King Bolton, The Life of Mazzini | Italy | Romanticism
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Bertram

A.

Davis

from the books of The late Lionel Davis, K.C.

/'

EVERYMAN'S LIBRARY
EDITED BY ERNEST RHYS

BIOGRAPHY

THE LIFE OF MAZZINI


BY BOLTON KING, M.A.

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LIFE S^MAZZINI
fy B

THE

OLTON

KING

MA

LONDON:PUBL!SHED
IaND
in

BY EP DUTTONSCO

new YORK]

,2

H3Ki>

9
First Issue of
^s Eduioi;
. .

Reprinted

1912 19^4

All rights reserved

Preface
life of Mazzini and a study of can hardly be said that any serious attempt has been made either in England or Italy to Hence the present volume, however deal with either.

This volume contains a


It

his thought.

unequal to the subject,


years,
it

may have

its use.

The

thirty

which have passed since Mazzini's death, make

now to place him in his true perspective ; author trusts that the supreme admiration, the and
possible

which he

feels

for

Mazzini as a man, has not pre-

vented him from viewing the politician with imparThere exists abundant matter to allow us to tiality.

judge Mazzini's

political

work, and

it

is

unlikely that

anything yet to be published will seriously affect our For the personal side of Mazzini's life, estimate of it.
the

Ten years is not a very opportune one. to been reminiscences have would possible glean ago It has been the from many, who are now silent.

moment
it

author's privilege, however, to obtain invaluable infor-

mation from two of the very few persons now living, who knew Mazzini intimately. While it is nearly too
late for personal reminiscences, it is too early to avail oneself fully of Mazzini's correspondence. good

many

of his letters have indeed been published, and

via

Preface

have been able to use a good many unpublished ones, especially his correspondence with Mr and Mrs Peter
have found of the greatest value. But unfortunately only one volume has as yet appeared of the collected edition of his correspondence, and there
I

Taylor, which

are
to

still

probably

many

of his

letters,

which have yet


the second

come to light in Italy. With regard to the study, which occupies

part of this volume, the author is very sensible of his limitations in dealing with so vast and complex a
It system as Mazzini's ethical and political thought. is his hope that he may do something to stimulate

more competent
field.

writers

to labour in a very

fruitful
is

He

believes that the


its

more Mazzini's thought


essential

disentangled, the more

importance

will

appear.

have to acknowledge gratefully the kindness of those who have helped me in writing this book. Above
I

all I

am indebted to Mr and Mrs W. T. Malleson, to whom I owe the loan of the Peter Taylor correspond;

ence and other invaluable help


letting

to Miss

Shaen

for

me

see Mazzini's letters to her father,

Mr W.

Shaen, and the

MS.

of the
;

now

first

published

Prayer for the Planters," to Mr Milner-Gibson Cullum,

"

Miss Dorothea Hickson, Mr Mazzini Stuart, Mr P. S. King, and Miss Galeer for the loan of unpublished letters from Mazzini. I have also to acknowledge my
grateful thanks to

among whom

me, would especially mention Miss Ashurst


others,

many

who have

assisted

Preface
Biggs, Signur Mario Borsa,

ix

Mr James Bryce, M.P., Mr W. Burnley, Signora Giuditta Casali-Benvenuti (ta whom I owe the portrait of her grandmother, Giuditta Sidoli), Mr T. Chambers, Signor Felice Dagnino, Signor
G. Gallavresi, Mrs Goodwin, Miss Edith Harvey,

Mr

Martineau,

H. M. Hyndman, Dr Courtney Kenny, Miss Lucy Professor Masson, Mr C. E. Maurice,. Mademoiselle Dora Melegari, Mr D. Nathan, Mr T.

Okey, Mr Chas. Roberts,


Editrice

Mr J.

J.

Stansfeld, the Societa

Sonzogno

(for

permission to reproduce

some

illustrations from

Mr W.

R.

Madame White Mario's life of Mazzini) Thayer, and Mr Remsen Whitehouse.

October 1902.

BOLTON KING.
book has allowed

A
the

reissue of the

me

to revise

it

in

light of recent publications referring to Mazzini. good many more of his letters have been printed since 1 902 (including a second volume of the Epis-

tolario\

but with

the

exception

of

Mademoiselle

Melegari's collection of his letters to her father, they are not important. Nor, with the exception of Signor

Cantimori's illuminating Saggio, have I useful recent studies of his thought.

found any adhere to^ the view that subsequent research will add little to our I am glad, however, to be able knowledge of him. now to take a different view of his connection with
I

still

the publication of Kossuth's manifesto in 1853, ^"^ of Madame Sidoli's mission to Florence in 1833 (see
pp.

68 and 169.

BOLTON KING.
Warwick, November
191
1.

will be found on page 367. complete Bibliography of Mazzini

Table of Contents
CHAPTER
1805-1831.
1

The Home at Genoa


Aetato-25

Boyhood and Youth University Life Literary Studies Classicism and Romanticism ^Joins the Carbonari Arrest and Exile

fAGU
1-19

CHAPTER n
Young Italy
1

831-1833.
Revolution

Aetat 25-27
of

Condition of Italy

The

1831

Young
;

Italy

Its
War

Principles
Its

Belief in Italy ; Inspiration of Political System : Republicanism ;


:

Duty

Social

Reform
;

with Austria

Secret Societies

Italian

Unity

20-34

CHAPTER HI
Marseilles
1831-1834.

Aetat 25-28

At Marseilles

Spread
Plot in

The Army

Letter to Charles Albert Italy PiedmontAt GenevaThe Savoy Raid


of

Young

35-50

CHAPTER
1 834- 1

IV

Switzerland
836.

Aetat 28-31

Life in Crisis Principles of the Revolution Young Switzerland Young Europe Liter ry Work Women Friends
:

Exile Mental

Giuditta Sidoli

Madeleine de Mandrot

SX-7

xii

Table of Contents
CHAPTER V
London
[837-1843.

Aetat 31-38
PAGB

Life in

Condition English FriendsThe Carlyles London LamennaisSpiritual and George Sand Literary Work Decay of

Young ItalyThe Working Men

.
Italian

School at Hatton Garden

Appeal to

73*99

CHAPTER

VI

The Revolution
1

843- 1 848.

Aetat 38-43

Politics in

ItalyThe Bandieras The Post-Office ScandalThe

At Milan

People's International League Life in 1845-47 Letter to Pio Nono Attitude towards the Royalists The Revolution of 1848

..

CHAPTER
VII

100-123

The Roman Republic


1

848- 1 849.

Aetat 43-44

The

Collapse of the War The People's War At FlorenceThe Mission of Rome The Roman Republic The Triumvirate . Attitude to the ChurchThe French Attack . . 123-138

CHAPTER

VIII

London Again
1

849- 1 859.

Aetat 44-54

In Switzerland Life in London English Friends English Politics " . . . and Literature The " Friends of Italy , 139-T53

Table of Contents
CHAPTER
IX

xiii

Mazzini and Cavour


1850- 1857.
1 lie

Aetat 45-52

Piedrnontese School Mazzini and Cavour The French Alliance Mazzini and Manin The Theory of the DaggerConThe Genoese plot of 1857 spiracies

PAGV

....

154-175

CHAPTER X
Unity Half
1858-1860.

Won

Aetat 53-55

The War

Plans for the South Garibaldi's . 176-1S8 Expedition Projected Raid into Umbria At Naples ,
of 1859

At

Florence

CHAPTER

XI

For Venice
1861-1866.
Policy after

Aetat 56-61
in

Altitude
Plot

American

i860 Disappointment towards the Monarchy


and
Irish

Italy Life in England The Greco Politics Mazzini and Garibaldi


of 1866
.

Rome and Venice-

Overtures from Victor

Emmanuel The War

189-207

CHAPTER

XII

The Last Years


1

866 -1 87 2.

Aetat 61-66

The Republican Alliance Life at Lugano Mentana Republican Movement in 1868-70 Intrigue with Bismarck Imprisonment

at Gaeta,

and Release

Attack on the International Denih

308-29V

xiv

Table of Contents
CHAPTER
XIII

Religion
Religion Essential to Society Paramountcy of the Spiritual CritiProtestantism Christ's Catholicism cism of Christianity Teaching its Truths and Imperfections The Doctrines of the
; ;
:

PAGI

New
Truth
Unity

Faith
:

Immortality The Criteria of Progress Tradition Humanity The Need of the Conscience
:

God

Authority

Church and State

the

New

Church

222-24{

CHAPTER XIV
Duty
Morality Depends on an Ideal Criticism of the Theory of Rights and Utilitarianism Happiness not the End of Life Life is a Mission Work for the Sake of Duty Thought Useless without Action Power of the Principle of Duty Duties to Self; Family;

Country

........

CHAPTER XV
The State
the State

249-26^

The Moral Law and


ciation,

Education

Sovereignty

Duties
is

of the State
in

God Democracy The


Ideal State
.
.

Liberty, Asso-

Ideal

Government The Republic The

267-282

CHAPTER XVI
Social Theories
Importance of Social QuestionsTheir Moral Basis Attack on Socialism Contrast between Mazzini's and its Theories and
j/

Work Social Programme Cooperation

283-29

CHAPTER

XVII

Nationality
Country and Humanity The Marks of Nationality the Will of the Patriotism InterPeople the Sense of National Mission
: ;

national Solidarity Ethics of Foreign Policy


national Function

War; EuropeThe SlavsThe United States of Europe Italy's

Non-intervention the Special Missions of each Country The Future of


;

.......
Inter-

296-31

Table of Contents
CHAPTER
The Function
of the Critic

XV

XVIII
PAOB

Literary Criticism

i/

The Function of the PoetArt must must be avoid 'Art for the sake of Art' and Realism Human, Social, Didactic Poetry of Modern LifeThe Historical Drama Music 'Objective' and 'Subjective' Poets DanteShakespeare Goethe Byron
It

....
.

312-328^

CHAPTER XIX
The Man
Poetic

Temperament

Teacher

Defects as a Thinker Greatness as a Moral Strength and Weakness as a PoliticianThe Man


APPENDIX A

V
329-341

Some Unpublished

(in

one case privately published) Letters and

Papers, written by Mazzini

APPENDIX B
Bibliography of Mazzini's Writings

..... .....

343-367

367-373

INDEX

374

Where

there

is

no

vision, the people perish."

Chapter

The Home
1

at

Genoa

805- 1 83 1.

Aetat 0-25

Boyhood and Youth University Life Literary Studies and Romanticism ^Joins the Carbonari Arrest and

Classicism
Exile.

Joseph Mazzini was born in the Via Lomellina at His father was a doctor Grenoa on June 22, 1805. Df some repute and Professor of Anatomy at the University, a democrat in creed and life, who gave
at fnuch of his time to unpaid service of the poor lome affectionate and loved, though sometimes hard
;

md

His mother, to imperious. be bore a strong resemblance,


levoted
Italian
:he

whom

in

after life

woman, who had


;

little

was a capable and of the weakness of an

mother, and brought up her children to bear brunt of life with strong interest in the mighty

novements that were remoulding Europe at the time, I mordant critic of governors and governments inside he four walls of her house. It was a happy home, md " Pippo " grew up the darling of his parents and
hree sisters, a delicate, sensitive, gentle child, quick ind insistent to learn despite his father's fears for his
lealth,
-le

and giving precocious proof of brilliant talents. was nearly nine years old, when the Napoleonic ystem was shattered, and the Emperor went to Elba.

The Home
Italian born

at

Genoa
to exile in

Doubtless, Mazzini heard from his father that Napoleon

was

and was going

an Italian

The shock of the downfall was felt at Genoa, island. for the proud city, to which Lord William Bentinck had promised in the name of England its ancient " republics were no lopger independence, learnt that fashionable," and saw itself helplessly made over to
the alien
rule

of Piedmont.

Bitterly
liberties,

chafed at the

traffic

of their

sure that there

was republican

talk in

the Genoese and we may be Mazzini's home,

which sank into the mind of the thoughtful child, He himself mentions four influences that turned his
boyish

mind

to

democracy

his

parents'

uniform

courtesy to every rank of life; the reminiscences ol the French republican wars in the talk at home some numbers of an old Girondist paper, which his

father kept half hidden, for fear of the police, behind his

and more than all these, probably " The ^he classics that he read under his Latin tutor. history of Greece and Rome," wrote a fellow-student
medical books
;

"

the only thing taught us with any care at school was little else than a constant libel upon monarchy and a panegyric upon the democratic form of govern-

ment."

Like

many

for school exercises to

another boy of his time who hac declaim the praises of Cato anc

the Bruti, he came to regard republics as the appointee homes of virtue. It was the unintended fruit of th<,
classical training, which the despotic governments o the time fostered to keep their youth innocent of an] itch for innovation.

So he
changed

lived

his

quiet, studious

home-life,

till

ai

incident one day,


its

when he was nearly sixteen, suddenl; tenor. The Carbonaro revolutions of i82(

The Home

at

Genoa
;

and 1 8 2 1 had ended in deserved collapse and the Piedmontese Liberals, abandoned and defeated, crowded to Genoa and Sampierdarena, while yet there was time to escape to Spain. Some had fled penniless, and Mazzini, walking with his mother, noted their despairing faces, and watched while a collection was made for them in the streets. Their memory haunted him, and with a boy's enthusiasm for his heroes, he longed He neglected his lessons, and sat to follow them. moody and absorbed, interested only in gleaning news Df the exiles and learning the history of their defeat, [n his boyish impatience, which came near the truth, " le felt they might have won, if all had done their duty," and the thought puzzled and obsessed him. Be insisted on dressing in black, and kept the habit He brooded over Foscolo's Jacopo o the end of life. Ortis^ till the morbid pessimism of the book wrought )n him, and his mother, apparently with good reason,
eared suicide.

lis

In time he recovered his balance, and went back to books with the old zest. He was now studying
;

nedicine, intending to follow his father's profession )ut at his first attendance in the operation room he
ainted,

and

it

was
his

clear that

he could never be a

urgeon.^

To

father

it

must have been a sore

isappointment, but he seems to have at once recogised the inevitable, and allowed the lad to read law. lazzini had little heart in his new studies, for the
^ So Madame Mario, who probably had it from Mazzini's mother, and [adame Venturi oa the authority of a college friend. The memoir by lother fellow-student in Epistolario di G. Mazzini^ I. xxix. says that he ji

ought that a doctor was not free to express his opinions for fear of fending his patients, and that he therefore never studied medicine ; so o Donaver, Uoniini e librt, 70. But see his Vitadi G. Mazzini^ 13, on
>parently

good evidence.

The Home

at

Genoa

arid, perfunctory teaching of law current at the time had small attraction for one who wanted to know the reason

but he persevered, and did well in his exof things aminations, though it is probable that he always gave a big slice of his time to reading poetry and history.
;

He was now
to school,

at the University.
is

Probably he went
;

at all it though there events he seems to have escaped the brutality and bad pedagogy, which generally made school life then one long misery for a high- principled or sensitive lad. University life began at an early age in Italy, and Mazzini had matriculated at Genoa, when he was fourteen. So far as his fellow-students were concerned, he in was happy surroundings. But he was a troublesome
scholar, always ready to rebel against the formalities

some doubt about

that

made a big part of University life. To the last he refused to attend the compulsory religious observances,
compulsory
;

not because he disliked them, but because they were and the authorities, tolerant for once, shut their eyes to his insubordination. The University

of Genoa did not possess a high name for scholarship and at this time it had its special drawbacks, for the
;

government was scared by the recent revolution, and fearful that a few hundred lads might shake the pillars of the state. No one could matriculate without certificate that he had regularly attended church and confession. Those, whose parents did not possess a certain quantity of landed property, had to pass a
examination, though at the worst, it is probable not a very prohibitive one. Lecturers, beadles, porters all had the cue from government to make life unstififer

pleasant for the students, and the better professon dared not be detected in any leniency or considerate
ness.

Moustaches were forbidden, as a mark of

tht

eGrr^o/k
"in:'wKkK'>\AZZJlNf]
.-/_

The Home

at

Genoa

evolutionary mind, and if any student, greatly daring grew them, he was carried off between two carabineers
to a barber's shop.

Mazzini soon became a leader


living,

among

the clean-

His appearance was now, as always, very striking he had a high and prominent forehead, black, flashing eyes,
affectionate,

impetuous

undergraduates.
;

fine olive features, set in

a mass of thick black hair,

a grave, serious face, that could look hard at times, He led but readily melted in the kindliest of smiles. a studious, retiring life, fond of gymnastics and fencing,

but with small taste for amusements, his cigars and his days spent among his coffee his only indulgences books, his evenings with his mother, or in long solitary walks that defied the weather, or in rare and stolen visits to the theatre, which he had to leave after the
;

home was rigorously shut at ten. make close friendships, he was no misanthrope. He played much on the guitar
first

act,

for

the

But, though he was slow to

and sang well to it and his musical talents and clever reciting made him in demand among his middle-class and patrician friends. There was none yet of the halfbitter sadness of after life he had a shrewd sense of when humour, perhaps inherited from his mother warmed by enthusiasm or indignation, he could speak with a fiery eloquence, that was remarkable even among
; ;

those

declamatory

Italian

"

wrote afterwards, "was


things, life
love,

youths. then a smile for

My

soul,"

he

all

created

my

showed to my virgin fancy as a dream oi warmest thoughts were for nature's lovelinesf

and the

ideal

woman

of

my

youth."

He

revelled

ir

generous actions, sharing books clothes, with his poorer friends.

and money, ever But it was sheei

The Home
force of character that

at

Genoa

7
made him

them

the

gave him his ascendancy over

loyal, justice-loving nature that

champion of every victim of undergraduate or professorial spite, the purity of thought, that checked each loose or coarse word from those about him.
high soul, untouched by self, not knowing fear, passionate for righteousness, gave him even when a lad the power that belongs only to the saints of God. His closest friends were three brothers, Jacopo, Giovanni, and Agostino Ruffini. Jacopo, the eldest of the three, had perhaps more influence on Mazzini's life than any other man. They were born on the same and Jacopo's fine, sensitive, enthusiastic nature day matched well with Mazzini's own. The tragic fate, that afterwards brought his life to an early close, only

That

clear,

strengthened the influence


dear, who gave
a perennial inspiration to

and the memory of one so

his life for their

common

cause, remained

keep

his faith alive in years of

weariness and failure.


of Jacopo's

The

other brothers had


this
;

little

temperament.

Giovanni at

time was

even-tempered, humourous, brilliant lad Agostino ^as impressionable, impulsive, shallow, of quick and
irtistic

Mazzini's closest companions for some /ears, they proved"how little they could rise to his ligh level, and they repaid his devotion by a want
nature.
)f

sympathy and an
at
all

ingratitude, which, in Agostino's

:ase

ittained in their small

In later life both both were way deputies in the ^iedmontese parliament, and Giovanni was minister at
events,
gross.
;

was

^aris.

They long moved

in

Agostino, who jjome reputation there. teacher at Edinburgh, is the " Signor
jjells

English society and had was for a time


"

Sperano

who

the story of

Tke Poor

Clare,

in

Mrs

Gaskell's

8
Round
in

The Home

at

Genoa

the Sofa. Giovanni, who became as proficient mother tongue, wrote two notable in his as English

but

now

A ntonio,

half-forgotten tales, Lorenzo Benoni and Doctot which stand among the best second-rate noveh

of his time.

Under Mazzini's lead the group of friends at Genoa formed a society to study literature and politics anc Half the masterpieces smuggle in forbidden books. of contemporary European literature came at this time under the censor's ban no foreign papers were admitted except two ultra-monarchical French journals and contraband was a necessity of literary study Mazzini's strongest interests took him to literature He read omnivorously in Italian and French anc Hij English and translations from the German.^ favourite books, he tells us, were the Bible and Dante His close knowledge of the Shakespeare and Byron. comes in He shec out everything he wrote. jQospels his orthodoxy indeed as soon as he began to think he went sometimes to mass, when a lad, and reac
;

but h< Condorcet's Esquisse disguised as a missal refused to go to confession as soon as he understooc its meaning, the one thing, apparently, in all his lif
;

which pained his mother. For a short time he wen a of -through phase scepticism, but the Ruffinis' mothe soon rescued him from this, and a deep religious fait) came to him, to remain the spring of all his life. Th poets he loved best were Dante and Byron, and always remained true to them. From Dante he learn

many of the master-ideas of his mind, the conceptio: of the unity of man and unity of law, the fervid patrio'
^ He seems never to have learnt to read German he could not do so till comparatively late in life.

easily

at all

even

The Home

at

Genoa

ism, the belief in Italy and Rome predestined to be teachers of the world, the faith in Italian Unity, the

moral strength that makes life one long fight for good. only some twenty years old, he wrote an essay on Dante's patriotism, which, however boyish in style, proves his close knowledge of the master. Byron was then at the height of his fame, and then, as always afterwards, Mazzini thought him the greatest of

S
^

When

modern English, perhaps of modern European poets. He was " completely fascinated " by Goethe, and would often say that " to pass a day with him or a genius like him would be the fairest day of life." ;How his admiration for Goethe waned, while that for
Byron grew,

more and than too came irespect enjoyment, Shakespeare Ijnder the same ban as Goethe. He thought very of him and with Schiller, iiighly placed ^Eschylus and
Shakespeare, as the third great dramatist of the world. at this JHe read a good deal of English literature
;

will be told in another chapter.^ read Shakespeare, but always, apparently, with

He

was a fervent admirer of Scott, but he seems ifterwards to have lost his interest in him he knew of at least Wordsworth and something Shelley, Burns md Crabbe. Modern French literature, except de v^igny's and some of Victor Hugo's writings, did not low (nor, with the exception of George Sand and
:ime he
;

i^amennais, at

any

time), appeal to him, for he dis-

iked

the

tendencies

of French

Romanticism, and^/

ilready there

were the beginnings of his life-long pre-^^

udice against most things French.


Alfieri

Among

his

modern

and Foscolo were his ellow-countrymen avourites he read Manzoni and Guerrazzi, but largely
;

See pp. 325-327-

lO

The Home

at

Genoa

to criticise them,

though he was ready to do justice to

the

He thought Mickiewicz, the strength of both. " Polish national poet, the most powerful poetic nature
of the time."

The

classics

he no doubt read pretty

was then bound to do, impression on him, for whom his veneration was unexcept -^schylus, and Both Tacitus. now and later he gave bounded, much time to metaphysical and political writers. He
widely, as every educated lad but none seem to have made

much

read something of Hegel, whom he detested for his Dolitical fatalism, of Kant and Fichte but the German
;

Twho

influenced

^/lerder.

him most was the now- forgotten From him he learned or confirmed his

spiritual conception of life, his belief in immortality, his theory of the progress of humanity and man's

co-operation

in

the

Italian philosophers

work of Providence./ Among he studied Giordano Bruno and


latter

Vico

he

rated the
as

at

his

real

regarded him
trace

the great luminary

worth, and of an Italian

school of thought whose continuity he professed to from Pythagoras. Among political writers

Macchiavelli certainly impressed


Italian

him most,

as a great

patriot, and he excused his morality as a He seems to have known product of his time. of deal Voltaire and Rousseau. Of recent good and his circle most read Guizot he political writers, and Victor Cousin, whose lectures at this time made them the mentors of young liberalism he records how the group at Genoa handed on to one another manuscript copies of the lectures, and found their
;

inspiration in the as traitors.

men whom they were soon


after, literature

to regard
call thai

Now

and

for

long

was the

The Home

at

Genoa
;

1 1

Politics and conspiracyspoke sweetest to Mazzini. were constraining but unwelcomed duties he gave To be a dramatist or write his love to literature. historical novels was at this time his plan of life. Many a time in later years he was still looking for the day, when Italy would be united and free, and, his political task accomplished, he could give himself a history to the literary schemes he still cherished, of religious ideas, a popular history of Italy, and the editing of a series of the great dramas of the world. But the burden of his country's woe lay too heavily on him to be long forgotten. It was no time now

Dante studies or play-writing. willingly he convinced himself that


for

at such

Sadly and una time

pure literature was no patriot's first task, that the writer, who would not shirk his duty, must make his work political. Not but what the literary critic still
teaching

but the whole gist of his appears on every page is that the value of a book is in proportion to its power to inform the reader's soul to love of
;

country and mankind, and impel him to serve his He fellows by political action in the sight of God.
held
it wasted effort to do, what Manzoni had tried to do, to school the individual to a smug life of cloistered virtue, a life which in a vicious or torpid

society

was impossible to the many. '^No

religion, no.,

morality, he taught, is worth the writer's labours, unless 'J * it dedicates men to be workers in the public cause, to hold comfort, and, if need be, home and life itself

cheap, while oppression and wrong are stunting other lives, and men and women round are crying to
as

be freed. ^ He found his opportunity in the controversy be-

12

The Home

at

Genoa

tween Romanticists and Classicists, which then divided Not that the literary world of Italy into hot factions. he held Romanticism to be any final or faultless form But when a theory of literary servitude, of literature. like Classicism, lent itself to political oppression and
depressed the vital and spiritual forces of the country,

when a young and vigorous movement was making


literature
free

and stood
his

for

liberty

all

round, he

necessarily

took

stand

for

the

latter.

There

could be no political or social regeneration for Italy, till she had a literature that made for freedom and

"These literary disputes," he urged, "are bound up with all that is important in social and " " civil life the legislation and literature of a people on parallel lines," and " the progress advance always
progress.
;

of intellectual culture stands in intimate relationship It was the with the political life of the country."

aim of the Romanticists


national

"

to give Italians an original

literature, not one that is as a sound oi music to tickle the ear and die, but one that passing

interpret to them their needs, their social


will

their

aspirations, their

ideas,

movement."
Manzoni's
Foscolo,

And

thus, while

generously recognising
rather
to
Alfieri

worth, he

looked

and

who had

scourged

political

tyranny
the

wrong-doing and preached resistance to he praised the writers of the Conciliatore^


-

short

lived

Milanese journal

of

Silvio

Pellicc

and Confalonieri, which, like himself, had turned Romanticism to political purposes. Here and there in his writings of this time a more or less direcl
to escape the censor's eye time of " Young Italy," a name speaks soon to ring through Europe he pays his tribute tc
political allusion

manages

He

for the first

The Home

at

Genoa

13

the political exiles ; he slips in a remark that the spirit of a state cannot be changed without recasting More than this he could not do in a its institutions.

censor-ridden press
still

perhaps literature was struggling with politics to command his mind. As it was, he had trouble enough with the censors. His first published articles appeared in the Indicatore
;

Genovese, a commercial paper issuing at Genoa, whose editor was persuaded to admit short notices of recent

books, which gradually swelled into literary essays. Among his later contributions were an article

on the

historical

novel

and

reviews

of

Friedrich

Schlegel's History of Literature

and Guerrazzi's Battle


well.

of Benevento.
are

They do not read very

They

juvenile and exaggerated, and it is amusing to find the twenty-three years' old author telling his

young Leghorn novelist, that he had not drunk enough of the cup of life to be a pessiThe Indicatore gradually became a literary mist. paper, and for a few months the censorship did not At the end of 1828, see what it was tending to.
coeval Guerrazzi, the

however, about a year after Mazzini began to write in Mazzini easily transferred his it, it was suppressed.
energies.

Leghorn
Livornese,

much on

Guerrazzi had founded another paper at the same lines, the Indicatore

and asked Mazzini to send contributions. Mazzini readily responded he wrote, besides minor papers, an article on Faust, and attacked the defects of the Romanticist School in an essay on Some
;

still

His writing is Literature. and generally dogmatic and sententious, but the style has improved. The censorship was
Tendencies of European
effusive,

14

The Home

at

Genoa

comparatively lenient in Tuscany, and though the young writers were barred from direct reference to
politics,

they were able to

make

the political allusions

But the paper grew too sufficiently transparent. daring even for the somnolent Tuscan censors, and, like its predecessor, it was snuffed out after a year of Mazzini and Guerrazzi parted, to go on very life. different ways, and meet again nineteen years later when both were famous. In the meantime Mazzini had with some difficulty got a footing on the AntologiUy the one Italian review of the time that ranked among the great European It had been founded some ten years periodicals. before, in the hope that it might become an Italian Edinburgh Review, by Gino Capponi, the blind Florentine noble who traced his race from the Capponi who bearded Charles VIII., and Vieusseux, a Swiss bookseller who had settled at Florence and opened the one Most of the circulating library of any note in Italy.
leading Italian writers of the day contributed to
it
;

and though
to

aim was avowedly sense Liberal, it had succeeded so


its
its influential

nationalist,
far,

and

in

thanks probably

patrons, in eluding the censor's ban. Mazzini wrote for it three articles On the Historical

Drama and

another On a European work had rapidly matured, and there

Literature.
is

His no trace now

of the juvenilities of his earlier efforts. ^Every page has the mark of the strong, original thought, which

made him one

of the greatest critics of the century^ Meanwhile he was practising at the bar in a Sometimes he pleaded in the desultory fashion. lower courts as an " advocate of the poor," and was much in demand for his attention and skill. Accord-

The Home

at

Genoa

15

ing to the etiquette of the profession, he read in the rooms of a barrister, who limited his interest to seeing The that his pupils sat with a book in front of them.

vacations were generally spent in a little country villa at San Secondo, in the Bisagno valley, within sight and he of a house which the Ruffinis occupied
;

shared in attentions to the Ruffinis' mother, who was now his spiritual guide and dearest friend, or went

on botanical walks or shooting expeditions in the He did not do much of the lovely hill country. and when he was more than fifty, shooting himself, he remembered with remorse a thrush that he had

mangled when sixteen. His interests became more and more absorbed by His Genoese home no doubt encouraged politics. for nobles and the working-classes were still the this, unreconciled to Piedmontese rule, while the liberals of the middle classes looked on the annexation only as But the local a step to some wider Italian state. environment was only a minor influence, and Mazzini would doubtless have become a conspirator, had he About the time lived in any other town of Italy. that he began to write in the Indicatore Genovese, he was admitted into the Society of the Carbonari. The Carbonari were at this time suffering from the decadence, which sooner or later palsies every secret society. They had grown out of Neapolitan Freemasonry in the days of the French rule, and when, after Napoleon's fall, reaction came and the old dynasties returned, they swept into their ranks the mass of discontented men, who, with very varying political ideals, were at one in resenting the small tyrannies, the bigotry and obscurantism of the princes, who had come back from

The Home

at

Genoa
to oppress. The to religion appeals

exile to misgovern high level of their

and sometimes
tenets, their

and morality, the esoteric symbolism of their rites, the vague democratic sentiment that was often only skindeep, had made them a vast Liberal organisation. Since they had made and wrecked the revolutions of Naples and Piedmont seven years before, they had
kept the skeleton of their party together with conand persistency. But the conspiracy It was no longer a purely had changed its character.
siderable skill
Italian society, for the exiles had carried it into France and Spain, and the headquarters were now at Paris, where Lafayette and the Orleanist conspirators were using it to upset the Legitimist monarchy and dreamed

of a league of Latin countries to balance the Holy In Italy the democratic sentimentalism Alliance.

had
its

left

it,

it

had

lost

touch with the masses, and

leaders were mostly middle-aged


classes,

men

of the prorecruits,

fessional

who discouraged

young

and had no wish to step outside their meaningless small formalisms and barren talk of liberty. Mazzini had little stomach for their ritualism and lack of purpose, their love of royal and noble leaders and probably the subordinate position, that as a young man he necessarily took, sat uncomfortably on him. But at all events they were the only revolutionary organisation in the country, and he admired the bravery of men, who risked prison or exile for how;

ever inadequate an end. Though fitfully in practice, he had a theoretic belief in subordination, which

prepared him for the moment to act under orders. But as soon as he joined the Carbonari and swore the usual oath of initiation over a bared dagger.

The Home

at

Genoa

17

He found he began to see the futility of it all. that he was sworn only to obey his unknown chiefs, and he was allowed to know the names of
two or three only of
his fellow-conspirators. that their political programme, if they suspected but a thin one. ^11 the Italian in was any,

He
had him

against men, who talked lightly of their and preached that salvation could only come country, from France.y^The subscription to the Society's funds, of which, needless to say, no account was rendered, was sufficiently heavy to bear hardly on his slender He was so sickened by a melodramatic purse. announcement, perhaps in bluff, that a member was to be assassinated for criticising the chiefs, that he His unknown superiors, threatened to withdraw. however, apparently thought well of him, and he was commissioned to go on propagandist work to He seems Tuscany, where he made a few recruits. to have returned in better spirits as to the future of and if we may believe Giovanni Ruffini, the Society he began with a few young co-affiliates to organise on his own account, nominally in the name of the Carbonari, but really to substitute a more vigorous His plan was apparently to bring the association. Carbonari of Tuscany and Bologna into closer touch He asked for with those of Genoa and Piedmont. a passport for Bologna on the pretext that he wanted to examine a Dante manuscript, but was told by the police, that if he had no more important business, he Baffled in this, he returned to his semicould wait. independent conspiracy at home. The July Revolution in France had raised the hopes of liberals everywhere and he and his friends enrolled affiliates, discarding
revolted
;

i8

The Home

at

Genoa

the Carbonaro lumber of oaths and secret signs, and simply pledging them to act, if an insurrection proved
possible.

Bullets were cast, and other juvenile preHow far he succeeded in enlisting made. parations followers, we do not know, for he himself has left

hardly any record of the plan. At all events, it was abruptly

nipped.

The

government had its secret agents among the Carbonari, and Mazzini was arrested on the charge of It is probable that the initiating one of them. He authorities had suspected him for some time. " his told as the of Genoa father, was, gifted governor with some talent, and too fond of walking by himself What on earth," asked at night absorbed in thought. " the offended officer, has he at his age to think about ?

We

like young people thinking without our Mazzini was the subject of their thoughts." knowing taken to the fortress of Savona, where he consoled

don't

himself by watching the sea and sky, which made all the prospect from his cell windows, and taming a serin finch, which would fly in through the gratings,

and
case

to

which he

"

became exceedingly attached."

His

the Senate of Turin, the highest court in the country. In the eyes of the law he was
before

came

supremely guilty
all

but,

with an adroitness

that he

afterwards recalled with pride, he

managed

to destroy

compromising papers, and there was only one witness of the initiation, whereas the law required
two. court

Mazzini stoutly denied the

fact.

The

denial

was more than a plea of not guilty


;

in

an English

bound

perhaps he thought that a conspirator is put his government outside the pale of moral obligation. But whatever we may allow for
to

The Home
his

at

Genoa

19

position, the plain man will count his action as one of the disingenuous lapses, that rarely, now and again, stain the clear honour of his life. The court had to acquit him, but the authorities had too much evidence of his activity to leave him

unmolested. They gave him the choice between internment in a small town or exile. Contemporary events decided him. The revolution had just broken out in Central Italy the French government had
;

encouraged the Carbonari to expect direct or indirect assistance, and Mazzini thought that he would serve the cause best at Paris, whence, he confidently hoped, he would soon return to a liberated Italy. In February 1 831 he said his good-byes to his family, who had hastened to Savona, and crossed the

Apennines and, for the first time, the Alps, afterwards so familiar and beloved. He watched the sunrise from Mont Cenis, and has left a memorable

drawn with all the wealth of his At Geneva he made the acquaintance of Sismondi and his Scotch wife. While there, he was advised to join the Italian exiles at Lyons,
description
artistic

of

it,

imagery.

his

and, giving up the projected journey to Paris, he wav to them.

made

Chapter II

Young
1831-1833.
Condition of Italy
belief in

Italy

Aetat 25-27
Its principles
:

Italy

The Revolution of 1831 Young Italy social reform inspiration of duty


; ;
;

Its political

system

Republicanism

Italian

Unity

war with Austria

Secret

societies.

The
him

governor of the prison at Savona had allowed


to read the Bible, Byron,

and Tacitus, innocently thinking that they contained no revolutionary material. Out of these and Dante sprang Young Italy. Italy

was

ripe for the teaching of the


"

epoch-making

society.

a geographical expression." Conquerors, whose appetites had been tempted by the Southern land, had carved it into appanages for Austria held Lombardy and the lands themselves. of the Venetian republic the King of Piedmont
;

The country was

ruled the North- West, and Sardinia, and Savoy across the Alps the Bourbons of Naples had the South
;
;

the Pope, the grand-duke of Tuscany, the petty dukes of Modena, Parma, and Lucca divided up the Centre. Nor had there been any serious demand for unity.

History and character sundered North and South the great medieval cities still cherished their independence too dearly to wish to sink it in a common
country.

Napoleon, while he ruled, had gone

far to

Young
Weak

Italy

2j

unite the land both in form and substance ; and the survived him. aspirations he did so much to create

though they still were, practical grievances were and Italians ever enforcing the argument for unity were chafing more and more against the artificial
;

barriers,
life.

which stopped the circulation of the nation's customs-lines, that met the trader on the Literature confines of each state, strangled commerce. circulated with difficulty, and the Genoese could hardly get access to books published at Florence or Leghorn, In the smaller states at all a hundred miles away.

The

was too small to offer any field for and every lawyer and engineer and civil enterprise, servant was cribbed by the restrictions, that confined
events, the area
his activities to a handful of towns.

Through all the was a more or less intolerable misrule. Political disabilities allowed no voice in legislation, no control of taxation or the executive, no rights of public
peninsula there

meeting or association, small liberty of speech or There were more present grievances in the writing.
discouragement of education,
in
in the clerical tyranny,

the obsolete and partial legal system.

And

the

misgovernment had its yet more evil and intimate aspect in the power of the police, which threatened Governeach man's home and honour and career. in chronic dread of and moved breathed that ments,
revolution, sought safety in a system of covert terrorism. The police had their spies everywhere, in the streets,

in

men's households, in the churches,


to scrape

in the universities,

up any

idle

word or

act, that

seemed

to

of government. There were possible misrule in of the Piedmont, Tuscany, and mitigations But in the Pope's states and the Austrian territories.
critic

mark a

22

Young

Italy-

Naples there was little or nothing to relieve the crying and everywhere there corruption and incompetency was more or less a vexatious intolerance and oppres;

showed the blacker after the relative liberty and progress of Napoleon's rule. The Carbonari had voiced somewhat fitfully the
sion, that

And just at this time they made national protest. their final attempt at revolution. Early in February
83
1

1,

^just

before Mazzini was released from Savona,

the

insurrection

broke

out

in

Modena,

and

spread at once to Parma and the Papal province of Romagna. In three weeks the greater part of the
Pope's dominions were free, and the insurgent army was marching towards Rome. The leaders knew that, however easy it was to upset the rule of the Pope and Dukes, they could make no effective resistance to an Austrian attack but they counted on the promised " Non-interbacking of France to ward off invasion.
;

vention,"

Doctrine,
in the

European was one


the

of

equivalent of the Munroe the formulas of the July

it Austria had no right to interfere domestic concerns of an Italian state. The French government had assured the Carbonari, that, if she violated the principle, it would declare war

Monarchy, and by

But only a section of the ministry was against her. sincere in the promise, and Louis Philippe saw that a
war
in the

name

of nationality might easily slide into

a revolutionary movement, which would shake his own unsure throne. His government let Metternich know that non-intervention was a phrase that stopped at
words.
fighting

By

the

end of March, despite some


Italian
levies,

fine

by the

the

Austrians
Its

had

stamped out the ephemeral insurrection.

feeble-

Young
ness courted failure.
criticism that

Italy
that the

Not

programme of the
Mazzini's after

leaders wanted breadth


it

and boldness.

was neither nationalist nor democratic was exaggerated and unjust. During their few weeks of rule, the chiefs had showered projects of social Some of them at all events wished to make reform. Romagna the centre of a great national rising, and aimed at an independent federation of all Italy with Rome for its capital. But they made two irreparable
mistakes.

They

did not face the facts

they failed

to win the people. They uere for the most part, like the rest of the Carbonaro leaders, middle-aged professional men, out of touch with the masses, possessed

by the dread

that popular imprudences

might scare
their

the diplomatists,

on

whom

they

built

hopes.

inspiring chief, the people would have fought perhaps, as they fought seventeen years later,

Under an

the Austrians in confusion from But the leaders were not the men to touch Bologna. their enthusiasm. They had, in fact, miscalculated what the movement meant. These comfortable men of peace flinched from the fact that Austria must be
guerilla fight, that

when they drove

They had no stuff for a desperate meant the wasting of the country, privation and disease and death, for an uncertain hope that France might come eventually to the rescue.
fought and beaten.
Still

less

enterprise, where friends disaster certain, that they


children's victories.

were they prepared to launch on a forlorn were none and immediate might be precursors of their

Their failure, so consonant with all the later Carbonaro policy, confirmed Mazzini in his belief that a ne\Y organisation was needed and new men

24
to lead it/^

Young
As
usual,

Italy

exaggerated governments, and left out of his reckoning the unreadiness of the people. The insurrections had he convinced failed, himself, simply because they had been badly led. In the main, indeed, he was / The revolution had been in the wrong hands. right. The Carbonaro chiefs kept at arm's-length younger men, whose energy might have made up for their own unforwardness. If the next revolution was to fare better, it must have these younger men to captain it, men of confidence and enthusiasm and fresh ideas, men with a message that would nerve "those artisans of insurrection, the people and the
young."
in

He

the

he saw only one set of facts. mistakes of the revolutionary

Mazzini had at this time a supreme


;

faith

he had already written in the generation " this young Italy of ours," so vigorous Antologia of and cultured and warm-hearted, that no new movement,
his
"

however bold and difficult, was beyond its powers. " the young at the head of Place," he said now, the insurgent masses you do not know what strength is latent in those young bands, what magic influence the voice of the young has on the crowd you will find in them a host of apostles for the new But youth lives on movement, grows great religion. in enthusiasm and faith. Consecrate them with a mission inflame with emulation and them lofty ranks the word of fire, their praise spread through the word of inspiration to them of country, speak
;

of

glory,

of

had been muzzled


again. rules of

So

They great memories." the past they must not be rigidly did he insist on this, that the
power,
in
;

of

Young

Italy

excluded

from

membership,

Young
except in special cases,
all

Italy
who were

over forty years,

curb the magnificent /^azzini had no he in which consciously destined egotism of a design, one of his closest As for himself the leading part.
diffidence to
his confidence in men was friends of those days said, " ' All great national in himself unlimited." great and
"

movements," he wrote

in

later

years,

"begin with

unknown men of the people, without influence except for the faith and will, that counts not time or diffiworth noting that Camillo Cavour, five years younger still, was at this same time writing to a friend that "he would one fine morning wake up Prime Minister of Italy." When we disentangle Mazzini's ideas from the superfluous verbiage that sometimes wraps them, two leadings principles are found to differentiate them from
culties.y
It is

those of earlier movements,


his trick of

the principles, that, with

the phrase,

making watchwords, he summed up in God and the People."/ The new movement must have the inspiration and power of ji Jtaly needed something that would shake religi on. her from the hopelessness of disillusion and defeat, something that would prove she "had a strength within her, that was arbiter of facts, mightier than destiny itself." 4 Action must be roused by action,
"

energy by energy,

made Rome

the faith that faith by faith, and inspired Christianity and sent great

of the Convention, the faith that in the knowledge they are out God's will.y Mazzini had two arguments carrying
forth the armies

makes the weak strong


to

persuade his countrymen to this believing and He hoped to fire them with conquering patriotism. He his own superb faith in Italy and her destinies.

26
"

Young

Italy

jitff[ed

''^

up that old name of Italy, hung round with memories and glory and majestic griefs, that centuries Twice had she of mute servitude could not destroy." world times had she, the the of been queen many of the Dante and land of Vico, Papacy and the
;

Renaissance, inspired European thought. Italy," he said, " has been called a graveyard but a graveyard peopled by our mighty dead is nearer life
;

"

than a land that teems with living weaklings and Her task was not yet done she had braggarts." still to speak to the nations "the gospel of the new He pointed Italians age, the gospel of humanity."
;

to

"

suffering,

the vision of their country, radiant, purified by moving as an angel of light among the

nations that thought her dead."/ Rightly he judged that men, who shared his faith, would never despair of their country. But he had a more sounding note
to
strike.

He had

the genius to see that he

who

high endeavour, must appeal to their unselfish motives, that only when some great principle calls, will they lift themselves to heroism and
rise to

would have men

sacrifice of all

that makes life dear. The effort to meant the loss of thousands of lives, meant and imprisonment and poverty, the and blighting of homes and the misery of dear ones men would only face it at the call of duty.y* The Carbonari had no call they came of a school that appealed to interested motives, and the appeal in-

make

Italy exile

evitably broke

and

defeat.
"

national

down in the day of disappointment " a / Mazzini offered his countrymen " religion Young Italy was no mere political
;

a creed and an apostolate " it taught that " victory came by reverence for principles reverence
party, but
;

Young
for the just

Italy

27

sacrifice and constancy in and as a nation, they had /^ a mission given them by God. God's law of duty bade them follow it God's law of progress promised them accomplishment.^ /^ /The other principle of Young Italy was soc ial / reform. Earlier liberal movements had thought or s^

and

true,

by

sacrifice."

As

individuals

attempted
the

though at all events rising Romagna aimed higher than Mazzini gave it credit for, and had more of a demolittle

for the masses,

recent

in

contemporary movements in Mazzini exaggerated the revolutionary impatience of the masses in 1821 and 1831 but it was true that such enthusiasm as they had, had been cooled by the disappointment of their Revolutions, as he said, had been Dead Sea hopes. to them. apples They would be slow to stir again, till they saw that the liberation of their country had
cratic

tendency than France and England.


;

tangible social results in store. / The gospel of duty would rouse the cultured middle classes, but at this time he seems to have thought that the uneducated,

down-trodden, priest and official-ridden masses could not respond to the higher call, and must be won by some visible prospect of relief from present evils. " " Pope Julius' cry of Out with the barbarian would
not touch men,

who

did not see

how

ievery

social

injustice leant in the last resort

food, conscription, all

on Austria, how dear the petty tyranny, were fruits

of the foreign domination, that sheltered the princes who misgoverned them. Till the masses felt this,
there
"

was no hope of a successful war of liberation. " must be made for the people Revolutions," he said, and by the people, and so long as revolutions are, as

28

Young

Italy

now, the inheritance and monopoly of a single class, and lead only to the substitution of one aristocracy
for another, we shall never find salvation.'^ The cry of the poor, unheard by most Italian statesmen from his " I see time down to yesterday, was ever with him.

people pass before my eyes in the livery of wretchedness and political subjection, ragged and hungry, painfully gathering the crumbs that wealth
the
tosses insultingly to it, or lost and wandering in riot and the intoxication of a brutish, angry, savage joy ; and I remember that those brutalised faces bear the
finger-print of God, the mark of the same mission as our own. I lift myself to the vision of the future and behold the people rising in its majesty, brothers in one faith, one bond of equality and love, one ideal of
citizen virtue that ever

grows

in

beauty and might

the people of the future, unspoilt by luxury, ungoaded by wretchedness, awed by the consciousness of its
rights

and

duties.

And

my

heart beats

with anguish

in the presence of that vision for the present and

That they would rise in glorying for the future." he had no doubt. Once make them see insurrection,
whence sprang
their

wretchedness, where
feel

stood
is

its

on the side of the down-trodden," the people of Italy would be again what they had been in the days of the Lombard League and the Sicilian Vespers.
that

remedies, once make them

"

God

'Out of these

principles,

social

reform

as

the

immediate end of revolution and duty as its inspiraMazzini built up an elaborate political protion, gramme. /" He loved system - making and hardly You cannot have unity or harmony apologised for it. without it, he urged, and to a certain extent he had

Young
practical justification. as subsequent events
It

Italy
better, as

29
he said and

were

proved, that the nationalists should argue out their differences before the time for action came, and not paralyse themselves by quarrels It was this want of a positive in front of the enemy.

programme, that was, he thought, largely responsible Their policy had for the failure of the Carbonari. hardly gone beyond the overthrow of the existing governments and they had mustered under their flag royalists and republicans, conservatives and liberals,
;

with the inevitable result that after their first successes It were they split their ranks and fell an easy prey. " The wiser, so Mazzini pleaded, to be few but united./

but on
sarily

strength of an association depends not on its numbers its homogeneity." But the principle was neces-

an

intolerant

one.

It

barred

many

true

patriot,

who

doctrine.

could not swear to the whole Mazzinian For such he had no pity. In his view it
"

was only
that

fear,
"

prevented

the Almighty God of most politicians," the Moderates from accepting his

be no moderation," he said at good and evil, truth and error, Unluckily truth to him too progress and reaction." and he often meant adhesion to his own theories

There can position. a later date, " between

could never forgive men, who, starting from his premisses, could not follow his logic to the end, though,^
like

most men who pride themselves on being logical, he was often singularly incapable of accurate reasoning. It was this intolerance that wrecked so much of his after life, that made him waste his splendid powers in fighting men, by whose side he ought to have been
working.y However,
for

better

or

worse,

Mazzini

required

Young
his
theories,

Italy
acceptance
of his

which embraced every sphere of national life, religion and politics, literature and art. pHis chief poli tical doctrines were republicanism and How he pieced republicanism on his \ Italian Unity.
theories

fellow-workers

implicit

j general
chapter.
\

theory of things, is the subject of another It is sufficient here to note that he was a

republican, chiefly because he thought that democratic


legislation was impossible under any form of The belief was natural enough at the time.

monarchy. Few had

been the popular reforms under any European crown, while the one genuine series of democratic laws had been passed by the French Republic or while the French monarchy was tottering to its fall. /Mazzini may be pardoned, if at that time he sharply sundered monarchies and republics, and failed to see how imIn Italy, Mazzini saw perfect was the classification.
special circumstances that

made

for a republic.

Her

great memories were republican, though even he must have recognised how little the republics of medieval

and

Italy had in common with his ideal polity./ At Venice his own Genoa the republican tradition was still

dear. /Italian republicanism

was

free

from any recent


as tarnished

memory of outrage and proscription, such the name in France./ And above all, he

urged, there

was no possible king for a united Italy. Each prince was pledged to Austria, each had proved his sympathy " with reaction. Monarchy in Italy had no splendid annals, no venerable traditions," no powerful nobility to buttress it. Two princes only had an army, which could help in the war of liberation and neither the King of Piedmont nor the King of Naples would
;

submit to the other without a

bitter

civil

struggle.

Young
And

Italy

31

the antipathies of North and South, though they might bow to the principle of a common republic, would never allow the Neapolitan to take a king from Piedmont. History has proved how wrong was his diagnosis, and temporarily and reluctantly More than once he had glimpses of his error. in after life, as we shall see, he alternated his republicanism with fits of half-belief in the Piedmontese

monarchy. His advocacy of Italian Unity rests on a surer That the country was fated to stagnate till bottom. the foreigner had gone, was common ground with But when the Austrians every school of patriots. had been driven out, was Italy to be a federation of Mazzini pleaded that states or one united country? the point at issue between him and the federalists was mainly one of practicability. This hardly took sufficient account of the school, which looked to
Switzerland and America for its types, and preferred But on the whole his a federation on its own merits.
contention was right.
federation,

told

yet

Every argument that told for more forcibly for unity. /The

strength of the federalist that unity was impossible.

movement lay in the belief As yet, though Napoleon

had foretold that unity must come, only a handful of Italians had dared to speak of it as a possible ideal^ The great majority doubted whether Italy even wished
to

be united, whether,

if

she did, the facts of the

European polity made it possible, whether unity could permanently stand the strain of the old provincial It was easy for them to adduce a host animosities. of facts, the differences of race and temperament and tradition, the various habits formed by dissimilar

32
jealousies,

Young

Italy

systems of law and land tenure and education, the still far from dead, that sundered province Mazzini himself from province and city from city. had felt the force of their arguments, and there was a moment, when even he had been shaken in his He had little tangible reasoning to back his faith. But he had the prophetic assurance of confidence.
a great possibility,
reality./
ideal

He

saw,
it,

and his contagious faith made it a when hardly another of his conthat Italian Unity was a practicable informed the national resolve, that

temporaries saw
;

his teaching

To changed the seemingly impossible into a fact. few men has it been given to create a great political idea to fewer still to be not only the creator, but the Mazzini was both, chief instrument in realising it. and it gives him title to rank among the makers of
;

be no unity, no republic, no of advance any kind, till the inevitable war political with Austria had been fought and won./ She would
of arms.

modern Europe.^ / But there could

not surrender her Italian provinces, unless by force She could not tolerate free institutions side

by

the

own despotic rule. She had crushed Piedmontese risings ten years and Neapolitan before she had done the same in Modena and " Romagna yesterday. / She robs us," said Mazzini, " of life and country, name, glory, culture, material well-being."/ As Giusti said more pointedly a few
side with her
;

years

later,

the Italians "ate Austria in their bread."

Mazzini and
peaceful
Italy,"

many
"

another

patriot
"

solution

was Utopian. /

knew that any The destinies of

have to be decided on the plains of Lombardy, and peace must be signed beyond the
he preached,

Young
Alps."
It

Italy

^^

Mazzini rather welcomed war in a just cause. would redeem the torpid, disillusioned Italian, who was brave enough, as Napoleon's campaigns had
proved, but required
It

much

to

nerve

him

to

effort.

would give Italy again her national self-respect, her " claim to the esteem of other peoples. War," he " the eternal law, that stands between the is said, master and the slave who breaks his chains."/ But Mazzini in his saner moods saw the futility of any
local or

ill-prepared rising.

only

too

eloquently

much

In words, that condemn of his after action, he

declared that only victory could justify a rising against It was only when the great mass of the Austria.

people had been


"
'

won

to the nationalist cause, that the

might stretch their hand to Lombardy and patriots There are the men who perpetuate your servisay, There stand your tude,' towards the Alps and say, " confines.' Mazzini's plan of campaign was guerilla It was, as he said, the natural resource of an fighting. insurgent people, that had to win its freedom against the method chosen by the Dutch disciplined armies,
'

against Philip II., by the American colonists against England, by the Spaniards and Greeks in more recent
times.

Had he

lived now, he
Italy,
"

illustrious

example.

tains that

no enemy

might have added another with her long chain of mouncould hold in force, had special fit-

" ness for the strategy. Italians," he cried, look to your mountains, there stand strength and infallible victory."

Injhe meantime
organise
tion

the work of
;

and educate

Young Italy was to and the only possible organisaYoung


Italy soon be-

was that of the


its

secret society. / Mazzini did not

see

inherent weaknesses.

came as much the quarry of the spy and police agent

34
as the Carbonari

Young
;

Italy

had been and to the end of lif Mazzini was the victim of informers, who won hi The society developed an uncon easy confidence.
trolled

and irresponsible leadership, and its chie as he was and sincerely eager to disclaim an; eager esire to dictate, was too impatient, too self-confiden
to allow fair play to other means of preparing for war,
it

men's convictions.
it

As
;

failed disastrously

an(

proved an

ill

of later days. pression of liberal sentiment meant prison or exil( if not the scaffold, there was no alternative and a
;

school for the parliamentary politic But in a country, where any open ex

an educating influence
the forces that

smuggle into every corner of the land, moved many a youn


writings,

came made Italy. /


it

to be the greatest
Its

thinker to a passionate resolve, that bore its fruit i At this stage, however, Mazzini wa after times.

hardly looking to the slow results of political educc The hour of insurrection, he confidently believe( tion.

was near the European revolution was threatening, an He wa Italy must not be behind the sister nations. certain of success. / Whatever difficulties might com
;

to a nationalist

native governments, however


trust their

movement without a backing from tb much Italians might dii


"

no re; strength, there was obstacle for twenty-six millions of men, who wishe to rise and fight for their country." Austria, h
;

own unaided

calculated, could at the best put two hundred thousani men into the field he fondly counted on four millic

people, that even under tl" leading of the Carbonari had made threfe revolutior in ten years, would rise again more readily and moi
Italian

volunteers.

victoriously at the inspiration of a nobler faith,

Chapter III

Marseilles
1831-1834.
At Marseilles

Aetat 25-28

Spread

of

Young

The Army

Plot In Piedmont

Letter to Charles Albert Italy At Geneva The Savoy Raid.

Vhen
)lan

Mazzini arrived at Lyons, he found an unhopeful

in preparation for raiding Savoy. Some 2000 talian refugees, many of them Piedmontese who had

through Genoa ten years before and stirred his )oyish enthusiasm, were ready to march under the hardly :oncealed protection of the French government. It
led

vas
t

still in the early days of the July monarchy, when had yet not quite forgotten its revolutionary origin.

But before the expedition could start, Louis Philippe's wift lapse into conservatism, which had already made

lim break his promises to the Romagnuols, abruptly ;nded the patronage of the authorities. The would-be

were scattered, and Mazzini joined a small of jarty republicans, who were starting for Corsica, their way to join the insurgents in Romagna. The
aiders

Zorsicans were
ace,

sentiment as well as in the Two thousand men offered themselves for sland. jerice with the insurgents, but no funds were forthstill

Italian

in

and the Carbonaro influence was strong

:oming to pay their passage, and before arrangements

36
could be
collapsed.

Marseilles
made

the news arrived that the rising ha<

Mazzini returned to Marseilles, and found himsel among the refugees who had escaped from Centra He recruited a few young patriots among them Italy.

and with

he began to give body to hi room at Marseilles the youni small In a schemes. with Titans started, nothing but their own sincerit;
their help

" and daring, to revolutionise Italy. \ We had no offic< " All da) no helpers," he wrote of them in after years. we buried in ou were of the and a great part night, informatio and letters, getting work, writing articles

seamen, folding papers, faster ing envelopes, dividing our time between literary an manual work. La Cecilia was compositor Lamber corrected the proofs another of us made himself literall
travellers, enlisting
;

from

porter, to save the expense of distributing the paper we had but on lived as equals and brothers thought, one hope, one ideal to reverence. The foreig

We

republicans loved and admired us for our tenacity an unflagging industry we were often in real want, bi we were light-hearted in a way, and smiling becaus
;

we

believed in the future."


later life

y In

Mazzini looked back longingly to

th

and enthusiasm of those days, before failui had disillusioned him or misunderstanding estrange him from his friends. When he was well andrhapp; his radiant idealism, h all the charm of his nature
freshness

warm-hearted friendship, his contagious unselfishnef made him the beloved inspirer of the little ban " He was," said a that worked under his orders./ Italian of him at this time, "about 5 feet 8 inche he was dressed in blac high and slightly made

Marseilles
jenoa velvet, with a large :urling black hair, which
:hiselled delicacy
"
fell

37
hat his long, his shoulders, the
;

"

republican

upon

:xtreme freshness of his clear olive complexion, the of his regular and beautiful features,

lided

by his very youthful look and sweetness and penness of expression, would have made his appearnce almost too feminine, if it had not been for his
oble forehead, the power of firmness and decision hat was mingled with .their gaiety and sweetness in be bright flashes of his dark eyes and in the varying xpression of his mouth, together with his small and
eautiful
t

moustachios and beard.

Altogether he was

that time the most beautiful being, male or female, lat I had ever seen, and I have not since seen his

qual." ^x

But sometimes

even

now overwork and

npatience told on him, and he felt ill and exhausted, n such moods he must have been a trying man to e much with irritable, exacting, requiring absolute

Libmission

from lought well of

his

fellow-workers,

angry

if

they

men whom he
little

disliked./

For two years the


;eds of revolution.

It

w young
ad,

band worked on, sowing the was a heroic enterprise. A

men, without birth or wealth to help them, for their leader, of no great ability, were lanning to change the future of their country and preTo an aring for war with a great military empire. iitsider it must have seemed a madman's dream, ut their masterful chief had taught them his own and they, and thousands of their countrymen lith 'ter them, found in it the power, to which few things
except
;

This description was given


is

iere

reason for thinking

it

to, and published by Mr W. Shaen. was written by Enrico Mayer, the Tuscan

ucationalisti

38
are impossible.

Marseilles
They worked with
remorseless energy,

month
all

after

month, corresponding with sympathisers

over the peninsula, planting lodges of

Young

Italy

wherever a chance opened, drawing together the threads of conspiracy. They found abundant backing in Italy.
Mazzini appealed to his followers there to work

among

the people by every road that the despotism left open, to bring children to school and teach them, to hold classes for men in the country districts, to circulate

pictures and pamphlets and almanacs, insinuate patriotic ideas without exciting the suspicions of the police, to carry the cross of fire from town to

which would

town and

village

to

village.

^" Climb the

hills,"

he

asked of them,
Tell

"sit

at

the farmer's table, visit the

workshops and the

artisans,

whom you now


liberties,

neglect.

commercial greatglories, ness which has gone talk to them of the thousand forms of oppression, which they ignore, because no one points them out."'^ His appeal found a ready
the
old
;

them of traditions and

their

rightful

their

ancient

response.

Hundreds of young

Italians, fired

by

his

own

passion, gave themselves to the dangers and toils and the thousand small annoyances of a conspirator's " It was no light call. I know of no existence," life.
said

one of them

continual

life, "which requires such endurance. A conand self-abnegation

in

later

spirator has to listen to all sorts of gossip, to soothe every variety of vanity, discuss nonsense seriously, feel

under the pressure of empty talk, idle and boasting, vulgarity, and yet maintain an unmoved and complacent countenance. A conspirator ceases to belong to himself, and becomes the toy of anyone he may meet he must go out when he would rather
sick
stifling
;

and

Marseilles

39

ay at home, and stay at home when he would rather out he has to talk when he would be silent, and And hold vigils when he would rather be in bed." ^hind these petty vexations, which meant more to the alians of that day than to a generation trained in
;

rison or exile,
le

renuousness, lay the knowledge that discovery meant perhaps death. But they faced it with

courage of

men who

" believed that the wear and

was smoothing the way, inch by inch, towards a and holy end," who looked to the day when irough their labours their country would be lifted om the slough of misgovernment and low ideals, ife and everything they were ready to give for thatrx Here are we," said Jacopo Ruffini to his fellowar oble )nspirators at Genoa, "five young, very young men, ith but limited means, and we are called on to do
Dthing less than overthrow an established govern I have a presentiment that few of us will live
)
,

lent.

see the final results of our labours, but the seed

ave sown will shoot forth after us, and the bread ave cast upon the waters will be found again."
lese

we we

Mazzini might well be sanguine, with men like" He looked to his literature to behind him.

escribed
*

The journal of Young Italy was, as he a collection of political pamphlets," each it, the infrequent and irregular numbers consisting of
the
rest.

"

hundred to two hundred pages, badly printed on Later on, it was set up by French comwho knew no Italian, and whose misprints ositors, ave him infinite concern. He himself did most of the It was diffusive often and wanting in terribly 'riting. but his articles redeem their literary defects recision,
ad paper.

y the glow of noble purpose, that made them

thrill

40
their readers,

Marseilles

and gave them a potency, that perhaps no other political writings of the century attained to, Most of the remaining articles came from his fellowMazzini tried to persuade Sismondi to conworkers. the historian, though sympathetic, was toe but tribute,

opposed to some of his teaching to respond. Louis Napoleon, drawn by a fellow-feeling for conspiracy and scenting a chance to preach Bonapartism, sent an essay on Military Honour, with the thesis that soldiers
are not
tion.

bound by

Mazzini emendations, which apparently left little of its Bonabut for some reason that does not partist intention appear, it was not published. The journal had a smal
;

their oath to act against a revoluconsented to insert it with many

circulation, and only reached a limited number oi young educated men it was indeed too literary foj There seems to have been popular consumption. larger demand for rules and instructions and populai
;

written by Gustavo Modena, afterwards tc become one of the most famous Italian tragedians o: his day. At all events there was a considerable con traband of printed matter, smuggled to Genoa oi
tracts

Leghorn or across the passes into Piedmont, inside and pumice stone or bales of drapery or packages of sausages. So great became the demand that secret presses were set up in Italy and the Ticinc
barrels of pitch

to supplement the output from Marseilles.

The results surpassed even Mazzini's sanguine hopes The first lodges of Young Italy were planted at Genoa
and Leghorn, and they spread thence to a good many towns of North and Central Italy. The chief strength of the society lay at Genoa, where the nationalist and anti-Piedmontese parties made common cause, and mer

Marseilles
of every class

41

came

in

nobles and commoners, lawyers

and

servants and priests, seamen and artisans. Outside Genoa the working men seem to have kept aloof as a rule years had yet to pass before Mazzini's
civil
;

reached them. The recruits came chiefly from the young men of the middle classes, sons of the men who had had their importance under the French
social teaching

rule

and had been cribbed and kept under since the Here and there a young noble joined restoration. in Piedmont and at Genoa at all events there was a a sprinkling of older professional and business men bore so welcomed a which few priests movement,
;

strong a religious imprint. Everywhere the scattered emnants of the Carbonari enrolled themselves.
Buonarrotti, doyen of the conspirators, descendant of iVTichelangelo, friend of Robespierre and Baboeuf and

Napoleon, attached his society of the Veri Italiani. Early in 1833 Mazzini, it is impossible to say with kvhat accuracy, put the number of affiliates at fifty or sixty thousand./ Many a man, who came to the front

O
'

n the

later nationalist

movement

or in the

first

Italian

Darliaments, began his political life as a ^oung Italy. Garibaldi, a young sailor
/erses, just

member of who wrote

nercantile

to be captain in the Genoese w^hose fearlessness and charm of marine, nanner made him the idol of the men under him,

promoted

md who

had already learnt from Foscolo a belief in he destinies of Italy as ardent as Mazzini's own, met he chief at Marseilles and joined the society. Giojerti, who was teaching a transcendental and literary
patriotism to the novices in the Archbishop's seminary it Vercelli, sent warm words of encouragement to the
:ause of

God and

the People.

42
and Genoa.

Marseilles

All Mazzini's preparations centred round Piedmor He realised, with the bulk of patriots c

whatever school, that though the other provinces migh

play a secondary part. Piedmont must take the leac It was the only state that possessed the militar training and traditions, essential in a war ; it was th
natural base for an invasion of

Lombardy

Alessandri

and Genoa were two all-important strategic point and if the Italians were defeated in the plains, the Ther could fall back on the Alps and Apennines.

were few republicans among the Piedmontese, bu they were nationalists with all their race's tenacity c The Genoese were zealots for the cause, a purpose. in Savo the more if it were under a republican flag there was a strong strain of liberalism, and its positio
;

made
after

it

a connecting link with sympathisers in Franc*


first

/'Mazzini's

he

left Italy

some three or four month public act was to write an open letter to th

king.

Piedmont

Charles Albert had just ascended the throne ( and expectation ran high, as it had ru
;

ten years before, that he would lead the nationalist This time there was small bottom for the hop
i Charles Albert had had his phase of liberalism his youth he had relations with the Carbonari, an
;

encouraged the Piedmontese conspirators of


look to him to lead the

82

army

to a

war

for

Lombar

Had he had the courage, he woul independence. have stood by his word. But as he was then, so Wc he now, a moral coward, buffeted by irreconcilab
ambitions./' Liberalism had

He was

come

of Revolution, to

a nationalist, but no libera loom before him as a specti be fought and crushed without pit
still

to

But priest-ridden

absolutist as he was, he never quil

Marseilles

43

forgot his patriotic faith, he always had some vision, faint though it often was, of an Italy untrodden by
his worst years,
It is probable that even now, in he was waiting dubiously for the distant day, when he would measure himself with the enemy. But he knew that as yet this was impossible. He had a saner view than Mazzini of the possibilities of the on the high road to the justetime, when France would give no help, and a single-handed fight milieu He would with Austria was foredoomed to defeat. have scorned an offer of Mazzini's guerilla bands but had he been as ready to welcome the volunteers, as his son was twenty-eight years later, they had little prospect of existence at this time outside Mazzini's

the foreign soldier.

visionary hopes./
to

Such was Charles Albert, when Mazzini appealed him to lead the nationalist movement. What was

the exact purpose of the letter, will probably never be known.,^ In after life Mazzini denied that there

was any

he pleaded that he serious intention in it expressed the hopes of others rather than his own, and wrote it in the certainty that its appeal would not be heard. At the time he disclaimed, though not so emphatically, any hope of a response, and
;

suggested that its object was to disillusion the Piedmontese of any belief in their king. / There is some
reason for thinking that the disclaimers must not be When he wrote twenty years taken quite literally. and more afterwards, he was anxious to prove that he had never lapsed from his republican faith. His earlier commentary was in a letter to a man, whom he did not know, and to whom he was not likely to There are indications express himself unreservedly.

44

Marseilles

that he had not quite escaped the glamour that Charlei Albert threw over the liberals, had not entirely aban

doned

all

hope of winning him.

The

secret instruc

Young Italy, written a few months later " accepted the possibility of a monarchy as a systen " and in the subsequent army plo of transition
tions of
;

Mazzini intended to
the revolution.
interpretations
his

offer the

King the

leadership o

One would
do him

fain believe that his

owr

injustice, that he did not write

glowing prose

in utter insincerity.

wise,

we must bow
life.

the head and sadly

Were it other own a stair

upon that noble

The

letter,

it

must be confessed, was hardly


convert.

calcu-

lated to

make a
;

done praise

Threats alternate with over the assumption of political omniscience

the claim of the

young

exile to speak for Italy, th(

magniloquent parade of the obvious, must have, like much else of his earlier writings, offended Italiar

common-sense and been extremely


of
it

irritating.

Mucl"

reads like a declamatory school essay on the But the lesson wai duties of a constitutional king.
true

could find

enough on its negative side. Charles Alber no safe foothold outside popular govern;

ment

coercion, administrative reform, the support o Austria or France none would permanently conten'

or overawe his people. And if Charles Albert hac retorted that to grant a constitution meant war witl:
Austria, Mazzini would have

/The King was

right

welcomed the corollary and Mazzini was wrong as to th(

inopportuneness of a national rising at the moment But for the policy of another day, the letter ha " passages that speak like a trumpet call. Sire, then is another road, a gloriou* to true and leading power

Marseilles
;

45

mmortality another ally, safer and more strong than There is a crown more brilliant \.ustria or France. nd sublime than that of Piedmont, a crown that the man, who dares to think of it, who i^aits
edicates his life to winning it, and scorns to dull its Sire, have plendour with thoughts of petty tyranny. ou never cast an eagle glance upon this Italy, so fair ith nature's smile, crowned by twenty centuries of oble memory, the land of genius, strong in the infinite ^sources that only want a common purpose, girt round ith barriers so impregnable, that it needs but a firm ill and a few brave breasts to shelter it from foreign isult? /Place yourself at the head of the nation,
rite

on your

flag,

'Union, Liberty, Independence.'

ree Italy from the barbarian, build up the future, Do this and we e the Napoleon of Italian freedom.
ill

gather round you,


little

we

will

give our lives for you,

'our safety lies

under your flag, on the sword's point draw it and irow away the scabbard. But remember, if you do not, others will do it without you and against yow."/ The letter was published in May or June 183 i, and
e will bring the
states of Italy
;

few copies found their way into Italy. Mazzini At lought he had evidence that the King read it. 1 events his police did, and ordered the writer whose

lonymity did not conceal him, to be seized, if he ossed the frontier. Whatever Mazzini's hopes may ive been, this proved that the letter had failed in its Jtensible object, and he threw himself feverishly into s preparations for a revolt in Piedmont. His detailed heme shows that he had not yet planned or had )andoned for the time the strategy of guerilla fighting, id intended to rely on the Piedmontese army. Charles

46
Albert was,

Marseilles
if possible,

to be persuaded to lead the

revolution, and the army was to be mobilised for an Should the King immediate advance on Lombardy.

decline

the offer, a provisional directorate at

Genoa

Mazzini had better would assume the government. for his than often afterwards. The army hopes ground had not forgotten that it had led the constitutional and

movement ten years before. Many a soldier, served in the Grande Arm^e^ cherished the democratic sentiment that clung to it all through, and
nationalist

who had

was eager to avenge himself on the enemy, whom had routed in old days. These feelings were the non-commissioned officers. especially strong among Many of them were men of the middle classes of good standing and education, for in many, if not all,
he
the regiments commissions could be held only by those of noble birth, and no bourgeois, whatever his capacities, could rise above the ranks. few officers joined the

and a general or two promised to throw in if the movement proved successful. At and the two Alessandria chief garrison towns, Genoa, the society had a considerable strength. The governsociety, his lot,

ment, though quietly tracking the civilian conspirators seems to have had no suspicion of the army plot anc
;

had the revolt broken out early in 1833, it would have had its chance of success at home, though the inevitable disaster must have come, when the little army facec
the Austrians.

But the conspirators waited too

long,

and

late

ii

the spring an accident led to the discovery of the plot The government cautiously followed up the clue, till i

possessed

itself

of every

detail

of the

conspiracy
vef^
I

Then

it

threw

itself

on

its

prey with a savage

Marseilles
jeance, that outside the Austrian provinces has
Darallel in Italy since the

47
had no

days of Fra Diavolo. Charles

Albert, pitiless with fright, surrendered himself to the reactionary court party and fed their thirst for blood. Moral, sometimes physical, torture was inflicted on the
k^ictims to

extort confession of their


guilt.

own

or their con-^^

Jacopo Ruffini, given the choice ) ;3etween execution and the betrayal of his friends, ^ Ten soldiers and two J :ommitted suicide in prison. fourteen more only escaped by :ivilians were shot numbers were sent to longer or shorter imlight
federates'
;
;

Italy still execrates those courts-martial. prisonment. Not all Charles Albert's later patriotism has purged riis memory from their indelible shame and while
;

y^et

he reigned, the Genoese erased from their city very record of the brutal general who was his worst

instrument.
'

The humble lawyers and sergeants whonj he shot, have a deathless homage from their country,} " when nourished )^ Ideas ripen quickly," said Mazzini, It was the memory -or by the blood of martyrs."
these

and other victims of tyranny, that helped to


send Italians to die in the

nerve Italian arms and


battles that

won

their country's liberty.

Meanwhile, since the previous August, Mazzini had The French been driven into hiding at Marseilles. government decreed his banishment and broke up his He started a Mazzini eluded both blows. press. secret press and got French compositors to work it. He himself found refuge in the house of a French sympathiser, Demosthene Ollivier, father of Louis Napoleon's last premier, under whose roof he remained '"a voluntary prisoner." Twice only in the year he

48
passed
as a
its

Marseilles
threshold, and then only at night, disguised It was at this time or a garde national.

woman

that the French government, whether maliciously or itself deceived, brought against him a false charge of

encouraging assassination, for repeating which in after Mazzini years Sir James Graham wore sackcloth.^ was still at Marseilles, when the news of the Genoese
/executions

came

in Jacopo Ruffini he

and so had

terrible

was

his anguish, for

lost his dearest friend, that

Vjiis health

of a noble woman,

and mind nearly broke down. The devotion whom he loved,^ saved him from

insanity or death. About the beginning of July 1833 he moved to He came there to be on the spot for a new Geneva. The failure of the army plot plan of insurrection.

only impelled him more feverishly into his fixed idea of a rising in Piedmont. He wished no doubt to punish Charles Albert, and well

may he have

been

maddened

savagery, which had sickened He wanted to " moralise " his party by Europe. proving that the terrorism had no fears for him and

by

the

striking

back

at
if

the

thought that, gether, he must


allow the
his
fire

He

victorious and brutal enemy. he was to keep his following tohis cast

make

now
it

or never.

Once

to slack

down, and

would be beyond

He believed that half power to rekindle it. Europe was on the brink of revolution, that a republican movement in Italy would be the signal for republican risings in France and Spain and Germany. It was probably a fantastic dream but he had surer ground for thinking that a revolt would fire the tinder
;

See below, See below,

p.

104

p.

68

Marseilles

49

Exaggerated as his hopes were throughout Italy. even here, the revolutionary spirit, that Young Italy In the Genovesate and created, had sunk deep.
Savoy, in the Papal States and parts of Naples there was a good deal of material ready for an insurrection ; and Mazzini had assured himself that on the appointed day guerilla bands would take to the mountains in

The chances of success, indeed, several districts. were not bright at the best but the raid was not quite the unpardonable playing with brave lives, that it seems at first sight. Mazzini, taking up a plan of the Carbonari at Paris, chose Savoy for the starting;

He expected that the troops point of the insurrection. there would join the insurgents, and the revolutionary army would cross the Alps into Piedmont, 'while
another band would land in the Riviera and rouse
the Genoese country.^ By the autumn of 1833 several hundred exiles had

been enrolled in Switzerland. Many of them were Poles and Germans, a few were French and Mazzini welcomed assistance, which he hoped might cement an international alliance of democrats, and develop " into a Young Europe," which would do elsewhere
;

what Young Italy was doing for his own country. He had the help of several officers, Bianco di San Jorioz, author of a clever book on guerilla warfare, which had much influenced him, and Manfredo Fanti, the future organiser of the Italian army. They saw
the importance of giving the command to an experienced officer, and the Savoyard conspirators
insisted

that

the

choice

should

fall

on a certain
adventurer
c. ix.

General
^

Ramorino, a

cosmopolitan

of

For Gallenga's plot

to assassinate the King, see below,

50

Marseilles

Savoyard birth, who had fought under Napoleon, and I had an undistinguished command in the PoHsh rising of Mazzini's slender preparations were completed 1 8 3 1 by October, and about eight hundred men were armed and ready to march. There were plans of simultaneous risings at Genoa and Naples, in the Marches and Garibaldi enlisted in the and the Abruzzi Piedmontese navy in the quixotic hope of bringing it over to the revolution. /But what chance there was He had no real of success was spoilt by Ramorino. he was paid by interest in the expedition perhaps the French government to wreck it. / At all events
.

he lingered at Paris, squandering much of the warfund, that Mazzini had collected with infinite labour.

Every week added to the difficulties. The foreign governments put pressure on the Swiss to break up the volunteers. Buonarrotti, suspicious of the whole
design, did his best to discredit Mazzini among his own men. When Mazzini at last insisted that the

volunteers must wait no longer, the conspirators in Savoy refused to cooperate unless Ramorino came.

Mazzini worked desperately to undo the mischief, and It was too last, in January, Ramorino arrived. The Swiss authorities harassed the volunteers, late. and on February i only a small body of the raiders could gather on the frontier near St Julien. Ramorino marched them aimlessly about. Probably he saw from the first how desperate were the chances, and wished to spare a useless loss of life. On the 4th, before hardly a shot had been exchanged, he disat

banded

his

men, and the insurrection was

still-born.

Chapter

IV

Switzerland
1834-1836.
Life in
exile
crisis

Aetat 28-31

Principles of the revolution Young Mental Young Europe Literary work Women friends Giuditta Sidoli Madeleine de Mandrot.
Switzerland
:

JlllRiNG
strain of

thg raid

Mazzini's

health coHapss.d.

The

work and anxiety might have broken down he had not touched his bed for a a stronger man and and cold and the crushing responsiweek, fatigue There was a false alarm one on fever. bility brought fired and Mazzini, hurrying up a and patrol night, his lost consciousness and did with musket, excitedly not regain it till the volunteers had recrossed the The collapse unstrung him for the time, frontier. and perhaps it was only the letters of the woman he " I have loved, that kept him from a worse fate.
;

" he writes to her there are moments when I could roll on the ground and bite I have fits of rage at every human face and myself When he recovered, he found his residence voice."

moral

convulsions,"

in

The foreign governments Switzerland threatened. rained threats on the Federal Diet to make it expel
the
refugees.
it

even had

The Diet was easily frightened, but been braver, it could not tolerate acts

52

Switzerland

contrary to international law, or allow Switzerland to be a recruiting ground for raids upon a neighbourThe Swiss could not be expected to risk ing power.
foreign complications for the sake of men who, from any ordinary standpoint, had abused their hospitality.

After what

had happened,
;

it

was

difficult

for

the

raiders to plead at once even the traditional right of asylum for political refugees and though after a lapse

of time a stronger government would have reverted to the more generous policy, and though some of
the cantons were restive at
its

continued deference

to foreign pressure, it is not easy to blame the Diet, even at a later date, for its unwillingness to shelter

the raiders.

Many of them

were sent at once across the frontier

others succeeded in hiding themselves. Mazzini was determined not to leave Switzerland. It was essential
to
his plans that he should be near Italy, and he dreaded moving further from the beloved land. He " grew fond of Switzerland, and came to love the Alps almost as one loves a mother." England and America were the only other countries open to him, and he feared that if a Tory government came into power in England, he would find no shelter even there. " Besides," he said, in words to be recanted later,

there is no sympathy there, no help, no anything." For nearly three years he led a more or less hunted life at Lausanne, at Berne, at Soleure and Bienne and Grenchen, in the house of a Protestant pastor at Langnau sometimes hotly sought by the police, some-

"

times with the connivance of the government, but generally a virtual prisoner in the houses where he found a refuge. For seven months, at one time, he fled from

Switzerland

53

place to place, living in apparently untenanted houses, with mats at the windows, never setting foot outside, except in his fugitive removes by night across the mountains. Exhausted in body and soul, he had to

an exile's life in all its bitterness " the existence mournful and dull as a stormy sky or the ashes of a dead fire the suffering that has no name, that finds no vent in tears or words, that has no poetry save for
taste
;
;

the distant sentimentalist

the suffering that

makes

hollow-cheeked but kills not, that bows but does not break while the weary eyes follow
a
;

man wan and

the driven clouds, that the wind wafts away to the skies of fatherland, beyond the everlasting Alps, those

cherubim Eden."
icy

that

guard

the

gate

of

the

heart's

There was little interruption to his desolate solitude. Save for occasional glimpses, he was parted from his old comrades, except the Rufifinis and though he>
;

found a few sympathetic friends in Switzerland asid caught greedily at their affections, it could not make " I could well up for the loss. He had few books live all my life shut up in one room," he wrote wearily, " if I had all my books at hand, but without books, or The sedentary life guitar, or view, it is too much." told on his health, and he obstinately declined the medicines his mother sent him. Toothache wore him down, though sometimes he welcomed it as a diversion from his sickness of heart. Money difficulties came, with their sordid complications. His mother sent what she could spare friends helped him with loans. But he could never refuse an exile in need, and they importuned him, till even he rebelled against their The organisation of Young Italy such exigencies.
; ;

54
of
it

Switzerland
as
still

was left and expenses of publishing and most of the rest, for there were few absorbed postage He denied himself subscribers to the party funds. all but bare necessities and cigars, even the two small scent and good writing paper. luxuries he valued He borrowed what few books he had. He went short of clothes, and sends his mother lean inventories of his wardrobe, which she and his old nurse did their Sometimes he found himself in best to replenish. " " absolute want, and writes with a blush on his face to the mother who never refused him. Aching fits of " a physical craving for home-sickness came on him, " The home, for Italian clouds and winds and sea." " I was other day," he writes to a little girl friend,

looking at the Alps in the distance

beyond
I

them

is

my

country,

my

poor country that

love so much,

where my father and mother are, and my two sisters, and another sister who has been dead many years, /and the tomb of the best friend of my youth, who died for liberty, and meadows and hills and beautiful j Y lakes like your own, and flowers and oranges and a beautiful sky all that one needs to make one die happy, and I thought sadly on it all." He had more pungent thoughts to trouble him.

/The
Italy

disastrous

raid

demoralised

his

party.

From

came news of discouragement and desertion. The exiles loaded him with the responsibility of the
fiasco
;

cross-fire of recrimination,

he found himself the centre of a miserable and he repaid the criticism

with scorn and suspicion. The want of response in Italy made him at times very bitter against his countrymen. " Oh, how cold those Italians are, and how they hunt
for excuses for their apathy.

They

will

not see that

Switzerland

^^

they are slaves, without a name, accursed by God, and mocked among the nations.'^* The human sweetness
in him was half dried up, and a misanthropy, so new and alien to him, made him querulous and captious. Friends were cold, or at all events seemed so to his sick mind. He wrote peevishly to the best of them ; he talked more peevishly still. The society, probably even of those who were dearest, worried and distressed him, and he preferred to be left alone with a favourite " cat. I am inclined to love men at a distance," he " writes contact makes me hate them." The sorest one that obsessed him and him to the pain, dragged was the of his abyss, thought suffering friends, suffering because of him, though for a cause for which he too had given all. It was the Gethsemane of every truehearted man, who calls his fellows forth to sacrifice and battle. The friends of his youth were in exile. Men who had loved him and whom he had loved, were laying their misery to his charge. The Rufifinis' home\ was desolate one son the victim of his own hand,s two more in exile, the mother, whom of all women he reverenced most, sitting in loneliness and mourning. Another woman, to whom he had given his love, but to whom a fugitive exile could not give a home, was hunted by the Italian police, worn and desperate. " What gives me pain and very sad moments," he writes to his mother, " is the past and present and future of the few beings who love me and whom I really love, you, and the Ruffinis, their mother, my If I could see you all and my few sisters, and Her.
;

I
'

other friends, I will not say happy, for that we can never be again, but tranquil, quiet, smiling, and united,
I

would die that day with rapture."

"

wanted to

56

Switzerland

" do good," he writes to a friend, but I have always done harm to everybody, and the thought grows and grows till I think I shall go mad. Sometimes I fancy
I it

am

made him doubt


it

hated by those I love most." Once, at of all that he had done.

all

events,
I

"

think

from morning to night, and ask pardon of my God for having been a conspirator not that I in the least repent the reasons for it, or recant a single one of my beliefs, which were, and are, and will be a religion to me, but because I ought to have seen that there are times, when a believer should only sacrifice himself to I have sacrificed everybody." his belief
over
;

The black misery

settled

on him.

"

felt

alone in

poor mother, and she too was away and unhappy for my sake, and I stopped in In that wilderness I met Doubt." terror at the void. The men whom he had sent to a patriot's death,
the world, except for

my

had they died in vain? Was it all a frightful error, empty dream born of ambition and pride of intellect? Was it for some grandiose, impossible chimera, that he had taken men from quiet useful lives and the simple round of kindliness? What authority had he still to preach a creed, which meant
an
the sacrifice of thousands

more, the unhappiness of In his nightly terrors, in his little lonely room, while the wind howled round, he heard Jacopo Ruffini's voice calling to him. He was of course verging on insanity, and thoughts of suicide

many

another mother?

His strong moral nature passed through his mind. and the influence of two women Madame Ruffini and one unknown saved him. ^ Characteristically, mental

health returned in the shape of a philosophy of life. It was his theory of Duty, expanded till it penetrated

Switzerland
every cranny of the individual soul.
the utilitarian
affections.
"
I

57

His old enemy; had taken subtle root in his theory, should have thought of them, as of

a blessing from God, to be accepted with thankfulness, not as of something to be expected and exacted as a
right

and a reward.

Instead of

this, I

had made them

a condition of fulfilling my duties. I had not reached the ideal of love, love that has no hope in this life.
I

so he put away that last infirmity of the true took to himself not only toil and danger and man, opprobrium, but unloved solitude of soul, the desert life of him who has no friend but God.yHe, who ached for sympathy and love, took duty !or his hard

And

had worshipped not love but the joys of love^

an arid, bare religion, which does duty, not save my heart a single atom of unhappiness, but still the only one that can save me from suicide."
task-master
"

"

There are four


all

lines of Juvenal,"

he

said,

up

we ought

to ask of

God,

all

that

that sum made Rome


:

"

the mistress and the benefactress of the world


*

Pray for the soul, that has no fear of death, That holds life'sTend among kind nature's gifts, Brave to endure each pain and labour nought Vexes it, nought it covets.' "
;

'"When
said

to

himself in
to

a man," he writes to a friend, "has once all seriousness of thought and


fight
for

feeling, I believe in liberty

he

is

bound

and country and humanity, liberty and country and

humanity, fight long as life lasts, fight always, fight with every weapon, face all from death to ridicule, face hatred and contempt, work on because it is his duty and for no other reason.'^

58

Switzerland

before his mental crisis, the h'ght and There were times of his work. out had gone joy when he felt he had neither strength nor time nor capacity for it, when his theories became cold, emotion-

Long indeed

than the passionate beliefs God was " a geometrical solution," his of other days. own task " a fated mission." All life seemed drab
less abstractions, far other

and purposeless. " There is so much agony in life," he writes, " that when I see a baby quiet, smiling, at
can only wish for death for moods were the exception. such though
peace,
I
it."

"

He

always good-tempered and sometimes Giovanni Ruffini. Certainly during these three years he wrote some of his warmest and humanest pages. At times he was even hopeful of his immediate political schemes, y He was strong in the sense of his
mission.
"
I

Perhaps almost gay," wrote


is

" know," he said, there is the future in " I see it." We have if this life of mine, little matter " he of the the cause writes, made," people our own, we have voluntarily taken on ourselves the sorrows of all a generation. We have snatched a spark from the Eternal God, and placed ourselves between Him and the people we have taken on ourselves the part of the emancipator, and God has accepted us/^ Alike in hours of insight and of gloom he remained ever constant to his work. His friends advised him to retire. His father threatened, his mother entreated. To the latter he " would have yielded, if he could." He would gladly have withdrawn, at least he thought so, if anyone else had come forward to take up the work but this of course was impossible. He would have liked to fall back on the Manzonian policy, and devote himself to quiet moral and literary education.
;
;

Switzerland

59

But this seemed an impossible solution in a country, where there was no freedom of speech or writing. The only way, he thought, to rouse his countrymen was to give them the example of a life, that no adversity could turn back, no want of response dishearten, ever labouring and suffering for their sake and the ideal's. There must be no folding of the hands, because others were slow to follow.

^He
last

set himself to think

why

the revolutions of the

years had failed, why the people, whether in Italy or France or elsewhere, had been so deaf to the He was always asking himself why call to liberty.
five

was that Christianity had succeeded, and why a movement, that had so much in common with it, the movement for the social and political redemption of the people, had failed. / He found his answer in the fact that the Revolution had missed the spiritual It was power, that made Christianity triumphant.
it

the substance of his Marseilles teaching, but informed with a more mystical, transcendental spirit, due no

doubt to the apocalyptic results of his depression, and partly too to the influence that Lamennais had over him at this time. /The French Revolution had aj pealed to men's selfish and personal interests, their It had been a rights, their desire for happiness.
rebellion against evil, not a mission in search of good.

now it had done its work. and human dignity was accepted everywhere in theory, however much realisation lagged. ( The nineteenth century was plagiarising the eighteenth, and following precedents whose day was past. /A new principle was needed to carry progress one step further, and that principle must be a
It

had had

its

use,

but

The

principle of liberty

6o
"

Switzerland

fell as a political party, we must spiritual one. The new revolution rise again as a religious party." must find its strength in " the enthusiasm, which alone
it must appeal to men's sense of begets great things duty, it must bid them work not for themselves but
;

We
"

humanity./ Then and not till then, the pettiness and party feeling and want of earnestness, which had wrecked the movements of 183 i and his own Italian schemes, would vanish in the light of a great faith, and that same light would be a beacon, which would draw the masses after. ^He was still, in spite of disappointment and the scepticism of his friends, convinced that Europe was ripe for revolution, if only one country showed the He was equally convinced that Italy would be way. that country./ France, he thought, had disqualified
for

herself

by her adherence

to

the

traditions

of her

Revolution.

The

strong

dislike

of France,

which

marked him all through life, was now especially prominent, and he declared that popular progress throughout Europe depended on emancipation from her political

and

literary influence.

/Why

he appropriated

for Italy

the revolutionary hegemony, he would have found it difficult to give, a convincing reason. At bottom,

probably, with the sublime prophetic confidence that

went hand in hand with all his searchings of heart and absence of personal ambition, he claimed the primacy for his country, because he hoped to inform
her with his

own

principles./

/His programme remained almost unaltered. He was indeed prepared, though regretfully, to support a royalist movement, if it declared for Italian Unity. But he would not countenance a royalist programme
Italian

Switzerland

61

He still believed in the Republic, with any lesser goal. both for Italy's own sake and for the example it would And he still believed in give to other democracies. insurrection as the only possible road to reformation in a country, where there were no constitutional
liberties

to

make

constitutional

progress

possibly
intensified

Gioberti urged to

him

in vain that unsuccessful insur-

rections only discouraged the patriots

and

the oppression.

Mazzini, though he promised that

he would not again encourage an insurrectionary movement, unless it started inside the country and independently of the exiles, argued that insurrection was the only means to rouse the masses. It mattered little if the first risings failed they would keep alive His the spirit, that one day would lead to victory.
;

hopes of the early triumph of the revolution grew slowly fainter he began to see that time, perhaps a generation, was needed to quicken the inertia, that ages
;

of despotism had instilled. But every effort brought them nearer to the goal every slackening made it more remote. He would not believe that sacrifice
;

and struggle could go unrewarded, or quiet waiting He still, though spring from ought but cowardice. for want of money and the need of secrecy fitfully

and
sixth
this
less

his

own

every turn

deepening gloom hampered went on with his preparations.

him

at

number of Young Italy appeared in was its last issue, but he persevered in the thankwork of organisation, carrying on a voluminous
;

The July 1834

correspondence, raking in sympathisers from every quarter, sending agents to Italy, who brought back the same monotonous tale of discouragement and
unreadiness.

62
He
Swiss
for

Switzerland
found time meanwhile
politics,

to interest himself in

and tried to organise a party to do Switzerland, what Young Italy had been doing

for his own country. Many of the Swiss naturally Mazzini brushed resented the intrusion of a stranger.

away the
been the

first

objection, though he would perhaps have to criticise a foreigner, who had preached

to the Italians, as he preached to the Swiss. Switzerland, he urged, played so important a part in the

European
its

polity, that

no one could be

indifferent to

At this time, certainly, Swiss politics destiny. The Federal offered abundant scope for a reformer. Pact of 1 8 1 5 had undone Napoleon's comparatively
liberal

constitution.
;

The cantons were connected


;

by the loosest of ties many of them were governed by small oligarchies class privileges depressed the artisans and peasants. The return of the Jesuits
stirred a bitter religious struggle,

which from time to

A vigorous time threatened to blaze into civil war. reform movement had indeed recently swept away the worst abuses inside some of the cantons but, nothing
;

had been done to strengthen the bonds between them, ^nd the narrow cantonal life threatened to smother " the country in a mud-death." It was impossible for
Switzerland to assert her independence or maintain her traditions, when she had no central authority To Mazzini it meant too the worthy of the name.

absence of any real national life, the adhesion to a policy of neutrality, which prevented the one republican state of Europe from throwing its weight into the

European balance. Mazzini's ideal for Switzerland was to include it with the Tyrol and Savoy in a federation of republics, and substitute for the settle-

Switzerland

63

ment of 1815 a true federal authority, representing and responsible to the whole people and not to the He founded a " Young Switzerseparate cantons. " land paper, La Jeune society, and published a in French week a twice Suisse^ which appeared and German, till after a year's existence (the usual
of Mazzini's journalistic ventures) the Diet suppressed it and decreed Mazzini's perpetual banishment.
life

some of its articles Mazzini appears at his best, more tolerant, less dogmatic and theoretical. The movement does not seem to have found any great
In

measure of success, though

it

attracted

certain

number of the
and Protestant the immediate

finer spirits

among

the younger

men

But, whatever may have been clergy. fruits of Mazzini's work, at all events

The Swiss constitution of 1848 his ideas triumphed. embodied their essentials, and it is worth noting that
Druey, one of
friend.
its

two draughtsmen, was

his personal

and Switzerland together were not enough to /^Two months after the collapse occupy of the Savoy raid, seventeen of the exiles, Italians, " Germans, Poles, signed a pact of Young Europe," which was intended to be an alliance on Mazzinian
Italy
his energies.

principles of the republicans of the three countries^ When one remembers that its vast scheme of trans-

the work of a few young exiles, it Mazzini himself pure rhodomontade. recognised afterwards that the plan was too emBut at the bracing to lead to practical results. time he seems to have expected a good deal from " It was to be a kind of it. college of intellects," which would watch and give information on the

formation was
reads
like

64

Switzerland

popular and nationalist movements of the Continent, and at the same time be an organised propagandism with its machinery of agents "and countless other

means."
that
it

One

thing in particular he hoped from

it,

would assist towards "the emancipation from France," and encourage another country, Italy of course by preference, to initiate the new age of As a matter of fact, religion and the republic. nothing seems to have been done beyond the despatch of a few agents to France and Spain, and But an attempt to organise meetings in England. it loomed large in the public eye, and did something
democracy that its interests are international. Meanwhile, in addition to his political correspondence and journalism, he found time for literary It was partly in the vain hope of earning writing. a little money for himself and his political work. " I think over schemes day and night, as every
to teach

want does." It was partly too to encourage " in Italy, and and poetic sentiment combat the dominant scepticism and materialism. For literary fame he cared nothing. Friends, who wished him to retire from political work, advised him to " honour Italy with his pen." " Excuse me," he answered, " but this has no meaning for me. i I We must try don't know what or where Italy is. to regenerate and create her, and honour her afterHis articles on Byron and Goethe and The wards.'/' He Philosophy of Music date from this period.
in
*'

man
a

religious

collected materials for the edition of Foscolo's works, which was so near his heart now as at a later time.

He

and wrote introductions

wished to edit a collection of translated dramas, to Werner's Der viei^und-

Switzerland
"

65

No zwanzigste Februar and De Vigny's Chatterton. other critic," says a recent Italian writer, " has written
such length or so profoundly on Werner as did The essay was published later at Brussels with Ruffini's the only instalment ot translation, Agostino He planned a Foreign Review^ the projected series. to be published at Genoa, but an indiscreet friend betrayed his editorship, and the censorship promptly Another scheme for a Review withdrew its sanction.
at

Mazzini."

of European Literature, to be issued in the freer air of Lugano, broke down, apparently for want of funds.

Another venture, which had a brief life, was the Italiano, a literary and scientific magazine, which appeared at Paris for a few months in 1836, to which he and Tommaseo and some of the best Italian writers of the day contributed, and where Guerrazzi published
the

who
"

Mazzini, chapters of his Siege of Florence. drafted the prospectus, seems to have been and poetry. especially anxious to include novels
first

must be remembered," he writes, " that fancy and the affections make up at least four-fifths of man. Poetry is not the gift and privilege of a few, the masses are full of a living and speaking poetry." He urged too that women's questions should have
It

idequate attention.
It
is

to this period chiefly that belong the only

iove-episodes

of of

Mazzini's

life.

He
"

:onception
ivoman,"

womanhood.

Love

had a lofty and respect

" he once wrote. Look to her not only for comfort, but for strength and inspiration and the of intellectual moral powers. and doubling your Blot out from your mind any idea of superiority
;

66

Switzerland

you have none. There is no inequality between man and woman but as often is the case between two men, only different tendencies and special vocations. Woman and man are the two notes, without which
;

human chord cannot be struck." wrote to a young wife many years


the
sacred, because
it is

"

Marriage," he
"
is

afterwards,

one of the most potent means of


mission.
It

accomplishing

life's

gives

the

almost

superhuman strength that comes of love, the supreme comfort that makes sacrifice a joy, the dew that tempers the scorching heat upon the flower." But " " now, as a rule," he says, we do not love. Love, the most holy thing that God has given to man, has become a febrile need, a brutish instinct the family is perverted into a denial of all vocation and social male and female have cancelled man and duty woman." He himself was a man, not likely to be His work absorbed his vital force, and easily in love. he had no pity for men who forgot public work in
;
;

domestic happiness.

And though his unsoiled purity and gentleness, together with the sympathy that allowed him to understand women as few men can do, won him the devotion and affection of many women, especially Englishwomen, the sentiment, on his side at least, was, save in two cases, one of
"

intense friendship only. He had two or three boyish passions, one for an

"

English girl who lived near his home at Genoa, another Genoese, Adele Zoagli, who afterwards became the mother of the patriot-poet Mameli. When he
for a

went into
his heart

exile, the

were his His affection for his mother was very serious and

women who had a place in own mother and Madame Ruffini.


only

Switzerland
deep, more masculine and less the common course of Italian
after his
love.

67
Perhaps

sentimental than in
filial

boyhood she did not influence him in details, and intellectually there was some lack of sympathy between them. But her strong pride in him, that made her " thank God day and night for having given
her that son," her faith in his political, though not in

watched year after year over the son she saw not, the courage that made her bear long years of parting rather than ask him to deny his call, made the most lasting human inspiration
his religious beliefs, the love that

of his
to his

In time of deep trouble a man will turn life. mother and his God, and he looked to her, as to one whose love would never change, to whom he could

pour out, not indeed his spiritual misery, but all the material worries which a man tells only to his mother and his wife, certain that her sympathy would His love for Madame Rufiini was of never fail. another kind. She was a very noble woman, with intense and unconcealed sympathies, wise with the experience of age and motherhood and sorrow and Mazzini was not the only one in the circle of friends It Genoa, who loved her with the reverential affection, that an elderly woman of saintly life and understandIt was she, whose ing will call forth from young men. Dwn deep religious faith had saved him in youth from
little
;

lis

short episode of scepticism. Another woman would lave reproached him with Jacopo's death to her the :ommon memory of one so dear only fed the affection,
;

:hat

many memories and


"

the

same intense

religious,

ilmost mystical, beliefs had already He calls her " mother, friend, and
jacred,"

made
all

so strong. that is more

the purest, whitest, holiest soul he had ever

68
met on
earth."
fault of his

Switzerland
As
far as

we can

tell, it

was from no

that their friendship closed afterwards in

misunderstanding and silence. His devotion to these two women had a deeper and more lasting influence on him than any lover's passion. There was, however, at least one other, whom he loved in another way, one to whom he gave his troth and whom he would have married, had an exile's life
allowed
it.

Giuditta Sidoli

noble

Lombard

was the daughter of a had been brought up where she family,

in a school of patriotism.

Her

brother. Carlo Bellerio,

was a follower of Young Italy, and was banished for his faith. She had been married, when a mere girl, to Giovanni Sidoli, a wealthy Reggian, a patriot and an and he swore her on his death-bed to be exile too true to the cause to which he had given his life. She was one year older thanMazzini,aquiet-moving, gracious woman, almost beautiful, with a gentle, blonde Venetian face, warm, golden hair, and dark, thoughtful eyes sober and unemotional in her manner, but with deep springs of enthusiasm and devotion. Mazzini first met her, a five years' widow, at Marseilles and afterwards in Switzerland their liking and common interests soon deepened into love, and he was engaged to her before he left France. A few months before the
; ; ;

Savoy Expedition, her yearning


were
left

for her children,

who

Reggio, drove her to Florence in the hope that with or without the Government's consent she might see them. Thanks to the Tuscan police,
at

who opened and copied we have some fragments


"

Mazzini's

letters

to
"

her,

of their
letter,"

correspondence.
writes,

There are words


still

in

your

he

which

make me

thrill

with joy.

In these last days

Switzerland
I

69

have learnt the strength of my love. I have covered Oh, that I could sleep for once your lock with kisses. To a common with my head resting on your knees." " I love her friend he writes, probably a little later, more than she thinks, much more than she loves me. I dream of her day and night, and it becomes more and more a fixed idea with me and yet I know with absolute certainty I shall never live with her, not even if Italy were free."
;

Up

to a point they doubtless loved

but, especially

when one remembers Mazzini's emotional

epistolary

whether was the tender, strong affection of two absolutely good and kindred souls, and with neighbourhood it might have But long separation cooled it, ripened into more. and neither was inconsolable. To Giuditta probably at bottom her children were dearer than her lover, and Mazzini felt this. She seems to have made no effort to join him afterwards in England she went to Parma to be near her children and importune the
;

style of this time, one is tempted to question their love had very much passion in it. It

ducal brute,

who

forbade her access to them, at last


in

his despite and apparently seeing Reggio moment. Mazzini for his part was wrapped up in his work and the struggle with exacting poverty. In England he hardly corresponds with her, partly because his letters might have brought fresh persecution on her, but partly, one is forced to conclude, because there was no lover's ardour to find out a way. But he still considered himself as in honour bound to He her, and in a sense no doubt he loved her still.

going to

them

for a

writes in the

summer of 1838, "Giuditta

love her,

and have promised to love

loves me, I but he speaks her,"

yo
as

Switzerland

if he feared a rupture rather for its effects on her Two years later he writes as if his than on himself. love were dead. But, if love was dead, friendship, and It is a very strong and true one, remained to the end. that to never ceased they entirely correspond. probable In the fifties, when she was living in the Valle dei Salici, near Turin, a grey-haired woman, with all the gracious gentleness and culture of her earlier

days, Mazzini would


visits to

come

to see her in
still

his

secret

Piedmont, and she was

the tolerant but

ardent believer in his policy. When she was on her a before he died himself, he wrote death-bed, year " " " as an old friend to one of the best spirits he had ever met." In a sense Giuditta had a rival. During his Swiss a friendly of the de Mandrot, wanderings, daughter
avocat
at Lausanne, whom he had met casually,^ became strongly attracted to him. And what was at first a woman's pity and a disciple's adoration, changed to passionate love. She was a girl of some sixteen years, of rich, emotional nature and spiritual When he went to yearnings, that echoed to his own. London, and she saw no more of him and heard of his uncared-for loneliness, her hopeless love and pity worked on her, till she pined into melancholy and illness, and her friends begged him to return and save

her by his presence. What response he made to her is it not to If one may judge from love, easy say. the meagre references in his letters, he felt at first

no more than affectionate gratitude

for the rich gift

^ Her niece, Mademoiselle Dora Melegari, tells me that her aunt's real name was not Madeleine, as given in the Lettres Intimes what it was,
;

Mademoiselle Melegari does not at present

feel justified in disclosing.

Switzerland

But later, as he learnt more he could not take. of her constancy and unhappiness, and his love for Giuditta wore away, and he ached for a woman's loving hand, his affection ripened into something that was probably nearer passionate love than anything he
felt

before or after.
self

Not that

ing

was disloyal
girl

to Giuditta. "

writes to a friend,

who
;

permanent, reason" " he I free ? would gladly have seen him


his

Am

before society and men, who but before my actual bonds, I am recognise only own heart and God, who watches over promises, I am not." Sometimes indeed he balanced the results to

and the

united

the two

women, and was tempted


"

for the

moment

of saving the one from death or life-long misery might justify the breakBut he knew that it ing of his promise to Giuditta.
to think that

the imperious duty

"

would be a cruel blow to the woman to whom he had pledged himself; he felt he would gladly escape from an attachment, which stained his loyalty to her and his common sense told him that his gloomy companionship and the privations of an exile's life would
;

never

make a young

girl

permanently happy.

And
the

so he never seriously faltered in crushing rising love within him or trying to crush
her.

down
it

out in

brother-and- sisterly relationship

admit more than a he prays she may him his and friends to do their best to forget begs kill her love by painting him he in his defects refuses to correspond with her, and though at last at the earnest prayer of her friends he promises to come, if he can find the money, it was only to save her from the pining that was bringing her to her But though he put her aside as a beautiful grave.
steadily declines

He

to

72

Switzerland

and impossible dream, he could not stop the yearn" Do you think," he writes, " that I easily give ing. up having near me one like her, a creature of God, young, pure, religious, enthusiastic, into whose heart I could pour all the world of feelings and dreams and " He finds his combeliefs and love that is in me ?
fort in the

thought that theirs

is

"

a mystical, spiritual

union," that she will meet and make him happy in In this world he never saw her again, another world. and it seems that her passion soon fretted her frail Love of wife and love of family were not life away. " for him, and bitterly he felt it. He, who through " cannot fatality of circumstances," he wrote long after,
live the

serene

life
;

that nothing
I

fills

of family, has a void in his heart, and I who write these pages, well

know

it."

Chapter

London
1837-1843.
Life in

Aetat 31-38

London

Spiritual

condition

Lamennais and George Sand Literary work Decay of Young Italy The Italian School at Hatton Garden Appeal to working men.

English

friends

The

Carlyles

Early
London.

in

The determining
slow

1837 Mazzini and the Ruffinis came to cause was the inability of
life

the latter to bear the privations of a

of hiding.

diligence stages through by France, the French government, which was only glad to get them out of Switzerland, giving them every In London at all events they facility for the journey.

They

travelled

were free men, able to live under their own names and move where they liked, untroubled by the police. But the change from the snows and sunsets and silences of Switzerland to the squalor and noise of a back street in London added to Mazzini's desolation.
In
this
"

sunless

and

musicless

island,"

with

the

and the wearing din, he dreary of the for the pined peace Alps, where nature had him an occasional brought respite from his heart-ache. " We have lost," he writes, " even the sky, which the " veriest wretch on the Continent can look at and in
stretches

of houses

time the desolate walls across the street worried him,


7?

74
till

London

The one thing he would not go to the window. " When that appealed to him was the fog. in bella itself loses the look reddish, eye up, you I know don't which me, gives always shaped vault, why, an idea of the phosphorescent light of the The whole city seems under a kind of Inferno.^ reminds me of the Witches' Scene in and spell, Macbeth or the Brocksberg or the Witch of Endor. The passers-by look like ghosts, one feels almost a
in

London

half-glimpses of the buildings, sombre colouring, gave him a their with harmonising sense of mystery and indefiniteness, that redeemed " London of " the positive and finite of a Southern

ghost

oneself."

The

town,

and responded to his growing faith in the unseen. and poetic For a few weeks he lived at 24 Goodge Street, Tottenham Court Road, with the Ruffinis and two other exiles, who had helped him in the Marseilles
days.

March the quintet moved to 9 George near the Euston Road, where they suffered Street,
In
did

many things from the maid-of-all-work, who no doubt much as she liked with the five inexperienced
males, only two of

whom

well.

Here they

lived for three years,

could speak English at all on the whole a


"

an Mazzini himself was very miserable household. and of kindness and enthusiasm," angel good-temper ever ready to sacrifice himself to others' whims and

But the unhappy mystic was no cheerful companion, he was unpractical and dogmatic, probably sometimes peevish, half-lost in the empyrean
comforts.
For once his knowledge of Dante seems to have failed him. Many " Daniel years after he quotes the expression to Stern," but owns that he cannot refer to the verse.
^

London

75

of his ideals, beyond the ken or sympathy of the others. Agostino Ruffini's petty selfishness and ungovernable tongue were the source of frequents

which one day brought Mazzini to tears, " tears^ which nothing else could have drawn from him,"/ At as he writes plaintively to Agostino's mother. bottom young Rufifini recognized Mazzini's worth and devotedness, and swore himself on paper to keep his temper, with other salutary resolutions, to be read but he was quite incapable over three times a week of reaching to Mazzini's mind, and he longed to enjoy himself in a freer life, where the gospel of Giovanni was more equable, '^ duty was never heard. and knew Mazzini better, but he too had small belief ^ in the gospel, and there was little except old associations and the common love of his mother to bind The general him to his transcendental friend. irresponsiveness at home bitterly hurt and saddened " I love no one and want to love no one," Mazzini. he writes of his English surroundings and in his in his and letters to friends Switzerland, he Italy lack of sympathy returns again and again to the as heaviest trial of those around him, the unhappy days. There was nothing to distract him from the sordidness of the bickering household in George Street. He seldom went out of doors, except to the British Museum. He had no money to buy books and comHe saw few plains that nobody would lend them. besides a few exiles, as poor and perhaps as unhappy as himself. He was " lost in a vast crowd of strangers, in a country where want, especially in a foreigner, is a reason for a distrust, which is often unjust and In common with his companions, sometimes cruel."
scenes,
;

76

London

he was miserably poor, often living on potatoes or His father advanced him money to speculate rice. in olive oil naturally he lost it, and after an angry letter from the hard old man, refused for several years He tried to find employto accept help from home. ment as a proof-reader, but in vain. He had an offer of work at Edinburgh, but the Ruffinis would not leave London, and he felt himself tied to them. Literary work came in very slowly, and for a year or two his articles in the English reviews brought in little The had been paid. profit, when the translator income of the rest of the household was not much in England larger, and the bad house-keepers found that "francs were little better than sous." Mazzini, as
;

ever, could

not shut his purse to the needy exiles,

who importuned him and, as Agostino grumbled, " in the name of this chimera of human brotherhood thought they had a right to make themselves at home
His few possessions soon found their He pledged his mother's pawn-shop. way and his watch and books maps his cloak went ring, " the one thing I don't think I can do to buy cigars, without." On one black Saturday he pawned a pair of boots and an old waistcoat to find food for the Sunday. One winter he risked his health by giving His mother, finding that away his only overcoat. to buy suits for his clothes sold once at good got several suits of send it better to friends,, thought so that he could keep one at least cheaper garments, for himself. his wardrobe was so depleted, Sometimes that he had to stay at home, and could not go to the His British Museum to carry on his literary work. was his well-known to better-off friends, generosity
in his house."

to

the

London

77

and it is not surprising that their patience in lending him money was exhausted. He tried a few years later to negotiate a loan on the security of yet unbut the ingenuous scheme met written manuscripts with no better success. Once some friends at Paris lent him ;^I20; another by a ruse persuaded him to ^ but when towards accept what was practically a gift the end of his first residence in England a proposal was made at Turin to raise a subscription for him, he
; ;

obstinately declined it, partly because, if it reached his " There mother's ears, she would have died of shame."

were thus only two roads open to him, suicide or the The thought of suicide came to him money-lenders. but he put it away as a coward's act and again again, and for his mother's sake. So more and more he fell
into the money-lenders' hands, borrowing at thirty or forty or sometimes nearly one hundred per cent, from
" loan societies, that rob the poor man of his last drop of blood and sometimes his last rags of self-respect." Year after year he plunged desperately in the morass,

and though ;^320 seems to have been the limit of his it was a crushing sum for one so utterly It was the common lot of the exiles, and destitute. some of them fared worse. In the midst of wealthy London, with men of means all round them, who shared their political views and made speeches for their cause, Karl Stolzmann, the Polish leader, one of Mazzini's nearest friends, went sometimes literally without food, and Stanislaus Worcell, born a rich Polish noble, was saved from a pauper's burial by an
indebtedness,

English acquaintance.
^

He
it

subsequently discovered that

it

was a

loan,

and insisted on repay-

ing

shortly before his death.

78

London

Apart, however, from money troubles, Mazzini's In 1840, after a external life gradually brightened. not far from their short stay at 26 Clarendon Square,

George Street house, where happily Agostino left them for work in Edinburgh, he and Giovanni moved to 4 York Buildings, which then stood in the angle He between King's Road, Chelsea, and Riley Street. came there to be near the Carlyles, and escape from London gloom and noise and importunate visitors. An Italian artisan, an exile from Perugia, kept house with his English wife, who proved an excellent houseIn keeper and saved them from servant-girl worries. those days there was a hay-field on one side of the house and market-gardens on another, some trees in view " of a very sombre green, but still trees," and not " far off the Thames, equally sombre with its muddy
dirty-yellow water, but beautiful at night, when its colour is lost in the dark, and the water shines silver

silent,

the barges go down, black, After a year Giovanni mysterious as ghosts." left him after a violent quarrel, and went to Paris. They were never really reconciled again, and Giovanni
in

the moonlight, and

repaid his friend's devotion with a coldness and contempt almost as unworthy as his brother's, though he did something to atone for it by the sympathetic picture of his old comrade as the Fantasio of his

Lorenzo Benoni. Uncomfortable as his relations with them had been^ With them or Mazzini felt the loss of the Ruffinis. without them, the early years of his English life were, if anything, more utterly forlorn and miserable than his worst days in Switzerland. His intellect, indeed,

was

safe now,

though there are indications

still

of a

London
mental weariness and
tion.

79

strain, that bordered on hallucinaThere was no longer any fear of a spiritual collapse, like that which had threatened a year or two ago to wreck his moral faith. But he was more wedded to his misery, more desolate, alone in "the " solitude of a damned soul." A man cannot live " and I have nobody who cares to alone," he writes, know what I am thinking of and what I want" His heart sank, when he came home from the British Museum to his bare, dark room, where there was no friend or woman to welcome him, and Agostino's querulous temper to add to the loneliness of it all. More and more the want of response around him made him seal up his thoughts and aspirations. His

friends'

ingratitude,

the
"

desertion

of

his

followers

added to the " terrors of his spiritual solitude. It seemed to him "an age of moral dissolution and unbelief, an age like that in which Christ died." The sense of failure still lay heavy on him, a brooding, unhealthy feeling that his work had been in vain, that it was his doom to bring ill-fortune to his friends that he had sacrificed himself and made no one happier He felt like " one irrevocably condemned, by it. " though without fault." Pray for me,' he writes to " one of his best friends, that, before I die, I may be

good

for

something."

things saved him from despair, perhaps from In the crisis in Switzerland he had put away, suicide.

Two

once

for

all,

any thought
the natural

of

personal
rebelled.
"

happiness.
"

think,"

Do you he writes of Madeleine, that in my hours of desolation I would not, if I could, seek a breast on which to lay my brow, a loving hand to place upon
Sometimes
still

man

8o
my
led
"

London
head."

But he knew that to look for happiness imperceptibly but certainly to selfishness, that " to God, sacrifice was the one real virtue," that duty

" and humanity, and country, and all men was the only And what he had law of life for the true man. worked out once in cold philosophy, now mellowed into religion, mystical sometimes, but beautiful and saving. Jacopo Ruffini and his own dead sister were praying for him, watching over him, inspiring him with Life was an expiation, to purify strength and love. the soul for another stage, where friends would meet again, and misunderstandings pass, and love reign
all. And even in this world, though sorrow might be the portion of the individual man, Humanity, the great collective being, would go ever forward to new knowledge, and new hopes, and nobler rules of

over

life.

faith, he was saved True that they centred on ever fewer persons. He had hardly a real friend left among his old political associates. For the men and women, whom he was coming to know in England, he

Perhaps, even more than by his


his intense affections.

by

His love for little more. was fading into a sincere but unMadeleine was an impossible passionate esteem. But the dream, that he resolutely shook away.
felt

as

yet gratitude but


Sidoli

Giuditta

dear

Madame Ruffini, his boyhood, mother, his unmarried sister, even his dour father, were loved with an affection that was pitifully, almost
ones
of his

It was the only morbidly sad, but ever more intense. " sunshine in his clouded life. I feel God's power and law more every day," he wrote to Madame Ruffini, " but He cannot weep with me or fill my soul's void

London
for

I worship I am a man still and tied to earth. Him more than I love Him, but you I love." And

in

he pours out, in words that read extravagant but came truth from his inmost being, all that reverential

love,

mother,
cooling

which he felt for her, who had been more than but whose affection for her devotee was
all

too quickly.

damage

been no doubt she sided with her own sons, when the At the beginning of estrangement with them came. Mazzini's correspondence with her appears to 1 84 1 have abruptly ceased. To his parents he turned yearningly in a new His one survivsorrow, that was bowing them down. ing unmarried sister died. She had been his favourite, the one of the family who had sympathized most with
his political schemes, and encouraged him in his work, and pleaded for him with his father. Her death

his friend in her eyes ; there seems to friction between her and Madame Mazzini ;

Agostino did his best to have and

obsessed him with an unhealthy depression but he felt most for his parents, left in the solitude of old age, bereft of the one who had been a needed link
;

between them,

for the father

had grown morose, and

there was evidently some want of harmony between Then the father himself fell very ill the old people.

and recovered with difficulty. His son brooded over the thought that he had not been enough to his parents while he was with them, that the life he had chosen for himself had been the cause of all their trouble. Plans for their comfort worked in his mind "like a never-resting wheel." He would have risked the death-sentence that still hung over him, and gone to live with them in hiding, but he knew that the dread

82

London

It of discovery would only have added to their cares. seems indeed that in 1844 he paid a visit to them in

disguise.^

somewhat, as he began to make He was not yet, it is true, in He found little liking life. with English sympathy

The gloom

lifted

friends in England.

here for his transcendentalisms, his big indeterminate and English love of facts and generalizations
;

suspicion

of theories

seemed
"

to

him

"

materialism
"

incarnate, pure critical analysis," fatal to spiritual or

Here," he writes, everybody philosophic thought. " and now, as always, is a sectarian or a materialist He he never understood or valued Protestantism.
;

had a poor opinion of English statesmen, especially of the Whigs, who irritated him by the folly of their Nor did he think attempts to put down Chartism. much better of the Chartist leaders, who were " Englishmen, which means materialists, utilitarians, Benthamists par excellence, with no principle except

The severthat of the greatest possible happiness." middle and working classes ance between the
portended,
revolution.

the

he thought, an imminent and terrible But he came by degrees to recognize He admired its better side of English life.
its

tolerance,
^

insistency
action,

thought and

and tenacity, the which never rests


it

"
till

unity of has it

The only evidence

for this is

contained in Cagnacci, Giuuppe Maz-

zini e ifratdli Ruffini, pp. 287, 290, from which Mazzini saw Madame Ruffini between June and

seems probable that

therefore, almost certainly, was at Genoa. doubtful whether la Cugina of the Ruffinis* letters refers to Mazzini, but the internal evidence seems to me to favour the identification. Signor

November, 1844, and Signor Donaver thinks it

Cagnacci's note on p. 290 seems to imply that he has seen a memorandum by Elia Benza to the effect that Benza saw him at Porto Maurizio about this time disguised as a Capucin.

London
carried each
it

83
and when

new

social idea into practice,

He watched has taken a step, never retraces it." the Chartist movement sympathetically, and contrasted its great following with the scanty disciples of the French socialists. Though he cared little for
"the

he saw in it something that rose above narrow egotism, which characterizes English and he especially approved, when the politics," Chartists put aside national prejudices and sent their good wishes to the Canadian rebels. Gradually he came to feel more at home in " " There," he says, friendships develop England. slowly and with difficulty, but nowhere are they so " sincere and lasting." Never," he wrote in after
its

doctrines,

"

days,

shall

I I

forget,

never
the

without

throb

of

gratitude a kind of
friendships

shall

mention

second
that

country brought an

land, which became to me, where I found

weary and unhappy life." circle widened almost too fares and the drain upon

enduring balm to my After a year or two his

rapidly, for clothes and bus his time made society an

expensive matter to him. One of the first English persons who took an interest in him, was Mrs Archibald A few months after he Fletcher of Edinburgh. came to England, she met him, " a young, slim, dark

man

of very prepossessing appearance," who could not speak English and wanted admission to a public So profoundly unhappy he seemed, that the library. kind old lady feared suicide and wrote to gently warn

him.

Mazzini replied that no one but " a man, who wished only to enjoy and has made that his chief thought, will destroy his life as a child does its plaything."

84
His
in
first

London
close

English
love

"

Carlyles.
it is

They

me

friendship was with the as a brother," he wrote

1840, "and would like to do


in their

power

to do."

me more good than For Carlyle he had for


"

several years a

very sincere liking.


still, I

He

is

good,

good, good

and

think, in spite of his great

He respected Carlyle's sincerity, reputation, unhappy." his freedom from insular narrowness, his outspokenness.
preach the merit of holding one's tongue to those, in truth, who do not agree with him, are but the talent of silence is such words addressed, He welcomed him as one " who served the not his." " " as himself, same God though with a different
"

He may

'

'

his ally in the attack ; in the exaltation of the spiritual.

"

worship

the love of his

on utilitarianism, " His motive is and active feeling a fellow-men, deep


this

of duty, for he believes man on earth." Their

to be

the

mission of

common

love of Dante,

no

doubt, too, helped to draw criticisms of his books he

them together. But in his condemned, however gently

and

respectfully, his individualism, his hero-worship, his depreciation of the great common march of the race, his ineffectiveness and timidity, when he came

to practical political applications.

grew on him,
girl,

till

in
"

cally opposed."

And the antagonism time they seemed to be "diametriWhy," he said long afterwards to a

are
are

who had been reading and admiring Carlyle, " you You fast drifting down the road to materialism.
lost.

my

Carlyle worships force, I combat it with all He is might. Carlyle is the sceptic of sceptics.

grand,

when he

pulls

down, but incapable of reconfresh.

structing something [anything]

If instead of

loving and admiring nations and humanity, you only

London
love, admire,

85

and reverence individuals, you must end by being an advocate of despots." Carlyle on his side had little sympathy with Mazzini's opinions, which to him were " incredible and (at once tragically and He was imcomically) impossible in this world." " Republicanisms, his Progress and patient with his He valued him none other Rousseau fanaticisms." ^ " a most valiant, faithful, considerably the less for Once the Piedmontese gifted and noble soul."
'
'

minister spoke lightly of


"

Sir,

Mazzini in his presence. Mazzini at all, not at all, you do not know
all,"

not

at

house.

At

Carlyle angrily replied and left the the time of the Bandiera episode, though

they had recently been quarrelling, he wrote to the " Times, Whatever I may think of his practical insight

can with great freedom men, that he, if I have ever seen such, is a man of genius and virtue, a man of sterling veracity, humanity, and nobleness of mind, one of those rare men, numerable unfortunately but as units in this world, who are worthy to be called martyr
skill in

and

worldly

affairs, I

testify to all

souls

who

in

silence,

piously

in

their

daily

life,

understand and practise what is meant by that." Mazzini, mindful of their late coolness, was much " touched by the defence. That I call noble," he said of it to a friend. For Mrs Carlyle Mazzini had a warmer feeling and she reciprocated it not only with an intense personal confidence, but for a time at all events by sharing
;

Gradually she came more to her husband's view of these and Mazzini and she had
his political beliefs.
;

Carlyle's statement (Rtminiscences, ii. 182) that he "once or twice" talked with Mazzini is rather startlingly inaccurate. See Carlyle's Life in

London,

i.

4SS.

86
"warm
dialogues,"

London
when
he
unfolded

some wild

"Are design of throwing away his life in Italy. " he there not things more important than my head ? " " but the man, asked her. Certainly," she replied,

who has not


shoulders
till

sense enough to keep his head on his

from

it,

something is to be gained by parting has not sense enough to manage any important

But "to the last," says Carlyle, "she had an affection for him"; in 1846 she came to always him for advice on her troubled married life, and he " appeals to her to send her ghosts and phantoms back " and make it bearable by communion to nothingness " Get up with her dead parents and work and love. When the Evil One wanted to tempt and work. Jesus, he led Him into a solitude." Mazzini was a frequent caller at their house
matter."
;

weathers, "his doe-skin boots oozing " out water in a manner frightful to behold upon her

coming

in

all

Sometimes he would come with any story amuse her sometimes he would discuss Dante with John Carlyle, who was then writing his translation of the Divina Commedia^ till Carlyle grew weary of the talk and reminded both that the last bus was starting. Margaret Fuller has left a description of an evening spent with the trio how Mazzini turned the conversation " to progress and ideal subjects, and Carlyle was fluent in invectives on
carpets.

that he could think of to

all

our

'

rose-water imbecilities,'

"

how

his

flippancy

saddened Mazzini, and Mrs Carlyle said to Margaret, "these are but opinions to Carlyle, but to Mazzini,

who has
to

given his all and helped bring his friends the scaffold in pursuit of such subjects, it is a matter of life and death." On another occasion

London

87

Carlyle, after monopolizing the talk while he passed in long review the silent great ones of earth, turned

to Mazzini, saying, "You have not succeeded yet, The contests because you have talked too much."

between them became more frequent and painful. They would argue, so the tradition has been handed down, the one courteous, deeply moved, pleading with his whole heart, eloquent in his rather broken
English ; the other exaggerative, splenetic, scornful in All the time Mazzini the wild flow of his language. would sit pale and quiet in his chair, sometimes excited

almost to tears, nervously smoking his small cigar while Carlyle with his long clay pipe shifted restlessly, None the less as he stormed out his sentences.^ Mazzini's intimacy with them went on unbroken, at
;

all

events as far as

Mrs Carlyle was concerned, through

all his first

in

1848,

he left for Milan stay in England. he told her with a kiss to be "strong and
;

When

" and when he came back good until he returned and she worn, aged sadly stroked his grey beard. She found lodgings for him she went to comfort him, But the when prostrated by his mother's death. severance between him and her husband gradually widened, till two or three years later they completely parted, to respect each other's character and detest each other's opinions to the end. Once more they " and in a cordial and talked met, years afterwards, sincere way with real emotion on both sides." " " is the most Mazzini," Carlyle noted at the time,
;

pious living man I now know." / Even for his politics he had at last some tolerance, y" The idealist has
^

Ruffini's letters to his

There are some interesting descriptions of the Carlyles in Giovanni mother. See Cagnacci, op, cit.

88

London

" conquered," he confessed, and transformed his Utopia into a patent and potent reality."/ With the Carlyles, however, even in the days of his closest acquaintanceship, he was never at home as he

came
Hill.

to be in

other English households.

His best

friends in

the forties were the Ashursts of

M us well

" They were, he says, a dear, good, holy family, who surrounded me with such loving care as sometimes to make me forget I was an exile." W. H. Ashurst was a solicitor, who had been a friend of Robert Owen, and who made Mazzini's acquaintance at the time of the letter-opening episode. To Mrs Ashurst Mazzini, forgetful of Madame Ruffini's expired " second mother." One daughter title, gave the name of " married James Stansfeld the other, at this time the
;

sisters," afterwards became has left the best and Venturi, English memoir of him. Both they and their brother for long years after gave him much quiet help in his work. Through the Ashursts he came to know the Stansfelds and Peter Taylors, but his intimate friendship with them belongs rather to the time of his

favourite of his

English

Madame

second residence in England. Among his other friends were William Shaen, whom the Italian refugees knew
as their angelo salvatore^

Joseph Toynbee, the father of Arnold Toynbee, Joseph Cowen, afterwards member for Newcastle, and George Jacob Holyoake. J. S. Mill " wrote of him as one of the men he most respected."
Margaret
Fuller,

against him, school for organ- boys, and began the friendship which was to be renewed in the days of the Roman Republic. "She is," he writes of her to a friend, "one of the

lost

who had come to England prepossessed her prejudices when she visited his

London
rarest of

89

women

in her love
is

everything that

great,

beautiful,

and active sympathy with and holy." He

had some intercourse with the two, next to himself, most notable Italian exiles in London at that time, Gabriel Rossetti and Antonio Panizzi. Mazzini Rossetti in his school, and they had interested

common

but they acquaintances among the exiles never came into close touch, and Mazzini tried in. vain to persuade him to help in his patriotic work. At a later date political differences completely
;

sundered
Printed

them.

Panizzi
at

was

already

Keeper

of

had been a Carbonaro in his Italian days, and he and Mazzini had common ground in their cult of Dante He backed Mazzini warmly in the and Foscolo.
the
British

Books

Museum.

He

but they disagreed on Italian politics, and they saw little of one another, though they seem to have been never entirely estranged. Among other foreigners that he met were Prince Napoleon (" Plon-Plon "), then busily
;

incident of the letter-opening a few years later

conspiring against the Orleanists, and Conneau, afterwards Louis Napoleon's doctor and a general gobetween for the Emperor and the Italian patriots.

But he hated

anything that tasted of fashionable


mistress

of a famous London salon society. once persuaded him to come to her house, but when he found that she wanted him to adorn her society and not from any interest in his cause, he refused to

The

go again.

He came
Lamennais.
the

at this time

much under
to

the influence of

They began correspond soon after Words of a Believer were published, and once at Mazzini saw a kindred soul in this least they met.

90
"

London
;

Church Universal," who " preached God, " " this man whom I saw the people, love, and liberty but lately," so he writes in 1839, so full of sweetness and love, who weeps like a child at a symphony of
priest of the
'*

who

Beethoven, who will give his last franc to the poor, tends flowers like a woman, and steps out of his path rather than crush an ant." /^e recognised how much Lamennais' teaching had in common with his own in its reaction against the sceptical, destructive
school of the Revolution, in
its

belief in tradition

and

appeal to duty as the principle of life. In some degree, perhaps, Lamennais' Words of a Believer inspired his own Duties of Man./ He had his

humanity, in

its

own

He saw in him " a Luther of the plans for him. " nineteenth century he hoped, though not very confidently, that he would come frankly forward as a
;

to

teacher of the religion of humanity, and he urged him " do something better than write books," and bethe missionary of the new faith. Lamennais though Christ could preach in the high-

come

replied, that

ways, four persons could not meet now in a field to speak of God and humanity without being taken up by a policeman. Mazzini was grievously disappointed

him with

Lamennais regarded indeed was natural He " loved him as a friend and revered him enough. " as a saint but he felt that Lamennais returned his
at the refusal,

and he

felt

that
as

some

diffidence,

love " as

were in spite of himself." " This good Mazzini, one cannot help loving him," Lamennais once said in his hearing and the phrase left an unit
;

happy sense in Mazzini's mind. Lamennais and " George Sand " were in his judgment " the two first living writers of France " at this

London
time,

91
one of his mental crisis in

and he looked
faith.

to the latter too as

own

At

the

time

of his

Switzerland he read her Lettres dun Voyageur (he always thought it her best production), and the book was " sweet to him as is the cradle song to a weep-

corresponded with her, and in 1847 She impressed him above all, as she did Matthew Arnold the year be" Madame Sand," he wrote fore, by her simplicity. " back to England, is just as we wanted her to be good, noble, candid, simple, calmly suffering, even more than can be seen in her books." He warmly defended her in England not that he thought that all her books were to be lightly put into everybody's but " the evil she has portrayed is not her hand evil, it is ours," and her realism was informed by a passionate moral purpose. Genius, he said, can in the long-run do nothing but good, and it is
ing child."
visited her in the Valine Noire.
; ; ;

He

You may sound her in old alarm Quarterly, and your against your will find some forbid your youth to read her you well the best without knowing how, day, places in
bound
to

make

itself

heard.

"

He saw your library usurped by her volumes." " her " an apostle of religious democracy he
;

in
re-

sponded to her sense of the Divine, her belief that the decay of the old creeds restored allegiance to the true Godhead, her faith in a future which should He delighted to repeat her words, be built on love. " there is but one virtue, the eternal sacrifice of self." And he saw in her, too, the voice of down-trodden " womanhood thank God," he says, " she is a woman," and her books were a revelation of the "inward life of woman," a woman's pleading for
;

92
justice

London
;

At this time few writers and equality. but her later works and appealed to him more her acceptance of the Empire alienated him, and " " afterwards he convinced sadly and unwillingly himself that what he had hailed as the sincere and conscious " utterance of a high priestess," was but the artist's passive echo of a faith that was not
hers.

Slowly, besides making friends, Mazzini began to


find work.

The

difficulties

were

great.

He was

at

first

too worn-out and unhappy to care to write. He could not yet write in English, and the expenses of translation absorbed a large part of the remuneration. It was a painful effort to trim his pen to the likings of

English public. My ideas and style frighten " What is old to us is new to them. them," he says. One cannot talk to them of mission or humanity or
the

"

One editor refused an article progress or socialism." " in praise of Byron, because Byron was an immoral
Kemble, the editor of the British and Foreign poet." Review^ politely declined his articles, after some experience of them, on the ground that the English " conceited asses," who could only gradupublic were Mazzini ally be broken in to listen to generalizations. sometimes promised to do his best, but the effort came
unwillingly,

and

it

was only the pressing need of

money and his resolve to ask no more from home, that made him write in an alien style on subjects that
often

had

little

interest

for

him.

To an

English

reader, however, the discipline appears a salutary one ; and his English articles have a precision of thought that his earlier writings lacked. His literary out-put

London
was considerable.
less
;

93
more or

Some

of his articles were

thus he wrote on Fra Paolo Sarpi pot-boiling Westminster Review, on Victor Hugo and in the Lamartine brilliant and suggestive essays in the

British

and Foreign Review, on contemporary French He put more literature in the Monthly Chronicle.
his masterly English subjects, criticisms of Carlyle in the British and Foreign Review and the Monthly Chronicle^ and his papers on Chartism
in

heart into those on

Taifs Edinburgh Journal. But what he cared for most was to bring Italy or his own religious faith

He wrote for the love of it, before English readers. when he discoursed on Dante's Minor Works in the
Foreign Quarterly and on Lamennais in the Monthly Chronicle, or when he wrote on Italian politics for the

same magazine, and on recent Italian literature, and probably on Italian art, for the Westminster Review.
In the People's Journal under John Saunders' editorship he began the Thoughts on Democj^acy in Europe,

which were afterwards expanded into / sistemi

a very able criticism of the utilitarian democrazia, in his own Apostolato and earlier socialist schools the first he wrote six Popolare chapters of the noblest
;

e la

all his writings. The Duties oj Man. He seems to have written a novel, which never saw the light. He found one literary task very near his heart. From the days of his early studies at Genoa, he had had a supreme admiration for Ugo Foscolo, as the one modern Italian writer, besides Alfieri, who had a

of

virile political

While in teaching for his countrymen. Switzerland, he had planned to write his life, and made researches for his manuscripts and rare and
scattered publications.

His interest strengthened, now

94
that he
in

London
was
living close to

where Foscolo's bones

lay-

Chiswick churchyard. one of Foscolo's English

He knew
publishers,

that

Pickering, possessed the

manuscript of his unfinished notes on the Divina Commedia, already published, but with many inacand in a dusty comer of Pickering's curacies, in 1825
;

shop he found the proof of part of Foscolo's Lettera apologetica, a kind of political testament, which apMazzini undertook parently had not been published. the task of getting both re-published with more zeal than candour. Pickering would not sell the Lettera the Dante from manuscript, and asked ;^420 for apart Mazzini " cursed his bookseller soul, and the two. would have stolen them without scruple, if he could." A Tuscan lady, Foscolo's donna gentile^ lent the and Rolandi, the Italian money for the proofs
;

publisher in Berners Street, was disposed to buy the Dante notes. Mazzini found that the notes were very

incomplete, and feared that Rolandi would not buy, if He concealed the fact, and aware of the deficiencies.

with immense labour completed the notes and the revision of the text. Rolandi, who, it seems, did not
discover the pious fraud, bought the manuscript, and in 1842 published the edition in four volumes with an

anonymous introduction by Mazzini, who took no pay for his known and unknown labours. The edition
had
its

historical

value at the time, though its interest now is Meanwhile he discovered the reonly.
in

maining manuscript of the Lettera apologetica


;

an old

trunkful of Foscolo's papers and thanks mainly to his friend, Enrico Mayer, the educationalist, this and others of Foscolo's political writings were published at

Lugano

in

1844.

Mazzini gave

much

assistance to

London

95

Le Monnier, the Florentine publisher, in the complete edition of Foscolo, which he brought out a few years
For years with up every letter and But record of Foscolo, to which he could find a clue. as time went on, politics and social work commanded him again, and the biography, on which so many cares had been spent, was never written.
later.

But the

life

remained undone.

the true student's fever he hunted

Gradually he returned to political work.

At
;

first

the moral prostration produced intense lassitude

and

down to politics as to There were moments indeed of nervous literature. " reaction, when his brain teemed with daring projects,
he found
it

as difficult to settle

But presentiments, limitless conceptions." the used with struggle depression up his generally and he felt too and weary discouraged to strength,
titanic

revive

he

left

step organization survived, and there was no one to step into his place, the retirement meant nothing. / Young
himself, that the society was he took up the reins again. ^ There had been something of a stampede among its members. /In Italy many had made their peace with the governments others were nourishing their faith in silence few carried on the work, at least in the old spirit. but the Conspiracy, it is true, was not quite dead few secret societies, that still lived on, mostly harked back to Carbonaro traditions, or turned to an agrarian and free -thinking agitation, which was as hateful to Mazzini as apostacy itself, v It was no better among
Italy

He seems, a few months before Italy. Switzerland, to have taken some sort of formal But where no actual to abdicate leadership.
Young

was so completely
till

non-existent,

'

96
the exiles.
"

London
There are not two of us," he complained, " think the same on any single subject." You
"

who

cannot find one

Young

Italian

among

us."

Many

took advantage of the Lombard and Piedmontese amnesties to return home. Gioberti was attacking
those nearest to Mazzini had little methods or hopes, and Mazzini would compromise on no tittle of his creed to win them. fin his high singleness of purpose he could not understand or tolerate the faintness of men, who had sworn to fight for an idea, but deserted at the first defeat^ If his countrymen had not responded, that was only an argument for renewed and yet more strenuous effort. It was all so pitiful to him, this want of
faith

the society.
in

/Even

its

faithfulness unto

death.

"

When

write

in

favour

of Italy," he says, " I feel myself blush, as if I were For a time, though, he himself felt powerless lying."
to act.

He was
fine

tempted to go to

Italy,

away

his life in

some desperate
"

act of protest.

and throw But

he had too
early in

a nature to be long content with


If

inaction or despair.

you only knew," he writes

1839, "how

this absolute uselessness of exist-

ence weighs on me." He dreaded dying with his work undone. Jacopo Ruffini's memory was ever present with him, and he felt that he was dedicated to the cause for which his protomartyr had died. /He had

taken on himself a task in the face of God and Italy and himself" he thought of himself as blasphemer and hypocrite, if he slackened in it and though he knew that his enthusiasm had gone, sometimes too his confidence in Italy and himself, yet duty still remained, and he could trust in God and the righteousness of his cause. "I know," he wrote, " that Jacopo is not
; ;

"

London
dead, that he and
policy, but of a

97

we are forerunners, not of a new new faith, which we perhaps shall see not, but whose advent no human force can stop."/ It was not however till the summer or autumn of
1839,^ that he decided to return to active political

work " with an almost fierce resolve." At first he had no definite plan, except to accentuate the popular side of his programme and appeal more than he had yet He had at present little done to the working classes. means of reaching those at home, but he could do
something among the Italian population in London, the shopkeepers and organ-grinders and hawkers of Hitherto he had been little in terra-cotta casts.

now in contact with his working-class compatriots It the whirl of a foreign city he came to know them.
;

began with

his intense feeling for suffering, that for


life

the remainder of his

made him

happiest

when

relieving individual cases of misery.

About

this time,

going out one winter morning, he found a young girl on the doorstep worn out with cold and hunger. With the sympathy for forlorn womanhood, which he

had

in

common

men, he took her

with the greatest of English statesin and put her in his landlady's

When the girl afterwards married, and was charge. deserted by her husband, he undertook the education of her children, and for many years devoted to it a
large share of his scanty income. now drew him to the waifs of his
to the Italian organ-boys,

The same charity own land. Talking


the streets
its

who went about

of
*

London with a
Madame Mario
;

barrel-organ and

squirrel or white

1838

but
o/>,

think

it

says in her Delia vita di Mazzini^ in the middle of is quite clear from Lettres mtimes, igy and 205
;

Giurati,

cil.,

11-12

Cagnacci,

oJ>.

ctl.,

447 that 1839

is

the true date.

98
rat,

London

speaking a patois half Comasque half English, he learnt the details of the "white-slave traffic," how a few Italians living in London brought over poor peasant-boys under contracts, which promised high pay and good living, but which had no validity in

England how when the boys got there, they were beaten and half-starved and cowed. He brought the worst offenders to justice, and did something to frighten the masters into better treatment of their
;

But he cared more to influence the boys In 1841 he opened a school at 5 Hatton Garden (afterwards removed to 5 Greville Street, Leather Lane), where the boys came in the late evenings to learn the three Rs and some elementary science, and on Sundays had lessons in drawing and Italian history. The school was very dear to Mazzini, and the boys, says an English observer, " revered him as a god and loved him as a father."
victims.

themselves.

of them, returning to Italy, travelled to Genoa expressly to tell Madame Mazzini what her son had done for him. Italian and English friends (Joseph

One

Toynbee among them) taught gratuitously, and the annual supper was a great event for him and his
circle.

Mario and Grisi sang at concerts to help the school's finances. The school flourished in spite of the noisy opposition of a neighbouring Italian priest,

an

opposition, which Mazzini repaid by his first angry attack on the Papacy. Already, before the school was opened, he had
started a political society for the Italian

workmen

in

London, and was publishing a paper, the Apostolato


Popolare,
it

yffhich. came out at intervals till I" 1843. he makes his appeal to the working-men of Italy.

London
'^He
felt

99

more strongly even than in his Marseilles a revolutionary movement must depend for that days main its support on the working classes and have

good for its ultimate goal./ English life had brought him into touch with the social thought of the time, and he felt that political movements were
their

dwarfing beside the question of the condition of the masses. began to speak of the Italy to-be as the " It was the people, he wrote, Italy of the People."

/He

who

most from her dismemberment and While other classes had their compensamisrule. tions, there were no distractions for the unknown He poor, no true home life, no intellectual interest. tried to rouse them from their provincialism, their
suffered

He appealed to self-absorbed indifference to politics. them to be patriots and republicans, proud of their country's glorious past, working for its future and
and remember that God would judge them not by what wages they earned but by what But however much they had done for their fellows. he laid stress on the democratic side of his agitation, on working-class organization and social reform, he was careful to safeguard Young Italy from becoming and in his a class movement./ It was at this time papers for working men, that he first began the
their children,

crusade against socialism, which he continued, sometimes with less discernment, to the end of life.

Chapter

VI

The Revolution
1

843- 1 848.

Aetat 37-43

Politics in

Italy The Bandieras The Post-Office scandalThe People's League Life in 1845-47 Letter to Pio Nono Attitude towards the royalists The Revolution of 1848 At Milan.
International

While
painful

Mazzini was watching from England in discouragement, and the waves seemed to gain no

^How
owed

far

the main came flooding in. sudden tide of national impulse the exactly itself to his teaching, is perhaps an insoluble
inch,
in

Italy

problem^ But when one remembers how wide had been the influence of Young Italy, how many of the men who were now coming to the front had been its
members, it seems unlikely that the impetus could have come without hlm.y Young University men

who

treasured

secretly

at

home

his

pamphlets

or

numbers of the Apostolato Popolare, artisans who had fingermarked his or Gustavo Modena's tracts, were pondering his teaching and waiting for the times to ripen. >^But Mazzini's influence, even if the most powerful, was not the only one.^ Traditions still lived on, handed down from the Carbonaro revolutions the old belief in Charles Albert was flickering into life again the mild Catholic nationalism, that came
;
;

The Revolution

loi

from Manzoni and his school, flowed strong ; and all the time the daily witness of oppression and misrule was there to preach against the Austrians and the

And though there were many currents crowd of nationalists, at two points all moved together. Austria must go, and there must be
native tyrants.
in the swelling

some guarantee
showed

for

good government.
"

^
rising
spirit

In spite of censors and


itself in literature.

police, the

The shade

of Dante, the

poet of the regenerated nation, began to brood above the speech and silence of the land." Students, in the of Foscolo and Gabriel drew all the Rossetti, footsteps reading world of Italy to the great national seer, who more than five centuries before had pleaded for unity. Dramatists and historians and novel-writers spoke of
the ancient glories of their country. Social reformers came in to swell the liberal movement, founders of
schools

savings banks, agricultural pioneers, of railways that would " stitch the boot." Their interest in politics was a secondary one, and
builders

and

such political sympathies as they had, were generally with the Moderate politicians, just rising to a prominence, which was soon to eclipse Mazzini's waning
lightv-r

Qiflberti

had already published

his

Moral and

Primacy of the ItalianSy which, while it echoed Mazzini's faith in Italy and Rome, banned democracy
Civil

and

unity,

preached

federalism

and

half-hearted

liberalism,

and looked

for salvation to Charles

Albert

and a reforming Pope. Cesare Balbo in Piedmont was pleading for the same mild ^policy, without its faith in the Papacy. '^Theirs was an easy creed of his religious beside Mazzini's. had little They of his none faith, passionate democracy, his demand

102
for sacrifice

The Revolution

doubting

and martyrdom. It was a creed for the and half-hearted, for the royalist and Catholic, for the courtier and the rich man and the and also for the level-headed man of the priest world, who turned from Mazzini's fancies and idealism,
;

who laughed

at

Italy's

mission

to

humanity

but

cherished a more modest hope for her own regeneraBut at all events the teaching had two notes in tion.

common

with his own.

It strove to lift
;

the nation to

it cried as healthy ambition and strenuous effort the of as he did for the Austrian/ earnestly expulsion And so it made the complement of his work. Less

spirit, more halting in its patriotism and of great deeds, yet it marshalled for the uninspiring {Cause a host, that would never have swelled the thin

noble in

its

of Young Italy .^Mt supplied the common movement with qualities that Mazzini conspicuously a political sense of the possible, and, among lacked,

ranks

its
I

better

exponents,

patience

comprehensiveness welcomed all, who, gladly or reluctantly, offered themselves for the great

that

and prejudged no

tolerance, a class and

task^/

One

of the sources of the Moderate

movement was

the impatience at the little insurrections, that only led to useless loss of life and an embittering of the

One of its postulates laid down that there tyranny. should be no revolt against the better native princes,
and that the
fight with Austria should

be waged by

But the traditions of revolt could not regular armies. die out at once, indeed were all the stronger for the new spirit of hope that All Central abroad.
Italy

was

coming

^yas alive with plots. / Mazzini, though he was partially to recognize the futility of these

The Revolution

03

petty risings, still had a standard of preparation that was pitifully inadequate. / He was elaborating a scheme for a rising in the Papal States, to be

by movements in the North and South and supported by the exiles. ^He was still persuaded that a few small guerilla bands would draw the people after them, that daring and a clear programme
followed

were the only necessary conditions of victory./ He found few men and less money for his plot. Among the handful, who put themselves at his disposal, were two young Venetian nobles, Attilio and Emilio Bandiera, officers in the Austrian navy, which was chiefly manned by Italians and Dalmatians. They were high-minded lads, and, one is bound to add, sentimentalists and prigs, naively self-conscious and but with the supreme virtue that they immature were ready to take their lives in their hands. Mazzini wished to use them for his designs in but there were police agents of the Central Italy governments around them, who had their ear and
;
;

sent

them with a handful of


in

man
rising

followers, including a the pay of the police, to help an imaginary

in Calabria. /"The English government, too, had opened their correspondence with Mazzini, and Thus put the government at Naples on its guard.

they went, as they foreboded, to their death.


trap

The

and when they landed near Cosenza, they were captured easily and shot. /The ignoble action of the English government

was ready

for

them

brought Mazzini into English political life. ) He suspected that his correspondence had been tampered with in the post, and careful experiments proved to im that his letters had been opened, sealed with

I04
new
matter
wafers, into

The Revolution

and the postmark altered. He put the the hands of Thomas Buncombe, the member for Finsbury and the storm of indignation, that followed Buncombe's disclosures in the House of Commons, showed how angrily the better English opinion felt it, that the government had violated " " in the played the spy elementary ethics and Shiel and Macaulay interests of continental tyranny. denounced it in parliament. Carlyle wrote to the Times that " it is a question vital to us that sealed
;

letters in

an English post-office be, as we


;

all

fancied

they were, respected as things sacred


of men's
letters,

a practice

that opening near of kin to picking

men's pockets, and to other still viler and far fataler forms of scoundrelism, be not resorted to except in

The government tried cases of very last extremity." to ride out the storm with quibbles and constructive
falsehoods, which proved, as Mazzini said, that they adopted different standards of honour for their public

and their private lives. Sir James Graham repeated the stale charge that Mazzini had promoted assassina-

and honourably withdrew it, when he But public feeling was too heated and secret Committees of to let the matter rest there They reenquiry were appointed by both Houses. at the had been letters that constantly opened ported that even letters Post-Office, at all events since 1806 of members of parliament had been tampered with that in this case the government had issued a warrant to open Mazzini's letters (his letters had in fact been opened several months before the date of the warrant), and had sent information extracted from them to " a
tion in France,

knew

the

facts.

Foreign

Power."

It

is

true

that

this

information

The Revolution

105

seems to have been of a general character, but that did not affect the ignominy of the whole business or the fact that an English government had sent a warning to the Bourbons, that helped them to entrap
the hapless patriots. /The incident gave Mazzini a welcome opportunity to appeal more directly to English opinion on behalf

of Italy.

He had

a supreme contempt for English


"

foreign policy, which opposes everything that introduces a new fact in the European polity, and is the
first

to recognize

it

when

it

shows
least

its

strength."

It

was an unfair

criticism,

at

of Canning
still

and

Palmerston, tied though the

latter's

court and colleagues. England was the champion of the cause of men.
that

hands were by on the whole /But it was true

great

the Foreign Office gave small attention to the nationalist movements that were maturing in

The wise policy for England, as he urged, Europe. was to encourage these movements, and win the
gratitude of the rising nationalities, not necessarily by armed intervention (he expressly disclaimed ask-

ing for that), but


:ime,

was partly owing


that

by her moral backing. Perhaps to the seeds he sowed at this


afterwards
did
for

Palmerston

Italy

so

Huch of what he asked for^/We may regret that le never gave a generous recognition to the great

it

Foreign Secretary's policy. On individual Englishmen and Americans he

knew

that

he could
well

count

for

practical

sympathy.

^He

exploited

both

the

country and the old had descended from the days of Byron and Hobhouse.< English and American travellers carried his secret

anti-Papal feeling in the love of Italian liberty, which

io6
letters

The Revolution
and
literature into
Italy.

He had plans for an American society A year or two later he induced his English women-friends to organize an Italian bazaar, which was held at Mrs Milner-Gibson's, nominally for the expenses of his Italian school, but with the secret intention of devoting any surplus from the Italian contributions to a National Fund, which
utilizing the Christian Alliance, for Protestant propagandism.

he was trying

c''

'

raise

for

political

work, ^^n the

same

League

year, to

8 A^^ne founded a People's International

.^'^me the

interrupted

work of Young

ainly with the object of enlisting symEurope, but the Ashursts, Peter Taylor, for pathy Italy./ Stansfeld, W. Shaen, Thomas Cooper, Henry Vincent the Chartist, W. J. Fox (the Unitarian orator, afterwards M.P. for Oldham), served on the Committee. They used to meet once a week at Mr W. J. Linton's house

Hatton Garden, and Mazzini " with those wondrous eyes of his lit up with a power that was almost overwhelming," infected them with his own enthusiasm and faith. / Men among them, like Thomas Cooper and Peter Taylor, who had denounced physical force remedies in England, demurred at his gospel of
in

revolution.

"

You

are right about your


"

he passionately answered.
decisive struggle against

own country," You have had your grand You need tyrannous power.

no physical
do,

force.

But what are

my

countrymen to

who

are trodden
?

foreign tyranny

down under They have no

the iron heel of a


representation, they
rights.

have no charters, they have no written

They

must fighty^
business of the League brought one of the few occasions, on which, so far as is known^ very

The

The Revolution

107

he expressed his views on Ireland. Some Repealers it had to the that omitted Ireland League complained in it's report from the list of the nationalities of the future and Mazzini was asked to draft an answer to His argument was addressed to Separatists, them. but it would apply almost equally to Home Rulers it proves how radically he misunderstood the Irish he seems to have felt and himself on movement,
; ;

unsafe
at

ground.

He

regarded

tk;j.y^ri,sh

demand
;

as

bottom one for better governm ^qJ only and he consciousness had every sympathy with their " ji
,
.

of

human

dignity, claiming its long


"

.ated

rights,"

their

"wish to have

rulers, educators, not masters,'

legislation grounded on distrust But he believed that the nationalist hostility." movement was not likely to be permanent, and he refused to see any elements of true nationality in it, on the

their protests against

and

" grounds that the Irish did not plead for any distinct principle of life or system of legislation, derived from native peculiarities, and contrasting radically with English wants and wishes," nor claimed for their

to discharge in high special function On which it may be noted the interests of humanity.

country any

"

"

that the

first

with Irish

life

objection shows Mazzini's ill-acquaintance and feeling, and that the second involves

a condition, which, save in his

own

theories, has not

been asked of any nation.


In place of the enforced idleness of a few years Political correbefore, he was now only too busy. the the school, bazaar, visiting spondence, literary work,

He hardly and being visited crowded on his time. left London, except for two visits to France and one

io8
perhaps to
stead

The Revolution
Italy,

Abbey and

and once for a pilgrimage to other places of Byronic memory.

New-

He

had

left

Chelsea, and

New North Road. He was somewhat happier and more hopeful. His active life left
the old broodings. The Post-Office little time for scandal had brought him new friends, and the desolation of his solitude had gone. He joined the Whittington Club, largely for the sake of playing chess, at which he was an adept and did not like being

near the British Street, near the

moved first to Devonshire Street, Museum, and afterwards to Cropley

He was much perturbed by a proposal to allow no chess on Sundays, and jokingly threatens a rider that smoking too shall be forbidden, except to
beaten.
sit silent for an hour in and as further that, religious contemplation, penance for the members, one of them shall "read twelve minutes every hour alta voce e con declamazione a parliamentary speech from Mr Plumpton or Sir Robert Inglis or a chapter from the second volume of Tancred by D' Israeli." But when back in his lodgings, he was often depressed and miserable again. He was "giddy" with writing, worn down with work and want of proper food and clothes and for the first time he writes in bad spirits about his physical condition. The burden of poverty and debt still "dominated his life." He was now in receipt of a small allowance from his mother, to find which she stinted herself of every luxury and more. But he was generous as ever, and probably as bad a housekeeper and he found himself powerless to reduce the mountain of debt. His literary earnings were again very small. The life of Foscolo was still waiting to be begun, for he thought it better now

those

who undertake

to

The Revolution
"

109

to supply new materials for Italian history than make The better-paying reviews ah inventory of the old." no longer took his articles, and he was " writing on Switzerland and heaven knows what for a petty EdinHe fretted because the need of burgh magazine." hack-work and his multifarious occupations left little time for writings that would help the cause, as they had helped it fifteen years ago. /" For the wretched sum of some 8000 francs," he writes, " I am a slave I am growing old in body, in soul, in power, and I am not allowed to help my country and fulfil my missiony^ And from causes that we can only guess at, perhaps the worry and publicity, perhaps the partial lifting of
;

his unhappiness,

there

perhaps the loss of physical health, a perceptible, though slight decline from the moral height of a few years before. -^ He is less the
is

apostle, more the politician, too fond of coming forward as the practical man a part that ill became not always straightforward in his utterances and him,

at the

methods, more reasonable, it is true, and tolerant, but same time sliding into occasional reticences and
equivocation.

Bandiera episode was to leave more friendless than before. Its Italy yet miserable mismanagement was set down to Mazzini, and cruel slanders charged unfairly on the whole him with egging others to a desperate task, while he In reality, he was more impatient stayed safe behind.
result of the
;

The Young

than ever to lead a fight in Italy "before he grew But he seems again to have recognized quite old."
that

any

fruitful action

was impossible.
in

All his efforts

for the National

he knew

a poor ;^ioo. And that he was losing his hold on the middle

Fund brought

1 1

The Revolution
and must wait till he had formed a party The Rimini the working men of the towns. of 1845, with its poor programme of local

classes,

among
revolt

reform and silence on the bigger issues, proved what influence the Moderate movement in its worst and

weakest form had even in those parts of Italy, from which he had hoped most. 'A year later the Moderates leaped into overwhelming prominence with the accession of Pio

Nono

to the

Papacy./ Here was a Pope,

the

Italians

fondly thought, eager to bless Liberals

and Nationalists, while Charles Albert in the North was threatening to bare his sword for war. The mass of Italian Liberalism caught at their protection, and was ready to pay the price. Some no doubt hoped " to push on the King, till he was moral," if not actual " " lord of Italy others dreamed that circumstances might make Pius president of an Italian Republic. But the majority willingly accepted the limitations of
;

the

were ready to safeguard the Temporal Italian union no better than a loose to federation, stop short at administrative reform or at
policy,

Power, to

make

the most at middle-class constitutions.

/Mazzini was very suspicious of the new development jealous that the nationalist movement had passed into other hands, that the credit of it went to men like Gioberti, who had halted in their faith, while he alone had held the banner high sceptical of Charles Albert's and the Pope's intentions angry at the tentative,
;
;

compromising ambitions of the Moderates, at their repudiation of democracy, their trust in diplomacy and its pretences and deceptions. yHe knew Charles " " Albert's he judged Pio Nono much rabbit-nature
;

at his

own

estimate.

"They

want," said the Pope,

The Revolution

1 1 1

"to make a Napoleon of me, who am only a poor " An honest parson but a bad country parson." was Mazzini's verdict. /The triumph of the prince," Moderates meant that Unity would be put indefinitely " " on back, and federalism inflict perpetual impotence But he saw the impossibility of standing out Italyy/ And he was prepared, as he against the new spirit. had been in 1833 and again in 1844, to waive his republican agitation, if the Moderates for their part would abandon federalism and declare for unity. "If " I thought," he said, that Charles Albert would rise to rare ambition and unite Italy for his own behoof, I would say Amen."^ " Let the Moderates," he wrote, "give us, if they like, a Pope, a single king, a dictator we can compromise on everything but And on these lines he was working TederalismZ'
;

through 1847 to bring the exiles at Paris together on a common programme of Unity, to which both monarchists and republicans could rally ^ It was in this spirit that in September of the same As year he wrote his famous letter to the Pope. with the parallel letter to Charles Albert, he was
anxious afterwards to explain away in part its implied belief in the Pope's patriotism and its anxiety to see

him leader of the


letters of the

Italian

movement.

But

his private

time would seem to show that this was an afterthought, and that he was sincerer than he gave himself credit for. In one of them, written apparently just before the letter to Pius, he says in somewhat
" I consider this as the last Carlylean style, agony And in my own way of of popedom authority.

feeling I would not be sorry to see a great institution dying, for once, in a noble manner ; transmitting

1 1

The Revolution

the watchword of the future before vanishing, rather than sinking into the Crockford or Tuileries mud of
the English aristocracy and French monarchy. moral power, like a great man, ought always to die
so
in.'
;

"

uttering the words of dying Goethe, let more light In another letter, written in the same month,

he says that he wrote to the Pope " in a moment of expansiveness and juvenile illusion," as he would He was excited have written to his friend himself.

and sanguine
developing so

at the great
fast.

He
in

still

European drama, that was probably had moments,


his later

when the
suspicion
for

old

faith

men broke through

and exclusiveness.

/He

a new religion to issue forth moment dreamed that a nationalist Pope might be
herald.
"

was ever looking from Rome,^ and for the


its

His appeal, however, was ludicrous


"

in its mis-

calculation of the facts.


Pius,

Be a

and unite

Italy."

He

foremost

man

of the

moment

believer," he said to told him that he, the in Europe, had duties of

He could guide Italy to corresponding magnitude. her appointed future, make of her one great state,
based on the people and justice and religion, with " a government unique in Europe, which would end the absurd divorce between the spiritual and temporal If Catholicism were capable of revival, he powers." if it were under God might be the instrument destined to give place to a new creed, based on the same Christian principles, he could be the leader, who
;

would guide the Church securely through its passag^ One can imagine the horror with which Pius read the part so tactlessly suggested to him and we know that the only result of the letter was to thoroughly alarm him.
;

See below,

p. 127.

b
the

The Revolution
fits

1 1

In fact Mazzini's

of belief in

Pope or King

were very transitory. Only five months before he had written in an open letter, that he " did not believe that from prince or king or pope Italy would now or ever find salvation." /rl is mind was in a state of flux, wavering between his old simple, but for the
time impracticable, creed and some compromise with new order./^ It would read him wrongly, if we
;

but his charged him with downright insincerity whole conduct through this period is a disingenuous
one,

too

subordinate
"

much

akin to that

to unavowed intentions, too substitution of Macchiavelli for

Dante," which he condemned so unsparingly in the While professedly ready to work with Moderates. the monarchical nationalists, while abstaining from
active republican agitation, he was encouraging republican beliefs, anxious even to keep something together of a republican organization, that when " the Moderate farce was hissed off the stage," the

any

republicans would be again in a position to captain the nationalist cause and lead it to their own goal. He wants to spread the literature of Young Italy
broadcast.

He

urges

that

his

followers,

while

nominally joining the Moderate ranks and "shouting for Pio Nono louder than the rest," should quietly

At prepare to seize the movement for themselves. the same time, outside Italy they were to depreciate the Pope with equal vehemency, that when the
inevitable disillusioning in Pius came, they could put in a claim to foresight. Apart from this underhand

diplomacy, his

He hesitation was largely justified. had no security that the Moderates would accept the And he offered compromise or declare for Unity.

114
feared that

The Revolution
the

enthusiasm

of

the

masses

might

evaporate in noisy demonstrations, that reform would prove an opiate to lull the nationalist impulses to
sleep again. / Towards the end of 1847 his chief anxiety, as Cavour's was for different reasons twelve years later, was to irritate Austria into taking the
offensive,

and force the

ence.

He was

confident that she would

Italians to fight for independintervene.

Sometimes he hoped that the popular pressure behind would force Charles Albert to head the national defence at other moments he welcomed the thought that the native governments would decline the challenge, and Young Italy be left alone to lead
;

the war.

For

once

he

underrated

the

strength

of

the

nationalist

year opened feeling.^ revolutions in dramatic sequence. Its first day saw the Tobacco Riots at Milan, the overture to the

The

new

with

days later the social head at Leghorn, and mildly Mazzini's old collaborator, Guerrazzi, was master for In another fortnight a few days of the insurgent city. with one threw off the Bourbon great effort, Sicily, and was before the month out, the Neapolitans yoke had forced a constitution on King Ferdinand. In the first half of February Tuscany and Piedmont had
rising.

maturing Lombard

Two

revolution

reared

its

constitutions too in a few days more the Second Republic was proclaimed in France, and the face of European politics was changed. Pio Nono, ever more fearful of liberalism, but carried helplessly
their
;

along, gave the Romans a constitution ; and, save in the Austrian provinces and dependant Duchies, all
Italy

had won

its

liberties.

War

with Austria was

The Revolution
now only
breathlessly

1 1

a question of weeks, and the nation waited till the signal came from Milan or Turin. Charles Albert was still the " Wobbling King," drift-

ing towards war, thirsting for national applause and revenge on Austria, but timorous of the democratic
forces

that

pushed

on behind, dreading republican


as

France as
Ticino.
(

much

the

real

enemy

across

the

While he paused, the great uprising came. news of revolution at Vienna passed the

The

signal

The heroic Milanese after five through the North. days of memorable struggle drove the great garrison
out in flight. Venice, Bergamo, Brescia, Como, wellnigh every city in the Lombard and Venetian lands, The Austrian fought for and won their liberty. power crumbled in a week, and save at Ferrara and the fortresses of the Quadrilateral, themselves too no foot of Italian ground remained to all but lost,

Austria.

From

all

Italy the

forces

of the

nation

were hurrying to complete the work. Piedmont and Tuscany declared war. The Pope and King of Naples
let

perforce their troops


village,

march

to the front.

From

town and

from plain and mountain valley the


Princes and statesmen, clergy

volunteers poured up. and nobles, students

and

artisans,

all

were swept

along by the great flood of patriotism, some lightly or with purpose to betray, but the mass with the

enthusiasm of crusaders, glad, for the day at all events, to give up comfort and home and life./" It seemed as if Mazzini's vision were fulfilled, and Italy, transfigured by a holy call, had risen in unconquerable
might.

^
He

Mazzini hurried to Italy at the glad tidings.

1 1

The Revolution
where he had gone again directly the Revolution, and had just founded a National
in Paris,

was already
after

Association to carry out his policy of bringing royalist and republican exiles together in the cause of in-

dependence and unity.


"

He

crossed the St Gotthard

The scene," he wrote back to with some danger. " was sublime. Godlike. No one knows England, what poetry is, who has not found himself there, at
the highest point of the route, on the plateau, surrounded by the peaks of the Alps in the everlasting
silence that speaks

of God.

There

is

no atheism

stopped to pick the first pansy he saw, when he left the snows, to send it to He reached Milan on April 7. an English friend. He could not go to Piedmont or Genoa, for the sentence of 1833 still hung over him, and, besides, Milan was the centre of everything at the moment. But the scene of the Five Days did not bring the " As for Italy," sense of exultation he had expected. " he writes, I have grown old, and seem only too much to bear the chains of exile with me." But he " " cried like a child with enthusiasm, when he saw two thousand Italians, who had deserted from an Austrian regiment, march through the shouting crowd and the reception he found must soon have cheered
;

possible on the Alps."

He

him.

The very known him from

on the frontier had and repeated his phrases to him. A procession met him at the gates of Milan, and took him in triumph to his hotel. His position was in fact a very strong one. He stood before his countrymen as the prophet once cast out and stoned, who had preached in the wilderness, what was now a commonplace on every tongue. His beliefs of yestercustoms-officers
his portraits,

The Revolution
day

1 1

were potent facts to-day. Utopias to other men was free or so. nearly Italy Throughout the land seemed on the eve of Even the democracy triumph.
republicans and unitarians had
strength.

/And

he,

who through long

shown an unexpected years had

preached and suffered, while others fell away or doubted, had the grateful homage of his countryAt this time, probably, his word was law at men.

Milan.X~ It remained to be seen if he had the talent for actual political life, whether he could put away accumulated prejudices, see clear to the supreme and indispensable end, and waive all secondary things for His professed position was a sound one. that. ''^ the war lasted, so he laid down, there must While be a truce to apart from the postulate of Unity or Monarchy republic must await party struggles. the decision of the liberated and united nation and meanwhile the whole strength of the country His earlier actions must be given to the war. were true to this programme, y He supported the Provisional Government, and discouraged the extremer he hinted later, he Probably, as republicans. was half inclined at first to believe that Charles Albert was the fittest instrument for the deliverance of Italy. And though he soon abandoned any hope in the King, he repeated to the end that, while the war lasted, there should be no republican

agitation.

So

far as

best in the one

the war itself was concerned, he did his way open to him, the encouragement

of the

volunteers.

He

exaggerated

their

military
possi-

value, just as he

had always exaggerated the

1 1

The Revolution

bilities

But his advice of guerilla fighting in Italy. that every available man should be thrown on the enemy's communications in Venetia was better
strategy and patriotism than the poor jealousies, that made the regular army and the politicians depreciate the volunteers from fear lest their influence should be
cast for a republic.

In a

fight,

where the

Italians

had

genius, the Moderates had single the folly to reject the services of men, like Garibaldi

no

commander of

and

generals in Italy.

years later were the first But, sincerely as Mazzini tried to help the war, he was not equally loyal to his proHis refusal to let fessions of political neutrality.
Fanti,

who

twelve

unity remain an open question deprived them at once of any seriousness. Even his ostensible attitude

towards the monarchy was no doubt in part a matter more of necessity than principle. He seems to have gone to Milan undecided what exact policy to adopt and as soon as he arrived there, he wrote that he was
;

occupied in organizing should Charles Albert


brilliant victory,

the
fail

republicans, and that, to gain a speedy and


for them.

he had hopes of success

realized that a republican agitation meant, if not civil war, at all events a fierce dissension in the

But he soon
face of the

enemy, a dissension on no point of vital or which would have shamed its honour, principle author. And, though the republicans were strong at Milan, they were perhaps a minority even there, and in the rest of Lombardy a handful, while Piedmont

and

solid in their loyalty to the King. whether from choice or from necessity, he so, stood in the letter by his promise to abstain from republican agitation. / But the policy of neutrality sat
its

army stood

And

The Revolution
his undertaking

119

uneasily on him, and he soon broke from the spirit of by loud professions of republican faith and suggestions quite inconsistent with the silence he

was pledged to.^

To some extent the policy of the Provisional Government excused his change of attitude. At the beginning of the war everybody had accepted the
position,
till

that

there

should

be

truce

to

politics

But as the war dragged the fighting was over. became a The the on, hardly possible one. position of was Lombardy hopelessly incapable, government and everybody wished to see it superseded. The
conservatives
leave
after

both an opening

at
for

the war.

Many

Milan and Turin feared to a possible Lombard republic of the democrats wished for

The agitation for annexation as a step to Unity. " " with Piedmont grew so strong, that the fusion government, not unwillingly, capitulated, and ordered a plebiscite to be taken on the question whether When the voting fusion should take place at once. no of intimidathere was doubt abundance came, but the overwhelming majority tion by the fusionists
;

that declared for

them proved that the desire for a North Italian Kingdom was predominant in the politics of the moment.

/Almost
it

for fusion,

as

as the forces were that made Mazzini was strictly accurate in branding a breach of faith. The fusionists had tried
irresistible

to

win him over. The King had sent a message, if he would use his influence with the rethat, in favour of fusion, he should have an publicans interview with himself, and exercise as much influence as he wished in drafting the constitution on

I20
democratic

The Revolution
lines.^

was a generous and ^patriotic one, but Mazzini consented only on condition that the King would publicly declare for Unity, " and sign a bombastic promise to be the priest-king of the new age."/ Naturally no answer came to this, and Mazzini broke into polemics, that the bad faith of the other side did something to excuse, but which were none the less opposed to the spirit of his pledge. /Italy, he said, would never be united, till the flag of the republic flew at Rome. / He pleaded " that France should adopt a frankly republican and " " revolutionary diplomacy. Royalty was a hereditary the republic the only government which lie," and Now and would put the best citizens in power.
offer

The

again he shot stinging phrases at his opponents, that only added to the bitterness of faction for, as
;

even when Mazzini tried to be tolerant, his ran away with him. He attacked the Turin pen nobles, forgetting that they and their sons were at the .war, giving their lives for the cause he loved. No doubt he had provocation, and the baser Moderates were even more intolerant, but none the less he was playing a hurtful and ungenerous part, He made, in fact, a grave blunder in staying at Milan. His presence there did little to help the war it was, whether he wished it or not, a standing encouragement to the factiousness, that was not a little responsible for the ill-fortune of the arm)/ His Italians bottom the were was at At Rome. place
often,
;

defeated through the

feebleness

of Charles Albert's

^ According to Madame Venturi (English Edition of Mazzini, V. 96) the King offered him the premiership ; but neither Mazzini himself, nor, so far as I know, any of the memoirs of the time mention it. For other overtures from the government see Donaver in Rassegna NazionaU^

Dec.

I,

1898.

The Revolution

/121

generalship and policy and the defection of the Pope Mazzini could do nothing to and King of Naples.

make a capable commander


his

of the

King

but he

Charles Albert, might have influenced policy. timid and conventional as he was, had had his hand forced already and was prepared to have it forced

Mazzini again, as his son's was a few years later. but judged the King accurately and not unkindly his attitude towards him was lacking in all tact. Bad-tempered attacks on the monarchy, melodramatic
;

" appeals for a priest-king," suggestions that the united nation would proclaim the republic from the Capitol, could only alarm. But had the popular pressure been

and well-directed, Charles Albert would, half but half gladly, have felt his way to the He had a deep belief in nationcrown of Italy. loved he dearly popular applause. Romagna ality was only waiting for his signal to come over to
sufficient

fearfully

Piedmontese agents were at work in Tuscany, and it is hard to believe that he had not approved He hesitated long before he declined their mission. for his son the crown that Sicily laid at his feet. /Had Mazzini gone to Rome, he would have given a great impulse to the radicals and unitarians there.^It would almost certainly have decided the Romagnuols it would not impossibly have created such a force of opinion in all Central Italy, as would have overborne the autonomist parties and the King's own hesitations, and put all the Papal States and Tuscany under his
him.
;

suzerainty.

Nay

had triumphed

at

more, though the counter-revolution Naples, the nationalist elements


;

were strong throughout the South and had Mazzini organized them from Rome, and Garibaldi marched

122

The Revolution

South in the name of Unity and Charles Albert, the work of i860 might have been done twelve years Even had the bigger consummation failed, earlier. Mazzini could have forced the Pope to choose between a nationalist policy and deposition from his temporal throne he would have thrown all the energies of the Roman government into the war, and given Charles
;

Albert another ten or twenty thousand men, enough


to shift the scales of victory .^f

Chapter VII

The Roman Republic


1848-1849.
The
collapse of the The of Rome

Aetat 43-44

war The People's War At Florence The mission Roman Republic The Triumvirate Attitude to the

ChurchThe French

attack.

done this, he might have averted the which quenched the nation's hopes in In one pitched fight after another the swift disaster. But courage could not repair bad Italians had won. generalship and growing inferiority of numbers, and
he
catastrophe,

Had

Mazzini

foretold

disaster

only

too

accurately.

At

the end of July the collapse came, and the army, still fighting doggedly, but starved and outmanoeuvred,

on Milan. For some weeks past Mazzini had urged that a small committee of defence should be appointed and when disaster threatened, he was He chose Fanti and allowed to nominate his men. two others, who did their best in the short time to
retreated
;

The Milanese rose organize the defence of the city. again to something of the spirit of the Five Days but it was too late to turn the tide of victory. The
;

army made a

gallant fight outside the city walls, but The unhappy were driven back within the gates. king would fain have fought on still, but he knew
"3

124
there was

The Roman Republic


no hope of
victory,
city.

and

after

long hesita-

tion he surrendered the

The

people,

maddened

by the desertion, attacked the palace where he lodged, and it was with difficulty that his life was saved.
Sullenly

he

and
the

his

army withdrew, followed


intolerant

by

thousands
rule.

of

citizens,

of

Austrian

Mazzini

left

shouldering a

rifle

Milan, as soon as the army arrived, that Mrs Ashurst had given him
rising
in

when he
that

left

England.

popular

He had persuaded himself might have saved the city,


He
started
to join

but that the army could not.


Garibaldi,

who was

command

of the volunteers at

Bergamo, and met a detachment of them at Monza " God and the People " for its legend, and the volunteers chose Mazzini to carry it. Garibaldi's small force of three thousand men made a difficult retreat, in terrible weather and ever harassed by the Austrian cavalry. Mazzini, frail and exhausted, won their admiration by his endurance and intrepidity. He was happy doubtless to have a simple task, which only asked for physical courage, after the
Their flag had
tangled politics of the last four months. The volunteers disbanded when they had passed the frontier, for the national cause seemed desperate.

The army had retreated into Piedmont, and the King had signed an armistice. The Roman and Tuscan forces hardly existed Naples was at the mercy of The Austrians had triumphed King Ferdinand. swiftly and conclusively. They dared not indeed cross the Ticino for fear of French intervention, they were not strong enough as yet to advance into Central but Italy, and Venice defied them in her lagunes
;

The Roman Republic


Lombardy and
past

125
lost

the Venetian
refused

mainland seemed
to

hope. ^Mazzini

own

defeat.

But

he based his hopes more on partisan illusions than on cool possibilities. The royal war had ended the The Italians, betrayed people's war would begin. by their princes, would rise in their own strength, and crush the Austrians by force of numbers and
;

enthusiasm.
to

He was
national

create a

working feverishly at Lugano organization to this end, and

prepare for a popular rising in Lombardy. Again he wavered whether or not to raise the republican
flag.

/providence, he thought, had


pointed the Italians to a events after the fiasco of a
insurrection
in

by the recent
republic.

disasters
at
all

But,

mad

rising near

Como, he recognized the hopelessness of


supported
the

an

un-

Austrian
all

He

saw, as

cooler

heads

saw

provinces. along, that the


;

Piedmontese
urging the

army was

Romans

he was

willing to elsewhere, and work with any, who would relegate it to the decision of a Constituent Assembly after the
their strength into a new fight. He recognized at last that his own best field was in Various motives drew him there. Central Italy.

and, while indispensable to declare for a republic there, postpone the political question

war and throw

to

use his influence at Florence and Rome on the military preparations he could perhaps push secure a union of the two states, which would be a step towards unity he might, if circumstances Both favoured, help to plant the republican flag. in Tuscany and at Rome democracy was triumphant. The Pope had fled to Ferdinand's fortress at Gaeta, and the Romans, finding every overture for com-

He

could

126

The Roman Republic

promise rejected, and left without a stable government, At Florence were heading irresistibly for a republic.
the

Grand Duke was at the mercy of the democrats, with no alternative before him but flight or unconMazzini left Lugano, and sailing ditional surrender.
from Marseilles, arrived at Leghorn on February
8,

just

when the news had come


fled

that the

Grand Duke

had

from Florence. He used his influence to and dissuade the on ducalists attack the prevent any A week later he was at Livornese from secession. Florence. Here he saw Giuditta Sidoli, at whose house he met Gino Capponi, and paid a visit to Giusti. But he had little time for the society of friends. Guerrazzi

was now

More practical virtually dictator of Tuscany. in small things than Mazzini, but with none of his
was trying to
inspiring confidence or simple loyalty to an idea, he steer a middle course and keep clear

of a republic. He and Mazzini had hot words, and Mazzini, backed by a great republican meeting by Orcagna's Loggia, forced him to a nominal and insincere acceptance of its programme. After fruitless
efforts to

promote union with the

Roman

states,

and
left

make
for

the slow Tuscans prepare for war, Mazzini

Rome.

/Ever since the Pope's flight in November, he had been appealing to his friends there to agitate for a The road, he urged, was plain. The republic. Pope had virtually abdicated, and, without a blow, the republic was in their grasp, a republic, which " You have," might grow into a republican Italy. " he wrote, in your hands the destinies of Italy,

and the
world."

destinies
It

of Italy are the destinies of the


his
life,

was one of the master-ideas of

cherished through years of meditation from the

first

The Roman Republic


;

127

days of Young Italy. The thought was a fantastic a student's conceit, fed on his early classical one studies, on his later readings in medieval history, above all on Dante's faith in Rome, the destined a strange historical survival, born seat of Empire of what Cesare Balbo called " the importunate memory of Rome's past greatness," which translated into modern terms the theories of the Holy Roman Empire./ Many an Italian in those days shared that
;

faith,

faith that fed their inextinguishable resolve

should be the capital of Italy. and Gioberti went beyond, and looked to some new word of truth for all
that

Rome

Mazzini

Rome

for

humanity.^ But while Gioberti's destined instrument was a reformed Papacy, Mazzini watched for a Pope-less, republican,
Italian

Rome

to

transformation,"

" bring the dawn of that religious in Christian spirit and in origin

but with another dogma, which mankind in a living, universal

would
faith.

again

unite

Indefinite

as

his conception was, the thought of an all-embracing " word of universal brotherhood " the unity, the

runs through it necessary mark of any great religion all. V^ As Imperial Rome had united Europe by force of arms and majesty of law, as Papal Rome had

and spiritual authority, so Rome of the People would unite it once again*^ r" in some new gospel of social duty and progress,.J would harmonize the temporal and the spiritual, the Roman law of justice and the Christian law of sacrifice. When nationality had remodelled Europe, then would eternal Rome, destined alone of cities to rise more mighty from each fall, be hailed its moral centre, seat of a diet of the nations, to teach to them their
united
it

by thought

"

28

The Roman Republic


duties to humanity.^

common
last

Who

will

say that this

more modest vision may not some day and in some sense be fulfilled ? / Partly in consequence of Mazzini's incentives, more from force of circumstances, the republic was proclaimed at Rome on the day after he landed at
Leghorn.
elected on

The Assembly, a fairly level-headed body, manhood suffrage and drawing its members
;

from the larger landed proprietors and upper middle and classes, had voted for it by a great majority the republican Triumvirs had discoursed in true Mazzinian phrases, and headed their acts with the

On the fourth day People." Assembly unanimously made Mazzini citizen of Rome, and invited him to come. He started as soon as he could leave Tuscany, and arrived on the evening of March 5, slipping into the " awed and like a worshipper," feeling, city unobserved, as he passed under the Porta del Popolo, "a spurt
rubric

"

God and
republic

the

of the

the

that for the moment swept away and disappointments. His first thought was to organize for the impending war. Piedmont, unreconciled to defeat and stung by Austrian brutalities in Lombardy, was about to denounce the armistice there were formidable preparations for insurrection in the Lombard cities Venice was undaunted and threatening from her lagunes. Republican Rome must

of new

life,"

doubtings

not be behindhand.

belated appeal from Piedmont

Mazzini made her anticipate the by offering ten thousand

men, and they had started for the North when the news of Novara came. Piedmont lay crushed by one staggering blow,
^

See below,

c. xvii.

The Roman Republic

129

and the hope of freeing Lombardy had gone. The moment's task was to save Central Italy, and in the imminent danger the Romans turned to the man, who had won their reverence and lifted them to Mazzini was something of his own moral greatness. made a Triumvir, and henceforth became little less He had probably at heart small hope than dictator. of saving the Republic, and to foreigners like Clough and Margaret Fuller did not conceal his fears. But the cause was not yet desperate. He knew he could contemptuously disregard the Neapolitans, who were hovering on the Southern frontier and at this time he could not foresee how base a part France was The Austrians were the only serious soon to play. in and with Hungary still untamed, sight enemy with the chance that Piedmont might brace itself to
; ;

a third

effort,

them
forces,

at

bay.

He

desperate defence might yet keep intended to treble the Roman


at Terni,

and concentrating them

swoop down

on the long line of Austrian communications, as they advanced along the Eastern coast. Meanwhile, among the cares of war, he began to build a government that should be worthy of his " Here in Rome," he told the bickering ideal. " we may not be moral politicians in the Assembly, mediocrities." / He hoped to inspire government and people with one great purpose, that would leave no He would have place for party-spirit or suspicion. no exclusiveness, no intolerance, no war of classes or " attacks on property or person. Stiffness in principles, " tolerance to individuals was the motto of his rule, and
to this, through
all

he was nobly

true.

the troubled times that followed, At a time when national danger

130

The Roman Republic


;

might have excused severe precautions, the press there were few arrests, was hardly interfered with
fewer
penalties,
for
political

offences

conspirators,

with barely an exception, were left in contemptuous tolerance, or merely warned not to let the people know of their intrigues./ It was this very leniency to the men who were plotting the Republic's downstained its fall, that led to the few outrages that name. The civil service and police, left full of enemies and lukewarm friends, lacked vigour to reand here and there press the disorderly elements a fanatic or criminal took advantage of the murmur;

ings at Mazzini's tolerance to assassinate a Papalist. But save in a few provincial towns, where political murder was endemic, and for a few isolated outrages at Rome, there was absolute security alike for friend

and foe. luminous

Mazzini's
contrast

mild

with

scourged the unhappy The Triumvir's attitude to the Catholic Church


strange

authority stands out in the Papal terrorism, that land before and after.
is

commentary on the myth,


anti-clerical fanatic.

that

writes

him

down an

The man, who

believed

Catholicism a spent force, whose whole soul yearned for a new religion to issue forth from Rome, was yet superlatively careful not to shake the people's one
It would have been easy to do otherreligious creed. wise. There was fierce exasperation at the Pope's obduracy, at the ferocious fanaticism of men, who

would see
tittle

Rome bombarded

rather

than yield one

of their temporal power. Churches were half empty, and, but for the government's precautions,

another priest would have died the victim of the But Mazzini made it one of his first people's anger.

many

The Roman Republic

131

cares to protect the clergy in their spiritual work. His deep religious instinct, old memories and friendships, his

respect for
spiritual,

Italy,"

men who in their way were witnesses to the made him alv/ays tolerant towards them. "In he once said, "the priest is powerless for harm but

powerful to do good"; and before this time and after he made impassioned appeals to them to take their part in

He tried to win them now. It was towards the Church that he did something to repair the ecclesiastical misrule. Such reforms as he effected were bound to go to the strengthening of a church, made hateful by clerical domination and many were the priests and monks who defied the threatening
the national work.

from no

ill-will

The

cardinals at Gaeta, and gladly rallied to the republic. nationalization of church lands, which Mazzini took

over from his predecessors, aimed at improving the stipends of the poorer clergy. Religious services and processions went on uninterrupted,and his one act of severity

towards the priests was to fine the canons of St Peter's for refusing to celebrate the usual Easter services. Alt is the duty of the government," the Triumvirs said, "to preserve religion uncontaminated." "Do not be afraid," he wrote to a nun, who feared the suppression of her convent; " pray God for our country and for men of good intentions." /^nce in the fear of imminent attack upon the the city, the crowd fetched a few confessional boxes from
churches to

make

barricades.

that from those confessionals

Mazzini reminded them had come at all events

It is perhaps the words of comfort to their mothers. most convincing proof of his grip on the people's hearts, that the confessionals were taken back. With the Pope himself he was ever ready to compromise. True, he had postulated his expulsion and the downfall of his

132

The Roman Republic


new
faith, for

authority as thp condition of the

which

he yearned, r But whether

it

was that the statesman


wait, or

saw that the

idealist

must

from

his

deep

respect for the institution round which hung so much of Christian history, or that he wished to remove the
last

his attitude

pretext for the intervention of foreign Catholics, went to the extreme of conciliatoriness.

its first outset the Republic, while decreeing the of the Temporal Power, had promised all necessary and guarantees for the Pope's spiritual authority Mazzini, anticipating Cavour, tried to persuade the Assembly to define the guarantees, and offer to confall
;

At

any suggestions for them that the Catholic Powers chose to make. We must distinguish, he said, the Pope from the Prince, and claim our rights
sider

without doing violence to religious faitfL/ Thus noble and thus gentle was the Triumvir's

rule,

and finely the people responded to it. At first there had been small enthusiasm for the Republic. The Romans had accepted it calmly, as the one alternative But Mazzini touched to the intolerable rule of priests. them with his own great faith. He appealed to no
selfish
it

promised social legislation, but background behind the national quesand except for a land scheme to create a peasant tion proprietary on the church lands, there was no time to His was project much for their material well-being.
interests.

He

v/ent into the


;

a pure spiritual ascendancy, that

made

a populace,

demoralized by bad government and charity, rise to something of his own moral height and dare to bear

There were some at all events, to whom hallowed Rome, by a great ideal and noble rule, had become as the city of God. Greatly their leader
and
die.

The Roman Republic

133

The equivocations of the past merited their love. few months had gone, and in a clear position of command, untrammelled by the need to compromise with alien forces, he stood in all the majesty of his worn and translucent soul. It shone in his face " emaciated, he seemed to Margaret Fuller more divine His personal life, of which we have than ever."
;

grievously few records, was one of democratic simplicity. " Lodged in the Quirinal, he hunted for a room small

enough to feel at home in." Here he sat unguarded and serene, " sadly ddopv<popog for a rupawog" wrote Clough (for it was a country where political assassination was a tradition on both sides), as accessible to working men and women as to his own officials, with the same smile and warm hand-shake for all dining for two francs at a cheap restaurant, afterwards, during the siege, living on bread and raisins, his only luxury the flowers that an unknown hand sent every day, his one
;

relaxation to
night.

The

sing to his guitar when left alone at Triumvir's slender stipend of ;^32 a month

As an administrator, he he spent entirely on others. was too gentle to be sufficiently prompt and stern. He even refused to sign the death-warrant of a soldier condemned by court-martial. But he made amends
by
his

unbending energy and the quick and

fertile

intellect,

that helped in every military detail of the defence and made his diplomatic notes, so Palmerston
is

models of reasoning and argument." yThrough all the tangled cares of government he kept his calmness and serenity, the statesman's
said to have called them,
right to
lift his people to new visions and new powers.^ /'His hope was to leave a great republican example. Probably he dared expect no more. , Sanguine no

"

134

The Roman Republic

doubt he was, but in his cooler moments he seems to have realized from the first that the powers of evil were too strong for the noble little republic. The blow came from an unexpected quarter. This is not the place to dissect the causes, that led France to the meanest of modern political crimes, that imnever pelled a state, pledged by its own constitution to employ its forces against the liberties of another people," to destroy an unoffending sister-republic.
"

France paid at Sedan


that allowed

for the carelessness of honour,

Louis Napoleon to When Oudinot's in of started, and, spite falsity on falsity, expedition the French it was that plain government intended

the Catholics and


in

do a great crime

her

name.

to

crush

the

Romans, Mazzini's policy was


brute, yield the Assembly,

clear.

/He would
Rome, he

not
told

to

unrighteous

force

must

"

do

its

duty

and give a high example to every people and every But to him the enemy was not part of Italy." The true reFrance but the French government. at Paris were publicans striving courageously to save the Romans and their own national honour and on their efforts depended the one hope of safety. He would do nothing that would weaken their hands or unnecessarily hurt French pride^ When the
;

Assembly resolved without a dissentient voice to cost, and Oudinot's troops were ingloridriven back, defeated by the raw Italian ously
resist at all

he refused to let Garibaldi make the rout The French prisoners were released after complete. and A monster gift generous diplomatic hospitality. of cigars was sent to the enemy's quarters, wrapped
levies,

in

handbills that

appealed to

republican

fraternity.

The Roman Republic

i^^

Perhaps someone remembered that eighty years before the American Congress had sent the same ingenuous present to the Hessian mercenaries.

Fraud and force alike had failed to open the gates of Rome, and the long chapter of deceit went on, deceit hard to parallel even in the diplomacy of

great nations.

Ferdinand de Lesseps, then a bud-

ding
till

attach^,

was sent

Oudinot's

to parley with the Romans, reinforcements arrived, and the new

gave a Catholic majority in the Chamber. /'It was a mere ruse, but de Lesseps was Napoleon's dupe and negotiated in all good faith, " moderation and giving ample credit to Mazzini's and Had been left alone, loyalty courage." they would concluded on have terms honourthey peace able to both sides, and Mazzini seems to have hoped that the danger from France was passing./ Garibaldi was sent to meet the Neapolitans, who had advanced as far as Albano, and drove them back in rout across the frontier. King Ferdinand brevetted Ignatius

elections in France

Loyola field-marshal of his army, but the very posthumous honour could not exorcise the superstitious terror, with which the great guerilla-chieftain's name inspired his men. Had the Triumvirs been free to let Garibaldi advance, the Bourbon power would perhaps have crumbled, as it crumbled eleven
years
later.

But at the moment when Mazzini and de Lesseps had agreed on terms, the French government threw off the mask, and Oudinot made a treacherous attack. Then came the memorable siege, when for nearly a month the badly-armed and badly-generalled Romans kept at bay an army twice their number and a powerful

136

The Roman Republic

Heroically they struggled on against The great majority of the the overwhelming odds. but some had soldiers were natives of the state
siege artillery.
;

gathered from all Italy, drawn by the spell of Rome It was a band of to fight once more for country. never came such as heroes, again together in the of the future like Medici Italian struggle generals
;

and Bixio
Five Days
the

woman

Manara, the Lombard leader in the Mameli, the war-poet of Italy, son of who had been Mazzini's boyish love
;

Bassi, the priest-patriot, greatest Italian preacher of his day, nearest of spiritual kin to Mazzini's self;

Ugo

and Pisacane

Bertani, the future organizer of the Sicilian Thousand their precursor ; and the great pro-

tagonists themselves, Mazzini and Garibaldi;

a diverse

band, patricians and plebeians, saints and sinners, royalists and republicans, all moved by one supreme redeeming love of Italy and Rome. Within, the city showed a passive heroism as fine. Calmly and
hopelessness of victory as the toils drew ever closer round the fated Six thousand women came forward to offer city.

homes,

patiently the people the growing

bore

the

destruction

of their

scarcity,

the

their service in the hospitals.

When

the

women

of

the poor Trastevere were driven from their homes by the French shells, the government lodged them

of the fugitive nobles, on their simple promise that there should be neither theft nor injury, and the promise given in the name of " God and
in the palaces

the People" was scrupulously kept. To their leader those weeks must have been a time of fearful strain. Garibaldi's bad generalship and bad

temper shortened a

resistance, that

was hopeless from

The Roman Republic


the
first.

137

were heavy, and Mameli and many another of Mazzini's friends. After the ill-fated revolt of the Mountain on June 13, there was no hope of diversion from the republicans
losses

The

Manara

fell

with

at

Paris.

/^At home, though the Assembly

loyally
*

supported him, he had to meet the petulant criticism of Garibaldi and the intriguers who made him their that the tool.^To him it was a matter of clear duty " should on to the end. Monarchies fight Republic

may capitulate, republics die and bear their testimony even to martyrdom." When the last defences broke he wished to make a desperate fight from street down, to street, or retire with the Assembly and the army to the Apennines, throw themselves on the Austrian
lines,

and keep the republican


for

The army was prepared


Assembly had no stomach

flag flying in Romagna. either course ; but the

for the sacrifice,

bitterly reproaching them, eve of the city's fall.y^Sullenly

resigned his office

and Mazzini, on the

Rome surrendered, as entered the victors, they city, hung back before the threatening populace. Garibaldi, with three
and the
thousand
retreat. "
"

who

disdained

surrender, began

his

great

vigil," he promised with the Mazzini but never terms them, enemy." would have been more consistent, had he gone out with them. Perhaps he had no liking for a desperate

Hunger and

thirst

and

fragment of his rejected scheme perhaps the personal For some days tension with Garibaldi was too great.
;

He was worn out and on in Rome. he had not overstrung slept on a bed since the siege fed on had coarse and insufficient food. he began, his beard In two short months he had grown old was grey, his face cadaverous, his manner, so Margaret
he stayed
;

138

The Roman Republic


"

sweet and calm, but full of a more fiery than ever." He wandered defiantly about the purpose It was partly that he wanted, by offering streets.
Fuller noted,

himself to any assassin's knife, to kill the lie of the Catholic press that he had forced a hated tyranny

upon the Romans. Besides, he had a desperate hope might rouse the people and the remaining His whole soul was to one more struggle. troops to the passion protest on to the end possessed by
that he
It is strange that against the triumph of brute force. the French did not arrest him perhaps they knew
;

too well the temper of the people. At last Gustavo Modena's wife and Margaret Fuller persuaded him to He had no passport, but he found the withdraw.

means of

sailing to Marseilles

there he succeeded in

eluding the French police and travelled on to Geneva.

Chapter VIII

London Again
1

849- 1 8 59.

Aetat 44-54
politics

In Switzerland

Life in London English friends English The Friends of


literature
Italy.

and

his old quarters at

a few weeks in a quiet hotel near Geneva, then moved to Lausanne, where he and a few more refugees, Saffi, his coTriumvir, and Pisacane among them, took a small house (the Villa Montallegro) near the town on the hills that Here he and his friends plunged overlook the lake. at once into the old eager work of correspondence and journalism, as if the struggle at Rome had been a
for

Mazzini stayed

Another ephemeral paper, Italia del Popolo^ was launched on its short career. His head was full an Italian translation of the of literary schemes, Gospels with an introduction, a new Encyclopaedia, which should do for religious democracy what the old Encyclopaedia had done for the thought of the It was a quiet, not unhappy eighteenth century. time, that must have recalled something of the old days At times indeed he was miserable and at Marseilles.
holiday.

pessimistic as of old, brooding over lost friendships,

But chafing at the triumph of brute force in Italy. except in these hours of taciturn gloom, when he
>39

140
avoided
all

London Again
brightening

sometimes

companionship, he was serene and genial, into anecdote and humour,


settled

when the party


and
In
chess.

down

to

the evening's talk

spring of 1850 the agitation in France proposed revision of the constitution excited and with some vague hopes of a revolution there fatuous idea that he could help to stop Louis Napoleon's progress to empire, Mazzini went to Paris,
the
at the
;

On only to discover how empty was the expectation. the journey he lost a note-book, in which for many The years he had entered his thoughts on religion. world would gain more from its discovery than from He crossed to that of any lost Greek tragedy. to Switzerfor a few then returned months, England
But the persecution of 1834 repeated itself. pressure on the Swiss to expel the refugees, and Mazzini after a month or two of
land.

The governments put


hiding found
it

necessary to
friends

leave.
left

One

night

in

November he and two

Geneva, walking

along the lake to Nyon, while they discussed Byron and Mickiewicz, and were taken on in a friend's carriage to Lausanne, whence he found the means
to escape to England.

Here he made

his

home
life,

the last years of his

with few interruptions till taking no small part in

English society and politics, finding his best friends in English men and women. '^" Italy is my country, but England is my real home, if I have any," he said.

He had come
and

to love

England and English ways,


journeys to Italy his

in his brief political

home

thoughts went to England, and he was glad to be back again. 'His old horror of London changed to a

London Again
real
it

141

liking
his

difficult

to get

visit to

conveniences for his work made him out of town, save for a rare friends, or for a day or two to recruit his

and

its

health at St Leonard's or Eastbourne, which he liked, or at Brighton, which he hated. He longed sometimes, indeed, for to breathe fresh air
"

some secret nook in the country, " and gaze on the sky or at the sea

but when he was urged to take rest in the country, he railed affectionately at his " misled and dreamy
for supposing he could attend to his work anywhere out of London. The fogs still had their fascination for him he wrote once from Italy, " I think very often under these radiant skies of the London Individually speaking, fogs and always regretfully. I was evidently intended for an Englishman.'^ At first he lived at Cromwell Lodge, Old Brompton, a little house in the middle of orchards and gardens at what was then the extreme western end of London. Building operations drove him thence, and Mrs Carlyle found him lodgings over a post-office at 15 Radnor Street, near his old rooms in York Buildings. Here, at first with Saffi and three other exiles, afterwards alone, His income indeed was he lived the frugallest of lives. somewhat larger than it had been. At his mother's death he came into an annuity of ;^ 160 a year, which

friends

"

knowing how readily his money flowed to public work and charity, had wisely invested with obdurate trustees. His friends would gladly have helped him, but though he frankly asked money of them for his
she,

cause (always scrupulously repaying

it,

if

borrowed on

his personal responsibility), he never, so far as I know, would take from this time forward money for strictly

personal needs.

Once only he accepted some

to

pay

142

London Again

for a private secretary, and once again for cabs, when his friends suspected that there were plots to assassinate him, and feared for his walking in London streets,

unprotected save by a sword-cane.

Thus, even with

casual literary earnings, his income seldom reached ;^200, and of this for some years ;^8o went to the education of the Tencioni children, and often every

other available penny to finance his plots of insurrec-

enemies in Italy painted him living he denied himself every comfort (cigars always excepted), save the modest ones that his friends forced on him. Money he only wanted for " I have never felt so his political schemes. bitterly the curse of not being rich," he wrote once, when For wanting rifles for one of his revolutionary plots. himself, he was content with his humble fare and modest
tion.

While

his

in patrician luxury,

Here in his small room, every piece of lodgings. furniture littered with books and papers, the air thick
with smoke of cheap Swiss cigars (except when friends sent Havannahs), brightened only by his tame canaries and carefully-tended plants, he was generally writing at his desk till evening, always with more work in

hand than he could cope with, carrying on the usual mass of correspondence, writing articles for his Italian
papers, raising public funds with infinite labour, stirring his English friends to help the cause, finding money and work for the poor refugees, or organizing concerts
in their interest.

The school
closed.

in Greville Street

went on

for three years longer,

when, except

for the
all

Sunday

the exacting cares of public work he spared himself no trouble for


lectures,
it

was

And amid

his

English friends, advising in their family affairs writing long letters of tenderness and spiritual wisdom

London Again
to comfort a bereaved son or lead a
life

143
girl

young

from a

of selfishness to higher things.

He had aged greatly since he left London less than He was worn and thin, his beard three years ago. was white, and the once dark features wore " a sort
But it was the same high " cliffof grey, ashy halo." like" forehead, the regular features, the strong, straight " the exquisite curve of lips like a woman's in nose,
their expression of spotless purity," the piercing black " of eyes, whose like none ever knew who saw them,

of sadness, tenderness, and courage, readily flashing into indignation or humour, always with the latent expression of exhaust" " the only eyes," says another observer, less resolution

luminous depth,
of purity and

full

fire,

"

ever saw that looked like flames."

"

His face

in

repose was grave, even sad, but it lit up with a smile of wonderful sweetness, as he greeted a friend with a pressure, rather than a shake, from the thin hand."^
his head a little forward, and he had a habit of sitting on the edge of a chair, perhaps, it has been suggested, because in his own room his books left

He carried

but narrow margin for sedentary uses.


ever, with perfect neatness, in a

He

dressed, as
frock-coat,

worn black

buttoned high, despising collars and substituting a silk handkerchief wound round his neck, wearing a long thin gold watch chain, which had probably been his father's, and two rings, one at least no doubt his mother's, now rescued from the pawn-shop. His personal life was centred almost wholly in his
velvet

double-breasted

waistcoat

English friends.
*

It

is

true,

he

felt

his exile bitterly.

owe

contemporary description

these particulars to one who knew in a private letter.

him

well,

and

to

144
" "

London Again
for me,"

Wish
that
I

he writes to friends one Christmas,

may
I

which no home
in

die in the country and for the country, But he had have been forbidden to live."

ties in Italy

now.

His father had died

in the

winter of 1848, leaving him to brood over the thought that he had been but a source of pain to the grim
all his moroseness and want of had never lost his pride and affection for sympathy His mother, whom he had seen once again his son. when at Milan, with whom he had never relaxed the

old man,

who under

close, affectionate

correspondence, died in the

summer

of 1852.

one to

was a very heavy blow. There was no he had lost " the dream of his replace her
It
life,

individual

to see her in the joy of triumph,"

when

But he nerved himself, and took her Italy was free. " loss as an incentive to fresh effort. My mother," he " to to be seems me writes, present, perhaps nearer than I feel more and more she was in her terrestrial life. the sacredness of duties, which she recognized, and of a mission which she approved. /\ have now no mother on earth except my country, and I shall be true to her, as my mother has been to me." / So intensely actual was she still to him, that once afterwards, when in hiding and deep dejection, he thought she came to him in veritable presence to strengthen and console His lonely heart, athirst as ever for affection, him. went out to his English friends, the men and still more the women, who believed in him and in his politics, and tried to bring some warmth and brightness After a year or two he saw little into his sad life. more of the Carlyles, but their place was more than
taken by the Ashursts, the Stansfelds, the Peter Taylors, the Shaens, the Mallesons, the Nathans, the Milner-

London Again
Gibsons.

145

the day's work was over, he would the evening at one or other of their generally spend houses, most often with the Stansfelds, whose home

When

Lodge was within an easy walk from his he came to have a large outside Gradually lodgings. He corresponded with Grote circle of acquaintances. and Mrs Gaskell the Brownings, J. S. Mill, Jowett, Swinburne, Cairnes, Miss Martineau, probably Dickens
at Bellevue
;

were among the people he met.^

new light and happiness Probably, too, the consciousness of having played a great part nobly added a new " The indescribable touch of dignity and gentleness. look of suffering for others," noted one who met him
With these came to his
friendships a
life.

now

after

and he
hope."

is now ^" The

has disappeared, ten years' interval, a man full of experience, patience, and Roman revolution," wrote Carlyle to

"

Emerson, has made a man of him, quite brightened up ever since. "y^ All the human sweetness in him His friends provided the home care, blossomed out. which he had lost, since he left his mother and and he loved sisters at Genoa twenty years ago to repay them by many little marks of affection, never forgetting birthdays, buying presents of books and jewelry out of his slender purse, taking them to the Opera, where his acquaintance with the great Italian singers sometimes put boxes at his disposal. In his evenings at the Stansfelds he was often full
;

"

1 It has often been supposed that Browning had Mazzini in mind, when he wrote The Italian in England. I know of no evidence for or against

this; but the poem was written in 1845, when the letter-opening affair had made Mazzini prominently public. Mazzini is said to have made a

translation of

it.

146
of merry fun
;

London Again
he could
tell

a story well,

all

the

more piquantly for his anecdote (he had told it


baffled an
"

Italicisms.

One

favourite

undertaker,

to Mrs Carlyle) was how he who brought a coffin by mis-

take to his landlady's, and refused to take it away. My dear," he said, no doubt with his sweet gravity, " we have not here a dead." Or he would, when quite alone with the family, sing to his guitar, or

on it the score of some favourite opera. His native gentleness came out in his kindness to children and animals. He does not seem to have been naturally very fond of children, but, when among Some French them, he made himself easily at home. children at a house which he visited, who got into disgrace when Louis Blanc came to see them, were " always good with Mazzini, because he was so kind and never failed to enquire after the dolls." They loved to sit and listen to his talk, not that they understood him, but because the beautiful voice fascinated them. With dogs and cats and birds he was always happy. He would make one of his hostesses angry, because he insisted on feeding her " " I But, my dear," he would say, dog at dinner. make Bruno happy." Ledru Rollin and he, once
finger out

out
his

talking, probably, of the their cigars, because

European
the

revolution,

put

smoke made a dog

uncomfortable.

His most constant companions were

tame

linnets

and

canaries.

He had
fly

netting over

the windows, so that they could


at liberty
;

about his room

and

visitors

or two perched on his among his papers, inured to the thick tobacco smoke,
in

would generally find a bird head or shoulders, or hopping

which they and he

lived.

London Again

147

He was a brilliant talker, because he was in earnest and his thoughts were clear, at all events to himself. There was no trace of effort or affectation he was always just himself and never played a part./ He would speak with a prophet's simplicity and conviction of his religious faith and the destinies of
;

man, talking vivaciously, tenaciously, passionately sometimes, with the authority of one who had no thought of self and had lived and suffered for his creed. ^Some of his hosts were the champions of every struggling cause, and the conversation turned
naturally to American slavery or Music nationality or cooperation.

women's rights or and poetry were favourite subjects with him, and he would contend

pugnaciously in mock-earnestness for the superiority of Meyerbeer over Rossini, or inveigh to his heart's content against the abominated doctrine of "art for
the sake

of art."

He

once,

when dining with Mr

and

Mrs William Shaen,

eagerness

and when

forgot his dinner in his to convert his hostess from the heresy ; pressed to eat, pleaded that he had some-

thing else to do, for "here is Mrs Shaen travelling to perdition as fast as she can, and I must save her soul." He spoke English now well and fluently,
but,

unlike
;

with many little Italicisms. Among unidiomatic, those he seldom met, he was sometimes nervous and
ness,

his

English writing, which was rarely

at other times, perhaps from the same nervoushe would monopolize the conversation, and was remorseful afterwards. Once, many years after this and talked uninterruptedly for he met time, Jowett, two hours, Jowett listening silently. When Jowett " he made me talk all the time. went, he observed,
silent

148
and
I

London Again

have no notion what he thought of it." Jowett, careful notes of what he said, and years after" wards remarked, in allusion to their meeting, Mazzini was a man of genius, but too much under the influence of two abstract ideas, God and the principle

made

of nationality."

He

thought, though, very highly of

him.
"

an enthusiast, a visionary," he said, but he was a very noble character, and had a genius

"

He was

far beyond that of ordinary statesmen. Though not a statesman, I think that his reputation will increase as time goes on, when that of most statesmen disappears."

With those, who knew him well, constraining was the influence of this man, who spoke with authority of life and God and duty. Young people at all under the came who events, spell of those eyes,
and heard the vibrating voice speak with passionate earnestness of the deep things of God, felt for him an awe and veneration, such as few, if any, of his
generation inspired.
all for

his ideal,

Here was one who had who had taken poverty for his
;

given
bride,

yet without self-righteousness, too sad at the world's

and struggle to be aught but humble one too, who had lived on a great stage, who was helping
sin

remodel Europe, a great thinker, a great moral teacher, yet with infinite concern for the trials and " Thou noble temptations of some puzzled soul.
to

Mazzini," said Clough after brief knowledge of his Much deeper was the feeling of those, life at Rome.

who had

though, perhaps,

And, would be difficult to prove it, it is probable that he has left no inconsiderable impress on English thought. Here and there one finds strong traces of his influence on men, who have
it

the privilege of close companionship.

London Again

149

helped to mould the best thought among us in the " last forty years. Mazzini is the true teacher of our
age,"
said

Arnold

Toynbee.
life.

Never,

certainly,

did

age more need


rule in national

his high idealism

to teach

a nobler

and private

His

literary
"
still

work

at this

time was not remarkable.


to grant him,

He was

praying

God

when

Italy

had become a nation, two years of hermit life," when he could write his long-cherished book on religion and a popular history of Italian nationality. But the He hope of ever writing them was gradually fading. was too absorbed through all this period by political propagandism, and in his controversial writings of these years he is generally far from being at his best.

The latter chapters of his Duties of Man, however, He seems, despite his busy date from this decade.
life,

to have found a

good deal of time


question

for reading.

His
the

Apart from political reading, English literature seems to have claimed his interests. Byron was still to him the greatest of English poets, and he read Byroniana with the zest

writings on the Slav result of careful study.

are

evidently

could not forgive England for her only poet who will live in times to " " I come." I wish," he once wrote, had time to write before dying a book on Byron, and abuse all England, a few women excepted, for the way she treats one of her greatest souls and minds." He was
neglect of her
"

of a devotee.

He

keenly interested in the controversy on Byron's treat-

ment of his wife, refusing to believe that the husband was the more in fault, but owning himself too indiscriminating an admirer to be a
^

fair judge.^

He

See below, pp. 359-360.

150
criticizing

London Again
the
latter

would contrast him with Wordsworth and Coleridge,


as

contemplative

poets,

living

remote from action among their lakes and mountains, which proves that he had not read Wordsworth's
sonnets.

patriotic

He

liked

Chatterton in a way,

drawn doubtless to him by his sad end and de Vigny's drama " I have always," he writes, " had a sort of
;

fondness for him, as

have

for

crushed

flowers."

Among contemporary poets Mrs Browning was probably He reads Aurora Leigh^ " admiring it his favourite.
very much, only wishing from time to time that she had written it in beautiful prose than passages exin neglected poetry." Browning himself he cepted

"

is

said

to

have
to

he alludes

read and admired. him when he writes,


to

the

But perhaps form in


wrong,
I

England
think."

begins

be

systematically

Meanwhile he had resumed his strong interest in English life and politics, stimulated no doubt by the keen thinkers he moved among, but always preserving his own original outlook. On the whole, his was not
a very appreciative criticism. Sincerely and increasingly as he admired the freedom and seriousness of

English ways, he keenly felt the decay of our religious its consequence, the life, and, what he regarded as selfishness and want of principle in our foreign policy.

His knowledge of Protestantism was never very deep


but he knew enough of it to apply or sympathetic He condemned it his own tests of religious vitality.
;

for

its

soul-killing

formalism

he

showed

how

it

sinned against itself, when it ceased to be concerned with men as citizens he poured scorn on the Bible
;

London Again
made no
at

151

Societies, that tried to proselytize his countrymen, and sign, when he and other Italians had fought

Rome

for

liberty of conscience.
religion,

It

was
our

to this

want of true
selfishness.
'

that

he charged
Cobdenites.

insular

He detested the

"The

'peace-

men have no

principle." Z'' Your Peace Societies," he wrote in an open letter to " the people of England," " allowing God's law and Godlike human life to be systematically crushed on the two-thirds of Europe,

your

believers in liberty as the only pledge for man's your responsibility, allying themselves with despots, Christians fighting for the maintenance of Mahommedan

law on European populations,


reverse

seem

to

me

to be the

of religious." If England gave no helping hand to the young nationalities to which belonged the
future, she would find herself in twenty years shut out from the sympathies and alliances and markets of the

/ He vigorously condemned the Crimean War, and took his stand with the few, who tried to Not that save England from that colossal blunder. he objected to war with the oppressor of the Poles. But a war, which might have been a crusade for the downtrodden peoples of the East, had ranged England, once the champion of liberty, on the side of Turkey and Austria. The alliance with the tyrant of Italy and Hungary "took from the war whatever made it sacred in the eyes of God and man." It pledged
Continent.

English backing for the evilest of Continental desIt robbed the war of any principle, and potisms.
"

war

is

the greatest of crimes,

when

it

is

not waged

for the benefit of

mankind,

for

the sake of a great

truth to enthrone or of a great lie to entomb." He " bowed before " the heroism of the army, " the quiet,

152
the sacrifices

London Again
with which the nation accepts all " but " the inseparable from a war
;

silent devotedness,

policy of your war," he said,

"
?

is

absolutely immoral,

How different had avoided the had been, dishonouring touch England of Austria, and sought her ally in a Polish revolution. Mazzini's interest in English society and politics
how can you hope
it

for victory

"

was, like everything else except his friendships, turned He expected three to the use of his own country.
results

from his English propagandism,

to secure for

Italy the moral support of English opinion and the English press, to influence the foreign policy of the

country in her favour, and to obtain money for his He worked on the tradiinsurrectionary schemes.
tional
its

belief in

sympathy for Italy, and tried to turn it from Piedmont to his own revolutionary and

He appealed to the antidemocratic programme. of the country, and played on the theme Papal feeling that a free Italy would allow fair play for Protestant missions. With men of the Manchester School he
argued that free trade would follow free government with the working classes he spoke of the common interests of working men the world over. His own friends he constantly enlisted in his schemes, and made " It makes my hair large levies on their private purses.
;

stand

on end," said

politician

one
"

afterwards,

to

them a well-known think of what I did at the


of

suggestion of that man." '^Public opinion he hoped to influence through the Society of the Friends of Italy, founded in the autumn of 185 I by the men, who

had promoted the People's International League four years before,7^James Stansfeld, Peter Taylor, William Some of the best English Ashurst, William Shaen.

I
generally,

London Again

153

Dawson, John Forster, W. E. Forster, J. A. Froude, G. J. Holyoake, William Howitt, Douglas Jerrold, Walter Savage Landor, G. H. Lewes, W. J. Linton, David
Mazzini Masson, Edward Miall, Professor Newman. if not always, spoke at their annual meetwith intense nervousness, for he was not yet ings, sufficient master of English to speak it fluently, and " I he " could not think without a pen in his hand." " cannot understand people," he writes, who can prepare

Liberals of the day were on the committee, Byles of Bradford, Joseph Cowen, George

Wilh'am

a speech or article walking up and down their room I could walk about a day without an or garden.
idea
less,

His speeches, none the^^ entering my head." seem to have been eloquent and successful, his " most manner being, as the newspapers reported,

The Society suspended work, when the Crimean War broke out, and was re-constituted again As far as money went, Mazzini at the end of 1 8 5 6. from his English agitation. he than less hoped got /a few friends gave generously, but there was little
exciting."

of the response that came to Garibaldi's appeal a few years later. But the Society did much to win English
all
if not for Mazzini's own special schemes, at events for the bigger question of Italian liberty^ The Leader, the Daily News, the Morning Advertiser opened their columns, and did something to counter-

opinion,

act

the anti-Italian bias of the

Times.
in

In
the

agitation, fairly vigorous and Scotland, carried on


feeling against Austria.

especially

1857 a North

the work that Kossuth's and a vehement popular roused had begun, meetings

Chapter

IX

Mazzini and Cavour


1850-1857.

Aetat 45-52.

The Piedmontese School


Mazzini and Manin

Mazzini and Cavour The French alliance The theory of the dagger ConspiraciesThe

Genoese plot of i857

^T

is

painful to turn from Mazzini in England, the

r)

great-hearted friend, the prophetic thinker, the generpus /worker in the cause of man, to his political action \\
\ Italy.

Had

ikknds and
good.

left politics at

he yielded to the advice of some of this time for literature,

his'
hij

famei'^were. brighter

and

his

life

more

fruitful in

I
'

His work" for Italy was done; he jjiad^confor more than half his creeHI Half its best quered men had been nurtured on his writings, had learned from him to believe in independence and unity, though still they spoke of unity in whispers, and he himself knew not how far opinion had advanced. free Piedmont The day of conspiracy had passed was slowly marshalling the forces of the nation for another and decisive war. The republic became impossible on the day, when Victor Emmanuel swore loyalty to the constitution, and thereby proclaimed The one himself champion of Italian aspirations. of section was to needful patriots to rally every thing
it
;

154

Mazzini and Cavour

155

the one possible flag. To attack the monarchy now hurt the only bigger issue, lost sight of the great goal in mists of schism, brought bitterness and dissension

where discipline was all important for the day of trial. No one was more insistent than Mazzini on the need of discipline, but in practice he conditioned it in these One who found it years by being himself leader. so difficult to compromise, could hardly followy Had Mazzini thought the republic the more important issue, his action would at least have been consistent. > But he had deliberately set unity above A it, and independence from Austria above either. saner politician would have been silent on the minor question. /But Mazzini could never long repress his It was partly that, save in republican teaching. moments of comparative lucidity, he convinced himself that Piedmont would never make a cast for unity, that the Austrians could not be expelled but by a great Had he gauged Italian sentiment rising of the people. more accurately, he would have spared himself the error, would have lost his deep distrust in Piedmont and
its

king, his bitter animosity to Cavour, his pitiable

But exaggeration of the strength of his own party. an exile lives in necessary half-knowledge/ The government of Piedmont, as exclusive and intolerant as himself, barred from wholesome activity in his own land the man, who, had he been at Turin in daily contact with men of other parties, would have been a mighty and to them, more than to Mazzini force for good
;

himself,

belongs the pity of his wasted patriotism. Not but what in any circumstances Mazzini found it hard to recognize new facts. ^ The prophet is by nature inflexible and Mazzini's whole creed w^as a thing of
;

156

Mazzini and Cavour

such passionate intensity, each part had twisted itself so inextricably round the rest, that it cost a wrench
to
" I may, of course, be part with any detail. " but mine of his he wrote mistaken," political creed, is a matter of deep conviction, and it is impossible for me to modify or alter it.'/ He was incapable of

taking advice

if

men

differed

from him, he assailed

bitterly instead of examining the reasons for their And the partisan, that was always latent in dissent.

them

him, grew

till

it

obscured the statesman.

He who
own
was the

was so
last to

insistent that

no one had a

right to set his

opinions above the people's

sense, to the popular verdict, when it declared against himself, f Henceforth Mazzini was more foe than friend to his own ideals. /Much he still did

common

bow

countrymen to strenuous and high-thinking Though he aimed beyond their ken, he patriotism. But in the shot more high than all the politicians. and made broke the the task ranks, great march he more difficult for men, who, with a patriotism as true and with a saner strategy, had set their faces for the same high goal. Retirement was however impossible tor a man ot He was too feverishly imMazzini's temperament. patient for his country's salvation to only stand and wait, /tnaction seemed treachery to the cause of Both in public and private life he righteousness. " " must go hand in insisted that thought and action hand, that a man had no right to confine his energies to literature and decline his part in practical political
to stir his

work. wrote
tion.

He

criticized intolerantly the

men

in Italy,

who

patricftic literature "

Actions,"

he

instead of plotting insurreq" are the books of the said,

Mazzini and Cavour

157

masses," especially in a country where the majority were illiterate.^ He in fact, like every other patriot, was maddened by the savage tyranny, with which the Austrians and the Pope and the King of Naples were

the insolent triumph scourging his unhappy country, of brute force, the exile and death of our brothers in two-thirds of Europe, the long weeping of their sisters
lying, the espionage, the corruption, the cry of the oppressed masses, the teaching of those who fight and die in silence, the shame that makes us

"

and mothers, the

blush for those


despair."

who submit and


Mantuan

sell

themselves in

"Such a

state of things," he wrote to


"

an

cannot executions, It is far better to die in a supreme last, must not last. glorious battle, fought under the eye of God with our
national banner unfurled, than to see the best of our land falling one by one under the axe of the executioner."
It

English friend after the

were

sin to wait,

and he saw no need

for

right of course in his belief that a waiting. nation, which had once so nearly won its freedom, " The dreams of violence," he would try for it again.
"

He was

said,

are brief, and infallible the triumph of a people,

that hopes
liberty."

and

He had

were only

and holy himself the masses that persuaded rise for a to and throw signal waiting
fights

and

suffers for justice

themselves on Austria.

As

so often in his logic, the

knew thing ought to be and therefore must be. indeed that he could not count on the middle classes

^He

The men, who had been the strength of Young Italy, had gone over almost in mass to the Piedmontese School, and he did not spare them his But be hoped in the working reproaches.
for insurrection.

men^/ While the Moderates hardly noticed them, he saw

58
what
Italian

Mazzini and Cavour


stuff lay in the despised and But he exaggerated artisans.
"

misunderstood
his

influence

with

them.

They

are

mine,

devotedly

mine,

to

Individuals, indeed, among them he won., as he won men of every class, by his simple, noble But except in and round Genoa their earnestness. numbers at this time were few. It had nearly sucIt was an impossible policy. ceeded in 1848, when Europe was in flames, but Mazzini would not see how radically circumstances had changed. There was no serious hope now that a general movement of European democracy would and his efforts to bring divide the forces of Austria

blindness."

together again the democrats of different countries, especially of Italy and Hungary, had no results, at
all

events

till

in

after

years.

The

resuscitation

of

Austria, the evidence of her military strength, the Second Empire in France, the resignation of Palmerston, the collapse of the German democrats had killed

any early hope of a successful war, even though all the armed strength of the nation, regular armies and It was true that volunteers alike, were put into it.
the

nation
it

could win
all

its
if
it

sought
awful
plined

at

sacrifice,

cost,

freedom even now, if it were willing to face the


of the
undisci-

the

mowing down
wasting
of
the

and country, Mazzini's /iBut hopes fight through defeat to victory. and bitterly he came to shipwrecked on the fact,
levies,

the

recognize
peoples,

it,

that

the

Italians,

like

most other
that

were

not

nation

of martyr-heroes,

the peasants had little active patriotism, that thousands in other classes cared more for church than country, that even among the rest there was little of the grim

Mazzini and Cavour

(f^gK

tenacity of Americans or Dutch or of the fierce unconquerableness of Greeks and Spaniards.

the Piedmontes^^^gajctji^ its Timid and conservative as it often was, justification. it at all events recognized facts, ^it saw that this
It

was

this

that gave

undisciplined enthusiasm was not business, that in the present condition of Europe another national rising meant another and more terrible disaster, that

each

little

revolt

with

its

miserable

ending

only-

tightened the tyranny and

damped

the patriots, that

no

first duty was to preserve its own liberty, in itself, task that its next was to gather light round it all the aspirations of the country, discipline them and husband them, till the chance came

Piedmont's

probability of victoryy^The Piedmontese had learnt the lessons of 1848-49 very To them discipline was differently from their critic. Never again must dissension the one essential. about means paralyze the country in front of the And in the interests of union they had enemy, small mercy for democratic theories, they were prepared to be unfair to opponents and crush minorities. Victor Emmanuel must be the figure-head of the movement and the Piedmontese statesmen its leaders. Theoretically, of course, their policy was a smaller one than Mazzini's. ^It had little of the poetry and idealism of the movement, which he had helped to There was no majestic vision of a people inspire. in its own spontaneous might and deciding rising
its

again to fight with a

destinies in a great national pact.

It
It

postulated

encroachments on democratic freedom.


to

was willing

buy

alliances

by

country's dignity.

It veiled

concessions, that abated the the great ideal of Unity,

i6o

Mazzini and Cavour

and sought attainment by slow stages and crooked But, assuming that independence and unitypaths. and on this the best were the great essentials, men of the party were at one with Mazzini, it was on its main lines the only possible policy. And it was a sense of this, that rallied the great mass of patriots to the flag of Piedmont, and left Mazzini to

protest almost alone, a leader without followers, The antagonism of the two schools was typified in

Cavour and Mazzini. They were very different in the one an aristocrat by training, a temperament genial hater of theories, an opportunist content to
:

way by little steps, to wait patiently year year rather than risk failure, making success his object, with small scruple as to means or personal honour, so his country stood to gain the other a
feel

his

after

of greater nature and culture but less capacity, democrat of democrats, distrusting king and nobles

man

and

middle

classes,

passionate

and

outspoken

in

his friendships and his enmities, the uncompromising, inflexible, restless apostle, who would conquer armies

by a principle of abstract righteousness, too dazzled by the future to see the mundane obstacles and hard facts about his feet. Cavour had a supercilious contempt for Mazzini and his doctrines he him as a and would nuisance, probably regarded His business was to have gladly seen him shot. win Italy, if he could do so without risking overmuch but he was minister of a crown and would do nothing to endanger it. He had convinced him; ;

self,

save at

moments of impatient optimism,


a

that

French alliance could Austria be only through driven out. For this he was willing to humour

Mazzini and Cavour


to the republicans.

i6i

Louis Napoleon, to stoop to trickery, to be brutal He would use the revolutionaries if he could, but it must be at their own risk and for the greater glory of the monarchy. ^^Cavour,
hiding his ideals and working in mists of diplomacy, chose to be misunderstood and it is no wonder that
;

Mazzini generally read him on the surface, and


fused
to

re-

see

how much

their

programmes had

in

To him Cavour's slow patient policy common. came of mere weakness and inconstancy of purpose. He thought of him as a timid diplomatist, halfleagued with the despotisms, more careful of convention than of right, incapable of aspiring to Italy

and Rome.
cognised
his

It

was only
;

late

in

life,

that

he
as

re-

statesmanship./^ He

hated

him

truckler to

he thought that he favoured Napoleon Lucien Murat, for the throne of Napoleon's cousin, he held the that Emperor's friendship of Naples, He never realised that more account than Italy. under the careful statesman lay a bold and eager as respirit, that at the fitting moment might be himself as volutionary Two men of such diverse character could probably But under have never worked cordially together. other circumstances they might have helped and
It was a cruel fate that, supplemented one another. the consequent imand exile Mazzini's to owing mutual of understanding, they should possibility

have wasted so much in a bitter and unnecessary Mazzini no doubt had much provocation antagonism. for his fixed hostility. He, who had given all for from the land he loved, seeing an exile was country,
it

only

in

rare

and

secret

visits,

stealing

to

his

62
his

Mazzini and Cavour


by night "like a man bent on a
persecuted, his apologies supdefici-

mother's grave
crime,"
pressed. encies of the

followers

But he painfully exaggerated the


rival

he asked the " Piedmontese government, Are you with Austria or " when he branded the royalists as against her ? " the great obstacle to Italian next to Austria, being, freedom," he showed a partisan's unwillingness or incapacity to grasp the facts. ^ His watch, in Giusti's and he could not see phrase, had stopped at 1848 how radically Cavour and the new King had changed the spirit of Piedmontese policy./ Victor Emmanuel, " better than his he confidently asserted, though " can be King to be nor wishes neither ministers," " " was " an absolute impossibility that it of Italy he would try, unless compelled, to win Italian freedom. Mazzini was on sounder ground, when he fulminated Others besides him against the French alliance. /^foresaw the difficulty of reconciling Louis Napoleon's
school.
;

When

timidity with Italian aspirations, the recurring temptation to duplicity, if Italian statesmen had to quiet
his suspicions

and

fears.

He

well said that

it

stained

the

name

who

of Italy to seek salvation from the man had crushed the Roman Republic and made the
d'etat

But Mazzini never faced the hard

fact,

Icoup that no

And otherwise could Austria be driven out. his blindness grew partly out of the sheer personal hatred of the Emperor, which he did not attempt
/Only in later years he came to see at never all, and fully, that Louis Napoleon, however to remodel wished Europe on his own timidly, He never understood how of nationality. principle
to conceal.
real

was the Emperor's good-will

to

Italy,

how

far

Mazzini and Cavour


his

163
He

foreign

policy

outstripped

his

people's.^

thought he had first-hand information as to Napoleon's schemes, and the first-hand information was always Nor were his antipathies incomplete and misleading.
limited

antagonism to the 1850, grows stronger every He had a bitter controversy with Louis Blanc day." and the French socialists. But, strangely, he had no word of condemnation for the French Catholics, who had prompted the expedition to Rome and were ever pulling back Napoleon in his more generous At a later time, at all events, he quite designs.

to

the

Emperor.
in

"

French," he writes

My "

underrated their strength. Was compromise with Piedmont impossible ? Daniel Manin, the republican Triumvir at Venice in 1849,/ whose rule there stands out with Mazzini's own at

Rome

as one of the most brilliant pages in the history of the century-/ founded in these years a National Society, with a unitarian but royalist programme.

need

recognised with the Piedmontese politicians the of discipline, and that discipline could only come by accepting Victor Emmanuel as nominal
leader.

He

But he conditioned
the

his conversion to royal-

ism
if

King's acceptance " and Italy," he wrote to him,


not, not."

by

of

"

we

Unity. are with

Make
you
;

Manin hoped

He, like programme. he was a man of noblest private life, of sincerest he was striving earnestly for Unity he patriotism
;
;

win Mazzini to his had been a republican ; him,


to

fretted

almost as much as did Mazzini himself at Cavour's slow manoeuvring. Why should not Mazzini

abandon his impossible dream of the republic, and work together for the bigger end with a man as

164

Mazzini and Cavour

democratic as himself? Mazzini refused All that he would offer was "the neutral flag" of 1848, a promise to leave the settlement of the question between monarchy and republic to a future Con-

stituent

of

the

freed

nation.

The

position

was

plausible enough, but there were fatal objections to It encouraged the federalists to agitate it. it must
;

necessarily alienate
cipline

the

King

it

would make

dis-

than ever. And, when the country, as Mazzini himself began to recognise, was
difficult

more

declaring unmistakably for the monarchy, to keep the question nominally open was a homage more to the letter than to the spirit of popular sovereignty.

As
had

his

a kind of appendix to the controversy, Mazzini famous argument with Manin on " the theory

of the dagger." In 1856 Manin wrote an open letter, attacking the theory as "the great enemy of Italy." He sent his letter to the Times^ provoking Mazzini's " retort that his sense of personal dignity and respect
for

his

country

should

have

prevented

him from

Manin did not specifically writing to such a paper." mention Mazzini, but the reference was understood, and Mazzini indignantly replied. It is hardly necessary to-day to answer the charge that Mazzini enHe held indeed that couraged political assassination.
there were rare occasions

when

it

was

right,

"

ex-

ceptional moments in the life and history of nations, not to be judged by normal rules of human justice,
in which the actors can take their inspiration only from their conscience and God." Tyrannicide was justifiable, when it was the only means, and the successful means, of staying an intolerable oppression.

and

Mazzini and Cavour


It

165

was a commonplace
;

Charlotte Corday
his

it

to glorify Judith and Brutus ^nd was hypocrisy, he said, begging

the

own postulates, to condemn for the same actions men who tried to kill Louis Napoleon or Ferdinand
In every other case he
"

of Naples.^

abominated

"

It is, he says, "a crime, if political assassination. attempted with the idea of revenge or punishment a crime when there are other roads to freedom open culpable and mistaken, when directed against a man, whose tyranny does not descend into the grave with him." When, for instance, Cavour charged him with plotting to kill Victor Emmanuel, he indignantly replied
;

that the King's life was protected, first by the existence of a constitution, next by the uselessness of

"

With one exception only, he was loyal to his profession. ^ Young Italy explicitly abandoned the Carbonaro tradition of assassinating traitors, and
the crime."
so far as
its

founder could control the society,


precept.y'

it

never

sinned

against' the

the French government in murder of some spies at Rodez was

forged charge of 1833 that he ordered the

The

amply exposed,
in

when

Sir

James Graham repeated

it

1845, though

the Paris correspondent of the Times was not ashamed to drag the libel up again nineteen years afterwards.

When

the assassinations

Triumvir at Rome, Mazzini vigorously repressed He was there and at Ancona.

absolutely ignorant of Orsini's attempt to assassinate Louis Napoleon, though he disdained to defend himself

from the suspicion of complicity, partly because he scorned the puny libellers of the press, partly
^

Walter Savage Landor wrote to one of Mazzini's

friends, promising

;^95 for the family "of the first patriot, " fulfils the duty of tyrannicide.

who

asserts the dignity

and

66
"

Mazzini and Cavour


name

\j^ because
/T^lajid his

Europe needed a bugbear to frighten it The would, do as well as any other." charges that he was privy to Tibaldi's and Greco's plots against the Emperor were certainly in the latter case, and almost as certainly in the former, inventions of the French police. Late in life, he vigorously discouraged plots to assassinate the Pope and Victor Emmanuel, and stopped another to explode six bombs at a ball given at Venice by the Austrian Viceroy. In one case only in early life Mazzini was in some sense an accomplice in an assassination plot. In the

midst of the preparations for the Savoy


Corsican, Antonio Gallenga,^

raid,

a young

who

afterwards settled in

of the

England and was Times in

for

some time special correspondent Italy, came to him with a plan to

executions.

assassinate Charles Albert in revenge for the Genoese Mazzini tried to dissuade him, but at last

persuaded himself that Gallenga was an appointed " agent of Providence to teach despots that their life may depend on the will of a single man." He gave Gallenga the means of travelling to Turin and sent him a dagger but he seems to have given little more thought to the matter, perhaps concluding on reflection that, as proved to be the case, Gallenga had no
;

stuff in

him

for the business.^

Manin's indictment aimed equally at the use of the knife in popular insurrections. Mazzini's answer here was easier but less ingenuous in its applications. It was cant, he properly replied, to call it no murder, if
*

Alias Luigi Mariotti, writer of Italian grammar books for English

schools.

For some of the evidence on these cases, I may refer to my History of Italian Unity, II. 385-387. See also Uccellini, Memorie, 209-210 ; Mazzini, Lettere ad A. Giannelli, 301, 437. Signor Dagnino tells me from his personal knowledge that in 1864 Mazzini stopped a plot to blow up the Austrian Viceroy of Venetia.
"^

Mazzini and Cavour

167

a soldier shot an enemy with his rifle, and murder, if an artisan conspirator stabbed an Austrian soldier with the only weapon he possessed. Unfortunately he weakened his argument by extending this theory

of

"

irregular warfare

"

to cases, like those of Rossi or


killed treacherously

Marinovich, where men had been

in revolutionary times for political or private vengeance. Perhaps he was defiantly exaggerating, for before this

he had strongly reprobated Rossi's murder probably he did not know the facts of Marinovich's case. It would at all events be very hard to justify him, when he commissioned Orsini to find men to surprise and kill the Austrian officers at Milan as the first step in an insurrection. It was no lower in its ethics than
;

some
his

own more noble human life.


'

established rules of war, but it came sadly below estimate of the sacredness of

his political

While Mazzini's theories kicked against the work of these years is a pitiable
all

pricks, tale of

noble effort

in

vain,

obstinacy and incapacity.

An

of high purpose spoilt by the autumn of 1850 he

founded a National Italian Committee, which claimed to be a kind of legal successor to the Assembly of the

Roman
it

Republic. Practically, though not ostensibly, was a republican organisation./ " The manifesto is

" but moderate," Mazzini wrote privately to Italy, behind the manifesto am I, which means, I think, the The ambiguity doomed it from the starj^ republic."

The
the

straiter republicans

attacked

it

as departing from

faith.

The much vaster host of democrats, who were

learning to believe in the Piedmontese monarchy, held carefully aloof. /Others revolted at Mazzini's "intolerable dictatorship
"
;

and the charge was half a true

one^

68

Mazzini and Cavour

proudly and sincerely replied to the taunt of personal ambition, but now, as always, he exacted an In impossible obedience from his fellow-workers.
the society found a certain following and Mazzini boasted half-seriously to his friends that the republican flag would be flying on the Quirinal next But outside some of the Lombard towns the year.
Italy
;

He

movement had little real strength its organisation was too loose to be effective and one by one the exiles on the Committee drifted away, till in 1853 it died a The same fate befell a " National natural death. Loan," which he had started with the ambitious hope of raising an adequate fund for insurrection. He issued bonds, which were to be honoured by the future " It was to be the first act of a financial Italian state. war, which would prove that the few monarchical or aristocratic possessors of big capitals can be matched by the collective power of the small capitals of democracy." Apparently a good many of the bonds were
; ;

taken up in Italy, but the money they brought in seems to have been soon exhausted in the expenses of
agitation and conspiracy. Up to this time Mazzini

had been

inclined
his

to

postpone insurrection, till, judgment, it had a fair prospect of success. Unluckily at this moment he was approached by a revolutionary

at all events in

own

among the artisans at Milan. He was hesitatto encourage them to action, when the whether ing
society
ruthless execution

at

by the Austrians of some conspirators Mantua maddened the men, and they decided on He was revolt whether he supported them or not.

very anxious about the scheme and far from hopeful, but he was too generous and impatient to refuse help

Mazzini and Cavour


now.

169

them money and and late in he in disguise went sympathisers, 1852 to Locarno to complete the preparations. The rising was fixed for the Carnival on February 6, and on the eve of it Mazzini was on the frontier at Chiasso, ready to go on to Milan, as soon as the call came. Had the rising been better organized, it had some small
chance of success.
that
it

He

did what he could to find

As

it

had smoked

itself

was, Mazzini learnt at Chiasso out in a confused and bloody

The business was disastrous to him, and he came out with reputation badly damaged. The responsibility was fixed on him, and he accepted it, though he had only been drawn into a plan that others
scuffle.

made. His friends in Italy had published a two-yearsold appeal from Kossuth urging the Hungarian regiments in the garrison to revolt, and whether or not

Kossuth authorized

its

publication

now, had made

Mazzini was unjustifiable alterations in the wording. if in not at all, only responsible, taking precautions

he did not make matters who were risking better, " their lives for their country, were not amenable by of rules normal times." ^^^he fatustrictly punctilious ousness and mismanagement of the whole business, the pity of the wasted lives, a feeling that these illjudged risings hindered the cause and damaged it in the eyes of Europe, hastened the stampede from his
to prevent the issue, but

when he pleaded

that men,

1 Mazzini's and Kossuth's letters on the subject are in the Daily News of February 19, March 2 and 4, 1853. See also Mazzini, Scrt'Ui, VIII. He seems to have made a disingenuous use of another proclama283-4. tion by Kossuth later in the year : see Bianchi, Vicende del Mazzinianismo^ I hardly think that Mr Stillman's statement in his Union of Italy 85. p. 275, can stand against Kossuth's plain statement in the Daily News. Mr Stillman too is wrong as to Mazzini's share in the rising. I am inclined on the whole to think that he was justified in using Agostino's name ; see Daily NewSy February 17 and 20, 1853.
^

70

Mazzini and Cavour

own

He still kept a considerable though party. reduced hold on the artisans in a few towns of the North, but among the middle classes his following shrank to nearly nothing. Even he almost despaired. He felt himself "ac-

cursed

the "scapegoat on whom all the faults of The Piedmontese be heaped with a curse." and there shameful him with loaded scurrility press seems to have been an attempt to assassinate him. He fretted with the sense of failure, with something like remorse at the sufferings of the conspirators under

by

all,"

Israel will

But instead of taking the Austrians' brutal vengeance. the moral of the failure home, he brok^ into invective against the Piedmontese, and only plunged more

He had desperately into schemes of insurrection. been misled into suspecting an understanding between
France and Piedmont to create French protectorates in the South and Centre and he was eager to checkmate it by forcing on the movement for unity and a revolutionary war with Austria. He had two main For one, the revolutionising of plans of operation. South Italy, he could, though anxious for immediate The other was action, at present only sow the seed. to organise guerilla fighting in the Alps and Northern Apennines and encourage the Lombard cities to revolt. He had persuaded himself that the fast-maturing Eastern question gave a favourable chance of attacking Austria. Her policy of see-saw between the Western Powers and Russia had won her the ill-will of both sides, and she had been obliged to denude her Italian garrisons to concentrate troops on the Russian frontier. Mazzini had vague hopes, too, of help from America. Kossuth's lecturing tour in the States in 1852 had ex;

Mazzini and Cavour


cited

171

an angry feeling against Austria. The American government was irritated by the unfriendly attitude of France and England, and perhaps had its designs on Cuba and Mazzini hoped that it would encourage the revolutionary forces in Europe, in order to keep the Powers occupied at home. George N. Sanders, the American Consul in London, gave a dinner to him and Kossuth and Ledru Rollin, and healths were drunk
;

to a future alliance of

America with a federation of the

Mazzini's hopes were high. He studied military maps with Kossuth and Ledru Rollin He went to Paris and Italy in at St John's Wood.
free peoples of Europe.^

probably spending most of his time his way paying a visit to Giuditta Sidoli,now silver-haired, and sweet and gracious as ever. His movements worried all the police of Italy and France and Switzerland, and his secret journeys had their romance of clever disguises and audacious

1854

in disguise,

at

Genoa, and perhaps on

escapes.

popular rhyme of the time, attributed to


:

Dair Ongaro, said Where is Mazzini ? Ask the pines Upon the Alps and Apennines. He is, wherever traitors cower
In terror for their fatal hour
;

Where'er

men

wait impatiently

To
Mazzini wrote

give their blood for Italy.

fretting for action,

to England that the people were and would have risen already, " had he not been exceptionally prudent and calm " in two months more he hoped to have sapped the influence of the royalists, and then " the field will be mine." In August he was in the Engadin, arranging for insurrecMr W. R. Thayer has kindly ascertained for me that there is ab;

home

solutely nothing in Sanders' correspondence in the U.S.A. Bureau of Rolls, :hat relates either to Mazzini or Kossuth ; but Saffi, who tells the story of
.he dinner,

was present

at

it

himself.

See Mazzini.

Scriiti.

IX.

xciv. 60.

72

Mazzini and Cavour

tion in the Valtellin

But and the Como hill country. the Swiss police broke up the conspirators, and Mazzini narrowly escaped capture as he came by the Julier
diligence to Chur.

His hopes of Austrian isolation were soon dashed.


Austria nominally joined the Western alliance, and Piedmont followed her into it and sent a contingent to the Crimea. He was bitterly disappointed, and relieved himself in angry criticisms on English and Piedmontese Against Piedmont he turned with sheer policy.
passionate
bitterness.

Cavour's

adhesion

to

the

alliance puzzled his own followers ; and even now it is not easy to be sure as to its wisdom, still less as to its

morality. /But at, all events everyone else recognised that the Crimea was intended to be "the road to

Mazzini, blinded by his partisanship, saw that Cavour's sympathies were more with orily^ proof the oppressors than the oppressed, x'

Lombardy."

For the moment all seemed to him a hopeless blank. His soul was " wasting in a decline," and he longed to find mechanical work to drug the pain, or break into some desperate action. -^I am dreaming of, raving, " I raging about action, physical action," he wrote. am sick of the world and all its concerns, and want to " " life Literally," he wrote to another friend, protest^ towards on me. my country, right My feeling weighs If I were younger, I would or wrong, is intolerable. be on a mountain to protest, with twenty or thirty As I am, I can only eat myself away, and more.
pretend to smile, to avoid torturing others.^^ Next There year (1856) his hopes suddenly revived. seemed a chance that Cavour would secretly assist an insurrection against the Duke of Modena in the Carrara

Mazzini and Cavour

173

country. Through this and the two following years the premier had intermittent plans to foment a rising there, which would lead to annexation of the borderland, or be twisted into a casus belli with Austria and force Louis Napoleon to send his army across the

Alps. He allowed Mazzini to visit Genoa, and carried on communications with him there. What were the details of the plot, we have no means of knowing but at all events it was impossible to come to terms. "The Piedmontese government," Mazzini wrote to
;

are a plague. I am indirectly in contact with them and trying all sorts of concessions, but it is of no use. My own position is extremely delicate

England,

"

between their party and the extreme I have now sent a sort of ultimatum to them, which will compromise them, if accepted, or leaves me free, if not." When the rupture came, he
difficult

and

men

of our own.

turned to his

plans

for

revolutionising the

South.

For two years past he had been industriously connecting the threads of conspiracy, that Crispi and others had laid in Sicily and Naples. He had met Garibaldi in London, and discussed plans with him for an expedition to the island and Garibaldi had if to the revolted and Cavour Sicilians promised go, was willing to cooperate. Again there seemed a hope that the premier would secretly assist. Every patriot saw the danger of Napoleon's fitful scheme to put his and cousin, Lucien Murat, on the throne of Naples he dared not would Cavour, though openly oppose, gladly see the scheme checkmated, and he had his own plans for adding Sicily to Victor Emmanuel's He seems to have promised funds for kingdom.
; ;

Mazzini's design, but again

from some unexplained

174

Mazzini and Cavour

Mazzini refused to give up his and indeed the Genoese conspirators were too scheme, for action to desist, whether he wished it impatient or not. He went to England to raise money for the Carlo project, and returned to Genoa to mature it. his friend and a Pisacane, fellow-exile, Neapolitan duke with socialist theories that little accorded with his own, was to seize a steamer plying between Genoa and Sardinia, and make for Calabria, there to join hands with the insurgents in the South and raise the The plot was linked country in the name of Unity. to a more questionable plan. It was proposed that
the conspirators,
forts at

cause he drew back.

who

stayed behind, should seize the


tc

Genoa and Leghorn and obtain munitions

send on to Pisacane.

Mazzini realised the peril of the business, the risk of civil war, the certainty that the movement would be understood as one for the But he easily allowed republic rather than for unity. himself to be persuaded into it. It would, he thought,
at all events prove the solidarity of North and South, force on a war with Austria, and prevent the French

alliance

and he had a hardly avowed hope that the


after all

movement might

make

for

a republic.

So,

taking careful precautions to avoid reprisals on the Genoese conservatives, and prevent if possible a conflict

plot.

with the troops, he threw himself into the mad Pisacane seized the Cagliari, and went to his

doom.

Mazzini, finding that the government had scent of the design on the forts, tried to stop it at the last moment ; but it was too late, and the
little

fatuous attempt ended in some street fighting and a loss of life. The government struck at its of a few months back with a fellow-conspirators

Mazzini and Cavour


severity,

175

that

did
five

little

credit

to

its

deliberately misrepresented the

movement

It honesty. as anarchist.

Mazzini and
in

contumacy

to

more, death

who
;

escaped, were sentenced others were sent to long

Mazzini took refuge in the terms of imprisonment. house of the Marquis Ernesto Pareto, a relative of the minister of 1848, who concealed him successfully, though the police searched his house and probed the mattresses and the Marchioness' wardrobes with their
swords.

The

story went that Mazzini, disguised

as

opened the door to the police-officer who proved to be an old school-fellow and probably Some days after he walked out recognised him. of the house without disguise, arm-in-arm with a Genoese lady, asked the sentry for a light for his to Quarto, where cigar, and drove away unsuspected of Pisacane's the news till he remained in safe hiding,
a

footman,

disaster reached him.

Chapter

Unity Half
1858-1860.

Won
for

Aetat 53-55

The war

of 1859

Expedition

At Florence Plans the South Garibaldi's Projected raid into UmbriaAt Naples.

Mazzini returned to England, weary and sad, but not discouraged, and convinced that success was only a question of opportunity and management. He
recognised how strongly the tide was setting towards the royalists, but he still thought he had the working
classes with him.

Cavour's double play and the cruel

repression of the Genoese plot left him bitterer than " ever against the monarchy and its men. I have

never loved you," he wrote in an open letter to the " now I despise you." He attacked more premier angrily still the fast-cementing alliance with France.
;

The Emperor was maturing


Austrians

his

plans to drive the


not,

out of

Italy.

It

was
that

as

Mazzini

thought, mere

policy alone

moved him.

No

doubt, his waning prestige at home, and the fear that another Orsini might arise, both had their

he was still true in a way to his and since he had sacrificed Poland to the Russian alliance, he was the more eager to free Italy and Hungary. Mazzini, through his private
influence
;

but

nationalist ideals,

Unity Half

Won

177

an inkling of the compact between Cavour and the

Emperor

at Plombieres, but, as usual, his information

He believed, quite wrongly, as we that they had agreed to leave Venetia to Austria and give Central Italy to Prince Napoleon, and that Cavour had offered to surrender the parliawas inaccurate.

know now,

mentary liberties of Piedmont as the price of Lomhe had no knowledge that Napoleon had bardy promised that half the Pope's territory should pass
;

to Victor

Emmanuel's crown.
fast.

Events moved
to

/In

the spring of 1859, thanks

unscrupulous but supremely skilful war was imminent, and all Italy was diplomacy, for it. Cavour was hardy and shrewd enough fretting to use the revolutionary elements, on whose value Mazzini had laid insistent stress. The volunteers flocked to Piedmont with Garibaldi for their general, and, except for Mazzini and Crispi and a stranded
handful, the republicans declared definitely for Victor

Cavour's

Emmanuel's
times
friends

leadership.

Even Mazzini was sometidCj^

carried

by
;

the

He

told

his

English

royalists and republicans were aiming at equally Unity he appealed to the Piedmontese statesmen to pronounce for the greater policy, and if the French alliance broke down, he was prepared to support them. But he could not reconcile himself

that

to the hated Emperor's

help/ Shutting his eyes to the hard facts, he thought that Piedmont could defeat Austria with no other allies than the hesitating
revolutionaries of

Hungary.

To

ask assistance from


;

a despot blighted the country's self-respect to win its freedom, save by its own unaided strength, dis-

178

Unity Half
;

Won

honoured it at the birth and it were small gain to change the tyranny of Austria for the domineering
" I am equally hostile to patronage of France. " and my Austria and to Napoleon," he wrote double aim is to get rid, if possible, of both." /When war was declared, Cavour and he both said, " the " die is cast Cavour added, " we have made history,"
; ;

Mazzini

"

we

are

beaten/V But when the

fighting

began, when, in spite of his previsions, the enthusiasm swept through the land, and for a moment Louis

Napoleon was, next to the king and Garibaldi, the Be hero of his countrymen, he could not hold back.

must be made of the war Modena and Italy. might yet, Parma, Romagna and Tuscany had driven out their princes and declared for Victor Emmanuel's rule. While the armies were winning Lombardy and
it
it

right or wrong, the best


in

the end,

make

Venetia, he wished to see the popular forces overrun all the Centre and make an end of the Temporal

Power.

He

appealed

to

his

friends

at

Naples

to

revolutionise the South, though he urged that they should not annex themselves to Piedmont, while the

war

lasted.

"The

After Solferino he was very hopeful. Austrian domination in Italy," he said, "is at

an end."

Suddenly came the great betrayal of Villafranca.


Louis Napoleon, afraid of defeat in Venetia, afraid of an attack from Prussia, repentant of his promises to Cavour, made peace with Austria, and abandoned

Venetia

to

the

enemy and

Central

Italy

to

the

Mazzini took credit for prophesying fugitive princes. it and what carrie of the Emperor's timidity and the real difficulties of the situation, he regarded as
;

Unity Half

Won

179
Relying

the pre-determined treachery of Plombi^res.

again on his imperfect private information, he thought he had discovered an understanding between France and Russia to partition Europe into spheres of influence, and that Villafranca was a prelude to a triple alliance of the three Empires. He fulminated against
"

the European coup d'etat he appealed to English and a fears, preached league of England, Prussia,
;

"

and the smaller states in defence of Italian freedom. At home he urged a truce to party feeling and the completing of the work in despite of France and
Austria.

He
;

voiced

the
in

feeling

of

the

country.

hot anger at the Emperor's desertion but his influence was still very powerful, and he and the King and the men, who were at the head of affairs at Florence and Modena, were no less determined than the democrats that at least
Central

Cavour had resigned

autumn

All through the Italy should be saved. their obstinate stand baffled the Emperor's
veto,

half-hearted

and pushed on the


at

feeble

men,

who now

held

office

Turin.

The key

of the

position was at Florence, and Ricasoli, the stark Tuscan baron, who was practically dictator there,

believed

with a faith as fearless as Mazzini's

own

that Italian Unity, pregnant with mighty issues for the world, was written in the decrees of God. He

too

detested
for all

Napoleon, and was determined not to


his threats.

flinch

Mazzini
early in
its

hurried

to

Florence,

and

arrived

there

to August. shame, had excluded the greatest of living Italians from the amnesty, which it granted at the beginning of the war but Ricasoli allowed Mazzini to remain un;

The Piedmontese government,

i8o

Unity Half

Won

molested, on his parole that his presence at Florence There was not a little should not be publicly known.
in

common between

the two men,

both

stainless in

their private lives, brave, honest, single-minded patriots. They were, indeed, too uncompromising to work to-

but they sincerely respected each other, and had none of the narrowness, that made the Turin statesmen shrink from contact with a democrat. Mazzini's policy was the same as it had been during
gether
;

Ricasoli

the war.

The people must make

the

movement

as

He addressed to them a own. themselves for the great to nerve rhapsodical appeal " You are called," he said, " to a task like the work. The free tasks of God, the creation of a people." hold fast to their of the must Centre freedom. provinces could not enforce his he veto Louis Napoleon, knew,
far as possible their
;

the Powers would accept accomplished facts said attack he At of an Austrian little of. danger knew that the thicker he were heart, though, perils than he publicly owned, and he confessed in private " the position was more than difficult," letters that that, if the suggested Congress of the Powers met and the
;

declared in favour of the exiled princes, Italy could

He protest in action." only make an ineffectual almost hoped that Napoleon would use force after all, and that a war with France would come to simplify
,

"

the situation.

With a good deal of hesitation, he was prepared to He promised to support annexation to Piedmont. foment no republican agitation, so long as the royalists marched towards Unity and he wrote the King an
;

but dignified appeal to have done with the subserviency to France and bid openly for the crown
irritating

Unity Half
of Italy.
" "

Won

i8i

The day you speak


will

parties disappear ; the People and yourself." living forces in Italy, does not seem however to have really expected to
said,

this language," he there will be only two

He
win

privately in reference to "is and letter, weak, but on him I did wavering Victor Emmanuel appears, though, to not reckon." have read the appeal and taken it to heart, and

him.

"

The King," he wrote

the

on the events that followed. aim to spread the movement was /Mazzini's supreme If the government would not act, the for Unity. He wanted to people must do the work themselves. make Tuscany and Romagna the base for an invasion and then onward of the Pope's remaining territory The hope was shared by to Naples and the South. but all the democrats and many of the moderates with Mazzini it meant something even more than It meant the triumph of religious liberty at Unity. " the Vicar of the Genius of downfall of the Rome, the wreck of the Papacy on chance that the Evil," Rome would send forth the gospel of the new religion. " The liberty of Rome," he wrote, " is the liberty of If Rome revolts, she must proclaim the the world. over Idols, of eternal Truth over God of victory
perhaps
it

had

its

influence

Falsehood, the inviolability of the

human

conscience.^/

English and German friends to stir urged of Rome, public opinion against the French occupation and put pressure on Napoleon in the name of the
his

He

principle of non-intervention. Meanwhile he sent his agents to prepare a Sicilian


rising,

and agitated feverishly for an advance of Garibaldi and the troops of the Central States into Umbria, which the Papal volunteers had recovered

82

Unity Half

Won

from the nationalists. He had thoughts of leading the " invasion himself, but he feared that his name would frighten the mass of the people," and he humoured Garibaldi by promising to make him the hero of the

movement and
which
is

"

abdicating
part."

the

easiest

my own individuality, He won Farini, the


Italy,

dictator of

Modena, once a member of Young

win Ricasoli, but he had threatened to Ricasoli, though join hands with Mazzini rather than let Tuscany lose its freedom, knew that the dangers of a forward movement were too great at present, that if the Pope were attacked, the outcry of Catholic Europe would compel Napoleon to withdraw his indispensable, however irritating, patronage, and that Italy would find herself caught in a hopeless single-handed fight with Austria. His own will and the common-sense strong King's stopped
to countenance the raid.
tried to

He

Mazzini, ignorant of the real projects. underrated the difficulties in the way he position, never realised the strength of Catholic opinion, he
Garibaldi's
;

thought that Austria was not in a position to fight, or that, if she did, it meant an uprising of all Italy and her eventual defeat. He charged the King's veto to mere truckling to Napoleon. But he felt his own He was incensed powerlessness. by the harshness, with which the government had treated some of his
that drove himself to live be a prisoner among our own people " " is too much to bear." I have never," he wrote, felt so wretched and worn out in mind and soul as at certain ^moments now." Ricasoli intimated that he
friends,
in hiding.
"

by the intolerance

To

must leave Tuscany, and hopeless of doing any good there, he left for Lugano and returned to England at the end of the year.

Unity Half

Won

183

His ideas had passed to men more competent to execute them. In January Cavour was again prime minister, resolute to have Unity with Rome for the

Emperor deserted him, to attack Hungary in her rear, and, so he hoped " in sanguine moments, go to Vienna." But he knew how heavy was the stake, and he would keep the
Austria, rouse

capital, prepared, if the

When he found Emperor's protection if he could. would the annexation of the Napoleon guarantee free provinces at the price of Nice and Savoy, he sadly and reluctantly consented to the humiliating Mazzini read him by his despatches, and bargain.
that

knew nothing of

his real ambitions.

He

thought that

the premier was opposed to Unity, even to the annexation of Tuscany, that he clung to the French
alliance to safeguard himself from democracy at home. He was indignant at the cession of Savoy, bartered

without reference to the wishes of

its

people,

still

more

at the desertion of Italian Nice.

He was

eager

to drive

man, on whom depended the attainment of his hopes. / He was right, however, in thinking that Cavour could not initiate the revolution in the South, that the government would only follow up what the free lances began and he was willing to
from
office the
;

make

the road easier for

it,

by promising, when

re-

volution broke out in the South, to support annexation to Piedmont and leave Rome alone for the

He was
that the

presen^
the

persuaded that Austria would not attack, and

Bourbon army would dissolve or

join

insurgents.

The programme seemed


to unite all the democrats

upon
as

so simple, that he it. But the


usual,

hoped
saner

men among them saw

that,

Mazzini had

84

Unity Half

Won

underrated the danger. They knew that it meant harder fighting than he supposed, and they dreaded a They inrepetition of his earlier ill-starred risings.

went to Sicily, Garibaldi must lead them and Cavour's moral support must be secured. Mazzini was ready to welcome Garibaldi's leadership, though there was no very cordial feeling between them but he knew how reluctant Garibaldi was to go, and he refused to let the movement hang on any one man's action. Early in March, while Garibaldi was still hesitating,^ he sent Rosalino Pilo, a young
sisted that, if the volunteers
;

noble, to lead the insurgents in the island, spending every available shilling of his own in the
Sicilian

He was terribly overwrought and exhave realised something of the he must cited, tremendous danger and responsibility and he travelled to Lugano to be nearer the scene of action. There he learnt that his long efforts had had their fruit, that the impatience he had done so much to rouse had borne down Garibaldi's doubts, and that " he and his Thousand had started for Sicily. God be " he is not dead." When the wrote, praised," Italy news came of Garibaldi's victory at Calatafimi, " Sicily saves us," he said, " Italy will be."
preparations.
for
;

The following letter from


it.

Garibaldi has, I believe, not been published

have translated

Dear Mazzini, I am

Caprera, March
thinking of leaving for

27, '60.

there I shall go to Nice, where I who are afraid of falling into the wolfs mouth.

Genoa on April i, from am summoned by my fellow-citizens,


I enclose

two

McAdam [Mr John McAdam

of Glasgow].

If

you come,

let

me know.

lines for

Your brother, Giuseppe. P.S. Mr Adam of Glasgow will send Mr William Ashurst a sum for the Million Rifles Fund ; please spend it in the purchase of the rifles in question. G. Garibaldi.

Unity Half
at

Won

i:

On May 7, two days after Garibaldi started, he arrived


compelled to live in hiding, and able to see only by night. Characteristically, he amused himself in leisure moments by taming sparrows, which came to him at meal-times, followed by two hens (" I have always been fond of hens," he writes), "whom I feed after dinner, sometimes with bread and wine to strengthen their constitutions against shocks and adversities." He was not welcomed by the men who had the organised expedition, and he found himself regarded as "a self-intruding man," he who was ever ready to take

Genoa,

still

his friends

the risk and give others the honour, who was bracing his " frail body only by sheer sense of duty. God knows,"

he wrote, " that morally and physically exhausted as I am, everything I do is a real effort." But the susof his motives was inevitable. picion Absolutely disinterested as he was, ever ready to spend and be spent, he was again playing an ill-informed and equivocal part, thrusting in his unwise projects among and those the well-laid schemes of shrewder men who had organised Garibaldi's movement with consummate skill Bertani and Medici and Bixio felt
;

that his

independent action might spoil the game.^ clung to his insensate prejudice against Cavour, at a time when Cavour, with whatever lapse of political was straining every nerve to back Garibaldi morality, In his persistent distrust of the and win all Italy. government and its connections with the Emperor, he

He

wanted to act independently of though not in hostility to the monarchy, and while he urged annexation in Sicily to checkmate the separatists in the island, he was eager to prevent it on the mainland, and reserved his freedom to preach his own doctrines there.
^ Rival funds for Mazzini and Garibaldi were collected in England there was some strong feeling between their respective backers.

and

86

Unity Half

Won

While Garibaldi snatched victory after victory against tremendous odds in Sicily, he was planning a raid into Papal territory, more or less under his own his volunteers, he hoped, would not only direction free the rest of Central Italy and attack the Bourbons from the North, but would create an influence, independent alike of Cavour and Garibaldi, which might
;

perhaps in the chapter of accidents upset the monarchy, He did or at least compel it to break with France.
not suspect

how

perilous the situation

was, that

it

was still only Louis Napoleon's protection, that stood between Italy and a terrible conflict with Austria in the North and Bourbons in the South, with utter
disaster as

Ricasoli and, it almost certain sequel. ^ seems, the King gave some countenance to the raid, for which Mazzini and Bertani were, with Garibaldi's
its

But Cavour approval, completing the preparations. knew that it meant the forfeiture of the Emperor's
friendship, and arranged with Bertani, who was throughout lukewarm for the scheme, terms which would at all events save his own credit with the The force, which had been destined for Emperor.

the

Papal coast, sailed to join Garibaldi in Sicily. Mazzini either did not know of the agreement or he went to Florence, where refused to be bound by it another body of volunteers was waiting in the neighbourhood ready to cross the frontier, and intended to
;

lead

them

to a desperate attack

on Perugia.

insisted
^

that

the
letter

men should be

disbanded,

Cavour and
Roma
e

According to a

from Mazzini to Brofferio, published in

Venezia, January 15, 1861, (the full text of which I have not seen), the King seems to have asked for an interview with him, and he had "no " shadow of difficulty in principle to it.

Unity Half
Ricasoli, them to

Won

187

tempering the premier's orders, persuaded go to Garibaldi. Less than a month after, the Piedmontese declared war against the Pope, and Fanti, Mazzini's follower overran such of once in the days of the Savoy raid, the Pope's remaining territory as was not occupied by the French. Garibaldi, victoriously advancing from the South, had entered Naples, and save for Rome and its neighbourhood and a small district held by the remnants of the Bourbon army, all the Centre and the South were free. Austria, frightened by Napoleon's threats, had been a passive spectator, while her allies were crushed, y^talian Unity was nearly won, but the splendid consummation was dashed by the dread of civil strife. Garibaldi, careless of obstacles, was imon to Rome Cavour knew that to march patient that meant war with France and would have it at no cost. Crispi and Bertani were trying to organise the South in an opposition to Cavour and his party, that Mazzini went might easily take a republican colour. He urged to Naples, and warmly backed them. Garibaldi to go on, though by preference to Venice rather than to Rome, for he saw now almost as acutely as Cavour did the danger of a conflict with France. " we shall If Garibaldi advances, he wrote to England, have Unity within five months if he does not, we

shall

a little later have slumber, then anarchy, then the to He Neapolitans to save the appealed Unity."

their principle of popular sovereignty by conditioning annexation to Victor Emmanuel's crown with the

stipulation that an Italian National meet to draw up a new constitution.


futile

and dangerous one,

for

Assembly should The cry was a the mass of the people

88

Unity Half

Won
;

were impatient for annexation on any terms and with trouble threatening the young country on every
its future into the of the It was easy constitution-mongers. melting-pot to paint Mazzini as an enemy of Unity and a

side,

it

were madness to throw

Neapolitan mob shouted death under the windows of the man, who had given everything for them. Pallavicino, the pro-dictator, Manin's old co-worker
*
'

appealed to him to " wish," he said, you Mazzini refused to waive an Italian's right divide us." and he was molested no more. to live on Italian soil
friend, courteously
leave,
y^*

and Garibaldi's

Even against your


;

Garibaldi indignantly intervened on his behalf; the " Leave Mazzini alone," King probably protected him.

he had
cannot,
clap

"

said,
let

if

we make
it,

Italy,
I

him do

and

will

hands for him." " and I am worn out weary of it all. pained morally " for myself the only really and physically," he wrote good thing would be to have unity achieved quickly through Garibaldi, and one year before dying of Walham Green ^ or Eastbourne, long silences, a few affectionate words to smooth the ways, plenty of seagulls, and sad dozing.'^i^ Early in November, after a friendly interview with Garibaldi, at which they laid their schemes for winning Rome and Venice, he left

my

he is powerless if we be Monsii Savoia and But Mazzini was bitterly


;

Naples.
^

Where Mr

Stansfeld had his brewery and sometimes lived.

Chapter

XI

For Venice
1861-1866.
Policy after

Aetat 56-61.

towards the

i860 Disappointment in Italy Rome and Venice Attitude monarchy Life in England the Greco plot American

and

Irish politics Mazzini

Emmanuel

The war of 1866.


till

and Garibaldi Overtures from Victor

Mazzini's remaining /i

one of melancholy pathos. rest, Unity was accomplished. Aged and often very ill and suffering, longing for quiet and literature, he braced his frail body and unhappy soul to the fret and weariness and disillusioning of Could one be sure that it profited country politics. or mankind, one would rest content, knowing that he had chosen the hard path and never flinched. But it was at all events in the near results a grievous waste./ Those splendid faculties were worn, as he would sometimes own himself, in rolling the Had he given these years to the stone of Sisyphus. book on religion, that he ever kept in mind, to building " up the church of the precursors," he might perhaps have done a thing yet greater than the making of Italy. His political work henceforth was mostly thrown away for, as he said, his star was the Dog, and his business "to bark, generally without being heard." Gloriously right in his ideals, he marred it
life is

He

could not

189

190
all

For Venice

in

by ignorance of facts. His nearer vision tailed blinding partisanship, in his obdurate hatred of Louis Napoleon and suspicion of the Italian states-

He could not see that the royalists were aiming Unity almost as seriously and more wisely than himself, that Louis Napoleon wished to be his country's friend, and that the Emperor's hesitations and backslidings were concessions to the relentless pressure of Catholic opinion. ^He could not escape from his own past, he had a feverish, unreasoned craving for a single form of action, he could not see that conspiracy and insurrection, which had their justification and chance of success twenty years ago, had neither now^ It is perhaps never easy for one man to be both idealist and statesman, for Mazzini, with his passion and inflexibility, least of all. He could not leave it
men.
at

to other

men

to achieve his ideals in their

own way.

had a dangerous belief that he had " the instinct of the situation," and would never own in politics that others might have their fragment of the truth. This

He

obstinate rebellion
dict of his

covert or open against the verwas it the heroism of the countrymen,

one

righteous

friends called

his

Or was it mind

man, or was it, as one of his old " " a huge egotistical presumption ? it, rather the noble error of one, who, with fixed on the highest, scorns the high ?
'

Who shall say, who does best service for humanity, he who seeks the small attainable, or he who heaven's
success finds or earth's failure
'

Mazzini knew that he had

failed in the

near

results.

a disappointed man. He had indeed the that his had come so near accomplishpride Utopia ment. But it had come by another way than that

He was

For Venice
which he had marked
of what he looked
in his
for.
till

191
fallen very short

for

it, it

had

mighty

love,
"

idealised his country " disillusion was inevitable. I

He

had

saw," he wrote, a great void in Europe, a void of any community of belief or of faith, and therefore of initiative

and worship of duty and solemn moral

principles,

of great ideas and potent action for the classes which produce most and yet which are most wretched and
;

thought that Italy would rise and save Europe, and, soon as it breathed its own new life, would say to itself
I

and

"Little it matters to " me," he wrote to Daniel Stern," that Italy, a territory of so many square leagues, eats its corn and
others, 'I will
fill

that void.'

"

"

cabbages cheaper

little

care for

Rome,
it.

if

a great

I European do care for is that Italy shall be great and good, moral and virtuous, that she comes to fulfil a mission in the So he had dreamed, and woke to find it but world."

initiative is

not to issue from

What

a dream.

In bitter exaggeration he reproached


for
"

his

countrymen

being

less

than their fathers and


phrase,

their destinies."

/In

his

favourite

new

Italy

had found its inspiration not in Dante but in MacchiaThere was no high principle, no true religion, no velli. sense of freedom's dignity. His criticism was partly
a true one.

/ The

feeble

statesmen,

who succeeded

Cavour and Ricasoli, opportunists almost all, some of them mere tricksters, may well have roused his anger and contempt. The country had become the huntingground of office-hunters and speculators, who, as " Giuditta Sidoli said, have made Italy and now are The antagonism of North and South, the eating it."
jealousy of Piedmont, the brigandage, the financial chaos Few cared were symptoms of a dangerous discontent.

192
for the great

For Venice
"

moral hopes, the " living apostolate of But Mazzini did not understand the value of Italy. the sane, wholesome patriotism, that had made Italy
in
its

own way,

or see

how

great the step had been,


political

that

had brought the country

and

social

In his absorption in the political question, he paid at this time small attention to the social changes that were going on he never alludes to the

freedom.

great cooperative movement, that was beginning in Italy in these years.


this, Unity was not complete, and the one thing necessary. The was completion of cause of the triumph nationality, morality and alike in and Italy religion, Europe, depended, he on of "I the Rome and Venice. believed, winning have to kill myself with work," he wrote, " for Venice,
all
its

But beyond

for

Rome,

for

instrument."
fall

The winning

the republic, in order to make the of Rome meant the down-

the

of the Papacy, the triumph of liberty of conscience, dawn of a new religion. The winning of Venetia

meant the break-up of the Austrian Empire, and a great reconstruction of Central and Eastern Europe, " in which Italy would prove her mission as the guide
of oppressed nationalities."
Providence," he said, "has written that the function of initiative is a necessary cannot live without condition of the life of Italy.
"

We

a European
others.

we must free must be great or perish." For Rome Wiser than Garibaldi, he he was willing to wait. saw that any attempt to win it by force meant war at once with France and Austria, and he knew that that meant ruin. His Roman policy was at bottom that of the Piedmontese statesmen, to secure the
life
;

if

we

free ourselves,

We

For Venice
withdrawal
of

93

the French by the force of public He urged that there should be " a temperopinion. ate but weighty remonstrance " from parliament, backed

by half a million Italian signatures. He prompted petitions in England to ask the government to use its influence in the same direction, a spur that Lord But he rightly saw that John Russell hardly needed. Venice must take precedence. Italy, he thought, was f\strong enough to fight Austria alone, and he made

extravagant calculations as to their relative military strength. Only there must be no French alliance, no more paltering with the false prophet of nationality. Cavour and his successors, except for brief backslidings, were at one with him in the resolve never to call in But he would again the dangerous help of France. not believe this, and he hoped both to make the

French alliance impossible and force the government war with Austria, by fomenting a rising in Venetia or encouraging volunteers under Garibaldi to attack it. Italy's allies must be the nationalities of the East, which had a common interest with her in breaking up the Austrian Empire, an idea which he shared with the King and Cavour and others of the Italian statesIf Venetia and the Balkan countries rose, men. " Hungary would follow, and war with Austria would
into

Empire in twenty days." With Austria, would go too, for the two despotisms, he held, Turkey must stand or fall together. The Polish rising of 1863 made him still more impatient. His love of " " was strong as in the days of poor, sacred Poland Young Europe. Forgetting that a resuscitated Poland was bound to add its weight to the Catholic and antidissolve the
Italian
coalition,

he reproached G

his

countrymen

for

194

Fo^ Venice

their indifference to the people, which had sent its sons to fight for Italy ; and he tried to charter a steamer to

He intake a cargo of arms to a Lithuanian port. in the movement pro-Polish dustriously encouraged
England, and
meeting.
talked

of organising
for

Hyde Park
willing to

At home, he was

still

some years yet

indeed suspend any open republican agitation. attacked the government with increasing acerbity he fretted at its delays, he was irritated by the libels of But though he held the monarchy the royalist press. to be the source of all the trouble, he would not openly
;

He

it. He kept up a secret republican proof view future possibilities, but so long as pagandism there was any hope that the monarchy would go to Venice and Rome, he would not harass it by a barren

declare against
in

agitation.

remained, the

long as that hope of popular timidity made the republic impossible, and he was angrily attacked by the intransigents for his saner view. He was anxious
"

He knew

in fact, that, so
"

ice-wall

present even to postpone any agitation for reform, though he pleaded insistently that, when the work of unity was done, a Constituent Parliament
for

the

should meet to draw up a " national pact," which was apparently to be an ill-defined constitution, temporarily

admitting a democratic monarchy, and defining the social duties of the country and the respective functions
of state and local bodies.

He had
articles

a bold domestic a
universal

programme, whose chief


church lands, and
state
"

were

volunteer system, the nationalisation of railways, mines,

some great

industrial undertakings,"

and

for productive cooperative societies, a reorganisation of local government on a basis of

encouragement

For Venice
some twelve communes.
"
"

195
big,

large

regions

and

amalgamated

Meanwhile, save for an occasional visit to Switzerland, he was living in England, where he returned after Here in new leaving Naples at the end of i860. at 2 Onslow Terrace, Brompton, he relodgings turned to the old life of the fifties. The days were in the round of spent weary letter-writing, but it was often a physical torture now, and failing eyesight made it impossible to go on after dark. In the evening he had two hours' reading, then went to the Stansfelds' neighbouring house in Thurlow Square, to

and read his letters and the His personal life was more and more a struggle with failing health. Earlier attacks he had " force of an effort of will will. Make conquered by and be well I have often successfully done so," he wrote once to a friend and again, " I hear that you Don't, are rather unwell. It is absurd to be ill, while nations are struggling for liberty." He had medicine and and had an scorned doctors, always " for of detestation that infernal homaeoespecial irony pathy, for which Hahnemann must atone somehow, somewhere." But now he had often to succumb to an internal trouble, which brought acute pain and someHe no doubt smoked too much, times prostrated him. and a few years after this Lloyd Garrison tried in vain to
return
at eleven
Italian papers.
;
;

home

break him off thehabit. Rheumatism made him " stiff like an English statesman." He could not eat his landlady's
ill-cooked dinners,

and hid the untouched food rather than

hurt her feelings. Now and again he would feel he had " more than ever the ardour of a young man with all
the obstinacy of an old one
"
;

more often he knew that

196

For Venice

work was killing him, and he had a recurring presentiment that he would not live through each new year. He had financial troubles again to worry him. His small annuity was not enough to meet his heavy doctor's bills, and a royalty, which he had been receiving for the collected edition of his writings, failed through the unwillingness or inability to pay of his

Milanese publisher. subscription was raised for him but it was passed on to his Venetian fund, and probably most of the ;^500, that were collected for him in England in 1866, went to public purposes. Serene and cheerful as ever on the outside, he had moods of " I am sick of men and great depression. things," he " " for and a wrote, long desperate peace." Morally," he " writes to Daniel Stern," with whom he began a steady
in Italy,

correspondence at this time, I am always the same, given up to work without enthusiasm, from a sense of
; expecting nothing, hoping for nothing in the scrap of individual life left me ; loving and recognising those I love,^ not for the joy but for the sorrow they can give me believing, as in early youth, in the future

"

duty

for Italy and the world sick at the present, but resigned and calm, if people don't talk too much of materialist pantheism or tactics or happiness
I
;

have dreamed of

When Lincoln was assassinated, he contrasted sadly with himself the man who died in the knowledge that his cause had triumphed. His literary work at this time was unimportant, for politics and sickness used up his strength but
or French music."
;

his longings went, as ever, to a life of study.


like,"

"I should

he wrote, "to drag myself from library to library, from one monastic archives to another, to unearth
^

Reconnaissant ceux quefaime ; one suspects an omission of

it..

For Venice
some
lines

197

of a great forgotten thinker, Joachim for instance." Mystical writers, like Joachim and Eckhart, him more strongly than ever and he seems attracted
;

to

have joined an esoteric society


for
its

in Italy,

which had

Dante

spiritual

however, only irritated him to believe in God," he said,


;

chief. "

Modern spiritualism, when men have ceased " God pays them out by

making them

believe in Cagliostro or table-turning."

His admiration of English life was stronger than He held up for Italian imitation its freedom of ever. and life thought, notwithstanding his suspicions that
his letters
still

ran the risk of being tampered with in

the English Post-Office. He had words of praise even for the monarchy and aristocracy, but predicted that

the growing power of financial magnates would prove the death of both. It was about this time that he

became again a prominent

Calabrian,

named

Louis Napoleon.

figure in English politics. Greco, attempted to assassinate Mazzini had had no part in or
;

knowledge of the plot but he had known Greco in the past, and letters from him were found on the assassin. The French police caught at the opportunity to bring odium on him and inculpate Stansfeld, whose name and address were found in one of his Without any particle of evidence to connect letters. the letters with the plot, the French court condemned Mazzini and the Tories and Irish in the House of Commons gleefully used the handle given them to discredit his English friend. Stansfeld, who was a
;

member of the government, resigned office rather than embarrass his colleagues, but the insincerity of the attack was as clear as its audacious shamelessness.
The
incident had
its

sequel of comedy,

when

Disraeli,

198
who had been

For Venice

foremost in denouncing the imagined with assassination, was confronted with a sympathy Revolutionary Epick of his own youthful days, in

which he had blessed "the regicidal steel." Mazzini keenly watched the American Civil War. He had for many years felt intensely about slavery, and he now gave his sympathy and subscription to the London Emancipation Society, which was enlisting " I English sympathy for the North. believe," he wrote to his friend, Mr W. Malleson, who was its
"

Secretary,

that in these times of ours there are three

dying, Science

which a man ought to protest before he wants to die in peace with his own conand the actual capital punishment slavery either narrow or hypocritical condition of the religious " Abolition," he wrote to Mr Moncure question."
things, against
if
:

Conway, "is the religious consecration of your battles." But he was not equally enthusiastic for the Union.
In curious inconsistency with his usual preference for big nations, he thought that America was "wide enough

two or three eventual sisterly confederations." the war was over, he implored the Americans not to impair their victory by refusing the vote to the negroes, though they should see that education went hand in hand with it. Again, as in 1854, he was eager that America should come into world politics, and help to build up the future Europe of "You," he said, "have nationality and the republic. become a leading nation. You may act as such. In the great battle which is fought throughout the world between right and wrong, justice and arbitrary rule, equality and privilege, duty and egotism, republic and monarchy, truth and lies, God and idols, your part is
for

When

For Venice
;

199

marked you must accept it." He hoped that they would upset Napoleon's Mexican scheme, which meant " Imperialism at their own door" at the time of the suggested Anglo-French intervention, when American " feeling was bitter against England, he wrote, war with England would be a crime and a fault war for Mexico
;

a holy thing."

he and

Shortly before Lincoln's assassination, Ledru Rollin and Karl Blind wrote to the

President, urging the danger to the Union that threatened from Mexico, and suggesting a cooperation with the democrats of Europe, that would weaken or

upset Napoleon. Apparently the plan was that the Americans should invade Mexico, while their unofficial allies stirred

a republican

movement

in

France

or organised
to

an attack on Rome.

Lincoln seems

have listened to the suggestion not unfavourably. the Northern army disbanded after the war, Mazzini would have liked to see the men go as volunteers to aid the Mexicans, and the government " " " that it would follow. It would have whisper done more than anything towards the fraternisation of North and South, and the negroes would have

When

won

then, undisputed, the right to the suffrage."

A
fate

few years later, he was much concerned in the " of the Fenian prisoners. I am feeling," he
"

writes,

the

between the unhappy and the furious about Fenians condemned. To-day, I think, is the Does she read a newspaper? Queen's birthday.
find a

Cannot she
ask
the

womanly

feeling in her heart

and

Cabinet to commute the punishment? In of the of men will an these fact, point killing prove absolute fault [mistake]. Burke will be the Robert Emmet of 1867. A feeling of revenge will rekindle

200

For Venice

the energy of the discouraged Fenians. The dream will become, through martyrdom, a sort of religion. But that is not my ground. It is the legal murder

reenacted against a thought, a thought which ought to be refuted, destroyed by thought only. Burke and believers in Irish others are genuine I nationality. think they are philosophically and politically wrong but are we to refute a philosophical error with " After their reprieve he wrote, " You have hanging? been spared the infamy of Burke's execution. I am I have a weakness for England, and did glad of it not like the shame for her."
; ;

Mazzini's active political work in these years was given almost wholly to the winning of Venetian Before he left Naples in i860, he and Garibaldi had agreed to agitate for an attack on either Venetia or

<

Rome
cordial

was always

in the following year. But the jealousy, that latent between the two, prevented any

The fault was very little on cooperation. Mazzini's side. He must have felt it, that Garibaldi, whose work for the country was so small beside his
own, had eclipsed himself in the nation's imagination but he was ever ready to let him take the honour and keep himself in the background. Once get Garibaldi with the volunteers, he said, "and he may send me to the devil the day after." But Garibaldi had always some grievance to nurse, and he had not
;

forgotten the friction theories irritated him,


doctrinaire."

at

Rome

in

1849.

Mazzini's

and he dubbed him " the great The most easily led of men, "weak

beyond expression," as Mazzini truly said of him, he hated it to be thought that he was under anybody's

For Venice
influence
;

201

and Mazzini complained with cause that " if Garibaldi has to choose between two proposals, he is sure to accept the one that isn't mine." The mischiefmakers, who always clustered round the hermit of
Caprera, did their best to feed his prejudices.

And

though the two men were both burning to free Venice and Rome, they had radical differences as to the
means.
faith in

Garibaldi believed in

the

King

Mazzini's

him was very

limited.

Garibaldi wanted to
;

have an understanding with the government Mazzini He saw that generally wished to act independently. the patriots must concentrate on the freeing of Venice Garibaldi was ever running back to his cherished design of marching to Rome, or, if he temporarily abandoned it, he leaned to some knight-errant enterprise in Eastern Europe, where he could attack Austria from the rear. Meanwhile Minghetti and the less statesmanlike a tepid, craven, weaksection of the Moderates, wanted to stamp out the democratic principled crew, and it was left comparatively unmolested, agitation thanks only to the bigger outlook of Ricasoli, who had
;

become premier

after Cavour's death.

Had

Ricasoli

remained in office, he would from the sentence of 1857 Italians would have been no But Ricasoli was country. cabal and Rattazzi, who much under bond to Louis
; ;

have amnestied Mazzini and the greatest of living


longer a felon in his own driven from office by a

succeeded him, was too

Napoleon to pardon the Rattazzi began a double game Emperor's enemy. with Garibaldi, which ended, as Mazzini had predicted, " " and the catastrophe of in a solemn mystification Mazzini was opposed to the whole foolAspromonte.

20 2

For Venice

hardy business, and among his English friends condemned it in strong language but apparently he to collect funds for and when once Garibaldi, helped Garibaldi took up the cry of " Rome or Death," he
;

The day after the duty to help. from Sicily on the tragi-comic march for Rome, he left London to join them. He had got as far as Lugano, when he heard that Italian soldiers had fired on them, and that Garibaldi lay stricken by an Italian bullet. His anguish at the pity of it all brought on delirium. The ghosts of martyras patriots reproached him, they had done in 1836 he cried that Garibaldi was dead, and his friends could
thought
it

his

volunteers

crossed

He recovered quickly, but quiet his ravings. broke into passionate denunciation of the government, scourging the monarchy as impotent and unwilling to
not

make
again.

Italy,

and threatening

to raise the republican flag

threat was forgotten, as he regained his calmand he returned to his old plan of a volunteer ness, movement on Venetia, which the government would be compelled to follow. He was " silently raging at brave Poland poor, being left alone in the field," and that an attack on Austria would save her. It hoped was at this juncture, in the spring of 1863, that he

The

received strange overtures for alliance from the King. The two men had always had a certain fascination

each other. Victor Emmanuel shared Mazzini's impatience to win Venetia, his hatred of Austria he
for
;

had something of the great agitator's wish to see the nationalities of Eastern Europe free. Both were irritated by the feeble Minghetti ministry, which had come into office after Aspromonte, half-hearted in its

For Venice
which Cavour would have taken
in

203
hand and guided.
hard,
but,
after

nationalist aspirations, dreading the democratic forces,

The

fellow-conspirators

bargained

months of tedious negotiation, they seem

to

agreed that Mazzini should foment a rising in and waive meanwhile any republican movement, that the King should make his government supply arms to the insurgents and eventually declare war, while both
It would encourage a rising in Hungary or Galicia. was impossible, however, to give effect to the alliance. The fact of the negotiations leaked out more or less. The Greco plot, though probably few believed that Mazzini was an accomplice, made it difficult for the

have Venetia

King
afraid

to

treat with

him.

The

ministers, morbidly

of any contact with the revolutionaries, and possibly aware that Mazzini had made their dismissal

and of his cooperation, remonstrated shows the King's and Mazzini's small respect for parliamentary government that the personal treaty was attempted at all. The King was irritated at Mazzini's exigencies, and began to transfer his attena condition
;

indeed

it

tions to Garibaldi.

Garibaldi at this

moment

(April

1864) was paying a long promised visit to England, where he had a mythical prestige almost as great as As usual he was buffeted by the in his own country.

The various influences that sought to capture him. a series to him for of use wanted Radicals English
popular demonstrations
to keep
;

him

quiet in the

Palmerston laid his schemes hands of hosts, like the Duke


for for

of Sutherland
Lincoln, behaviour.
fitfully

and Charles Seely, the member


his

responsible Victor Emmanuel, while still negotiating with Mazzini, ^e.r\t his agents to persuade him

who would be

discreet

2 04
to

For Venice
rising in Galicia
;

head a

Mazzini wanted him


worthy, puzzled

for

the Venetian movement.


to be

The

man

he appeared Mazzini wrote to him to managed by nobody. his tour in the at before he went once, begin provinces to London and met him, soon after he arrived, at Mr Seely's house in the Isle of Wight. There was a cordial reconciliation, and Mazzini thought he had won
tried to please everybody, provided that
;

Garibaldi to his

own scheme.

At

a breakfast given

by Alexander Herzen, the one rich man among the exiles, at his house at Teddington, Garibaldi spoke of Mazzini as the counsellor of his youth and constant friend. The incident alarmed the English government, and their contemptible and dishonourable manoeuvres
secured Garibaldi's departure. Mazzini still supposed that Garibaldi was faithful to his scheme, and went to Lugano to forward the preparations for the Venetian
insurrection.

Garibaldi, however, though he had given Mazzini no hint of his change of mind, had accepted the King's The Duke of Sutherland's yacht took him to plan.

where he was preparing to sail to the East, the secret was given to the world ; and the King, frightened by the publicity, hastily broke from the plot. Mazzini, though he tried to persuade Garibaldi
Ischia,

when

to visit

England again and make

his

abandoned pro-

vincial tour (" Newcastle is the best place"), was justly incensed at him and the King for their want of candour.

He

fallen in

suspected, with good reason, that the ministry had with the Galician scheme, for the sake of getting

to his death.
position,"

Garibaldi out of the country and perhaps sending him He was " sick at heart of the equivocal

and determined to " go on in a clearer path." Events helped to bring him back to frank hostility

For Venice

205

towards the government. The September Convention, most dishonouring and impolitic of treaties, was concluded, and it seemed to mark, as in the letter it did, He passionately a renunciation of the claims to Rome. " denounced the surrender, the policy of subterfuge and " I crooked ways," which threatened to founder Italy. he prefer half a century of slavery to a national lie,"
wrote.

He was hoaxed
offered

into believing that the govern-

France a large slice of Piedmont to buy her acquiescence in any winning of Venice or Rome. He had a bitter quarrel with Crispi, who was

ment had

the decline of respectability. Crispi had attacked him in the Chamber, as dividing the
fast sliding

down

country by his republicanism.


in retorting

Mazzini wasted words

on the opportunist, who yesterday had been most intransigent of republicans, and was now He parading his new-found faith in the monarchy. that conthe slender was inclined to break threads, nected him with the parliamentary Left, "who had laid aside their old democratic ardour to assume the
icy

demeanour of English members of parliament." But he still hesitated at any complete rupture with the monarchy, so long as any hope remained that the government would attack Austria. The outcry at It was doing better than he knew. wrecked had the September Convention Minghetti's ministry, and under the brave and honest La Marmora The negotiathere was some chance of going forward. tions for the Prussian alliance were pushed on, and Mazzini early in April 1866 the treaty was signed. had preached co-operation with Germany in 1 8 5 i and " 1 86 1, but now he denounced the alliance with men

who

despotism," an alliance which, he imagined, implied the abandonment of the claims to


represented

2o6
the

For Venice

Tyrol He had information, which again was almost certainly inaccurate, as to the arrangement of " knew from positive information " that Biarritz, and
Italy had promised to cede Sardinia and part of Piedmont to France, as the price of Napoleon's help. Much, however, as he disliked the diplomacy, still it was a war for Venice, and he urged his followers to If the war ended in victory, they join the volunteers. could then march on to Rome. He had his plan of

main body of the army to while the volunteers landed in Istria and tried Vienna, to rouse the Slavs. Whether the plan was original or not, it was almost identical with one, which had been
favoured by Ricasoli,

operations for the war, and push on with the

to

mask the

Quadrilateral,

now

again premier, by Cialdini,

one of the two Italian commanders, and probably by Bismarck, and which was rejected, or at least mutilated, only by La Marmora's opposition. All the world had expected to see the Italians easily victorious. But again, as in 1848, their chance was The army was spoilt by incompetent generalship. defeated at Custozza, the fleet at Lissa Garibaldi and the volunteers had little of the spirit of i860, and were
;

paralysed in the Tyrol. Equally unexpectedly, the Prussians on their side had triumphed swiftly and conclusively
;

and Napoleon,
nip
his

afraid

that the unforeseen


in

events would

schemes, stepped

with

message that Austria had offered to cede Venetia to himself and that he would hand it over to Italy, if
peace were made.
end,
lay down arms under the shadow of defeat, to abandon the Tyrol and Istria, to have Venetia not

to

It

was a

bitter

and humiliating

by

right of conquest but

by the condescension of a

For Venice

207

detested patron. Mazzini did not know how unwillthe government had bowed to a fate, which the ingly
it seemed and ruin." " " It is my lot," he sadly wrote, to consume my last in the to one who really loves, days grief, supreme of seeing the thing, one loves most, inferior to its

X"

To him military position made inevitable. ere pusillanimity, pregnant with "dishonour

mission.

Chapter XII

The

Last Years
Aetat 61-66

1866- 1 87 2.

The Republican Alliance Life at Lugano Mentana Republican movement in 1868-70 Intrigue with Bismarck Imprisonment at

Gaeta, and release Attack on the International Death.

In his ignorance of the facts, he charged it all to the monarchy. The nation had been sacrificed to the interests of a dynasty. Defeat and dishonour came of
the equivocations, that sprang from the " primal falsehood " of royalty. The bad government and coercion
(which, in

was mild enough), the huge army and and police, the consequent financial chaos all were its fruit. He disclaimed that it was the for its own sake that he wanted now, for its republic advent was only the question of a few years more or But disless, and its triumph might be left to time. honour was the " gangrene of a nation," and only the
fact,
civil

service

republic could cure that.

Rome, gather
stretch a

Istria

Only the republic could win and the Tyrol to the fold, and

to the struggling nationalities of the East. But, if the republic came, it must be as a great " moralising education, to change men from serfs to
citizens,

hand

strength and dignity."


208

and make them conscious of their mission, their The republic must not mean

The

Last Years

209

revenge, or spoliation, or repudiation of debt, or violent arti-clericalism ; and he was already beginning his

crusade against Bakounine and the rough socialism, which was making some headway in the country. He had promised that if he resumed his republican agitation, he would announce it frankly beforehand, Henceforth he gave it all his and he did so now.
failing

strength.

Hopeless as their cause probably

was at the best, the republicans had a strength now, which they had not had for fifteen years. The shame of Custozza and Lissa lay heavy on the nation, and the disillusioning had shaken faith in men and institutions.
civil

The

sense of national dishonour


;

maddened

war was often on men's lips the King's prestige was foundering under the load of private vice and There was a mass of sullen, uaformumilitary failure.
lated discontent, ready to find its way into socialist or republican channels. And though men were slow to follow Mazzini into his conspiracies, his long years

of self-sacrificing labour, the mystery that wrapped the exile and conspirator, had given him a vast,

almost mythical fascination for his countrymen. Forty thousand persons had signed the petition for his Messina elected him time after time for its amnesty. deputy, to have the election quashed as often by the

Moderates

in

the

Chamber.
at

feeling everyv/here

the senseless

There was an angry intolerance, and

the deputies of the Left did their best to bring the " While you are still in time," majority to reason.
said a recent premier of Italy, " prevent Mazzini from having to close his eyes in a foreign land." When at last he was amnestied at the beginning of the

war, he refused to accept it as an act of grace or take his seat as deputy, and returned to Lugano. Much of

2IO

The

Last Years
his
friends,

his time henceforth

was spent there with

" Giuseppe Nathan and his wife Sarah, the best Italian friend I have, one of the best women I know," who nursed him in the attacks of illness, which came with ever greater Here he would watch " the beautiful calmfrequency.

lulling

lake,

the

beautiful,

When teaching sunsets." habits of his English life, writing all day, delighting His his friends in the evening with his brilliant talk.
conspiracies often took him to Genoa, where he lived in hiding in the house of a working family, from whose

hopeful-death he was well, he kept to the

solemn,

windows

in the Salita di Oregina he had a superb view of the city and the Riviera. He nearly betrayed himself once by shouting from his window at a boy who was torturing a grasshopper. He kept in close touch with his English friends and English life. At " he read the good, dry Spectator Lugano regularly and the would-be wicked, never concluding Saturday He made a custom of always returning to Review." to England spend New Year's Day with the Stansfelds or others of their family, crossing the Alps in midHe had painfully winter at the peril of his health. and a His face sunk wore had deathly pallor the aged. William Lloyd hair was thin and black thick, grey. of twenty-one him after an interval Garrison, seeing " the same dark, the noted change, though years, sadly
;

lustrous eyes

"

remained,

"

the

same

classical

features,

the same grand intellect, the same lofty and indomitable spirit, the same combination of true modesty and
heroic assertion, of exceeding benignity and inspiraWork told heavily upon him now. tional power."

Writing made him giddy, and his characters begin to He was " living as if in a whirllose their firmness. wind, something like Paolo without Francesca, tired,

The
worn out, longing
"
I

Last Years
whom
I

1 1

for rest."

am bound
1

to those,

But he would not slacken. I have organised for a


proclaim the republic

purpose.
in Italy."

must, before

die,

While he was organising his " Republican Alliance," losing himself in the huge work of detail which all came to so little, the impatience in Italy was
breaking
Ricasoli

down

the precautions of the

government.

had been driven from office by his own maladroitness and Garibaldi's wild, aimless opposition. Rattazzi, the intriguer of 1862, came back to power, and began the double play, that was only too likely There is no need to lead to another Aspromonte. here to analyse the obscure and sordid story of his balancings between the Italian democrats and France. Garibaldi was impatient to win Rome, and cared comparatively little now whether it were in the name of monarchy or republic. His plan was to lead a raid,
with or without the connivance of the government, into the small territory that still belonged to the Pope,

meet and defeat the Papal mercenaries, and enter Rome. 'With Mazzini the republic was now a more than Unity. vital thing Only from a republican

Rome

the world.

could Italy perform her civilising mission to " If Rome is to be annexed like the rest,"

he wrote, " I would cather it belonged to the Pope another three years."/ He disliked Garibaldi's scheme he was not sanguine of its success if it did succeed,
;
;

meant that the monarchy would go to Rome and Pope stay there. He wished to see the Romans rise themselves and pronounce for a republic, confident that, if they did so, Italy would echo the republican Sometimes, cry, and the Pope would have to go.
it

the

The Last Years


own
party, he

however, despairing of his


to
;

was

willing

compromise and when at last Garibaldi started on his raid, and the government backed him, risking hostilities with France rather than have civil war, he forgot everything else in the hope of winning Rome, and urged his followers to join the raiders. Probably, if he had not been prostrated by illness, he would have gone himself. When Garibaldi's incapacity was only too apparent, and the French troops landed again for the defence of Rome, he saw that the volunteers were advancing into a trap, and implored Garibaldi to retire to Naples, raise the flag of revolution, and collect forces for another and more hopeful attack. Garibaldi, marching obstinately to defeat, was in no temper to
listen

to

anybody, to

Mazzini

least

of

all.

The

mischief-makers had persuaded him that Mazzini was tampering with his men. There was no particle of
truth in
it,

and never

left

but the conviction entered Garibaldi's mind it, while Mazzini lived.
at the last rose

The

volunteers went to their

Rattazzi,

who

have marched to Rome resigned some weeks before. Menabrea, who succeeded him, had been compelled by public opinion to occupy a part of the Pope's territory but when the French landed, he withdrew the troops, rather than face war
;

doom at Mentana. above himself and would but for the King's veto, had

with France.

The country

writhed in

its its

French

insult,

and naturally turned

rage at the resentment


;

Juries acquitted republican papers against the crown. the press lampooned the King. Some of the deputies

gave a secret backing to the republican movement the Friendly Societies, which had always kept more or less in touch with Mazzini, threw themselves into
;

The

Last Years

21

Mazzini had a following among the Freemasons, it. though not one himself, and among the ex-volunteers. Most ominous feature of it all, republicanism gained a large footing in the rank-and-file of the army. Mazzini pushed on impatiently for Rome and the He knew that the Romans themselves were republic. to rise, now that the French were there, and powerless
that a volunteer

movement had no

better chance.

The only
and

plan, that could successfully defy the French its capture Rome, was to seize the government,
arsenals,

army and navy and


crusade with
all

and

make a

national

the resources of the country. The he would never break with France royalists, thought, or attack the Papacy and indeed the criticism was
;

of the conservative ministry, which now held He was equally hopeless of the middle classes, office.
true

but he was confident that the people would respond. Especially he trusted to the younger generation and the women of Italy they alone, he thought, were free from the timid opportunism, which had eaten deep into
;

the

rest.

left London again for Lugano to be nearer his work, and was constantly passing backwards and forwards between there and Genoa, finding time among it all to write his great religious apology, the sum of all his teaching. From the Council to God} His following at Genoa was considerable now.

After Mentana he

When
men
his

he came there
with

streets

working arms would watch along the between the station and his lodgings to guard
concealed

secretly, little patrols of

The Comperson from seizure by the police. mittee sat waiting for him, each man armed with his
^

Otherwise entitled

Letter to the Oecumenical Council.

14
One

The

Last Years

revolver.
"

low knock was heard at the door, and there he was in body and soul, the great magician, who struck
the fancy of the people like a mythical hero. Our hearts leaped, and we went reverently to meet that He advanced with a child's frank courtesy great soul.

of them has described the meeting.

and a divine smile, shaking hands like an Englishman, and addressing each of us by name, as if our names were written on our foreheads. He was not disguised he wore cloth shoes, and a capote, and with his middle, upright stature, he looked like a philosopher, straight from his study, who never dreamed of troubling any In the spring of 1869 he was police in the world."
;

eager for action, despite the failure of a plot, discouraged by himself, among the garrison at Milan. The remonstrances of the government procured his banishment from Switzerland, but he was back again in August, " going more sadly than usual, feeling physically and He intellectually weaker and unequal to the task." was suffering continuously, and confessed to his friends that he shrank from the effort. He was on from sheer to inability obviously going stop more " than from any hope of success. new My plan," he wrote gloomily, " may prove a dream like many
others."

In the spring of 1870 he came again to Genoa to The plot broke down like the arrange the details.
rest,

and
the

at the

by

everything was overshadowed In common Franco-German war. coming

moment

with the great majority of his countrymen, outside the court and government, his sympathies were with

A German victory would avenge Mentana Germany. and compel the French to withdraw from Rome. In

The

Last Years

215

spite of his denunciation of the Prussian alliance in 1866, he had been for three years past carrying on a

About the time of desultory intrigue with Bismarck. Mentana he had sent a note to Bismarck through their
" " I do not in the least," it said, share go-between. Count Bismarck's political views his method of
;

unification

does not

command my sympathy

but

admire his tenacity and energy and independence towards the foreigner. I believe in German unity and desire it as much as that of my own country. I abhor the Empire and the supremacy it arrogates over He saw in the intrigue a chance of pushing Europe." his own schemes, and at the same time of preventing a Franco-Italian alliance against Germany. He asked Bismarck to send him arms and money, and promised, if he had them, to guarantee him against the hostile combination. Bismarck parleyed with him for a time, as he had parleyed with Garibaldi and when war was imminent, and he knew that Victor Emmanuel and many of the Italian conservatives were trying again to commit the country to a French alliance, he promised that the arms and money should be sent. Mazzini hastened to accept, promising to attack Rome with the revolutionary forces, and undertaking to respect the wish of the country, should a future Constituent Assembly declare for the monarchy. But Bismarck had learnt now that the danger of the hostile alliance had passed, and the promised help never came. /The intrigue marks the last stage in Mazzini's political decline. That he had asked a foreign government to assist in what meant civil war, shows how the long years of conspiracy had distorted his moral vision.y
;

2i6
He had
new
and
the

The

Last Years
money
for

intended to use Bismarck's

It was a fool's errand^ plot, this time in Sicily. But his friends tried in vain to dissuade him.

monomania was on him, and he started for the in disguise. As so often before, he had a traitor in his secrets, a man who with strange inconsistency had nursed him tenderly through an illness,
island

while he was making a living by betraying his plans When Mazzini arrived by the to the French police.^

He was Naples steamer at Palermo, he was arrested. taken to Gaeta and treated with all possible consideraThe very gaoler took three minutes to turn the tion. noisy keys silently, that he might soften the sense of Here through the loopholes of the imprisonment.
massive
last

fortress,

where the Bourbons had made

their

stand nine years before, he would watch the sea


as
"

he had done at Savona thirty-nine years " the ago. nights," he writes, are very beautiful I stars shine with a lustre one only sees in Italy. love them like sisters, and link them to the future in a If I could choose, I should like to thousand ways.

and sky,

The

live in absolute solitude,

working

at

my

historical

book

or at

some
to

other, just from a feeling of duty, and only

moment, now and then, some one did not know, some poor woman that I could help, some working men I could advise, the He smoked indoves of Zurich, and nothing else." different cigars he read bad translations of Shakespeare and Byron from the prison library, and, for want of He was planning again better, Tasso's Gerusalemme. a book on Byron, and asks for Taine's critique of him
wishing
see
for

Wolft' of the journey to Sicily.

have some doubts, though, whether this Wolff is identical with the See Lettere ad A. Giannelli, 503.

The
in

Last Years
"

Taine is a materialist have an idea that squares and won't writer, certainly with mine but I am intellectually half-asleep and I reckon on the stimulus of contradiction and the irritaHe has enough tion which I shall get out of his book.
his Litterature anglaise.
;

perverted intellectual power to wake me up." He was released a few weeks later, after the capture of Rome, but he still refused to accept the amnesty,
that he might keep his hands free, shadow of ungratefulness to anybody
"

to a king." His one anxiety for the moment was to escape the popular demonstrations of sympathy, and get to a

even

without even the

quiet

life

among

his friends.
;

He

passed a restless

twenty-one years since Modena had persuaded and Giulia Fuller Margaret He went to the ex-Triumvir to save himself and fly.
night
at
it

Rome

was

Leghorn to
to

his friends the Rossellis

thence to Genoa,

mother's tomb, and fled to escape the " his old sickness on him. The only with ovations, he wrote to to me," England, thing really touching " was in the churchyard it was late and the place
see his

was quite empty, but a keeper had, it seems, recognised me, and coming out of the gate, some poor people, a priest among them, were drawn up in a line, bowing and almost touching the earth. Not a smile, no attempt at absurd applause, they felt my sadness, and contrived to show they were sharing it." ^ The popular welcome had been dust and ashes to him " even Swin" burne's praise," he wrote from Gaeta, makes me sad. Who am I, whom he praises ?" His ideal was shattered. Rome had " the profanation of a corrupt and dishonoured monarchy," and he knew that the monarchy's
;

Will not some Italian

artist paint

the scene

The

Last Years

not

winning of the capital meant that the republic would come in his day. f France, not Italy, had proclaimed His own the republic, and in a spirit that he hated. " " the he had failed him. said, Italy, my Italy," party Italy that I have preached, the Italy of our dreams ? Italy, the great, the beautiful, the moral Italy of my This medley of opportunists and cowards heart? and little Macchiavellis, that let themselves be dragged I thought to behind the suggestion of the foreigner, call up the soul of Italy, and I only see its corpse." " " Yes, dear," he writes to Mrs Stansfeld, I love more deeply than I thought my poor dreamt-of Italy, my I want to see, before dying, old vision of Savona. another Italy, the ideal of my soul and life, start up from her three hundred years' grave this is only the

And the thought phantom, the mockery of Italy. haunts me, like the incomplete man in Frankenstein, seeking for a soul from its maker.'V
he

But henceforth he resigns conspiracy. Sometimes " a still hoped for insurrection, still believed that month of action transforms a people more than ten
"
;

years of being preached to the republic was afar off, that

but
all

he knew that he could do now

was quietly to educate his countrymen, especially the " Tell the working-men of Genoa," working classes.
so he sent his message, "that this is not a time for demonstrations but self-education. Germany is the only

country that deserves a republic." He helped to organise the Friendly Societies he advocated evening classes for workmen, circulating popular libraries, the collection of a fund to assist societies for co-operative production he
;
;

founded a paper,

Roma

del Popolo^ to spread his ideas.

hoped to write his popular history on Italy and a book on national education, hopes, alas, never fulstill

He

The
filled.

Last Years
From

the Council to God^ and was met with in its English transHe was keenly interested in the English movements for women's suffrage and against state regulation of vice. But his chief work in these last years was to fight the immature socialism of the time. He was bitterly chagrined by the " invasion of barbarians/' which was threatening to conquer the Italian

He

published

delighted at the success it lation in the Fortnightly.

working-classes to socialism or anarchism. The International had passed out of its first stage as an organiser of trade-unionism, and was now the battle-ground

between

the

anarchists

under

Bakounine and the


In
its

collectivists,

who

followed Karl Marx.

earlier

days Mazzini had had some relations with it and Bakounine he had advised his followers to join it, and had a high opinion of its English leaders, Odger and Cremer, " for their power of intellect and heart and their sincere devotion to the cause." He had
;

tried

to

make

it

political,

revolutionary society

and when he found himself defeated by Marx' opSince then, the International position, he retired. had turned to far other roads of revolution. Mazzini between two the sections that hardly distinguished were fighting for mastery in it, and banned indiscriminately the atheism and anarchism of the one and the socialism of the other. And in fact both were equally alien from his spiritual basis of life, more modest his fervid faith in nationality, his economic programme.^ But he was careful to show that his criticism came from no lack of social aspira" tion. Those, whom you call barbarians," he retorted on the Italian conservatives, who had used the word in
a far other sense,
^

"

represent an idea,

the inevitable,

See below, pp. 288, 289.

20

The

Last Years

of the men of Labour." The Interhe the was fruit of middlenational, argued, necessary class indifference to social reform and the Assembly at Versailles was more guilty than the Commune. He had, in fact, small liking for the Third Republic. A republic, which had only come for lack of an alternative, which had Thiers for its chief, and made
destined rise
;

no sign of restoring Nice, was a republic only in When he read Kenan's Reforme intellectuelle form. et morale^ it confirmed him in his distrust of France and, almost on his death-bed, he reviewed the book in words of acute disappointment at its spirit. The long life of fighting was fast closing in weariness and sense of failure. "This life of a machine, that writes and writes and writes for thirty-five years, He had bitter begins to weigh upon me strangely." personal chagrins his one surviving sister refused to see him, from religious differences Garibaldi would not be reconciled. All through the end of 1871 he was kept alive only by the devoted attention of
;

Bertani,

who looked

after his

patient as well as he

had organised the Expedition of the Thousand. He still refused to accept the amnesty, and travelled under an assumed name to Pisa and Genoa and Florence, where he laid a wreath on Ugo Foscolo's tomb, for the bones of his hero had been lately brought from Chiswick to rest in Santa Croce.
Giuditta Sidoli, " good, holy, constant Giuditta," died. " " Did she die a Christian ? " he enquires any
;

even though imperfect and spoilt by false doctrine, comforts the pillow of the dying better than the dry, thin, gloomy travesty of Science, which is called now-a-days Free Thought or Rationalism."
faith,

The
He knew
it

Last Years

221

his

own end was


"

should come.

I loved go one by His one care was that the work should still go on. " What matter," he wrote, how many years or months
**

not far,, and he was willing " Strange," he said, that I see all those one, while I remain, I know not why.'^

I still live down here ? Shall I love you less because I go elsewhere to work ? Will you love me less, when you can only love me by working ? I often think, that when at last I leave you, you will all work with more faith and ardour, to prevent my having lived in vain." In his last words to the working men of Italy he says^ " love and work for this great, unhappy country of ours,

called to high destinies, but stayed

upon the road by


This
is

those
best

One of loving me." his last acts was to repay an old loan of half a lifeIn the mild spring of 1872 he was time's standing. living at a house that belonged to Pellegrino Rosselli,
son-in-law of his old friends, the Nathans of Lugano, in the Via Maddalena at Pisa. People would watch

who cannot, will not know way that you can have of

the road.

the

who went by the name of Brown, taking his daily walk, with the affectionate eyes and a kind word for every child. Early in March he was taken very ill and sank rapidly. On the lOth he " Believe in His last conscious words were died. God? Yes, I do believe in God." He was buried, where he had always wished to lie, beside his mother, in the cemetery of Staglieno outside Genoa. There, in the words of Carducci's epitaph, rests
the white-haired stranger,

L'UOMO

CHE TUTTO SACRIFIC6 CHE am6 TANTO E MOLTO COMPATI E NON ODI6

MAI.

Chapter XIII

Religion
Criticism Religion essential to society Paramouncy of the spiritual its of Christianity ; Catholicism ; Protestantism Christ's teaching
:

God truths and imperfections The doctrines of the new of Truth the conscience Immortality The Progress tradition Humanity The need unity authority church and
faith
:

criteria
of

state

the

new

church.

"Mazzini's A
sistency
policy,
tions.

life was one piece of almost perfect conand continuity. Save in minor points of it had no turnings, no conversions, no recantaAlike in theory and practice, it goes on its

straight, undeviating course frorh his youthful literary

essays to the full-bodied doctrine of The Duties of Man and From the Council to God, from the first days of Young Italy to those of the Republican Alliance^

And its magnificent unity comes of this, that all was dominated by a scheme of thought, that controlled and correlated each sphere of human action. Supremely he achieved the harmony of life, which he never wearied of extolling. / He was politician, philosopher, religious reformer, literary critic and every side of life completes
;

the others in a perfect synthesis.


it

At
was

the centre of
"

all,

controlling, illuminating, energizing, stands his


faith.

religious

To him

religion

the

eternal,

essential, indwelling

element of

life,"

"the breath of

Religion

223

humanity, its soul and life and consciousness and outward symbol," hallowing men's thoughts and actions,
ennobling, consoling, fortifying, the inspiring principle of brotherhood and social serviced Deep in the conscience of each
religious sense, able, the aspiration to the

man,

inseparable from life, lies the the sense of the Infinite and Imperish-

Unknown and

Invisible, the

innate desire to apprehend God in his intellect and "If ever you have," he once said, " a strange love.

moment

of religious feeling, of supreme resignation,

of quiet love of humanity, of a calm insight of duty, kneel down thankful, and treasure within yourself the
feeling

suddenly

arisen.

It

is

the

feeling

of

life."

with the sense of the Divine, there comes to man the yearning to reach after the divine perfection and
the importunate searching for the way. In every age, men have asked "to know, or at least to surmise, something of the starting-point and goal of mundane
" the general ;/and religion comes to teach that rule to link that sanction the humanity, principles makes men brothers in the consciousness of that one

And

existence

"

origin,

one mission, one common aim."/ Man makes that mission and that aim his guiding star in all his

and in every branch of his strivings for the good his he steers course by his knowledge of God. activity
;

"

From

the general

formula, that

issues a rule of education, a basis of hood, a policy, a social economy,

men call human


an
It

religion,

brotherIt
is

art."
is

impossible to
all

keep

it

out of

politics.

there

"

in

questions of the franchise, of the condition of the all intimately linked with the masses, of nationality,"

religious

thought

of

the

time,
"
I

all

part

of

God's

providential scheme

for

man.

do not know," he

24
"speaking

Religion
historically, a single great

says,

of the

human

spirit,

perfecting of human roots in a strong religious faith."


exists without a

conquest a single important step for the society, which has not had its
faith

common

/ " No true society and common purpose

politics are the application, religion gives the principle." Where this common faith is not, the mere will of the

majority means permanent instability and the oppression of the rest " without God, you can coerce, but you can;

not persuade you may be tyrants in your turn, but you cannot be educators or apostles.*^
;

Without
religion,

deep, heartfelt, vitalising there can be no true community./ Materialreligion,


tried,

then,

ism had been

and had

failed

failed

because

it

was "an
slowly,

individualist, cold, calculating doctrine,


infallibly

that

extinguished

every spark

of high

thinking or free life, that first plunged men into the worship of success, then made them slaves of triumphant violence and the accomplished fact." It killed enthusi-

asm

in the individual

it

killed

true greatness in a
"

but no morality can endure or bring forth life, without a heaven and " a dogma to support it." No, man needs more than ethics he craves to solve his doubts, to slake simple his thirsting for a future he wants to know whence Men had tried he comes and whither he goes." fhat took humanity and indeed philosophy, philosophy, and not the individual for its study, was " the scJenc " of the law of life but by itself it was a barren rock
nation.
ethics

/ Bare

had been

tried,

where

" could find no resting-place. Heresy i: the between as transient but sacred," stage only " lower and a higher faith. analyse Philosophy can
life
,

and anatomise and

dissect,"

but

it

has no breath

o:

Religion
life

225
to deeds

to

"

decree duty or push

men
than

by giving
"

ethics a

new

strength and grandeur."


intellectual

The needs of

the age are less

spiritual.

What
is

we want, what
that

the
it

people want, what the age


find

may crying for, of selfishness and doubt and


faith in

an issue from

this

slough

which our souls

may

negation, is a faith, a cease to err in search

of individual ends, may march together in the knowAnd such a ledge of one origin, one law, one goal."

and only such a faith, will give the solid, strong and the energy and unity, by which alone " can be Any strong faith, that rises on society healed./ the wreck of the old, exhausted creeds, will transform the existing social order, since every strong belief must
faith,

convictions

needs apply itself to every branch of human activity because always, in every age, earth has sought conbecause formity with the heaven in which it believed all Humanity repeats under different formulas and in
;

different degrees the

Christendom
in

words of the Lord's Prayer of Thy kingdom come on earth as it is


this

heaven."^

faith be found, this living, which the age is groping, for want of which its aspiration and its efforts are in vain ? Does Christianity supply it? / Mazzini asked the question reverently and tenderly. Religion, he says, is above and independent of creeds, but every creed is .acred, for each has added to man's knowledge of God lUd of himself / However incomplete a faith, so it be

Where

shall

vitalising faith, for

faith

indeed,

it

helps to hallow

life.

He

felt

his

piritual priest and Proestant pastor, who lighted earth with broken rays of :he divine, than with the sceptic, who would shut H

kinship more with Catholic

226
out

Religion
God
and
immortality, then, he tested

enthusiasm

Reverently, Christianity. superstructures, indeed, that Catholics and Protestants

and love. For the

had

upon the Christianity of Christ, he felt He had his and sympathy, but little love. respect for the evil the Papacy special grievances against work it had done in his own country, and he hated He it, as only an Italian of his day could hate it.
built
it to be irrevocably doomed doomed, since the Reformation took the North from it doomed,

held
"

because it has betrayed its mission to protect the weak, because for three centuries and a half it has committed fornication with the princes of this world, because at the bidding of every evil and unbelieving
'r government
it has crucified Jesus afresh in the name of egoism," doomed, because it stood apart from the movements of the century, the humanitarian great and of Greece freeing Italy, the emancipation of the

blacks

doomed
;

for

the root
that

sin,
it

of which

these

"a consequences, " or of without faith power or religion," phantasm mission." It had missed the meaning of Christ's
were
but

had

become

teaching it had sinned against the Holy Spirit, and " God will provide there was no forgiveness for it. breaks all idols who for the abominated idolatry, God,
that were and are and shall be."

^iSometimes

he was

confident, that, before the century was out, the Papacy And yet, in spite of all, he rewould be extinct.

spected what had been a great fact in the history of Like every strong belief, it had in its time religion. done high service for humanity, it had had its share of
I remember it the noble and sublime and potent. all and bow myself before your past." And die

"

Religion
though the sun
it

227

must, he would

it

should die nobly, "like

in the great ocean," rejoicing that God's great bade it make place for a more perfect faith/^ design For Protestantism his feeling was colder both in its

sympathies and antipathies. his craving for formal unity,


to read
its
it

His Catholic training,

made

it

difficult for
it

him
its

sympathetically

exaggeration rejection of tradition, its sectarianism, its dismembering of the common thought."
defects,
social

and he saw

chiefly in
"

its

of the individual,

indefinite

He recognised somewhat, though imperfectly, the political and


work, which was indissolubly bound up with Puritanism; '**God and the People,'" he said in one " were the of his letters to English working men, of As had Cromwell." Catholicism your inspirers

one side of the truth in its respect for tradition, so Protestantism had the other in its assertion of individual interpretation, and in this it had apprehended the essence of Christianity more truly than But though Protestants were Catholicism had done.
slowly learning the value of tradition, the preeminence of Humanity over man, they still magnified the individual, till their creed had become a doctrine of
material and spiritual selfishn ess^ which

must
it

log^ically

develop into pure materialism.^

He

charged

with in-

spiring the inhumanity and anarchy of the laissez-faire It had made the salvation of the individual economy.

end of life and thus it had sundered religion from society, and dwarfed the all-embracing plan of
soul the
;

God

to the

puny borders of a

loveless pietism.

Catholicism and Protestantism to Christ, his attitude is one of infinite reverence and love. His close knowledge of the

But when Mazzini passes from

28
his

Religion
native

Gospels,

kinship

with

their

spirit,

had

brought him very near the mind of Christ, and he Christ's spoke of Him in beautiful and tender words. " was the soul most full of love, of holiest virtue, most
inspired by God and by the Future, that men have ever hailed upon this earth." He " came for all he He lifted up the People spoke to all and for all.
;

and died
all

for

it."

"

"

private letter,

as the

love Jesus," he once wrote in a man who has loved the most

mankind, servants and masters, rich and poor. Brahmins and Helots or Parias." " In Jesus," so he wrote to the Oecumenical Council, "we worship the Founder of an age that freed the individual, the that law which he Apostle of the unity of law, understood more fully than did any of the generations

before him,

the

Prophet of the equality of souls

and we bow

ourselves

among

all

we know

before him, as the man who of loved the most, whose life, an
practice,

unexampled harmony between thought and

proclaimed the holy doctrine of sacrifice, henceforth to be the everlasting foundation of all religion and all virtue but we do not cancel the woman-born in God, we do not raise him where we cannot hope to
;

we would love him as the brother who was join him better than us all, not worship him and fear him as
;

pitiless

In judge and intolerant tyrant of the future." teaching he found many of the moral and " social truths that were dearest to him. Does not
Christ's

every word of the Gospel breathe the spirit of liberty and equality, of that war with evil and injustice and

The cross falsehood, that inspires our work ? the symbol of " the one true immortal virtue,
sacrifice

"

was
the

of self for others."

"

Unity of

faith, love for

Religion
one another, human
brotherhood, activity
in

229
well-

doing, the doctrine of sacrifice, the doctrine of equality, the abolition of aristocracy, the perfecting of the all are summed up in Christ's individual, liberty,

words,

Thou
let

shalt love the


thyself,

neighbour as

and

Lord thy God and thy Whosoever will be chief


"

among

you,

him be your

servant.*

Christ's teach-

ing had inspired each struggle for truth from the Crusades to Lepanto, had destroyed feudalism, was Poles and destroying now the aristocracy of blood under the battles had freedom's marched to Greeks above of and His mother. all, Christ And, flag Jesus
;

a gave the promise of indefinite religious progress, of who mouths those would which closed the promise, The Spirit arbitrarily pin men to a fixed doctrine. and shall of truth shall abide with you for ever, " his of the eve teach you all things.' On accepted
' .

sacrifice,

when

his

mighty love

for his brethren

lit

up

the darkness of the future, he had sight of the continuous revelation of the Spirit through humanity."

This was the 'eternal gospel' of the mystics of the middle ages and Christ's promise stood true to-day. " God forgive you," he wrote to a Catholic friend, "you do not understand Christ, Christ who died
;

that

humanity may some day God by its own strength."

free itself to

rise

to

paused anxiously before he declared himself no His temperament and outlook on life were essentially Christian he tried to read new into words of Christian Christian doctrines meanings came his to Christmas prayer naturally Day was lips " " sacred to him. Several times in early life he cherished schemes of reform within the church for
Christian.
; ;
;
;

He

230

Religion
far religious

some years he doubted how

development

could be built on Christian foundations, whether the new church would be " an application of Christianity "
" or " a religion to succeed it. " ethics would remain. The

At

all

events Christian

eternal

humanity from it one word." And for long yet Christianity would abide, the greatest of the creeds. " This will reach you on Christmas Day," he wrote to an English
;

will

add to

morality of Christ is it, but will not take

believe

I belong to what I and but higher Faith purer and until that day the its time has not yet come Christian manifestation remains the most sacred re-

friend.

"

am

not a Christian,
still

to be

velation

of

the

ever-onward

progressing

spirit

of

mankind." But that


pass, that

its its

doctrine and
ethics

its cult must some day needed supplementing, he had

convinced himself, at all events as early as his Swiss He wasted little time in attacking particular days. articles of the Christian faith, for analytical criticism But he thought it had was always hateful to him. certain essential imperfections, because of which it failed, and was bound to fail to content the present reach of human knowledge or inspire men's activities.

He charged it, firstly, with not sanctifying the things of earth. The church taught that the world was evil, life here an expiation, heaven the soul's true home. At one time he appealed against the church to Christ*s
ov/n teaching, to texts that spoke of God's will being done on earth, of power given to Christ in earth, of the promise that the meek should inherit the earth.

In later

life

Jesus, **a

he qualified this reading of the gospel. soul blessed with such mighty love and

Religion
perfect

231

not

fail

harmony between thought and action," could to realise the harmony of earth and heaven.

But
all

"

while he stood and stands alone, supreme over

other great religious reformers in everything that concerns the heart and affections, his intellectual grasp
did not extend beyond the requirements of a single At the time in which he lived, he " saw no

epoch."

possible mission for the sake of the brethren whom he loved, save by moral regeneration, by creating a He wished country of freemen and equals in heaven. to show mankind how it could find salvation and

redemption in spite of and in opposition to the world." Great Christian statesmen and thinkers of a later time, Gregory VII. and Thomas Aquinas, had tried to bring the temporal under the spiritual law. /But they had failed, and the normal Christianity of the day was fatally divorced from religion and politics and art

and

science.

It

left
it.

the bigger part of


It told

life

without

God's law to guide


world,
it

men

to renounce the
it

when

their
\t./

duty was to

live in

and

battle in

and better

Christianity^again came short, because it left out of ken the collective life of the race. The conception was an impossible one at the time in which Christ lived and its absence maimed men's knowledge of God, and shortened their power to attain to the Divine Ideal.
;

Christianity
"

pointed,
;

indeed,

to

"

salvation,

that

is

perfection

but

it

recognised no instrument beyond


:

"the weak, unequal, isolated, ineffective strength of the individual." Mazzini's criticism came to this Christi-

each man to perfect himself by his own anity and God's but his spiritual growth is constrength ditioned by the growth of the men around him, and
tells
;

32
therefore his

Religion
own

of the race, the


all

common

perfecting depends on the progress search for good, that links

men together and the generations to one another. Mazzini always regarded the French Revolution as the " " of Christianity, daughter political expression, the and there the depreciation of the race, the exaggeration of the individual had borne their necessary fruit of
and social anarchy. Yet again, the had continuous Christ promised teaching though of his Spirit, ever leading to new truth, the doctrine
moral
selfishness

of redemption was inconsistent with any theory of

There was no Fall; man had begun at the and had been tending upwards ever since. Salvation was for men, not from a single, isolated act, but from the slow, unceasing, inevitable working
progress.

bottom

The individual came of the providential scheme. nearer the divine, not by faith in Christ's sacrifice, but by his own works, by sacrifice of self, by faith in
the
"

ideal that every

man

is

called to incarnate in

himself."

And
life,

theory of
force.

because of these imperfections in its Christianity had ceased to be a vitalising


it

For some

had become an

ethical system, for

others a
Politics

philosophy, while
art

men needed
their

a religion.

own ways. knew not Christian morality Charity was patriotism. and social its only remedy for charity was wrongs,
and and science had gone

Men gave impotent to stop the springs of poverty. no it had but binding lip-service to Christ's teaching, It offered no solution for influence on their lives.
their perplexities

was no longer a faith that could move mountains or remould the modern world. Its day had gone, and all the efforts of neo-Christians or Christian Socialists or Old Catholics to make it answer
;

it

Religion
to

233

modern needs were bound to fail, as the neo-Platonists had failed in their day to galvanise paganism. "Jesus warned you, when on earth," he said to " the Anglo" Saxon Christian Socialists," that you cannot put new
wine into old
bottles."

Such was Mazzini's


always consistent with

criticism

of Christianity, not

itself, sometimes confounding Christ's thought with others' perversions of it, sometimes failing to recognise how many-sided a phenomenon is Christianity, sometimes inaccurately tracing His its actual results in history and modern life. He attitude towards it may be summed up thus.

omnipotence of the spiritual His providential working its supreme veneration for the character and moral teachits insistence on moral perfection and ing of Jesus not material interest as the end of life its call to love and sacrifice of self; its belief in immortality it^ He rejected' aspiration to the Church Universal.
retained
its

belief in the
in

its faith

in

God and
;

the divinity of Christ, the doctrine of a mediator, the antagonism between matter and spirit and the conits inability sequent neglect of the things of earth to grasp God's law of progress its non-acceptance (though the Church had partially recognised it) of Humanity as the interpreter of that law.
; ;

which was to grow out of and supplement Christianity, must have its doctrines too, its positive basis of belief "There is no life in the
faith,

But the new

something, a system of secure on an immutable foundation, which grounded defines the end, the destiny of man, and embraces all his faculties to point them to that end." Mankind, he said, is weary of negations, of the hustling conflict
void.

Life

is

faith in

beliefs,

34
"

Religion

an abode for where it may rest, earth, its in heaven on which lay weary head, its eyes may stay, a tent to shield it from the storm, a spring to quench its thirst in the vast unbounded desert where it travels." /Dogma is essential it is
of opinions. the day of

We

something on something
its

must prepare

for

it

ever
is

"

" sovereign over practical morality," for morality


its

only

consequence,

application,

its

translation

" By dogma he meant a body of ideas, which, starting from a fixed point, embraces all human faculties and employs them for the conquest of a positive, practical end, which is for the good of the majority

into practice."

the exposition of a principle and its consequences in relation to life's manifestation and operations in the

moral and the industrial world, both for the individual and for society."/ The thinker apprehends it, science and society prepare the medium for its adoption, the best and wisest incarnate it in their lives, then it " enters the soul of the many and becomes a religious In other words it is an ethical and political axiom." so based on the eternal verities of life, so system,
penetrated { by the spiritu al sense _o f the _rac5,) that it ceases to be a cold and abstract code, and takes
the

warmth and

colour of religion, compelling men's

[souls

yWhat then

and pushing them irresistibly to social duty. is the body of doctrine for the Church

of the future, as Mazzini conceived it ?^ First, as the root of all, belief in God/" the author of all existence,
the living, absolute thought, of which our world is a " "a sphere ray and the universe an incarnation
;

inviolable, eternal,

supreme over

all

humanity, inde-

operation."

pendent of cljance or error or blind and interrupted /God, then, exists objectively, as maker

Religion
and
ruler of the universe.

235
Renan, Mazzini

Man

discovers God; he does

not create Him.


attacks

Xln

his criticism of

any theory of the subjectivity of the Divine. " of Pantheism (that is, the " materialist pantheism
the " spiritual
"

of St Paul pantheism and Wordsworth and Shelley) confounds subject and object, good and evil, and leaves no place for Providence
Spinoza, not

a " philosophy of the squirrel in the cage," condemning mankind to go for ever Deism is a " sordid " creeds rotating in a circle.
or

human

liberty

it

is

which relegates
operating
life in

God

to heaven

creation.

/ Mazzini

and ignores his evergives no clue how

he would have reconciled an all-creating Deity, author therefore of good and evil, with a beneficent and loving Providence. ^He finds the proofs of an actual, objective God, first,

in "

man himself, in the universal intuition of the Divine/ God exists. God lives in our conscience, in the

conscience of Humanity, in the Universe around us. Our conscience calls to him in our most solemn

moments of sorrow and joy. He who would deny God before a starry night, before the graves of his
ones, before the martyr's scaffold, is a very wretched or a very guilty man." /The fact that we aspire to the best and infinite proves that there is

dearest

infinite, that is GodT] And, next, the fact bears witness to an intelligent creator. existence pf God exists because we exist." " Call it God or what

a best and

ou like," he once said, " there is life which we have " ^^^1 hot created, but which is given." The Universe displays him in its order and harmony, in the intelliAnd gent design shown in its working and its law." " " this law is one and immutable." Everything is

236
"
;
*
'

Religion
"
;

" God and law are identical terms preordained " chance has no meaning, and was only invented to

There can be no miracle, nothing supernatural, no possible violation of the laws " that rule the Universe though he realised how big is the unknown of nature, and his rejection of the .supernatural did not prevent him from being a mystic. But God is not only intellect but love, not only Lord His law embraces Humanity as well but Educator. as nature, the moral as well as the physical world. He manifests himself " in the intelligent design, that
express man's ignorance."
;

"

regulates the

life

of

Humanity
"

"

and leads man ever

Everything, from the grain of sand to the plant, from the plant to Man, how then can Humanity be without has its own law

upwards towards
;

perfection.

law ? "/ / Mazzini seems to have recognised the difficulty of reconciling the oneness and eternity of law with an ever-active Providence, which concerned itself, for instance, with present-day problems of democracy and He found a solution in making the law nationality. consist in an inevitable tendency to progress, both in the material and, still more, in the spiritual world. The law of Progress, which perhaps he developed from Lessing, " is a supreme formula of the creative activity, eternal, omnipotent, universal as itself."^ His Progress is not equivalent to evolution.' He formulated it, of so far as I know, he course, before Darwin's day never refers to Darwinism, and probably never studied If he had, it would certainly have been to condemn it. it. But he would have attacked it, not from the scientific side, but on i priori grounds. Progress, he would have said, rules the material world, but it rules
its
' '

Religion
it

237

through the spiritual, by virtue of an inherent God-| implanted tendency and the operation of the human! He would have rejected as derogatory to the will. divine idea an evolution, which results from the He struggle of unthinking and non-moral forces.

condemned unsparingly, as we shall see, the explanation of social facts by the bare brute struggle of
individuals or the development of material

/Progress
lates the
is

is

essentially a moral
self,

phenomena. phenomenon, and postuself-sacrifice.

search, not for

but for

/It

the slow, but necessary, inevitable development of Sometimes, every germ of good, of every holy idea."

"

trapped by the ambiguity of self-realisa" and tion,' speaks of the instinct and necessity, which urges every living being to the fuller development of all the germs, the faculties, the forces, the life within But it is clear that he is always really thinking it." of the development of good alone. God's plan " slowly,
is

indeed, he

'

progressively

makes man
;

divine."
;

Whither Humanity

ultimately goes, no limit to the march


end.

we know not

but

we know

there

is

and every age, every


its

religion,

each new philosophy enlarges

apprehension of the

He
"

doctrine.

curiously dovetails personal immortality into the For the individual soul the process of per-

fecting goes

on beyond the
"

limits of this world.


it

Life

in English) is so short, so full of imperfection, that the soul cannot in its earthly
(as

here-down

he called

And pilgrimage climb the ladder that leads to God. yet intuition and tradition tell us that the ideal will be reached some day, somewhere in words, that
;

almost suggest that he had read the parallel passage in Wordsworth, he speaks of memory as the conscious-

38

Religion
;

ness of the soul's progress up from earlier existences love would be a mockery, if it did not last beyond the

the unity of the race implies a link between grave science teaches there is no the living and the dead He held passionately death but only transformation. to his faith in immortality, and he believed that the dear ones he had lost were watching over him and The individual soul, he bringing his best aspirations. a series of re-incarnations, through thought, progresses each leading it to a more perfect development, and the rapidity of its advance depends on its own purification. /And as the individual has his progress through a series of existences, so collective man progresses
; ;

through the eternal, thy word


yet revealed in
will

ever

human
is

not
its

all

No, God spoken, thy thought not fulness. It still creates, and
generations^^
all

"

create through long ages

beyond the grasp of


that
are
past,

human
revealed
finished.
its final

reckoning.

The

ages,
us.

have

but fragments to

hardly know its time and our discoveries only extend its borders. From age to age it ascends to destinies unknown to us, seeking its own law, of which we read but a few lines. From initiative to initiative, through the series of thy progressive incarnations, it purifies and extends the[formula of Sacrifice ;) it feels for it s ow n way it If^amg f^y f^\\\], ^f^rnalfy pr^gf^^^Y^ " If once we recognised this progressive evolution of religion and morals, there would be no room for pure we should see that an expired form of scepticism faith is not wrong but imperfect, that it needs not

We
;

Our mission is not source, we do not know

end

destroying but supplementing.


into the

human

soul one

Every religion instils more drop of the universal life."

"

Religion

239

But does not this mean fatalism, the same fataHsm, with which he charged the Christian doctrine of redemption, the fatalism, with which he would have If charged the evolutionists, had he known them ? the progress of humanity is preordained, what need for man to use his puny powers? Mazzini met the
True, evil cannot permanently triumph, difficulty thus. God's progress must go on but its quicker or slower " The slow unfolding of realisation is in our hands. history proceeds under the continuous action of two
;

factors, the

scheme,

work of individuals and the providential (^ime and space are ours we can quicken
;

stop it?^ And this, because progress, being essentially a moral phenomenon, must be realised in the world of thought and will,

progress or retard

it,

we cannot

before

it

can be translated into practice.

Mazzini did

not seriously concern himself with the metaphysics of determinism he took the common-sense position that
;

"

no philosophic sophisms," he said, can cancel the testimony of remorse and martyrdom." It depends on a man's choice of good or evil, whether he approaches nearer the ideal in himself, and therefore
the will
is

free

"

whether, so far as his influence


in

lies,

progress

is

realised

Thus, in his strained and inconclusive argument,CGod's providential working is recor^ciled both with human free will and the oneness of la\vj onwards to the great Ideal, the Progress, then " ideal which stands in God, outside and independent of ourselves," which as yet we know but darkly, but which every generation sees more clearly fixed, therefore, and "absolute in the Divine Idea," but " " gradually revealed to man, approached but never " " reached in this life, ever provisional and shifting for
society.
!

240

Religion

us as knowledge grows. /The world is no mere necessary sequence of material phenomena, but a spiritual

stream,

irresistibly

law

or sluggish be its course, flows God.// The existing fact is not the choice between good and evil, heroism, sacrifice
that,

swift

to

are not illusions

the power of
it all,

will,

conscience, the intuition of the ideal, and moral force are ultimate and

The divine design controls mastering spiritual facts. and man has liberty to help God's plan. And he who knows this, knows that "a supreme power
guards the road, by which believers journey towards " their goal," and he will be bold with God through God." The crusaders' cry God wills it is for him, and his are the courage and consistency and power of
*
'

sacrifice, that

come

to those

who know

the side of God.

/ It was

this conviction that

they battle on Mazzini

Young

wished his followers to have, when he pleaded that For " political Italy should be as a religion.
;

religious parties never die till parties fall and die they have conquered."/ 'But how shall man search for the ideal, how learn Mazzini has his answer the providential design?

and conscience," ^ or, as we may translate them, experience and intuition, "are the two wings given to the human soul to reach to truth." First, then, the individual consciousness and that in a two-fold sense. ^ Truth is truth only to the individual, when he apprehends it for himself./ Sometimes Mazzini speaks as if he accepted the whole Protestant doctrine of individual judgment, and in a sense he does.
clear
:

"

tradition

ness

Conscienza'y in Mazzini's use of the word, it covers both 'consciousMazzini himself translated it by * conscience (see and ' conscience.
' ' '

below,

p. 362),

where

'

consciousness

'

would be more accurate.

Religion
Each man must prove by
his

241
consciousness every it be true or not.

own

interpretation of God's law, whether

But this gift of judgment only comes by righteousness. "In moments of holy thought something of the great flood of man's knowledge of God's law may come to To learn it, he must " purify himself every man."
from low passion, from every guilty inclination, from " and truth will come every idolatrous superstition " in the most secret aspirations of the soul, in the instincts of itself, that hover round in supreme hours of affection and devotion." But, though Mazzini does not very clearly distinguish, he seems generally to be thinking of something more. It is for the consciousness not only to apprehend and appropriate for the individual truths already known to the race, but sometimes it is its privilege to spell a new line of God's law. Glimpses of new truth may come to the collective intuition of a people. There are times, when " the spirit of God descends upon the gathered multitudes," and vox populi is vox Dei. /He would deny the right of spiritual discovery to a people enslaved by low, material impulses; but in a nation
;

moved by some

great aspiration,

when thought

strikes

thought, and enthusiasm kindles enthusiasm, there truth will probably be found./ But though in such times of faith and struggle the people has its " great collective intuitions," though sometimes "the pale, " modest star that God has placed in simple bosoms comes nearer truth than genius comes, it is normally for the best and wisest to discover truth. Only men of holy lives and genius are God's " born interpreters " " his apostles, those who love their brethren most and are ready to suffer for their love, and those on whom
;

242
God
that their intellect
is

Religion
gifts

has bestowed surpassing

of intellect, provided

virtuous and desires the good."^ But even such as these can find truth only by interrogating

the dim silent workings of the people's mind.

Light

comes

to

no man by

solitary thinker /' Great men can only spring

own unaided effort and the mistake his own conceit for truth. may
his
;

from a great people/just as an oak, however high it may tower above every other tree in the forest, depends on the soil whence it derives
its

nourishment.

The

soil

must be enriched by countwhether of

less

decaying
or

leaves."
intuition,

But the untested


genius
people,
is

man

of

by

itself

no

sufficient criterion

of truth. Every heresy has a more unerring interpreter

its

There is martyrs. of God's law, known

imperfectly to Catholicism, but neglected by Protestantism and the individualist schools of the day,

rthe consciousness of the race, checked and corrected / and perfected by each succeeding generation, the " ^ " common consensus of the tradition, humanity," not of one school or one religion or one age, but of all the schools and all religions and all the ages " in their succession," for no one man or people or school can presume to discover all the law of God."

most surely in the severe study of the universal tradition, which is life's manifestation in Humanity." Humanity (the conderived from Vico of which to have he seems ception and Herder), " the living word of God," " the collective and continuous being," is " the only interpreter of
seeker after truth will find
it

The

"

God's law."
"

"
is

Humanity," said a thinker of the

last

century,!

man who
truth
*

is

die;

but

the

they

ever learning. thought, the

Individuals

good

they

Pascal.

Religion
wrought,
it,

243
;

is

not lost with them

Humanity garners

and the men who walk over their graves, have Each of us is born to-day in their profit from it. an atmosphere of ideas and beliefs, that are the work of all Humanity before us each of us brings unconsciously some element, more or less valuable, The for the life of Humanity that comes after.
;

education

of Humanity grows like those Eastern pyramids, to which each passer-by adds his stone. We pass, the travellers of a day, called away to comthe education plete our individual education elsewhere Humanity shines by flashes in each one of us,
;

of

but

unveils

its

full

radiance

slowly, progressively,

Humanity, ^^rom one task to another, from one faith to another, step by step
continuously
in

Humanity conquers a
mission,
"

clearer

vision

of

its

life,

its

of

God and

of his

law.'jjr

And

here again

comes strength.
Carlyle,

amount

"It matters little," he replied to that our individual powers be of the smallest we in relation to the object to be attained
;

we

that the powers of millions of men, our brethren, will succeed to the work after us, in the same track,

know

know

that the object

attained, be

it

when

it

may, will be the result of But he who would have

all our efforts combined."

this strength, must needs respect Humanity's tradition, must recognise that the race is more likely to be right than his own poor intellect. He turned angrily on the " barbarian "

schools, that

would sweep away the


;

past,

and create

Humanity anew on some

arbitrary plan.

Humanity

and preachers of new spurns builders of Utopias principles, the masses fervent for some new idea, must prove their beliefs by the infallible test of

244
tradition.

Religion
Mazzini
hardly
recognised

how

difficult

and vague and diverse might be the detailed interpretation of tradition, and he was never very modest
in

making

his

own

inductions.

/He
"

believed

that

immortal elehistory proves that there are certain ments of human nature," education, fatherland, liberty, and the theorist, association, family, property, religion

who

in conflict with God's law./ In the conjunction, then, of these two

offends,

any one of

these,

is

and no otherwise stands the discovery of Neither suffices without the other and therefore Catholicism and Protestantism, each of which had apprehended one alone, are incomplete. Tradition
criteria

the truth.

by itself leads to stagnation intuition alone to chance and anarchy. But " where you find the general permanent voice of humanity agreeing with the voice of your conscience, be sure that you hold in your grasp something with absolute truth, gained and for ever yours."
;

be noted that Mazzini parts himself from the intuitive school, when he admits experience as the surer criterion of truth, when, again, he says that
It will

the intellect
consciousness.
intuitionist

is

in

necessary to verify the instincts of On the other hand he is a pure his conception of the function of

genius, for genius meant with him something other ' ' far than the infinite capacity of taking pains ; it

was a God-given, almost mystical faculty, that saw truth by its own natural, unaided light, that possessed her forcibly, not wooed her timidly. He is an intuitionist again

when he
for

hold, that it that religious


results

is

holds, as obviously he does the pure in heart to see God,

and ethical enquiry depends for its on the cultivation of the moral sense, and

.Religion

245

therefore more on the moral than on the intellectual And, even when he development of the enquirer.
sides

with

the

opposite

school,

it

does

not mean

that he trusts to

any

scientific process of ratiocination.

He has more confidence in the unconscious reasoning, by which the race has gathered its experience, and which allows no room for the errors of the solitary
thinker.
little
'

He

influenced

did not neglect metaphysics, but he was by them, and he would have sided
'

with

the vulgar

'

against

the philosophers.'

/ Mazzini's conception of

Humanity was

essentially

related to his craving for religious

Fighter though he was ever, what the value of "the holy conflict of ideas," he did not see how much in an imperfect age progress depends upon the clash of creeds and conflict of
opinions. that others

and moral unity./ and recognising some-

so weary of debate, so confident must come to the same truth that he had. As far a-y humanity had learnt God's law, all should bow to it and he looked to a true national education to generate this unity of faith.^^/^s unity was the law of God's universe, so unity was the condition of " humanity's advance. Without it there may be move;

He was

ment, but
fore

Thereit is not uniform or concentrated." "the world thirsts for unity," "democracy tends to unity," and every g reat religion must of necessity strive to to^bT be catholic.) But now "discord is everywhere, -^^^^^creeSslhatcurse one another, warring states,
/

class

itself

hatreds, party bitterness, the search for truth It is time to end this a source of conflict. " wasteful strife, and march together, reverently seek-

ing the future city, a

new heaven and a new

earth,

246
which
fears
faith in

Religion
may unite in one, in love of God and man, in a common aim, all those, who tossed between of the present and doubtings of the future, now
and moral anarchy."/' "

stray in intellectual

We

must

found moral unity, the Catholicism of humanity," " the unity of belief that Christ promised for all peoples," " a unity which binds the sects in one sole people of
believers,

and on the churches and conventicles and

chapels raises the great temple, Humanity's Pantheon


to God."

The new
embodiment.

faith, like

the old, must have

its

visible

" Sacred," he said, is the church, but not a false church." At the time of the Roman

"

Republic, a liberal cleric warned the Catholics that if the church did not march with the people, the
!

people would march without the church, aye, outside it and against it." " Against the church, no " Mazzini " we will march from the church of the past replied to the church of the future, from the dead church to
;

church of freemen and equals. for such a church betwixt the Vatican and Capitol." Sometimes he thought that the new church would have its cult, a cult " which would gather believers together in feasts of equality and love," where men of saintly lives would preach And in plain truths of duty and inspire enthusiasm. some undefined way the authority of the church was to be supreme in the state. Gregory VI I. 's principles, he says, were right, but erred in the application.^
the
living,
is

to

the

There

room enough

In the undated
i,

letter,

quoted by Signer Donaver in the Rassegna

1890, he speaks of a reformed Catholic church becoming "the guide of the State and not its servant"; but I think he says rather more than he really felt in order to conciliate an old clerical

Nazionale^ Oct.

friend, to

whom

the letter seems to be addressed.

Relig ion
/"
"
state."
sits
;

247

Religion will be the soul, the thought of the new " Power is one religion, the law of the spirit,
in
;

the seat of government its interpreters, the temporal power, reduce it to practice." / It is true that till men find a common faith, while the existing church
is a church only in name, the state must protect itself by the separation of the two. But the Cavourian free church in a free state means religious indifference and " an atheist law " and a higher order will
*
'

terminate

"

the absurd divorce between the temporal

and spiritual." /In his later years it seems to have been a fixed idea with him to get some kind of state
creed

recognised by the

Italian

parliament.

Some

day "a few men, reverenced for their doctrine and virtue, their intellect and love and sacrifice of self," would form a " supreme Council " for Europe and America, proclaiming new truths and the common duties of the nations while under them would sit
;

national councils to define the several duties of each

He seems to have expected that at first people. these councils would have a voluntary basis outside
the state, but that eventually they would be recognised by law as the supreme international and national

such would be the authoritative And exponents of tradition and control education.
authorities, and, as

the world

this reconciliation of the spiritual and temporal would find that real authority, of which it

For authority in itself was a good and an evil thing and on the wreck of the existing pot of Iivith phantasms authority, another would arise, democratic, based on the common will, loving liberty and progress, with virtue to initiate and inspire, the unexhausted fountain of reform, correlating and organising
Stood in need.
;

248

Religion

men's various labours for the commonwealth. For such an authority " the world is ever searching, and save in it and through it, it has no life or progress." / one which in its time must );n"hat the new religion, would come, he had no doubt>/ He looked pass too, for the day when a Council of the best and wisest (whether or not identical with the supreme European

would define the articles of the new faith. It " might be a truly Oecumenical Council of virtuous intellects," or it might spring from one //free people, which had found brotherhood in the worship of duty and the ideal." It was the dream of his life that this faith would issue forth from Rome, Rome, the only city to whose authority Europe had bowed, Rome, the seat of the old false religion, whose fall must come ere the new one could arise. /But, whatever were the more impatient hopes of earlier years, he came to see that the dawn was yet afar. Long missionary labours must come first. Still, the time, he thought, was ripe at all events for a " church of the precursors," and gladly he would have led its builders. In younger days, when the deliverance of Italy seemed near, he prayed that God would let him give the rest of life to
council)

the greater work. /Afterwards,


its

when the new

Italy

coming, and age and weakness came ere delayed the first task was done, the dream of a missionary call faded slowly away, to be cherished to the end as the
great unfulfilled ambition of his Hfe.^

Chapter

XIV

Duty
Morality depends on an Ideal
Utilitarianism

Criticism of the theory of Rights and Happiness not the end of Life a mission Work for the sake of Duty Thought useless without action Power of the principle of Duty Duties to self family country.
life
is
; ;

On

this religious
ethics,

code of

foundation Mazzini constructed his


its

Christian, very Christian in


in
its

spirit,

essentially

application ; the noblest morality that has sought to answer to the needs of a democratic society. The law of Progress judges all
action
lies in

modern

by the Ideal, and the sole standard of conduct what a man does that the Ideal may be better realised in himself and others. Without the recog-ni-

tion of such a universal law, demanding their cooperation and conformity, there can be no common rule for

men
its

line of

lere
lere

becomes the resultant of clashing interests advance, if advance there be, depends upon chance. True education is impossible, because is no consensus on its aim we come to value
life
;

he complained that Carlyle did, not by its goodness, but by its energy and persistence, whether it be to or evil ends. good Everywhere in actual life,
laracter, as

the neglect of the Ideal

means worship of brute


better
state.

force,

cowardly acquiescence
of
all

in the existing fact, the

striving

for

But

absence with the

250

Duty
men of good guide his individual actions a common end and
;
;

apprehension of the Ideal and of the Divine law, three Every man has a things follow, incentive to progress.
rule

to

will will associate their efforts for

they can appeal to a supreme, positive lav/ against those who break it. "In the consciousness of your law of life, which is the law of God, stands the foundation of your morality, the rule of your actions and your "If there duties, the measure of your responsibility." be no Mind supreme over all human minds, who can
save us from the caprice of our fellows, should they If there be no chance to be stronger than ourselves ?

and inviolable, not created by man, what standard can we find to judge whether an act be just In the name of whom or what can we or not?
law, sacred

protest against oppression and inequality? God, we have no other law but Fact."

Without

Mazzini lived too soon to have to meet a school


that denied morality, as that school is developed toBut he found a numerous and powerful school, day. that built morality on what he believed to be radically

wrong foundations.

The theory

of Rights, since the

precursors of the French Revolution popularized it, had dominated Liberal thought, except for a handful It had of thinkers, Lamennais, Carlyle, Emerson.

temporary value, as the necessary rebellion against fatalism and immobility and privilege. " " it finally It destroyed the empire of necessity " God's that so asserted the dignity of the individual,
had, he owned,
its
;

might appear, ready to work, radiant with power and will." "Only, it stopped short of God," Its work was to for the ideal was hidden from it for an age that needed a destroy, and it was unfitted
creature

Butyconstructive code of ethics.

ls

Mazzini included Utilitarianism in his condemnation, as a mere variant of

He knew that Bentham repudiated the the principle. but Bentham's criticism, he thought, was connection aimed at Blackstone and the theorists of an imaginary
;

compact, not at a system, which based itself on the d The spirit and the priori claims of the individual. in same both schools. Bentham were the consequences

and the French alike appealed to the getting side of man and not the giving both thought of the indi;

vidual in his self-regarding rather than in his social neither had an ideal or any imperative aspect
;

men both neglected the strongest enthusiasm and love and to right action, im.pulses sense of duty. They supplied no guide for conduct
binding law for
;

they gave no definition of happiness, nor therefore of what men's rights should be, and left each individual
to interpret them by his own fancy. They gave no answer to the question, For what are men to use their liberty? though on the answer depended the Thus happiness, left without a whole value of rights.

theory of

life's

purpose to define

it,

slided easily into


"

the satisfaction of man's lower part.


fall, happiness suicide of the noblest elements of them go, like Faust, to seek

Any

will

make men

soon or
life's

theory of late, into the


nature, will
elixir in the

human

^Bnake

Man's material interests must indeed ^iritch's kitchen." but not for their own sake they were cared for, ^Be
;

^ftnly instruments

to

higher

ends

they

must

be

^Satisfied because, education and a decent home, the moral life has room to grow. If they became the end and not the means, led to torpor of the nation's soul, to the paralysis they

only when men have

leisure

and

52
that comes,

Duty

when men care for power and money only, and a country measures its greatness by its riches and brute strength. The whole position was a false one. No moral theory could work, that made happiness the end of life. The Utilitarians mistook the incident of
spiritual side of man, his social instincts, his yearnings after righteousness,

the journey for the end.

The

the pure uncalculating love that gives up life for duty, " all were outside their scheme. Martyrdom Your
!

theory has no inheritance in


logic
;

it.

Jesus escapes your

Socrates, if

you are

consistent,

must seem

to

you, as Plato did to Bentham, a sublime fool." Why should men die for their fellows, why suffer prison, exile, poverty, if happiness be the end of life ? Why

should they
tion?

toil on, knowing they would not see their labour's fruits, to make life better for a future genera-

Thus the theory supplied no


action.

principle

of moral
of
a

rights

You cannot, he would say, by any theory make men unselfish. He knew that when

thinks of happiness, he will not be impartial between his own happiness and other men's, that
directly he balances his
fellows,

man

rights

against those of his

however unconsciously, weight the scales in his own favour. It was impossible, he on utilitarian thought, principles to make men work
he
will,

for the

happiness of the many.

The

principle at once

sets

thinking on the selfish side, and makes them " dole their good deeds with a thrifty hand. You have " the rich he that man," said, taught society was constituted only to assure his rights, and you ask him then to sacrifice them all for the advancement of a class, with which he has no ties either of affection or

men

Duty
custom.

53
call

He

refuses.

Will you

him bad

Why

He is only logical." Mazzini should he consent? often quoted the fate of fellow-revolutionists, who began life with generous impatience to fight the wrong,
but
"

when

failure

came and

disillusion, could self

not say

farewell

to

joy,

and balanced

he

scepticism twined its serpent coils " saw that saddest of all things, the slow death of

and duty, till around them," and

a soul."
friend

any

For God's sake," he wrote to an English on the education of his son, " do not teach him Benthamite theory about happiness either in-

"

dividual or collective.

A creed of individual happiness


:

would make him an egotist

a creed of collective

He happiness will reach the same result soon or late. will perhaps dream Utopias, fight for them, whilst young then, when he will find that he cannot realise
;

rapidly the dream of his soul, he will turn back to himself and try to conquer his own happiness sink " into egotism." Christ taught another way. When
:

he came and changed the face of the world, he did not speak of rights to the rich, who had no need to win them, nor to the poor, who would perhaps have He did not imitated the rich and abused them.
speak of
utility or self-interest to

a race corrupted
;

by

and utility. He spoke of Duty he spoke of Love and Sacrifice and Faith he said that he only should be first, who had helped all men by his works. And when these words were whispered in the ear of a dead society, they gave it life, they won the millions, they won the world, and advanced the education of mankind one step onward.
self-interest
;

And,

as'

final

solved nothing.

the theory of rights criticism, Mazzini did not waste argument on

54

Duty

the automatic identity of public and private interests. Rights jostled against rights, the happiness of one man

or one class against another's. The theory could not reconcile them or make peace between the jarring

war not of blood but of gold and trickery ; less manly than the other kind of war but equally destructive ; a ruthless war, in which the strong inevitably crush the weak and
interests
;

rather,

it

made

war,

"

attacked the whole economy of which made the workman's condition depend not on equity, but on the mere brute conflict of opposing rights, and resulted, he believed, of What good were necessity in the workman's defeat. rights to men, who were too poor or ignorant to use them ? " Why do I speak to you of your duties " before I speak to you of your rights ? he said to Italian working men in 1847. Because, he answered,
inexperienced."
free

He

contract,

the theory of rights has triumphed for half a century, liberty has increased, wealth has multiplied, but the condition of the people grows steadily worse in almost

every country.
Mazzini's criticism was aimed at

Bentham

had he

read the later Utilitarians, as apparently he never did, he would no doubt have owned that some of his

Happiness arguments had no application to them. implies a definition of happiness, and therefore an and that ideal may be as high as was Mazzini's ideal He made a theoretical mistake in not disown. tinguishing between the object and the motive of life though, apart from this, he would have said that the desire of others' good must be, not, as in the Utilitarian But theory, one of life's motives, but ^/le motive. he was always..essentially a moralist, whose business
;
;

Duty
was
to
find

^55

practical,

conduct.

He knew

that

popular, effective rule of the search for happiness

nieant the search for pleasure, "^rtH that the search for " " that impotence and nothingness pleasure ends in
;

the difficulty

is

not so

much
in
;

to

make men know


rate

the
the

good, as
this if

to

make them

actual conduct

higher good above the lower

and that they will not do happiness is their object, since the average man will then prefer the immediate and easy happiness to the remoter and more difficult, still less will sacrifice his own happiness for that of others. " I should like," he
"

says,

to look for the

mother's
tion.

advice

to

her

answer to the problem in a good child. There you would


as a basis of educa-

certainly find utility

condemned
that, if

happiness were made the object of life down here, life almost always would As for the inbe only too much a bitter irony."
dividual, so for the
for pleasure

Mothers know

many and to bid the masses seek without reference to the higher ends of life, was to lay up bitterness and vanity for them and And no hedonism, no theory of evil for the nation. rights, could supply an operating rule for conduct Perhaps he underrated the value of the sense of individual rights, and did not see how in an imperfect society, where nobler rules are faint or wanting, it may
;

give strength to

human

dignity and

kill

the slave and

coward

But he knew that it could not make men. them live and work for others. He had gone through it all in his own experience he had had unsurpassed
in
;

opportunities for judging the springs of action in other men, and he knew that there was nothing here to
inspire to steady, strenuous social service.

And

so he

met the theory with an uncompromising

56
"

Duty

Man has one right only, to be free repudiation of it all. from obstacles that prevent the unimpeded fulfilment of his duties." Life is no search for happiness, whether
"by railway
wise.
"

shares, selfishness, contemplation," or other-

is not the greatest possible happiness, but, as Carlyle said, the greatest possible nobleness." " Pain and happiness, ill fortune and good are incidents

Our aim

of the journey. When the wind blows and the rain falls, the traveller draws his cloak closer round, presses his hat on his head, and prepares to fight the storm.

Anon
clouds, smiles

the storm leaves him, the sunshine breaks the and warms his frozen limbs the traveller
;

and blesses God. change his journey's end ?

"

But do rain or sunshine The end was something

other far than happiness. | Mazzini looked for a principle that would rate the moral above the material,
altruism above selfishness, humanity above the individual something that would reconcile where Rights
;

divided, that would make men reach to an ideal, and " must find an by it live and die for others.

We

educative principle, to guide men to better things, to teach them constancy in sacrifice, to bind them to
their brothers without

one man's theory or on the brute


munity.

making them dependant on any force of the comWe must convince This principle is Duty.

men
]

carry out one law, himself but others,

that they, sons of one God, have here on earth to that each of us must live not to

that the end of

life is

not to have

/
j

of happiness but to make ourselves and that to fight injustice and error, everyothers better, where, for our brothers' good, is not a right only but a duty, duty we may not without sin neglect, duty

more or

less

\ that lasts long as

life."

"

Life

is

a mission," the

call

Duty
that
"

257
J

comes to every man to make the ideal real. was given you by God, that you might use it that you might so direct for the profit of Humanity that individual faculties, they will develop your your brothers' faculties, that by your work you might add something to the collective work of bettering men and " Life is a war with evil we cannot finding Truth."
Life
; ;

\
j

we can wage undying battle To with it, and everlastingly weaken its dominion." such God's Providence has called us. The divine plan
root
it

out

down

here, but

needs our conscious


of conduct.
in
all

that rules the Universe,

it, and the law, becomes a positive binding law Man's bounden duty is everywhere and

efforts to assist

which
Ties,

things to forward the progress of humanity, " is written in God's law. The supreme virtue

is sacrifice,

to think, work, fight, suffer, where our lot not for ourselves but others, for the victory of
evil."

good over

God demands
is

the whole of man.


itself

Negative, inactive

lies on earth, goodness among our fellow-men, in the busy, throbbing life around us, not in some vain selfish search for spiritual " Rest is immoral. satisfaction. There is here-down and there ought to be no rest." Our business is to make men and their surroundings better, not live for

nothing by

Our duty

ourselves
solitary

in

self-absorption

or

aesthetic

ecstasy

or

That is none other than thought and prayer. " the search for happiness in subtle shape. The earth is our workshop we may not curse it, we must hallow " it" God has placed you here on earth he has set around you millions of beings like yourselves, whose march keeps pace with yours, whose life finds sustenance in your life. He willed to save you from the
;
;

258
perils

Duty

needs,

of solitary existence, and therefore gave you which by yourselves you cannot satisfy, mastering social instincts, which are only latent in the

brute creation and which distinguish you from it. He this world, that has placed this world around you, you call Matter, glorious in its beauty, teeming with life, life, which, remember, everywhere displays God's finger, but expects your work upon it and multiplies

its

He

powers according as your activities are multiplied. has planted in you inextinguishable sympathies,

them that mourn, joy for them that laugh, wrath against the oppressors of God's creatures, the And you," he is importunate searching for the truth.
pity for
" addressing the pietists, deny and despise those marks of your mission that God has lavished round you, you

lay a curse upon his manifestations, when you bid us concentrate our strength in a work of inward purificaa work imperfect and impossible to the man tion,

is

who
life.

alone."
is

There

is

no

virtue in the cloistered

nothing worse than depression, nothing more enervating than self-contemplation." " We are and here not to contemplate but to transform nature self almost always lies at the bottom of contemplation. The world is not a spectacle, it is a field of battle, where all, who love the Just, the Holy, the Beautiful, must bear their part, be they soldiers or generals, con" Do not analyse," he once querors or martyrs,"
;

There

"

wrote " do not light Psyche's lamp to examine and Do good around you preach what anatomise life. the truth and act accordingly then be believe to you
;
: ;

go through life, looking forward." Nor will God's servants take thought for their
salvation.
"

own

God

will

not ask

'

us,

What

hast thou

Duty
done
"

259
'

for

thy own soul

'

but

What

hast thou done

for the souls of others, the sister-souls I

gave thee

'

"

We cannot rise to God save by our brothers' souls, and we must make them better and more pure, even
" When I hear men say, though they ask us not." There is a just man,' I ask, How many souls are
* '

? And again, the mere passive love and apprehension of the truth are no fulfilling of God's

saved by him
law.

'

"

Even

the preaching of truth avails not, unless


"

the preacher strive for it in his daily life. and action," so he never wearied of insisting,

Thought must go
It
is
;

hand
"

in

hand.

"

What good
them
in

are

ideas,"
?

he asked,
"

you incarnate enough that thought


unless
thinker's
life

deeds
it

"

not
the

be grounded

on truth
;

must

visibly express

in his acts

there

must be an ever living harmony between mind and " morals, between the idea and its application." Every thought, every desire of good, which we do not, come what may, seek to translate into action, is a sin. God thinks in working, and we must, at a distance, copy The great men of earth, of whom Jesus was him." the prototype, were those who wrought as well as
thought,

missionaries, politicians, martyrs, as well as


;

such men as Aeschylus poets and philosophers and Dante, Pythagoras and Savonarola and Michelmost of them, he loved to think, Italians. angelo, The great nation was that, whose thought was fruitful in great action, which to high ideals linked noble " deeds and taught its sons to work and die. He who sunders faith from works, thought from action, the moral man from the practical or political man, is not

in

truth religious.

He

breaks the chain that binds

earth

and heaven."

26 Q
Therefore
fear

Duty
are

we
all

called

ceasing and with


praise of

to work, work without our power, putting behind us

and thought of self and looking for results or men work all the more, when evil is strong around us and the way of truth is dark work, if need The law of sacrifice, which be, even unto death.
;
;

Christ left us for our heritage, finds its highest, best ex" Life and death," he replied, pression in martyrdom. when attacked for sending young Italians to their

doom

are both sacred two angels of God, ministering alike to a higher end, the victory of truth and justice." Men may do more by their
in insurrection,
:

"

deaths than by their lives, and the memory of those, who die in the service of their fellows, may inspire

"It is not generations and win a country's freedom. enough to follow the instincts of the heart," he wrote " to an impulsive youth, not enough to let the enthusiasm of a good nature impel you to a good This is the career of men of deed now and again. The impulse,' who are one degree lower than men.'
'

admiration of the Beautiful, the Great, the Divine, that I ask of you, must be constant in every hour, in every act." may work from love, while it is given us

We

but when love grows cold and enthusiasm fails and the damp night of doubt and disappointment settles " " must be the simple knowledge of duty down, " You must there, to bid us work and for ever work. do good," he told another, " for the sake of goodNor may we ask to see our work's ness only."
results.

Results will

come
see

to the race,
little

if

not to the
;

individual.

Men may

fruit

of their labours
in

the

individual's

disappointment.

struggles may But the race

end

vanity

and
the

profits

from

Duty
seeming waste.
"face
to
face

261
who
loses
is left

The

individual,

by himself
as
"

with infinity,"

courage,

he

complained that Carlyle did,


cism and misanthropy."

he remembers that all Humanity is working to one end he will know that it is not success that matters,
will

and But he

slides into

scepti-

not

faint, if

but effort in the right direction. our strength but our intentions."

have victory, salute and bless of Martyrdom and Victory are brothers, and both spread their wings above the cradle of your future " life." You may succeed or not," he wrote to a
parliamentary
candidate
^
;

God measures not Where you cannot martyrdom. The angels


"

"

"
is

that
to

is

not

the

vital

to ; question question. stand on the ground of a principle, whilst almost everybody makes life a thing of tactics and com*

The

work manfully

promises."

But,

when a man has

listened to the call of

God,

sober, that nothing else can give. the Divine nature a spark of
will

and purged

his soul of self, and given himself to duty, his is the power persistent, fearless duty,

For duty
its

"

borrows from

omnipotence."

Men
will

not die for rights


all

they

will for duty.

They
toil

not give up
it

that

makes

life

pleasant, brave
;

danger and opprobrium,


for

for self-interest

they

will

and do

a principle.

people fight

Onl^ a sense of duty^^makes a through "aira^(Saer.aEQn&^ freedom,

Therefore he, iKaEjSnly their children' can enjoy. who would rouse men to noble deeds, and lift them to sacrifice and heroism, whether it be in the small things
of
revolution,
*

commonplace citizenship or in the fiery trial of a must call them in the name of duty. Again
Mr
Peter Taylor in
tlie

Newcastle election, 1859.

262

Duty

he appealed to the great example. " Jesus sought not to save a dying world by criticism. He did not speak of interests to men whom the worship of interests had poisoned with selfishness. He asserted in God's name unknown before and those few holy principles which centuries we, eighteen after, are still principles,
;

seeking to translate into facts, changed the face of the world. One spark of faith accomplished what all the sophisms of philosophers had had no glimpse of, a

step forward in the education of mankind." Mazzini probably never asked himself what was the ultimate sanction of his code and, if he had been
;

pushed to it, it is not easy to surmise what answer he would have given. He could hardly have found the
sanction in the positive commandment of the Deity, for he held that the will of God was revealed only

through humanity, and this transfers the sanction to another ground. Nor, even had he been familiar with them, would he have based the principle on evolu-

community will survive, which contains the greatest number of self-sacrificing in-

tionary arguments, the race, that that

that

altruism

is

necessary

to

He would have assented to the facts, but he would probably have said that no theory of heredity or race selection can explain the origin of altruism, which is a personal, conscious, self-generated sense, which therefore cannot come from any natural,' unconscious source. Nor, again, would he have said,
dividuals.
'

as a Utilitarian

might

say, that the life of

duty

is

the

highest form of happiness, that there is a sense in which altruism and egoism are identical, because he mosti
tastes fruition,

who

loses himself in love


is

and work

forj
I

other men.

There

a truth in

this,

that Mazzini

Duty
neglected
;

263

he sometimes forgot that Christianity was an Evangel, good tidings of great joy, that, so long as love and enthusiasm and the martyr's passion possess a man, so far as he has attained to the glorious

liberty of the children of

highest happiness.

God, the life of duty is the But he knew only too well that
will

gloom and depression fails, duty becomes a


will

come,

that,

when

the light

stern taskmaster,

and that no

principle of happiness (in

any acceptation of the word)


faithful to his mission.

keep a

man

always

And

so he would almost certainly have fallen back on the " conscience, as the ultimate moral sanction. Life," he
"

says,

is

a march onwards to
'

Self,

through collective
'

Perfecting to the progressive realisation of an Ideal." Whether he had called it self-realisation or any less

ambiguous name, he would have come to the position that a man feels that he owes it to himself to strive for the best he knows, to do his duty for duty's sake,' that he must justify his thoughts and actions to himself his unsophisticated self, that, if not, he will feel remorse and guilt. The practical value of any system of ethics depends on whether it appeals to the sanction in the mind itself,' to feelings familiar to the mass of would-be moral men. To such the direct appeal to conscience has more weight than all the arguments of
*

theologians or utilitarians.
_In his essay on The Duties^ of Man and elsewhere Mazzini enumerates the various spheres of duty. man's duties begin with himself, not from any self-

regarding

motive, but because as is a man's own kvorthiness, so is his power to help his country or

nankind.

Never was one more passionate

for personal

264
holiness.
*

Duty
Be good, be
good,'
is

that runs through

the recurring theme and writings political aspira" tions. There is only one end, the moral progress of man and humanity." " You must labour all your life," he wrote to a young Italian, " to make your own self " a temple to the Ideal, to God." To draw near to
all his

God, purifying our conscience as a temple, sacrificing this is our mission. To make ourselves is of this the order the which must be the better, day, rule and consecration of our work." All his labours for his country had the supreme end in view, that Italian men and women should lead godly lives. " Make yourselves better," he said to Italian working
self for love,

show how little of the demagogue him, this must be the object of your Preach virtue, sacrifice, and love to the classes life. above you and be yourselves virtuous and prepared for sacrifice and love. You must educate and perfect as well as educate and perfect others." yourselves
in words, that

men

there

was

in

"

dear; to hifn was the

man's next duties are to his family. Dear, very life of family, which he in his self-

forgetfulness

had put

aside.

"

The only pure

joys,

sadness, that it is given men to enjoy on are Outside it " men may the earth, joys of Family." find brief joys and comforts, but not the supreme com-

unmixed with

the calm as of a peaceful lake, the calm of trustful The sleep, the child's sleep on its mother's breast."
fort,

family is an eternal element of human life, more durable even than country; and the true man will make his family the centre of his life, never wandering

True love is " tranquil never neglecting it. The resigned, humble," as Dante's love for Beatrice. " wife will be the equal of her husband, she who is the!
from
it,

Duty
reflex for the individual of the loving

265
Providence that
repudiated

watches over humanity."


artificial

Mazzini
;

any

but their differing assimilating of the sexes There functions were equally sacred and necessary. man over must be therefore no superiority of woman,

man must "Ho' inequality, domestic or political. in his not his make his wife comrade, joys and only love He must and work. in his sorrows, but thoughts
his children with
"

Humanity

and

a true, deep, severe love." Beford God children are the most awful

"

responsibility that

a
so

human being can


he

have."

"

It

us," quoted depends " whether our children turn out men or brutes." But the family, that shuts itself within its own small It was circle, betrays its God-appointed function. made to be a school of service for humanity, and teach jnen to be citizens. The egoisme a deux, that forgets " blind, nerveless, unreasoncountry and mankind, the

on

from Lamennais,

ing love of children, that is selfishness in the parents and destruction for them," betray the family's glorious " Few mothers or fathers, in this irreligious prerogative.

age of ours, and especially among the well-to-do classes, understand the gravity and sacredness of their educational duties."

Terrible to their country are the fruits

of

the selfishness taught by weak mothers and careless fathers, who let their children regard life not as a duty

"

and mission, but as a search


their

for pleasure

and a study of

true parent will teach his well-being." children not only to be good, but to be patriots, loving
their country,
"

own

The

honouring its great men will teach them not hatred of oppressors but an earnest looking forward to fight oppression," will make them reverent to true
;

authority, but rebels against false.

There

is

danger,

2 66
he says,
in Goethe's

Duty
maxim
*
:

do the duty that

lies

nearest thee.'

him, so it may lead others into a moral solitude, where the cry of humanity comes not. It is so easy in happy life of family, in absorption in
one's special work, to forget the duties of a citizen, to avoid the fret and stress, may-be the hardships and the

As

danger, of politics and social duty. But it is not enough " kind towards their friends, affectionate for men to be
in their families, inoffensive

towards the rest of the

world."

The

true

responsibility for
citizens.

man knows that he may not decline those, whom God has made his fellow;

And higher still, higher than family or stands Humanity and no man may do or country, sanction aught for either, which will hurt the race. Ever before Mazzini stood the vision of the cross,
Christ dying for all men, not from utilitarian calculation of the greatest number, but because love embraces all.

Chapter

XV

The
The moral law and
education
is

State
:

Sovereignty in GodDemocracyThe ment The republic The ideal


state.

the state Duties of the state

liberty, association,

ideal govern-

In politics, as for the individual, the moral law, so Mazzini taught, must reign supreme. "The end of moral law is to the to the civil apply organisapolitics The state exists for the sake of tion of a country." its one and only final object is to help the morality moral growth of the men and women within its
;

borders, help it through all the countless influences that society exercises on the individual. Morality is
largely determined by environment ; and the state must so fashion the environment, that the moral life " You canmay ever flourish more abundantly in it.

not found the brotherhood of Christ, where ignorance and misery, servility and corruption on the one side

and culture, riches, power on the other prevent any Men will not understand mutual esteem and love. the virtue of sacrifice, where money is the sole foundation of individual security and independence." How
can they train their children to true patriotism, when a debased conception of it rules, and all around them men and women are thinking of their private gain and
pleasure
?

How train

them

to perfect honesty, "

when

^7

268

The

State

tyranny and espionage compel men to be false or " silent on two-thirds of their opinions ? How to de" where gold alone buys honours, influspise money, ence, respect, nay, is all that stands between them and " " the caprice and insults of their masters ? Take a for instance," he says, writing in the worst days man, of working-class depression, " who labours hard from fourteen to sixteen hours a day to obtain the bare necessities of existence he eats his bacon and potatoes (when indeed he can get them) in a place which might rather be called a den than a house and then, worn he is brutalised in a moral out, lies down and sleeps and physical point of view he has not ideas but pronot beliefs but instincts he does not read, pensities, he cannot read. How can you come at him, how
;
;

kindle the divine spark that is torpid in his soul, how who life, to him, life, of sacred knows it only by the material labour that crushes

give the notion of

him and by the wages that abase him ? How will you give him more time and more energy to develop his faculties except by lessening the number of hours of labour and increasing his profits? How, above all, will you raise his fallen soul aud give him the consciousness of his duties and his rights, except by
his
initiation
"

into

citizenship
it

in

other words,

the

suffrage ? there is
political

Some day
life

will

when through them men have closer communion with one another, then family and property and country and humanity will become
for
all,

family function

and

" When be otherwise. property, education and

more sacred
stretched

to

them

all.

When

Christ's arms,

still

upon the martyr's cross, are freed to clasp humanity in one embrace, when earth has no more

The

State

269

brahmins and pariahs, masters and servants, but only men, then shall we worship with far other faith and other love God's holy name." There are, in the main, three ways, by which the state can foster the moral life of the citizens^^^Jicst of all^t must s ecure liberty no t that l iberty is an end
;

itsdi5t3ecause_it^lTTHe^ecess2^ condition of There can be no mofality"wtth'out remorality. sponsibility, no responsibility without liberty to choose between good and evil, between social service and selfin

Liberty is necessary to true progress, for a progress that is imposed from above and not freely the whole programme of accepted by the people,
interest.

no change in character, paternal despotism, and therefore is " a soulless form," which cannot live. Only the freeman, who owns no lord but God, can
attain to his full spiritual stature. Where liberty is is to a life reduced The not, simple organic function.
"

works

man, who allows his liberty to be violated, betrays his Thus nature, and rebels against God's decrees." there are certain fundamental liberties, which not even

own

" a democracy may legitimately infringe. No majority, no force of the community may take from you what makes you men." These liberties include, save in rare

exceptions, "all that

and materially,"

personal liberty, religious liberty, unof qualified liberty speech and press, liberty of associaof all of them liberties, without tion, liberty trade,

is

indispensable to feed

life

morally

which men cannot choose their sphere of duty, without which society is destined to waste or stagnation. It will be noticed that Mazzini omits not only of immoral action, however self-regarding,' but liberty that has an anti-social tendency. He did any liberty
'

270

The

State

not admit, for instance, any absolute right of property, and, as we shall see, limited the right of bequest, and advocated severe taxation to check great inequalities
Theoretically he believed that government should possess very wide powers. But on the whole, when we come to the details of his social programme,^

of fortune.

is the Liberal one and (always excepting he stood education) against any great extension of state interference. It was not from any love of individualism and free competition he hated them as fatal to spiritual unity and true citizenship, anarchical, fatal to the welfare of the masses. But he wished the higher order to evolve, not from compulsion, which left the moral sense untouched, not by the force of the majority or of a despotism, but through a moral growth, which carried the community willingly and consciously towards a better state. The liberty to do good would

his position

become through education the

liberty of doing good. This meant, as we shall see, that he allowed no liberty in education, for moral education must be uniform and therefore removed from individual choice. But this encroachment on liberty once made for the sake of a common morality, for the sake of that same morality he desired liberty in most other spheres of
civil life.

But
for the

liberty is not enough.

By

itself, it
is
?

is

a mirage

masses of mankind. " What for the man without capital or credit

liberty of trade What are free

opportunities of education for him who has no time for " Only Association can make liberty a reality study ?
for the masses, or allow

assert

new elements of progress to themselves, or save the waste that comes of


^

See below, pp. 292-294.

The

State
Nay

271
more, association

isolated or conflicting labours.

gives the sense of brotherhood, the spiritual strength,


others' work, from merging " Association a bigger cause. it makes the hundred fold a multiplies your strength it raises, ideas and progress of other men your own betters, hallows your nature with the affections of the

that

comes from sharing


action
in

individual

human

As family and its growing sense of unity." Progress is the great intellectual discovery of the modern world, so Association is its new-found instruThus association must be dear to the state as ment.
;

and provided that any particular and public, and respects elementary liberties, and has no immoral end in view, the state must allow it perfect freedom.
individual liberty
is

association

peaceful

Thus the second duty of the


association

state

is

and harmonise

it

with

liberty

to encourage to give
;

society the originating power of the latter, the effective Both are " equally necessary strength of the former.
to the end,

which

is

progress," both

"

essential to the

On any sound development of society." theory, the two principles postulate one another. There can be no association except among free men,
orderly
since true association implies a conscious recognition

and acceptance of the

object. Liberty is meaningless without association, because the individual, for all his freedom, is powerless unless he combine with others.

laissez-faire

Mazzini carefully dissociated himself alike from the school and a despotic state socialism. The state must encourage combination, but may do The members of an association nothing to compel it. must be unfettered as to its nature and object and

methods (always provided that they are

legitimate),

272
must be
"

The

State

free to take up or resign their membership. Sacred to us is the individual sacred is society. We do not mean to destroy the former for the latter and found a collective tyranny nor do we mean to admit the rights of the individual independently of
;
;

society,

We

and consign ourselves to perpetual anarchy? want to balance the operations of liberty and
noble harmony."
"

association in a
'

The

republican

formula is everything in liberty through association.' " Mazzini did not seriously concern himself with the abstract relations of the individual and society probably
;

it

seemed

to

him a meaningless

admitted no real

His theory between them. A man's antagonism


dispute.

true individuality lies not in self-assertion but in the recognition of his duty to his fellows. This recognition

necessarily makes friction impossible between himself and them, and reconciles the individual and society, liberty and association, in a common national aim. Liberty then becomes the higher liberty, not the mere power of refusing evil, but "the power of choosing between the different ways that lead to good." Association becomes the economical direction of the country's forces to a known and common end. It is the function

of the state, a function it alone can execute, to instil the sense of duty into all its members and make that sense of duty work towards a common ideal. This it

must do through national education, and education thus becomes the state's third and weightiest task. In
Mazzini's conception education goes far beyond the imparting of knowledge or even the drawing out of
character.
It is

the inspiration of a national faith, the

moulding of the soul to great principles of life and It is, next to religion from which it derives, the duty.

The

State

273

great binding and harmonising element in a nation, merging individual wills in a common consensus, de-

stroying party friction and class struggle and sectarian faction, and sweeping a united country onward to the
If it had been objected that fulfilment of its destinies. the result would be destructive of independence and originality of thought, he would probably have answered

that the

operations,

same spirit does not prevent diversities of and that true originality is better promoted

discipline than by license. Certainly, as his theory of genius shows, he set a very high value on originality. Let thought, he would have said, be free and wide as

by

air,

but without community of aim

it

wastes

itself,

and

the state must prevent that waste. Thus there is no true country without a national education, compulsory

and

free.

Voluntary education has

its

necessity under

a political or spiritual despotism, but it leads to moral anarchy, and religious democracy cannot tolerate false The country must have " the teaching of its children.

moral direction of the young."

"

It

is

ridiculous to

allow every citizen the right to teach his own programme, and refuse the nation the right to transmit
its.^^i-'^'Once,

when discussing the matter with a friend, the question was put to him, "If two states had arrived at an equal stage of education, the one by national and

the other by voluntary schools, which would be the " " " finer nation ? But, my dear," he answered, that is
to be an atheist."

The

national education

fore express the national faith

must thereand aim, and give " the

moral unity, which is far more important than material It is not at all clear how he unity." proposed to
ascertain this national faith.

curious proposal

"
;

For England, he had a " you ought," he said to Jovvett, to

74

The

State

mind of the people by making enquiries of the clergy and others what they believed, and when you have ascertained the national mind, you should
ascertain the

express it in education." In the future Italy he sometimes thought that it would be embodied in a national
principles, drafted by a Constituent But more generally he seems to have distrusted the capacity of the democracy to voice the full faith, and he probably reserved it to the spiritual power under the new religion to enunciate its

declaration

of

Assembly.

articles.
all events national education implied above all moral education, the moral education which is as a holy communion with all our brothers, with all the

At

else
"

generations that lived, and therefore thought and wrought If before us."^ This, he laments, "is anarchy now."
if it is left to the parents, it is often neglected or bad to the teachers, clerical or lay, it too frequently instils either superstition or materialism, or at all events it has no uniformity. Mazzini intended to write a book on
;

if he had done so, we should know more, education of the agencies, through which he proposed to give! Bakounine once asked him, what, if! moral teaching. he had got his republic, he would do to make the
;

" people really free. Mazzini replied, Establish schools, in which the duties of man, sacrifice, and devotion would be taught." He had a skeleton programme as a basis " a course of nationality, including of citizen training, a summary picture of the progress of humanity, national

history,
In the tion," but
^

and a popular statement of the principles which


letter referred to
it

is

clear that

on p. 246 note, he calls it ** religious educahe did not intend the expression in its usual

The

State
;

275

" rule the country's legislation that this gave all he wanted.

He

but one cannot think probably counted

and especially on the courses no doubt explains his strong dislike of professors, whose teaching seemed to smack of materialism, his indictment of the eclecticism, which
universities,
;

more on the

of philosophy

and

this

allowed different schools to be represented in the chairs. a particular animus against German professors and German philosophy. He blamed the appointment

He had

he was very angry that Hegel of Germans at Oxford " was taught at the university of Naples. One fine " we will sweep out all that stuff." day," he wrote,
;

What form
monise
it

of government was best calculated to

attain these ends,

to give full play to liberty, to harwith association, to supply a true national No form, Mazzini replied, is right per se. education ? He held to the full, though probably not recognising

the scholastic doctrine of government by grace. " There is Sovereignty is not in I nor we but God." no sovereignty of right in any one sovereignty is in
it,

"

the aim."
as
in
it

government was legitimate in proportion stood for righteousness. " There is no sovereignty

the individual or society, except in so far as either conforms itself to the divine plan and law. An individual
is

in his

either the best interpreter of God's law and governs name, or he is a usurper to be overthrown. The

simple vote of a majority does not constitute sovereignty, if it evidently contradicts the supreme moral precepts
" or deliberately shuts the road to progress." The will of the people is sacred, when it interprets and applies the moral law ; null and impotent, when it dissociates
itself

from the law, and only represents caprice."

276
The theory schoolmen, a
is

The

State

No

institution,

of course, as in the days of the tremendous instrument for reform. no branch of legislature, no church,
rights

no prerogative or prescriptive claim has any


against the
fall.

Right.
?

Do

country's good

By
is

they or not make for the the answer they must stand or
true,

The theory

supremely

and on occasion

of highest social value. Its dangers lie in the possiof mistaken bility application, and in its tendency to

is

regard the form rather than the spirit of an institution, a danger especially present to minds like Mazzini's, which are deficient in powers of accurate analysis. An
institution, so runs their reasoning,
it is

has failed

therefore

wrong

therefore
;

it

must be swept away.

Reform

impossible

therefore let there be root-and-branch

is It strange that Mazzini, with his admiration of English habits and dislike of French, did not see how here his logic approximated to the

revolution.

latter.

He

did not see

how

plastic

institutions

are,

how

often better to save the great expenditure of that must go to destroy a rooted institution, how force, it is sometimes easier to change the spirit than the
it is

In this his political wisdom went astray, form. his long profitless crusade against the monarchy melancholy illustration of the error.

and
is

Thus, then, there is no essential sovereignty in any But democracy is the form form of government. most likely to interpret God's law aright. We must " reverence the people," not because they are the " but because they concentrate in themselves majority,
all

the faculties of
several

human

the

individuals,

nature distributed
faculties

among
and
the

of
other

religion

politics,

industry

and

art."

In

words,

The
collective

State
is

277
likely to excel the

wisdom of the many


;

wisdom of the few

a democratic state can use the

special knowledge of every citizen, and choose the most capable for its administrators and its judgment is likely to be more four-sided and better informed than And just that of a state with restricted citizenship. is Humanity is the interpreter of God's law, so a people often has an inspiration that seldom comes to
;

ndividuals,
1^

the

glimpses of the truth that are granted multitude in moments of enthusiasm, an


it

nstinct that impels

to give

power
his

to

its

best men.
position,
it

He

even,

inconsistently

with

general
;

justifies

potent,

democracy on d priori grounds undeniable, European fact," and

is

"

therefore

nust be a part of God's providential design. But it is impossible not to feel that all through Mazzini's thought there runs a certain uneasiness He accepted it as an inevitable ibout democracy. he recognised that at all events it was superior fact o any government based on privilege it fitted in
;

ivith

his theory of

Humanity and

his

own

passionate

But he had an intermittent dread that jiemocracy, like theocracy and monarchy, might forget law of God. He feared that the French Revolu|:he :ion had started it on the wrong road he had had lis disappointments in Italy in later life he felt the
sympathies.
;

peril

spiritual

that materialist socialism might deflect it from He advocated universal suffrage, not ends.

because

of any absolute virtue in

it,

but

as

"^the

starting-point of political education," feared that, till national education


national consensus,
Df the
it

and he gravely had created a

majority.

He

might easily become a tyranny preferred a system of indirect

278
election.

The

State

Towards the end of his life he was a kee advocate of women's suffrage, but he was anxious that the agitation for it should be equally an agitation for their own moral growth, a crusade against " their perennial vanity, their worship of ridiculous fashions, their lightness of parties and conversation," their

And this mistrust made him turn husband-hunting. to a strong authority, elected and deposable by the
people, but with very extended powers, and charged not only to execute the popular mandate, but go in
" advance of it. The supreme power in a state must not drag behind the stage of civilisation that informs
it
;

it

must rather take the lead


the
social

in

carrying

it

higher,

anticipating country up to its own level."

and, by

thought,

bring the

It is for

republics to

make

republicans,

not
the

republicans

republics.

He

earnestly repudiated Whig- American theory of as he guarded personal and government. Anxiously and commercial religious liberty, he wished to see the
functions of government, at all events in education and as a stimulating and suggestive influence, as wide

and not

as

in itself, the

narrow as possible. Distrust of government whole system of checks and balances, he


as

condemned

weakening the power of the state to It is extremely difficult to dispromote progress. with entangle precision what was his ideal constitution, and it may be doubted whether he had worked it out himself. Though he probably had no very strong for liking parliamentary government, he seems to have accepted it, and to have wished to give it large executive powers. But above it, and apparently distinct " from the executive, was to be the real government," the spiritual authority, whose duty it would be to

The

State

279

and "point to the national ideal," while parliament " " of the forces the directed executive the country in no be must But there indicated. road it the suspicion of dictatorship, and perfect trust and mutual inspiration

must unite the


all

spiritual

and temporal

authorities.^
its

At

events the ideal government, whatever

under a precise form, could, he believed, exist only how shown his life has of The passionstory republic. how for it he ately he clung to his republican faith gave or wasted his best days, how his untamable His desire for it tangled his work for Italian Unity.
;

condemnation of monarchy was partly a theoretical The republic was " the most logical form of one. democracy," the only corollary of liberty and equality monarchy was founded on inequality, its dynastic interests were not the nation's, and therefore it could Whether absolutist never give a country moral unity. or constitutional, it was a sham, because in modern life it corresponded to no real belief, no essential and because it was a sham, it was the fruitprinciple ful parent of dishonesty. Quite late in life he somewhat changed his point of attack, and condemned it as possessing no vitality to lead, and therefore impotent to found a strong government. But his indictment, at least in his early years, was drawn mainly from the actual evidence of corruption and misrule in the monarchies of the first half of the century. It may well have seemed impossible then to reconcile
; ;

monarchy with any national


'

well-being.

He made

Mazzini's views are perhaps most clearly stated in his speech to the Roraan Assembly of March 9, 1849 (before he became Triumvir). See also Sciitti editi e inediti^ XVI. 14. In the second and perhaps the first of these passages />o/'<?/o seems used as equivalent to parliament. In the
second, gove>-Tio
is

obviously not the executive.

See also above,

p.

247.

8o

The
or no exception for
rule

State
constitutional

little

monarchies.

Philippe's principle; and as late " tutional monarchy as incompatible with progress," outside For England, in later everywhere England.

Louis

was small argument for the as 1862 he condemned consti-

he made an exception and his judgment here shows that he could view the issue more serenely, when he escaped from his prejudices. " The struggle, which occupies English life," he said in 1870, "is not between the nation and the monarchy, but between the people and the aristocracy, the latter being the one element of the past, that retains and communicates In Italy the facts were after 1848 its vitality." much the same as in England but here he was blinded by party feeling, and he could never see that what was the real issue in the thirties had gone His fallacy was a nominalist one. into the background. In his early days there had been a vital difference between monarchy and republic. Afterwards the classification became unreal and the true differentiation
years,
; ;

lay in various species of parliamentary government, in various relations between parliament and the executive.
Italy to-day the republic becomes ina factitious and academic issue, as more creasingly vital questions make the true dividing lines in politics.

In

his

own

However mistaken his distinction between republic and monarchy, the republic, as he conceived it, was no mere form of government. "God is my witness," he said, " that I pay no tribute to forms." He had little liking for the republic in the United States, with its weak bond of union, and its system of checks and balances. He refused his blessing to the Third Republic in France. " By the Republic," he told the Roman Assembly in

The
1849,

State

281
of government,

"we do

not

mean a mere form

a name, a system imposed by a victorious party on its rivals. mean a principle, a new step forward in education taken by the people, a programme of

We

education

to

be carried

out,

a political
;

institution

calculated to produce a moral advance

we mean

the

system which must develop liberty, equality, association liberty, and consequently every peaceful development of ideas, even when they differ in part from our own equality, and therefore we cannot allow castes to be substituted for the old castes that political have passed away association, that is a complete
;

vital forces of the nation, a so far as is possible, of the entire complete consensus, For him the republic meant absolute trust people." between people and government, choice of the most

consensus of

all

the

capable and best for


that

office,

destroyed party divided forces of the

friction

a veritable national unity, and impelled the unsocial


legislation.
state,

country to
will

The

republic,

and

God's kingdom "where institutions tend primarily to the bettering of the most numerous

alone, realised on earth,

it

be the ideal

and poorest

class, where the principle of association is best developed, where the road of progress has no end, as education gradually develops and all elements that

make
in

and immobility disappear, where, the whole community, strong, tranquil, happy, peaceful, bound in a solemn concord, stands on earth
for stagnation
fine,

as in a temple built to virtue and liberty, to progressive civilisation, to the laws that govern the moral world." " There, in the people that knows no caste or privilege,

save of genius and virtue, no proletariat or aristocracy of land or finance," in the people " united by the

282

The

State
faith,

brotherhood of one sole

one sole
its

tradition,

one

sole thought of love," the people that worships principles

more than men, that cherishes


ever

forward

destinies,

" the similitude there stands the city of God, of that divine society, where all are equal, and there is

to

its

future,

resolute

past but looks to unlock its

one

love,

one happiness

for all."

Chapter

XVI

Social Theories
Importance of social questions Their moral basis Attack on socialism Contrast between Mazzini's and its theories and work Social

programme

Cooperation.
it

Mazzini'S
for

faith in the republic

came

largely of his

conviction that
social

was the only effective instrument He was sometimes charged legislation.

with neglecting social for political reform, with preach" detestable bourgeois ing, as Bakounine put it, a was The charge true for no time of his patriotism."
life,

least

for

his

later

years.
"

To him
as
it

the

social

" question was the most sacred " hazardous problem of the age.
first

to insist that the rise

was " the most He was one of the of the working classes was

Political the great social phenomenon of the century. reform, so he told the Carbonari and the Chartists, had
its

only sufficiency and justification, when it was the This did not quite instrument of social reform. for he was insistent that his thought, represent
justice
;

questions of political liberty and

intimately

touched man's moral development


equal
earnestness
that
"

but he held with


question
"

the

social

independent and undying importance.


such thing," he wrote,
social revolution
;

had its There is no

as a purely political or purely every true revolution has its political

and

social character alike."

All

his

passionate

sympathy went

out

to

the

disinherited.

Compassion, says one who knew him,


283

284

Social Theories

shone in his face and vibrated in his voice, whe he spoke of the masses and their hardships. H felt intensely for a lot, which in the '40s an '50s he believed was growing steadily worse. Indig " nantly he spoke of the workman's poverty-stricker cribbed, precarious life, closing in infirm and squali and unassisted old age." " The workman has n freedom of contract," he replied to the old economist.' " he is a slave he has no alternative but hunger o the pay, however small it be, that his employer offer
;

him.

And

his

pay

is

a wage

wage

often

in

sufficient for his daily needs, almost always unequal t' the value of his work. His hands can multiply th

employer's capital three

fold, four fold,

but not so hi
;

own

pay.

Hence

his incapacity to save

hence th
crises.

unrelieved, irreparable

misery of commercial

brought
His
"

even without crises, " his life is poisoned by sense of uncertainty and constant dread and old age

And

on prematurely by heavy and often un

healthy work,

is

destiny suffer, curse and die."

awaits him, threatening, implacable. that of accursed races, to live an(

of poverty and a death bed in a hospital, that is what society in this nine teenth century provides for two-thirds of its member in almost every countrj^, eighteen hundred years an<

"

life

more

since

a Holy One, that


all

men

hail

as

divine

proclaimed that of God."

are equals and brothers and son

But he was no

pessimist, at all events in later years

when he knew
spite of
infinite
all,

workman better, and saw that, ii he was advancing and gave promise o
the

near.

The day of deliverance waj The workman's emancipation was inevitable


further advance.

Social Theories
written
in

285
The
labour
love

the
"

decrees of Providence.

question was the acknowledged problem of the time,


ts

solution

the social faith of

all

men now who

know." " The upward movement of the artisan :lasses in our towns," he wrote towards the end of life, slow but dates back now for more than a century "enacious in its progress, advancing from decade to iecade by a law of increasing momentum, and in these

md

ast

md md

twenty years growing, visibly for all, in intensity expansion, and acquiring, as it goes, real power
self-consciousness."
It
all

leading up to a impulse given by Providence, jreat And levermore to recede, till it has reached its end."
revolution, an

was

"

Whatever fears he may have had for it. he working of democracy, he had none for the labour The rise of the working classes was " as novement. " I and flowing tide, that the divine breath has stirred " not with fear, but with the loving le watched it
le gloried in
;

everence, with which one watches a great providential


act."

But
.t

just because his faith


"

and love were


of labour
"

lot afraid to point

the

men

"

great, he was to the heights.


"

was

his familiar precept of the

moral aim.

Material

mprovements," he told them, are essential, and we vill fight to win them not because men have no other nterest than to be well housed and clothed, but be;ause your moral development is stopped, while you
;

ire,

as

you are to-day, engaged

in

a continual fight

vith poverty."
:o

So too

in his rather

scanty references

economy, he insists that its teaching must Economics ilways have reference to a moral ideal. nust be " the expression not of the human appetite DUt of man's industrial mission." Otherwise, they
political

2 86

Social Theories
foi foi

"substitute the problem of humanity's kitchen the problem of humanity," and teach selfishness
individuals

and industrial warfare. Il was not only that economic progress must aim consistently at personal morality, at making bettei husbands, fathers, neighbours, that it must be pure ol
and
classes

any

spirit

against the brotherhood of man. must not be allowed to maim

of bitterness or revenge or aught that sin Besides all this, il


citizen,

powers and duties as a chased by the sacrifice of

the working man'* must never be pur-

political liberty or manliness moral to France in 1849 ^.nc pointed 1850, when the French artisans sold their political rights to Louis Napoleon for the promise of a laboui Bread and amusements,' he reminded them policy. Outside liberty anc were ever the offer of despots.

He

for his

'

strenuous

political

interest

there was

no salvation

economic or

other.

The

true

man

will think not onl)

of his class but of his country, and not of his owr country only, but of the sufferings and rights of mer
the whole world over.
their
political

If the

duties,

working classes forgoi thought lightly of political

reform, connived at an unjust foreign policy, the> sacrificed one of their nature's noblest functions, anc
built their

own economic
that,

he believed

Anc progress on the sand. France notwithstanding, the people


in their hearts.

always knew

this

The

Chartists, h(

pointed out, with their bare, imperfect political programme, had more followers than all the Frenct
Socialists.
''

The

last

of those
"

you

call

politica

agitators," he told the

latter,

will

influence with the people than all cause at the root of every political question the people
;

always have more your Utopias be-

Social Theories
ias

287
its

at least a glimpse of

something that appeals to


it

oul, something that gives


ts

self-consciousness

and

raises

The working men of Italy trampled dignity." and Brescia, in Sicily and like at Milan heroes ought it Rome, not for a rise of wages, but for the honour of he Italian name, for the free life of their nation. The Paris 1 men of and won in vorking fought 848, not )ecause of a financial crisis or their own poverty, but
)ecause the

"

monarchy dragged France's glory and


French citizens a and association." standpoint that he attacked Social-

luty in the mud, because it refused ree press, and free right of meeting
It

was from

this

sm.
)n
)r

We need not concern ourselves with his strictures

the expired schools of the early French Socialists, with his very crude criticism of Louis Blanc,

which he would hardly have made in later ife, and which is certainly inconsistent with his own We can neglect, too, much of his iocial schemes. ittack on the economic side of collectivism, which he
:riticism,

lever really understood.


le

It is more to the point to issume a greater knowledge of modern Socialism than

possessed,
it.

and see what

is

his essential relationship

He had

not a few ideas in

common

with the

His own industrial ideal contained, ;hough he knew it not, the germs of the socialist He looked as earnestly and confidently :ommunity. IS they do to the death of capitalism, and built his lopes on the development of association he recognised
VEarxite school.
;

them the inevitable historic evolution of the workers, and that it is the march of the humble, jnknown multitude, and not the hero, which detervith

mines the world's progress he hailed the time, when classes would be no more, and all be equals in rights
;

2 88

Social Theories

and opportunities, and he believed that this equality could never be reached under a capitalist system. But in root principles he differed from the strict
Marxites almost as essentially as he himself supposed.

While with him moral and


fundamental
facts,

spiritual

phenomena

are the

Marx

builds his system

on material

phenomena. For the collectivist, man is chiefly the product of his economic surroundings for Mazzini, the social and industrial environment is only "the manifestation of the moral and intellectual condition of humanity
;

at a given period,

and above

all

of

its faith."

For the

one, history is the sequence of economic cause and effect, and the growth of mind and morals is the secondary with the other, the consequence of economic facts
;

economic

facts,

religion is religious systems are the milestones that mark the The two schools are absolutely antagonistic in road.
their conception of the ideal.

though not neglected, are subordinated, the master principle of human progress, and

Marx and

his followers

would discover
drift of facts
;

it

by

the right interpretation of the

indeed we can call it an ideal, what is accepted merely as a necessary tendency, and when right and wrong are judged by the fact, not the fact
if

by

right

and wrong.

Mazzini understood to the

full

the value of facts as conditioning the ideal, as pointing out how far it was attainable at the moment, nay, as in

some degree indicating the ideal itself But to him right and wrong had no dependance on the existing
fact
;

facts

tended to approximate to the

ideal,

because

the ideal was sovereign, and Providence guided them

towards it and it was man's free privilege and bounden duty to help the work of Providence, and be
;

lord of facts.

Mazzini did not kick against the pricks

Social Theories
of economic evolution
as
it
;

289

he took modern industrialism to thwart the natural wished is, But he claimed tendencies of industrial discovery. a that man has power to turn them to good or evil, has or evil that not to them but to a reference good moral end. Hence their teaching has differed widely in its

and

never

Marx deduced froiii_his practical consequences. economic studies a confident and detailed prophecy It was a faith, whose of economic development.
assurance
to

and

optimism gives
long
as
faith

it

mighty

power

sway

men, so

But economic

dogmas, be shaken by the rough wind of facts and it has been the fate of Marx' system to be line If it by line explained away by its commentators.
kind, are apt to
;

stays unquestioned. especially of the prophetic

till

retains its influence,

influence,

it

is

shedding
it

much

and, indeed, it is a potent because it has quieted scepticism by of its founder's doctrine, and because
less

always found expression such as Mazzini preached, political programme, of and at ends Mazzini, liberty justice. liming high
finds

and has more or

n a

50

confident often in his religious and political horoHe insisted indeed jcopes, here chose a humbler part.
3n o ne broad

economic

principle,

association,

and he

Dointed to certain reforms of immediate practicability. But he resolutely refused to forecast the economic
Sfijre.

Humanity, he would repeat, goes on its own " and the secret of ^ay, laughs at the man, who finds
:he
'

" world under his pillow." I think," he wrote, that our problem is not so much to define the forms Df future progress, as to place the individual under >uch conditions as make it easy for him to understand

290
and
fulfil
it."
;

Social Theories

He
was

created

no great party of

the

proletariat

it

his as useful function to fertilise

the moral
for

soil, to inspire all classes with a deepei sense of social obligation, and thus to ease the road

social

progress,
differ

whatever

particular
it

shape

the

circumstances of the time might counsel

to take.

The two men


on
class
classes,*

relations.

again radically in their influence To Mazzini the struggle o!


*

however peaceful and legal in its form, woulc have been a hateful idea. It is true he sternly rebukec the short-sighted folly of the richer classes, and h^ would find excuses for wild acts or theories of pro^ But he set his face resolutely against letariat protest. class hatred, against dreams of violence and revenge against social revolutions which worked hardship tc the individual. Hopeless as he was of enlisting the. at least in Italy, on the side of socia upper classes, set his he reform, hopes on the middle classes anc from the days of the Apostolato Popolare down to th last years of life, he preached insistently that middl and working classes must stand together in the socia movement. The whole theory of Duty looked to th
;

harmonising of motives, not to the brute struggle o The collectivist takes th opposing social forces. social discord for granted, and bids the workers trus to themselves alone and win their ends by force, how ever much force may be disguised behind the vote Each principle has its time the socialist mistake ha been to elevate to a principle, what is the sad necessit] of an uninspired age.
;

It

remains to examine Mazzini's

social reconstruction.

He

lays

own programme down certain economi

Social Theories
ixioms.
First, private

291

property must remain, however


to equalise fortunes through the familiar argument

nuch the State should try


axation.

Mazzini

rem

;tiinulate

the necessity of property to expediency, But his labour and encourage invention.
it

endorses

Lpology for
perty,"

is

in the
"

main an a priori
it

one.

"

Pro-

he says,

when

is

the

result

of labour,

epresents the activity of the body, as thought repreents the activity of the soul ; it is the visible sign of
)ur
.8

)f

part in the transformation of the material world, our ideas and our rights to liberty and inviolability conscience are the signs of our part in the trans-

The man who works ormation of the moral world. nd produces has a right to the fruits of his own
abour
s

in this resides the right of property." a flavour of Ricardo and Marx in this, and
;

There
easy

it is

o see a socialist application, unintended by the writer. N^ext, the new social organisation must not be the
v'ork

He saw that voluntary workingwas an essential preliminary to any and, as we shall see, his own asting social advance chemes pivot on voluntary societies for cooperative And lastly, schemes of economic change )roduction. nust always aim at increasing productiveness. He :nevv that there could be no serious improvement in he workman's condition, unless the national producion were increased and he seems to have dimly
of compulsion.
lass organisation
;
;

ominunism.

once arguing with Sir James Stansfeld as to the possibility of ** Stansfeld said, Why should not all property be vested in Mazzini replied, ** Because that is nonsense. jciety?" Society abIndividuals do :ractedly is nothing, really a collection of individuals.
le

He was

work, therefore individuals get the property ; they may give it away The spirit of the arguthey like, but the right to it is in themselves." lent is curiously inconsistent with his usual position.

292
rise in the

Social Theories

realised that the

for

two things must mutually react, anj workman's income increasing the demanc commodities and thereby stimulating production

this increase of production in its turn encouraging a further increase of the workman's pay. | When we come to the particulars of his economic programme, we find fertility and boldness of sugges Hi tion, but small attempt to work out the details. was constitutionally unfitted to be an economist h< lacked the necessary precision of thought and accuracy of analysis. He rather despised economic study, a{
;

and

all

events

when

it

came from books.

real

know

ledge of the economic question is to be found, he say ** in the workshops and the homes of the artisans,
rather than in "statistics and documents, which ai? sometimes erroneous, always incomplete, compiled they are either by officials, whose tendency is t conceal the evil, or by private individuals, whos
it." He trusted to a know workman's ledge thoughts and aspiration from close and affectionate intercourse, moi gleaned than to any inquiry into the outside facts of hi

tendency

is

to exaggerate

of

the

life.

His suggestions were many. Among the moi free were trade in land, legislation t commonplace arbitration between protect tenants, capital and labou national insurance (apparently to be compulsory), tl" " that den of robbers/' t\ regulation by the state of At one time he wished the state Stock Exchange. guarantee work for everybody, but as he does n( mention the proposal later than 1849, it may assumed that he relinquished it. For Italy, he su^ gested a great scheme of home colonisation on hi
1
I:

Social Theories
mreclaimed lands
;

93

and

it is

a curious instance of his

vant of accurate enquiry, that in his advocacy of it he ook no account of the all-important factor of malaria.
is curious, t too, that, like many Italians at the )pposite pole of thought, he disliked emigration, and vould gladly have checked what has proved to be one
ff

the chief sources of Italian development.

All these,

lovvever,

His programme were minor suggestions. a radical reform ested mainly on two proposals, )f taxation, and the gradual supersession of capitalism His )y voluntary cooperative societies of workmen. aiions of taxation are shortly stated and may be Economy in collection, free hortly summarised. rade, no taxes on food, the smallest possible incidence on industry were his fiscal maxims and he

/ished to carry

them out by abolishing

all

indirect

and, apparently too, all special taxes on and, and substituting a single tax on income, to

axation

>e

graduated and, it would seem, severely graduated. ie also proposed that in all cases of persons dying /ithout heirs within the fourth degree, estates should
apse to the state.

He
'f
ri

looked for more radical change to his scheme

cooperative production, a scheme which appears its main outlines as early as 1833, but which he

/orked
>f

more detail in the last ten years was a special application of the same )rinciple of Association, which he had carried into 'ther branches of social and political activity. He
out
in his
life.

It

)roposed

that
"

great

national

capital

should

be

ccumulated for the purpose.


nines,
le

Church

lands, railways,

some great industrial enterprises," which never specified, were to be nationalised, whether
and

2 94

Social Theories

or not with compensation does not appear. At one time he wished to confiscate in Italy the estates of
a against the nationalist cause, proposal strangely out of harmony with his usual The income from these sources, from tolerance.
those,

who fought

lands and existing national and from properties which " " lapsed to the state, would form the National Fund At one time he destined or "tax of democracy."
the
rents

of reclaimed

and communal

estates,

part of the fund to education, another part to assist

any European democracy struggling for its rights; But its main, and perhaps in his later idea its only; purpose was to assist the spread of voluntary societies for cooperative production, industrial and agricultural!; Any such society, that could prove its members honesty and capacity, might claim to have its capita The loans were to be a' advanced from the Fund. I or I J per cent, and were to be made througlij special banks administered by the Communal Councils |
|

Nothing

is

said as to the

repayment of the

loans,

bu

as he contemplated the extension of the societies, til they ultimately covered the whole field of industry, w< may assume that the loans were to be repaid and passec

on
be

to

new

societies.

The

societies

were apparently

t(

absolutely free as to the management of thei business, the sale of produce, and the disposal of thei
left

net income.

To

assist their credit,

they were to hav

the right to deposit any unsold produce in national magazines, and receive in exchange negotiable note which, it seems to follow, would have been lega

The societies were also to be admitted oi terms with private firms to contract for govern equal ment work this latter was perhaps the first suggestioi
tender.
;

Social Theories
if

295
with some

a system, which

is

now working

in Italy

success.

Such were Mazzini's sketchy but suggestive economic schemes which, he believed, would ultimately destroy both poverty and capitalism, without hardship
?ch ernes,

o individuals or danger to liberty, leavening the social


norality with the God-given principle of association. He seems to have never asked himself what would be
;he
le

ultimate destiny of his co-operative scheme had done so, he must have seen that, by however
;

a road, it was bound to end in collectivism. be recognized now that his plan was in all essentials identical with latter-day socialism, as put 3ut by its best exponents, and it may be claimed that n the world of ideas Mazzini more than Marx is its That his scheme would soon come into workfather. he had little doubt, at all events in Italy, For in ing,
iifferent
will
[t

ais social

plans, as in all else, his


in

appermost
it,

mind.

He

own Italy was ever when few others knew knew,

the patience and

Italian artisan,

common-sense and idealism of the and he proudly counted on him to let


of the labour

Italy lead the nations in the solution

question.

Chapter

XVII

Nationality
Country and humanity
people
special
;

The

marks

solidarity

Ethics

the sense of national

mission
:

of nationality the will of the Patriotism International

Slavs

The United

missions

of foreign policy of each country


States

The of Europe

non-intervention
future

war

of

Europe

The

the

Italy's international function.

The

law of Duty, man's bounden service to humanity,,

goes on beyond the individual and the state to bei Man's end, so runs the rule of international relations. Mazzini's argument, is to serve the progress of^

humanity.

But the individual, in his isolated imshrink from the immensity of the would potence, And for most men, humanity excites no burden.
effective

sense

of

obligation

they

will

give

for

country what they will not give for the wider and The cosmopolitan, who remoter circle of mankind. talks of duty to humanity and neglects the nation, is as one who bids men climb a ladder and takesi
Therefore Providence, once again rungs. of association, has placed thei the law applying individual among men of like feelings and aspirations,

away the

that that

serving

his

country

he

may
its

serve

humanity,

strength through he may have power to help the progress of the world. Thus a nation is a God-appointed instrument for the welfare of the race, and in this alone its moral
296

the

nation and

common

Nationality
ence ^sen
"
lies.
I

297

"

because

Nationality see in it the

is

sacred to me," he says, instrument of labour for

" Countries are good and progress of all men." " "a nation is a living the workshops of humanity life is not her own, but a force and task, her

the

a
"

function

in

the

universal

Providential

scheme."

Humanity is a great army, marching to the conquest of unknown lands, against enemies both strong and cunning. The peoples are its corps, each with
to carry out, and the common on the exactness, with which they depends victory
its

special operation

execute the different operations." This "division of European labour"


the progress of Europe, and, through

is

essential to

it,

of the world.

be be

But each group of humanity's workmen, if it is to efficient, must be organised, not by coercion, but
free

by

impelled

acceptance of their obligations they must by duty and the sense of a great
;

common work
homogeneous
ness of
of
this.
self.

to do. Each nation must be a living, entity, with its own faith and consciousEurope, in Mazzini's lifetime, had little
its

He condemned

existing

divisions

as

answering to no principle, since for the most part they were agglomerations of territory, made in the interests of a royal dynasty or in the name of some artificial principle, as the balance of power and there;

fore

they were powerless to inspire a


for

common
;

national

effort
L

and

an intelligent and useful end. immoral ends filled up the void


;

Factitious
unsatisfied

national
j

yearnings burst imperiously through diplomatic schemes of peace there was little of the burning love of independence, that alone safeguarded from designs of aggressive empire, from France in

98
the past, from

Nationality

Russia in the present. The map of Europe must be drawn afresh, and states be made conterminous with nationalities. What, then, are the inherent, essential marks of
nationality?

Are race and


literature,

geographical

features,

language

and

customs

and

traditions?

None of these, Mazzini replied, are more than Wiser and secondary elements, race least of all. juster than Bismarck and his school, he saw that race, even if it were discoverable, has small connectioi] with the facts of to-day. He did not investigate thej dark problem of race characteristics, he did not everj ask whether race affinities are among the physica causes that create a national feeling. But, none th(
less, his

that

argument is indestructible against the theory makes race the chief base of nationality. H<
fancies

was saved from ethnological

by

his

sensible

conclusion, that races are too intimately compoundec " to be a cause of national character. There is no

single

unmixed

" where ai spot in Europe," he declared, " race can be detected." France, the mos^

powerful nationality of the modern world, is a mixtun of Germans, Celts, and Romans." There is one aspec

however of the race question, that he did not

suffii

origina ciently recognise. ethnological basis of a country may be and generally is, yet some races have been fixed for several centuries

However imaginary the

has generated a belief in a common racia origin, which, however false historically, may none th less, when supported by a common language, becom an important and sometimes a dominant factor h

and

this

creating a sense of nationality.

He

gave his fancy play

in

determining

the in

Nationality

299

He loved geographical study, fluence of geography. and as usual sought for a spiritual purpose underlying " the physical facts. By the courses of the great
rivers,

by the

lines of the

high mountains, and other


the
natural
"

geographical borders of the


"

features

God has marked

nations."

Nationalities,"

he

said,

appear to me to have been traced long ago by the " and finger of Providence on the map of Europe
;

Italy,

for

instance,

had

her

"

sublime,

irrefutable

boundary marks."
safer

He

left this

transcendentalism for

ground, when he came


.nations.

and recognised what


the

to language and literature, potent factors they had been in

making of

The importance of language

was
as

Literature had sometimes, sufficiently obvious. in the case of his own Italy, remained the one

surviving sign of nationality,

when

all

else

was

lost.

great had been the influence of Dante in forming the national sense of his own country how much the Polish poets of the century had done
;

He knew how

to feed the

Slav national spirit how intimate is the power of national melodies what the common possession of a great poet may do to knit a people. He
; ;

realised too, though perhaps insufficiently, how history has helped to form nations; how a common government draws a people together in common loyalty or

common
!

revolt

how war may be

how men,
acquire

living for generations


it

from

common

a welding influence under the same law, habits and customs and
;

r traditions.
]

of nationality
clear

All these, however, are but the formative elements Mazzini's ; they are not its essence.

justification

democratic faith kept him from confusing the of the fact with its causes. Nationality

300

Nationality

was independent of any of them. Centuries of divided government had not destroyed the national sense of Switzerland was a nation for all its diversity Italy
;

of languages

difference

of tongues did not prevent

Poland and Lithuania from sharing the same national Alsace belonged to France, however aspirations German it might be by race and history. Nationality is a sentiment, a moral phenomenon, which may be "generated by material causes, but exists by virtue of fijo rallacts. O n any theory ot Ireedom or democracy It can have no positive, meaning basis but the popular will and it is a parody of nationality that unites by " Nationalities can be founded only for and coercion. " and and it follows that when the by the people upon inhabitants of a territory desire to be a nation, provided that behind their desire there lies a moral This, despitd purpose, they have the right to be one. slight and rare inconsistencies, he made the broad cleail
; ; ;

principle of modern, democratic nationality, a principlei "invincible as conscience," whose triumph no hostility

of kings or statesmen, no

artificial

counterfeits can

permanently hinder. Still, he held, the mere


not enough.

fact of the

popular

will

is^

menon, must mere momentary reaction against misgovernment, fori instance, gave no sufficient claim to independence,
"

Nationality, like every political phenoAi have a moral aim to justify it.

In questions of nationality, as in every other question, " and a true nation must the end alone is sovereign
;

have

its

moral

intention,

its

clear

and understood

mission to accomplish for itself and for humanity, its conscious part in realising the divine idea on earth.
It
is

only in

its

homage

to

the moral law, that a

Nationality
nation
finds
its

301
"

"

baptism

and consecration."
selfish

community of men drawn together by a

prin-

ciple for a purely material purpose is not thereby a To constitute a nation, its informing principle nation.

bases.

and purpose and right must be grounded on eternal The purpose must be essentially a moral one,

since a material interest

by

itself is

by

its

nature

finite,

and can therefore form no basis of perpetual union." " Country is not a territory territory is only its is the idea that rises on that base, base country the thought of love that draws together all the sons
;
;

of that territory." This love is patriotism.


'love

"

O my
is

your country.

Country

brothers," he says, our house, the house

that

given us, setting therein a populous us love and be loved by us, to understand to family, us and be understood by us better and more readily

God has

than others are."

he

was by such burning patriotism country and was first to practise it himself But he detested the sentimental and emotional His patriotism was a silent, manly thing, patriot. that hated display and braggart talk it was as a that never roared to heaven and steady spiritual flame,
It

saved

his

never sank to ashes.


individual
*'

He

tested

it

by

its

fruit in

the

life.

No

ill-living

man was

true patriot.

Let country," he said, " be incarnated in each one of you each one of you feel and make himself responsible for his brothers each of you so act that in yourselves
; ;

and love your country." " Where the citizen does not know that he must give lustre to his country, not borrow lustre from it, that country may

men may

respect

be strong but never happy." Real patriotism will not " fear to speak the truth. Flattery will never save a

302

Nationality
"

The country, nor proud words make us less abject." honour of a country depends much more on removing
than on boasting of its qualities." One can imagine what would have been his scorn for the The patriot's degenerate imperialism of latter days. supreme desire is that his country's true honour may be untarnished he thinks more of duty than of Roman Republic, that glorious and His own victory.
its faults
;

illuminating
success,

but

example of patriotism, had small hope of its honour stood entire, and therefore
lot

morally it triumphed. naay be a country's

Success, empire, military glory so may failure and defeat


;

and poverty
real

neither

this

nor that fate touches

its

True national dignity and glory lie in being. humiliation comes only from public and right doing, " dishonour and a mendacious diplomacy. You must; of was his maximi selfishness," keep your country pure
of patriotism for Italian working men.
Patriotism, then,
;

is

intense regard for a country's

moral greatness and it expresses itself in that sense of national duty, which he held to be the only justification of a country's national existence. This duty has two objects, the community itself and all humanity. We have seen what he conceived to be a nation's duty to its members there is no true country, he said, without a national education, or where men starve for want of work. Here we are more concerned with that forwardness to serve humanity, which he made the " National life and other mark of the true nation. international life should be two manifestations of the
;

same

principle, the love of good."

nations

stands the

European
Sir

the separate brotherhood, the latesays

Above

born child of Christianity.

Thomas More, he

Nationality
first

303
;

formulated the

new law of peace

literature

and

trade and travel are ever drawing the nations together by "a law of moral gravitation"^; the French Revolution

echoed through the democracies of Europe

the

struggle with Napoleon renewed the common underThe cause of the people is standing of the nations.

same the whole world over, and the democracies must join hands to fight the battle of them all, as he had tried to make them do, when he founded Young Humanitarian movements, the abolition of Europe. the slave trade, the cause of Greece and Italy, were " There exists then in Europe a harmony European. of needs and wishes, a common thought, a universal mind, which directs the nations by convergent paths to the same goal." No country may be isolated, economically or intellectually and it is a poor and
the

counterfeit

That way pends on the

patriotism, that lies destruction.

despises
"

other countries.

nation's

growth de"

trust that other peoples place in it ; a country guided by a moral principle " finds everything open readily to it from markets to political
alliances,"

mistrust

but one that stands for an unjust policy has and jealousy for its portion. Hence the country, that does injury to another, sins
itself.

the monopolist, usurping nation, that sees its own strength and greatness only in the weakness and poverty of others." That is a poor and stunted people, whose foreign
against
I

"

hate,"

he

"

said,

policy

is
it

"

one
seeks

of aggrandisement

and

selfishness,

whether
^

them basely

or buys glory at other

The

first

these

words are quoted, was written by Mazzini's rough draft.

address of the People's International League, from which W. J. Linton, but was based on

304
home and

Nationality

men's expense." Countries, that cherish liberty at " are fated to expiate outrage it abroad, their error through long years of isolation and oppression and anarchy." So far he preached familiar doctrine, but he carried it into regions of his own. International duty does not stop at non-aggression. Every country has its positive duty to humanity and while evil is enthroned, and right can hardly hold its
;

own, and the eternal battle rages round, it may not stand aside in cowardly forgetful ness. Mazzini abhorred the doctrine of non-intervention
that

no country may

of another, a doctrine which the Americans and Canning introduced for the protection of freedom, but which less hardy statesmen in France and England

the principle interfere in the domestic matters

had perverted to excuse their own faint-heartedness. If the principle had been generally accepted, if it had meant for instance that France could not intervene at

Rome

or Russia restore despotism in Hungary, it But practically it might have worked successfully. meant that " intervention was all on the wrong side," that only England observed the principle, and therefore the one Great Power, which in some degree stood for liberty, tied its own hands, while the Powers " that stood for despotism worked their unhallowed " over ends when, where, and how they thought fit

As Mazzini pointed out, the took for a theory granted system based on nationality;
three-fourths of Europe.

and where nationality was non-existent, as in Italy and South-Eastern Europe, it had no rightful applica" tion. At the best it was a " poor and incomplete " doctrine. A country has its bonds of international
duty," obligatory in proportion to
its

"

strength.

The

Nationality

305
;

absolute doctrine of non-intervention in politics correit is a masked sponds to indifference in religion

a negation of all belief, of every general principle, of any mission of a nation in humanity's " behalf" Neutrality in a war of principles is mere
atheism,
passive existence, forgetfulness

of

all

that

makes a

people sacred, the negation of the common law of On one side," he was speaknations, political atheism.
ing to

Englishmen

in

1859, "stands the flag of liberty

on the other the flag and ambition, of the false and evil. And you, a free nation and strong, you who profess belief in truth and justice, would you say, Between evil and
and
right, of the true

and good

of tyranny

'

good we
It
is

will

remain neutral, impassive spectators

'

the

word of Cain.

No

people, that chooses to

teach that policy, may dare to call itself Christian, for Sooner it is practically a people of atheists or cowards.
or later a

tremendous expiation
"

desertion of the duty which


individuals."

Can

it

cowardly on peoples as on be that England," he wrote

will visit the

God

lays

" twelve years earlier, the England of the Reformation, the England of Elizabeth and of Cromwell, self-centred in immoral indifference, gives up Europe to the dicta" torship of force ? Hence he was no believer in peace at any price.

condemned war, when it was not " it was fratricide," if not fought for a right principle But it was imperative in the interests of the race. " sacred as peace, when the triumph of good is to be
Sternly, indeed, he
;

'

its

issue."

He

attacked the Manchester School for


"

Peace," perverting the sense of human solidarity. he wrote to the Geneva Congress of 1867, "cannot

become a law of human

society,

except by passing

306
through
the
association

Nationality

struggle, which will ground life and on foundations of justice and liberty, on the wreck of every power which exists not for a

principle

held, could not

but for a dynastic interest." have lasting peace, till

Europe, he Austria and

held

Turkey made way for the nationalities, which they down it would ever be perturbed by fears of Russian aggression, till Poland was restored to be its and only war could free the Poles and bulwark
; ;

Southern Slavs.
for

"

When you
for
for

tyranny,

truth

falsehood,
then."

interests, the republic

have substituted justice duty for selfish monarchy, then you will

have peace, but not

till

Mazzini, unluckily, was not content with the broad human principle that a country must use its strength

and freedom everywhere. He appended a has its of which but defies definitruth, germ theory, and is to a twisted save tion, easily special argument. Each nation had, he thought, some distinct and
for right

God has specialised service to render to humanity. written one line of his thought on the cradle of each
people." Special interests, special aptitudes, and before all special functions, a special mission to fulfil, a special work to be done in the cause of the advance"

"

ment of humanity, seem


;

to

me

the true, infallible

characteristics of nationalities."

The theory

escapes

but it offers a rich field for any exact precision Mazzini's and poetry, imagination was at home in it. function was England's "industry and colonies," " Russia's was the civilisation of Asia, Poland's the Slav initiative." mark was Germany's thought, France's was action, Italy's thought in unison with " action. While the German walks earth with his sight

Nationality

307
eye
its

ost in the depths of heaven, and the Frenchman's surface with rarely looks aloft but scours earth's

restless penetrating glance, the Genius, that guards the destinies of Italy, has been ever wont to pass from of old swiftly from the ideal to the real, seeking

and heaven may be joined together." what curious use he made of this theory of seen lave to rebut Irish claims. missions special the were Such principles of nationality, and nations
iiow earth
Duilt on them would make the Europe of the future. Mazzini believed that democracy would tend towards He repudiated any love of administralarge nations.

We

and urged the widest local governthe but ment; bigger the nation, the more perfect, he be the development of association within would thought, the and it, greater therefore its momentum on the
tive centralisation

road of progress. And, as the larger nations would be approximately equal in territory or population, a new and natural balance of power would arise to This liking for large countries safeguard peace.

sometimes nearly led him into inconsistencies with his

own
basis

principles,

and made him question the national


states.

of most small

He made

a confident

forecast of the future

European

settlement.

(He was

writing, of course, prior to 1870.) England and France (apart from Savoy and Nice) were the only countries, whose territory marched with their natural borders, and

Italy would be they alone would remain unchanged. the border districts and islands include and united, that spoke the Italian tongue, except, apparently, the

Germany, including the Germanof Austria, would also achieve its speaking provinces " into two or three be divided but great adunity,
Canton of the Ticino.

308

Nationality

ministrative sections." Spain and Portugal would form a single country. Greece would expand over all territories with a Greek-speaking population. Switzerland

would be the nucleus of an Alpine Federation, embracHolland was, apparently, ing Savoy and the Tyrol. to keep its independence Belgium, on the other hand, had no future as a nation, though he does not indicate In early life he seems to have thought its destiny. afterthat Denmark would remain a separate state wards he believed that the three Scandinavian states were inevitably destined to unity. The most difficult problem, of course, was that of
;
;

Eastern Europe.

to the unity of his

Mazzini evidently thought that, next own country, the Slav movement

was the most important question in European politics. Here was a mighty people, awakening to life, proving for it, he believed, had its power by its literature, the only living poetry since Goethe and Byron, produced

claiming
it

wealth.

rightful place in the European commonNothing could arrest the self-assertion of


its

the Slavs, but the future of Europe largely depended If the other nations on the direction which it took.
hailed

and guided it, it would enrich the life of Europe by the new elements it brought into it if it went unfriended and undirected, it would be perverted " into Czarism," and cost Europe twenty years of
;

bloodshed to check Muscovite ambitions. Europe would do well to keep in mind.

Two
It

things

was as and Austria useless as it was immoral to bolster up be inevitably Turkey, for the Slav movement would fatal to them both. And Europe must see that the Slavs became a barrier and not a help to Russian This could be done, and done designs of domination.

Nationality

309

only, by helping the non-Russian Slavs to organise themselves into powerful and independent nations. Czarism owed its strength not to Panslavist aspirations,

but to the fact that the Czar was the only hope of the Christian populations of the Balkans. Mazzini's
detailed forecast of the Slav national settlement varied

but his favourite plan was that Russians, Poles, Czechs, and Serbs should form four In curious and impossible separate nationalities. his with own inconsistency principles, he seems to have thought that Hungary and Roumania would be annexed to or federated with one or other of these states and he looked to a federal union of Serbs and Greeks, with Constantinople, as a free city, for the centre of the federation. Out of the nationalities would grow " the United States of Europe, the republican alliance of the peoples,"
from time to time
;
;

in

"that great European federation, whose task it is to unite one association all the political families of the old

world, destroy the partitions that dynastic rivalries have made, and consolidate and respect nationalities."

Mazzini's ken, strange to say, was almost restricted to He scarcely mentions in this connection the Europe.
States, though sometimes he seems to that perhaps they would enter the European imply commonwealth. He had no inkling that Eastern races

American United

might claim their own independent development. His forecast of European colonisation hardly extended beyond Asia and North Africa he believed that Asia was destined to be " an appendix of Europe," and that the great stream of European colonisation would set towards it, chiefly through the agency of Russia and Thus he was concerned with Europe only England.
;

Nationality

and for the Europe of the future, a federation oj harmonious nationalities, he had a splendid prophecy. When nationality had triumphed, " all cause of wai would disappear, and in its place arise a spirit oJ brotherhood aud peaceful emulation on the road oJ Revolutions would be no more, and "the progress." slow, continuous, normal unfolding of activities anc " would lead the nations ever onwards. We powers

come again
sitting at

to

his

vision

of a

European authority

peoples.

Rome to give guidance and harmony to the When the great day arrived, that brought
same
It

the victory of liberty and nationality, the peoples would assemble their " true General Council." No doub;
the Council was the the
as that which would defini would formulate the commoi national duties of the peoples, and secure their freedoni

new religious

faith.

to perform those duties, while the separate national councils defined the special duty of each country.
It would be Italy's glorious function to lead th France had lost the oppor nations to this unity. in 1 5 1 8 England, when she isolated hersel tunity
;

from the
their

life
;

intervention

of Europe by her enslavement to non the Slav countries were disqualified b]


or

rivalries

to

had her unquestioned


her

Itab obsequiousness to Russia. titles to the proud hegemony he her character, geographical position,
life.

some great thinj She was "the lam destined by God to the great mission of giving mora unity to Europe, and through Europe to Humanity. She would be the armed apostle of nationality, th
traditions, the universal looking for

come out of her new

of oppressed peoples, the instrument t Austria and Turkey and give freedom h destroy
protectress

Nationality
Lhe Slavs.
fulfilled,

And when this part of her mission was and through her nationality was victorious, hen the gratitude of the peoples, and the divine ippointment of Providence, and her own essential Itness for the task, would make Rome the centre of
fulfilling
)f

he cause of peace, the seat of the Diet of the nations, " Dante's vision, that saw her " helmsman

humanity, to steer

it
it,

to

its

peace.

It

loble dream,
Dossible,

much

of

it

may

be, fantastic

was a and im-

The

iager or ever.
ivil

and yet, perhaps, with its seed of truth. European Federation tarries behind Mazzini's prophecy, but its coming cannot be delayed

The triumph of nationality, despite the deed of 1870, has advanced with mighty strides ;ince his day. And though patriotism has often
orred into ignoble paths,

and international

fraternity

;one backward, yet the evil creates its own remedy, ind disarmament becomes an ever more impor:unate
desire.

When

the

nations

learn

that

ar-

bitration

disarmament are necessary for their Dwn self-preservation, when the European federation gradually evolves itself, Rome will be the natural seat of the High Court of Europe. Italy, which by
and
ler

plebiscitary

nationalities,
lorial

origin

has

given

rule

to

the
terri-

country
or

ambitions

practically colonial empire,

without
the

natural

mediator between the two great European alliances, vvith her ancient prestige and service to humanity
:o

give her lustre, has paramount claims to the high

prerogative.^
^

M. Novicow

in his

Missionc

d'' Italia

belief,

almost in Mazzini's words.

all this.

1911.]

has recently expressed the same [But the Tripoli business has changed

Chapter

XVIII

Literary Criticism
The
function of the critic
*

The
'

tunctiori of the poet

didactic
*

Poetry of and Goethe Byron.


'

art

for

the sake of art


*

and realism
life
'

modern

Objective

subjective

Art must avoi must be human, sociw The historical drama MusicDante Shakespeare poets

It

If Mazzini's busy
for

life

could have spared more

timfl

probably have beef among the greatest critics of the century perhaps He misse even as it is, he may rank among them. but h: in his lack of accurate and detailed study
literary

study,

he

would

has

rare

penetration

embracing synthesis. time to found an Italian school

and originality and It was his ambition

gift

at

on

of criticism, whos

mark should be
tation.

constructive and sympathetic interpre Keenly sensitive though he was to beaut;

of expression, he detested mere criticism of form an< the profitless microscopy, that pries for specks in writer's life or work. He loved to read a great autho than exposing his blemishes rather reverently, hiding
penetrating below uncouthnesses of form and casua lapses to the great informing thoughts, that had thei " At the present day," he wrot lesson for the world.

an optimistic moment, " we neither worship a geniu we set ourselve blindly, nor outrage him barbarously W< to understand him, and we learn to love him.
in
;

3"

Literary Criticism
le

3
;

gard forms as secondary and perishable phenomena idea alone is sacred, as a thing baptised to everlife,
it."

and we try how we may lift the veil that He compared genius to the fabled tree Teneriffe, whose branches discharged showers of " Genius is like this tree, and the freshing water. ission of criticism should be to shake the branches. t the present day it more resembles a savage strivsting

des

'

g to hew down the noble tree to the roots." In his scheme of life the poet had a part of supreme He regarded literature as a " moral priestiportance. " )od." Poetry would save the world in its despite," r it was the poet's prerogative to redeem it from mbt and base ideals, to " reveal duties and create fections," to lift men up above the trivial things of " e to the eternal verities. We have," he cries in " e forties, exiled poetry from life, and enthusiasm id faith have gone with it, and love, as I understand ve, and constancy in sacrifice, and the worship of eat deeds and great men." His own Italy had little of e throbbing national life, in which alone true poetry uld flourish and everywhere an age of faithlessness bbed the poet of his aliment. The time was for the " " the constructive, he was itic, philosophic critic " e literary educator," and he could at all events be ecursor of the poet of the future, marking the lines on ^ich a modern democratic poetry should travel, and " The critic," he eparing a public to understand him. " is unrelated to genius but he stands as a link ys, itween great writers and the masses he explores the tnditions and literary needs of the time, and preaches
;

em

to the nations, that they

may

learn to feel them,

id desire

and demand them

in fine, his prophecies pre-

1
3 4
1

Literary Criticism
:

a more importani pare a public for the writer matter than some think, for very rarely do writen

appear before their time." As critic, then, Mazzini points out the deficiencies o; contemporary literature, and the principles which musi True art, he lays down, ha* take it to a higher stage.

two great
formula
"

sake of art a heresy hi His attack wa! with anathemas. pontifical scourged He loved not aimed at perfection of literary form. correct and classic diction, and never underrated style
;

perils to avoid. of art for the


*

First, there is
'

the " atheist

so long as style

thought. not live his

His

criticism

was not an excuse for poverty o went deeper. The artist maj
art-life,

own

divorced from the movinji


"

world around and all its manifold activities, floating! bubble-like without support," finding his poor inspiratioi
in his

own

fancies

and
;

caprices.

individuality in that

invented though

There was no tru it was to guar*

the poet's independence, in reality it made him but Instead c passive mirror of each passing impression.
wild, arbitrary in brought anarchy and tellectual display." It robbed art of touch with th great facts of life, all fruitful relationship to th
liberty,
it

"

it

It seni struggling, ever learning, ever advancing race. like a sick man' wandering lawless, purposeless,

dreams.

The poet ceased to be a thinker and and sank to a mere empty singer. " What teacher, " want," he said, is not the Artist but the man- Artist
the High-Priest of the Ideal, not the worshipper of hi own Fetishes." Literature must be " the minister c

something greater and more valuable than itself." He was almost equally condemnatory of realisn It was especially of realistic presentation of nature.

Literary Criticism

315

riticism that he brought alike against Monti and Victor " iugo and Wordsworth, that they depicted but never " useless." ransfigured nature," and thus their art was The real is the mantle of the true, but not the true
;

because you cannot trace out or The poet is a " miner in the nalyse its source." " aoral world his function is to hew beneath the ymbol, beneath the real, to the idea shut in within uestioning nature alike in her beauties and deformi" that fragment of God's ies, to find and teach to men
high poetry
is

truth,

ruth that
le

must

exist there."

"

One

says, "that

the

phenomena
life

thing of nature

know," on their
field

noral side
f

and the inner

of

man must

be the

modern

luter life
irst."

literature, that physical nature and man's will have their place only as symbols of the

lessons must have a practical man's lot and destiny. Even when lature was rightly used and interpreted, there might )e too much of it, and he seems to have always given " latural poetry a secondary place. Poetry," he says, is not in nature but in man." This brings us to his conception of true art. It nust be essentially human, not realistically so, but
nature's

And

eference

to

did not mean practically, dida^ctically. this that it must confine to the itself obvious, out)y " ide facts of life. In every powerful poetic impresisefully,
lion

He

vrhich
loul's

the vague claims a full quarter, and the vague, must not be confounded with the obscure, is the

own field." But poetry, however much it may :oncern itself with the spiritual and unseen, must have " lirect application to the problems of life. Art lives
)f

the world's

life

the world's law


"

is art's

law."

The

x>et

must gather

the great voice of the world and

316

Literary Criticism

God," and so interpret it, that men may listen and He must contemplate man both in his in-! profit. dividuality and as a social creature, "in his internal

and external

life,

in his place

creation."

"Poetry,

and with

his mission

in

great, ceaseless, eternal poetry,


:

exists only in the development, the evolution of life only there, in life, understood and felt in its universality, can inexhaustible variety be found." Thus the poet must find his inspiration, not in his own " incomplete, mutilated conceptions," not in the
cratic

isolated individual, but in the great collective, demomovements of the people, voicing their dim
"

their latent, slumbering, thoughts and aspirations, unconscious life." There can be no great poetry to-day, unless the poet identify himself with "the

thought fermenting

in

the breast of the masses andt

Poets are the priesthood impelling them to action." of the social and political movement, which is the very blood of a modern people and there is no place for " individualist poetry in a social age. True and sacred art aims at the perfection of society," and the art of the future will be "principally religious and political."
;

He

hated the aimless

art,

that busies itself with the

mere picturesque and sentimental, which idealises ages, whose meaning and moral standard have passed. He applauded Schlegel's thesis that poetry must be " national, that is useful and related to the civil and political situation," no longer heedless of the great movements of to-day, but " standing in the centre and
swaying the heart of the social impulse." The poet, who went to fight for Greece and died there, typified "the holy alliance of poetry with the cause of the
peoples."

Literary Criticism

317

This democratic art must have a practical use by


It is not enough that Dcing didactic and prophetic. heart should beat with the people's life it must its
;

lelp the progress of the race

by pointing

to the future.

Though
:oloured

it

may

"

by the

rising sun."

grow among the ruins, art is ever " There can be no true
"
;

it is, as ooetry without a presentiment of the future " ?aid the extraordinary man," who is the poet of all

:ime,

Of the wide
'

The prophetic soul world, dreaming on things to come.


life

of a dying age or heralds no caprice of this or that ndividual, but a solemn page of history or a prophecy nost powerful, when as in Dante, and occasionally in But there is no gift of prophecy Byron, it is both." " vvithout an ideal, and literature, like politics, has 10 secure foundation without its fixed beliefs and those beliefs which make the future and principles," " :o which facts must bow. The true European writer
)ne about to

Art either sums up the

dawn

it

is

m\\ be a philosopher, but with the poet's lyre in his " lands." Nature with her thousand voices cries to the
*

Doet,

Den
dent

him down
lordship

Soar, thou art King of earth.' And if we try to to realism, and rob him of his indepen-

over

facts,
*

the poets of the past will

inswer from their graves,


:reated.'
It is for

were great, because we poetry to take the creations of the

We

Dhilosopher and give them life and colour, to explore :he truth that lies below the real and illumine it with
the light of genius, to interpret the universal laws that
_rule

over

human

history."

the poet must not only lift but send them forth in quest of it.

And

men

to his vision,
is

He

not only

Literary Criticism
It is

prophet but apostle.


stimulate thought
;

not enough that he shoulc


"

he must
"

spur

men
"
"

to translate

thought into action."

Contemplative
for instance, are
is

poets,

Words

worth

and Coleridge
"

"The element

of Action

Poetry," he says, is for me person of the Trinity, the Holy Spirit, which is action.' "In order to be a religious poet," he writes in criticisir

incomplete.' inseparable from poetry something like the thirc

of Lamartine, "
to say law,
its
*

it

is
'

not enough, in
;

my

eyes at least

Lord, Lord

and to make

necessary to feel his hoi) others feel it in such sort, as tha


it

is

they shall constantly and calmly act in obedience

tc

Just as religion gives life and power tc precepts." philosophy, so it is for art to grasp ideas, translate

by images and symbols, and make then " passionate beliefs. Poetry is enthusiasm with wing? of fire, the angel of strong thoughts, the power thai raises men to sacrifice, consumes them, stirs a tumul'
them
of ideas within them, puts in their hands a sword, i " Written poetry, like music per pen, a dagger."

formed, should be in some sense a prelude to othe:


poetry, which the excited soul of the reader composes It will "teach the young al silently within itself"

that

is greatest in self-sacrifice, constancy, silence, the sense of solitude without despair, long years of torture or delusion unrevealed and dumb, faith in the things

that

are

to

be,

the hourly struggle

for

that

faith

though hope of victory there be none in this life.' And therefore art must be ever brave and full o " teaching man not his weakness but his hope,
strength, inspiring

him not with faintheartedness

but

with energy and vigorous will." Its song must be " calmness always of steadiness and constancy, and

Literary Criticism
idiate

319

adiated from the


sraelites."
jss

from the poet's brow, as the spirit of God brow of Moses on the wandering
"

The

artist is either

practised mountebank."
effort,

Woe
or
"

a priest or a more or to him, if he teach


revolt

pasmodic, evanescent
'

and impotent

espair, that dies cursing, ere it tries to fight, that iys All things are evil,' because it finds itself unable
D

create good." Mazzini has no pity for the poet of " whose sense of moral depression and essimism, " uiguor will, if he pose as a religious poet, make his

ders

"

reject religion

and him together."

Poetry, then, the modern poetry of action, being isentially related to politics and social life, the poet's lemes are in the stir and passion of contemporary
vents or in national history.

What

field for literature

ke the mighty, moving pageant of the democratic To watch God's hand guiding the nations to 'orld ? leir destinies, to probe the eager ferment of a modern
Dciety, to interpret all the

what inspiration for the poet ig of the masses, " ere Popular poetry has invaded everything, the
!

dim, half-conscious yearn-

oetry whose epic

is

revolution,

whose

satire

is

revolt'

low strong and


ovel.
"

living are the giants of the Revolution

eside the nerveless

men and women of the quietist Poetry has fled from old Europe to give life 3 the young, new, beautiful Europe of the peoples. Ake the swallow, it has left a crumbling ruin to seek It has fled purer air and a more verdant world. cm the King's solitary throne to find its abode in the reat arena of the peoples, in the ranks of martyrs for
tie

fatherland,

on the

patriot's scaflbld, in

f the
lon,

brave betrayed."

The armies

the prison of the Conven-

the guerilla-bands of Spain, the

German

students

320

Literary Criticism

chanting the songs of Korner on the march to battk the patriot's anguished passion, the dreams of a libert to be, the world-mission of European civilisation,
these are the
poetry,

modern poet's themes. " Think you ths whose birth was ushered by such deeds a
ere;
it

these, can die

has lived

Would you

set u

the poor, pale, narrow poetry of individuals, a poetr of forms, a poetry that lives and dies in the sma would yo circle of a palace or a chapel or a castle,

solemn an grand knows none but Go full of which and tranquil hope, " An age c in heaven and the people upon earth ? science and industry is no enemy to poetry, for th
set

up

this against the

social poetry,

" I tell you, in thii elements of poetry are eternal. such there is such life, poetry in germ, th Europe of of all the generations, that genius its poetry ages, " Her has not yet dared to attempt to develop it." of the to the futun round you," so he speaks poet " here, before your eyes, there is poetry and movemer and a European people waiting for you." Mazzii The poet has another field in history. the historical dram; prophesied "a great future for be th He was inclined to think that drama would

accepted form of modern poetry, seeing doubtless ths drama is the true communion between poet and peopL the natural vehicle of the artist, who has a message t
deliver.
It

would be "a kind of popular


"
;

pulpit,

and he looke chair of the philosophy of humanity forward to the day when the great dramas, such
" those of divine Schiller," would be produced on th stage without mutilations or curtailments to a reverer

and patient audience. The function of the Jiistoricc dramatist, as indeed he thought it was the function c

Literary Criticism
le

321

prose historian, was not so much to make minute jsearch of facts, as to disentangle the lessons hidden

nder every page of history, to interpret the law of Liman duty and the mystery of existence. Like every her poet, he must start with a philosophy of life, idging all things by his own law, meting out praise
id blame, drawing guidance for the future from the The dramatist " may call up the shadows of the 1st.
ist,

but like the Witch of Endor, in order to con-

rain

them

to reveal the

future."

His personages
;

he ust be types, each with its social significance ust not, as Victor Hugo did, overload them with
It

dividual traits, till they lose their message for society, rather, as Schiller with his Marquis di Posa, so

'e-create

w
rs

of

them, that they may illustrate some general Mazzini did not see how pale such characwould be how difficult it was to reconcile them
life.
;

"

ith

re to falsify

biographical accuracy, how likely therefore they any induction of historical laws.

His theory of music was a very similar one. Music, poetry, he thought, was nought without a moral tention, without practical teaching and power to " It should be the purest and most general spire. id most sympathetic expression of a social faith." He tilessly criticised the music of the thirties, imitative, :hausted, artificial, clever but without creative power. faithless and corrupt generation asked for music to luse it; and music had listened and forgotten its There was melody and good instrumentaission. " It was m, but no soul or thought in it. laughter thout peace, weeping without virtue." Operas had unity, no great passionate note; they were ingenious
ce
>

osaics,

much

of

them mere noise and extravagance,


L

32 2
inferior for

Literary Criticism

all their technique to the chants of medieval Church, when music had a religious work Rossini had done something do. he had brolfrom the old canons and given liberty to music he had the defects of the Romanticist school, he \ freed but could not create he had prepared the \^ for the music of the future, but it was not his to w Mazzini however saw indications that the n it. music was not far off, and its dawn, he believ
;
;

would be
itself to

in

Italy.

But

Italian

German harmony.

Italian pnusic

melody must v was "lyn<

soul.

but without unity it was mysti and impersonal, out of touch with everyday hun it stir; It dulled men's impulses to action life. them, but to no useful end, left the soul full of gr
impassioned, volcanic,
artistic,"

German music knew God, but

emotion,

but uninspired to perform plain duti Mazzini was assured that Italy would produce master, who would unite the strength of both scho' keep the religion of the German school, but poini At one time he ho| to practical, human ends.
that perhaps Donizetti might live to wards he thought that Meyerbeer

do was

this
"

afl

the

f
^

cursor spirit

of the music of the future."

He

When he insists that always thinking of Opera. music should be in keeping with the subject and of period, when he pleads for the symbolic use orchestra, for the wider employment of motives, the development of the chorus on the model of Gr tragedy, for the large use of recitative, for the en disuse of cadences and flourishes, he is looking Opera to be the highest form of music, as he lookec

C/:

Richard Wagner's Prose Works (Eng.

trans.), pp. 122-123.

Literary Criticism
le historical

323
for the

drama

to be the highest form of poetry.

apparently he wished to
ay,

wed them, and looked

when

great poets would write librettos for great


is

)mposers. Mazzini's criticism of music


full
r

for its

time so

fresh,

of suggestion and prophecy, that it is matter regret that his knowledge of it was not more
;

ctensive.
;

He knew opera and little beyond it some had acquaintance with Beethoven, but he seem )es not to have been very strongly attracted
isted

He him, or to have made much study of him. on Donizetti and Meyerbeer the enthusiasm, lich should have been reserved for greater men. It
unfortunate that he lived before Wagnerian opera

London. It would be possible to show in what a remarkable extent he anticipated Wagner, it is true, rejected the Cagner's theories.^
peared
in
tail

to

t5torical
c

art
It

to

drama, because he believed the requirements be incompatible with historical accuracy.

his

main doctrines are the same as Mazzini's,

ethical intention of music, the intimate relationip of art to public life, the belief in the people as
2

fountain of true

:onciliation

of

the value of the folk-song, the harmony and melody, the poet and
art,

isician stretching
'

loral

will

to music,
It
is

hands to one another and giving by uniting word to tone


'

'

'

'

permitted to think that, Wagner's tionality notwithstanding, Mazzini would have rein him the master of the new music, whose ir^^nised
Opera.
ntjivn

he heralded.

Mazzini had a favourite classification of poets into


Mazzini's Philosophy of
k of the

Music was written

in 1836

Wagner's Art'

Future

in

1 849.

324
"
"

Literary Criticism
"

and The objective art objective subjective." sinks his own beliefs, and merely reflects and transm
external impressions, neither judging them by his o\ conception of right and wrong, nor supplying a

The su inspiration or rule of action for mankind. artist his themes with the stamps imprint jective he sits in the seat of judgme his own individuality
;

and measures out

praise

and blame

and thus he

hel

others to form a moral law, and creates the futu The former series, men who excite our admiration b

not our love, passes from the Greek poets,


to
;

all

save

01

the latter frc Goethe through Shakespeare and Dante Michelangelo to Byr Aeschylus through Dante was Mazzir Schiller. and, apparently,

Something h highest type of the subjective poet. his on Mazzini's said of been influence thoug already

an

influence far greater than that of any otP There are few, indeed, of Mazzini's doctrin writer.

which are not found in germ in the Convito or t Mazzini revered him as the stro De Monarchid. intellect, which took so little from other men and ga the hero, whose life was one long fight, w so much
;

"

country, conspired for country, held t " " neither Catholic the patriot, pen and sword Ghibelline nor Guelf, but Christian and Italian," w

wrote for

believed in

the holy

Roman

people,'

and
;

foretold

the think Italy the spiritual mastery of the world of all mc task common who taught the unity and

kind

man
"

the one true poet of love, to whom the love and woman was a spiritual thing, wherein s

entered not.

him with Shakespea the lord of individuality," the supreme dramat who created individuals as no man else has creat
contrasted

He

Literary Criticism
hem, giving his creatures choice of good and
;

325
evil,

and

)ursuing the lesson of their fates, the choice once made, who in Hamlet had of pure creative the end
genius

made a

enturies
riginal.
ife

after

prophetic type, that belonged to two him, and had no contemporary But Shakespeare was a man who took
it,

as he found

>athies,

without

sense

untouched by strong moral symof the race or glimpse of


;

therefore uty or looking to the future nd a " sceptic," obsessed by the feeling

a
of
in

cynic
life's

man's othingness, with no illuminating faith redestined glory. Mazzini's favourite contrast was between Goethe and
Jyron.

dmiration

For Goethe's intellect he had the profoundest he seems to have studied Faust carefully,
;

nd had some acquaintance at all events with his other " is an intellect, that receives, ^orks. "Goethe," he says, laborates, and reproduces every possible form of uman emotion and aspiration. He dwells aloft, 'lone, a mighty Watcher in the midst of creation, :rutinizing with equal penetration and interest the 3pths of ocean and the calyx of the flower, ying bare in Faust the problem of the age in all its the most representative poet irrible nakedness, lat Europe has produced since Shakespeare." But 'eat intellect as he is, he misses the highest for he ses the man in the artist, he has no moral standard his own, no sense of the unity of life he is the " )et of detail and analysis, feeling 'everything but iver feeling the whole," living aloof from religion and
. . .

)litics,

ound him,
itter

a cold spectator of the world-moving deeds " learning neither to esteem men nor to nor even to suffer with them," " without them,

326
love."

Literary Criticism

need of doing or sacred sorrow or any deep and ardent " The poet of the bourgeoisie, he counsels calm and contemplation, order and resignation, tells men to fit themselves to their environment, fulfil their little duties, plant themselves comfortably, do good around them, always provided that the risks are not too great, and that they do not disturb the harmony and balance of the faculties of sight!* Turn from Goethe, he says, to Byron " there is the
;

himself, who hopes and strives and suffers for the race, as Dante did, and as Aeschylus did before Like Goethe, he too is " a poet of individuDante."
"
ality,"

man

a type of power without an aim


is

"

but, unlike

Goethe's, his verse

no mere

reflection of other men'j

He stamps his portraitures thoughts and actions. " with his own personality, surveying the world from single, comprehensive point of view," and interpreting
as

and judging it by Goethe is more

his

own

vast,

more deep inner light the sublime rathe seeking


;

than the beautiful, ever a worshipper of force and action " In Byron the ego is revealed in all its pride of powei freedom, and desire, in the uncontrolled plenitude o all its faculties, aspiring to rule the world around hin
solely
for

dominion's sake, to exercise upon


It is this

it

th(

Titanic force of his will."

power of

will

necessarily propelled to seek an outlet in action, tha Byron bears hi appealed so strongly to Mazzini.

part in the political

and

social

conflicts

round

hive

"wandering through the world, sad, gloomy, and un " quiet, wounded and bearing the arrow in his wound
loving and understanding Italy for a nation's cause in Greece.
in

and

Rome,

dyinj

his

verse a great

social

Mazzini foun as Goeth such lesson,

And

Literary Criticism
never tried to teach.

327

Byron

foretold the

doom

Consciously or unconsciously of individualism and aristo-

cracy.

His characters are moulded on *^ a single type the individual free, but nothing more than free iron souls in iron frames, who climb the alps of the " but all physical world as well as the alps of thought
;
;

" bearing in their faces the stamp of failure, a gloomy and ineffaceable sadness." "Gifted with a liberty

they
they

knew not how to use with a power and energy knew not how to apply with a life, whose
;

purpose and aim they comprehend not they drag through their useless and convulsed existences. The Byron destroys them one after the other. mptiness of the life and death of solitary individuility has never been summed up so powerfully as
;

n his pages."

But Byron, no more than Goethe, wrote the poetry


)f

Mazzini's ideal.

)ity or enthusiasm,

In a generation without religion or amid " English cant and French


stagnation,"

evity

and

Italian

Byron was driven

to

But )assionate, tumultuous cursings of a false society. Neither t was a note of rebellion and despair. poet lad the sense of the race, of man redeemed by love
lind social service, of the new /ould come, as men learned to
11

ommon
D

end.

hope and power that work together for the Mazzini gives no indication that he

He seems the art that he looked for. have thought that some of the modern Slav poetry ame nearest to it. The new English literature does ot appear to have attracted him there is no evidence if he read and he nitiat had, he would probably Browning,
ver found
; n(

ave condemned him as " objective."


as conspicuously failed to

thi

Historical drama do what he expected of it.

328
The poetry
analytic

Literary Criticism
of social problems
destructive.
is still

for the most par poet of his vision, th constructive, prophetic, apostolic poet, with his messag for humanity, whose songs will reach the worksho

and

The

and the cottage and inspire a nation's


to come.

policy,

is

ye

Chapter

XIX

The Man
Poetic temperament Defects as a thinker Greatness as a moral teacher Strength and weakness as a politician The man.

!arlyle said that Mazzini was " by nature a little The implication was contemptuous, but /rical poet." had a bottom of truth. Mazzini, indeed, save for is early aspirations to the drama, never dreamed of His conception of the poet's function eing a poet.
he demanded of him so the call, he put it away, xacting, o doubt, as something to which he could not reach. is doubtful even whether he wrote more than one Dem when a youth. He aspired only to be critic, do something to prepare the way for the poet of the But he had qualities, that would have made of ture.
as so

high, the qualities


that, if

he ever

felt

m a poet of no mean order.


his writings,
iture.

There are many passages which show his deep communion with When he writes of *'the vast ocean, dashing,

<e a
'

eternal poetry, against the barren rocks or describes a sunrise from the Alps, Brittany," the first ray of light trembling on the horizon, vague

wave of

id
le
;

pale, like a timid, uncertain

hope

then the long

cutting the blue heaven, firm and decided a promise," truly the consecration and the poet's

of

fire

eam

are his.

His

critical

essays prove with what


3*9

33
spiritual insight

The Man
he would have touched the poetry of

have seen how marvellous for society. an outsider was his presentiment of the future of music. And his whole intellectual make, alike in strength and
of the artist, that is, as weakness, is that of the artist, he conceived him, God's messenger to the heart of man. He had little power of scientific thought, of accurate

man and

We

reasoning or careful arrangement and analysis of facts. It led to a curious misconception of scientific method.
the true, great, fruitful science, Science," he says, is as much intuition as experiment." He generalises with a hazardous confidence. Sometimes he uses words,
that are no
"

"

more than words, to push difficulties into In spite of his a corner and stand in front of them.

" tradition," he generally prefers deducallegiance to " tive to inductive reasoning. Principles prevail over but he often does not see, in spite facts," as he says
;

of his
for

own

cautions, how, without a

supreme

respect

facts,

a principle

may hang
;

not on the eterna

truths, but

scientific studies

on the fancy of a solitary brain. His owr were small save for some acquaintance with astronomy and geography, the former tc

feed his sense of the infinite, the latter for its relationship to nationality, he seems to have given no attentior

He accepted withou any branch of science. of the creation of man the Genesis story question At a time when Darwinism was bringing a sword intc the intellectual world, he lived apparently uninterestec and untouched by it.
to
'

The same defect of method appears in Keen as was his interest in social studies.

his

othe

questions
;

he evidently had no grasp of economic science beyoncg Adam Smith, it is doubtful whether he read any o]

The Man

;^^

the great economists, and at a later date he entirely failed to understand the economic side of Karl Marx.

His theories of history, again, so subordinate everything to his desire to make it didactic, that he regarded research and accuracy as comparatively unimportant. He thought, rash man, that facts had already been accumulated in sufficient abundance and certainty. Greatly indeed he conceived the historian's ultimate

function
3e
"

to discover the laws of


social

human
"
;

progress,

and

prophet of a higher

end

but he slurred

over the difficulty of reading facts aright, and was ever He would have prone to let fancy take their place.

made the

historian's

method deductive
fill

to a dangerous

degree, and had him

the gaps of history from an abstract study of human nature ; he apparently approved the Thucydidean method of invented speeches.

Here and everywhere he was apt


erudition.

that Genius, a kind of mystic, that lived on intuition and not God-inspired faculty, Dn painfully acquired knowledge, discovers at a glance the secrets of nature and ethics and history.
'

He believed

to look

down on

Where we

see only the confused light of the

Milky

Way, they see stars." Though he would have himself disclaimed the title to genius, he had a supreme conidence in his
,o

It was difficult for him thought. and hence he never learnt from his error, It was true of him, as Renan said of nistakes. Lamennais, that "when a man believes that he possesses ill truth, he naturally disdains the painful, humble path )f research, and regards the investigation of details is a This was no doubt the pure dilettante fancy." :hief cause why his mind so soon stopped growing. We find in his early writings, when he was twenty-

own

own an

;^^2

The Man

seven or twenty-eight, the germ, and generally the developed form of every doctrine that he preached. His character developed normally, but not his intellect.

Religion, ethics, politics, social theories, literary canons, all issued forth at once from his early-ripened brain,
for
all.

and fixed themselves once

He

was always

reluctant to enquire for or admit new knowledge. It is strange, lover of books though he was, how restricted

sometimes was his range of reading. His poets were the poets of his youth and early manhood, and he read few that wrote after 1840. Closely as he studied the he seems to have Gospels, given little or no attention In spite of his keen interest in Utilito exegesis. tarianism, there is no trace that he read the latei

Though so long in intimate touch with English political thought, he does not seerr to have known Burke or Ricardo or the Mills 01 Herbert Spencer. As a thinker, therefore, his defects are great. Hij thought, indeed, always has its value, coming as it does from a man of very great intellectual power anc
large experience of life, one to the heart of things, and

writers of the school.

who

was therefore

fearlessly penetratec in the true

sense original. Its range is wonderful for one whc led so strenuous a life of action. Faulty as hij

argument often

is, obvious as are the gaps, he wrote few comparatively pages, that are not stamped witl

But his mind was toe great and stimulating thought. of touch with con too out often loosely organised,

t|

He has left an imposing anc temporary knowledge. and suggestive system, yet perhaps it somehow fails tc add greatly to the sum of human knowledge. But
i"

is

just the qualities, that depreciate

him

as a thinker

The Man
/hich

^^^
want

make him

f logic, his

His great as a moral teacher. loose use of words hurt not here.

The

ivolved and rushing language, like a tumbling mounain stream, becomes a strength. That very rigidity,
hat lifelong iteration of a few dominant ideas, carry 3rce and conviction, that a more agile intellect were

owerless

to give. His warm and palpitating eneralisations, for all the flaws in their reasoning, ear the irrefutable mark of moral reality. He had

*iat

union

of real

intellectual

force

and

spiritual

jrvour, that gives the insight into iarns the secrets of heaven and hell.

moral truth, and

He was

able to

e a great moralist, because in a rare degree he had imself the moral sense, because the passion for ghteousness had so penetrated all his being, that he
rod,

ould speak and be understood on the deep things of had something in his own soul that found its And, above all, he spoke with ay to other souls.
uthority. )ined to

Absolute confidence in his


truest

personal

humility,

own beliefs was and made the

least ambitious of men, he and in God's name he was ssertive, dogmatic, sometimes seemingly egotistic, f he spoke authoritatively and intolerantly, it was lat a duty was laid upon him, and woe to him if he reached it not. His principles were living and

rophet.

Humblest and
from

ilt

his call

God

ictorious certainties to him.

"

If a principle is true/'

not only possible but And this unquestioning conviction made im as fearless morally as he was intellectually, earless with the supreme bravery of one who never hrinks from duty, fearless not only for himself but
e said, "its levitable."

applications are

thers,

bridling

all

the

impulsive tenderness within

334

The Man

him, and requiring of his fellow-workers the sam readiness for sacrifice, which he exacted of himsel And so his words, aflame from a pure and passior

come with the intensity of prophetic powe Beyond the words of any other man of modern time
ate heart,

they bring counsel and comfort to those who hav drunk of the misery and stir and hope of the ag< They have the greater virtue, that impels their hearer
to do likewise. Mazzini is one of the small band, wh have the strength as well as the love of Christ, nc

only the unselfishness that draws, but the convictio and the power that command, who impose their ow
beliefs

Would

and make disciples. he, had he had the opportunity, have don

what he held higher than

to teach through books, an^ been the missionary of a religion ? Had Italy bee freed in 1848, we may be sure he would have left hi desk, forsaken politics, and gone about the lane preaching faith in God and Progress and Humanit}

Probably no other man, since the Reformation, ha had such apostolic power. Would his mission hav found an answer or ended in pitiable collapse? H would probably have had no better fate than othen who have tried to found new churches. There ma; be room for new faiths, but there is little for nev churches in the world to-day. But this does no His church might have beei necessarily mean failure. empty, his state religion proved a soulless husk bu in the communion of scattered men and women, wh(
;

are groping for the truth, he might have laid a corner stone of that church, which is neither in this mountaii

nor yet at Jerusalem, which without forms or unity o


doctrine, spreads the unity of spiritual truth.

Some

The Man
n

^^^

iig,

even as
a

it

is,

he has done

ly

fail

to content the

for this. His creed knowledge of to-day, but he

inds
jrnal
:t

convincing witness to the spiritual, to the needs of the soul, to religion as the master

of

life,

though creeds

may

fail

and systems

perish.

does he rank as a politician ? Our estimate be a mixed one. As a political thinker he i.nds high. He has left a theory of the state, that priceless because informed by a great moral ideal, id apart from this, it has its value from his wide d profound knowledge of modern politics and the ictical sense that almost always keeps his idealism touch with facts. His faith in democracy, the timism which came of his trust in Providence, cautious handling of economic tendencies saved m from the mistakes of Carlyle and Ruskin. His nviction that the common-sense of the people was
ist
;

How

iling out

hool,

its way independently of any theory or kept him from the short-lived formulas of the His deeper knowledge of men and dividualists.

eper reading of history gave him a saner and None mpleter view than that of the collectivists. them, not even Ruskin, can match the warmth and spiration of a conception, that raises politics to be

instrument only to destroy injustice and poverty, but to deem the highest part of man and bring the rule

instrument

of the divine plan,

an

brotherhood and unity and social peace.

In the

tailed application of his political doctrines he often iled from that same inaccessibility to facts, which

arred
sential

him
;

otherwise.

His

republic

missed

the

his theories of democratic

government are

z?>^

The Man

But even here he is t\ vague and hardly satisfy. of one Amoni great enduring principle. prophet
the statesmen of the century, he
one,
is

almost the on)

who understood what

nationality meant,

saw

essential relationship to democracy, and put it c It was this that mac an unassailable foundation. him teacher of Italian Unity, and therefore maker modern Italy. Whether without him Italy woul be united to-day, we cannot tell but at all eveni it was he who gave the impulse, his bold vision th^ saw that the hard consummation was attainable, an
c
;

gave others too the

faith to see

it.

as he is great True, h practical political worker, he largely failed. had many of a statesman's qualities. He often rea

As

a political

thinker,

then,

character

acutely, though his confidence in me sometimes deceived him, and again and again he Wc He had rare industry an the victim of informers. considerable organising power; though, owing to h solitary work, he had learned to bury himself too muc in the mass of correspondence and th in details, immense labour he put out to scrape together littl and in them he sometimes neglected th funds, Above all, as he proved c survey of the whole. Rome, he had the true statesman's gift of leadershi and inspiration. But it is more than doubtful whethe even under happier circumstances, he would have bee His knowledge of huma an effective politician. nature was more subtle in the abstract than in th individuals were to him too much whoU concrete good or wholly bad, and he did not recognise ho^

complex are the motives that sway puzzled humanit}

He

could rarely take a sane, unprejudiced view of

The Man
1

337

amazes us that he expected Pio Nono n:o respond to his appeal in 1847, and thought that, if il:he republic came at Rome in 1870, it would found a His misconception of Piedmontese iutate religion.
situation.

It

policy throughout the fifties is a yet stronger illustraThis was one of the reasons ddon of distorted vision. so difficult he found it to compromise. He could A^hy lot distinguish non-essentials from essentials, and it
3

A'as

nearly as hard for

him

to give

way on

the one as

seemed Compromise no and was doubt a of there strain :owardice, egotism It humiliated him to surrender any n his obstinacy. detail of the theories, which he preached with such
)n the other.
in small or great

jndiscriminating confidence.

But one would fain close not with the thinker or the noral teacher or the politician, but the man. Mazzini's personal life was one of a very rare purity and beauty,
that stands out in his generation noblest and faithIts only serious flaw lies in fullest and most inspired.

those few lapses from public candour, which have been noted in these pages. Sometimes he was bitter and

but the provocation was great. In earlier he was often querulous and self-absorbed, but it may be counted to him, that, with his sensitive nature, he came through loneliness and poverty with his moral strength unbroken. Except for these, the critic's Brave, earnest, true, microscope can find no specks. without trace of affectation, he bore the stamp of whitest sincerity. Gentle, affectionate, pure as few are pure, he was friend and counsellor and inspirer to
intolerant,
life

those
that

who knew

wondrous sympathy of

him, gripping and subduing them with his, that came of burning

S3 8

The Man

love of goodness and made the saving of a soul the That generosity, which made highest thing in life. him share purse and clothes with others perhaps less destitute than himself, and give half his scanty income
to help a

woman and
lavish

children that he hardly knew,

made him

out

of his

thought to help struggling

souls.

busy days time and Ever intense in

his affections, grateful for any act of kindness, yearning for friendship with the yearning of the homeless

man, he was one to draw others with bonds of love. He had a large and loving view of life. Pettiness and malice and jealousy had very little place in it. Passionate though he was for morality, he was, outside his political work and controversies and an occasional touch of cynicism in his talk, a very tolerant man. No person has, he said, "a right to judge a special case without positive data on the nature of the fact" He was angry and impatient with the " cavilling spirit
of mediocrity," that takes pleasure in the lapses of " the mighty-souled." Among his friends he never

sermonised, and he had no desire to bend their private Ever more or less sad himlife to his own pattern.
self,

he rejoiced in their happiness. " You are a happy " I mortal," he writes to one of them on his marriage,

am, notwithstanding my dislike for happiness, truly Never man had more joy in glad that you are so." It was only among his fellowothers' home felicity. revolutionists, whom he thought of as partners in his own high call, that he was exacting and sometimes ungenerous, though he pleaded earnestly with them
that public work should leave room for the inner life of love and friendship. In his political controversies, it must be confessed, his equanimity deserted him, and

he

is

often intolerant

and

unfair.

He was

too ready to

The Man
of Louis

339

think that bad politics implied bad morals,and his hatred Napoleon and Cavour made him pen pages, that

one would gladly not remember. But even in politics he could sometimes do justice to an opponent, who obv/ously acted from high convictions and he was one of me few Italian nationalists, who could appreciate the motives of the Catholic Volunteers. But his essential greatness lies on the active side. Above all else he shines out white in that consuming
;

love of humanity, that accepted poverty

and weariness

and danger, that made him forego home and love, comfort and congenial work, and give himself to one long, self-forgetting service for the good of men. Duty was no abstract precept with him, but part In adversity and trial he had of his very being. schooled himself to follow her, till disobedience to her call became almost impossible, and he did not wait for her to speak but sought her out. It was nearly allied to his almost superstitious fear of personal happiness. Those miserable years in Switzerland and London He wrought on him, till melancholy grew to a habit.
it afterwards in the society of his but it never left him and it tinted all English friends, his life with the gentle sadness, which is near akin to

lost

something of

Sunless and seems at times, after all, as with the Man of sorrows, it purged him to the same forgetfulness of self. It was no enervating grief; "do not allow to be weakened and self-absorbed by your yourself " trouble was his perennial lesson to friends, who had lost dear ones. His was the " other part of grief, the noble part, which makes the soul great and lifts it up." " By dint of repeating to myself," he once wrote to Mrs Carlyle, "that there is no happiness under the moon.
spiritual

yearnings and large-hearted love.


it

unwholesome as

340
that
life is
;

The Man
a self-sacrifice meant for

some higher an happier thing that to have a few loving beings, or none, to have a mother watching you from Italy c from Heaven (it is all the same) ought to be quit enough to preserve us from falling." He, to a degre that few have done, trod self victoriously under; habitu
ally and systematically year by year, untempted b; failure or success, by misery or comparative happiness

he denied himself even the little indulgences and re laxations and declensions from the strait hard patl by which most good men make their compromis with the world and flesh. So remorselessly was dut law to him, that sometimes work and sacrifice becam ends in themselves and he laboured painfully on the path which he had chosen, when it would hav served his cause better to have rested or turned t other activities. And the unbending labour had it fruit in that wonderful sum of his life's work, thai
;

ii

beyond

all

the

exacting
its

details

of

his

politica

organisation, has left has left so vast a

stamp on modern Europe body of thought in half th


life

provinces

of the

human mind, has

legacy in the example of a wholly to the cause of men.

its yet riche given perfectly anc

was not the mere conscientious worker only in the light of a spiritual vision, and tha light radiated in almost every page he wrote, on ever Besides th man and woman whom he touched. " He was," writes a livinj sense of duty he had faith. " perhaps the most impressiv English statesman, person I have ever seen, with a fiery intensity o faith in his own principles and in their ultimat a man t( triumph, which made him seem inspired
he lived
;

He

The Man
rciaken

341

iirvour."

sleeping souls, and fill them with his own He loved to commune with those of his
kin,

oivn
tiien
H

spiritual

Dante,
same

who had
God,

the

Savonarola, Cromwell, undoubting faith in the

ghteousness

rith

men,

of their
it

cause

and

their

fellow- work
intellectu-

may

be, one-sided

and

but gifted with the power to do great )jily incomplete, And so great principles and lings and lift up life.
IS

obleness

of aim

carried

him through a
to be a

series

of

permanent What if he dreamed dreams, iiiriching of the race. lat for generations yet may be no more than dreams ? /hat if his mental ken reached not to all the knowWhat if he marred his work :dge of the age ? His errors have y mistakes and miscalculations? his intellectual limitations can be supplied. assed [is was the rarer and the greater part, to lift men ut of the low air of common life up to the heights, here thought is larger, and life runs richer, and the reat verities are seen, undimmed by self and sophistry. and he 'he idealist is still mankind's best friend oes most for the race, who purges its spiritual vision, nd breathes into cold duty, till it becomes a thing f life and passion and power. Greater still is he, ^ho is not idealist only, but saint and hero, and in is life bears witness to the truth he teaches. Such and while aint and hero and idealist Mazzini was len and women live, who would be true to themselves nd to their call, who value sacrifice and duty above ower and success, so long will there be those, who rill love him and be taught by him.
; ; ;

ractical mistakes,

and

left his life

FACSIMILE OF MAZZINl'S HANDWRITING.

Appendix
)me

unpublished (in one case privately published) Letters and Papers, written BY Mazzinl
Letter to

1.

Mr

W. E. Hickson, about
1

1844.

2.

Prayer for the Planters,

846.

3.

Letter to Letter to
Letter to
Letter to

Mrs

Peter Taylor, 1847.


Taylor, February 1854.
Taylor, October 1854.

4.

Mr Peter

5.

Mr Peter
Mrs

6.

Peter Taylor, 1857.

7.

Two

Letters to

Mrs

Milner-Gibson, 1859.

8.

Letter to
Letter to
Letter to

Mr Peter
Mrs

Taylor, i860.

9.

Peter Taylor, 1865.

10.

Mr

W. Malleson,

1865.
the

11. Rest.

Paper written for

Pen and Pencil

Club, 1867.

12. Letter to

Mrs

Peter Taylor, 1868.

13.

Letter to

Mr

William Shaen, 187a

Letter to Mr W.

E. Hickson, Editor of the Westminst Review (probably in 1844).

[This letter gives some details concerning his early life, whic are not mentioned in his works or in any of the biographies.]
I began to attract the attention of the Governmei Sir, by my literary writings. I had been pleading warmly th cause of what was then called Romanticism, and was the right

Dear

in Italy

progressive
literary

Then, as now, all pleading fc independence, progression, were suspected I publishe Italy as educating the mind to forbidden tendencies. " in 1828 a weekly literary paper the Indicatore Genovese" was, at the end of the year, and though published under the doubl I caused th ecclesiastical and temporal censorship, suppressed. " paper to be continued at Leghorn under the title of Indicator Livornese " ; ^ it was, at the end of the year, suppressed again, wrote one long article on " a European Literature " in the best our reviews, the " Antologia " of Florence. The review was per In 1830, after th< secuted and after some time suppressed. The accusation was th< Revolution of July I was arrested. spreading of a secret association tending to the overthrow of th< Italian Government. I recollect a fact, well apt to give a summan of our condition in Italy. My father, Professor of Anatomy in tht Genoese University, went to the Governor of the town, Venanson " Your son," he was enquiring at the cause of my imprisonment. " is fond of walking every night, alone, told amongst other things, sadly pensive, on the outskirts of the town. What on earth has We don't like young people he at his age to think about ? thinking, without our knowing the subject of their thoughts." A committee of Senators was appointed, in Turin, to try me. They found no proofs, and acquitted both me and some friends who had been arrested with me. Nevertheless I was sent, in solitary conlife

in Literature.

liberty,

This
344

is

inaccurate.

See Linaker, Vita di Enrico Mayer,

I.

124-125.

Appendix
:

345

nement, at Savona, in the fortress for five months and afterards, sent in exile, without leave of seeing anybody, except There was no duration determined but I was ly parents. )ld that my subsequent conduct would shorten or prolong the me of my being an exile. I came through Savoy and Switzerland ) France, at a time in which the Government of Louis Philippe,
;

ot yet
I

exciting all insurrectional schemes, both in Spain lerged, of course into them.

acknowledged by the absolutist Governments, was active and Italy. I


the insurrection of 183 1 was quenched in the Estates of I established myself at Marseilles, and founded from

When
le

Pope,

association "la giovine Italia." Of the distinctions this and the old Carbonari associations, I ave spoken in four letters that have been printed in the " Monthly hronicle." They the fourth especially I would advise you to
lere the
)

new

be made between

J have not a single copy in my possession and cannot /en remember the number ; but they must have appeared between
eruse
:

338 and 1839. The rapidity with which the Association spread zinced the justice of the fundamental views. At the beginning

As 1832, the organisation was powerful throughout all Italy. ne of the main features of La Giovine Italia was to not content
f

Carbonarism did, with a secret war, but to reach insurthrough the open preaching of its belief, an organ was itablished at Marseilles expounding all the principles of the La Giovine Italia, a review, or rather a collection ssociation. f political pamphlets springing from the Association, was under ly direction ; and, in fact, the two-thirds of each volume were my tvn. The effect was really electric among our youth. From larseilles, through the merchant-ships of our country, the iptains of which were almost generally volunteering their Torts, the volumes were smuggled into Italy, where they raised le enthusiasm of the patriots to such a pitch that it was evident general outbreak would ensue. Then, the persecutions began. .ppUcations were made by all the Italian Governments to the ranch the policy of Louis Philippe had already changed, and
self as

;ction

most active co-operation against the Association and me was remised. Measures were taken at Marseilles against such of our idles as were living upon the subsidies. They were sent away to le interior. But few as we were, we could, by multiplying our At last, under the pretence of my being ctivity, front the task.
16

346
likely to

Appendix
be connected with the republican agitation
to
in France,
ti

was ordered

leave France.
;

protested,

and claimed

but unsuccessfully. My presence Marseilles was imperiously required by the interests of tl the writing, publishing, and sending to Italy tl Association correspondencies with the country, for which Marseilles w offering every facility, the interviews with Italian patriots wl flocked to Marseilles for instructions and communicatior I decided to stop were all resting on me. and conceal During one year I succeeded in baffling all tl myself. B activity of the French police, and of our own spies. it was through the most rigorous seclusion you can imagin
;
;

common

justice of a trial

During one year, I remember having had only twice, breath of fresh air in the night, once dressed in woman's gar At last things had reachc the other as a Garde-National. such a point that a general rising was thought of. I left Fran and went to Geneva there to await for the event, and prepare expedition into Savoy, so as to divide the forces of the enemy ai
:

establish co-operation between the patriots in Italy and tht the hopes of an insurrection failed in Italy, tl exiles. " " fourth of my letters in the Monthly Chronicle will tell yo

How

too failed, through our military leader. General Ramorin attempt on Savoy an attempt I thought it our duty realise, as a practical teaching to our countrymen, that promise once given, are to be kept, would now be too long to say. But tolerably true account of the enterprise is to be found in one " " the volumes of Histoire de Dix Ans par Louis Blanc. Mea while the attempt, once unsuccessful, drew upon Switzerland ai d fortiori upon me, the anger of all Governments. Notes we literally showering upon the poor Swiss Cantons, where we s journed. The most of us left Switzerland for France or Englan Driven away from Geneva, I we I with few others remained. driven away from there, to Bern to the Canton de Vaud
in the

How we

There, owing to the friendship of some of the members of t) Government, I stopped for some time, keeping a very seclude At last the insistence of the foreign Embassies prevail* life. upon the weakness of the Bernese Government, and I was oblig< Meanwhile the principles, embodied in o to go to Solothurn. writings and in our associations had awakened the sympathies the Swiss patriots. A National Association was founded on

Appendix
lich

347

ound of brotherhood with our own. The persecutions with the unwilling but weak Swiss Governments were hunting excited almost as much indignation as the opening of the t, The weakness of the Cantons had its source in the ters here.
ficiency of national unity, in the detestable organisation of the antral Power, on the old Pacie Federal^ forced by the Allies on
/itzerland at the overthrow of
ite a periodical
lief,

Napoleon. I was requested to advocating and unifying under our political

isse"

Funds were given. The "Jeune the national feelings. was established. It appeared twice a week in French and

German, for the course of one year. Through the German and working-men, through the Tyrolese working-men, ther numerous in the Canton of Ziirich, through the Italian ssin, and the frequent contact with Italian people travelling to
lies,

frontier, the spirit of liberty began to spread again in the untries approaching Switzerland. The terrors of the Govern;nts re-excited the persecution. They threatened Switzerland
3

th war. German troops came to the frontier, M. Thiers v/as inacing to ruin Swiss commercial resources with a "blocus were sent away. The paper suppressed ; the rmetique." 3st horrible calumnies spread against us all exiles left with or thout compulsion. I decided to remain as long as necessary to

We

ove to the Swiss people, that they were the slaves of the Foreign Dur)wers, and devoid of all real liberty, of all independence. 5 seven months, I went from place to place, from house to house, ing in places apparently empty, with mats at the windows, thout even going beyond the room, except when receiving
vices of the house being suspected then with a guide, I was ossing the mountains in the night, and going to another shelter, hile the Governments were raging, I received from all classes population marks of sympathy that made and still make me
:

nsider Switzerland as a second Fatherland. Ministers [of re^on] were inviting me to their houses as one of their family. [At] renchen, a village of a thousand inhabitants, near Solothurn, [len I had spent one year, in an establishment of baths, I was, iring the storm, made citizen spontaneously and without expense. he poor people, good souls of the village, believed that as a

mss

citizen, I

Imitted.

as to all

would be respected the grant of course, was not had I been alone, I would have, hardened as I privations, kept on resisting [but I was not alone] so I
;

Still

348

Appendix

decided to leave and come to England. It was then that I hi a correspondence with the Duke of Montebello, which ended his sending three passports for us to a place I named and January or February 1837 I landed in England The "Giovine Italia" had six volumes published at differei All that I have ever written concerning politics bears n times. name. Before I established the Association I wrote a long lett to Charles Albert, who had just then come to reign over Piedmor remembering him of what he had promised and done, when not
;

king, pointing to bility of keeping

him

all

down long

the dangers of his position, the imposs the spirit of the nation, the system
c

blood-shedding reaction to which he would soon be bound, and

the other side, the Possible, the Beautiful, the Grand, the Godlil that there would be in his putting himself at the head of tl National party ; the letter was printed, and signed only " A

was then quite unknown, and would not hai weight to the considerations besides, I did n^ " Italian People" would ever spring from under believe that the and I was writing, not my own cloak royal opinion, but that many of my countrymen still fond of such a hope. I wanted have the true intentions of the man on whom they relied, as muc as possible unveiled. As soon as the letter reached him, n: " " signalement was given to all the authorities of the coast, so to have me arrested if ever I attempted to cross the fronti* tt again. ... I have been in 1833 condemned to be shot back by a military commission sitting in Alessandria, as having le from without the agitation. Here in London I have exerted, as will exert, what influence I possess with my countrymen to ei deavour to raise them from the nothingness and worse tha nothingness in which now they are ; from English affairs I ha\ kept myself entirely separated; nor sought the help of Englis people even for our Italian affairs. As to all the present agitatioi I had nothing to do with it, on the beginning. I did not thin that the time was properly chosen. But, when the patriots of tb
Italian."

My name
least

added the

interior decided that they would attempt, nothing of course, wa left to me than helping them ; and so I did, qt rather prepared
to

do so, should a rising take place. It seems to me that the right of an Italian to work out from whai ever place he finds himself in, the welfare of his country, ought t be clearly and boldly asserted by an English writer.

Appendix

349

Of the hopes I have of the ItaHan patriots succeeding at a not ery remote period, in what they are now struggling for, I cannot ow speak here. It would prove too long a subject for a letter ; ut I am in intention, if I find time for it, of publishing very soon.
Pamphlet on the question, showing how, all weary of slow, legal, ational progress being interdicted to us, our only hope must lie 1 insurrection as the If starting-point for a national education. lere are points upon which you want more notions, be so kind as
)

write,

and meanwhile, with sincere thanks


case, believe

ike in

my

me now

dear

Sir,

for the interest

you

Truly yours,

Joseph Mazzini.
47 Devonshire Street,

Queen Square.
II

A Prayer
efore.

to God for the Planters, by an Exile.

[The original is in French. It has probably not been published It was sent in 1846 to Mr William Shaen in response to It was to have request for a paper on the abolition of slavery.
:

ppeared in Lady Blessington's Keepsake^ presumably in a transIn sending it Mazzini writes .tion, but was not published in it. To write one or two pages on abolitionism is just the same to me to prove that the sun gives light and warmth or to prove an So that I was during one full hour at a loss what to tiom. rite, till my soul melted away in prayer."]
;

God

of pity,

God

lanters.

Their sin

is

of peace and love, forgive, oh forgive the great ; but thy mercy is infinite. As of old

make refreshing waters gush from the desert rock for multitude of thy servants, so now make the living spring of Let the angel of larity gush out in the desert of their souls.
lou didst
le

ipentance descend
ireen
leir

and

settle

on their dying

them and thy

justice, at their last hour,

the prayer rise up of I who suffer for thy holy cause, for thy holy truth, for the freedom " the peoples and of the Soul of man.

country, which they dishonour,

may

pillow. for them

And
and

befor

Their sin
jainst thee

is

great.

They have

and against Humanity, which

sinned, they are sinning still is the interpreter of thy

^^o

Appendix

law on earth. The Spirit of Evil, which tempted Jesus, thy so so dear to Genius and to Love, by offering him, when he bega
his divine career, the riches and the thrones of earth, has als tempted them, men bereft of Genius and of Love, by takin

the semblance of the idol, which is self-interest. They ha\ They are the bondsmen of the senses, and have foi sworn knowledge and feeling. They have set the slave in th place of man, the fetish of the sugar-cane in the place of th
yielded.

holy image.

But thou, didst thou not hear thy son, so dear t Genius and to Love, when he prayed for those who slew him Forgive them. Father, forgive the planters too.

Thou hast
one sun
in

heaven

placed, as symbol of the eye of thy Providenc< for the earth. Thou hast interwoven in on

mighty harmony, of which human Music, Religion's eldest chile is but a faint and stammering echo, the worlds, those finite ray of thy infinite Thought, that move around us, like the scattere letters of a heavenly alphabet, which we shall know one day. I this fair physical Universe, which is the garment of the I dec thou hast everywhere taught Unity, and the bright light of th teaching shines upon their souls but they have veiled the eye of their souls, they have broken in pieces that which is so fail and on the wreck of thy Unity they have built a warring Dua; ism two natures, two laws, two ways of life. Have pity. Lore forgive, oh forgive the planters.
;
:

In History, which is thy life, manifesting itself progressively time and space, thou hast set in their sight another fount of truti whence in great waves flows the great thought of Unity, which thy whole Law. Thou madest all mankind spring from one Adam at the teaching of thy providence, more clearly seen from day t day, thou hast led man, collective, social man, from slavery t( serfdom, from serfdom to wage-earning ; and that nought ma be wanting to make the progression clear, thou makest now th
i:

nations to desire impatiently that to wage-earning associatioi may succeed. And over these three stages, which are the imag<
of thy triune working, hovers the holy voice of Golgotha, A// j. are brothers^ for ye are all one in God. And they have stoppec
their ears to the holy voice of Golgotha, they have shut their eye* to the evolution of Thought in History they have said we an
: :

Appendix
tot brothers^

^^

we

are masters

and

)age alone of the Great Book, the


^bel, of
;

here are then


ace

Violence and Right two races of men^ the race that

They have kept one page that tells of Cain and and they have said to themselves
slaves.
:

is accursed.,

lot

)y

that is privileged^ and of this last race are we ; that the sign of thy curse is on their own forehead, since it is Have pity, Violence alone that they make slaves of men.

and the they know

.ord, forgive,

oh forgive the

planters.

And
ays
:

ach man's heart, an impulse


man.,

for the third witness of thy Truth, thou hast put a voice in in each man's conscience, which

/ am free; free because I am responsible., free because I am made in God's image^ inherently possessing in myself the ^owers and aspirations and destinies of all Hufnaniiy. And they lave denied that this is the voice of all men. They have shut hemselves up in their selfish Ego, and have said this voice is urs alone., and they see not, wretched men that they are, that if hey put a bound to it, they blot it out from all creation, since God id not create \}s\t. planter \i\x\. the man. They have sown hate, nd they will reap revolt they have denied the God of love, and
:

hey have provoked the God of vengeance. Listen not to their Forgive, oh forgive the planters. ilasphemy, O Lord.

Lord, open their understandings and soften their hearts. Let inspires good thoughts, descend upon them in Let them hear through him the cry tieir dreams by night.
lie

angel, that

horror that ascends from


;

sorrowing cry of all who endure and fight for the iood in Europe, and whose confidence and faith is shaken by the mocking cry of the princes and kings heir stubborn crime ; f the earth, who, when their subjects are full of turmoil, point to he proud republicans of America, who alone of men maintain the the long anguish of Jesus, who, because lelotism of pagan ages
Dves

the

all

Humanity

that

believes

and

And when in the mornthem, still suffers on his cross to-day ng they awake, let their children lay their innocent curly heads
if
!

eside their lips,

and whisper, inspired by thee " Father, father, black man buy and sell no more the son of cian for thirty pennies ; see, this black man too has a mother and ittle children like us Oh that his old mother could rejoice to see
:

ree our brother, the

'

35^

Appendix
!

him proud and free that his children could smile on him, and happy, in the morning, as we smile now on you, father."

fresl

Their sin

God of pity, God of peace and love, forgive, oh forgive the planten is great, but thy mercy is infinite. Open in the desei

Let the angel of re pentance descend and settle on their dying pillow. And betwee: them and thy justice, at their last hour, for them and for thei country, which they dishonour, may the prayer rise up of al! who, like myself, suffer for thy holy cause, for thy holy truth, fo the freedom of the peoples and of the Soul of man. Joseph Mazzini.

of their souls the living spring of charity.

Ill

Letter to Mrs Peter Taylor [May

15, 1847].

Dear Mrs Taylor, First of all let me tell you that silence before your note has been owing to my having been mos unpoetically ill, with head-ache, sore throat, prostration of forces
fever and other things, till I was thinking that perhaps get rid all at once of me and of the

Mr

Taylor woul
:

Homoeopathy

my

taking nothing has cured me then tha silence after the note has been owing to a hope in which I hav
is
:

that

League

howeve

been indulging both on Friday evening, and on Saturday, to ca on you unexpectedly and talk instead of writing. However tha hope too the other is Mr Taylor's hope has vanished and find myself having so much to do that I doubt whether I will fin a moment of freedom this week. So, I write, and hope to b

forgiven for the past.

And now to
no

Poetry.

Alas

After mature consideration,

I fin^

definition at all ; by you it is not needed ; I am sure you hav the thing in your own Soul, and that is better than all definition

one could supply for Mr Taylor I fear no definition of min would do. Suppose I gave a definition that seems to me ver " Poetry true, but that I ought to explain in ten pages at least. the feeling of a former and of a future world "^ he would find ou
;

From

Byron's Journal.

Appendix
lat
:.

^5^

it

belongs to Byron, and would find himself pledged to refuse


I

Suppose that
"
' '

gave one of mine


is

the Religion of the individual Soul." Poetry " Religion is the Poetry of the collective Soul.

fear that

not only he, but perhaps you too, would ask for

xplanations which would fill up a lecture, not a note. lat I quoted lines like these
:

Suppose

"A

Poet's art

Lies in tolerating wholly, and accounting for in part By his own heart's subtle working, those of every other heart"

iy that

lae would charity, and nothing else Suppose that I adopted yours which, that ith due comments and interpretations, I am not far from Poetry is the soul of the Universe," it would not avail. You ave it already, I am sure, and it was declared unsatisfactory. We must one day or other falk about this. I fear vaguely lat even we do differ in some way respecting the essence of e

would say that that


it is

is

incomplete.

I suspect that you leave out in your own definition the oetry. lement of Action, which seems to me inseparable from it. oetry is for me something like the third person of Trinity, the

loly

Spirit,

which

is

Action.

But

this

amounts

to

declare

icomplete, the poetry, for instance, of Wordsworth, Coleridge, Is that a heresy for you ? If so, our definitions will not tc. ever faithfully yours, gree.

Jos, Mazzini,

IV

Letter to

Mr

Peter Taylor [February

i6, 1854].

[This letter is inserted, because of its historical importance, mention of any scheme for a t is, I believe, the earhest existing rench protectorate in Tuscany. It also antedates by a few 'eeks the earliest known mention of Garibaldi's scheme for an Mazzini's information respecting Louis xpedition to Sicily. lapoleon's plans was probably derived from Dr Conneau, but it
'as

generally inaccurate.]

My Dear
nd
I

write,

Friend, I write because I have no time for coming, must avow, to silence conscience, with very little

ope,

354
Do
in

Appendix
:

not smile, and say "the man is mad" ; but put your he; " is there ai your two hands and try to solve this question earthly way of getting one thousand pounds in a very short tia ten days, a fortnight at the most?"

With you
the why.

have no

secrets,

and

shall state to

you summari

must act : as early as possible in March in fact as so( as the declaration of war or an action amounting to the san takes place, we must act, because the initiative is everything f
:

We

us.

The

actual schemes of the French Emperor, assented to


:

your cabinet, are these A Muratist movement

in Naples reinforcements in Ron ready to help, as Piedmont would object to the establishme of a French dynasty in the South. France offers to patroni;
:

the King of Piedmont to the North of Italy. Lombardy will 1 Piedmontese. But Lombardy and the Venetian territory wou

together with Piedmont form too large, too threatening a stat Lombardy and Venice shall therefore be divided. Venice hi

be given up to some foreign prince, or to Austr Austria yields and submits in other respects. Ron will remain to the Pope. Only as there are provinces disaffected that the case is hopeless, from them and Tuscar a central Dukedom or Princedom will be formed under Frenc Greece
will

again

if

the old scheme of 1848Sicily will be given patronage. the Duke of Genoa, son of the Piedmontese king.

Thus Italy will have two more divisions, Sicily and Venice new foreign dynasties would be settled there, new interests woul a new partition would begii group themselves around them with high sanction, a new phasis, and we should have to begi anew our secret work, our clandestine printing, our series
:

martyrdoms, as

if

To

all this

know only

nothing had been done. of a [one] remedy

to initiate

to giv

the leadership to the national party. The multitude will follo' the first who acts ; the very elements prepared by all thes
intrigues will accrue to us
if

we move
its

first.

And beyond
the French

all,

to

move

in the South. realisation.

We

would thus chec

scheme before

present, leave Rome aside the least the actual position of

As we would, for th and untouched, we do not damage


England with France.

Appendix
Garibaldi
)werful
elletri.
is

^55
name
is

here
the

ready to

act.

Garibaldi's

all

among
I

Neapolitans,

since the

Roman

affair

of

want to send him to Sicily, where they are ripe for surrection and wishing for him as a leader. Of course another action would simultaneously take place in a Dint of the centre, and I would lead a third operation in the
:iiorth.

For these two,


or the
first,

that

have, though very is for Garibaldi,

little, still
I

enough of money. have none, and claiming

from Italy would imply expenses for travellers, risks, the iveiling of the secret, and uncertain indefinite time. Are there not to be found in England ten persons willing for
sake of Italy and for the sake of baffling schemes of French omination absolutely antagonistic to English interests, to take or twenty ready to ich ;^ioo of our National Loan notes ?^
le

ike

^50 each ?
is

This
I

It must be the work of some Englishany plan could be devised of certain fulfilment, but squiring longer time, the sum could be perhaps advanced by 3me person who would keep all that would come in by degrees.

know nobody
If

the problem. almost.

lan.

-ever yours affectionately,

Joseph Mazzini.

To

friends

onour,

whom you can trust, you may, under pledge of communicate what you think proper.
16.

Feb.

15

Radnor

St.

King's Road, Chelsea.

V
Letter to

Mr

Peter Taylor [October


you astonished
so
little ?
I

26, 1854].
?

My Dear Friend, Are


!

at our inertness

at

-ur

talking so
I

much and doing

often think that

you
;

eel so.
)ut

could explain everything in two hours of conversation in spite of all, we are ripe for the aim, and In fact, had I not been exhat ere long we shall reach it.
take

my word

See above,

p.

168.

f'

^^6
ceptionally prudent
initiated.
It

Appendix

and calm, action would have been alresK would be any day, were it not for Piedmont at the " Western Powers." Piedmont is our curse. First, on account of its enjoying liberty, it is so much wit; drawn from the field of action then we have, just as in 184 a whole world of courtiers, of ministerial agents, of journalist and even of clandestine-press-writers, spreading everywhe: that the King will draw the sword one of these days, that Fran< and England will cause the revolution to spring up in Naple
;

that you will quarrel with Austria about the Principalities, th; a better opportunity will come, must come, if only we hai

patience for one month, for two months, for two weeks. The: was a whole dream-dispelling work to be done before thinkir of immediate action. This work is, for the two-thirds, don

the other third will take, perhaps


will
:

some two months. The fie The people, the working-classes, a: be mine then. admirable they are mine, mine devotedly to blindness. One thing is out of doubt any initiative will be an Italic one one spark will settle the whole on fire, only, the initiati\ MUST be a successful one. This is the source of all my delay I feel too certain of success after the first blow being struck i
:

my risking

uncautiously the
agitation
I

first

blow.

trying to spread would be of re importance to me, if taking a certain degree of consiste?ice, boi from the financial point of view and from the moral one. Yc have not an idea of how proud and stronger my working men c
feel here, when they find themselves noticed, encouraged ar helped in England. I trust you will do what is in your power
1

The English

am

promote and help. How are you ?

How
I

is

your wife ?

me?

against

me?

am

I sedentary life I lead. Individual skies, of the London fogs, and always regretfully. speaking, I was evidently intended for an Englishman. What are you doing at Pinner ? What little dogs have yc caused to disappear ? How many poor hens kept in a state bondage, and tied by the leg somewhere, are awaiting for What do you read ? What d revolutionist to untie them ?
i

Are you ever talking aboi well in health, spite of the forced! think very often, under these radiai

you anticipate for England's politics? Do you smoke much ... I wish we could have a talk of one hour all together, wit

Appendix
gars
er

357
I

and sherry, and then be back where

am

wanted.

your friend,

Joseph.

VI

Letter to Mrs Peter Taylor

[March

19, 1857].

Thanks, my dear Friend, for your having remembered my day [St Joseph's Day]. I don't know why, but every annithose friendly rsary concerning myself finds me very sad lisperings are checking the tendency. The box has arrived. You have made out the only point of ntact between Shakespeare and myself, on all the rest we
ime's
:

:eply differ.
IS
I

extraordinary spite of your interpretations calm


:

He was

an
:

poet
I

am

not.

He
to

am

not.

He

looked

the world from above

ake a revolution.
)aching
:

He was if

look at

it

from within and want

reports are correct

meiTily

have always before my eyes, like a remorse, the which a poor thrush, shot by me at the age He was the sixteen, was twisting with her beak a bit of grass. Drd of Individuality all my tendency, if developed, would have He was powerful I am powerless :en a generalising one. id so on, to the end of the chapter. your friend, Joseph Mazzini.
I

rge convulsion with

VII

Two Letters

to Mrs Milner-Gibson

(Translated from the French)

idfather to

[Mrs Milner-Gibson had just a younger brother.]

lost

little

boy.

Mazzini was

Dear Friend, What


3d

[April 15, 1859.]

can

say?

You

believe, as

do, in

and immortality. It is there that you must find your mfort and strength. Love your boy as if he were alive, for that you will have what will restore him to you in the series Become even better than existences, which follows this one.
^

Query.

The word was

illegible in the original.

^^S

Appendix

you are by thinking of him, for this will make a bond of lov and mutual influence between you and him. Think of him whe you are doing good. Think of him, when impulses of selfishnes Be good and strong. Give yoi or human frailty assail you. other children the love he gave them himself. And count o God. There is immortality to link the mother and the child, an
only forgetfulness can break
:

it.

have heard of his

last

wore

and kisses he loved you to his last moment, love him to your and believe it, this will have been but the parting for a journey.
This is all I can say. From me to you such commonplac words of comfort as the world generally gives would be a kind I suffer with your grief. sin. I, who have no home now, kno what the sorrows of home are, they leave a scar in the heai which never goes, and that is sad, but it is well. Cherish th
(

Do not give yourself up scar, it is a pledge of the future. the barren, cowardly sorrow, called despair. There is no deal in the world except forgetfulness. Everything that loves and h;
loved to death meets again. Good-bye, my friend. Think your health for the sake of your other children. God bless y(
in them,

your friend,

JOSEPH.

[This letter was succeeded by the following.]

have received your letters, they are morear ill and you are unhappy. Your v'u to the Continent will do you good physically, I hope, but as your moral health, you must cure that yourself. Rouse your soi which is in danger of being benumbed by sorrow you will fir at the bottom of it, I don't say happiness, I don't say even hop but duty and faith in some affections which do count. For Goc sake, do not despair you have dear children to bring up y( can still do good, and you have friends who esteem and love y(

Dear Friend, I
sad.

more

You have been

suffer with your sufferings and find strength in your ow me, what the devil should I do myself, if I allowed the litt strength, which God has left me, to desert me, as it often threatei Yours with all my heart, to do. . . . Good-bye. Joseph.

and

Ah

Appendix
VIII

359

Letter to

Mr

Peter Taylor [September

ii, i860].

Dear Peter,
have yours of the 29th of Aug. written with an improved and the article on Lady Byron. It is according to unwise, because to praise Lady Byron for le, unwise and unjust er life's silence and to abuse the very man about whom she has losen to be silent, is inconsistent unjust, because it grounds verdict on the wrongs of one party, without taking into :count those of the other. Everybody seems to forget that " ady Byron did not only leave her husband for ever, going k la him and did set at she that but before, lawyers romenade," I wish octors to try if she could make him be proved mad\ and Mr that your wife should set at you Dr E o, I don't for such a purpose, only to see what you would do when iscovering it, and I wish I had time to write, before dying, a 00k on Byron and abuse all England, a few women excepted, :>r the way she treats one of her greatest souls and minds I it begins to be clear hall never write the book nor any other. Well, I do not go into particulars about our condition here [at
I

andwriting,

method and attempting and persecution, hings which are calling on us calumnies, abuse ut which are taken up by the other Party as soon as we are put After having been baffled and most shamefully ut of the field.
that sort of
in an attempt against the Pope's dominions,^ they are now, at shall have to do few days' distance, taking up our plan. he same, soon or late, concerning Rome, and then Venice. And ye shall, if life endures. Only, I am worn out, morally and
o,

As a party we are going through Japles]. ?hich you called one day a suicide^ preparing

We

ihysically.

Everything is now resting on Garibaldi will he go on, without nterruption, in his invading career, or will he not ? That is the If he does, we shall have unity within five months ; luestion.
:

Austria, spite of

)roper

means

the boasted position, will not hold up, if the coup de main in the Tyrol, an insurrection in
*

See above, p 186.

360

Appendix

the Venetian mountainous districts, an attack by land, and a land If he does not, we shall have ing near Trieste are adopted. That yoi slumber, then anarchy then a httle later unity.

may consider as settled, and so far so good. The rest is al wrong. And as for myself don't talk of either prosperity or con sciousness of having done, etc. All that is chaff. The only rea
good thing would be to have unity atchieved [sic] quickly througl Garibaldi, and one year, before dying, of Walham Green or East bourne, long silences, a few affectionate words to smooth tht ways, plenty of sea-gulls, and sad dozing. Ah if you had, in England, condescended to see that th( glorious declaration of non-interference ought to have begun b^ How manj taking away the French interference in Rome! troubles and sacrifices you would have saved us ever you truly affectionate and grateful Joseph.
! !

[In another letter to


I

Mr

Taylor, dated June

5,

i860,

he says

:]

heard of Lady Byron's death and her last gift. I wisl Yes, something came out, now that she is dead, to explain the separa I shall ever regret the tion mystery. burning of the memoirs which was a crime towards Byron and I have ever indulged ii the dream that a copy should be extant in somebody's hands t(
;

come out after the disappearing of the principal actors. I sav Lady Byron twice, and she looked to me a good sharp positiv< somewhat dry puritanical woman, sad from the past, conscious o
not having been altogether right and doing good half for good But I am so thorough!} doing's sake, half for forgetfulness' sake. Byronian, so deeply convinced that he has been wronged b;j

everybody, that

my

impression cannot be trusted.

IX
Letter to Mrs Peter Taylor

Dear Clementia,

:
:

[February

9,

1865]

send back the magazine read the article again tak( away all phrases and periphrases squeeze every period ; anc then send to me the first idea or view which strikes you as nev
I

shall

to yourself.

shall retract.

Appendix
The whole
etc., etc.

361

rather harmonious words that Art

it?

Why
?

repeating fifty times in the reproduction of Beauty, Many thanks. Only, what is Beauty ? How to discern is Nature beautiful? Are we to copy, to reproduce
article

amounts

to this
is

Nature

in within

or to add a work of our own, finding out the idea shut every symbol ? Is Nature anything but the symbolic
? Or is the says that the Artist Is not every object Beautiful.

representation of some truth, which drapery of Nature, Nature ? Miss

we C

are to evolve

must choose the object which is more or less so? Is not the grotesque causing the beautiful to shine by contrast? Are the grave-diggers to be suppressed in Hamlet? Without sifting the nature of Beauty, without giving some
to construct a Hierarchy it, nobody can attempt Miss C. has not even attempted to do so. Still you have been in raptures. Something, therefore, must be in the I have not been able to make it out. I beg pardon article. humbly. That is all I can say.
definition of

of Art.

ever affectionately yours,


Thursday.

Joseph.

X
Mr
William Malleson
I

Letter to

[Nov.

ii, 1865].

ashamed, but I have been overwhelmed by work, not flourishing in health, although better now, and altogether unable to fulfil what I had promised. Then, and after all, I write to say that I cannot fulfil it. I said that I would write about the education of your son. I find that I cannot. I ought to know him, his tendencies, his capabilities, what he has
feel

My Dear

Friend,

already learned.
I

To

give general rules

is

nothing.

He may
special

require special ones.

'

I
I

capable of some definite You must try to discover that special tendency, and thing. then frame his education accordingly. After a general teaching of those branches which are good for any man, direct his studies towards the development of that special tendency which you will
object.
is
:

have mentioned his tendencies. Every man is a speciality,

That must be your

have discovered.
in the

Education means drawing


is

out^ educere,

what

is

'

boy

not creating in him what

not.

You cannot

create.

362

Appendix

But one thing is, must be common to all. You must give him a proper notion of what Life is, and of what the world in which he has been put for the fulfilment of a task is. For God's sake, do not Life is a duty, a function, a mission. teach him any Benthamite theory about happiness either individual or collective. A creed of individual happiness would make him an egotist a creed of collective happiness will reach the same He will perhaps dream Utopias, fight for result soon or late. them, whilst young then, when he will find that he cannot realise rapidly the dream of his soul, he will turn back to himself and
:

sink into egotism. try to conquer his own happiness Teach him that Life has no sense unless being a task
:

that

happiness may, like sunshine on a traveller, come to him, and he must welcome it and bless God for it ; but that to look for it is destroying both the moral man and his duty and most likely the
that to improve himself, morally possibility of ever enjoying it and intellectually, for the sake of improving his fellow-creatures, that he must try to get at Truth and then represent is his task
:

words and deeds, fearlessly and perennially that to get at Truth, two criteria have been given to him, his own conscience that whenever he and tradition, the conscience of mankind
it,

in

conscience harmonising with that of mankind, sought for not in the history of a single period or of a single people, but of all periods and peoples, then he is that the basis of all sure of having Truth within his grasp Truth is the knowledge of the Law of Life, which is indefinite that to this Law he must be a servant. Progression This knowledge of the Law of Progression must be your aim
will find the inspiration of his
:

own

in all

your teaching.

Elementary Astronomy, elementary Geology, ought to be taught as soon as possible. Then, universal History, then Languages.

The difficult thing is to get the proper teaching. When I speak, for instance, of Astronomy, I mean a survey of the Universe, of which the Earth is part, grounded on Herschel's
theory and tending to prove how everything is the exponent of a Law of Progression, how the Law is one, how every part of the Universe accompHshes a function in the whole. Herschel " Heavens" are the guides Nichol, Guillemin's recently translated to be chosen.

Languages are

easily learned in

boyhood.

French, German,

Appendix
ind Italian ought to be taught. Two years of study he boy in communication with three worlds.

363
may
put

I would not teach dioy positive Religion ; but the great fundanental Trinity, God, the immortality of the soul, the necessity )f a religion as a common link of brotherhood for mankind, ^rounded on the acknowledgment of the Law of Progression.

At a later period he will choose. Geography of course will be taught. But everything taught in The best way is \ general way and not applied is easily forgot.
:.o

have a collection of good maps and to give him the habit of lever reading a historical book or even a tale without following It is the best and most lasting way. t up on the map.

Avoid novels and

tales.

md

scientific descriptive

illustrated

Give him a taste for historical books books of natural history

;ravels, etc.

In one word, a religious conception of life then a full notion the world he lives in then the special branch of activity to that is the whole of education for ivhich he seems inclined
Df

your boy.

Apply to me freely for any detail be most happy to answer. Give my love to Mrs Malleson and to Miss K. M. How are they? How is your father ? Where are you all now ? Ever affectionJoseph Mazzini. ately yours,
Forgive these hurried notes.
I

Dr special suggestion.

shall

Saturday.

XI
Rest.
[Written for the Pen and Pencil Club in April 1867, and other papers written by its

privately published in 1877, with

members.]

The subject of your meeting of to-morrow is would gladly join you all, and write an essay on I have neither, and, perhaps, better so. it, if I had health and time. My essay, I candidly avow, would tend to prove that no essay ought to be written on the subject. It has no reality. A sort of intuitive instinct led you to couple "Ghosts and Rest" together.
so suggestive that
I

Dearest Friend,

364
;

Appendix
\.

There is, here down,^ and there ought to be, no Rest. Life is an aim an aim which can be approached^ not reached^ here down. There is, therefore, no rest. Rest is immoral. whatever it It is not mine now to give a definition of the aim must be one. Without it. Life has no sense, is, there is one, there and moreover an irony and a deception. It is atheistical
;

ii

but

all possible respect for the members of your Club; venture to say that any contribution on Rest which will not exhibit at the top a definition of Life will wander sadly between wild arbitrary intellectual display and commonplaces.
I

entertain
I

Life is no sinecure, no ''^recherche du bonheur^^ to be secured, as the promulgators of the theory had it, by guillotine, or, as their less energetic followers have it, by railway shares, selfishness, or " " contemplation. Life is, as Schiller said, a battle and a march
;

a battle for

against Evil, for Justice against arbitrary privileges, for Liberty against Oppression, for associated Love against Individualism a march onwards to Self, through collective Per;

Good

fecting to the progressive realisation of an Ideal, which is only dawning to our mind and soul. Shall the battle be finally won

Shall it on Earth? Are we believing in a during life-time? millennium ? Don't we feel that the spiral curve through which we ascend had its beginning elsewhere, and has its end, if any, beyond this terrestrial world of ours. Where is then a possible

foundation for your essays and sketches ? Goethe's "Contemplation" has created a multitude of little sects aiming at Rest, where is no rest, falsifying art, the element
of which
is

evolution, not reproduction, transformation, not con-

templation,

attempts. the fatally existing hundreds

and enervating the soul in self-abdicating Brahmanic For God's sake let not your Club add one little sect to
!

nothing to be looked for in life except the uninterrupted fulfilment of Duty, and, not Rest, but consolation and strengthening from Love. There is, not Rest, but a promise, a shadowing forth of Rest in Love. Only there must be in Love absolute
is

There

trust

and

it is

on

us.

The

very seldom that this blessing depends [ ? descends] child goes to sleep, a dreamless sleep, with unbounded
;

trust,

agitated

on the mother's bosom but our sleep by sad dreams and alarms.
will smile at

is

a restless one,
but
if I

You
1

my

lugubrious turn of mind

was one

A favovtrite expression

of Mazzini, as the equivalent of quaggiu.

Appendix
of your Artists,
for

365

I would sketch a man on the scaffold going to die a great Idea, for the cause of Truth, with his eye looking trustwhose finger would trustfully and fully on a loving woman, Under the sketch I smilingly point out to him the unbounded. " would write, not Rest, but a Promise of Rest." Addio tell me one word about the point of view of your contributors. ever
:

affectionately yours,

Joseph Mazzini.

XII

Letter to Mrs Peter Taylor [From Lugano, December 12, 1868.]

Dear Clementia,

am

better,
I

although

not so
little

much

as

my

friends

here

symptoms, as if I could any week have the complaint back. I may, and hope to be mistaken, however. So, let us accept what instalment is granted, and not I might give myself an additional chance, if think of the future. I could keep absolutely silent and motionless during one month. But I cannot. There is at least a possibility of the Republic being proclaimed in Spain ; and if so, we must try to follow, a
suppose.
feel,

from various

preparatory very complex work " if


useless to tell

is

therefore unavoidable.
will

It is

be able to work better henceforward." The important thing is to work now. Your cabinet^ is a shameful contrivance. ... It is an implement good for the conquest of the Irish measure, and soon after, As to I think, the majority will split into two or three fractions. your quite forgotten international life, the main thing about which, according to me, you ought to care. Lord Clarendons What does Peter policy will be a French and Austrian policy. say? Is he still enthusiastic about Gladstone.''
:

me

you keep quiet now, you

Your women-emancipating movement is fairly imitated in We have a central committee of ladies in Naples, and Italy. sub- committees here and there, and one or two members of our
iThe Gladstone Ministry
of

December

1868.

366

Appendix
;

House pleading for them. All this is very right, and I hope thai next year, European events will help this movement but meanwhile, I should wish very much that, whilst you attack men with
their gross injustice,

you should teach women

to deserve their

nothing is conquered unless deserved. The poor have deserved ; they have for one century fought, men working the majority of bled, acted for all the good causes in Europe for a husband still almost to be won by women entirely fight your

emancipation

their personal genuine or artificial appearance ; they worship fashion more than the Ideal. You ought to write one tract to men and one to them. Try to be well give my love to Peter and believe in the deep and lasting affection of Joseph.
:

XIII

Letter to

Mr

William Shaen [From


I

Gaeta, Oct.

12, 1870].

Dear

Shaen,
:

here will please you.

know that a few words from me and from You do not forget me, and you have never

been forgotten

is of those whom I loved in England. For cannot write to all my friends, and they know the general state of things concerning me from good, faithful, I am, physically, tolerably well for the rest dear Caroline.^ "fata viam invenient."

none

many

reasons,

I know that you have been and are very active in the "Woman's Emancipation Movement." Every good cause has ever found you ready to help and I had no doubt of your coming forward in one which ought to be a matter of simple duty for anyone believing that there is but one God one Life one Law of progress Still, it is through Love, Equality and Association for it. comforting to hear of it. The movement has begun and with some degree of power in Italy too it would rapidly and successfully increase had we not to complete, before all other things, our
;

national edifice.

Ever and most


28/9/70,

affectionately yours,
1

JOS. Mazzini.

Gaeta.
Mrs
Stansfeld.

Appendix
This note was written, as you see, long ago and through some it did not go ; and I am able now to add that to-morrow I shall be free, and the day after I shall leave Gaeta.
:

reason or other,

I must The amnesty^ of course, I shall refuse to avail myself of be free of doing whatever I think right and without even the shadow of ungratefulness to any body even to a King. After a
!

It may be that few days I shall therefore leave Italy again. during next month I come for one month to see my English

friends

wish and hope

so.

Meanwhile

live

and prosper.
Joseph.

12/10/70.

Appendix B
Bibliography of Mazzini's Writings.
is a list of the materials, which (with few exIt is, I used in compiling this volume. been have ceptions) believe, a complete list of writings of any importance by or concerning Mazzini, except some, which contain purely political For some of the minor references I wish to acreferences.

[The

following

knowledge

my indebtedness to Signor Canestrelli's bibliography, published with his translation of von Schack's Giuseppe Mazzini e runitd italiana (Rome, 1892).]
Writings.
of Mazzini's writings have been collected in Scriiti editi e inediti di Giuseppe Mazzini, 18 vols. (Milan and Rome, 1861-1891). There is an excellent selection, edited by Madame

The bulk

Mario, as Scritti

scelti

di Giuseppe Mazzini (Florence, 1901).

good many of Mazzini's less important journalistic articles have not been included in the Scritti editi e inediti. There are several more notable omissions Una notte di Rimini, said to be Mazzmi's first strictly political
:

writing, republished in

Madame

Mario's

life.

Due adunanze
delP

Angela

degli accademici pitagorici, and Di Viitor Hugo tiranno, published in // Subalpino^ 1839, and re-

printed in Donaver, Vita di G. Mazzini.

368

Appendix

Byron e Goethe (very important for Mazzini's literary views), published in Scritti letterari (Vun italiano vivente (Lugano, 1847), republished in Madame Mario's Scritti scelti^ and badly translated

and Writings^ vol. ii. Sulla pittura in Italia^ published in Scritti letterari. Macchiavelli^ published in ditto. Victor Hugo, published in British and Foreign Review, 1838, and republished in Life and Writings, vol. ii. Lainartine, published in British and Foreign Review, 1839, and republished in Life and Writings, vol. ii. Letters on the state and prospects of Italy, published in Monthly
in the Life

Chronicle,

May- Sept.

1839.

George Sand, published in Monthly Chronicle, July 1839; extracts republished in Life and Writings, vol. vi. Thiers, published in Monthly Chronicle, July 1839. Review of C. Balbo's Vita di Dante, published in Tlie European^ Jan. 1840, and translated in A. von Schack, Joseph Mazzini und
die italienische Einheit.

Italian Art,

published in
is

[There

is

no

direct evidence that this

but the internal evidence


translated into or from the

Westminster Review, April 1841. was written by Mazzini, rather strong. I believe that it was
r^publicaine.']

Rdvue

Introduction and notes to

Foscolo's edition of the Divina


I'

Comtnedia (see above,

p. 94).

Pensieri sulla storia d^ Italia, published in


1843). Sull' educazione, published in ditto,

Fducatore (London,
in

and republished
first

VEman-

cipazione (Rome), Oct. 5, 1872. prayer for the planters, published for the

time in this

volume, pp. 349-352. Address of the Peoplt^s International League, republished in Life and Writings, vol. vi. (see above, note to p. 303). Notes for an answer to the Irish Repealers, published in Scottish Leader, July, 1888 (see above, p. 107). People sfoumal', extracts republished George Sand, published

in Life

and Writings,

vol. vi.

Non-intervention, published as a tract by the

"

Friends of
Pencil

Italy,"

and republished
Rest,

and Writings, vol. vi. published privately by the Pen and


in Life

Club, and

republished in this volume, pp. 363-365.

Appendix
Italy
I,

369
March
in Con-

and the

Republic^ published in Fortnightly Review,

1871.

The Franco-German

War and

the

Commune, published

temporary Review, April and June, 1871. [Signor Cagnacci in his Giuseppe Mazzini e i fratelli Ruffijti publishes a rhapsodical Aux jetmes italiens and a short poem Addio dalle Aipi, which he believes to be from Mazzini's pen he gives, however, no evidence whatever in support of his theory.
;

For Mazzini's supposed youthful poetry see Donaver, Uotnirn e lihri, TJ, 119, and Vita di G. Mazzini, 29 n., 431, and Canestrelli's
bibliography, pp. 290, 291, 305, 308-9, 311.]

Translations.
greater portion of the first seven volumes of the Scritti editi e inediti, with some additional matter, was translated into English as Life and Writings ofJoseph Mazzini^ 6 vols. (London,

The

The Duties of Man and Democracy in Europe {alias The 1870). Systems and the Democracy, the early chapters of which were written originally in English) have been translated by Madame Venturi and were published by H. S. King in 1877 and later by Alexander and Shepherd. From the Pope to the Council {alias Letter to the Oecumenical Council) and Lamennais have been Faith and the Future and other translated by Mme. Venturi. essays have been translated by Mr T. Okey and pubhshed by Dent. Together with From the Council to God, The Duties of Man, and To the Italian Working-man, they have been published " by Dent in Everyman's Library." Various extracts have been collected by the Bishop of Truro and published by Fisher Unwin.
There
is

a volume of translations in the Camelot Classics.

Several

earlier translations of separate essays

have been published.

There are two volumes of a German translation, published by Hoffmann u. Campe (Hamburg, 1868). The Duties of Man and Democracy in Europe are published in French by Charpentier
(Paris,
1

881).

Mazzini's papers were

Journalism.

La Giovine Italia. Marseilles and Switzerland. 1832-1836. [Reprinted in the Biblioteca storica del risorgimento italiano.'] Lajeunt Suisse. Bienne. 1835- 1836.

370
L Italia del Popolo.
La Roma

Appendix
1840- 1843.
;

L'Apostolato Popolare. London. Milan, 1848

Rome, 1849

Lausanne and

Lugano, 1849-1851. Pensiero ed Azione.


del Popolo.

London.

1858-1860.
1870- 1872.

Rome.

contributed largely to JOIndicatore Genovese. Genoa.

He

1828.
1829.

VIndicatore Livornese.
Vltaliano,
Paris.

Leghorn.

1836.

[7 articles,

signed

" E.

J."]

UEducatore.

London. 1843. Italia e Popolo. Genoa. 185 5- 1856. Unitd italiana. Genoa. 1860-1865.

Letters.

I
:

The

following collections have been published

Giuseppe Mazzini e i fratelli Ruffini, by C. Cagnacci (Porto Contains his letters to Madame Ruffini (18371 841), a few letters to A. and G. Ruffini, and extracts from his letters to Elia Benza.
Maurizio, 1893).
(Paris, 1895).

Lettres intimes de Joseph Mazzini., publics par D. Melegari Contains letters to L. A. Melegari and Madame

de Mandrot (mostly 1836- 1843).

La

letters to L.

Giovine Italia e la giovine Europa (Milan, 1906). A. Melegari (chiefly 1833).

Contains

Lettere ittedite di Giuseppe Mazzini, pubblicate da L. Ordofio de Resales (Turin, 1898). Contains letters to Gaspare de Rosales

(mostly

834-1 836).

Duecento lettere inedite di Giuseppe Mazzini con proemio e note di D. Giuriati (Turin, 1887). Contains letters to G. Lamberti
(mostly

ad A. Giannelli (Prato and Pistoia, 18881892) (letters of 1859-1870). Lettres de Joseph Mazzini d Daniel Stern [Vicomtesse d'Agoult]
(Paris, 1873) (letters of 1864-1872).

1 837- 1 844). Lettere di G. Mazzini

Corrispondenza inedita di Giuseppe Mazzini con (Milan, [This is the correspondence in 1 863-1 864 with Signor Diamilla-Miiller, who was the intermediary between Mazzini and Victor Emmanuel. It has been republished in Politica segreta
. .
.

1872).

italiana (Turin, 1880).]

Appendix

371

A very imperfect collection of Mazzini's correspondence is now being published under the editorship of Signor Ernesto Nathan, as Epistolario di Giuseppe Mazzini (Florence, 1902). Two volumes
their most important feature is Mazzini's correspondence with his mother. Many letters are also published in the introductions to Mazzini's Scritti editi e inediti and in Madame Mario's Delia Viti di G. Afazzini a.nd Scritti scelti also in Wn^k^tx^ La vita ei tempi di E.

only have as yet appeared

3/j^r (Florence, 1898) [letters to E. Mayer] Nuova Antologia^ Dec. I, 1884 [letters to Madame Magiotti and E. Mayer] Ib.^ May I and 16, 1890 [letters to F. Le Monnier] Ib.^ May i, 1907 ; Del Cerro {pseud.\ UnaniorediG. Mazzini {M\\a.n^ 1895) [correspondence with Giuditta Sidoli ; see above, p. 51]; Rivista d'' Italia,
; ; ;

N. Fabrizi and others]. Scattered letters April, 1902 [letters to may be found in Ramorino, Precis des derniers ivenemens de
p. 169] Orsini, // risorgimento italiano, Feb. 11, i860; LunitcL italiana, Jan. 15 and 21 and June 3, 1861 ; Roma e Venezia, Jan. 15, 1861 ; Cironi, La stampa nazionale italiana

5az'^z^(Paris,i834)

Daily News, 1853 [see above,


185.7);

Memoirs (Edinburgh,

(Prato, 1862); Lettere edite


etc.

ed inedite di F. Orsini G. Mazzini^


y

The Shield, Oct. i, 1870; Uberti, Poesie (Milan, Mazzini (London, 1872); La (Milan, 1871); Moncure Conway, Gazzetta di Milano, Jan. 22, 1872 Emancipazione (Rome)> La Cecilia, Metnorie storico-politiche (Rome, 1876) ; Jan. 24, 1874
1862);
;

De Monte, Cronaca
Ouattro
lettere

a P. Mazzoleni

del comitato segreto di A^apoli {^2i^\ts, 1877) J Lettera a Filippo {Imola., 1881)
;

L^^^m (Rovigo, 1887); Donaver, Uomini

e libri

(Genoa, 1888);

Carbonelli, Niccola Mignona (Naples, 1889); Fanfulla della Domenica, April 21 and 28 and May 12, 1889; Rassegna nazionale, Oct. i, 1890; Rivista della massoneria italiana, 1890-

The Century, Nov. 1891 Lettere inedite di G. 1891 and 1891-2 Mazzini a N. Andreini (Imola, 1897) Rivista storica del risore scritti, vol. iii. gimento italiano, 1897 and 1900 Saffi, Ricordi d^ Italia, March 23 and April 10, 1902 (Florence, 1898) Giomale Del Cerro in Rivista Lumbroso, Scaramucce, pp. 247, 288
;
;

Donaver, Vita di G. Secolo, Aug. 13, 1902 Moderna, 1902 Mazzini (Florence, 1903) Corriere della sera, Aug. 9, 1903, and Aug. 9, 1909 Card. Capecelatro, Vita della serva di Dio, Paola
; ; ; ;

Frassinetti

Mrs

Ylttch^r's Autobiography, Froude, Carlyl^s Life

372
in

Appendix
;

Correspondence
Gianelli,

Jane Welsh Carlyle Duncombe's Life ano Amicis, Cuore (pages 222 of Ed. 8) ; Quinet. CEuvres completes^ xi. 32, 423 Luzio, G. Afazzini {Mi\a.n, 1905)
Ireland,
; ;

London

De

Brevi ricordi Mazziniani (Florence, 1905) Essays ol Mazzini, translated by T.Okey; Parliamentary Papers, Correspond;

ence affecting affairs of Italy, 1846- 1849, i* 223 (probably genuine). I have also been able to see some 350 unpublished letters, to Mr and Mrs Peter Taylor (of the greatest value for Mazzini's public and private life ; Mr William Shaen (a large and importMr W. Malleson Mr W. ant collection) Mrs Milner-Gibson E. Hickson (when editor of the Westminster Review) ; Mr Peter Stuart ; and Miss Galeer.

Biographies.
Mazzini's autobiographical notes in the earlier volumes of the Scritti editi e inediti are of course of the highest value. The completest
life is Mario, Delia vita di Giusippe Mazzini {MWzxi, 1886), containing a mass of valuable material, but partial and including much extraneous matter. There is a much better study of Mazzini's early life, prefixed to the same authoress' Scritti scelti.

Saffi's introductions to several volumes of the Scritti editie e inediti Donaver's Vita di G. Mazzini is useful, arc most valuable. the earlier There is a shor