the Commons 
ordered the dismissal of all officers who refused to engage "not to 
disturb or interrupt the free meetings of Parliament." Richard 
ordered the Council of Officers to dissolve. Their reply was a Return 
demand for a dissolution of the Parliament, a demand with which % U mp 
Richard was forced to comply. The purpose of the army however 
was still to secure a settled government ; and setting aside the new 
Protector, whose weakness was now evident, they resolved to 
come to a reconciliation with the republican party, and to recall 
the fragment of the Commons whom they had expelled from St. 
Stephen's in 1653. Of the one hundred and sixty members who 
had continued to sit after the King's death, about ninety returned 
to their seats, and resumed the administration of affairs. But the 
continued exclusion of the members who had been " purged " from 
the House in 1648, proved that no real intention existed of restor- 
ing a legal rule. The House was soon at strife with the soldiers. 
In spite of Vane's counsels, it proposed a reform of the officers, 
and though a royalist rising in Cheshire during August threw the 
disputants for a moment together, the struggle revived as the 
danger passed away. A new hope indeed filled men's minds. 
Not only was the nation sick of military rule, but the army, un- Divisions 
conquerable so long as it held together, at last showed signs of Army 
division. In Ireland and Scotland the troops protested against the 
attitude of their English comrades ; and Monk, the commander of 
the Scottish army, threatened to march on London and free the 

Miniature by S. Cooper, in the Royal Collection at Windsor. 





Parliament from their pressure. Their divisions encouraged Sec. x 
Haselrig and his coadjutors to demand the dismissal of Fleetwood The 

and Lambert from their commands. 

Fall of 

They answered by driving Puritanism 


the Parliament again from Westminster, and by marching under to 


From an old print. 

Lambert to the north to meet Monk's army. Negotiations gave 
Monk time to gather a Convention at Edinburgh, and strengthen 
himself with money and recruits. His attitude roused England to 
action. So rapidly did the tide of feeling rise throughout the 
country that the army was driven to undo its work by recalling the 




Sec. x Rump. Monk however advanced rapidly to Coldstream, and 
the crossed the border. The cry of " A free Parliament " ran* like fire 

Fall of j 

Puritanism through the country. Not only Fairfax, who appeared in arms in 
Yorkshire, but the ships on the Thames and the mob which 
thronged the streets of London caught up the cry ; and Monk, who 
lavished protestations of loyalty to the Rump, while he accepted 
petitions for a " Free Parliament," entered London unopposed. 


Jan. 1660 

" Konincklijcke Beltenis," 1660. 

From the moment of his entry the restoration of the Stuarts be- 
came inevitable. The army, resolute as it still remained for the 
maintenance of " the cause," was deceived by Monk's declarations 
of loyalty to it, and rendered powerless by his adroit dispersion 
The Con- of the troops over the country. At the instigation of Ashley 

i)€ ntton 

Cooper, those who remained of the members who had been ex- 

April 25 

eluded from the House of Commons by Pride's Purge in 1648 




again forced their way into Parliament, and at once resolved on a Sec. x 
dissolution and the election of a new House of Commons. The „ The 

Fall of 

new House, which bears the name of the Convention, had hardly Plritani sm 

taken the solemn League and Covenant which showed its Presby- 

terian temper, and its leaders had only begun to draw up terms on 
which the King's restoration might be assented to, when they 
found that Monk was in negotiation with the exiled Court. All 


" Konincklijcke Beltenis," 1660. 

exaction of terms was now impossible ; a Declaration from Breda, 
in which Charles promised a general pardon, religious toleration, 
and satisfaction to the army, was received with a burst of national 
enthusiasm ; and the old Constitution was restored by a solemn 
vote of the Convention, " that according to the ancient and funda- 
mental laws of this Kingdom, the government is, and ought to be, R q^ 1 ^ 
by King, Lords, and Commons." The King was at once invited May 25 




to hasten to his realm ; he landed at Dover, and made his way 
amidst the shouts of a great multitude to Whitehall. " It is my 

Puritanism own fault," laughed the new King, with characteristic irony, " that 

J ^53 

I had not come back sooner ; for I find nobody who does not tell 

me he has always longed for my return." 

Puritanism, so men believed, had fallen never to rise again. As 

a political experiment it had ended in utter failure and disgust. 

Sec. X 

Fall of 




" Konincklijcke Beltenis," 1660. 

As a religious system of national life it brought about the wildest 
outbreak of moral revolt that England has ever witnessed. And 
yet Puritanism was far from being dead ; it drew indeed a nobler 
life from suffering and defeat. Nothing aids us better to trace 
the real course of Puritan influence since the fall of Puritanism 
than the thought of the two great works which have handed down 
from one generation to another its highest and noblest spirit. 



From that time to this the most popular of all religious books has Sec. x 

been the Puritan allegory of the " Pilgrim's Progress." The most The 

popular of all English poems has been the Puritan epic of the ********** 

" Paradise Lost." Milton had been engaged during the civil war 

in strife with Presbyterians and with Royalists, pleading for civil 
and religious freedom, for freedom of social life, and freedom of 
the press. At a later time he became Latin Secretary to the 
Protector, in spite of a blindness which had been brought on 
by the intensity of his study. The Restoration found him of all 
living men the most hateful to the Royalists ; for it was his 
" Defence of the English People " which had justified throughout 
Europe the execution of the King. Parliament ordered his book 
to be burnt by the common hangman ; he was for a time imprisoned, 
and even when released he had to live amidst threats of assassina- 
tion from fanatical Cavaliers. To the ruin of his cause were added 
personal misfortunes in the bankruptcy of the scrivener who held 
the bulk of his property, and in the Fire of London, which deprived 
him of much of what was left. As age drew on, he found himself 
reduced to comparative poverty, and driven to sell his library 
for subsistence. Even among the sectaries who shared his political 
opinions Milton stood in religious opinion alone, for he had 
gradually severed himself from every accepted form of faith, 
had embraced Arianism, and had ceased to attend at any place 
of worship. Nor was his home a happy one. The grace and 
geniality of his youth disappeared in the drudgery of a school- 
master's life and amongst the invectives of controversy. In age 
his temper became stern and exacting. His daughters, who 
were forced to read to their blind father in languages which they 
could not understand, revolted utterly against their bondage. 
But solitude and misfortune only brought out into bolder relief 
Milton's inner greatness. There was a grand simplicity in the 
life of his later years. He listened every morning to a chapter 
of the Hebrew Bible, and after musing in silence for a while 
pursued his studies till midday. Then he took exercise for an 
hour, played for another hour on the organ or viol, and renewed 
his studies. The evening was spent in converse with visitors 
and friends. For, lonely and unpopular, as Milton was, there was 
one thing about him which made his house in Bunhill Fields a 




Sec. X 


Fall of 





d. 1631. 
In S. Paul's Cathedral. 

place of pilgrimage to the wits 
of the Restoration. He was 
the last of the Elizabethans. 
He had possibly seen Shakspere, 
as on his visits to London after 
his retirement to Stratford the 
playwright passed along Bread 
Street to his wit combats at the 
Mermaid. He had been the con- 
temporary of Webster and Mas- 
singer, of Herrick and Crashaw. 
His "Comus" and " Arcades " 
had rivalled the masques of Ben 
Jonson. It was with a reverence 
drawn from thoughts like these 
that men looked on the blind 
poet as he sate, clad in black, 
in his chamber hung with rusty 
green tapestry, his fair brown 
hair falling as of old over a calm, 
serene face that still retained 
much of its youthful beauty, his 
cheeks delicately coloured, his 
clear grey eyes showing no trace 
of their blindness. But famous, 
whether for good or ill, as his 
prose writings had made him, 
during fifteen years only a few 
sonnets had broken his silence 
as a singer. It was now, in his 
blindness and old age, with the 
cause he loved trodden under 
foot by men as vile as the rabble 
in " Comus," that the genius of 
Milton took refuge in the great 
poem on which through years 
of silence his imagination had 
still been brooding. 




On his return from his travels in Italy, Milton had spoken Sec. x 
of himself as musing; on " a work not to be raised from the heat of The 

& Fall of 

youth or the vapours of wine, like that which flows at waste from PlR,T f' SM 

the pen of some vulgar amourist or the trencher fury of a rhyming to 



parasite, nor to be obtained by the invocation of Dame Memory 

and her Siren daughters ; but by devout prayer to that Eternal Paradise 

Spirit who can enrich with all utterance and knowledge, and sends 

out His Seraphim, with the hallowed fire of His altar, to touch 

Frontispiece to his "History of Britain" ; engraved by W. Faithorne, 1670. 

and purify the lips of whom He pleases." His lips were touched 
at last. In his quiet retreat he mused during these years of 
persecution and loneliness on his great work. Seven years after 
the Restoration appeared the "Paradise Lost," and four years 
later the " Paradise Regained " and " Samson Agonistes," in the 
severe grandeur of whose verse we see the poet himself " fallen," 
like Samson, " on evil days and evil tongues, with darkness and 
with danger compassed round." But great as the two last works 





Sec. x were, their greatness was eclipsed by that of their predecessor. 
The The whole genius of Milton expressed itself in the " Paradise 

Fall of 

Puritanism Lost" The romance, the gorgeous fancy, the daring imagination 
which he shared with the Elizabethan poets, the large but ordered 


beauty of form which he had drunk in from the literature of Greece 
and Rome, the sublimity of conception, the loftiness of phrase, 
which he owed to the Bible, blended in this story " of man's 
first disobedience, and the fruit of that forbidden tree, whose 
mortal taste brought death into the world and all our woe." It is 

milton's house at chaefont st. giles, bucks. 

only when we review the strangely mingled elements which make 
up the poem, that we realize the genius which fused them into such 
a perfect whole. The meagre outline of the Hebrew legend is lost 
in the splendour and music of Milton's verse. The stern idealism 
of Geneva is clothed in the gorgeous robes of the Renascence. 
If we miss something of the free play of Spenser's fancy, and yet 
more of the imaginative delight in their own creations which gives 
so exquisite a life to the poetry of the early dramatists, we find in 
place of these the noblest example which our literature affords 
of the ordered majesty of classic form. But it is not with the 



Fall of 



literary value of the " Paradise Lost " that we are here concerned. Sec, x 
Its historic importance lies in this, that it is the Epic of Puritanism. 
Its scheme is the problem with which the Puritan wrestled in 
hours of gloom and darkness, the problem of sin and redemption, 
of the world-wide struggle of evil against good. The intense moral 
concentration of the Puritan had given an almost bodily shape to 
spiritual abstractions before Milton gave life and being to the forms 
of Sin and Death. It was the Puritan tendency to mass into one 
vast " body of sin " the various forms of human evil, and by the 
very force of a passionate hatred to exaggerate their magnitude 
and their power, to which we owe the conception of Milton's Satan. 
The greatness of the Puritan aim in the long and wavering struggle 
for justice and law and a higher good ; the grandeur of character 
which the contest developed ; the colossal forms of good and evil 
which moved over its stage ; the debates and conspiracies and 
battles which had been men's life for twenty years ; the mighty 
eloquence and mightier ambition which the war had roused into 
being — all left their mark on the " Paradise Lost." Whatever was 
highest and best in the Puritan temper spoke in the nobleness and 
elevation of the poem, in its purity of tone, in its grandeur of con- 
ception, in its ordered and equable realization of a great purpose. 
Even in his boldest flights, Milton is calm and master of himself. 
His touch is always sure. Whether he passes from Heaven to Hell, 
or from the council hall of Satan to the sweet conference of Adam 
and Eve, his tread is steady and unfaltering. But if the poem 
expresses the higher qualities of the Puritan temper, it expresses 
no less exactly its defects. Throughout it we feel almost pain- 
fully a want of the finer and subtler sympathies, of a large and 
genial humanity, of a sense of spiritual mystery. Dealing as 
Milton does with subjects the most awful and mysterious that poet 
ever chose, he is never troubled by the obstinate questionings of 
invisible things which haunted the imagination of Shakspere. We 
look in vain for any ^Eschylean background of the vast unknown. 
" Man's disobedience " and the scheme for man's redemption are 
laid down as clearly and with just as little mystery as in a Puritan 
discourse. On topics such as these even God the Father (to 
borrow Pope's sneer) " turns a school divine." As in his earlier 
poems he had ordered and arranged nature, so in the " Paradise 


Sec. x Lost " Milton orders and arranges Heaven and Hell. His 
the mightiest figures, Angel or Archangel, Satan or Belial, stand out 


Puritanism co lossal but distinct. There is just as little of the wide sympathy 

to with all that is human which is so loveable in Chaucer and Shakspere. 
1660 . . r 

— On the contrary the Puritan individuality is nowhere so overpower- 
ing as in Milton. He leaves the stamp of himself deeply graven 
on all he creates. We hear his voice in every line of his poem. 
The cold severe conception of moral virtue which reigns throughout 
it, the intellectual way in which he paints and regards beauty (for 
the beauty of Eve is a beauty which no mortal man may love) 
are Milton's own. We feel his inmost temper in the stoical self- 
repression which gives its dignity to his figures. Adam utters no 
cry of agony when he is driven from Paradise. Satan suffers 
in a defiant silence. It is to this intense self-concentration that 
we must attribute the strange deficiency of humour which Milton 
shared with the Puritans generally, and which here and there 
breaks the sublimity of his poem with strange slips into the 
grotesque. But it is above all to this Puritan deficiency in human 
sympathy that we must attribute his wonderful want of dramatic 
genius. Of the power which creates a thousand different characters, 
which endows each with its appropriate act and word, which loses 
itself in its own creations, no great poet ever had less. 

Disband- The poem of Milton was the epic of a fallen cause. The 
of the broken hope, which had seen the Kingdom of the Saints pass like 

Army a dream away, spoke in its very name. Paradise was lost once 
more, when the New Model, which embodied the courage and the 
hope of Puritanism, laid down its arms. In his progress to the 
capital Charles passed in review the soldiers assembled on Black- 
heath. Betrayed by their general, abandoned by their leaders, 
surrounded as they were by a nation in arms, the gloomy silence 
of their ranks awed even the careless King with a sense of danger 
But none of the victories of the New Model were so glorious as the 
victory which it won over itself. Quietly, and without a struggle, 
as men who bowed to the inscrutable will of God, the farmers and 
traders who had dashed Rupert's chivalry to pieces on Naseby 
field, who had scattered at Worcester the " army of the aliens," 
and driven into helpless flight the sovereign that now came " to 
enjoy his own again," who had renewed beyond sea the glories of 





Crecy and Agincourt, had mastered the Parliament, had brought sec. x 
a King to justice and the block, had given laws to England, and The 
held even Cromwell in awe, became farmers and traders again, and PlRITANbM 
were known among their fellow-men by no other signs than their 
greater soberness and industry. And, with them, Puritanism laid 
down the sword. It ceased from the long attempt to build up a 
kingdom of God by force and violence, and fell back on its truer 
work of building up a kingdom of righteousness in the hearts and 
consciences of men. It was from the moment of its seeming fall 
that its real victory began. As soon as the wild orgy of the 
Restoration was over, men began to see that nothing that was 
really worthy in the work of Puritanism had been undone. The 
revels of Whitehall, the scepticism and debauchery of courtiers, 
the corruption of statesmen, left the mass of Englishmen what 
Puritanism had made them, serious, earnest, sober in life and 
conduct, firm in their love of Protestantism and of freedom. In 
the Revolution of 1688 Puritanism did the work of civil liberty 
which it had failed to do in that of 1642. It wrought out through 
Wesley and the revival of the eighteenth century the work of 
religious reform which its earlier efforts had only thrown back for a 
hundred years. Slowly but steadily it introduced its own serious- 
ness and purity into English society, English literature, English 
politics. The whole history of English progress since the Restora- 
tion, on its moral and spiritual sides, has been the history of 


Design by Simon, Engraver of the Mint during the Commonwealth, rejected by Charles II. 

Museum at the Mint, London. 

Vol. Ill— 23 




Section I.— England and the Revolution 

[Authorities. — For the social change see Memoirs of Pepys and Evelyn, the 
dramatic works of Wycherly and Etherege, and Lord Macaulay's " Essay on 
the Dramatists of the Restoration." For the earlier history of English Science 
see Hallam's sketch ("Literary History," vol. iv.) ; the histories of the Royal 
Society by Thompson or Wade ; and Sir D. Brewster's biography of Newton. 
Sir W. Molesworth has edited the works of Hobbes.] 

The entry of Charles the Second into Whitehall marked a 
deep and lasting change in the temper of the English people. 

With it modern Eng- 
land began. The in- 
fluences which had up 
to this time moulded 
our history, the theo- 
logical influence of the 
Reformation, the mon- 
archical influence of 
the new kingship, the 
feudal influence of the 
Middle Ages, the yet 
earlier influence of 
tradition and custom, 
suddenly lost power 
over the minds of men. 
From the moment of 
the Restoration we find 
ourselves all at once 
among the great currents of thought and activity which have gone 



Tower of London. 

Illumination on a letter patent in Public Record Office. 




on widening and deepening from that time to this. The England s EC . i 
around us becomes our own England, an England whose chief England 


forces are industry and science, the love of popular freedom and of Revolu- 

"* x L TION 

law, an England which presses steadily forward to a larger social 
justice and equality, and which tends more and more to bring 
every custom and tradition, religious, intellectual, and political, 
to the test of pure 

reason. Between mo- 
dern thought, on some 
at least of its more im- 
portant sides, and the 
thought of men before 
the Restoration there 
is a great gulf fixed. 
A political thinker in 
the present day would 
find it equally hard 
to discuss any point 
•of statesmanship with 
Lord Burleigh or with 
Oliver Cromwell. He 
would find no point of 
contact between their 
ideas of national life or 
national welfare, their 
conception of govern- 
ment or the ends of 
government, their mode 
of regarding economical 
and social questions, 
and his own. But no 

gulf of this sort parts us from the men who followed the Restora- 
tion. From that time to this, whatever differences there may have 
been as to practical conclusions drawn from them, there has been 
a substantial agreement as to the grounds of our political, our 
social, our intellectual and religious life. Paley would have found 
no difficulty in understanding Tillotson: Xewton and Sir Humphry 
Davy could have talked without a sense of severance There 


From Messrs. Goldsmid' s facsimile of Cavalier playing 
cards in the possession of Earl Selson. 




Sec. I 

and THE 




would have been nothing to hinder a perfectly clear discussion on 
government or law between John Locke and Jeremy Bentham. 

The change from the old England to the new is so startling 
that we are apt to look on it as a more sudden change than it 
really was, and the outer aspect of the Restoration does much to 
strengthen this impression of suddenness. The aim of the Puritan 

had been to set up a 
visible Kingdom of God 
upon earth. He had 
wrought out his aim 
by reversing the policy 
of the Stuarts and the 
Tudors. From the time 
of Henry the Eighth to 
the time of Charles the 
First, the Church had 
been looked upon prim- 
arily as an instrument 
for securing, by moral 
and religious influences, 
the social and political 
ends of the State. Un- 
der the Commonwealth, 
the State, in its turn, 
was regarded primarily 
as an instrument for 
securing through its 
political and social in- 
fluences the moral and 
religious ends of the 
Church. In the Puritan 
theory, Englishmen were " the Lord's people ; " a people dedicated 
to Him by a solemn Covenant, and whose end as a nation was to 
carry out His will. For such an end it was needful that rulers, as 
well as people, should be " godly men." Godliness became neces- 
sarily the chief qualification for public employment. The new 
modelling of the army filled its ranks with " saints." Parliament 
resolved to employ no man "but such as the House shall be satisfied 

Shppona Waooonerto S.F.Vcrt 
one of OliuersJfictors. 


From Messrs. Goldsmid's facsimile of Cavalier playing 
cards in the possession of Earl Nelson. 




of his real godliness." The Covenant which bound the nation to 
God bound it to enforce God's laws even more earnestly than its 
own. The Bible lay on the table of the House of Commons ; and 
its prohibition of swearing, of drunkenness, of fornication became 
part of the law of the land. Adultery was made felony without 
the benefit of clergy. Pictures whose subjects jarred with the new 
decorum were ordered to be burnt, and statues were chipped ruth- 
lessly into decency. It was in 
the same temper that Puritan- 
ism turned from public life to 
private. The Covenant bound 
not the whole nation only, but 
every individual member of the 
nation, to " a jealous God," a 
God jealous of any supersti- 
tion that robbed him of the 
worship which was exclusively 
his due, jealous of the dis- 
traction and frivolity which 
robbed him of the entire de- 
votion of man to his service. 
The want of poetry, of fancy, 
in the common Puritan tem- 
per condemned half the popu- 
lar observances of England as 
superstitions. It was super- 
stitious to keep Christmas, or 
to deck the house with holly 
and ivy. It was superstitious 
to dance round the village 

May-pole. It was flat Popery to eat a mince-pie. The rough 
sport, the mirth and fun of " merry England," were out of 
place in an England called with so great a calling. Bull-baiting, 
bear-baiting, horse-racing, cock-fighting, the village revel, the 
dance under the May-pole, were put down with the same 
indiscriminating severity. The long struggle between the 
Puritans and the play-wrights ended in the closing of every 

Worjiey an Inchle We aver a. 
man ofierfonal Valav. 


From Messrs. Goldsmid' s facsimile of Cavalier 

playing cards in the possession of Earl Nelson. 

Sec. I 






Sec. I 

and THE 

of the 


The Restoration brought Charles to Whitehall : and in an 
instant the whole face of England was changed. All that was 
noblest and best in Puritanism was whirled away with its pettiness 
and its tyranny in the current of the nation's hate. Religion had 
been turned into a system of political and social oppression, and 
it fell with their fall. Godliness became a by-word of scorn ; 
sobriety in dress, in speech, in manners was flouted as a mark 

of the detested Puritanism. 
Butler in his " Hudibras " 
poured insult on the past with 
a pedantic buffoonery for 
which the general hatred, far 
more than its humour, secured 
a hearing. Archbishop Shel- 
don listened to the mock 
sermon of a Cavalier who 
held up the Puritan phrase 
and the Puritan twang to 
ridicule in his hall at Lam- 
beth. Duelling and raking 
became the marks of a fine 
gentleman ; and grave divines 
winked at the follies of 
" honest fellows," who fought, 
gambled, swore, drank, and 
ended a day of debauchery 
by a night in the gutter. Life 
among men of fashion vibrated 
between frivolity and excess. 
One of the comedies of the 
time tells the courtier that " he must dress well, dance well, fence 
well, have a talent for love-letters, an agreeable voice, be amorous 
and discreet — but not too constant." To graces such as these the 
rakes of the Restoration added a shamelessness and a brutality 
which passes belief. Lord Rochester was a fashionable poet, and 
the titles of some of his poems are such as no pen of our day could 
copy. Sir Charles Sedley was a fashionable wit, and the foulness 
of his words made even the porters of Covent Garden pelt him 

jiCouenantuwScot&anEn^lifh In: 
dependent dffir ah oiLty things oflhis 



From Messrs. Goldsmid' s facsimile of Cavalier 
playing cards in the possession of Earl Nelson. 




from the balcony when he ventured to address them. The Duke 
of Buckingham is a fair type of the time, and the most charac- 
teristic event in the Duke's life was a duel in which he consum- 
mated his seduction of Lady Shrewsbury by killing her husband, 
while the Countess in disguise as a page held his horse for him 
and looked on at the murder. Vicious as the stage was, it only 
reflected the general vice of the time. The Comedy of the 
Restoration borrowed every- 
thing from the Comedy of 
France save the poetry, the 
delicacy, and good taste which 
veiled its grossness. Seduc- 
tion, intrigue, brutality, cynic- 
ism, debauchery, found fitting 
expression in dialogue of a 
studied and deliberate foul- 
ness, which even its wit 
fails to redeem from dis- 
gust. Wycherly, the popular 
play-wright of the time, re- 
mains the most brutal among 
-all writers of the stage ; and 
nothing gives so damning an 
impression of his day as the 
fact that he found actors to 
repeat his words and audi- 
ences to applaud them. Men 
such as Wycherly gave Milton 
models for the Belial of his 
great poem, " than whom 

a spirit more lewd fell not from Heaven, or more gross to 
love vice for itself." The dramatist piques himself on the 
frankness and " plain dealing " which painted the world as he 
saw it, a world of brawls and assignations, of orgies at Vaux- 
hall, and fights with the watch, of lies and double-ententes, of 
knaves and dupes, of men who sold their daughters, and women 
who cheated their husbands. But the cynicism of Wycherly 
was no greater than that of the men about him ; and in mere 

L cnihall rumvs atvay TUith 
TiiSiAfacc to the, *Army. 


From Messrs. Goldsmid' s facsimile of Cavalier 

playing cards in the possession of Earl Xelson. 

Sec. I 

and THE 




Sec. I 

and THE 


love of what was vile, in contempt of virtue and disbelief in 
purity or honesty, the King himself stood ahead of any of his 

It is however easy to exaggerate the extent of this reaction. 
So far as we can judge from the memoirs of the time, its more 
violent forms were practically confined to the capital and the 

court. The mass of 
Englishmen were satis- 
fied with getting back 
their May-poles and 
mince-pies; and a large 
part of the people re- 
mained Puritan in life 
and belief, though they 
threw aside many of 
the outer character- 
istics of Puritanism. 
Nor was the revolu- 
tion in feeling as sud- 
den as it seemed. 
Even if the political 
strength of Puritan- 
ism had remained un- 
broken, its social in- 
fluence must soon have 
ceased. The young 
Englishmen who grew 
up in the midst of 
the civil war knew 
nothing of the bitter 
tyranny which gave its 
zeal and fire to the 
religion of their fathers. From the social and religious anarchy 
around them, from the endless controversies and discussions 
of the time, they drank in the spirit of scepticism, of doubt, 
of free inquiry. If religious enthusiasm had broken the spell of 
ecclesiastical tradition, its own extravagance broke the spell 
of religious enthusiasm ; and the new generation turned in 

S^.W.WaUer hojes two Armys 
yet y efts by y haryame . 


From Messrs. Goldsmid 's facsimile of Cavalier playing 

cards in the possession of Earl Nelson. 


disgust to try forms of political government and spiritual belief Sec. i 
by the cooler and less fallible test of reason. The children England 


even of the leading Puritans stood aloof from Puritanism. The Revolu- 
eldest of Cromwell's sons made small pretensions to religion. 
Cromwell himself in his later years felt bitterly that Puritanism 
had missed its aim. He saw the country gentleman, alienated 
from it by the despotism it had brought in its train, alienated 
perhaps even more by the appearance of a religious freedom 
for which he was unprepared, drifting into a love of the older 
Church that he had once opposed. He saw the growth of a 
dogged resistance in the people at large. The attempt to secure 
spiritual results by material force had failed, as it always fails. 
It broke down before the indifference and resentment of the great 
mass of the people, of men who were neither lawless nor enthu- 
siasts, but who clung to the older traditions of social order, and 
whose humour and good sense revolted alike from the artificial 
conception of human life which Puritanism had formed and from 
its effort to force such a conception on a people by law. It broke 
down, too, before the corruption of the Puritans themselves. It 
was impossible to distinguish between the saint and the hypocrite 
as soon as godliness became profitable. Even amongst the really 
earnest Puritans prosperity disclosed a pride, a worldliness, a 
selfish hardness which had been hidden in the hour of persecution. 
The tone of Cromwell's later speeches shows his consciousness that 
the ground was slipping from under his feet. He no longer dwells 
on the dream of a Puritan England, of a nation rising as a whole 
into a people of God. He falls back on the phrases of his youth, 
and the saints become again a " peculiar people," a remnant, a 
fragment among the nation at large. But the influences which 
were really foiling Cromwell's aim, and forming beneath his eyes 
the new England from which he turned in despair, were influences 
whose power he can hardly have recognized. Even before the The Intel- 
outburst of the Civil War a small group of theological Latitu- movement 
dinarians had gathered round Lord Falkland at Great Tew. In 
the very year when the King's standard was set up at Nottingham 
Hobbes published the first of his works on Government. The last 
royalist had only just laid down his arms when the little company 
who were at a later time to be known as the Royal Society 


/•. a 

/:»/,/>:,/,.<,/ M ./,!>,/, •/> ,t/«r,J6 




gathered round Wilkins at Oxford. It is in this group of scientific 
observers that we catch the secret of the coming generation. 
From the vexed problems, political and religious, with which it 
had so long wrestled in vain, England turned at last to the 
physical world around it, to the observation of its phenomena, 
to the discovery of the laws which govern them. The pursuit 
of physical science became a passion ; and its method of research, 
by observation, comparison, and experiment, transformed the older 


Sec. I 




Sandford, " Funeral of Duke of Albemarle," 1670. 

methods of inquiry in matters without its pale. In religion, in 
politics, in the study of man and of nature, not faith but reason, 
not tradition but inquiry, were to be the watchwords of the 
coming time. The dead weight of the past was suddenly rolled 
away, and the new England heard at last and understood the 

call of Francis Bacon. 

-p Begin- 

tf aeon had already called men with a trumpet-voice to such nin e s of 

studies ; but in England at least Bacon stood before his age. The Self nee 




Sec. I 

and THE 

beginnings of physical science were more slow and timid there 
than in any country of Europe. Only two discoveries of any real 
value came from English research before the Restoration ; the 
first, Gilbert's discovery of terrestrial magnetism, in the close of 
Elizabeth's reign ; the next, the great discovery of the circulation 
of the blood, which was taught by Harvey in the reign of James. 
Apart from these illustrious names England took little share in the 
scientific movement of the continent ; and her whole energies 
seemed to be whirled into the vortex of theology and politics by 

From the engraving by J. Hall, after the picture by Cornelius Janssen at the Royal College 

of Physicians, London. 

1645 the Civil War. But the war had not reached its end when a little 
group of students were to be seen in London, men " inquisitive," 
says one of them, " into natural philosophy and other parts of 
human learning, and particularly of what hath been called the 
New Philosophy, . . . which from the times of Galileo at Florence, 
and Sir Francis Bacon (Lord Verulam) in England, hath been much 
cultivated in Italy, France, Germany, and other parts abroad, 
as well as with us in England." The strife of the time indeed 
aided in directing the minds of men to natural inquiries. " To 
have been always tossing about some theological question," says 




the first historian of the Royal Society, Bishop Sprat, " would have 
been to have made that their private diversion, the excess of which 
they disliked in the public. To have been eternally musing on 
civil business and the distresses of the country was too melancholy 
a reflection. It was nature alone which could pleasantly entertain 

Sec. I 

and THE 

From an engraving by Blooteling, after a picture by Mrs. Beale 

them in that estate." Foremost in the group stood Doctors Wallis 
and Wilkins, whose removal to Oxford, which had just been 
reorganized by the Puritan Visitors, divided the little company into 
two societies. The Oxford society, which was the more important 
of the two, held its meetings at the lodgings of Dr. Wilkins, who 
had become Warden of Wadham College, and added to the names 





Sec. i of its members that of the eminent mathematician Dr. Ward, and 

England that of the first of English economists, Sir William Petty. " Our 




Painted by Kneller at the order of Samuel Pepys for Oxford University. 

business," Wallis tells us, " was (precluding matters of theology and 
State affairs) to discourse and consider of philosophical inquiries 




and such as related thereunto, as Physick, Anatomy, Geometry, 
Astronomy, Navigation, Statics, Magnetics, Chymicks, Mechanicks, 
and Natural Experiments : with the state of these studies, as then 
cultivated at home and abroad. We then discoursed of the cir- 
culation of the blood, the valves in the vence lactece, the lymphatic 
vessels, the Copernican hypothesis, the nature of comets and new 

Portrait by Gibson, in the possession of the Royal Society. 

stars, the satellites of Jupiter, the oval shape of Saturn, the spots 

in the sun and its turning on its own axis, the inequalities and 

selenography of the moon, the several phases of Venus and 

Mercury, the improvement of telescopes, the grinding of glasses 

for that purpose, the weight of air, the possibility or impossibility 

of vacuities, and Nature's abhorrence thereof, the Torricellian experi- 
Vol. Ill— 24 r 

Sec. I 

and THE 



no i 

ment in quicksilver, the descent of heavy bodies and the degree of 
acceleration therein, and divers other things of like nature." 

The other little company of inquirers, who remained in 
London, was at last broken up by the troubles of the Second 
Protectorate ; but it was revived at the Restoration by the return 
to London of the more eminent members of the Oxford group. 
Science suddenly became the fashion of the day. Charles was 

3 -. I 







From the Charter of the Society. 

himself a fair chymist, and took a keen interest in the problems of 
navigation. The Duke of Buckingham varied his freaks of riming, 
drinking, and fiddling by fits of devotion to his laboratory. Poets 
like Dryden and Cowley, courtiers like Sir Robert Murray and Sir 
Kenelm Digby, joined the scientific company to which in token of 
his sympathy with it the King gave the title of " The Royal 
Society." The curious glass toys called Prince Rupert's drops 




recall the scientific inquiries which, with the study of etching, 
amused the old age of the great cavalry-leader of the Civil War. 
Wits and fops crowded to the meetings of the new Society. 
Statesmen like Lord Somers felt honoured at being chosen its 
presidents. Its definite establishment marks the opening of a 
great age of scientific discovery in England. Almost every year 
of the half-century which followed saw some step made to a wider 

Sec. I 

and THE 


From an engraving by J. Smith, after Sir Godfrey Kneller. 

and truer knowledge. Our first national observatory rose at 
Greenwich, and modern astronomy began with the long series 
of astronomical observations which immortalized the name of 
Flamsteed. His successor, Halley, undertook the investigation of 
the tides, of comets, and of terrestrial magnetism. Hooke im- 
proved the microscope, and gave a fresh impulse to microscopical 
research. Boyle made the air-pump a means of advancing the 
science of pneumatics, and became the founder of experimental 




Sec. I 

and THE 

chymistry. Wilkins pointed forward to the science of philology in 
his scheme of a universal language. Sydenham introduced a 
careful observation of nature and facts which changed the whole face 
of medicine. The physiological researches of Willis first threw 
light upon the structure of the brain. Woodward was the founder 
of mineralogy. In his edition of Willoughby's " Ornithology," and 
in his own " History of Fishes," John Ray was the first to raise 
zoology to the rank of a science ; and the first scientific classifica- 
tion of animals was attempted in his " Synopsis of Quadrupeds." 



Modern botany began with his " History of Plants," and the 
researches of an Oxford professor, Robert Morrison ; while Grew 
divided with Malpighi the credit of founding the study of vegetable 
physiology. But great as some of these names undoubtedly are, 
they are lost in the lustre of Isaac Newton. Newton was born at 
Woolsthorpe in Lincolnshire, on Christmas-day, in the memorable 
year which saw the outbreak of the Civil War. In the year of the 
Restoration he entered Cambridge, where the teaching of Isaac 
Barrow quickened his genius for mathematics, and where the 




method of Descartes had superseded the older modes of study. 
From the close of his Cambridge career his life became a series of 
great physical discoveries. At twenty-three he facilitated the 
calculation of planetary movements by his theory of Fluxions. 
The optical discoveries to which he was led by his experiments 
with the prism, and which he partly disclosed in the lectures which 
he delivered as Mathematical Professor at Cambridge, were em- 

Sec. 1 

and THE 


In possession of the Royal Society. 

bodied in the theory of light which he laid before the Royal 
Society on becoming a Fellow of it. His discovery of the law of 
gravitation had been made as early as 1666 ; but the erroneous 
estimate which was then generally received of the earth's diameter 
prevented him from disclosing it for sixteen years ; and it was not 
till the eve of the Revolution that the " Principia " revealed to the 
world his new theory of the Universe. 





Sec. I 

and THE 



It is impossible to do more than indicate, in such a summary 
as we have given, the wonderful activity of directly scientific 
thought which distinguished the age of the Restoration. But the 
sceptical and experimental temper of mind which this activity dis- 
closed was telling at the same time on every phase of the world 
around it. We see the attempt to bring religious speculation into 


Frontispiece to his " Tracts," 1677. 

harmony with the conclusions of reason and experience in the 
school of Latitudinarian theologians which sprang from the group 
of thinkers that gathered on the eve of the Civil War round Lord 
Falkland at Great Tew. Whatever verdict history may pronounce 
on Falkland's political career, his name must ever remain memor- 
able in the history of religious thought. A new era in English 
theology began with the speculations of the men he gathered 




round him. Their work was above all to deny the authority of 
tradition in matters of faith, as Bacon had denied it in matters of 
physical research ; and to assert in the one field as in the other the 
supremacy of reason as a test of truth. Of the authority of the 
Church, its Fathers, and its Councils, John Hales, a canon of 
Windsor, and a friend of Laud, said briefly " it is none." He dis- 

Sec. I 




From an engraving by F. Kyte. 

missed with contempt the accepted test of universality. " Uni- 
versality is such a proof of truth as truth itself is ashamed of. 
The most singular and strongest part of human authority is 
properly in the wisest and the most virtuous, and these, I trow, are 
not the most universal." William Chillingworth, a man of larger Chilling- 
if not keener mind, had been taught by an early conversion to 
Catholicism, and by a speedy return, the insecurity of any basis 


i 3 o8 



Sec. I 




for belief but that of private judgment. In his " Religion of Pro- 
testants " he set aside ecclesiastical tradition or Church authority 
as grounds of faith in favour of the Bible, but only of the Bible as 
interpreted by the common reason of men. Jeremy Taylor, the 
most brilliant of English preachers, a sufferer like Chillingworth 


Front an engraving by P. Lombard. 

on the royalist side during the troubles, and who was rewarded at 
the Restoration with the bishopric of Down, limited even the 
authority of the Scriptures themselves. Reason was the one 
means which Taylor approved of in interpreting the Bible ; but 
the certainty of the conclusions which reason drew from the Bible 
varied, as he held, with the conditions of reason itself. In all but 




the simplest truths of natural religion " we are not sure not to be 
deceived." The deduction of points of belief from the words of 
the Scriptures was attended with all the uncertainty and liability 
to error which sprang from the infinite variety of human under- 
standings, the difficulties which hinder the discovery of truth, and 
the influences which divert the mind from accepting or rightly 
estimating it. It was plain to a mind like Chillingworth's that this 
denial of authority, this perception of the imperfection of reason in 
the discovery of absolute truth, struck as directly at the root of 
Protestant dogmatism as at the root of Catholic infallibility. " If 
Protestants are faulty in this matter [of claiming authority] it is 
for doing it too much and not too little. This presumptuous im- 
posing of the senses of man upon the words of God, of the special 
senses of man upon the general words of God, and laying them 
upon men's consciences together under the equal penalty of death 
and damnation, this vain conceit that we can speak of the things 
of God better than in the words of God, this deifying our own inter- 
pretations and tyrannous enforcing them upon others, this restrain- 
ing of the word of God from that latitude and generality, and the 
understandings of men from that liberty wherein Christ and His 
apostles left them, is and hath been the only foundation of all the 
schisms of the Church, and that which makes them immortal." In 
his " Liberty of Prophesying " Jeremy Taylor pleaded the cause of 
toleration with a weight of argument which hardly required the 
triumph of the Independents and the shock of Naseby to drive 
it home. But the freedom of conscience which the Independent 
founded on the personal communion of each soul with God, the 
Latitudinarian founded on the weakness of authority and the 
imperfection of human reason. Taylor pleads even for the 
Anabaptist and the Romanist. He only gives place to the action 
of the civil magistrate in " those religions whose principles destroy 
government," and " those religions — if there be any such — which 
teach ill life." Hales openly professed that he would quit the 
Church to-morrow if it required him to believe that all that dis- 
sented from it must be damned. Chillingworth denounced perse- 
cution in words of fire. " Take away this persecution, burning, 
cursing, damning of men for not subscribing the words of men as 
the words of God : require of Christians only to believe Christ and 

Sec. I 

and THE 






Sec. I 

and THE 

The later 




to call no man master but Him ; let them leave claiming infallibility 
that have no title to it, and let them that in their own words 

disclaim it, disclaim it also in their actions Protestants are 

inexcusable if they do offer violence to other men's consciences." 
From the denunciation of intolerance the Latitudinarians passed 
easily to the dream of comprehension which had haunted every 
nobler soul since the " Utopia " of More. Hales based his loyalty 
to the Church of England on the fact that it was the largest and 
the most tolerant Church in Christendom. Chillingworth pointed 
out how many obstacles to comprehension were removed by such a 
simplification of belief as flowed from a rational theology. Like 
More, he asked for " such an ordering of the public service of God 
as that all who believe the Scripture and live according to it might 
without scruple or hypocrisy or protestation in any part join 
in it." Taylor, like Chillingworth, rested his hope of union on 
the simplification of belief. He saw a probability of error in 
all the creeds and confessions adopted by Christian Churches. 
" Such bodies of confessions and articles," he said, " must do much 
hurt." " He is rather the schismatic who makes unnecessary and 
inconvenient impositions, than he who disobeys them because he 
cannot do otherwise without violating his conscience." The 
Apostles' Creed in its literal meaning seemed to him the one term 
of Christian union which the Church had any right to impose. 
With the Restoration the Latitudinarians came at once to the 
front. They were soon distinguished from both Puritans and 
High Churchmen by their opposition to dogma, by their prefer- 
ence of reason to tradition whether of the Bible or the Church, by 
their basing religion on a natural theology, by their aiming at 
Tightness of life rather than at correctness of opinion, by their 
advocacy of toleration and comprehension as the grounds of 
Christian unity. Chillingworth and Taylor found successors in the 
restless good sense of Burnet, the enlightened piety of Tillotson, 
and the calm philosophy of Bishop Butler. Meanwhile the impulse 
which such men were giving to religious speculation was being 
given to political and social inquiry by a mind of far greater keen- 
ness and power. 

Bacon's favourite secretary was Thomas Hobbes. " He was 
beloved by his Lordship," Aubrey tells us, " who was wont to have 





him walk in his delicate groves, where he did meditate ; and when Sec. i 
a notion darted into his mind, Mr. Hobbes was presently to write 
it down. And his Lordship was wont to say that he did it better 
than any one else about him ; for that many times when he read 
their notes he scarce understood what they writ, because they 
understood it not clearly themselves." The long life of Hobbes i5 S8 " I 679 




Picture by Michael Wright, in National Portrait Gallery. 

covers a memorable space in our history. He was born in the year 
of the victory over the Armada ; he died, at the age of ninety-two, 
only nine years before the Revolution. His ability soon made 
itself felt, and in his earlier days he was the secretary of Bacon, 
and the friend of Ben Jonson and Lord Herbert of Cherbury. But 
it was not till the age of fifty-four, when he withdrew to France on 



<u .Too. 4t\.2^, 


chap, ix THE REVOLUTION 1313 

the eve of the Great Rebellion, that his speculations were made sec. i 
known to the world in his treatise " De Cive." He joined the England 


exiled Court at Paris, and became mathematical tutor to Charles Revolu- 

the Second, whose love and regard for him seem to have been real 
to the end. But his post was soon forfeited by the appearance of 
his " Leviathan " ; he was forbidden to approach the Court, and 
returned to England, where he seems to have acquiesced in the 165 1 
rule of Cromwell. The Restoration brought him a pension ; but 
both his works were condemned by Parliament, and " Hobbism " 
became, ere he died, the popular synonym for irreligion and 
immorality. Prejudice of this kind sounded oddly in the case of a 
writer who had laid down, as the two things necessary to salvation, 
faith in Christ and obedience to the law. But the prejudice sprang 
from a true sense of the effect which the Hobbist philosophy 
must necessarily have on the current religion and the current 
notions of political and social morality. Hobbes was the first His 
£reat English writer who dealt with the science of government **° ' . 

o & o speciiia- 

from the ground, not of tradition, but of reason. It was in his tions 
treatment of man in the stage of human development which he 
supposed to precede that of society that he came most roughly 
into conflict with the accepted beliefs. Men, in his theory, were 
by nature equal, and their only natural relation was a state of war. 
It was no innate virtue of man himself which created human 
society out of this chaos of warring strengths. Hobbes in fact 
denied the existence of the more spiritual sides of man's nature. 
His hard and narrow logic dissected everv human custom and 
desire, and reduced even the most sacred to demonstrations of a 
prudent selfishness. Friendship was simply a sense of social 
utility to one another. The so-called laws of nature, such as 
gratitude or the love of our neighbour, were in fact contrary to 
the natural passions of man, and powerless to restrain them. Nor 
had religion rescued man by the interposition of a Divine will. 
Nothing better illustrates the daring with which the new scepti- 
cism was to break through the theological traditions of the older 
world than the pitiless logic with which Hobbes assailed the very 
theory of revelation. " To say God hath spoken to man in a 
dream, is no more than to say man dreamed that God hath spoken 
to him." " To say one hath seen a vision, or heard a voice, is to 




Sec I 

and THE 


say he hath dreamed between sleeping and waking." Religion, in 
fact, was nothing more than " the fear of invisible powers ; " and 
here, as in all other branches of human science, knowledge dealt 
with words and not with things. It was man himself who for his 
own profit created society, by laying down certain of his natural 
rights and retaining only those of self-preservation. A Covenant 
Contract between man and man originally created " that great Leviathan 
called the Commonwealth or State, which is but an artificial man, 
though of greater stature and strength than the natural, for whose 
protection and defence it was intended." The fiction of such an 
"original contract" has long been dismissed from political 
speculation, but its effect at the time of its first appearance was 
immense. Its almost universal acceptance put an end to the 
religious and patriarchal theories of society, on which Kingship 
had till now founded its claim of a Divine right to authority which 
no subject might question. But if Hobbes destroyed the old 
ground of royal despotism, he laid a new and a firmer one. To 
create a society at all, he held that the whole body of the governed 
must have resigned all rights save that of self-preservation into the 
hands of a single ruler, who was the representative of all. Such a 
ruler was absolute, for to make terms with him implied a man 
making terms with himself. The transfer of rights was inalienable, 
and after generations were as much bound by it as the generation 
which made the transfer. As the head of the whole body, the ruler 
judged every question, settled the laws of civil justice or injustice, 
or decided between religion and superstition. His was a Divine 
Right, and the only Divine Right, because in him were absorbed 
all the rights of each of his subjects. It was not in any constitu- 
tional check that Hobbes looked for the prevention of tyranny, 
but in the common education and enlightenment as to their real 
end and the best mode of reaching it on the part of both subjects 
and Prince. And the real end of both was the weal of the 
Commonwealth at large. It was in laying boldly down this end of 
government, as well as in the basis of contract on which he made 
government repose, that Hobbes really influenced all later politics. 
Locke, the foremost political thinker of the Restoration, derived 
political authority, like Hobbes, from the consent of the governed, 
and adopted the common weal as the end of Government. But 





the practical temper of the time moulded the new theory into a Sec. i 

form which contrasted strangely with that criven to it by its first Emglam 

J ° J AND TH1 

inventor. The political philosophy of Locke indeed was little R !^JJ: U 

From G. Verities engraving of a picture by Sir Godfrey Knellcr. 

more than a formal statement of the conclusions which the bulk of 

Englishmen had drawn from the great struggle of the Civil War. 

In his theory the people remain passively in possession of the 

power which they have delegated to the Prince, and have the 
Vol. Ill — 25 



Sec I 



right to withdraw it if it be used for purposes inconsistent with the 
end which society was formed to promote. To the origin of all 
power in the people, and the end of all power for the people's 
good — the two great doctrines of Hobbes — Locke added the 
right of resistance, responsibility of princes to their subjects 
for a due execution of their trust, and the supremacy of legislative 
assemblies as the voice of the people itself. It was in this 
modified and enlarged form that the new political philosophy 
found general acceptance after the Revolution of 1688. 

Cotnenius, " Orb is sensualium pictus," English Edition, 1659. 



i3 J 7 

Sec. II 




boys' sports. 

Contemns, " Orbis sensualium pictus," English edition, 1659. 

Section II. — The Restoration, 1660 — 1667 

[Authorities. — Clarendon's detailed account of his own ministry in his 
" Life," Bishop Kennet's "Register," and Burnet's lively "History of my own 
Times," are our principal sources of information. We may add fragments of 
ihe autobiography of James the Second preserved in Macpherson's " Original 
Papers " (of very various degrees of value). For the relations of the Church 
and the Dissenters, see Neal's " History of the Puritans," Calamy's " Memoirs 
of the Ejected Ministers," Mr. Dixon's "Life of William Penn," Baxter's 
" Autobiography," and Bunyan's account of his sufferings in his various works. 
The social history of the time is admirably given by Pepys in his " Memoirs." 
Throughout the whole reign of Charles the Second, the "Constitutional 
History" of Mr. Hallam is singularly judicious and full in its information.] 

When Charles the Second entered Whitehall, the work of the 
Long Parliament seemed undone. Not only was the Monarchy 
restored, but it was restored, in spite of the efforts of Sir Matthew 
Hale, without written restriction or condition on the part of the 
people, though with implied conditions on the part of Charles 
himself; and of the two great influences which had hitherto 
served as checks on its power, the first, that of Puritanism, had 
become hateful to the nation at large, while the second, the 




i 3 i8 



Sec. II 





tradition of constitutional 
liberty, was discredited by 
the issue of the Civil 
War. But amidst all the 
tumult of demonstrative 
loyalty the great " revo- 
lution of the seventeenth 
century," as it has justly 
been styled, went steadily 
on. The supreme power 
was gradually transferred 
from the Crown to the 
House of Commons. Step 
by step, Parliament drew 
nearer to a solution of the 
political problem which had 
so long foiled its efforts, the 
problem how to make its 
will the law of administra- 
tive action without itself 
undertaking the task of 
administration. It is only 
by carefully fixing our eyes 
on this transfer of power, 
and by noting the succes- 
sive steps towards its reali- 
zation, that we can under- 
stand the complex history 
of the Restoration and the 

The first acts of the 
new Government showed a 
sense that, loyal as was 
the temper of the nation, 
its loyalty was by no 
means the blind devotion 
of the Cavalier. The chief 
part in the Restoration had 
in fact been played by 




the Presbyterians ; and the 
Presbyterians were still 
powerful from their almost 
exclusive possession of the 
magistracy and all local 
authority. The first minis- 
try which Charles ventured 
to form bore on it the 
marks of a compromise 
between this powerful party 
and their old opponents. 
Its most influential member 
indeed was Sir Edward 
Hyde, the adviser of the 
King during his exile, 
who soon became Earl 
of Clarendon and Lord 
Chancellor. Lord South- 
ampton, a steady royalist, 
accepted the post of 
Lord Treasurer ; and the 
devotion of Ormond was 
rewarded with a duke- 
dom and the dignity of 
Lord Steward. But the 
purely Parliamentary in- 
terest was represented by 
Monk, who remained Lord 
General of the army with 
the title of Duke of Albe- 
marle ; and though the 
King's brother, James, Duke 
of York, was made Lord 
Admiral, the administra- 
tion of the fleet was vir- 
tually in the hands of 
one of Cromwell's fol- 
lowers, Montagu, the new 
Earl of Sandwich. An 

Sec. II 




The Neiv 





Sec II 





Bill of In- 

old Puritan, Lord Say and Sele, was made Lord Privy Seal. 
Sir Ashley Cooper, a leading member of the same party, was 
rewarded for his activity in bringing about the Restoration first 
by a Privy Councillorship, and soon after by a barony and 
the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer. Of the two Secre- 
taries of State, the one, Nicholas, was a devoted royalist ; 
the other, Morice, was a steady Presbyterian. Of the thirty 
members of the Privy Council, twelve had borne arms against 
the King. 

It was clear that such a ministry was hardly likely to lend 
itself to a mere policy of reaction, and the temper of the 
new Government therefore fell fairly in with the temper of the 
Convention when that body, after declaring itself a Parliament, 
proceeded to consider the measures which were requisite for a 
settlement of the nation. The Convention had been chosen under 
the ordinances which excluded royalist "Malignants" from the 
right of voting ; and the bulk of its members were men of Presby- 
terian sympathies, loyalist to the core, but as averse to despotism 
as the Long Parliament itself. In its earlier days a member who 
asserted that those who had fought against the King were as guilty 
as those who cut off his head was sternly rebuked from the Chair. 
The first measure which was undertaken by the House, the Bill of 
Indemnity and Oblivion for all offences committed during the 
recent troubles, showed at once the moderate character of the 
Commons. In the punishment of the Regicides indeed, a Presby- 
terian might well be as zealous as a Cavalier. In spite of a 
Proclamation he had issued in the first days of his return, in which 
mercy was virtually promised to all the judges of the late King 
who surrendered themselves to justice, Charles pressed for revenge 
on those whom he regarded as his father's murderers, and the 
Lords went hotly with the King. It is to the credit of the 
Commons that they steadily resisted the cry for blood. By the 
original provisions of the Bill of Oblivion and Indemnity only 
seven of the living regicides were excluded from pardon ; and 
though the rise of royalist fervour during the three months in 
which the bill was under discussion forced the House in the end to 
leave almost all to the course of justice, the requirement of a 
special Act of Parliament for the execution of those who had 
surrendered under the Proclamation protected the lives of most 



1 3 2 I 

of them. Twenty-eight of the King's judges were in the end 
arraigned at the bar of a court specially convened for their trial, 
but only thirteen were executed, and only one of these, General 
Harrison, had played an)- conspicuous part in the rebellion. 
Twenty others, who had been prominent in what were now called 
" the troubles " of the past twenty years, were declared incapable 

Sec. II 






Built by the Bradshaw family, 1669. 

Earzvaker, "East Cheshire." 

of holding office under the State : and by an unjustifiable clause 
which was introduced into the Act before its final adoption, Sir 
Harry Vane and General Lambert, though they had taken no part 
in the King's death, were specially exempted from the general 
pardon. In dealing with the questions of property which arose 




Sec. II 






of the 


from the confiscations and transfers of estates during the Civil 
Wars the Convention met with greater difficulties. No opposition, 
was made to the resumption of all Crown-lands by the State, but 
the Convention desired to protect the rights of those who had 
purchased Church property, and of those who were in actual 
possession of private estates which had been confiscated by the 

Long Parliament, 
or by the Govern- 
ment which suc- 
ceeded it. The 
bills however 
which they pre- 
pared for this pur- 
pose were delayed 
by the artifices of 
Hyde ; and at the 
close of the ses- 
sion the bishops 
and the evicted 
royalists quietly 
re-entered into the 
occupation of their 
old possessions. 
The royalists in- 
deed were far 
from being satis- 
fied with this sum- 
mary confiscation. 
Fines and seques- 
trations had im- 
poverished all the 
steady adherents of the royal cause, and had driven many of 
them to forced sales of their estates ; and a demand was made 
for compensation for their losses and the cancelling of these 
sales. Without such provisions, said the frenzied Cavaliers, 
the bill would be " a Bill of Indemnity for the King's enemies, 
and of Oblivion for his friends." But here the Convention 
stood firm. All transfers of property by sale were recognized 

After IV. Hollar. 





as valid, and all - - - 

tration were barred bv the 
nation the Convention p 

between the nation and the - :ional 

work of the Long Parl^ 
important measures were - 
government. Xot 
a voice demanded 
the restoration 
the Star Chamber, 
}f monopolis- 
er of the Court 
of High Comrr..-- 
n ; no one dis- 
puted the justice 
of the condemna- 
tion of Ship- 
money, or the as- 
sertion of the sole 
right of Parliament 
to grant supplies 
to the Crown. 
The Militia, in- 
deed, was placed 
in the King's 
hands ; but the 
army was d - 
banded, though 
Charles was per- 
mitted to keep a 
few regiments for 
his guard. The revenue is f : ~ ::<; :■:■: : - -. 

was granted to the K ig a gran: . 

been perilous for freedom fa ad to si 

the sum fallen constantly belc hlle the current 

expenses of the Crown, even in time g ceded 

it. But even for this grant a he?, 
the rights of the Crown over lands :ulk of Eng. 




: :•:•: 




Sec. II 










estates were held, in military tenure, had ceased to be of any 
great pecuniary value, they were indirectly a source of consider- 
able power. The right of wardship and of marriage, above 
all, enabled the sovereign to exercise a galling pressure on every 
landed proprietor in his social and domestic concerns. Under 
Elizabeth, the right of wardship had been used to secure the 
education of all Catholic minors in the Protestant faith ; and under 
James and his successor the charge of minors had been granted 
to court favourites or sold in open market to the highest bidder. 
But the real value of these rights to the Crown lay in the political 
pressure which it was able to exert through them on the country 
gentry. A squire was naturally eager to buy the good will of a 
sovereign who might soon be the guardian of his daughter and the 
administrator of his estate. But the same motives which made 
the Crown cling to this prerogative made the Parliament anxious 
to do away with it. Its efforts to bring this about under James 
the First had been foiled by the King's stubborn resistance ; but 
the long interruption of these rights during the wars made their 
revival almost impossible at the Restoration. One of the first acts 
therefore of the Convention was to free the country gentry by 
abolishing the claims of the Crown to reliefs and wardship, 
purveyance, and pre-emption, and by the conversion of lands 
held till then in chivalry into lands held in common socage. 
In lieu of his rights, Charles accepted a grant of ;£ 100,000 
a year ; a sum which it was originally purposed to raise by 
a tax on the lands thus exempted from feudal exactions ; but 
which was provided for in the end, with less justice, by a 
general excise. 

Successful as the Convention had been in effecting the settle- 
ment of political matters, it failed in bringing about a settlement 
of the Church. In his proclamation from Breda Charles had 
promised to respect liberty of conscience, and to assent to any Acts 
of Parliament which should be presented to him for its security. 
The Convention was in the main Presbyterian ; but it soon became 
plain that the continuance of a purely Presbyterian system was 
impossible. " The generality of the people," wrote Sharp, a 
shrewd Scotch observer, from London, " are doting after Prelacy 
and the Service Book." The Convention, however, still hoped for 





some modified form of Episcopalian government which would 
enable the bulk of the Puritan party to remain within the Church. 
A large part of the existing clergy, indeed, were Independents, 
and for these no compromise with Episcopacy was possible : but 
the greater number were moderate Presbyterians, who were ready 
" for fear of worse" to submit to such a plan of Church govern- 
ment as Archbishop Usher had proposed, a plan in which the 
bishop was only the president of a diocesan board of presbyters^ 

and to accept the 

Sec. II 




Liturgy with a 
few amendments 
and the omission 
of the " supersti- 
tious practices." 
It was to a com- 
promise of this 
kind that the 
King himself 
leant at the be- 
ginning ; and a 
royal declaration 
which announced 
his approval of 
the Puritan de- 
mands was read 
at a conference of 
the two parties, 
and with it a 
petition from the 
Independ e n t s 
praying for religious liberty. The King proposed to grant the 
prayer of the petition, not for the Independents only but for all 
Christians ; but on the point of tolerating the Catholics, Church- 
men and Puritans were at one, and a bill which was introduced into 
the House of Commons by Sir Matthew Hale to turn the de- 
claration into a law was thrown out. A fresh conference was 
promised, but in the absence of any Parliamentary action the 
Episcopal party boldly availed themselves of their legal rights. 

MITRE OF BISHOP WREN, 1660— 1667. 
Pembroke College, Cambridge. 




The ejected clergy who still remained alive 
entered again into their parsonages, the 
bishops returned to their sees, and the 
dissolution of the Convention Parliament 
destroyed the last hope of an ecclesias- 
tical compromise. The tide of loyalty 
had in fact been rising fast during its 
session, and its influence was already seen 
in a shameful outrage wrought under the 
very orders of the Convention itself. The 
bodies of Cromwell, Bradshaw, and Ireton 
were torn from their graves and hung on 
gibbets at Tyburn, while those of Pym 
and Blake were cast out of Westminster 
Abbey into St. Margaret's churchyard. 
But in the elections for the new Parlia- 
ment the zeal for Church and King swept 
all hope of moderation and compromise 
before it. " Malignity" had now ceased to 
be a crime, and voters long deprived of 
the suffrage, vicars, country gentlemen, 
farmers, with the whole body of the 
Catholics, rushed again to the poll. The 
Presbyterians sank in the Cavalier Parlia- 
ment to a handful of fifty members. The 
new House of Commons was made up for 
the most part of young men, of men, that 
is, who had but a faint memory of the 
Stuart tyranny of their childhood, but who 
had a keen memory of living from man- 
hood beneath the tyranny of the Com- 
monwealth. Their very bearing was that 
of wild revolt against the Puritan past. 
To a staid observer, Roger Pepys, they 
seemed a following of " the most pro- 
fane, swearing fellows that ever I heard 
in my life." The zeal of the Parliament 
at its outset, indeed, far outran that 
of Charles or his ministers. Though it 

Sec. II 






New head and base made 1660. 





Sec. II 




of 1661 


tion Act 

confirmed the other acts of the Convention, it could with difficulty 
be brought to confirm the Act of Indemnity. The Commons 
pressed for the prosecution of Vane. Vane was protected alike by 
the spirit of the law and by the King's pledge to the Convention 
that, even if convicted of treason, he would not suffer him to be 
brought to the block. But he was now brought to trial on the 
charge of treason against a King " kept out of his royal authority 
by traitors and rebels," and his spirited defence served as an excuse 
for his execution. " He is too dangerous a man to let live," 
Charles wrote with characteristic coolness, " if we can safely put 
him out of the way." But the new members were yet better 
churchmen than loyalists. A common suffering had thrown the 
squires and the Episcopalian clergy together, and for the first 
time since the Reformation the English gentry were ardent 
not for King only, but for Church and King. At the opening 
of their session the Commons ordered every member to receive 
the communion, and the League and Covenant to be solemnly 
burnt by the common hangman in Westminster Hall. The 
bill excluding bishops from the House of Lords was repealed. 
The conference at the Savoy between the Episcopalians and 
Presbyterians broke up in anger, and the few alterations made 
in the Liturgy were made with a view to disgust rather than 
to conciliate the Puritan party. 

The temper of the new Parliament, however, was not a mere 
temper of revenge. Its wish was to restore the constitutional 
system which the civil war had violently interrupted, and the 
royalists were led by the most active of the constitutional loyalists 
who had followed Falkland in 1642, Hyde, now Earl of Clarendon 
and Lord Chancellor. The Parliament and the Church were in his 
conception essential parts of the system of English government, 
through which the power of the Crown was to be exercised ; and 
under his guidance Parliament turned to the carrying out of the 
principle of uniformity in Church as well as in State on which the 
minister was resolved. The chief obstacle to such a policy lay in 
the Presbyterians, and the strongholds of this party were in the 
corporations of the boroughs, which practically returned the 
borough members. An attempt was made to drive the Presby- 
terians from municipal posts by a severe Corporation Act, which 
required a reception of the Communion according to the rites of 




the Anglican Church, a renunciation of the League and Covenant, 
and a declaration that it was unlawful on any grounds to take up 
arms against the King, before admission to municipal offices. A 

Sec. II 




From an original engraving by David Loggan. 

more deadly blow was dealt at the Puritans in the renewal of the Act of 
Act of Uniformity. Not only was the use of the Prayer-book, and i°y h 
the Prayer-book only, enforced in all public worship, but an 
unfeigned consent and assent was demanded from every minister 




Sec. II 




of the Church to all which was contained in it ; while, for the first 
time since the Reformation, all orders save those conferred by the 
hands of bishops were legally disallowed. The declaration exacted 

From the painting by Sir Peter Lely in the possession of the present Earl of Shaftesbury. 

from corporations was exacted from the clergy, and a pledge was 
required that they would seek to make no change in Church or 
State. It was in vain that Ashley opposed the bill fiercely in the 
Lords, that the peers pleaded for pensions to the ejected ministers 


and for the exemption of schoolmasters from the necessity of sec. ii 
subscription, and that even Clarendon, who felt that the King's The 

r ' ° Restora- 

word was at stake, pressed for the insertion of clauses enabling 

the Crown to grant dispensations from its provisions. L very- 
suggestion of compromise was rejected by the Commons ; and 
Charles at last assented to the bill, while he promised to suspend 
its execution by the exercise of his prerogative. 

The Anglican Parliament however was resolute to enforce St. 
the law ; and on St. Bartholomew's day, the last day allowed for lomew's 
compliance with its requirements, nearly two thousand rectors and 
vicars, or about a fifth of the English clergy, were driven from 
their parishes as Nonconformists. No such sweeping alteration in 
the religious aspect of the Church had ever been seen before. The 
changes of the Reformation had been brought about with little 
change in the clergy itself. Even the severities of the High 
Commission under Elizabeth ended in the ' expulsion of a few 
hundreds. If Laud had gone zealously to work in emptying 
Puritan pulpits, his zeal had been to a great extent foiled by the 
restrictions of the law and by the growth of Puritan sentiment 
in the clergy as a whole. A far wider change had been brought 
about by the Civil War ; but the change had been gradual, and 
had ostensibly been wrought for the most part on political or moral 
rather than on religious grounds. The parsons expelled were 
expelled as " malignants " or as unfitted for their office by idleness 
or vice or inability to preach. But the change wrought by St. 
Bartholomew's day was a distinctly religious change, and it was a 
change which in its suddenness and completeness stood utterly 
alone. The rectors and vicars who were driven out were the most 
learned and the most active of their order. The bulk of the great 
livings throughout the country were in their hands. They stood 
at the head of the London clergy, as the London clergy stood in 
general repute at the head of their class throughout England. 
They occupied the higher posts at the two L^niversities. No 
English divine, save Jeremy Taylor, rivalled Howe as a preacher. 
No parson was so renowned a controversialist, or so indefatigable 
a parish priest, as Baxter. And behind these men stood a fifth 
of the whole body of the clergy, men whose zeal and labour had 

diffused throughout the country a greater appearance of piety and 
Vol. Ill— 26 

och .5cit«.p«i t 

From an engraving by /. Brock. 




religion than it had ever displayed before. But the expulsion of 
these men was far more to the Church of England than the loss of 
their individual services. It was the definite expulsion of a great 
party which from the time of the Reformation had played the 
"most active and popular part in the life of the Church. It was 
the close of an effort which had been going on ever since 
Elizabeth's accession to bring the English Communion into closer 
relations with the Reformed Communions of the Continent, and 
into greater harmony with the religious instincts of the nation at 
large. The Church of England stood from that moment isolated 
and alone among all the Churches of the Christian world. The 
Reformation had severed it irretrievably from those which still 
clung to the obedience of the Papacy. By its rejection of all but 
episcopal orders, the Act of Uniformity severed it as irretrievably 
from the general body of the Protestant Churches, whether 
Lutheran or Reformed. And while thus cut off from all healthy 
religious communion with the world without, it sank into immo- 
bility within. With the expulsion of the Puritan clergy, all 
change, all efforts after reform, all national development, suddenly 
stopped. From that time to this the Episcopal Church has been 
unable to meet the varying spiritual needs of its adherents by any 
modification of its government or its worship. It stands alone 
among all the religious bodies of Western Christendom in its 
failure through two hundred years to devise a single new service of 
prayer or of praise. But if the issues of St. Bartholomew's day 
have been harmful to the spiritual life of the English Church, they 
have been in the highest degree advantageous to the cause of 
religious liberty. At the Restoration religious freedom seemed 
again to have been lost. Only the Independents and a few 
despised sects, such as the Quakers, upheld the right of every 
man to worship God according to the bidding of his own 
conscience. The bulk of the Puritan party, with the Presbyterians 
at its head, was at one with its opponents in desiring a uniformity 
of worship, if not of belief, throughout the land ; and, had the two 
great parties within the Church held together, their weight would 
have been almost irresistible. Fortunately the great severance 
of St. Bartholomew's day drove out the Presbyterians from the 
Church to which they clung, and forced them into a general union 

Sec. II 









Cftle J&reiuutt, $ Yj^OlT^ Salterg-Hall . ^1 

One* tv&Qr, 

***&. an<4 &sy# * -(7<f//'S p. \/frr \\ &<n* 


Print in British Museum. 




with sects which they had hated till then almost as bitterly as 

the bishops themselves. A common suffering soon blended the 

Nonconformists into one. Persecution broke down before the 

numbers, the wealth, and the political weight of the new sectarians ; 

and the Church, for the first time in its history, found itself 

confronted with an organised body of Dissenters without its pale. 

The impossibility of crushing such a body as this wrested 

from English statesmen 

the first legal recognition 

of freedom of worship in 

the Toleration Act ; their 

rapid growth in later times 

has by degrees stripped the 

Church of almost all the 

exclusive privileges which 

it enjoyed as a religious 

body, and now threatens 

what remains of its official 

connexion with the State. 

With these remoter conse- 
quences however we are 

not as yet concerned. It is 

enough to note here that with 

the Act of Uniformity and 

the expulsion of the Puritan 

clergy a new element in our 

religious and political his- 
tory, the element of Dissent, 

the influence of the Nonconformist churches, comes first into play. 
The sudden outbreak and violence of the persecution turned 
the disappointment of the Presbyterians into despair. Many were 
for retiring to Holland, others proposed flight to New England 
and the American colonies. Charles however was anxious to use 
the strife between the two great bodies of Protestants so as to 
secure toleration for the Catholics, and revive at the same time his 
prerogative of dispensing with the execution of laws ; and fresh 
hopes of protection were raised by a royal proclamation, which 
expressed the King's resolve to exempt from the penalties of the 

ANooeamormiii Minifte 


Tempest's ''Cries of London." icSS — 1702. 

Sec. II 

Re> . 








Sec. II 




tion of In- 


cle Act 



Act, " those who, living peaceably, do not conform themselves 
thereunto, through scruple and tenderness of misguided conscience, 
but modestly and without scandal perform their devotions in their 
own way." A bill introduced in 1663, in redemption of a pledge in 
the declaration itself, gave Charles the power to dispense, not only 
with the provisions of the Act of Uniformity, but with the penalties 
provided by all laws which enforced religious conformity, or which 
imposed religious tests. But if the Presbyterian leaders in the 
council had stooped to accept the aid of the declaration, the bulk 
of the Dissidents had no mind to have their grievances used as a 
means of procuring by a side wind toleration for Roman Catholics, 
or of building up again that dispensing power which the civil wars 
had thrown down. The Churchmen, too, whose hatred for the 
Dissidents had been embittered by suspicions of a secret league 
between the Dissidents and the Catholics in which the King was 
taking part, were resolute in opposition. The Houses therefore 
struck simultaneously at both their opponents. They forced 
Charles by an address to withdraw his pledge of toleration. They 
then extorted from him a proclamation for the banishment of all 
Catholic priests, and followed this up by a Conventicle Act, which 
punished with fine, imprisonment, and transportation on a third 
offence all persons who met in greater number than five for any 
religious worship save that of the Common Prayer ; while return 
or escape from banishment was punished by death. The Five 
Mile Act, a year later, completed the code of persecution. By its 
provisions, every clergyman who had been driven out by the Act 
of Uniformity was called on to swear that he held it unlawful 
under any pretext to take up arms against the King, and that he 
would at no time " endeavour any alteration of government in 
Church and State." In case of refusal, he was forbidden to go 
within five miles of any borough, or of any place where he had 
been wont to minister. As the main body of the Nonconformists 
belonged to the city and trading classes, the effect of this measure 
was to rob them of any religious teaching at all. A motion to 
impose the oath of the Five Mile Act on every person in the 
nation was rejected in the same session by a majority of only six. 
The sufferings of the Nonconformists indeed could hardly fail to 
tell on the sympathies of the people. The thirst for revenge, which 



had been roused by the violence of the Presbyterians in their hour s«cii 
of triumph, was satisfied by their humiliation in the hour of defeat. Re t ; "o RA . 




Satirical print, probably by Marcel Laitron. 

The sight of pious and learned clergymen driven from their homes 
and their flocks, of religious meetings broken up by the constables, 
of preachers set side by side with thieves and outcasts in the dock, 




Sec. II 




of gaols crammed with honest enthusiasts whose piety was their 
only crime, pleaded more eloquently for toleration than all the 
reasoning in the world. We have a clue to the extent of the 
persecution from what we know to have been its effect on a single 
sect. The Quakers had excited alarm by their extravagances of 

Picture by J. Riley, in Dr. Williams s Library, London. 

manner, their refusal to bear arms or to take oaths ; and a special 
Act was passed for their repression. They were one of the 
smallest of the Nonconformist bodies, but more than four thousand 
were soon in prison, and of these five hundred were imprisoned in 
London alone. The King's Declaration of Indulgence, twelve 
years later, set free twelve hundred Quakers who had found their 

being afraid to lay down their ministry ![M' l i|M'^: 






way to the gaols. Of the sufferings of the expelled clergy one of Sec. ii 
their own number, Richard Baxter, has given us an account. The 

' ' ° Restora- 

" Many hundreds of them, with their wives and children, had 
neither house nor bread. . . . Their congregations had enough to 
do, besides a small maintenance, to help them out of prisons, or to 
maintain them there. Though they were as frugal as possible they 
could hardly live ; some lived on little more than brown bread and 
water, many had but eight or ten pounds a year to maintain a 
family, so that a piece of flesh has not come to one of their 
tables in six weeks' time ; their allowance could scarce afford 
them bread and cheese. One went to plow six days and 
preached on the Lord's Day. Another was forced to cut tobacco 
for a livelihood." But poverty was the least of their sufferings. 
They were jeered at by the players. 
They were hooted through the streets 

by the mob. ' : Many of the ministers, 

being afraid to lay down their ministry 

after they had been ordained to it, Sc^'Cw ** ' 

preached to such as would hear them in ^-ii^ 

fields and private houses, till they were 

apprehended and cast into gaols, where 

r , 11 1 >> tm From MS. in the British 

many of them perished. lhey were Museum. 

excommunicated in the Bishops' Court, 

or fined for non-attendance at church ; and a crowd of in- 
formers grew up who made a trade of detecting the meetings 
they held at midnight. Alleyn, the author of the well-known 
11 Alarm to the Unconverted," died at thirty-six from the suffer- 
ings he endured in Taunton Gaol. Vavasour Powell, the apostle 
of Wales, spent the eleven years which followed the Restoration 
in prisons at Shrewsbury, Southsea, and Cardiff, till he perished 
in the Fleet. John Bunyan was for twelve years a prisoner at 

"We have already seen the atmosphere of excited feeling in The 
which the youth of Bunyan had been spent. From his childhood Prfg^s 
he heard heavenly voices, and saw visions of heaven ; from his 
childhood, too, he had been wrestling with an overpowering sense 
of sin, which sickness and repeated escapes from death did much 
as he grew up to deepen. But in spite of his self-reproaches his 




Sec. II 





J 645 

life was a religious one ; and the purity and sobriety of his youth 
was shown by his admission at seventeen into the ranks of the 
" New Model." Two years later the war was over, and Bunyan 
though hardly twenty found himself married to a " godly " wife, as 
young and penniless as himself. So poor were the young couple 
that they could scarce muster a spoon and a plate between them ; 
and the poverty of their home deepened, perhaps, the gloom of the 


Built 1687. 

" Londina IZlustrata." 

young tinker's restlessness and religious depression. His wife did 
what she could to comfort him, teaching him again to read and 
write, for he had forgotten his school learning, and reading with 
him in two little "godly" books which formed his library. But the 
darkness only gathered the thicker round his imaginative soul. " I 
walked," he tells us of this time, " to a neighbouring town ; and 
sate down upon a settle in the street, and fell into a very deep 



X 3-H 

Sec. II 






pause about the most fearful state my sin had brought me to ; and 

after long musing I lifted up my head ; but methought I saw as if 

the sun that shineth in the heavens did grudge to give me light ; 

and as if the very stones in the street and tiles upon the houses did 

band themselves against me. Methought that they all combined 

together to banish me out of the world. I was abhorred of them, 

and wept to dwell among them, because I had sinned against the 

Saviour. Oh, how happy now was every creature over I ! for they 

stood fast and kept their station. But I was gone and lost." At 

last, after more than two years of this struggle, the darkness broke. 

Bunyan felt himself " converted/' and freed from the burthen of 

his sin. He joined a Baptist church at Bedford, and a few years 

later he became famous as a preacher. As he held no formal post 

of minister in the congregation, his preaching even under the 

Protectorate was illegal and " gave great offence," he tells us, " to 

the doctors and priests of that county," but he persisted with little 

real molestation until the Restoration. Six months however after Bunyan 

the King's return he was committed to Bedford Gaol on a charge of *** 

preaching in unlicensed conventicles ; and his refusal to promise to 

abstain from preaching kept him there twelve years. The gaol 

was crowded with prisoners like himself, and amongst them he 

continued his ministry, supporting himself by making tagged 

thread laces, and finding some comfort in the Bible, the " Book of 

Martyrs," and the writing materials which he was suffered to have 

with him in his prison. But he was in the prime of life, his age 

was thirty-two when he was imprisoned ; and the inactivity and 

severance from his wife and little children was hard to bear. 

" The parting with my wife and poor children," he says in words 

of simple pathos, " hath often been to me in this place as the 

pulling of the flesh from the bones, and that not only because I 

am somewhat too fond of those great mercies, but also because 

I should have often brought to my mind the many hardships, 

miseries, and wants that my poor family was like to meet with 

should I be taken from them, especially my poor blind child, who 

lay nearer to my heart than all besides. Oh, the thoughts of the 

hardships I thought my poor blind one might go under would 

break my heart to pieces. ' Poor child,' thought I, ' what sorrow 

art thou like to have for thy portion in this world ! Thou must be 




beaten, must beg, suffer hunger, cold, nakedness, and a thousand 
calamities, though I cannot now endure the wind should blow 
upon thee.' " But suffering could not break his purpose, and 
Bunyan found compensation for the narrow bounds of his prison 
in the wonderful 
activity of his pen. 
Tracts, controver- 
sial treatises, 
poems, medita- 
tions, his " Grace 
Abounding," and 
his " Holy City," 
followed each 
other in quick suc- 
cession. It was in 
his gaol that he 
wrote the first and 
greatest part of 
his "Pilgrim's Pro- 
gress." Its publi- 
cation was the 
earliest result of 
his deliverance at 
the Declaration of 
Indulgence, and 
the popularity 
which it enjoyed 
from the first 
proves that the re- 
ligious sympathies 
of the English 
people were still 
mainly Puritan. 

Before Bunyan's death in 1688 ten editions of the " Pilgrim's 
Progress " had already been sold ; and though even Cowper 
hardly dared to quote it a century later for fear of moving a 
smile in the polite world about him its favour among the middle 
classes and the poor has grown steadily from its author's day 

Frontispiece to " Pilgrim's Progress," 4th Edition, 1680. 






sec. 11 to our own. It is now the most popular and the most widely 
the known of all English books. In none do we see more clearly the 

Restora- - j 

tion new imaginative force which had been given to the common 
life of Englishmen by their study of the Bible. Its English is the 
simplest and the homeliest English which has ever been used by 
any great English writer ; but it is the English of the Bible. The 
images of the " Pilgrim's Progress" are the images of prophet and 
evangelist ; it borrows for its tenderer outbursts the very verse of 
the Song of Songs, and pictures the Heavenly City in the words of 
the Apocalypse. But so completely has the Bible become 
Bunyan's life that one feels its phrases as the natural expression 
of his thoughts. He has lived in the Bible till its words have 
become his own. He has lived among its visions and voices of 
heaven till all sense of possible unreality has died away. He tells 
his tale with such a perfect naturalness that allegories become 
living things, that the Slough of Despond and Doubting Castle are 
as real to us as places we see every day, that we know Mr. Legality 
and Mr. Worldly Wiseman as if we had met them in the street. 
It is in this amazing reality of impersonation that Bunyan's imagin- 
ative genius specially displays itself. But this is far from being his 
only excellence. In its range, in its directness/in its simple grace, in 
the ease with which it changes from lively dialogue to dramatic 
action, from simple pathos to passionate earnestness, in the subtle 
and delicate fancy which often suffuses its childlike words, in its play- 
ful humour, its bold character-painting, in the even and balanced 
power which passes without effort from the Valley of the Shadow 
of Death to the land " where the Shining Ones commonly walked, 
because it was on the borders of heaven," in its sunny kindliness 
unbroken by one bitter word, the " Pilgrim's Progress" is among 
the noblest of English poems. For if Puritanism had first dis- 
covered the poetry which contact with the spiritual world awakes 
in the meanest soul, Bunyan was the first of the Puritans who 
revealed this poetry to the outer world. The journey of Christian 
from the City of Destruction to the Heavenly City is simply a 
record of the life of such a Puritan as Bunyan himself, seen 
through an imaginative haze of spiritual idealism in which its 
commonest incidents are heightened and glorified. He is himself 
the pilgrim who flies from the City of Destruction, who climbs the 




hill Difficulty, who faces Apollyon, who sees his loved ones cross 
the river of Death towards the Heavenly City, and how, because 
"the hill on which the City was framed was higher than the clouds, 
they therefore went up through the region of the air, sweetly 
talking as they went." 

The success, however, of the system of religious repression 
rested mainly on the maintenance of peace ; and while Bunyan Holland 

Sec. II 




War with. 


British Museum. 

was lying in Bedford Gaol, and the Church was carrying on its 
bitter persecution of the Nonconformists, England was plunging 
into a series of bitter humiliations and losses abroad. The old 
commercial jealousy between the Dutch and English, which had 
been lulled by a formal treaty in 1662, but which still lived 
on in petty squabbles at sea, was embittered by the cession of 
Bombay — a port which gave England an entry into the profitable 
trade with India — and by the establishment of a West Indian 




Sec. 11 Company in London which opened a traffic with the Gold Coast of 
the Africa. The quarrel was fanned into a war. Parliament voted a 

Restora- * 




Taken by the Dutch in 1667. 
From an engraving in the Museum at Amsterdam. 

large supply unanimously ; and the King was won by hopes of the 
ruin of the Dutch Presbyterian and republican government, and by 
his resentment at the insults he had suffered from Holland in his 




exile. The war at sea which followed was a war of giants. An 
obstinate battle off Lowestoft ended in a victory for the English 
fleet : but in an encounter the next year with De Ruyter off the 
North Foreland Monk and his fleet after two days' fighting were 
only saved from destruction by the arrival of Prince Rupert. The 
dogged admiral renewed the fight, but the combat again ended in 
De Ruyter's favour and the English took refuge in the Thames. 

Sec. II 







Print published at Amsterdam, 1666. 

Their fleet was indeed ruined, but the losses of the enemy had been 

hardly less. " English sailors may be killed," said De Witt, " but 

they cannot be conquered ; " and the saying was as true of one side 

as the other. A third battle, as hard-fought as its predecessors, 

ended in the triumph of the English, and their fleet sailed along 

the coast of Holland, burning ships and towns. But Holland was 

as unconquerable as England herself, and the Dutch fleet was 

soon again refitted and was joined in the Channel by the French 
Vol. Ill— 27 





Sec. ii Meanwhile, calamity at home was added to the sufferings of the 
reItora- war * * n * ne P rece ding year a hundred thousand Londoners had 



This is to give notice, I hat His Majefty hath declared his pofiiive 
refolution not to heal any more after the end of this prefent Afril 
until Michaelmas next : And this ispublifhed to the end tharaf] 
Perfons concerned may take nonce thereof, and not receive adifap- 

London, April 22. 

" The Intelligencer," April 24, 1665. 

died in six months of the Plague which broke out in the crowded 

Fire of streets of the capital ; and the Plague was followed now by a fire, 

on on which, beginning in the heart of London, reduced the whole city to 


Guildhall Museum. 

ashes from the Tower to the Temple. Thirteen thousand houses 
and ninety churches were destroyed. The loss of merchandise 




and property was beyond count. The Treasury was empty, and 
neither ships nor forts were manned when the Dutch fleet appeared 
at the Nore, advanced unopposed up the Thames to Gravesend, 
forced the boom which protected the Medway, burned three men-of 
war which lay anchored in the river, and withdrew only to sail 
proudly along the coast, the masters of the Channel. 

Sec. II 





Contemporary Dutch print, in British Museum. 




Section III. — Charles the Second, 1667 — 1673 

[Authorities. — To the authorities already mentioned, we may add the 
Memoirs of Sir William Temple, with Lord Macaulays well-known Essay on 
that statesman, Reresby's Memoirs, and the works of Andrew Marvell. The 
u Memoirs of the Count de Grammont,'' by Anthony Hamilton, give a witty 
and amusing picture of the life of the court. Lingard becomes important from 
the original materials he has used, and from his clear and dispassionate state- 
ment of the Catholic side of the question. Ranke's "History of the XVII. 
Century ,: throws great light on the diplomatic history of the later Stuart 
reigns ; on internal and constitutional points he is dispassionate but of less 
value. Dalrymple, in his ,; Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, ;; was the 
first to discover the real secret of the negotiations with France ; but all previous 
researches have been superseded by those of M. Mignet, whose " Xegociations 
relatives a la Succession d'Espagne" is indispensable for a knowledge of the 

Sec. Ill 





The thunder of the Dutch guns in the Medway and the Thames Charles 
woke England to a bitter sense of its degradation. The dream second 
of loyalty was over. " Everybody now-a-days," Pepys tells us, 
" reflect upon Oliver and commend him, what brave things he 
did, and made all the neighbour princes 
fear him." But Olivers successor was 
coolly watching this shame and discon- 
tent of his people with the one aim of 
turning it to his own advantage. To 
Charles the Second the degradation of 
England was only a move in the poli- 
tical game which he was playing, a 
game played with so consummate a 
secrecy and skill that it deceived not 
only the closest observers of his own 
day but still misleads historians of ours. 

What his subjects saw in their King was a pleasant, brown- 
faced gentleman playing with his spaniels, or drawing caricatures 
of his ministers, or flinging cakes to the water-fowl in the park. 


English ; 17th century. 

South Kensington Museum. 

i35 2 



Sec. hi To all outer seeming Charles was the most consummate of idlers. 

Charles " He delighted," says one of his courtiers, " in a bewitching kind of 

second pleasure called sauntering." The business-like Pepys soon dis- 


Miniature by S. Cooper, in the Royal Collection at ll^indsor. 

covered that " the King do mind nothing but pleasures, and hates 
the very sight or thoughts of business." He only laughed when 
Tom Killigrew frankly told him that badly as things were going 
there was one man whose industry could soon set them right, " and 


this is one Charles Stuart, who now spends his time in using his Sec. hi 

lips about the Court, and hath no other employment." That Charles 

Charles had great natural parts no one doubted. In his earlier bECOND 
53 ^ 1667 

days of defeat and danger he showed a cool courage and presence 

of mind which never failed him in the many perilous moments of — - 

his reign. His temper was pleasant and social, his manners 

perfect, and there was a careless freedom and courtesy in his 

address which won over everybody who came into his presence. 

His education indeed had been so grossly neglected that he could 

hardly read a plain Latin book ; but his natural quickness and 

intelligence showed itself in his pursuit of chymistry and anatomy. 

and in the interest he showed in the scientific inquiries of the 

Royal Society. Like Peter the Great his favourite study was 

that of naval architecture, and he piqued himself on being a clever 

ship-builder. He had some little love too for art and poetry, and 

a taste for music. But his shrewdness and vivacity showed itself 

most in his endless talk. He was fond of telling stories, and he 

told them with a good deal of grace aud humour. His humour 

indeed never forsook him : even on his death-bed he turned to the 

weeping courtiers around and whispered an apology for having been 

so unconscionable a time in dying. He held his own fairly with 

the wits of his Court, and bandied repartees on equal terms with 

Sedley or Buckingham. Even Rochester in his merciless epigram 

was forced to own that Charles "never said a foolish thing." He 

had inherited in fact his grandfather's gift of pithy sayings, and his 

habitual irony often gave an amusing turn to them. When his 

brother, the most unpopular man in England, solemnly warned 

him of plots against his life, Charles laughingly bade him set all 

fear aside. "They will never kill me, James," he said, "to make 

you king." But courage and wit and ability seemed to have been 

bestowed on him in vain. Charles hated business. He gave to 

outer observers no sign of ambition. The one thing he seemed in 

earnest about was sensual pleasure, and he took his pleasure with 

a cynical shamelessness which roused the disgust even of his 

shameless courtiers. Mistress followed mistress, and the guilt of 

a troop of profligate women was blazoned to the world by the gift 

of titles and estates. The royal bastards were set amongst 

English nobles. The ducal house of Grafton springs from the 




Sec. hi King's adultery with Barbara Palmer, whom he created Duchess 
Charles of Cleveland. The Dukes of St. Albans owe their origin to his 

THE ° 



Picture by Sir Peter Lely at Althorpe. 

intrigue with Nell Gwynn, a player and a courtezan. Louise de 
Querouaille, a mistress sent by France to win him to its interests, 
became Duchess of Portsmouth and ancestress of the house of 




Richmond. An earlier mistress, Lucy Walters, was mother of a Sec, hi 
boy whom he raised to the Dukedom of Monmouth, and to whom Ch t a h r £ es 
the Dukes of Buccleuch trace their line ; but there is good reason 
for doubting whether the King was actually his father. But 




Miniature by Samuel Cooper, in the Royal Collection at Windsor. 

Charles was far from being content with these recognized mistresses, 
or with a single form of self-indulgence. Gambling and drinking 
helped to fill up the vacant moments when he could no longer toy 
with his favourites or bet at Newmarket. No thought of remorse 




Sec. Ill 





or of shame seems ever to have crossed his mind. " He could not 
think God would make a man miserable," he said once, " only for 
taking a little pleasure out of the way." From shame indeed he 
was shielded by his cynical disbelief in human virtue. Virtue he 
regarded simply as a trick by which clever hypocrites imposed 
upon fools. Honour among men seemed to him as mere a 
pretence as chastity among women. Gratitude he had none, for 
he looked upon self-interest as the only motive of men's actions, 
and though soldiers had died and women had risked their lives for 
him, he " loved others as little as he thought they loved him." But 



to be ufed yearly upon the XXIX. day of M/iT y 

Being the day of His Majefties Birth, and happy 

Return to His Kingdoms. 

From Book of Common Prayer, 1662. 


if he felt no gratitude for benefits he felt no resentment for wrongs. 
He was incapable either of love or of hate. The only feeling he 
retained for his fellow -men was that of an amused contempt. 

It was difficult for Englishmen to believe that any real danger 
to liberty could come from an idler and a voluptuary such as 
Charles the Second. But in the very difficulty of believing this 
lay half the King's strength. He had in fact no taste whatever 
for the despotism of the Stuarts who had gone before him. His 
shrewdness laughed his grandfather's theory of Divine Right down 
the wind, while his indolence made such a personal administration 
as that which his father delighted in burthensome to him. He was 



too humorous a man to care for the pomp and show of power, and Sec, hi 

too good-natured a man to play the tyrant. But he believed as Ch **£ es 

firmly as his father or his grandfather had believed in the older Se ^ nd 
J & 1667 

prerogatives of the Crown ; and, like them, he looked on Parliaments to 

with suspicion and jealousy. " He told Lord Essex," Burnet says, — 

" that he did not wish to be like a Grand Signior, with some mutes 

about him, and bags of bowstrings to strangle men ; but he did not 

think he was a king so long as a company of fellows were looking 

into his actions, and examining his ministers as well as his 

accounts." " A king," he thought, " who might be checked, and 

have his ministers called to an account, was but a king in 

name." In other words, he had no settled plan of tyranny, but 

he meant to rule as independently as he could, and from the 

beginning to the end of his reign there never was a moment when 

he was not doing something to carry out his aim. But he carried 

it out in a tentative, irregular fashion which it was as hard to detect 

as to meet. Whenever there was any strong opposition he gave 

way. If popular feeling demanded the dismissal of his ministers, 

he dismissed them. If it protested against his declaration of 

indulgence, he recalled it. If it cried for victims in the frenzy of 

the Popish Plot, he gave it victims till the frenzy was at an end. It 

was easy for Charles to yield and to wait, and just as easy for him 

to take up the thread of his purpose again the moment the pressure 

was over. The one fixed resolve which overrode every other 

thought in the King's mind was a resolve " not to set out on his 

travels again." His father had fallen through a quarrel with the 

two Houses, and Charles was determined to remain on good terms 

with the Parliament till he was strong enough to pick a quarrel to 

his profit. He treated the Lords with an easy familiarity which 

robbed opposition of its seriousness. ''Their debates amused him," 

he said in his indolent way ; and he stood chatting before the fire 

while peer after peer poured invectives on his ministers, and 

laughed louder than the rest when Shaftesbury directed his coarsest 

taunts at the barrenness of the Queen. Courtiers were entrusted 

with the secret " management" of the Commons : obstinate country 

gentlemen were brought to the royal closet to kiss the King's hand 

and listen to the King's pleasant stories of his escape after 

Worcester ; and still more obstinate country gentlemen were 




Sec. hi bribed. Where bribes, flattery, and management failed, Charles 
Charles was content to yield and to wait till his time came again. 


Second Meanwhile he went on patiently gathering up what fragments of 


Picture by Vandyck, at Ham House, 

Dissolu- the old royal power still survived, and availing himself of 

^Urnon* whatever new resources offered themselves. If he could not 

1660 undo what Puritanism had done in England, he could undo its 

work in Scotland and in Ireland. Before the Civil War these 


kingdoms had served as useful checks on English liberty, and by Sec. hi 
simply regarding the Union which the Long Parliament and the Charles 

the Union Charles was supported by public opinion among his 

English subjects, partly from sheer abhorrence of changes wrought 

during " the troubles," and partly from a dread that the Scotch and 

Irish members would form a party in the English Parliament 

which would always be at the service of the Crown. In both the 

lesser kingdoms too a measure which seemed to restore somewhat 

of their independence was for the moment popular. But the results 

of this step were quick in developing themselves. In Scotland the 

Covenant was at once abolished. The new Scotch Parliament at 

Edinburgh, the Drunken Parliament, as it was called, outdid the 

wildest loyalty of the English Cavaliers by annulling in a single 

Act all the proceedings of its predecessors during the last eight- 

and-twenty years. By this measure the whole existing Church 

system of Scotland was deprived of legal sanction. The General 

Assembly had already been prohibited from meeting by Cromwell ; 

the kirk-sessions and ministers' synods were now suspended. The 

Scotch bishops were again restored to their spiritual pre-eminence, 

and to their seats in Parliament. An iniquitous trial sent the 

Marquis of Argyle, the only noble strong enough to oppose the 

royal will, to the block, and the government was entrusted to a 

knot of profligate statesmen till it fell into the hands of Lauderdale, 

one of the ablest and most unscrupulous of the King's ministers. 

Their policy was steadily directed to the two purposes of humbling 

Presbyterianism — as the force which could alone restore Scotland 

to freedom, and enable her to lend aid as before to English liberty 

in any struggle with the Crown — and that of raising a royal army 

which might be ready in case of need to march over the border 

to the King's support. In Ireland the dissolution of the Union 

brought back the bishops to their sees ; but whatever wish Charles 

may have had to restore the balance of Catholic and Protestant 

as a source of power to the Crown was baffled by the obstinate 

resistance of the Protestant settlers to any plans for redressing the 

confiscations of Cromwell. Five years of bitter struggle between 

the dispossessed loyalists and the new occupants left the Protestant 


Protector had brought about as a nullity in law it was possible Second 
they might become checks again. In his refusal to recognize to 





Sec. hi ascendency unimpaired ; and in spite of a nominal surrender of 
Charles one-third of the confiscated estates to their old possessors, hardly 


Second a s i x th of the profitable land in the island remained in Catholic 
1667 r 


From an engraving by Scriven, after Sir Godfrey Kneller. 

holding. The claims of the Duke of Ormond too made it 
necessary to leave the government in his hands, and Ormond's 
loyalty was too moderate and constitutional to lend itself to any 
of the schemes of absolute rule which under Tyrconnell played so 


great a part in the next reign. But the severance of the two sec. hi 
kingdoms from England was in itself a gain to the royal authority ; Charles 


and Charles turned quietly to the building up of a royal army at Second 
home. A standing army had become so hateful a thing to the to 
body of the nation, and above all to the royalists whom the New — 
Model had trodden under foot, that it was impossible to propose Army 
its establishment. But in the mind of Charles and his brother 
James, their father's downfall had been owing to the want of a 
disciplined force which would have trampled out the first efforts 
of national resistance ; and while disbanding the New Model, 
Charles availed himself of the alarm created bv a mad rising: 
of some Fifth-Monarchy men in London under an old soldier 
called Venner to retain five thousand horse and foot in his service 
under the name of his guards. A body of " gentlemen of quality 
and veteran soldiers, excellently clad, mounted, and ordered." was 
thus kept ready for service near the royal person ; and in spite of 
the scandal which it aroused the King persisted, steadily but 
cautiously, in gradually increasing its numbers. Twenty years 
later it had grown to a force of seven thousand foot and one 
thousand seven hundred horse and dragoons at home, with a 
reserve of six fine regiments abroad in the service of the United 

But Charles was too quick-witted a man to believe, as his Charles 
brother James believed, that it was possible to break down France 
English freedom by the royal power or by a few thousand men 
in arms. It was still less possible by such means to break down, 
as he wished to break down, English Protestantism. In heart, 
whether the story of his renunciation of Protestantism during 
his exile be true or no, he had long ceased to be a Protestant. 
Whatever religious feeling he had was on the side of Catholicism ; 
he encouraged conversions among his courtiers, and the last act 
of his life was to seek formal admission into the Roman Church. 
But his feelings were rather political than religious. The English 
Roman Catholics formed a far larger part of the population then 
than now ; their wealth and local influence gave them a political 
importance which they have long since lost, and every motive of 
gratitude as well as self-interest led him to redeem his pledge to 
procure toleration for their worship. But he was already looking, 




however vaguely, to something more than Catholic toleration. He 
saw that despotism in the State could hardly co-exist with free 
inquiry and free action in matters of the conscience, and that govern- 
ment, in his own words, " was a safer and easier thing where the 
authority was believed infallible and the faith and submission of 
the people were implicit." The difficulties in the way of such a 
religious change probably seemed the less to him from his long 
residence in Roman Catholic countries, and from his own religious 
scepticism. Two years indeed after his restoration he had already 
despatched an agent to Rome to arrange the terms of a recon- 
ciliation between the Anglican Church and the Papacy. But 
though he counted much for the success of his project of toleration 
on taking advantage of the dissensions between Protestant 
Churchmen and Protestant Dissenters he soon discovered that 
for any real success in his political or religious aims he must 
seek resources elsewhere than at home. At this moment France 
was the dominant power in Europe. Its young King, Lewis 
the Fourteenth, was the champion of Catholicism and despotism 
against civil and religious liberty throughout the world. France 
was the wealthiest of European powers, and her subsidies could 
free Charles from dependence on his Parliament. Her army was 
the finest in the world, and French soldiers could put down, it 
was thought, any resistance from English patriots. The aid of 
Lewis could alone realize the aims of Charles, and Charles was 
willing to pay the price which Lewis demanded for his aid, the 
price of concurrence in his designs on Spain. Spain at this 
moment had not only ceased to threaten Europe but herself 
trembled at the threats of France ; and the aim of Lewis was to 
complete her ruin, to win the Spanish provinces in the Nether- 
lands, and ultimately to secure the succession to the Spanish 
throne for a French prince. But the presence of the French in 
Flanders was equally distasteful to England and to Holland, 
and in such a contest Spain might hope for the aid of these 
states and of the Empire. For some years Lewis contented 
himself with perfecting his army and preparing by skilful 
negotiations to make such a league of the great powers against 
him impossible. His first success in England was in the 

marriage of the King. Portugal, which had only just shaken 
Vol. Ill— 28 

Sec. Ill 







of Charles 



Sec. Ill 





off the rule of Spain, was really dependent upon France ; and 
in accepting the hand of Catharine of Braganza in spite of the 
protests of Spain, Charles announced his adhesion to the 


Jusserand, " A French Ambassador at the Court of Charles II.", from an engraving by 

Etienne Picart. 

alliance of Lewis. Already English opinion saw the danger 
of such a course, and veered round to the Spanish side. As 
early as 1661 the London mob backed the Spanish ambassador 
in a street squabble for precedence with the ambassador of 


1 1 



Sec. hi France. " We do all naturally love the Spanish," says Pepys, 
Charles " and hate the French." The marriage of Catharine, the sale 

THE r* T" 

Second f Dunkirk, the one result of Cromwell's victories, to France, 
to aroused the national jealousy and suspicion of French influence ; 
] _Z- 3 and the war with Holland seemed at one time likely to end in 
a war with Lewis. The Dutch war was in itself a serious 
stumbling-block in the way of French projects. To aid either 
side was to throw the other on the aid of the House of Austria, 
and to build up a league which would check France in its aim. 
Only peace could keep the European states disunited, and enable 
Lewis by their disunion to carry out his design of seizing Flanders. 
1665 His attempt at mediation was fruitless ; the defeat of Lowestoft 
forced him to give aid to Holland, and the news of his purpose 
at once roused England to a hope of war. When Charles 
announced it to the Houses, " there was a great noise," says 
Louvois, " in the Parliament to show the joy of the two Houses 
at the prospect of a fight with us." Lewis, however, cautiously 
limited his efforts to narrowing the contest to a struggle at sea, 
while England, vexed with disasters at home and abroad, could 
scarcely maintain the war. The appearance of the Dutch fleet 

Peace of in the Thames was followed by the sudden conclusion of peace 
™ a which again left the ground clear for the diplomatic intrigues 

of Lewis. 
The In England the irritation was great and universal, but the public 

Claren- resentment fell on Clarendon alone. Charles had been bitterly 
don angered when in 1663 his bill to vest a dispensing power in the 
Crown had been met by Clarendon's open opposition. The Presby- 
terian party, represented by Ashley, and the Catholics, led by the 
Earl of Bristol, alike sought his overthrow ; in the Court he was 
opposed by Bennet, afterwards Earl of Arlington, a creature of 
the King's. But Clarendon was still strong in his intimate con- 
nexion with the King's affairs, in the marriage of his daughter, 
Anne Hyde, to the Duke of York, in his capacity for business, 
above all in the support of the Church, and the confidence of 
the royalist and orthodox House of Commons. Foiled in their 
efforts to displace him, his rivals had availed themselves of the 
jealousy of the merchant-class to drive him against his will into 
the war with Holland ; and though the Chancellor succeeded in 


forcing the Five Mile Act through the Houses in the teeth of Sec. hi 
Ashley's protests, the calculations of his enemies were soon verified. Charles 

The union between Clarendon and the Parliament was broken bv Second 

1 1 l66 ~ 

the war. The Parliament was enraged by his counsel for its 

dissolution, and by his proposal to raise troops without a Parlia- — - 

mentary grant, and his opposition to the inspection of accounts, in 

which they saw an attempt to re-establish the one thing they hated 

most, a standing army. Charles could at last free himself from 

the minister who had held him in check so long ; the Chancellor 

was dismissed from office, and driven to take refuge in France. 

By the exile of Clarendon, the death of Southampton, and the 

retirement of Ormond and Nicholas, the party of constitutional 

loyalists in the Council ceased to exist ; and the section which 

had originally represented the Presbyterians, and which under 

the guidance of Ashley had bent to purchase toleration even at 

the cost of increasing the prerogatives of the Crown, came to 

the front of affairs. The religious policy of Charles had as yet The Cabal 

been defeated by the sturdy Churchmanship of the Parliament, 

the influence of Clarendon, and the reluctance of the Presbyterians 

as a body to accept the Royal " indulgence " at the price of a 

toleration of Catholicism and a recognition of the King's power 

to dispense with Parliamentary statutes. The first steps of the 

new ministry in releasing Nonconformists from prison, in 

suffering conventicles to reopen, and suspending the operation 

of the Act of Uniformity, were in open defiance of the known 

will of the two Houses. But when Charles again proposed to 1668 

his counsellors a general toleration he no longer found himself 

supported by them as in 1663. Even Ashley's mood was changed. 

Instead of toleration they pressed for a union of Protestants which 

would have utterly foiled the King's projects ; and a scheme of 

Protestant comprehension which had been approved by the 

moderate divines on both sides, by Tillotson and Stillingfleet 

on the part of the Church as well as by Manton and Baxter 

on the part of the Nonconformists, was laid before the House 

of Commons. Even its rejection failed to bring Ashley and his 

party back to their old position. They were still for toleration, 

but only for a toleration the benefit of which did not extend to 

Catholics, " in respect the laws have determined the principles 

chap, ix THE REVOLUTION 1369 

of the Romish religion to be inconsistent with the safety of your Sec. hi 

Majesty's person and government." The policy of the Council Charles 

in fact was determined by the look of public affairs abroad. Second 

. l66 7 

Lewis had quickly shown the real cause of the eagerness with to 

which he had pressed on the Peace of Breda between England 

and the Dutch. He had secured the neutrality of the Emperor policy of 

by a secret treaty which shared the Spanish dominions between 

the two monarchs in case the King of Spain died without an heir. 

England, as he believed, was held in check by Charles, and like 

Holland was too exhausted by the late war to meddle with a new 

one. On the very day therefore on which the treaty was signed l66 7 

he sent in his formal claims on the Low Countries, and his army 

at once took the field. The greater part of Flanders was occupied 

and six great fortresses secured in two months. Franche Comte 

was overrun in seventeen days. Holland protested and appealed 

to England for aid ; but her appeals remained at first unanswered. 

England sought in fact to tempt Holland, Spain, and France in 

turn by secret offers of alliance. From France she demanded, 

as the price of her aid against Holland and perhaps Spain, a 

share in the eventual partition of the Spanish dominions, and an 

assignment to her in such a case of the Spanish Empire in the 

New World. But all her offers were alike refused. The need 

of action became clearer every hour to the English ministers, 

and wider views gradually set aside the narrow dreams of merely 

national aggrandizement. The victories of Lewis, the sudden 

revelation of the strength of France, roused even in the most 

tolerant minds a dread of Catholicism. Men felt instinctively 

that the very existence of Protestantism and with it of civil 

freedom was again to be at stake. Arlington himself had a The 


Dutch wife and had resided in Spain ; and Catholic as in heart Alliance 
he was, thought more of the political interests of England, and l668 
of the invariable resolve of its statesmen since Elizabeth's dav 
to keep the French out of Flanders, than of the interests of 
Catholicism. Lewis, warned of his danger, strove to lull the 
general excitement by offers of peace to Spain, while he was writing 
to Turenne, " I am turning over in my head things that are far 
from impossible, and go to carry them into execution whatever they 
may cost." Three armies were, in fact, ready to march on Spain, 




Sec, hi Germany, and Flanders, when Arlington despatched Sir William 

Ch t A he ES temple to the Hague, and the signature of a Triple Alliance 

Second between England, Holland, and Sweden bound Lewis to the 
1667 ° 

to terms he had offered as a blind, and forced on him the Peace 

— of Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Picture by Sir Peter Lely, in the National Portrait Gallery. 

Treaty of 
Dover Alliance 

Few measures have won a greater popularity than the Triple 
1 It is the only good public thing," says Pepys, " that 
hath been done since the King came to England." Even Dryden, 
writing at the time as a Tory, counted among the worst of 




Shaftesbury's crimes that " the Triple Bond he broke." In form sec. hi 

indeed the Alliance simply bound Lewis to adhere to terms of Charles 

1 y THE 

peace proposed by himself, and those advantageous terms. But 

in fact it utterly ruined his plans. It brought about too that to 


Jusserand, "A French Ambassador at the Court of Charles II. ;" from an engraving by N. de 

Larmessin, 1664. 

union of the powers of Europe against which, as Lewis felt 
instinctively, his ambition would dash itself in vain. It was 
Arlington's aim to make the Alliance the nucleus of a greater 
confederation ; and he tried not only to perpetuate it, but to 




Sec. Ill 




turns to 

include within it the Swiss Cantons, the Empire, and the House 
of Austria. His efforts were foiled; but the " Triple Bond" bore 
within it the germs of the Grand Alliance which at last saved 
Europe. To England it at once brought back the reputation which 
she had lost since the death of Cromwell. It was a sign of her 
re-entry on the general stage of European politics, and of the 
formal adoption of the balance of power as a policy essential 
to the welfare of Europe at large. But it was not so much the 
action of England which had galled the pride of Lewis, as the 
action of Holland. That " a nation of shopkeepers" (for Lewis 
applied the phrase to Holland long before Napoleon applied it 
to England) should have foiled his plans at the very moment 
of their realization, "stung him/' he owned, " to the quick." If he 
refrained from an instant attack it was to nurse a surer revenge. 
His steady aim during the four years which followed the Peace 
of Aix-la-Chapelle was to isolate the United Provinces, to bring 
about the neutrality of the Empire in any attack on them, to 
break the Triple Alliance by detaching Sweden from it and 
securing Charles, and to leave the Dutch without help, save from 
the idle goodwill of Brandenburg and Spain. His diplomacy was 
everywhere successful, but it was nowhere so successful as with 
England. Charles had been stirred to a momentary pride by 
the success of the Triple Alliance, but he had never seriously 
abandoned his policy, and he was resolute at last to play an 
active part in realizing it. It was clear that little was to be hoped 
for from his old plans of winning toleration for the Catholics from 
his new ministers, and that in fact they were resolute to bring about 
such a union of Protestants as would have been fatal to his designs. 
From this moment he resolved to seek for his advantage from 
France. The Triple Alliance was hardly concluded when he 
declared to Lewis his purpose of entering into an alliance with 
him, offensive and defensive. He owned to be the only man 
in his kingdom who desired such a league, but he was deter- 
mined to realize his desire, whatever might be the sentiments of 
his ministers. His ministers, indeed, he meant either to bring 
over to his schemes or to outwit. Two of them, Arlington and 
Sir Thomas Clifford, were Catholics in heart like the King ; and 
they were summoned, with the Duke of York, who had already 



x 373 

secretly embraced Catholicism, and two Catholic nobles, to a 
conference in which Charles, after pledging them to secrecy, 
declared himself a Catholic, and asked their counsel as to the 
means of establishing the Catholic religion in his realm. It was 
resolved to apply to Lewis for aid in this purpose ; and Charles 
proceeded to seek from the King a " protection," to use the 
words of the French ambassador, ** of which he always hoped 
to feel the powerful effects in the execution of his design of 
changing the present state of religion in England for a better, 
and of establishing his authority so as to be able to retain his 

Sec. Ill 





F. Sandford, " Funeral of the Duke of Albemarle," 1670. 

subjects in the obedience they owe him." The fall of Holland 
was as needful for the success of the plans of Charles as of Lewis ; 
and with the ink of the Triple Alliance hardly dry, Charles 
promised help in Lewis's schemes for the ruin of Holland 
and the annexation of Flanders. He offered therefore to declare 
his religion and to join France in an attack on Holland, if Lewis 
would grant him a subsidy equal to a million a year. In the 
event of the King of Spain's death without a son Charles pledged 
himself to support France in her claims upon Flanders, while 
Lewis promised to assent to the designs of England on the 



I 375 

Spanish dominions in America. On this basis, after a year's 
negotiations, a secret treaty was concluded at Dover in an inter- 
view between Charles and his sister Henrietta, the Duchess of 
Orleans. It provided that Charles should announce his conversion 
and that in case of any disturbance arising from such a step he 
should be supported by a French army and a French subsidy. 
War was to be declared by both powers against Holland, England 
furnishing a small land force, but bearing the chief burthen of the 

Sec. Ill 




May 1670 



F. Sandford, "Funeral of the Duke of Albemarle," 1670. 

tion of 

contest at sea, on condition of an annual subsidy of three hundred 
thousand pounds. 

Nothing marks better the political profligacy of the age than 
that Arlington, the author of the Triple Alliance, should have been 
chosen as the confidant of Charles in his treaty of Dover. But to 
all save Arlington and Clifford the King's change of religion or 
his political aims remained utterly unknown. It would have been 
impossible to obtain the consent of the party in the royal council The Cabal 
which represented the old Presbyterians, of Ashley or Lauderdale u , ar 
or the Duke of Buckingham, to the Treaty of Dover. But it was 
possible to trick them into approval of a war with Holland byplay- 

ZZ "° 



chap, ix THE REVOLUTION 1377 

ing on their desire for a toleration of the Nonconformists. The Sec. hi 
announcement of the King's Catholicism was therefore deferred ; Charles 


and a series of mock negotiations, carried on through Buckingham, 


ended in the conclusion of a sham treatv which was communicated to 


to Lauderdale and to Ashley, a treaty which suppressed all — 

mention of the religious changes or of the promise of French 
aid in bringing them about, and simply stipulated for a joint 
war against the Dutch. In such a war there was no formal 
breach of the Triple Alliance, for the Triple Alliance only guarded 
against an attack on the dominions of Spain, and Ashley and his 
colleagues were lured into assent to it in 1671 by the promise of a 
toleration on their own terms. Charles in fact yielded the point to 
which he had hitherto clung, and, as Ashley demanded, promised 
that no Catholic should be benefited by the Indulgence. The 
bargain once struck, and his ministers outwitted, it only remained 
for Charles to outwit his Parliament. A large subsidy had been 
demanded in 1670 for the fleet, under the pretext of upholding 
the Triple Alliance ; and the subsidy was granted. In the spring 1671 
the two Houses were adjourned. So great was the national 
opposition to his schemes that Charles was driven to plunge 
hastily into hostilities. An attack on a Dutch convoy was at 
once followed by a declaration of war, and fresh supplies were 
obtained for the coming struggle by closing the Exchequer, and 
suspending under Clifford's advice the payment of either principal 
or interest on loans advanced to the public Treasury. The 
suspension spread bankruptcy among half the goldsmiths of 
London ; but with the opening of the war Ashley and his 
colleagues gained the toleration they had bought so dear. By 
virtue of his ecclesiastical powers the King ordered " that all 1672 
manner of penal laws on matters ecclesiastical against whatever 
sort of Nonconformists or recusants should be from that day 
suspended," and gave liberty of public worship to all dissidents 
save Catholics, who were allowed to say mass only in private 
houses. The effect of the Declaration went far to justify 
Ashley and his colleagues (if anything could justify their course) 
in the bargain by which they purchased toleration. Ministers 
returned, after years of banishment, to their homes and their 
flocks. Chapels were reopened. The gaols were emptied 

chap, ix THE REVOLUTION 1379 

Bunyan left his prison at Bedford ; and hundreds of Quakers, Sec, hi 

who had been the special objects of persecution, were set free Champs 

to worship God after their own fashion. Second 

. . l66 7 

The Declaration of Indulgence however failed to win any to 

. 1673 

expression of gratitude from the bulk of the Nonconformists. — 

.. . The 

Dear as toleration was to them, the general interests of religion warwith 

were dearer, and not only these but national freedom was now ° 
at stake. The success of the Allies seemed at first complete. 
The French army passed the Rhine, overran three of the States 
without opposition, and pushed its outposts to within sight of 
Amsterdam. It was only by skill and desperate courage that 
the Dutch ships under De Ruyter held the English fleet under 
the Duke of York at bay in an obstinate battle off the coast of 
Suffolk. The triumph of the English cabinet was shown in the 
elevation of the leaders of both its parties. Ashley was made 
Chancellor and Earl of Shaftesbury, and Clifford became Lord 
Treasurer. But the Dutch were saved by the stubborn courage 
which awoke before the arrogant demands of the conqueror. 
The plot of the two Courts hung for success on the chances of 
a rapid surprise ; and with the approach of winter which 
suspended military operations, all chance of a surprise was over. 
The death of De Witt, the leader of the great merchant class, 
called William the Prince of Orange to the head of the Republic. 
Young as he was, he at once displayed the cool courage and 
tenacity of his race. " Do you not see your country is lost ? " 
asked the Duke of Buckingham, who had been sent to negotiate 
at the Hague. "There is a sure way never to see it lost," 
replied William, " and that is to die in the last ditch." With 
the spring the tide began to turn. Holland was saved and 1673 
province after province won back from France by William's 
dauntless resolve. In England the delay of winter had ex- 
hausted the supplies which had been so unscrupulously pro- 
cured, while the closing of the Treasury had shaken credit and 
rendered it impossible to raise a loan. It was necessary in 1673 
to appeal to the Commons, but the Commons met in a mood 
of angry distrust. The war, unpopular as it was, they left alone. £ t - se 
What overpowered all other feelings was a vague sense, which °f thc 

we know now to have been justified by the facts, that liberty and Party 
Vol. Ill— 29 




Sec. Ill 




religion were being unscrupulously betrayed. There was a suspicion 
that the whole armed force of the nation was in Catholic hands. 
The Duke of York was suspected of being in heart a Papist, and 
he was in command of the fleet. Catholics had been placed as 

A - 

v • ^ f 

•■ * • ^ ''■£%?■ '■' \ '".-' 



' /mi/ ** ' 

* /' ' ' ''• 

'■ ntfc" 

•■' * 

*v-!^. *• 

* " 1 

From an engraving by W. Skerwin, 1670. 

officers in the force which was being raised for the war in Holland. 
Lady Castlemaine, the King's mistress, paraded her conversion ; 
and doubts were fast gathering over the Protestantism of the 
King. There was a general suspicion that a plot was on foot 


for the establishment of Catholicism and despotism, and that Sec. hi 
the war and the Indulgence were parts of the plot. The change Charles 


of temper in the Commons was marked by the appearance of Second 

what was from that time called the Country party, with Lord to 

167 1 
Russell, Lord Cavendish, and Sir William Coventry at its head, 

a party which sympathized with the desire of the Nonconformists 
for religious toleration, but looked on it as its first duty to 
guard against the designs of the Court. As to the Declaration 
of Indulgence, however, all parties in the House were at one. 
The Commons resolved " that penal statutes in matters ecclesi- 
astical cannot be suspended but by consent of Parliament," and 
refused supplies till the Declaration was recalled. The King The Test 


yielded ; but the Declaration was no sooner recalled than a 
Test Act was passed through both Houses without opposition, 
which required from every one in the civil and military employ- 
ment of the State the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, a 
declaration against transubstantiation, and a reception of the 
sacrament according to the rites of the Church of England. 
It was known that the Protestant dissidents were prepared to 
waive all objection to oath or sacrament, while the Bill would 
wholly exclude Catholics from share in the government. Clifford 
at once counselled resistance, and Buckingham talked flightily 
about bringing the army to London. But the grant of a subsidy 
was still held in suspense ; and Arlington, who saw that all hope 
of carrying the " great plan " through was at an end, pressed 
Charles to yield. A dissolution was the King's only resource, 
but in the temper of the nation a new Parliament would have 
been yet more violent than the present one ; and Charles sullenly 
gave way. Few measures have ever brought about more startling 
results. The Duke of York owned himself a Catholic and resigned 
his office as Lord High Admiral. Throngs of excited people 
gathered round the Lord Treasurer's house at the news that 
Clifford, too, had owned to being a Catholic and had laid down 
his staff of office. Their resignation was followed by that of 
hundreds of others in the army and the civil service of the Crown. 
On public opinion the effect was wonderful. " I dare not write 
all the strange talk of the town," says Evelyn. The resignations 
were held to have proved the existence of the dangers which the 




Sec. Ill 




Test Act had been framed to meet. From this moment all trust 
in Charles was at an end. " The King," Shaftesbury said bitterly, 
" who if he had been so happy as to have been born a private 
gentleman had certainly passed for a man of good parts, excellent 
breeding, and well natured, hath now, being a Prince, brought his 
affairs to that pass that there is not a person in the world, man or 
woman, that dares rely upon him or put any confidence in his 
word or friendship." 

HUNTERS, C. l680 — 1700 

Ballad in Roxburghe Collection. 



Sec. IV 

Dan by 


Section IV. — Danby, 1673— 1678 ,5^ 

[Authorities. — As before. Mr. Christie's "• Life of Shaftesbury," a defence, 
and in some respects a successful defence, of that statesman's career, throws a 
fresh light on the policy of the Whig party during this period.] 

The one man in England on whom the discovery of the King's Shaftes- 

& - ° bury 

perfidy fell with the most crushing effect was the Chancellor, Lord 
Shaftesbury. Ashley Cooper had piqued himself on a penetration 
which read the characters of men around him, and on a political 
instinct which discerned every coming change. His self-reliance 
was wonderful. In mere boyhood he saved his estate from the 
greed of his guardians by boldly appealing in person to Nov, who 
was then Attornev-General. As an undergraduate at Oxford 
he organized a rebellion of the freshmen against the oppressive 
customs which were enforced by the senior men of his college, and 
succeeded in abolishing them. At eighteen he was a member of 
the Short Parliament. On the outbreak of the Civil War he took 
part with the King ; but in the midst of the royal successes he 
foresaw the ruin of the royal cause, passed to the Parliament, 
attached himself to the fortunes of Cromwell, and became member 
of the Council of State. Before all things a strict Parliamentarian, 
however, he was alienated by Cromwell's setting up of absolute 
rule without Parliament ; and a temporary disgrace during the 
last years of the Protectorate only quickened him to an active 
opposition which did much to bring about its fall. His bitter 
invectives against the dead Protector, his intrigues with Monk, and 
the active part which he took, as member of the Council of State, 
in the King's recall, were rewarded at the Restoration with a 
peerage, and with promotion to a foremost share in the royal 
councils. Ashley was then a man of forty, and under the 
Commonwealth he had been, in the contemptuous phrase of 
Dryden when writing as a Tory, " the loudest bagpipe of the 
squeaking train ; " but he was no sooner a minister of Charles than 
he flung himself into the debauchery of the Court with an ardour 
which surprised even his master. " You are the wickedest dog 
in England ! " laughed Charles at some unscrupulous jest of his 




sec, iv counsellor's. " Of a subject, Sir, I believe I am!" was the 
Danby unabashed reply. But the debauchery of Ashley was simply a 
mask. He was in fact temperate by nature and habit, and his 



— ill-health rendered any great excess impossible. Men soon found 

Miniature by S. Cooper, in the possession of the Earl of Shaftesbury. 

that the courtier who lounged in Lady Castlemaine's boudoir, or 
drank and jested with Sedley and Buckingham, was a diligent and 
able man of business. " He is a man," says the puzzled Pepys, 
three years after the Restoration, " of great business, and yet of 
pleasure and dissipation too." His rivals were as envious of the 


ease and mastery with which he dealt with questions of finance, as Sec, iv 

of the "nimble wit" which won the favour of the King. Even in Danby 

. 1673 

later years his industry earned the grudging praise of his enemies. 

Dryden owned that as Chancellor he was " swift to despatch and 

easy of access," and wondered at the restless activity which 

u refused his age the needful hours of rest." His activity indeed 

was the more wonderful that his health was utterly broken. An 

accident in early days left behind it an abiding weakness, whose 

traces were seen in the furrows which seared his long pale face, in 

the feebleness of his health, and the nervous tremor which shook 

his puny frame. The "pigmy body" was "fretted to decay" by 

the " fiery soul " within it. But pain and weakness brought 

with them no sourness of spirit. Ashley was attacked more 

unscrupulously than any statesman save YValpole ; but Burnet, 

who did not love him, owns that he was never bitter or angry in 

speaking of his assailants. Even the wit with which he crushed 

them was commonly good-humoured. " When will you have done 

preaching ? " a bishop murmured testily, as Shaftesbury was 

speaking in the House of Peers. " When I am a bishop, my 

Lord ! " was the lau^hin^ reolv. 

As a statesman Ashley not only stood high among his Shaftes. 

contemporaries from his wonderful readiness and industry, but Policy 

he stood far above them in his scorn of personal profit. Even 

Dryden, while raking together every fault in his character, owns 

that his hands were clean. As a political leader his position was 

to modern eves odd enough. In religion he was at best a Deist, 

with some fanciful notions " that after death our souls lived in 

stars." But Deist as he was, he remained the representative of the 

Presbyterian and Nonconformist party in the royal council. He 

was the steady and vehement advocate of toleration, but his 

advocacy was based on purely political grounds. He saw that 

persecution would fail to bring back the Dissenters to the Church, 

and that the effort to recall them only left the country disunited, 

and thus exposed English liberty to invasion from the Crown, and 

robbed England of all influence in Europe. The one means of 

uniting Churchmen and Dissidents was by a policy of toleration. 

but in the temper of England after the Restoration he saw no 

hope of obtaining toleration save from the King. Wit, debauchery. 

J/Pfcj mm ipphrt, 








• « 









































;8 7 

rapidity in the despatch of business, were all therefore used as a 
means to gain influence over the King, and to secure him as 
a friend in the struggle which Ashley carried on against the 
intolerance of Clarendon. Charles, as we have seen, had his own 
game to play and his own reasons for protecting Ashley during his 
vehement but fruitless struggle against the Test and Corporation 
Act, the Act of Uniformity, and the persecution of the Dissidents. 
Fortune at last smiled on the unscrupulous ability with which he 

Sec. IV 

Dan by 



(Built 1667 — 1669). 

Where the lectures of Gresham College were given from 1768. 

entangled Clarendon in the embarrassments of the Dutch war of 
1664, and took advantage of the alienation of the Parliament to 
ensure his fall. By a yet more unscrupulous bargain Ashley had 
bought, as he believed, the Declaration of Indulgence, the release 
of the imprisoned Nonconformists, and freedom of worship for all 
dissidents, at the price of a consent to the second attack on 
Holland ; and he was looked on by the public at large as the 
minister most responsible both for the measures he advised and 
the measures he had nothing to do with. But while facing the 


Built by Sir Christopher Wren, 1672 — 1679. 




gathering storm of unpopularity Ashley learnt in a moment of 
drunken confidence the secret of the King's religion. He owned 
to a friend " his trouble at the black cloud which was gathering 
over England ; " but, troubled as he was, he still believed himself 
strong enough to use Charles for his own purposes. His accept- 
ance of the Chancellorship and of the Earldom of Shaftesbury, as 
well as his violent defence of the war on opening the Parliament, 
identified him yet more with the royal policy. It was after the 
opening of the Parliament, if 
we credit the statement of the 
French Ambassador, that he learnt 
from Arlington the secret of 
the Treaty of Dover. Whether 
this were so, or whether sus- 
picion, as in the people at 
large, deepened into certainty, 
Shaftesbury saw he had been 
duped. To the bitterness of such 
a discovery was added the bitter- 
ness of having aided in schemes 
which he abhorred. His change 
of policy was rapid and complete. 
He pressed in the royal council 
for the withdrawal of the De- 
claration of Indulgence. In Par- 
liament he supported the Test 
Act with extraordinarv vehem- 
ence. The displacement of James 
and Clifford by the Test left 
him, as he thought, dominant in 

the royal council, and gave him hopes of revenging the deceit 
which had been practised on him by forcing his policy on 
the King. He was resolved to end the war. He had dreams 
of meeting the danger of a Catholic successor by a dissolu- 
tion of the King's marriage and by a fresh match with a 
Protestant princess. For the moment indeed Charles was help- 
less. He found himself, as he had told Lewis long before, 
alone in his realm. The Test Act had been passed unanimously 

Sec. IV 



change of 



Sec. IV 






by both Houses. Even the Nonconformists deserted him, and 
preferred persecution to the support of his plans. The dismissal 
of the Catholic officers made the employment of force, if he ever 
contemplated it, impossible, while the ill success of the Dutch war 
robbed him of all hope of aid from France. The firmness of the 

« ■^^^is^^yf^^i' 1 ^' ~ " ". 


Built 1663. 

Richardson's " Studies from Old English Mansions." 

Prince of Orange had roused the stubborn energy of his country- 
men. The French conquests on land were slowly won back, and 
at sea the fleet of the allies was still held in check by the fine 
seamanship of De Ruyter. Nor was William less successful in 
diplomacy than in war. "The House of Austria was at last roused 



to action by the danger which threatened Europe, and its union 
with the United Provinces laid the foundation of the Grand 
Alliance. If Charles was firm to continue the war, Shaftesbury, 
like the Parliament itself, was resolved on peace ; and for this 
purpose he threw himself into hearty alliance with the Country 
party in the Commons, and welcomed the Duke of Ormond and 
Prince Rupert, who were looked upon as " great Parliament men," 


Sec. IV 

Dan by 



Built 1672. 

back to the royal council. It was to Shaftesbury's influence that 

Charles attributed the dislike which the Commons displayed to 

the war, and their refusal of a grant of supplies until fresh religious 

securities were devised. It was at his instigation that an address 

was presented by both Houses against the plan of marrying James shaft*. 

to a Catholic princess, Mary of Modena. But the projects of J*** 

Shaftesbury were suddenly interrupted by an unexpected act of *££* 

A.T/kHalL uTA? Way (uufaa &V&d£ OJ/uShrM. Sc*A \abu'Jkcr. 

\ •Tht'Zytfaytiffcircurjji CtAin^u 1 . /{cute Y. ajtmrtuMvy Fcr Comfuz/ru/. 


Built before 1675. 

From an Engraving by G. Vertue. 



vigour on the part of the King. The Houses were no sooner sec. iv 
prorogued in November than the Chancellor was ordered to deliver Danbv 
up the Seals. I T 7 G 3 

" It is only laying down my gown and buckling on my sword," 
Shaftesbury is said to have replied to the royal bidding ; and, 


though the words were innocent enough, for the sword was part of Shaftes- 
the usual dress of a gentleman which he must necessarily resume 

when he laid aside the gown of the Chancellor, they were taken as 
conveying a covert threat. He was still determined to force on 
the King a peace with the States. But he looked forward to the 
dangers of the future with even greater anxiety than to those of 
the present. The Duke of York, the successor to the throne, had 
owned himself a Catholic, and almost every one agreed that 
securities for the national religion would be necessary in the case 
of his accession. But Shaftesbury saw, and it is his especial merit 
that he did see, that with a King like James, convinced of his 
Divine Right and bigoted in his religious fervour, securities were 
valueless. From the first he determined to force on Charles his 
brother's exclusion from the throne, and his resolve was justified by 
the Revolution which finally did the work he proposed to do. Un- 
happily he was equally determined to fight Charles with weapons 
as vile as his own. The result of Clifford's resignation, of James's The 
acknowledgement of his conversion, had been to destroy all belief p an ic 
in the honesty of public men. A panic of distrust had begun. 
The fatal truth was whispered that Charles himself was a Catholic. 
In spite of the Test Act, it was suspected that men Catholics in 
heart still held high office in the State, and we know that in 
Arlington's case the suspicion was just. Shaftesbury seized on this 
public alarm, stirred above all by a sense of inability to meet the 
secret dangers which day after day was disclosing, as the means of 
carrying out his plans. He began fanning the panic by tales of a 
Papist rising in London, and of a coming Irish revolt with a 
French army to back it. He retired to his house in the City to 
find security against a conspiracy which had been formed, he said, 
to cut his throat. Meanwhile he rapidly organized the Country 
party in the Parliament, and placed himself openly at its head. 
An address for the removal of ministers " popishly affected or I 6 74 
otherwise obnoxious or dangerous " was presented on the re- 




sec. iv assembling of the Houses. The Commons called on the King to 

danby dismiss Lauderdale, Buckingham, and Arlington, and to disband 

^o 3 the troops raised since 1664. A bill was brought in to prevent all 

1 7 Catholics from approaching the Court, in other words for removing 

James from the King's councils. A far more important bill was 


#«S*?5^. "t 



Built 1679. 
Drawing by Mr. F. A. Hibbert. 

that of the Protestant Securities, which was pressed by Shaftes- 
bury, Halifax, and Carlisle, the leaders of the new Opposition 
in the House of Lords, a bill which enacted that any prince of 
the blood should forfeit his right to the Crown on his marriage 
with a Catholic. The bill, which was the first sketch of the 



I 395 


Seventeenth Century. 
Art Journal. 

Art Journal. 

Dan by 


later Exclusion Bill, failed to pass, but its failure left the Houses Sec. iv 
excited and alarmed. Shaftesbury intrigued busily in the 
City, corresponded with William of Orange, and pressed for 
a war with France which Charles could only avert by an 

appeal to Lewis, a subsidy from 
whom enabled him to prorogue the 
Parliament. But Charles saw that the 
time had come to give way. "Things 
have turned out ill," he said to Temple 
with a burst of unusual petulance, 
" but had I been well served I might 
have made a good business of it." His 
concessions however were as usual 
complete. He dismissed Buckingham 
and Arlington. He made peace with Peace 
the Dutch. But Charles was never Holland 
more formidable than in the moment l674 
of defeat, and he had already resolved 
on a new policy by which the efforts 
of Shaftesbury might be held at bay. 
Ever since the opening of his reign he had clung to a system 
of balance, had pitted Churchman against Nonconformist, and 
Ashley against Clarendon, partly to preserve his own independ- 
ence, and partly with a view of winning some advantage to the 
Catholics from the political strife. The 
temper of the Commons had enabled 
Clarendon to baffle the King's efforts ; and 
on his fall Charles felt strong enough to 
abandon the attempt to preserve a political 
balance, and had sought to carry out his 
designs with the single support of the Non- 
conformists. But the new policy had broken 
down like the old. The Nonconformists 
refused to betray the cause of Protestantism, 

and Shaftesbury, their leader, was pressing on measures which 
would rob Catholicism of the hopes it had gained from the 
conversion of James. In straits like these Charles resolved 

to win back the Commons by boldly adopting the policy on 
Vol. Ill— 30 

Picture by Vandyck in the possession of Mr. F. Vernon Went7vorth. 

chap, ix THE REVOLUTION 1397 

which the House was set. The majority of its members were Sec. iv 
Cavalier Churchmen, who regarded Sir Thomas Osborne, a Danby 
dependant of Arlington's, as their representative in the royal TO 
councils. The King had already created Osborne Earl of Danby, __ 
and made him Lord Treasurer in Clifford's room. In 1674 he 
frankly adopted the policy of Danby and his party in the Parlia- 

The policy of Danby was in the main that of Clarendon. He Danby 
had all Clarendon's love of the Church, his equal hatred of Popery 
and Dissent, his high notions of the prerogative tempered by a 
faith in Parliament and the law. His first measures were directed 
to allay the popular panic, and strengthen the position of James. 
Mary, the Duke's eldest child, and after him the presumptive heir 
to the Crown, was confirmed by the royal order as a Protestant. 
Secret negotiations were opened for her marriage with William of 
Orange, the son of the King's sister Mary, who if James and his 
house were excluded stood next in succession to the crown. Such 
a marriage secured James against the one formidable rival to his 
claims, while it opened to William a far safer chance of mounting 
the throne at his father-in-law's death. The union between the 
Church and the Crown was ratified in conferences between Danby 
and the bishops ; and its first fruits were seen in the rigorous 
enforcement of the law against conventicles, and the exclusion of 
all Catholics from court ; while the Parliament which was assembled 
in 1675 was assured that the Test Act should be rigorously 
enforced. The change in the royal policy came not a moment too 
soon. As it was, the aid of the Cavalier party which rallied round 
Danby hardly saved the King from the humiliation of being forced 
to recall the troops he still maintained in the French service. To 
gain a majority on this point Danby was forced to avail himself of Danby 
a resource which from this time played for nearly a hundred years Commom 
an important part in English politics. He bribed lavishly. He 
was more successful in winning back the majority of the Commons 
from their alliance with the Country party by reviving the old spirit 
of religious persecution. He proposed that the test which had been 
imposed by Clarendon on municipal officers should be extended to 
all functionaries of the State ; that every member of either House, 
every magistrate and public officer, should swear never to take 

*39 8 



Sec IV 





arms against the King or to "endeavour any alteration of the 
Protestant religion now established by law in the Church of 
England, or any alteration in the Government in Church and State 
as it is by law established." The Bill was forced through the 
Lords by the bishops and the Cavalier party, and its passage 
through the Commons was only averted by a quarrel on privi- 
lege between the two 
Houses which Shaftes- 
bury dexterously fanned 
into flame. On the other 
hand the Country party 
remained strong enough 
to hamper their grant 
of supplies with condi- 
tions unacceptable to the 
King. Eager as they 
were for the war with 
France which Danby 
promised, the Commons 
could not trust the 
King ; and Danby was 
soon to discover how 
wise their distrust had 
been. For the Houses 
were no sooner pro- 
rogued than Charles re- 
vealed to him the nego- 
tiations he had been all 
the while carrying on 
with Lewis, and required 
him to sign a treaty by which, on consideration of a yearly 
pension guaranteed on the part of France, the two sovereigns 
bound themselves to enter into no engagements with other 
powers, and to lend each other aid in case of rebellion in their 
dominions. Such a treaty not only bound England to dependence 
on France, but freed the King from all Parliamentary control. 
But his minister pleaded in vain for delay and for the advice of the 
Council. Charles answered his entreaties by signing the treaty 


Guildhall Museum. 







with his own hand. Danby found himself duped by the King as Sec. iv 

Shaftesbury had found himself duped ; but his bold temper was 

only spurred to fresh plans for rescuing Charles from his bondage 

to Lewis. To do this the first step was to reconcile the King and 

the Parliament, which met after a prorogation of fifteen months. 

The Country party stood in the way of such a reconciliation, but Feb - l ^ll 

Danby resolved to break its strength by measures of unscrupulous 

vigour, for which a blunder of Shaftesbury's gave an opportunity. 

Shaftesbury despaired of bringing the House of Commons, elected 

as it had been fifteen years before in a moment of religious and 

Guildhall Museum. 

political reaction, to any steady opposition to the Crown. He had 
already moved an address for a dissolution ; and he now urged that 
as a statute of Edward the Third ordained that Parliaments should 
be held " once a year or oftener if need be," the Parliament by the 
recent prorogation of a year and a half had ceased legally to exist. 
The Triennial Act deprived such an argument of any force. But 
Danby represented it as a contempt of the House, and the Lords 
at his bidding committed its supporters, Shaftesbury, Buckingham, 
Salisbury, and Wharton, to the Tower. While the Opposition 
cowered under the blow, Danby pushed on a measure which was 
designed to win back alarmed Churchmen to confidence in the 




Sec. IV 




Treaty of 



Crown. By the Bill for the security of the Church it was provided 
that on the succession of a king not a member of the Established 
Church the appointment of bishops should be vested in the existing 
prelates, and that the King's children should be placed in the 
guardianship of the Archbishop of Canterbury. 

The bill however failed in the Commons ; and a grant of supply 
was only obtained by Danby's profuse bribery. The progress of 
the war abroad, indeed, was rousing panic in England faster than 

Guildhall Museum. 

Danby could allay it. New successes of the French arms in 
Flanders, and a defeat of the Prince of Orange at Cassel, stirred 
the whole country to a cry for war. The two Houses echoed the 
cry in an address to the Crown ; but Charles parried the blow by 
demanding a supply before the war was declared, and on the refusal 
of the still suspicious House prorogued the Parliament. Fresh and 
larger subsidies from France enabled him to continue this pro- 
rogation for seven months. But the silence of the Parliament did 
little to silence the country ; and Danby took advantage of the 



popular cry for war to press an energetic course of action on the 
King. In its will to check French aggression the Cavalier party 
was as earnest as the Puritan, and Danby aimed at redeeming 


his failure at home by uniting the Parliament through a vigorous 


Guildhall Museum. 

policy abroad. As usual, Charles appeared to give way. He was 
himself for the moment uneasy at the appearance of the French on 
the Flemish coast, and he owned that " he could never live at 
ease with his subjects " if Flanders were abandoned. He allowed 
Danby, therefore, to press on both parties the necessity for mutual 




Sec^iv concessions, and to define the new attitude of England by a step 
Danbv which was to produce momentous results. The Prince of Orange 


From an etching by A. Mongin, in Hemerton's Portfolio of Art, of a picture by Sir P. Lelv at 

Hampton Court. 

was invited to England, and wedded to Mary, the presumptive 
heiress of the Crown. The marriage promised a close political 


union in the future with Holland, and a corresponding opposition sec. iv 
to the ambition of France. With the country it was popular as a Daxby 
Protestant match, and as ensuring a Protestant successor to James. TO 
But Lewis was bitterly angered ; he rejected the English proposi- __ 

tions of peace, and again set his army in the field. Danby was ' ar ^ ta S e 

ready to accept the challenge, and the withdrawal of the English William 

J ■ s ' & and Mary 

ambassador from Paris was followed by an assembly of the Parlia- Y ^% 
ment. A warlike speech from the throne was answered by a 
warlike address from the House, supplies were voted, and an army 
raised. But the actual declaration of war still failed to appear. 
While Danby threatened France, Charles was busy turning the 
threat to his own profit, and gaining time by prorogations for a 
series of base negotiations. At one stage he demanded from Lewis 
a fresh pension for the next three years as the price of his good 
offices with the allies. Danby stooped to write the demand, and 
Charles added, " This letter is written by my order, C.R."' A force 
of three thousand English soldiers were landed at Ostend ; but the 
allies were already broken by their suspicions of the King's real 
policy, and Charles soon agreed for a fresh pension to recall the 
brigade. The bargain was hardly struck when Lewis withdrew the 
terms of peace he had himself offered, and on the faith of which 
England had ostensibly retired from the scene. Once more Danby 
offered aid to the allies, but all faith in England was lost. One 
power after another gave way to the new French demands, and July 1678 
though Holland, the original cause of the war, was saved, the 
Peace of Nimeguen made Lewis the arbiter of Europe. 

Disgraceful as the peace was to England, it left Charles the The 
master of a force of twenty thousand men levied for the war he pf ot 
refused to declare, and with nearly a million of French money 
in his pocket. His course had roused into fresh life the old 
suspicions of his perfidy, and of a secret plot with Lewis for the 
ruin of English freedom and of English religion. That there was 
such a plot we know ; and from the moment of the Treaty of 
Dover the hopes of the Catholic party mounted even faster 
than the panic of the Protestants. But they had been 
bitterly disappointed by the King's withdrawal from his schemes 
after his four years ineffectual struggle, and by his seeming 
return to the policy of Clarendon. Their anger and despair were 




Sec. IV 





revealed in letters from English Jesuits, and the correspondence 
of Coleman. Coleman, the secretary of the Duchess of York, 
and a busy intriguer, had gained sufficient knowledge of the 
real plans of the King and of his brother to warrant him in 
begging for money from Lewis for the work of saving Catholic 
interests from Danby's hostility by intrigues in the Parliament. 
A passage from one of his letters gives us a glimpse of the 

wild dreams which were 

stirring among the hotter 
Catholics of the time. 
" They had a mighty work 
on their hands," he wrote, 
" no less than the conver- 
sion of three kingdoms, 
and by that perhaps the 
utter subduing of a pesti- 
lent heresy which had so 
long domineered over a 
great part of the northern 
world. Success would give 
the greatest blow to the 
Protestant religion that it 
had received since its 
birth." The suspicions 
which had been stirred in 
the public mind mounted 
into alarm when the Peace 
of Nimeguen suddenly left 
Charles master — as it 
seemed — of the position ; 
and it was of this general 
panic that one of the vile impostors who are always thrown to 
the surface at times of great public agitation was ready to 
take advantage by the invention of a Popish plot. Titus Oates, 
a Baptist minister before the Restoration, a curate and navy 
chaplain after it, but left penniless by his infamous character, 
had sought bread in- a conversion to Catholicism, and had been 
received into Jesuit houses at Valladolid and St. Omer. While 

Coleman epcamma 7 ul ATerv: 
•.gale ly Jev£ral2L ords . 



British Museum. 




Sec. IV 



he remained there, he learnt the fact of a secret meeting of the 
Jesuits in London, which was probably nothing but the usual 
congregation of the order. On his expulsion for misconduct this 
single fact widened in his fertile brain into a plot for the subver- 
sion of Protestantism and the death of the King. His story was 
laid before Charles, and received with cool incredulity ; but Au g- l6 7^ 
Oates made affidavit 
of its truth before a 
London magistrate, Sir 
Edmondsbury Godfrey, 
and at last managed 
to appear before the 
Council. He declared 
that he had been trust- 
ed with letters which 
disclosed the Jesuit 
plans. They were stir- 
ring rebellion in Ire- 
land ; in Scotland they 
disguised themselves as 
Cameronians ; in Eng- 
land their aim was to 
assassinate the King, 
and to leave the throne 
open to the Papist 
Duke of York. The 
extracts from Jesuit 
letters however which 
he produced, though 
they showed the dis- 
appointment and anger 

of the writers, threw no light on the monstrous charges of a 
plot for assassination. Oates would have been dismissed indeed 
with contempt but for the seizure of Coleman's correspondence 
His letters gave a new colour to the plot. Danby himself, 
conscious of the truth that there were designs which Charles 
dared not avow, was shaken in his rejection of the disclosures, 
and inclined to use them as weapons to check the King in his 

DrOates difcouerethu \Plol 
to y I&ny andCoun ce 11 . 



British Museum. 




Sec. IV 

Dan by 



Catholic policy. But a more dexterous hand had already seized 
on the growing panic. Shaftesbury, released after a long 
imprisonment and hopeless of foiling the King's policy in any 
other way, threw himself into the plot. " Let the Treasurer cry 
as loud as he pleases against Popery," he laughed, " I will cry 
a note louder." But no cry was needed to heighten the popular 

frenzy from the moment 
when Sir Edmonds- 
bury Godfrey, the ma- 
gistrate before whom 
Oates had laid his in- 
formation, was found 
in a field near London 
with his sword run 
through his heart. His 
death was assumed to 
be murder, and the 
murder to be an at- 
tempt of the Jesuits 
to " stifle the plot." A 
solemn funeral added 
to public agitation ; 
and the two Houses 
named committees to 
investigate the charges 
made by Oates. 

In this investiga- 
tion Shaftesbury took 
the lead. Whatever his 
personal ambition may 
have been, his public 
aims in all that followed were wise and far-sighted. He aimed 
Danby at forcing Charles to dissolve Parliament and appeal to the 
nation. He aimed at driving Danby out of office and at forcing 
on Charles a ministry which should break his dependence on 
France and give a constitutional turn to his policy. He saw 
that no security would really avail to meet the danger of a 
Catholic sovereign, and he aimed at excluding James from the 

SJj£Ji.Goclfy*ec taketny D* 
Oates his depositions. 


British Altiseicm. 

Fall of 




Cap} Bedlonr carryinj letters 
to Jorraiont Paris . 

throne. But in pursuing these aims he rested wholly on the 
plot. He fanned the popular panic by accepting without question 
some fresh depositions in which Oates charged five Catholic 
peers with part in the Jesuit conspiracy. The peers were sent 
to the Tower, and two thousand suspected persons were hurried 
to prison. A proclamation ordered every Catholic to leave 
London. The trainbands were called to arms, and patrols 

paraded through the streets, 
to guard against the Ca- 
tholic rising which Oates 
declared to be at hand. 
Meanwhile Shaftesbury 
turned the panic to politi- 
cal account by forcing 
through Parliament a bill 
which excluded Catholics 
from a seat in either 
House. The exclusion re- 
mained in force for a cen- 
tury and a half; but it 
had really been aimed 
against the Duke of York, 
and Shaftesbury was de- 
feated by a proviso which 
exempted James from the 
operation of the bill. The 
plot, which had been sup- 
ported for four months by 
the sole evidence of Oates, 
began to hang fire ; but a 
promise of reward brought 
forward a villain, named Bedloe, with tales beside which those 
of Oates seemed tame. The two informers were now pressed 
forward by an infamous rivalry to stranger and stranger reve- 
lations. Bedloe swore to the existence of a plot for the landing 
of a Catholic army and a general massacre of the Protestants. 
Oates capped the revelations of Bedloe by charging the Queen 
herself, at the bar of the Lords, with knowledge of the plot to 


\V. FAITHORNE, 1684. 

British Museum. 

Sec. IV 







in s. Helen's church, bishopsgate. 




murder her husband. Monstrous as such charges were, they 
revived the waning frenzy of the people and of the two Houses. 
The peers under arrest were ordered to be impeached. A new 
proclamation enjoined the arrest of every Catholic in the realm. 
A series of judicial murders began with the trial and execution 
of Coleman, which even now can only be remembered with 
horror. But the alarm must soon have worn out had it only 
been supported by perjury. What gave force to the false plot 
was the existence of a true one. Coleman's letters had won 
credit for the perjuries of Oates, and a fresh discovery now won 
credit for the perjuries of Bedloe. From the moment when the 
pressure of the Commons and of Danby had forced Charles 
into a position of seeming antagonism to France, Lewis had re- 
solved to bring about the dissolution of the Parliament, the fall 
of the Minister, and the disbanding of the army which Danby 
still looked on as a weapon against him. For this purpose the 
French ambassador had entered into negotiations with the leaders 
of the Country party. The English ambassador at Paris, Ralph 
Montagu, now returned home on a quarrel with Danby, obtained a 
seat in the House of Commons, and in spite of the seizure of his 
papers, laid on the table of the House the despatch which had 
been forwarded to Lewis, demanding payment for the King's 
services to France during the late negotiations. The House was 
thunderstruck ; for strong as had been the general suspicion, the 
fact of the dependence of England on a foreign power had never 
before been proved. Danby's name was signed to the despatch, 
and he was at once impeached on a charge of high treason. But 
Shaftesbury was more eager to secure the election of a new 
Parliament than to punish his rival, and Charles was resolved 
to prevent at any price a trial which could not fail to reveal the 
disgraceful secret of his foreign policy. Charles was in fact at 
Shaftesbury's mercy, and the end for which Shaftesbury had been 
playing was at last secured. In January, 1679, the Parliament 
of 1 66 1, after the longest unbroken life in our Parliamentary 
annals, was at last dissolved. 

Sec. IV 





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