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THE sketches here reprinted, with few exceptions, 
appeared originally in the pages of the Dublin Review. 

They do not pretend to be in any way original con 
tributions, but merely amateur essays in a few of the 
more or less unfamiliar by-ways of history, chiefly 
ecclesiastical, based upon modern writers, whose books 
are indicated. The only excuse for their republication 
is in the hope that they may prove of some interest to 
Catholic readers, and especially that they may stimu 
late in some of our ecclesiastical students a taste for 
historical reading and study so urgent a need at the 
present day. For this purpose I have added a list of 
the best books that may be consulted on each subject 
as an incentive to further research. 

The article numbered IV. was originally published 
by the C.T.S. ; No. IX. appeared in the Rosary ; 
No. XIII. in the Tablet ; whilst No. X. was first issued 
as a separate pamphlet. The rest appeared in the 
Dublin. To the Editors of the latter review and of 
the other periodicals just mentioned I return my thanks 
for permission to reprint. 


I have in every case endeavoured, by suitable 
modifications, to bring the essays up to date by the aid 
of more recent publications, and have sometimes partly 
recast them. 

For the excellent index I am deeply indebted to my 
former pupil, Mr. Joseph Lomax, of Oscott College. 

^ L. C. C. 


September 15, 1905. 







V. THE DUTCH POPE - - 104 

TION - 154 








APPENDIX - - 354 

INDEX - - - - - - 355 





IF my illustrious townsman Thomas de Quincey was 
justified in entitling one of his most famous essays " On 
Murder as a Fine Art," perhaps I, too, may plead 
justification for the title I have ventured to give to the 
present essay. 

Murder, indeed, may be fittingly described as a " fine 
art," in the sense that it is not a necessity of human life, 
but, as the cynic might say, rather a luxury an unneces 
sary luxury of civilization. Burial, on the other hand, 
or, to put it more exactly, the disposal of the remains 
of our dead is pre-eminently a " useful art " ; nay, 
oftentimes one of the most necessary of all. The dead 
we have always with us. The most cultured nation of 
the twentieth century, as well as the most degraded 
savage horde of Africa or Australia ; the men of the 
earliest dawn of human history at the beginning of the 
Stone Age, as well as those who shall be on earth long 
after our own time ; of whatever race, tongue, religion, 
degree of civilization, epoch of history, or region of the 
habitable globe all have been, are, and ever will be 
constantly face to face with the problem : what to do 
with the remains of their dead ? To say nothing of the 
philosophical or religious beliefs or theories involved, the 
mere exigencies of sanitary needs are perpetually pressing 


this problem upon the attention of the survivors. And 
the more men prosper and multiply, the more great 
civilizations are built up, the more imperious becomes 
the necessity for a solution of the problem. And in this 
man is at once differentiated from the lower animals. 
Man, it will be remembered, has been ingeniously defined 
as " the only animal that cooks its food." We may 
venture to offer yet another definition : Man is the only 
animal that buries its dead. 

So much for the importance of the subject, which has 
been dealt with in an exhaustive manner by a Belgian 
Catholic writer, a physician of distinction, Dr. Isidore 
Bauwens. His work, entitled " History and Description 
of Funeral and Mourning Customs among the Principal 
Nations," was published in Brussels in 1888. Unfortu 
nately, this meritorious volume has attracted little if 
any notice, owing to the fact that it is written in Flemish, 
and so not generally accessible to the reading public. It 
deserves, however, to be more widely read, for, as far as 
I can judge, it not only contains a store of really inter 
esting facts, but its able writer has gathered his materials 
with commendable diligence from the most recent and 
best authenticated sources, and hence may be relied 
upon as a trustworthy authority. The present paper is 
little else than a brief analysis of Dr. Bauwens book, 
with a selection of some of his innumerable facts, and, 
following him, I shall attempt to lay before the reader, 
in historical form, a sketch of what is known of the 
various methods of disposing of the dead practised by 
the chief races of mankind in ancient as in modern times. 
The remarks or additions of my own are few and far 
between. As my task is purely expository, the reader 
will understand that I do not necessarily commit myself 
to all the theories or views enunciated by the author 
whom I have the pleasure of introducing to English 


It may be useful to recall that, according to the con 
clusions of modern geologists, man made his first appear 
ance on earth during the Quarternary period of geological 
history, and in that part of it which is known as the 
" Palaeolithic/ or Old Stone Age, from the fact that, in 
the absence of any knowledge of the metals, these pre 
historic races made use of weapons and implements of 
roughly-hewn or split flint. Several races of man, dis 
tinguished by the physical characters of their remains, 
inhabited the greater part of Europe, portions of Asia 
and Africa, and of North America, during this period. It 
is customary to distinguish these races by the name of the 
localities where the most typical specimens of their 
remains have been found. Let us mention the three 
principal of these : (i) The " Canstadt," or " Neander 
thal," or " Spy race," inhabiting especially the valleys 
of the Rhine and Seine, and probably extending to Italy 
and Bohemia men of gigantic stature, dolichocephalous, 
with low receding brows, and skulls pointed behind, 
evidently savages of brutal appearance, and contem 
poraries of the great extinct quadrupeds which once 
roamed over Europe. (2) In strong contrast to these, 
the so-called " Cro-Magnon race," inhabiting South-West 
France, Italy, and the valley of the Meuse, gigantic in 
stature, and dolichocephalous like the former, but of 
handsome and intellectual appearance. These must have 
existed in Europe long after the Canstadt race, for, at 
least in the fourth of the progressive stages of their history 
which have been distinguished by archaeologists, all the 
great mammalia, except the mammoth and the rhino 
ceros, had disappeared, while the reindeer browsed 
peacefully over the greater part of Europe. With these 
Cro-Magnon men appear, too, the earliest traces of 
human art, the curious outlines of mammoth or reindeer 
upon fragments of ivory or horn, which may be seen in 
some of our museums. (3) Contemporaneously with the 

i 2 


race just described, portions of modern Belgium were 
inhabited by the small, squat, brachycephalic race, very 
like the modern Lapps, who are perhaps their descen 
dants, known to science as the " Furfooz race." 

Now, of all the above races of the Palaeolithic period 
the earliest human races of which Science has been able 
to find any trace one broad statement may be made : 
that they all practised burial of the dead, in many cases 
with conspicuous care and the accompaniment of tokens 
of respect and veneration, and that no single trace of 
cremation in any form appears. 

A great gap separates the period we have described 
from that known as the " Neolithic " or Polished Stone 
Age. Great changes of surface have by this time taken 
place. The sea, which had covered the modern Nether 
lands, has retired and left the flat country as it now 
exists. The race of men who occupy Europe has attained 
a very much higher level of culture. Together with the 
much finer, polished, or worked flint implements, has 
come in the practice of agriculture and other arts 
of life. 

This is the period, too, of the " Lake Dwellers," who 
in the lakes of Switzerland, as well as those of Lombardy, 
Austria, and parts of Germany, built their curious 
villages, raised on piles above the surface of the water. 
But what particularly distinguishes the Neolithic period 
is that it was a time of the great stone buildings, the age 
of the well-known dolmens, cromlechs, menhirs, barrows, 
or mounds, scattered over England, Ireland, France, 
Scandinavia, and North America, and which, as Mr. 
E. B. Tyler writes, " may be traced in a remarkable line 
on the map from India across to North Africa, and up to 
the west side of Europe." I perhaps hardly need remind 
the reader of the wonderful monument of Stonehenge 
in this country. It is now pretty well established that 
nearly all, if not all, these curious stone erections, in 
their various forms and under their varied names, 
were nothing else than funeral monuments, vast graves, 


sometimes, as in the great burial mound of Karlby, in 
Gothland, still containing as many as eighty skeletons. 
It is remarkable that in the majority of these graves the 
bodies are found in the sitting or crouching position, 
which, as we shall see later on, is so common in many 
other parts of the world. The bodies of those buried in 
these structures are generally surrounded with a large 
number of weapons, ornaments, trinkets, and amulets. 

Now, it is to be remarked that, though the great stone 
monuments of this age bear witness to the universality 
of inhumation, it is precisely in the same period that the 
first traces of the practice of cremation begin to appear, 
and this is also true with regard to the Lake Dwellings 
already referred to. But the practice was undoubtedly 
as yet only exceptional, and in some cases inhumated 
bodies and the ashes of those that have been cremated 
appear in one and the same grave. 

Let me here add a remark with reference to both of the 
prehistoric periods with which we have already dealt. 
There are evidences in many sepultures of both the 
Palaeolithic and Neolithic periods that some at least of 
the races practised that extraordinary custom which is 
still found among several widely scattered peoples of the 
present day that, namely, of stripping the bodies of the 
dead of the flesh before the burial of the bones, which 
latter are occasionally found painted with a red colour. 
The meaning or object of this strange custom, whether 
ancient or modern, has not, as far as I know, been 
satisfactorily explained. 

I must claim my reader s indulgence for a few moments 
whilst I refer in some detail to the remarkable and in 
structive discoveries of my distinguished friends MM. 
Henri and Louis Siret of Antwerp, two brilliant young 
students of the University of Louvain, whose explorations 
in the South of Spain a few years ago, as described by 
themselves before the British Association in Manchester 
in 1887, caused quite a sensation in scientific circles, so 
extensive were their discoveries, and so enormous the 


amount of objects, especially in silver, which rewarded 
their excavations. Suffice it to say briefly that these 
discoveries of innumerable traces of prehistoric man, his 
homes and workmanship, covered the Neolithic period, 
a period of transition, and a metal period. In the transi 
tion period MM. Siret discovered distinct traces of the 
influences of a foreign invasion, either hostile or mercan 
tile and pacific, shown by the gradual admixture of 
bronze with stone implements. It is instructive to 
observe that together with this introduction of bronze 
appears also, for the first time, the practice of cremation, 
leading to the plausible conclusion that the metal and 
the new practice had one and the same source. It is 
also noticeable that ornaments are found only with the 
inhumated bodies, and probably only with females. Of 
the Third or Metal Age so rich in silver that it might 
almost be called a Silver Age MM. Siret discovered no 
less than fifteen entire villages, and in these villages they 
were able to explore with the greatest care as many 
as 1,300 burial-places. The remarkable thing is that 
during this period all traces of the practice of cremation 
had disappeared. The men of the period had returned 
to the primeval custom of inhumation ; and, strangely 
enough, the graves as a general rule were beneath the 
floors of the houses themselves a custom not unknown 
in other parts of the world. In four-fifths of the cases the 
bodies were found in the crouching, knee-to-chin attitude 
above referred to, packed in large earthen jars, some 
times with a hermetically-sealed cover, sometimes 
two such jars being joined mouth to mouth, and often 
two bodies, generally one of either sex, in the same jar. 
With the bodies, too, were found the remains of food, 
such as bones of oxen, also copper axes, and quantities 
of trinkets, especially in virgin silver.* 

From all the facts, of which the above is a very meagre 

* Mr. James McCarthy, of the Siamese Survey, informed 
MM. Siret and myself, at the British Association meeting re 
ferred to, that similar funeral jars are found in parts of Siam. 


summary, Dr. Bauwens, whom I am still following, 
draws two general conclusions namely (i) To the 
earliest races the practice of cremation was unknown ; 
(2) this practice came in with the race of the great stone- 
builders, who probably were also the introducers of the 
first of all known metals, bronze. The question at once 
occurs, Who were these people ? Did they constitute 
one race or many ? They must have been a people in 
whom the passion of wandering was strongly developed, 
for their structures are to be found in the Crimea, 
Southern Russia, Denmark, Sweden, Holland, England, 
Ireland, France, Spain, Germany, Africa, Palestine, 
India. Even their path may be traced. " It is evident," 
writes Felitzin, " that the dolmen builders travelled 
from the eastern to the northern shores of the Black Sea, 
where the Crimea offers a similar series of buildings." 
From Scandinavia, too, the dolmen followed the coast 
of Western Europe to Portugal, turned back by Mar 
seilles, and along the valleys of the Rhone and Saone, 
eventually reached to near Berlin. Dr. Bauwens, 
following in this such authorities as Fergusson, Hamard, 
and d Estienne, believes that this race was no other than 
that of the Kelts, or, at least, was an Aryan or Indo- 
Germanic people. And the same conclusion is pretty 
generally accepted for the contemporary Lake Dwellers, 
whom so eminent an authority as O. Schrader finds to 
be characteristically Aryan. (See his " Prehistoric An 
tiquities of the Aryan Peoples," part iv., chap, xi.) 
If the objection be made that these structures apparently 
belong to a period considerably before the great Aryan 
migration, our author answers that it is not at all 
impossible that detached tribes or hordes of Aryan 
wanderers, whether Keltic or otherwise, may, even 
during the earliest portions of the Neolithic period, have 
found their way into far distant parts of Europe, carrying 
with them the custom of cremation, as well as the know 
ledge of metal, to the less cultured or less gifted race* 
among whom they established themselves. 



The thesis which underlies the whole of Dr. Bauwens 
work is therefore this : 

" The Aryans were the originators of cremation. All 
nations of Aryan origin made use of the funeral pyre. 
. . . On the other hand, cremation was unknown to 
the non-Aryan races, with the exception of a few peoples 
like the Japanese and Mexicans, among whom, however, 
the practice never attained such dimensions as it did 
with the Aryans." 

It must not be thought that this theory is by any 
means new. Years ago Adolphe Pictet wrote in his 
" Origines Indo-Europeennes " : 

" The most evident result of the researches of J. Grimm 
is that, without any exception, cremation from the 
remotest period had prevailed over inhumation among 
the Aryan peoples. The Indians, Greeks, Romans, 
Gauls, ancient Germans, Lithuanians, and the heathen 
Slavs, cremated their dead with certain ceremonies, 
which, in spite of their differences, offer unquestionable 
traits of agreement. The Eranians alone, on account of 
the great change which occurred in their religious beliefs, 
early on abandoned this ancient usage. For the nations 
of Europe it was Christianity that put a stop to crema 
tion. This latter method of disposing of the dead was 
never practised by the Hebrews, Arabs, or Moham 
medans in general. Such an agreement at once leads us 
to suspect a common origin dating from before the 
separation of the Aryans. Indeed, although the custom 
of burning the dead may be found here and there among 
other races of men (e.g., Japanese and Mexicans), yet it 
never attained the same extension as in the Aryan 
family. The custom, as Grimm has pointed out, must 
have had its beginning in the earliest times of their 
pastoral life, before their departure from their nomadic 
home, for it enabled them to carry with them on their 
journeys the revered ashes of their dead." 


It now becomes of importance and interest to inquire 
a little more fully into the funeral customs of the Aryans 
themselves. At this point I must beg to be allowed to 
decline entering into the fascinating discussion regarding 
the cradle-land of our Aryan ancestors, to which 
notable contributions were made in this country some 
years ago by Professor Sayce, Dr. Isaac Taylor, and 
Professor Rendal, of University College, Liverpool, on 
the one side, and by Professor Max Miiller on the other.* 
The question, however, will not directly affect our present 

To return : the evidence for the prevalence of crema 
tion among the earliest Aryans before their separation is 
twofold from language and from custom. On the 
philological side, it is curious that the first and strongest 
evidence is furnished by the language of that very branch 
of the Aryan family which we know to have abandoned 
both cremation and inhumation from religious motives 
namely, the Eranians. For the very name of the reposi 
tories for their dead, which is to be found in their sacred 
book, the Avesta itself, and which has survived unaltered 
among their descendants up to the present day, is 
dakhma, clearly referable to the well-known Aryan root 
dah, to burn, and therefore originally signifying nothing 
else than " a burning place." A curious analogy is 
furnished by the Keltic, wherein we are told the word 
adnacul, or adhnachd, signifies burial-place, whilst a 
comparison with the negative adjective neph-adhnachte, 
" unburnahle," shows that the original meaning of the 
word also involves the idea of cremation. 

The Latin funus, again, seems clearly connected with 
the root dhii, appearing both in Sanskrit, and in the Latin 
fumus, " smoke." The connection, again, of bustum, 
signifying a tomb, with the old verb buro (still preserved 
in the compound comburo) is self-evident. It is sug- 

* The best summary of the controversy and the most satis 
factory refutation of the theories of European origin are to be 
found in several publications of the Rev. Pere van den Gheyn, 
S.J., of Brussels. 


gested, moreover, that the Greek fivfjbfios may be con 
nected with the root dM above referred to, and some 
writers have seen in or^a (a mound or barrow, grave, or 
gravestone, or also any mark or sign) the analogue of the 
Sanskrit kshdma, burning, from the root kshd. 

If we now turn to what literature and history have 
preserved us of the funeral customs of the ancient civil 
ized Aryan nations, especially the Hindus, Greeks, and 
Romans, we shall find a superabundant amount of 
material, from which we can only afford time to glean a 
very few particulars. 

The Rig Veda contains plentiful details of the funeral 
ritual in use among the early Aryan conquerors of India. 
From it we learn how the funeral pyre was built of care 
fully chosen and valuable woods, especially the deva- 
ddru (deodar, or divine tree). When the body, carefully 
prepared, had been reverently laid upon the pyre, the 
attendants thrice walked to the left around it the so- 
called prdsavya rite, whose object was apparently to 
drive away evil spirits. When the fire had been set to 
the pile, a black cow or a black goat was brought forward 
and sacrificed, and the priest placed a kidney of the 
victim in each hand of the corpse, reciting meanwhile a 
verse from the Veda praying for the safe journey of the 
deceased in the nether world, and his protection from the 
two dread hounds of Yama. At this moment the widow 
stepped up to the pyre and laid herself down beside her 
husband. She was not, however, in Vedic times suffered 
to burn ; for she was called away in the words of a Vedic 
hymn (R. V., x. 18, 8) : " Rise up, O woman ! come back 
to the world of the living ! Thou art lying by one who 
is dead. Thy marriage with him is at an end." The 
cruel custom of " suttee," as it became called, or widow- 
burning, so prevalent for centuries all over India, and 
which our Government has had so much difficulty in 
repressing, is an abuse of later date, and utterly repug 
nant to the precepts and spirit of the most sacred of the 
Indian books. Strange to say, like an inverted pyramid, 


the whole vast structure of centuries of inhuman cruelty 
rests for its authority upon a single textual corruption 
namely, the substitution of an n for an r in R. V., x. 18, 6 
(agneh for agre). Finally, when, after the recital of 
many hymns, the body had been entirely reduced to 
ashes, these were carefully gathered together, and 
enclosed in an urn called kumbha. 

I will not weary the reader with many details about the 
parallel descriptions to be found in the classical literature 
of Greece and Rome. The building of the funeral pyre 
as described by Homer and Virgil will occur to all, as 
also the triple running round the pile : 

rpls Trepl %aX/cet ots ffbv reuxe 

Again, the slaughtering of black cattle occurs as an 
incident in the funeral rites of Greeks and Romans 
(e.g., " -ZEneid," v. 97, vi. 243). Instead of the kidneys 
given by the Hindus, the Greeks put honey-cake in the 
hands of the deceased, wherewith to satisfy Pluto s three- 
headed hell-hound, Cerberus. The funeral-urns of 
Greeks and Romans are too well known to need further 

After speaking thus in detail of the crematory rites of 
the ancient Aryan peoples, it is curious to be reminded 
that in all probability, even among them, inhumation 
originally preceded cremation. Not only so, but it 
appears that the two rites existed side by side in Vedic 
times, and such is the conclusion of no less eminent 
authorities than Grimm, O. Schrader, and Zimmer. 
The last-named points out that in the Rig Veda the 
hymn R. V., x. 16, describes the disposal of the dead by 
cremation, whilst R. V., x. 18, describes the same by 
inhumation. Perhaps, as Pictet surmised, cremation 
was practised chiefly for the rich and noble, whilst the 

* Apollodprus of Rhodes, " Argonauts," i. 1059 (compare 
" Iliad, "xxiii. 13; " Odyssey," xxiv. 68 ; Virgil, "^neid," xi. 188). 


commoner folk had to be content with ordinary earth- 

If we may believe the testimony of Plutarch and 
^Elian, burial in the earth was the earliest method of 
disposing of the dead among the Greeks. During the 
Trojan War cremation seems to have become general, 
but, according to the legend, Herakles was the first to 
burn a body and preserve the ashes in an urn. In Homer 
the heroes are cremated with great pomp and ceremony, 
whilst the common warriors, as in Virgil, are merely 
buried. In 888 B.C. the practice of cremation was con 
demned by Lycurgus. Under Solon, in 600 B.C., burial 
in the earth appears to be the ordinary Athenian custom. 
According to Thucydides, the Pythagoreans committed 
the remains of their deceased to the earth, and the heroes 
who fell at Marathon (490 B.C.), as well as those slain at 
Platsea, were also reverently committed to the earth. 
In fact, the nearer we approach the Christian era, the 
more abundant become the evidences that inhumation 
was again steadily supplanting the practice of cremation. 

With reference to the old Romans, we have the explicit 
tradition preserved by Pliny " Ipsum cremare apud 
Romanos non fuit veteris instituti ; terra condebantur " 
(lib. vii., c. 54) a testimony confirmed by Cicero (" De 
Legibus," ii. 22). In fact, the early Romans, like the 
silver-workers in prehistoric Spain, actually buried their 
dead beneath the hearths of their houses. It is evident, 
however, that from very early times both cremation and 
inhumation were practised side by side, for the Laws of 
the XII. Tables contain the express sanitary regulation : 
" Hominem mortuum in urbe ne sepelito neve urito." 
That burial was esteemed honourable, and, indeed, pre 
ferred by the noblest families during the palmy days of 
the Republic, appears from the magnificent graves along 
the Via Appia, wherein during our own times the entire 
bodies of many of the Scipios, notably of L. Cornelius 
Scipio Barbatus (Consul 298 B.C.), have been discovered 
(A.D. 1870). The custom of cremation appears to have 


been rendered popular by Sulla, who ordered the 
cremation of his own body, probably to prevent its being 
exhumed and dishonoured, after the manner in which 
he had treated the remains of his great rival Marius. 
From that time onward, and particularly under the 
Empire, cremation gained the upper hand, until, as in 
other parts of Europe, it was swept away by Christianity. 


I have above referred to the peculiar position taken up 
in this matter by one of the most celebrated branches of 
the Aryan family I mean the Eranians. It is true 
that, as the word dakhma, already quoted, bears witness, 
cremation was in common vogue among them in the 
earliest times. It is also true that the Achaemenid 
Kings of ancient Persia, Cyrus and his successors, were 
buried in the earth. But it is likewise true that to that 
branch of the Eranian people which adopted the religious 
reform of Zarathushtra or Zoroaster both inhumation and 
cremation were entirely abhorrent. In their dualistic 
system earth and fire were sacred elements belonging to 
the realm of the good principle Ahura-Mazda. Death, 
on the other hand, caused the possession of the human 
body by the impure demon Nacus, one of the spirits be 
longing to the legions of the evil principle Angro-Mainyus. 
Hence the contact of a corpse was polluting in the 
highest degree, and to allow it to sully the elements of 
fire or earth or water was a sacrilege of the gravest kind. 
Strange indeed was the method excogitated by the 
Mazdean theologians for escaping from this dilemma 
the same, indeed, as that practised by their lineal 
descendants, the Parsis of Bombay, at the present day. 
The bodies of the deceased were exposed in such a manner 
that the " four-footed or two-footed scavengers of 
Ahura-Mazda " dogs, namely, and birds of prey might 
consume all the soft portions of the human frame ; and 
this stripping of the bones and leaving them clean^and 
white was held to^be a process of purification. It is not 


unlikely that the Eranians borrowed this strange custom 
from some of their Turanian neighbours, for there are 
still forms of it in use among some of the Mongolian 
peoples, notably in the Steppes of Tibet. The rite above 
described may be seen to the present day, scrupulously 
observed in all its fulness, in the so-called Towers of 
Silence, the dakhmas of the Parsis, outside of Bombay. 
In a paper contributed in 1890 to the Babylonian and 
Oriental Record, and since republished in a small pamphlet 
on " The Marriage and Funeral Customs of Ancient 
Persia," I venture to think that I have satisfactorily 
cleared up certain difficulties surrounding the passage in 
the Avesta (Vend., vi. 49-51), which contains the 
authoritative directions of the legislator for the disposal 
of the dead. I have there shown that, after the body 
had been thus stripped of its fleshy parts, the skeleton 
was to be carefully deposited in one of three kinds of 
receptacles either in stone urns, or in concrete urns, or 
in cloth bags. Only in case of poverty, when the above 
astoddns, or bone receptacles, could not be procured, 
were the bleached bones to be left exposed on the 
bedding of the deceased in an elevated place. 

Another of the great Aryan religions has played an 
important part in influencing funeral customs in the 
Eastern world. One of the most famous cremations on 
record is that of Buddha, and Buddhism has always 
adopted cremation as its special method of disposing of 
the dead. Hence it would appear that the spread of 
Buddhism has been the cause of the spread of cremation 
also in Ceylon, Siam, Burma, etc. In China, however, 
except in Buddhist monasteries, the custom has not 
succeeded in supplanting the old Chinese rite of com 
mitting the dead to Mother Earth. In fact, it may be 
said that the Chinese are pre-eminently a nation of 
earth-buriers, and it is well known what enormous im 
portance even those who have emigrated to America 
attach to the privilege of having their mortal remains 
restored to their native soil. 


A very interesting series of articles on " Ladak (or 
Little Tibet) and Ladaki Buddhism," by Father Henry 
Hanlon, of Leh (now Bishop Hanlon, of Uganda), 
published in Illustrated Catholic Missions (vol. ix., 
1894-95), contains some exceedingly curious details of 
the funeral customs of that Tibetan country. The writer 
tells us that the phos-spun, or hereditary undertaker, 
ties up the corpse with ropes in the crouching knee-to- 
chin attitude already referred to, in as small a space as 
possible. After several days of elaborate religious rites, 
the corpse, shrouded in a cotton bag, is carried on the 
back of the chief mourner to the cemetery, where it is 
eventually burned in a kind of oven, amid ritual 

" The reading and chanting continue until the first 
bone falls from the smouldering pyre ; this bone is taken 
to the religious room in the house of the deceased, and 
pounded into dust, which is mixed with clay and 
moulded into a small image, called thsathsa. If the 
deceased was wealthy, a large cenotaph chorten is 
erected to receive the thsathsa. The poor deposit their 
image in old cenotaphs." 

The following passage is also significant : 

" In districts where wood is scarce the bodies are 
exposed to be devoured by eagles and ravens. Accord 
ing to General Cunningham, in Greater Tibet the dead 
are cut up and thrown to the dogs ; this is called a 
terrestrial funeral. But when the bones are bruised 
and mixed with parched corn, which is made into balls 
and thrown to the dogs, this is called a celestial 
funeral/ " 

It will at once occur to the reader that, as we have 
hinted above, these details of the funeral rites of Central 
Asia probably serve to indicate whence the Eranians 
borrowed many of their strange and exceptional customs 
as recorded in the Avesta and subsequent literature. 

But we are wandering somewhat from our subject. 
Let us return for a moment to the Aryans. Among the 


ancient Gauls, as with the more civilized of their sister 
races, both cremation and inhumation were practised. 
The same may be said of the Germans and the Scan 
dinavians, but with all these, particularly with the last- 
named, yet a third method was employed that of 
water-burial. Sometimes, as in the case of the Visigoths 
under Alaric, they buried their dead in the beds of rivers, 
in order to preserve them from exhumation and desecra 
tion by their enemies. In other cases water-burial was 
a result of the maritime predilections of the seafaring 
races. The corpse, bound round in woollen garments, 
and surrounded with all kinds of ornaments and imple 
ments, was laid out in a boat, and afterwards sunk out 
at sea. Sometimes, again, these sepulchral boats were 
buried in the earth itself. For English readers I can 
recommend on this interesting subject of Scandinavian 
burial the beautifully-illustrated work of Mr. Paul du 
Chaillu, entitled "The Viking Age" (London, 1889; 
see vol. i., chap. xix.). Boat-burial, however, is by no 
means confined to the Scandinavians, but is to be found 
up and down the world among the most different races. 


As in so many other things, the Semitic races present 
a striking contrast to their Aryan neighbours in this 
question of the disposal of their dead. If the Aryans on 
the whole may be called a cremating race, and probably 
even the originators of cremation, the Semites are dis 
tinctively a non- cremating, an earth-burying race. This 
is emphatically true of their great empires in antiquity. 
Modern research has shown that the Assyrian and 
Babylonian Empires had their great burial-grounds in 
the ancient land of Lower Chaldaea, the plain that lies 
to the north of the Persian Gulf, especially at Warka and 
Mugheir. Indeed, the whole region may be called a vast 
cemetery, and every hill from Mugheir to the confluence 
of the Tigris and Euphrates is an accumulation of graves. 


In all these Chaldean burial-places the bodies, like those 
of the prehistoric inhabitants of South- West Spain, are 
enclosed in great jars of earthenware a custom, for the 
rest, which is also to be found in many parts of America, 
in Japan, and in Africa. 

Peculiar interest, of course, attaches to the manners 
and customs of the people of Israel, and it has been 
maintained that cremation was not only in use, but also 
was held in honour, among them. This contention is 
not, however, borne out by an examination of Biblical 
history or antiquity. On the contrary, the Sacred 
Records show that from the time of the patriarchs 
onward the practice of burial was universal. It is main 
tained that the bodies of Saul and his sons were burnt 
(i Kings xxxi. 12, 13). Jeremiah, too, says to Zedekiah, 
" Thou shalt die in peace, and according to the burnings 
of thy fathers the former kings that were before thee, 
so shall they burn thee " (Jer. xxxiv. 5). But even if we 
were to grant these cases of the cremation of some of the 
kings, it is evident from the overwhelming testimony of 
the other portions of Holy Scripture that in the vast 
majority of cases the deceased of the chosen people, 
especially their patriarchs, prophets, and kings, were 
buried, not burned. As a matter of fact, however, in 
spite of the agreement of the Vulgate with the Anglican 
A.V. and R.V., the above texts are merely instances 
of mistranslation. There is excellent lexicographical 
authority to show that the verb tftW translated above by 
" burn," really signifies here, not to cremate, but, con 
structed as it is with the preposition <> in other words, 
with the dative to burn incense in honour of a person, 
a meaning strongly borne out by the parallel passages in 
Chronicles e.g., 2 Chron. xvi. 14, " And they buried 
(Asa) in his own sepulchres which he had hewn out for 
himself in the city of David, and laid him in the bed 
which was filled with sweet odours, and divers kinds of 
spices prepared by the apothecary s art, and they made 
a very great burning (nan sp) for (*?) him." It is a very 



strong confirmation of this view that in all these passages 
the LXX. translates the verb in question by e/cXavo-av 
they mourned or lamented. The testimony of written 
records is supported by the numberless ancient graves 
still to be seen in every part of the Holy Land, and 
especially about Jerusalem, to mention only Makpelah, 
the grave of the fathers, the well-known burying-place 
of the kings, and the graves of the prophets in the sides 
of the Mount of Olives. We are, therefore, justified in 
concluding that the Jews are no exception to the general 
rule that the Semites were essentially a burying, and not 
a cremating, race. 

We cannot now make quite as broad a statement with 
reference to that other celebrated branch of the Semitic 
family I mean the greatest mercantile nation of anti 
quity, the Phoenicians. It has hitherto been universally 
admitted that the Phoenicians never burnt, but always 
buried, their dead generally, indeed, in curious coffins 
of human form. However, the year after the publica 
tion of Dr. Bauwens work a curious discovery was 
made at Sus, in Tunis, the site of the ancient city of 
Hadrumetum. It is that of a large Punic necropolis, in 
which the funeral chambers, instead of containing, like 
other Phoenician burial-places, entire skeletons, are filled 
with large earthenware jars containing bones of men, 
women, and children, all of which have been calcined, 
like those found in the burial-places of the Romans, who, 
as we know, practised cremation. Punic inscriptions 
on several of the jars leave no doubt as to their origin. 
At the same time, this discovery stands alone as a unique 
exception ; and the fact that the date of the necropolis 
appears to be only just anterior to the Roman domina 
tion, or even contemporaneous with its commencement, 
renders it highly probable that the exceptional usage is 
due to Roman influence, and therefore deprives the case 
of some of its importance. 

I think I shall not need to say much of the next great 
people of antiquity who now claim our attention. Of 


all ancient nations, the Egyptians are certainly those 
who devoted the most elaborate care to the burial of 
their dead. Need I remind my readers of the universal 
custom of the embalming of the bodies of both rich and 
poor, an operation in the case of the former of a most 
costly nature ? or need I again enter into a description 
of those most gigantic of human structures, the Pyramids, 
which were nothing else but the burial-places of the 
Egyptian kings ? But this is not all. Not only was 
embalming and burial the exclusive funeral rite of the 
empire of the Pharaohs during all the long series of their 
dynasties, but in the mind of the Egyptians cremation 
was regarded as the greatest of dishonours, as the 
cruellest of punishments that could be inflicted on a 
human being a belief closely associated with the tenets 
of their religion, which taught that the destruction of the 
body would destroy the possibility of a future resurrec 
tion (Ebers, " Aegypten," p. 334). 

Neither time nor space will allow us to follow our 
author in his minute and exhaustive study of the various 
other peoples, civilized and uncivilized, of ancient and 
modern times. We must content ourselves wth a few 
exceedingly summary remarks and a selection of one or 
two of the more striking or curious details. 


The most interesting section, I think, is that which 
treats of the New World. We have already remarked 
that, as in Europe, so in America, man made his appear 
ance as early as the Quarternary epoch. Slight, indeed, 
are his traces during the Early or Palaeolithic Age, but 
when we arrive at the period of polished stone and the 
introduction of metals (in America copper, not bronze), 
we find the whole of the New World covered with great 
structures, analogous to the great stone buildings of the 
Old World. In America these are called " mounds," 
and the race who built them are known as the " Mound- 



Builders." They offer this peculiarity, that they are 
generally constructed in the form of men, quadrupeds, 
reptiles, or birds. They are more or less rare in South 
America, but extremely numerous in the North. They 
occur all along the valley of the Mississippi as far as the 
Gulf of Mexico, and stretch across from Texas to Florida 
and South Carolina. Their number diminishes as they 
approach the Atlantic ; they are rare in the Rocky 
Mountains, and scarcely to be found in British North 
America. Great numbers of them were certainly 
burying-places, in some of which the corpses have 
evidently been flesh-stripped before inhumation. At 
the time, as in Europe, although in the majority of the 
mounds the bodies are found entire, yet there are occa 
sional traces of the use of cremation, specially in the 
island of St. Catherine, on the coast of Georgia ; but, as 
we have also seen to be the case in Europe, this cremation 
appears to have been introduced together with the use 
of metals. Passing now to historical times, we find at 
least five different methods of disposing of the dead, 
which are, and have been, in vogue among the different 
races of the continent. These are : 

1. Inhumation, or earth-burial, by far the most 
common method in all parts of the continent. This 
burial is carried out either in graves or pits (the 
(commonest of all e.g., Mohawks, Crees, Seminoles, 
Comanches, etc.), or in towers (New Mexico, Sioux, 
Apaches, etc.), in stone coffins (Tennessee, Kentucky, 
Central America, etc.), in mounds (chiefly in Ohio, Illinois, 
North Carolina), in wigwams (some tribes of Carolina, 
Navajos of New Mexico, Arizona, etc.), or in grottos 
(particularly Utah, Colorado, Calaveras in California). 

2. Embalming among some tribes of Virginia, Caro 
lina, and Florida, but particularly, of course, among the 
Incas of ancient Peru, whose mummies have been dis 
covered by thousands during the present century. 
These Peruvian mummies are generally found in the 
crouching knee-to-chin attitude. 


3. A method which may be said to be characteristic of 
America is what we may call " tree-burial " and " plat 
form-burial." Many of the Red Skin races place their 
dead in hollow trees ; others, and especially the great 
Sioux race, expose them on a kind of platform fastened 
to the top of trees, where they are slowly dried up or 
decomposed by the sun and the elements. 

4. Water-burial, though this is extremely rare, and 
found only in one or two tribes. 

5. Cremation. Here and there in North America the 
practice of cremation is to be found among some tribes 
of British Columbia and California, the Tolkotins of 
Oregon, and others. Among the Tolkotins the usage 
was combined with an extremely peculiar custom, 
existing also among the Carriers : it is that, whilst the 
ashes of the cremated body were reverently buried, the 
larger bones were picked out, and placed in a bag, which 
the widow was obliged to carry on her back for some 
years !* But the race of cremators par excellence of the 
New World were the great Aztec nation and their kindred 
tribes of the mighty ancient Mexican Empire, though 
here, again, cremation was reserved for the royal family, 
and perhaps the nobles, inhumation being the lot of the 
common people. What distinguishes these Aztec cre 
mation rites from all others is the almost incredible 
barbarity in which they were carried out. Innumerable 
human sacrifices accompanied the incineration of the 
kings. At that of Ahuitzoll, in 1487, no less than 80,400 
human beings were slaughtered round the funeral pyre, 
and their skulls employed for the decoration of the temple ! 
But these terrible massacres were only in keeping with 
the other barbarous rites of the Aztec religion, which 
yearly demanded the slaughter, and even the eating, of 
tens of thousands of human victims. 

Passing now from the New World to the Dark Con- 

* This custom (which actually gave their name to the Carriers ) 
has now " long been abolished." See Father Morice, O.M.I., 
on " Carrier Sociology and Mythology," Transactions Royal 
Society of Canada, 1892, pp. in, 112. 


tinent, we must repeat what has already been stated 
for other parts of the world namely, that the remains 
of prehistoric man in this continent show that in 
humation was the primeval custom, and that the use 
of cremation made its appearance, as elsewhere, with the 
introduction of metals. But it has always remained an 
exceptional usage among the peoples of Africa, and so 
it is at the present day. Generally speaking, Negroes, 
Bantus, Kaffirs, Hottentots, Bushmen, commit the 
bodies of their dead to Mother Earth. It is unfortunately 
true that in some of the native kingdoms, especially of the 
West Coast, the funerals of the chieftains are accompanied 
with atrocities in the form of human slaughter which 
well-nigh approach those of the ancient Aztecs of 
Mexico. But it may be laid down as a general rule 
that through the length and breadth of the African con 
tinent inhumation as opposed to cremation is practically 

Among the Australian tribes almost every conceivable 
variety of method is employed in disposing of dead 
bodies, and similar diversities exist among other peoples 
of Oceania. Here, too, as in many regions of Africa, 
cannibalism prevails to a terrible extent, and may 
actually be reckoned as one of the current methods of the 
disposal of the dead. 

With regard to the East Indian Archipelago and the 
adjoining regions of the Asiatic continent, it may be 
remarked that wherever Buddhism has spread cremation 
is in vogue ; and as Buddhism is an essentially Aryan 
form of religion, we have here one more testimony to the 
Aryan origin of cremation. 


It will perhaps occur to my readers that, in the fore 
going hasty summary of the funeral rites of the principal 
peoples of the world, I have scarcely noticed many of the 
customs which almost universally accompany one or the 


other rites in both ancient and modern times. Some of 
these customs may be briefly mentioned here. 

1. The well-nigh universal practice among both 
civilized and uncivilized peoples of burying with the 
bodies of the deceased all kinds of weapons, utensils, and 
ornaments, often those of a most valuable kind ; simi 
larly, the placing beside the corpse various supplies of 
both food and drink. 

2. The extensively practised custom of burying with 
the deceased, either alive or slain, his favourite horse or 

3. The analogous slaughter at the grave, or burying 
alive, of the wives or slaves of the deceased, in some 
instances, as we have already seen, assuming the pro 
portions of a veritable massacre. It may be stated 
generally that the raison d etre of the above usages has 
been in all ages one and the same namely, a belief that 
the disembodied spirit in the next world will require for 
its happiness all those objects, animals, and attendants 
to which the living man was accustomed in this world. 

4. A custom found here and there among races most 
widely separated, in both time and space, of eating por 
tions, or the whole, of their deceased relatives or friends. 
I will not here shock the reader with details of the dis 
gusting practices to which this curious usage has given 
rise in certain parts of both the Old and New Worlds ; 
suffice it to say that it seems to have had its origin, not 
in any natural cruelty or brutality, but in a widely-spread 
idea that by this means the good qualities of the deceased 
could be assimilated by the survivors who consumed 

5. 1 have more than once referred to the strange custom 
of flesh-stripping, either by means of dogs and birds or 
by man himself. It may be added here that in Siam 
there is a strange combination of this repulsive rite with 
cremation itself. I have read few more disgusting de 
scriptions than that by the Catholic missionary Abbe 
Chevillard, an eye-witness, in his interesting little book, 


11 Siam et les Siamois " (Paris, 1889, pp. 70-72) of the 
scene at the crematory, near Bangkok, where the 
sapareu, or professional corpse-butcher, is busily em 
ployed in slicing the fleshy parts from the corpse for the 
benefit of the dogs and vultures around. Here, however, 
as Siam is a Buddhist land, the fleshless bones are after 
wards cremated. 

One conclusion, indeed, may be drawn from all these 
strange, fantastic, repugnant, or even cruel rites : they 
each and all bear witness in their way to the universal 
belief of man, even when most degraded, in his own 
continued existence in a future life. 


Let us conclude with the following brief statement of 
the general results of our investigation : 

1. The primeval method of disposing of the bodies of 
the dead was, in all parts of the world, that of inhuma 
tion, or earth-burial. 

2. The custom of cremation is, relatively speaking, of 
recent origin, and apparently contemporaneous with the 
introduction of the use of metals. 

3. There is good reason for considering cremation to 
be characteristic of, if not originated by, the Aryan or 
Indo-European race, and its extension to other peoples 
has been chiefly due to Aryan migrations, and particu 
larly to two great Aryan religions viz., Brahmanism 
and Buddhism. 

4. Although both language and comparative customs 
show that cremation was very extensively practised by 
the Aryans, even before their dispersion from their 
original home, yet their own traditions in most cases 
assert that inhumation was with them anterior to 
cremation ; also that during the classical times of 
Hindus, Greeks, and Romans, even during the palmy 
days of cremation, earth-burial was in vogue at one and 
the same time, and held in equal honour, with cremation. 


In Greece we have shown historically that cremation 
gradually died out, and the primitive use of burial once 
more prevailed. 

5. With the great civilized non- Aryan peoples of 
antiquity, cremation was repugnant to both their 
national customs and their religious beliefs ; and the 
same may, on the whole, be fairly asserted of nearly all 
the non-Aryan peoples, civilized or uncivilized, of the 
present day. 


Dr. Is. BAUWENS. " Geschiedenis en Beschrijving der Lijkbe- 

handeling en Rouwplechtigeden bij de meeste Volken." 

Brussels : Polleunis. 1888. 
O. SCHRADER. " Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples." 

Translated by F. B. Jevons. London : Griffin. 1890. 
O. SCHRADER. " Reallexicon der indogermanischen Altertums- 

kunde." Strassburg : Triibner. 1901. (Especially s.v. Bestat- 

tung, pp. 76-84.) 
SOPHUS MULLER. " Urgeschichte Europas." Strassburg: Triibner. 


(On the whole, these latest writers agree with Bauwens views.) 




" FOUR invading nations . . . left no enduring memorial 
of their presence in Italy. The Visigoth, the Hun, the 
Vandal, the Ostrogoth failed to connect their names 
with even a single province or single city of the Imperial 
land. What these mighty nations had failed to effect, 
an obscure and savage horde from Pannonia successfully 
accomplished. Coming last of all across the ridges of the 
Alps, the Lombards found the venerable Mother of 
Empires exhausted by all her previous conflicts, and 
unable to offer any longer even the passive resistance of 
despair. Hence it came to pass that where others had 
but come in like a devouring flood and then vanished 
away, the Lombard remained. Hence it has arisen that 
he has written his name for ever on that marvel of the 
munificence of Nature : 

" The waveless plain of Lombardy. 

" Strange indeed is the contrast between the earlier 

and the later fortunes of this people, between the misty 

marshes of the Elbe and the purple Apennines of Italy, 

between the rude and lightly abandoned hut of the 

nomadic Langobard and the unsurpassed loveliness of 

the towers of Verona. From the warriors fiercer than 

even the ordinary fierceness of the Germans/* what a 

* Velleius Paterculus. 



change to the pale Master of Sentences, Peter the 
Lombard, intent on the endless distinctions which made 
up his system of philosophy ! Nay, we may go a step 
further, and by a kind of spiritual ancestry connect 
London itself with the descendants of this strange and 
savage people. There is a street in London bearing the 
Lombard s name, trodden daily by millions of hurrying 
footsteps a street the borders of which are more 
precious than if it were a river with golden sands. From 
the solitary Elbe pastures, occasionally roamed over by 
some savage Langobardic herdsman, there reaches a 
distinct historic chain of causes and effects, which con 
nects these desolate moorlands with the fulness and the 
whirl of London s Lombard Street."* 

This eloquent passage of the distinguished historian of 
Italy and her invaders may serve as both a text and an 
apology for the present article. It indicates that the 
subject is one of very considerable interest in itself. But 
I shall hope to show, further, that it is, or ought to be, of 
more special interest to English readers, involving as it 
does questions of the " race philosophy " I should be 
more inclined to style it " race chemistry " so popular 
at the present day, and, in the present case, bring the 
Lombard race into close connection with the Anglo- 
Saxon. It may perhaps not be considered unbecoming 
if the present writer also pleads a personal interest in 
the theme, on account of the Lombard blood which he 
is proud to think flows in his own veins. 

The term " Italian " is commonly used to signify all 
the inhabitants of the peninsula known to us geographi 
cally as Italy. As a matter of fact, it thereby includes 
several races which, in their origin at least, are ethno- 
logically distinct. Even the casual tourist cannot fail 
to be aware of the wide difference in character, as in 
appearance, of the inhabitants of the North and of the 
South a difference which has sometimes led, even in 
recent years, to feuds of no inconsiderable bitterness 

* T. Hodgkin, " Italy and her Invaders," vol. v., pp. i, 2. 


between the two populations. Taking the great fertile 
plain watered by the river Po and its tributaries, the 
very names which it has borne in ancient and modern 
times witness to the ethnological difference of the 
populations which have occupied it. Under the Roman 
Republic and Empire it was known as Gallia Cisalpina, 
a name connecting it at once with the other Gaul 
across the Alps, and indicating its Gaulish or Keltic 
population. Its modern name is Lombardy, the land 
of the Lombards or Langobards, a purely Germanic 
name, indicative of the Germanic origin of its latest 

Now, an exactly similar story is told by the names of 
the land in which we live. Anciently it was called 
Britain, or the land of the Britons, a Keltic name indica 
tive of a primitive Keltic population. Nowadays it is 
known as England, the land of the Angles, the Germanic 
name of its Germanic invaders and settlers in the fifth 
century. These facts point to the conclusion that, 
broadly speaking, the constituent elements of the two 
races, the English and the Lombard, have been closely 
akin, while both have been, to a greater or lesser degree, 
welded together by a common element of Roman civiliza 
tion. The analogy becomes all the more striking when 
we realize, as I shall show later on, that the original 
Langobardic and Anglo-Saxon tribes were, in all prob 
ability, the most closely connected of all the branches 
of the parent Teutonic stock. 

The differences in the results of these ethnological 
admixtures are, of course, evident enough, especially in 
the domain of language and culture. In these islands, 
cut off toto orbe from the main body of the Roman 
Empire, the Roman language and civilization rapidly 
died out with the extinction of the Roman dominion, 
and the Teutonic speech of the invaders, in spite of all 
vicissitudes, has prevailed and subsists in the modern 
English, In the great plain of Northern Italy, on the 
other hand, the Roman civilization and language have 


in the long run prevailed in spite of all the successive 
waves of Northern invaders ; and the modern inhabi 
tants, with their mixed Kelto-Germanic blood and often 
strikingly Keltic or Germanic features, think and speak 
in a language which is purely Roman, whilst the language 
of the conquering Langobards has, to an extent almost 
unprecedented in history, disappeared. 

After these general considerations, I purpose, following 
the lead of the able historians whose works are cited 
below, to summarise what history and legend have pre 
served to us of the romantic story of that interesting 
race, first cousins of the Angles, which has given its name 
to the modern Lombardy. For this purpose we possess 
two entirely different sources of evidence the testimony 
of the classical Roman writers during the first six 
centuries of our era, and the native legends or sagas 
handed down from generation to generation of the old 
Langobard tribes themselves, and preserved to us in the 
(Latin) writings of their native historians or chroniclers. 
The earliest Latin historian who refers to the Langobards 
is Velleius Paterculus (A.D. 6). This writer, who 
accompanied Tiberius in his German expedition, charac 
terizes the Langobards as " gens etiam Germana feritate 
ferior," and apparently locates them somewhere between 
the rivers Rhine and Elbe (ii. 106). The next to mention 
them is Strabo (about A.D. 20), who under the curiously 
corrupted form of Lankosargi places them beyond the Elbe 
v AX/3*o<? . . . KOI AajKoaapyoi, . . . vvv Se . . . 
favyovres, vii., p. 42). The great historian 
Tacitus (A.D. 61-117) bears testimony to their extra 
ordinary bravery in spite of the fewness of their numbers, 
and the courageous manner in which they were able to 
hold their own amidst powerful and numerous enemies 
(" Contra Langobardos paucitas nobilitat : plurimis ac 
valentissimis nationibus cincti, non per obsequium sed 
proeliis et periclitando tuti sunt," " Germania," xl.). The 
same writer, it is worth observing, locates the Lango 
bards immediately south of the Angles, and bears testi- 


mony to their worship of the great Teutonic goddess 
Hertha, or Mother Earth.* The geographer Ptolemy 
(100-161) places the Langobards next to the Chauci, 
apparently between the Elbe and the Weser, though 
elsewhere he speaks of them as if they or perhaps a 
branch of them were near the north bank of the Rhine. 
After this last author there is a long and strange silence 
among the Roman writers concerning the Langobards 
of several centuries a silence which is not broken until 
Peter the Patrician, under Justinian, in the sixth century, 
records the rout of the Langibards (sic), together with 
the Obii, on the Danube by Vindex an event the 
account of which, however, it is considered he may very 
likely have borrowed from a contemporary, Dio Cassius 
(A.D. 165). 

It will not have escaped notice that the above testi 
monies of classical writers bear witness to the gradual 
shifting of the habitat of the Langobards from the Baltic 
shores of North Germany, close by that of the kindred 
Angles, to the banks of the Danube. Such a migration 
is fully borne out by the native legends, to which we 
now must turn our attention. 

We have the following authorities for these old Lango- 
bard sagas : 

i. The Origo gentis Langobardorum, prefixed to the 
laws of King Rothari (668-669). 2. Abbot Secundus of 
Trent, De Langobardorum gestis. This writer died 
A.D. 612 ; as a young ecclesiastic, he had been an eye 
witness of the Lombard invasion of Italy, and had stood 
sponsor to the son of King Agilulf at Monza. His work is 
unfortunately lost, but he is quoted by Paul the Deacon. 
3. The Codex Gothanus, of much later date, probably 
A.D. 807-810, remarkable for its extraordinarily bar 
barous Latin. 

* " Such were the rites with which the Angle and the Lango- 
bard of the first century after Christ, the ancestors of Bede and 
of Anselm, of Shakespeare and of Dante, jointly adored the 
Mother of Mankind." HODGKIN, vol. v., p. 33. 


But these authorities are insignificant by the side of 
the writer we have now to mention, PAUL THE DEACON, 
the native Lombard historian (725-795), who may be 
justly styled the Lombard Bede. 

Paul, the son of Warnefrid and Theodelinda, was the 
fifth in descent from Leupicris, a Lombard who, at the 
invasion of 568, settled in Friuli, where or at Aquileia 
Paul was born about 725. He received an excellent 
education, and for some time was at the Court of the 
Lombard king Ratchis. The latter abdicated in the 
year 749, and became a monk at Monte Cassino. Hither 
Paul followed his royal master, and here he seems to 
have contracted a warm friendship with Arichis II., the 
Lombard Duke of Benevento, and his wife Adelperga, 
daughter of the last Lombard king, Desiderius. The 
fatal year 773 saw the invasion of Charlemagne, the over 
throw of Desiderius, and the destruction of the Lombard 
kingdom. Among the captives carried off to Paris by 
Charles was Paul s brother Arichis, to the great distress 
of his wife and family. It was in order to obtain the 
freedom of this brother that the monk Paul in 732 
ventured upon a visit to Charlemagne, at the Prankish 
Court. His great literary abilities and ready wit soon 
won him, not only the favour, but even the intimate and 
familiar friendship of the great Charles, who detained 
him during four years at his Court. It was during this 
stay that Paul came into constant intercourse with the 
great Anglo-Saxon scholar Alcuin. Alcuin, it will be 
remembered, the most illustrious product of the school 
of York, was intellectually, though not actually, the 
disciple of the great Anglo-Saxon doctor St. Bede. I 
cannot but think it very likely that Alcuin may have 
spoken much with Paul about Bede, the father of English 
learning, and of his great work, the " History of the 
English People." It seems to me more than likely that 
herein Paul found the inspiration for his own great and 
kindred work, the history of the sister nation of the 
Lombards. For in 736 the Lombard monk returned to 


Italy, first to Rome and then to Monte Cassino, where he 
devoted the remaining nine or ten years of his life to 
various kinds of literary labour in both verse* and prose. 
Chief among the latter is his invaluable " Historia 
Langobardorum," as indispensable for the early history 
of the Lombards as is the corresponding history of Bede 
for that of their English cousins or, rather, still more 
valuable as preserving the ancient sagas or legends of the 
race. This work, which ends abruptly with the death 
of the great king Liutprand, the Lombard Alfred, in 
744, was in all probability cut short by its author s death 
in or about the year 795. Like the history of Bede, that 
of Paul the Deacon is distinguished by its extreme 
honesty, its absence of national bitterness, and its con 
sequent trustworthy character. 


We may now leave for a time the solid ground of 
historical fact to follow the romantic legendary history 
of the early Lombards, as preserved to us in the pages of 
Paul and other native writers. 

In the earliest times so the Lombard saga goes 
there dwelt a small but warlike race in the mighty island 
of Scandanan, whose name is interpreted " destruction, "f 
and whose shores were not only washed by the sea, but 
(owing doubtless to their flat character) were well-nigh 
washed away. The people were known as the Winnili, 
a name which there is little doubt signifies " warlike, "f 
At last the land became too small for its inhabitants, 

* It is interesting to note that Paul was the author of one of 
the best known hymns in the breviary, from the initials of which 
Guido d Arezzo borrowed the names for the notes of the gamut : 

" Ut queant laxis resonare fibris 
M*ra gestorum /amuli tuorum 
Solve polluti labii reatum, 

Sancte Joannes." 
First Vespers of St. John Baptist, June 24. 

f Cf. Gothic skathjan, English scathe, German schaden. 
J " Kampflustig," zu A.-S. urinnan, Bruckner, p. 322. 


whereupon the wise woman Gambara advised her two 
valiant young sons, Ibor* and Aio (or Agio), to lead forth 
one- third of the people, chosen by lot, to seek new homes. 
The gallant young chieftains and their tiny band of 
followers set forth, and came to the land called Scoringa.^ 
Here they had to fight for life and liberty with the terrible 
Vandals, who, under their two chiefs Ambri and Assi, 
held all the countries round under the terror of their 
name. Summoned either to pay tribute or to fight, Ibor 
and Aio determined rather to die than to soil their name 
by paying tribute. The Vandals prayed for victory to 
Godan (or Wodan), the Winnili to his wife Freya, and the 
latter by a curious strategy succeeded in inducing her 
spouse to grant victory to the brave little army of the 
Winnili. It was in this battle, as the legend tells, that 
the Winnili obtained their new name, by which they 
were ever afterwards known. For, by Freya s advice, 
all the women of the Winnili, standing in the front rank 
at daybreak, let down their long hair and encircled their 
faces with it, as with beards, so that Wodan, looking 
upon them, exclaimed, " Who are all these long-bearded 
ones ?" And ever after they were called Langobardi, or 
long-beards. After their victory over the Vandals, the 
Langobards moved southwards towards the land of 
Mauringa.% Here they had to contend with the Assi- 
pitti (perhaps the Usipetes of Caesar and Tacitus) ; but, 
instead of a pitched battle between the two peoples, the 
issue was eventually decided by a single combat between 
two representatives, the Langobard champion being, 
strange to say, a slave. This latter, having been 
victorious, received freedom, not only for himself and his 
offspring, but also for a large number of his fellow- 
slaves. This curious circumstance would seem to denote 

* Ibor is evidently the O.H.G. ebur, mod. German Eber, wild 
boar. Cf. the names of the two Angle leaders Hengist and 

t Shoreland, A.S. score ; Uferland, Bruckner. 

+ Moorland, from Maur, "moor, swampy land" (Bruckner). 



that, as with the Anglo-Saxons, the early Langobards 
had a serf population in addition to the freemen. 

Having thus won their right to pass through the 
territory of the Mauringa, the Langobards pursued the 
course of their migration to Golanda.* The succeeding 
stages of their migration are said to have been the three 
strangely named lands of Anthaib, Bainab, and Burgun- 
daib, in all of which Bruckner supposes the word aib, 
meaning gau, valley or district. The last of the three 
names is clearly connected with the tribe of the Bur- 
gundians, but its position must be purely conjectural. 
About this time the two chieftains Ibor and Aio died, 
and the Langobards, " after the manner of the nations," 
chose for themselves as their first king Agelmund, the 
son of Aio, who reigned for thirty-three years. 

With King Agelmund is connected the romantic 
legend of his successor, Lamissio (also called Lamicho). 
King Agelmund, riding out one day, came upon a pond 
in which seven new-born babes, all born at one birth, 
had been cast to drown by their inhuman mother. 
Halting his horse, the king turned over the bodies of the 
drowned children with his long spear, whereupon one 
of them who was still alive put forth his hand and seized 
the spear. The king, moved with pity, at once had the 
babe rescued, predicting a great future for it, and handed 
it over to a nurse to be carefully tended and brought up. 
And so the child was given the name of Lamissio, because 
drawn out of a pond, " which in their language is called 
lama." The youth grew up strong and apt in war, and 
on the death of his foster-father was elected by the people 
as the second king of the Langobards. This king 
fought and overthrew the Burgundians, by whom King 
Agelmund had been defeated and slain. 

Under their fifth king, Gudeoc, the Langobards 
entered the fertile country of Rugiland ; and under the 

* Bruckner writes this Golaida, but translates " herrliches 
Haideland." The meaning, however, appears to be " good 


seventh king, Tato, they went forth once more into " the 
wide plains, which are called in barbarian language 
Feld." Here they came into contact with the Heruli, 
and at this point the old national saga of the Lombard 
migrations, as preserved by Paul the Deacon, coalesces 
with the stream of known history ; for the war between 
Tato and the Heruli is recorded by Procopius, and 
occurred in A.D. 511 or 512. 

It is worth while inquiring what amount of historical 
fact may be contained in the interesting legends summa 
rised above. As Mr. Hodgkin points out, there are 
considerable chronological difficulties connected with the 
narrative as recorded by Paul ; for, calculating back 
wards from the known date of the war with the Heruli, 
the earliest migration of the Winnili would not go farther 
back than about A.D. 320, whereas it is known from the 
Latin writers that they must have already been on the 
Baltic shores of Germany about the time of the birth of 
our Lord. But, in spite of all discrepancies as regards 
dates, there is every reason to believe that the legend, as 
a whole, preserves to us a fairly accurate record of the 
general trend of the Langobard migration. There can 
be no doubt that the original home of the Winnili, 
Scandanan, represents the Scandinavian peninsula,* and 
its description as lying low and being well-nigh washed 
away by the sea applies admirably to the low- lying 
portion of Southern Sweden, with its vast system of 
lakes. Again, the name Scoringa, the first home after 
leaving Scandanan, clearly meaning " shoreland," is most 
appropriate for the flat territory near the mouth of the 
Elbe in Northern Germany, and the existence in the 
Middle Ages of a tract of country on the left bank of the 
Elbe called Bardengau and of the city Bardowyk is 
generally admitted to point to the settlement here of 

* Authorities hold that the name " Scandinavia," adopted from 
Pliny, is more correctly " Scadinavia," which Mr. Bradley refers 
to a Teutonic *skadino, meaning " dark." See, however, note 
above, p. 32. 




the Langobards, who were often known by the abbrevi 
ated name of Bardi. The next stage of the migration, 
Mauringa, evidently points to a land of moors, such as 
stretched along the Baltic eastward of the Elbe, perhaps 
in the neighbourhood of Holstein, or still further to the 

It is almost impossible to suggest satisfactory positions 
for the remaining stages of the migration. In all prob 
ability they represent a gradual trend towards the south 
east in the direction of the river Danube. Rugiland, no 
doubt, is the country to the south of Moravia and north 
of the Danube. The name of the " wide plains called 
Feld " is evidently the ordinary Germanic word for field, 
recalling that of the well-known flat district of the 
" Fylde " on the coast of Lancashire. It is taken, with 
great probability, to indicate some part of the great 
Pusztas of Hungary, between the Danube and the Theiss. 
From this region, the scene of their war with the Heruli, 
the Langobards would seem to have turned westward, 
until they came to the north-east borders of Italy. 

In the above account of the migration I have followed 
the views of Mr. Hodgkin, and, as far as I can see, the 
latest writer on the subject, L. M. Hartmann, is in sub 
stantial agreement with them. The very divergent and 
often fanciful theories of the migration advanced by 
other writers, notably Zeuss, Bluhme, Lud. Schmidt, 
Westrum, and von Stolzenberg-Luttmersen, seem to me 
very fairly summarised and justly criticised by Mr. 
Hodgkin. It seems not improbable that traces of the 
Lombards may be found in Western Germany, in West 
phalia, near the Rhine, in Switzerland, and in other parts. 
But, then, we must remember that it is quite possible 
that detached wings of the Lombard horde may 
have made their way, or been forced, in directions 
different to the migration of the main body. However, 
it will be remembered that, according to the native 
legend itself, only one- third part of the Winnili left their 
original northern home to migrate southwards. What 


became of the remaining two-thirds ? Were they 
absorbed into the neighbouring Germanic tribes, or did 
they preserve for any length of time a separate national 
existence, and perhaps migrate on their own account ? 
Bruckner shows it to be probable as Dr. Latham long 
ago said* that some of the Langobards who had re 
mained behind in Northern Germany may have accom 
panied their neighbours the Angles in their invasion of 
England, and have left traces of their presence in such 
place-names as Beardincgford, Bardenea, Beardeneu, 
etc., in the Saxon cartularies. 

It will be observed that I have taken for granted that 
the national name " Langobard " later on softened in 
Italy into " Lombard "f really meant " long-beard." 
This is, of course, a disputed point. Koegel suggested 
that it meant rather " long axe," from the barta, which is 
still to be seen in our English words " halbert " and " part- 
izan." But it was the spear (gar, gair), and not the battle- 
axe, which was the characteristic national weapon. 
Others, again, like Leonhard Schmitt (in Smith s " Dic 
tionary of Geography "), prefer " longshoreman," from 
bord, meaning " shore " (border). There seems absolutely 
no sufficient ground for doubting the obvious etymology 
embodied in the national saga, and taught long ago by 
Isidore of Seville ; and all the three recent writers quoted 
at the end of this article agree in the opinion that the 
name means simply " long-beard." Bruckner most appro 
priately points out that the god Wodan himself is called 
in Old Norse " Langbarthr," " Long-beard " a most 
significant fact when we remember the Langobard cult of 
Wodan, and which may explain why his royal favour was 
so easily won by the quaint trick of the Winnili women ! J 

* "A Handbook of the English Language," London, 1873, 
pp. 75-80. 

t Up to the year 1000 "Langobardi " is in use ; from 1000 to 
1 200 is a period of transition; after 1200 " Lombardi " t is in 
ordinary use. 

t See p. 33. 



It is not my purpose to continue the history of the 
Lombard people in Italy after the close of this long 
migration. I shall therefore pass but briefly over the 
remainder of the story, which is familiar enough to the 
readers of European history. It was in the year 568* 
that, under their eleventh king, Alboin whether at the 
invitation of Narses or notf the Lombards poured over 
the Alps, and made their famous invasion of Italy. 
Alboin, the son of Audoin which names correspond 
exactly with the Anglo-Saxon ones ^Elfwyne and Edwin 
is one of the most romantic figures in Lombard legend 
and history. His war with the Gepidse, his slaying of 
their king Cunimund, and his wooing of the latter s 
daughter Rosamund, with the tragic story of the final 
catastrophe of that unhappy union, have formed 
favourite subjects for poet and artist. Four years after 
Alboin s successful invasion of Italy, the king, in a 
drunken bout, insisted upon his queen, Rosamund, drink 
ing out of the goblet which, according to the barbarous 
usage of the times, he had had made out of the skull of her 
slaughtered father, the King of the Gepidse. To avenge 
this terrible insult, the outraged queen plotted with the 
King s scild-por, or shield-bearer, and foster-brother 
Helmechis to bring about the assassination of her cruel 
husband, her own hand to be the reward of the treachery. 
The plot was successful. Rosamund and Helmechis fled 
with the Lombard treasure on board a Byzantine vessel 
to Ravenna. Here Rosamund presented her paramour 
with a poisoned cup. Helmechis, after drinking half the 

* The year also of the great defeat of the Kentish men by the 
West Saxons at the Battle of Wimbledon" the first fight of 
Englishmen with Englishmen on British soil," says Green (" The 
Making of England," p. 117) an interesting synchronism. 

f Hodgkin entirely rejects the story (vol. v., pp. 60-65) > 
Hartmann also. 

*+ Paul the Deacon was shown the actual goblet by King 
Ratcliis two centuries later. 


draught and recognising that he was poisoned, forced the 
wretched woman to drink the remainder, and so the two 
accomplices died together, and the tragedy " which had 
begun with a cup of death at Verona, ended with a yet 
deadlier death cup at Ravenna." A few years ago 
Mr. Swinburne made this thrilling episode of Lom 
bard history the theme of one of his most powerful 
dramatic creations.* And so deep an impression did the 
tragedy create upon the popular mind that traces of it 
are believed by some to remain in the folk-songs of 
the Lombard peasantry of the present day. I 

It is desirable here to give two warnings that will tend 
to prevent some misconceptions on the subject of the 
Lombard influence in Italy. The one is that, as 
Bruckner most carefully and fully points out, not all 
traces of Germanic nomenclature, vocabulary, or custom 
to be found in medieval or modern Italy are to be attri 
buted to the Lombards. Other Teutonic tribes had 
invaded Italy, especially Goths and Burgundians, and 
the Lombards themselves were doubtless accompanied 
by Teutonic allies, such as Gepidse, Rugians, Saxons, 
Swabians, etc. Moreover, the Franks who overthrew the 
Lombard kingdom must have left some traces of their 
presence. { Hence, great discrimination must be exer 
cised in sifting from the general mass of Germanic 
evidences those which are really Lombardic. This 
Bruckner most conscientiously does in his admirable 
essay and dictionary. 

* " Rosamund, Queen of the Lombards." A Tragedy. 
London : Chatto and Windus, 1899. 
f Thus in the popular ballad : 

" Sa ve digo, dona lumbarda, 
Spuseme mi, spuseme mi, 
Sa ve digo, sur cavalieru, 
Ajo za mari, ajo za marl, 
Vostru mari, dona lumbarda, 
Felu muri, felu muri." 

(Comparetti e d Ancona, "Conti e raconti del Popolo It.," vol. i., 
1870.) The dialogue may be supposed to take place between 
Rosamund and Helmechis. J Bruckner, pp. i, 2. 


A second warning is this : The fact that the great 
plain of Northern Italy bears the name of Lombardy 
must not lead us to imagine that the Lombard conquest 
and the Lombard influence were limited to that part of 
the peninsula. On the contrary, they overspread well- 
nigh the whole of Italy. The great Lombard dukedoms 
of Benevento and Spoleto occupied a considerable part 
of Southern and Central Italy. Tuscany and Umbria, 
too, were included in the Lombard conquest. So that 
the Lombard rule and the Lombard tongue held sway for 
a considerable time in every part of the country. Still, 
the true centre of Lombard power was always in the great 
northern plain, around its capitals of Pavia and Monza, 
and there probably settled the bulk of the women and 
children who accompanied the invading hordes on their 
great trek across the Predil Pass of the Julian Alps on 
that fateful Easter Monday of 568. 

The history of the Lombard kingdom from Alboin 
(whose assassination took place in 572) to the defeat and 
deposition of the thirtieth and last king, Desiderius, by 
Charlemagne, in 774, will be found in every history of 
Italy. These two centuries of the Lombard supremacy 
in Italy form a record of turbulent and often savage 
times, though with here and there gleams of a brighter 
character. The seventeenth king, Rothari, is known 
for his famous code of laws, which is interesting, not 
only for its excellent legislation, so remarkably akin to 
the Saxon and Scandinavian legislations, but also because 
of the vast number of words and terms of the now lost 
Lombard speech which it preserves to us, as well as 
fragments of the old Lombard legends notably a list 
of kings which it also embodies. The most illustrious 
of all was, of course, the famous King Liutprand (712- 
744), also famous for his code of laws, as well as for his 
many kingly virtues. 

It is frequently stated that Pope St. Gregory the Great 
brought about the conversion of the Lombards almost at 
the same time as he effected that of their Anglo-Saxon 


kinsfolk. The two cases, however, are not exactly 
parallel. The Lombards, before their invasion of Italy, 
had already embraced some form of Christianity, or, 
rather, of Arianism. Strange to say, of the time and 
place* of this conversion nothing is known, and it is 
clear enough that whatever Christianity they had was of 
a very superficial and skin-deep character, mixed with 
much of the pagan superstition of their forefathers. 
The earlier years of the Lombard dominion were there 
fore marked by continual hostility between the orthodox 
Italians and the rude Arian Lombards, who often cruelly 
persecuted and plundered the Catholic Church, so that 
we can understand Gregory the Great styling them 
" nefandissimi." King Authari, the second in succession 
after Alboin, however, married Theodolinda, daughter 
of the Catholic Duke of Bavaria, Garibald. This re 
markable woman chose for her second husband Agilulf 
(590-615). It was through Queen Theodolinda, as in 
England through Queen Bertha, that the great Pope 
strove for many years to secure, not only peace with the 
Lombards, but also their conversion to the Catholic faith. 
He had the satisfaction at the end of his life, if not to 
bring about the conversion of Agilulf, at least to secure 
the baptism of his son Adelwald, and the gradual con 
version of the Lombard people to the Catholic faith. In 
this sense, therefore, he is justly styled the " Apostle of 
the Lombards," as well as of the English. 

Whenever a national poet shall arise for the Lombard 
race, he will have at his disposal an unrivalled treasury 
of romantic folk-legends to furnish forth the material of 
his epic. The sagas of the wise Gambara, priestess of 
the Earth, and her sons ; the great trek from Scan 
dinavia ; the battle with the Vandals ; the intervention 
of Wodan and Freya, and the strategy of the Winnili 
womenfolk ; the slave s duel in Mauringa ; King Agel- 
mund and the finding of Lamissio ; Lamissio s single 
combat with the Amazon ; the story of Alboin and 

* In all probability during the sojourn in Pannonia (Hungary). 


Cunimund ; the weird tragedy of Alboin and Rosa 
mund ; the romantic wooing of Theodolinda, daughter 
of Garibald, by Authari here is a wealth of legend and 
legendary history such as few races can boast of, and 
which any nation might be proud to own.* 


It is, of course, certain that the Langobards were a 
purely Germanic race ; but the interesting ethno 
graphical question now arises whether they belong to 
the Low German or High German division of the 
Teutonic family. Eminent authorities, like Grimm, 
Schmitt, Zeuss, Moller, and Much, have declared for the 
opinion that they belong to the High German race an 
opinion which relies chiefly upon the powerful argument 
that the very numerous remnants of the Lombard 
vocabulary preserved nearly all show the phonetic 
alteration of consonants or Lautverschiebimg character 
istic of the High German, f But, in spite of this ex 
tremely weighty argument, the careful investigations 
of Hodgkin, and especially Bruckner, with whom the 
latest writer, L. M. Hartmann, unhesitatingly agrees, 
seem conclusive of the Low German origin of the Winnili 
or Langobards. The prevalence of the undoubted 
Lautverschiebung in their language is satisfactorily ex 
plained as a linguistic " contamination," the result of 
three centuries of residence in South Germany, and close 

* Bruckner, in the most ingenious manner possible, shows 
that the Lombards possessed certain alliterative national ballads 
embodying many of these sagas, now known to us only by Paul 
the Deacon s Latin " History," and has very skilfully attempted 
partially to restore some fragments (see his work, pp. 19-21). 

t For example : por, in scild-por (shield-bearer) ; raub, robbery 
(A.S. redf) ; pair, boar ; pahis, boy ; scuzo, shooter (cf. German 
Schutze) ; tallis, dale (cf. German Thai} ; zdn, tooth (Mod. Ger. 
Zahn] ; zdn, garden (Dutch tuin, Mod. Ger. Zaun] ; grap, grave 
(A.S. graf, mod. Ger. Grab}, etc. Also in proper names : Alboin, 
/Elfwyne ; Aripert, Herbert ; Hildeprand, Hildebrand ; Claffo, 
A.S. Glappa. 


contact with High German tribes. Even the second 
main argument which hitherto has borne great weight 
viz., that the Langobards were reckoned by Tacitus and 
Ptolemy among the Suebi, and so must be generally 
classed as Suabians or High Germans loses its value 
from the fact, already pointed out by Much, that un 
doubted Low Germans, like the Angles, were also some 
times included by the Latin writers under the same 
designation. The name, therefore, was either of merely 
political significance, or perhaps meant simply " free 

But there are convincing arguments for the thoroughly 
Low German character of the Langobards, and incidentally 
for their close connection with the Angles and Saxons, 
which I briefly summarise as follows, from the pages of 
Bruckner (pp. 24-32). 

1. The extraordinary similarity between the Lombard 
laws, so fully preserved in the codes of Rothari and 
Liutprand, and the laws of the Angles, Saxons, and 

2. The striking analogy in both the technical and 
ordinary vocabulary e.g. : (a) Legal terms : fulc-free 
(A.S. folcfry), folk-free ; fulboran (A.S. fulboren) ; 
selpmundius (A.S. selfmundich), " sui juris " ; warigang 
(cf. O.N. sktggangr, A.S. waldgenga), stranger ; vante- 
poro (A.S. vothbora), spokesman ; aid, oath ; aldius, half- 
free man (A.S. elde, ylde, men), (b) Ordinary words 
differing from the High German : fol (A.S. ful), beaker, 
cup ; gaida (A.S. gad), goad ; traib (A.S. draft, drove, 
drive ; drancus (O.S. dreng, O.N. drengr), youth ; scaf- 
fardus (O.S. scapward), steward ; bdn (A.S. ben, O.N. 
bon), boon, prayer. 

3. The flexion in some points agrees with the Anglo- 
Saxon and Old Scandinavian as against the High 
German e.g., aidos, pi. of aid (" oath "), as against 
H.G. Eid-e. 

4. An agreement in several sagas and myths, especi 
ally in the worship of Wodan and Freya. It is also 


worthy of remark that the Anglo-Saxon hero Sceafa is 
actually designated in the "Traveller s Song" (v. 32) 
" King of the Langobards " (Sceafa [weolde] Long- 
bear dum). 

5. A decided parallelism in the royal genealogies ; 
compare the Lombard Waccho and Claffo with the 
Anglo-Saxon Wehha and Glappa. 

6. Paul the Deacon had already remarked upon the 
similarity of dress of the Lombards with that of the 
Anglo-Saxons " qualia Anglisaxones " (H.L., iv. 22) ; 
which is said, by the way, to be the earliest use in litera 
ture of the name Anglo-Saxon. 

7. Alboin, whilst in far-off Pannonia, appeals for help 
and support to the Saxons, as to old friends (amid vetuli, 
H.L., ii. 6). 

The " Traveller s Song," attributed to Widsith, a well- 
known Saxon poem of the sixth century, has more than 
one reference to the Langobards. Besides the above 
mention of Sceafa, the poet tells us of his own visit to 
the Lombard King Alboin in Italy : 

" Ic waes . . . 
. . . mid Longbeardum . . ." (Line 159) ; 

and more explicitly : 

" Swylce ic waes on Eatule (Italy) 
Mid Aelfwine . . . [Alboin]. 
Beam Eadwines" [Audoin]. (Lines 139-147.) 

Almost in the style of the Vedic poets, he praises 
Alboin as having the " lightest hand of mankind to work 
love, most generous heart to deal out rings and bright 
bracelets." In line 194 he proclaims as his patroness 
" Ealhilda, Queen of Myrgingi, and daughter of Eadwin," 
who may perhaps be the Lombard Audoin.* 

Bruckner thus concisely sums up the evidence for the 
ethnographical position of the Lombards : 

" On the ground of the above-mentioned numerous 
facts we may unhesitatingly declare the Langobards to 

* The ending Hilda, ilda, is common in Lombard female names. 


be Ingvaeones. Moreover, we seem justified in reckoning 
them in the Anglo-Frisian group, since they have the 
most points of agreement in laws, vocabulary, and 
legends with the Anglo-Saxons. But the fact that the 
languages of these people do not show the same phonetic 
changes must be explained by the migration southwards 
of the Langobards before the Anglo-Frisian phonetic 
laws had come into operation " (p. 32). 

Many years ago Latham had come, by the same argu 
ments, to the similar conclusion, that everything except 
the peculiar High German phonetic character of the 
Lombard glosses " points to their Angle affinity." 
He adds, however, " The great complication engendered 
by the High German character of the Lombard glosses 
cannot for an instant be ignored," and is driven to the 
expedient of supposing that these glosses are not 
Lombard at all, but Bavarian.* This explanation, 
however, is quite untenable in view of the great number 
of Lombard proper names preserved to us in docu 

The subject of the Lombard language is a fascinating 
one. On the one hand, the number of Lombard words 
and proper names which have been preserved is very 
great ; on the other hand, the language itself has so 
utterly perished that nothing beyond a single sentence of 
three words and that doubtful has come down to us. 
Not an inscription, not a fragment of a folk-song, a 
charm, or a prayer has escaped the cataclysm. A 
single pronoun is known. A single imperative of a verb, 
a single preposition, are all that remain to complete our 
knowledge of the accidence. Yet, out of such un 
promising materials has Bruckner, with characteristic 
German industry, succeeded in compiling his elaborate 
work of 338 pages on " The Language of the Lombards," 
of which over 150 pages are devoted to the " grammar " ! 

It is not easy to determine at what date the use of this 

* Dr. R. G. Latham, " A Handbook of the English Language," 

ut sup. 


Lombard language finally died out in Italy. Bruckner 

gives evidence to show that, although the Lombard 

kingdom came to an end in 774, the Lombard speech was 

still spoken by the majority of the people, even under 

the Franks, and that it cannot have died out entirely 

before A.D. 1000 at the earliest. It has left a very few 

traces in the Italian language itself, of which we may 

mention the words sir ale, arrow (cf. A.S. strael) ; 

aggueffare, to add to (cf. A.S. wefan, weave) ; romire, 

to make a noise (A.S. hredm, noise) ; and probably some 

endings such as ingo, engo, asco, atto, etc. It is not easy to 

explain the absolute loss of all literary monuments, of 

which some must surely have existed during the four or 

five centuries of the life of the Lombard language in Italy. 

We know that national songs or ballads certainly existed, 

and from the dialogues of Gregory the Great we learn 

of the existence among the Lombards of hymns and 

incantations, whilst Paul the Deacon tells us of songs 

about the valour and liberality of King Alboin, which 

reminded one of the above-quoted eulogy of the Saxon 

poet Widsith. This deplorable loss of an entire national 

literature is the more difficult to explain, as Bruckner 

tells us that the quantity of legal and other documents 

of the Lombard epoch, written in Latin, is so enormous 

that it is practically impossible to collect from them all 

the fragments in the language in the form of glosses, etc., 

which they contain. Space would not permit me to 

quote even a small percentage of the vast number of 

single Lombard words which have thus been preserved, 

like fossils, in these Latin documents. I merely append 

in a footnote,* in addition to those already quoted, a 

few of the more striking ones. 

* A deling, Etheling (A.S. Athelinge) ; accar, field, acre (A.S. 
CBCRY} \ anagrip, assault (Ger. Angriff) ; berg, hill (Ger. Berg) ; 
braid, broad ; braida, level plain ; campio, champion ; drancus, 
youth (A.S. dreng) ; faderfiu, " father-fee," dowry (A.S. fceder- 
feoh) ; flasgrd, flax-gray ; gaida, spear, goad ; gtsel, witness, bail 
(A.S. gisel, hostage, pledge) ; guidus, wide ; guidrigild, wergild 
haist, hasty (A.S. nast) ; lagi, leg ; land, land ; lang, long 


It is interesting to remark that a single signature to a 
deed of the year 372 preserves to us the nominative 
singular of the first personal pronoun viz., ih, I ; 
whilst the solitary Lombard sentence above referred to 
is the juridical formula by which a testator proclaimed 
another person his heir viz., " Lid in laib," meaning 
literally, " Go into (my) inheritance " (i.e., Be my heir).* 

It is not only in language, however, that the Lombards 
bore traces of their Germanic origin and their kinship 
with the Anglo-Saxon race. We have already noticed 
how their national historian Paul the Deacon, whose 
testimony is always valuable owing to its undoubted 
honesty, bore witness to the similarity in dress between 
his own people and the Anglo-Saxons. More than this, 
even physical features are eloquent in the same direction. 
To the present day, in spite of all historical vicissitudes, 
the Lombard race still bears strongly the evidences of its 
origin. The light, often ruddy, complexion and hair, 
which are still common in Lombard families (as in some 
of the writer s own family), and the general physical 
appearance, are strongly suggestive of kinship with the 
Angle and Saxon races. 

The political institutions of the Lombard invaders of 
Italy tell a similar story, and remind one considerably of 
the state of things in the early Saxon history of this 
country. The kingship was not strictly hereditary, but 
rather elective, with a loosely hereditary character. 

laubia, arbour (Ger. Laube) ; laun, reward (Ger. Lohne) ; mar, 
horse, mare ; marscalc, marshall ; morgingdb, dowry (Ger. Mor- 
gengabe) ; nassa, net ; plovum, plough ; pul, a boil or swelling ; 
scdla, scale, skull ; skilla, bell (Ger. Schelle) ; smido, smith ; 
stolesazo, lit. " stool-setter," master of ceremonies ; stupla, 
stubble ; thinx, " thing," assembly ; waida, meadow (Ger. 
Weide) ; waldus, wood (Ger. Wald) ; wifa, whiff, whisp of straw, 
etc. Bruckner s dictionary occupies 136 pages of his book. 

* Lid is evidently the imperative of a verb equivalent to the 
A.S. lethan, to go, the causative meaning of which is preserved 
in our English " lead." Laib is the English noun " leave," in 
the sense of what is left or bequeathed. We still ask in this sense 
" How much did so-and-so leave ?" 


Hence its inherent weakness, and the " centrifugal " 
character of the political state, as Mr. Hodgkin points 
out. On the other hand, the line of kings presents great 
legislators in Rothari and Liutprand, who remind us of 
the Athelstan, Alfred, and Edward of Saxon England. 

The love of liberty and the power of the public 
assembly, again, seems to connect the two races. The 
importance of the Thinx in Lombard public life, and its 
very name, of course recall emphatically the Thing, which 
all through history has been the distinguishing feature 
of political life among the Scandinavian peoples, and the 
name subsists to the present day as that of the Parlia 
ments of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.* Among the 
Lombards the Thinx was more a judicial than a political 
assembly, before which various public legal acts had to 
take place, especially all transactions regarding pro 
perty. The Lombard codes have even preserved in their 
curious mixture of Latin and Teutonic forms the verb 
thingare, with the meaning of making away property by 
donation, and from this custom the word thinx came 
also to mean a donation of property itself. It was also 
called gairethinx, from gar or gair, spear, evidently the 
national weapon of the Lombards, which enters so 
continually into Lombard proper names, among which 
it may be interesting to note the ancient royal name 
Garibald, the modern surname Garibaldi, and probably 
the second part of the family surname of Dante, Ali- 
gherius. Such legal terms already referred to as guidri- 
gild (also wirigild), " weregild " ; faida, blood-feud; fio 
or fihu, money ; morgincap, the A.S. morgengifa, 
faderfio, and many others, show how extensive were the 
points of contact between the two legislations. 

Finally, the Lombard temperament and character 
have preserved to the present day the clear traces of their 

* So the Landsthing and Folkething of Denmark, the pro 
vincial Landsting of Sweden, and the Storthing (comprising 
Lagthing and Odelsthing) of Norway. So, too, the All-Thing 
of ancient Iceland, and the Tynwald (Thing-vallr) of the Isle 
of Man. 


northern origin and kinship. The dolce far niente which 
characterizes the Southern Italian has never found place 
in the character of the steady and industrious Lombard 
peasant or artisan. During the Middle Ages the 
Lombard influence in arts and commerce was widespread 
throughout Europe. The " Magistri Comacini," the 
famous master-builders who went forth from the shores 
of the lake of Como, were the first creators of that power 
ful and solid Christian architecture which, from the 
eighth to the tenth century, was perfected in Lombardy 
itself, and from the close of the tenth began to spread 
throughout Europe under the names of Romanic and 
Norman. In another direction, the Lombard Street of 
London, as remarked by many historians, bears eloquent 
testimony to the part played by Lombard merchants 
and money-lenders in the early days of English trade. 

The intellectual gifts of the Lombard race may be 
gathered from a few of the great names of the Middle 
Ages, whose etymology at once proclaims their origin, 
among which it may be sufficient to quote Lanfranc, 
Anselm, Peter " the Lombard," and perhaps, as already 
mentioned, Dante Alighieri. 

In later times the talent and ingenuity, as well as the 
enterprise, of the people of Lombard blood have been 
shown in the important part they have played in 
adapting to practical use, and in popularizing throughout 
Europe, the discoveries of physical science which had 
their birth in Italy from the fifteenth to the nineteenth 
centuries. In this way the modern Lombards have 
played no inconsiderable part, not only in popularizing 
science, but also in advancing scientific research during 
the past few centuries. On this topic I may quote an 
interesting passage from a popular writer of the beginning 
of the last century. Speaking of the people of the pro 
vince of Como, perhaps the most thoroughly Lombard 
of all parts of Italy, he says : 

" The inhabitants of these places have devoted them 
selves principally to the manufacture of barometers, 



thermometers, and other useful instruments, which have 
at different periods originated in philosophical dis 
coveries and improvements in the knowledge of physics. 
These simple mountaineers have shown a remarkable 
degree of intelligence in these matters, and an aptitude to 
comprehend and imitate machines and instruments used 
in the natural sciences as soon as they have been in 
vented. With this branch of industry they not merely 
emigrate to all parts of Italy, but to France, England, 
Germany, Russia, to every part of Europe, whilst some 
have even crossed the Atlantic, both to North and South 
America. The emigrant Comaschi have served to 
familiarize even the poor and lowly with the discoveries 
of physics and useful inventions. Penetrating into one 
country after another, as they have long been doing, 
they may be considered as retailers and propagators of 

The modern Lombardy, again, is a land of textile 
industries. The province of Como alone contains 78*6 
per cent, of the total number of spindles, and 50 per cent, 
of the weaving of the Italian silk trade. Biella, again, is 
the centre of the woollen and cotton textile trades, and 
Bergamo that of the finer manufactures. Indeed, the 
great development of the textile industries during the 
past few years, especially in Lombardy, has been of so 
remarkable a character, that an English observer in 1881, 
commenting upon the great growth of cotton manufac 
ture, remarked upon the interesting fact that he found at 
Modrone a descendant of the illustrious and warlike 
Milanese family of the Visconti engaged in the peaceful 
occupation of cotton-spinning. 

In spite, therefore, of the large admixture of other 
bloods, and the profound changes, political and social, 
which the race has undergone in the course of centuries ; 
in spite, too, of the total and absolute loss, well-nigh 
nine centuries ago, of their national speech ; and in 
spite of their linguistic and cultural absorption by the 
* Penny Magazine, 1833, PP- 61, 62. 


Italian elements of the land in which they finally settled, 
I feel justified in maintaining that the Lombards 
still form a real nation, and still preserve notjmerely 
their ancient name, but also a very large propor 
tion of those physical, intellectual, and ethical qualities 
which characterize them as the real descendants of the 
brave little Teutonic tribe of the Winnili or Langobards, 
who in the early days of the Christian era set forth 
on their long migration from Southern Scandinavia 
towards their final home in the rich plain of Cisalpine 
Gaul. Nor do I think it too fanciful to hold, not only 
that the original Langobards were ethnologically the 
first cousins of the Angles, but also that their final 
settlement in a Keltic land, and their consequent absorp 
tion of Keltic elements, have ended in producing a type 
which has much in common with that resulting from the 
like conquest of Keltic Britain by the Germanic tribes 
of the Saxons and Angles. 


THOMAS HODGKIN. " Italy and her Invaders." Vols. v., 

vi. : The Lombard Invasion The Lombard Kingdom. 

Oxford : The Clarendon Press, 1895. 
LUDO MORITZ HARTMANN. " Geschichte Italiens im Mittelalter." 

II. Band, I. Heft : Romer und Langobarden. Leipzig : 

Wiegand s Verlag, 1900. 
WILHELM BRUCKNER. " Die Sprache der Langobarden." Strass- 

burg : Triibner, 1895. 




" THE career of the only Englishman who has ever worn 
the triple crown* affords ample scope both for the 
picturesque and the scientific historian. There is no 
more striking illustration of the openings which the 
Medieval Church gave to humble worth and ability than 
the life of the poor Hertfordshire lad who, leaving 
England almost penniless, came to reorganize the Scan 
dinavian Church, to beard the mightiest monarch of 
Western Europe since Charles the Great, and himself to 
dispose of kingdoms."! 

These words of a non-Catholic writer seem to me 
worthily and fittingly to summarize the remarkable 
history of the only English Pope. The story of his life 
is one of which all English Catholics may well be proud, 
and it would seem but natural that it should be familiar 
to every Catholic child in this country. Strange to say, 
this does not seem to be the case. It may be doubted 
whether one out of a hundred of the children in our 
Catholic schools could tell, if asked, the name of the 
English Pope, and I suspect that but few of even our 
educated Catholics could give any adequate account of 
his career. It is at least curious that what interest has 
been taken in Pope Adrian IV. by Englishmen has been 

* To be quite accurate, this is a misnomer. The tiara in 
Adrian IV. s time had not yet assumed the three crowns, as his 
portraits show. 

f Manchester Guardian, December, 1896. 



chiefly on the part of non- Catholics. The largest and 
most elaborate biography of him is the sumptuous 
volume published within the last ten years by a High 
Church layman ;* the article " Adrian IV." in the 
" Dictionary of National Biography " was from the pen 
of the late Bishop of London, Dr. Mandell Creighton. 
On our side, we have nothing to show but a small, 
popular, historical sketch of little over a hundred pages, 
by Richard Raby, published as far back as 1849. ^ * s 
true that in Ireland much more attention has been 
devoted to Pope Adrian, but this is exclusively owing to 
the hot controversy concerning his much-disputed Bull 
to Henry II. ; and, indeed, the interest in the doings of 
the English Pope has been strictly limited to this one 
phase of his policy. It is not easy to account for the 
comparative neglect into which the memory of this really 
great Englishman and great Pope has fallen amongst us. 
It is certainly not the fault of ecclesiastical historians, 
for all the great Continental writers on Church history, 
from Adrian s own time to our own, have done full 
justice to the greatness of this remarkable Pontiff one 
of the most remarkable who has ever occupied the See of 
Peter. It does not, therefore, appear to me to be alto 
gether superfluous, even though nothing new be left to 
write about him, at least to condense in popular form a 
summary of what is to be found in the various writers 
above referred to, and in some other historical sources. 

There is another reason why it seems desirable to 
make an attempt at popularizing among our English 
Catholics a knowledge of the life of the English Pope. 
The story always appears to me one of the most essen- 

* Mr. Tarleton s handsome quarto, with its fine illustrations 
and accumulation of material, is an indispensable book ; but 
at the same time it must be admitted that its inaccuracy of detail 
(spelling, especially Latin, dates, figures, quotations, etc.) is 
simply phenomenal, and most irritating to the reader. The 
present article is based chiefly on the books mentioned at the 
end. There is also a " Memoir of the Life of Adrian IV.," by 
E. Trollope (London, 1857). A good bibliography is to be found 
at the end of Tarleton. 


tially romantic and dramatic that has come down to us 
from the Middle Ages. It is well-nigh the most striking 
commentary which history has preserved of the words of 
the Psalmist : " The Lord is high above all nations, and 
His glory above the heavens. Who is the Lord our God, 
Who dwelleth on high, and looketh down on the low 
things in heaven and on earth ? Raising up the needy 
from the earth, and lifting up the poor from the dung 
hill, that He may place him with princes, with the 
princes of His people " (Ps. cxii. 4-8). More than this, 
it is a career which, as hinted in the quotation with which 
I began, contains a distinctly practical lesson for us to-day. 
The life-story of Nicholas Breakspeare always presents 
itself to me in the form of a drama, whose successive acts 
rise on a scale of interest and grandeur worthy of the 
pen of a Shakespeare. For brevity s sake, as well as 
for the better order of the narrative, I will try and 
present the story in these successive acts. 


The first act, then, opens in rural England in the very 
last year or years of the eleventh century. 

" We find ourselves at the beginning of the reign of 
Henry I. Men just emerging from middle age were 
living who had fought in defence of Saxon England 
against the Conqueror, or who had helped in the Norman 
army to win for him this island kingdom. . . . The 
year uoo may fairly be taken as marking the time when 
conquerors and conquered had commenced to settle 
down together. The rising generation could not remem 
ber the catastrophe of Hastings, and mixed unions were 
beginning to bear fruit in producing the ancestors of the 
(English) race of to-day. . . . Breakspeare, therefore, 
as a boy lived in a time of quietness between two stormy 
periods of history the one before his time, the other 
after he had left the country."* 

* Tarleton, " Nicholas Breakspeare," pp. 21-23. 


The scene is laid in the rich and beautiful country 
around and under the sway of the great Benedictine 
abbey of St. Albans. Among the dependencies of the 
abbey was the village of Abbots Langley, just north of 
Watford. According to tradition, Nicholas Breakspeare 
was born in this village. Through the kindness of Mr. 
T. Mewburn Crook, of the Manchester Municipal School 
of Art, I have obtained two drawings of the old house in 
this parish, locally known as " Breakspeare s." In a 
letter dated June 17, 1898, Mr. T. Armstrong, a local 
resident, writes as follows : 

" The building on the outskirts of the hamlet of 
Bedmond, in the parish of Abbots Langley, which is 
called * Breakspeare s/ is held to be the place where 
Adrian IV. was born. It is known that he was born in 
the parish, and I think the tradition with regard to this 
particular spot may be accepted. The building is of 
brick, and is now divided into two or three cottage 
dwellings. It is not probable that any part of it is of 
the date of the Pope s birth, though portions of the 
interior seem to be older than the outside walls, which 
are comparatively modern. Parts of my own house in 
Abbots Langley are, no doubt, of great antiquity, but the 
oldest of them as reconstructed are not earlier than 
Tudor times. Houses, like everything else, decay and 
fall to pieces, and often the old material is partially used 
in the reconstruction. As I thought local tradition 
could be relied on, and that Nicholas Brakespeare was 
born in a house standing on the spot to which his name 
has been given, I had a very pretty water-colour made 
by a clever artist living in the neighbourhood, in which 
the group of houses and the surrounding landscape were 
represented, and this I sent to Rome, to be placed, with 
the consent of the Pope,* in that part of the Vatican 
where documents relating to the lives of his predecessors 
are preserved. It was presented by a friend of mine, a 
Monsignore, who told me that His Holiness was much 
* Leo XIII. 


pleased, and proposed to keep the drawing in his private 

Although this house, on the spot where Nicholas, the 
son of Robert Breakspeare, was born, seems to be a some 
what substantial dwelling, and although there is evidence 
that down to the middle of the fifteenth century the 
Breakspeares were a decidedly respectable family, yet 
it is undoubted that Nicholas passed his boyhood in 
extreme poverty. His father, Robert, eventually 
became a lay-brother in the Monastery of St. Albans 
whilst Nicholas was still a boy according to some, after 
the death of his wife, though another well-known account 
represents Adrian IV. s mother as surviving that Pontiff, 
and being in great indigence at the time of his death. 
Be this as it may, it appears certain that the lad Nicholas 
was himself engaged for a time in servile work at the 
abbey, and that, in spite of his great talents, he was 
rejected by Abbot Richard, whether on account of his 
youth or of his poverty or of his father s position, when 
he tried to gain admittance into the monastery with the 
hope of eventually becoming a monk. Bitterly dis 
appointed, and in a state of utter destitution, the high- 
spirited and indomitable Hertfordshire lad set out on 
foot to seek his fortunes in more congenial surroundings. 
Full of ardour for study, he turned his steps towards 

" He worked his way probably through London and 
down the high road through Kent that historic route 
which has been the main thoroughfare of so many 
travellers to and from the Metropolis past Rochester 
and Canterbury, to Dover, from whence he obtained 
a passage over the narrow seas, possibly in the very 
same year when the Blanche Nef was wrecked on the 
treacherous rocks off Barfleur, and the brilliant company 
surrounding Prince William, together with that unfor 
tunate son of King Henry, were drowned."* 
On his safe arrival in France, young Nicholas devoted 
* Tarleton, pp. 19, 20. 


himself with great ardour to study at first in Paris, 
then the most famous European seat of learning.* 
But after a few years he quitted Paris about 1125 
and gradually worked and begged his way south 
wards across the Rhone to Aries, where he again fre 
quented, with great diligence and success, the celebrated 
schools of that city. An interesting question here arises 
as to the connection of Nicholas, during these Wander- 
jahre as a poor scholar, with the Order of the Norbertines 
or Premonstratensians. I am indebted to the Right 
Rev. Abbot Geudens, C.R.P., of Corpus Christi Priory, 
for a very full statement of the Norbertine tradition on 
this subject. He has forwarded me a copy of the note 
which Abbot Georg Lienhardt, of Roggenburg (Suabia), 
adds to his brief notice of Pope Adrian IV. in his 
" Auctarium Ephemeridum Praemonstratensium," under 
the date September I. The following is a translation of 
the passage : 

" That the blessed Hadrian was once, at least for a time, 
an alumnus of our Order he himself testifies in a Bull 
prefixed to our statutes, where he thus speaks in com 
mendation of our white institute : Mindful how your 
institute and Order, of which we were once an alumnus, 
brilliant with abundant splendour of merits and fragrant 
with the grace of sanctity, hath extended its branches 
from sea to sea. . . . Mention of this Bull is also made 
by Petrus Waghenare ( De Elogiis Sancti Norberti 
ejusque Ordinis/ p. 445), Ernestus Reubner, in his 
( Chronicon Gradicense (cap. iv., p. 23), and other his 
torians of our Order, both ancient and modern. The 
authenticity of the Bull containing the above words was 
always held as quite certain and indisputable by the most 
illustrious annalist of our Order, f a most perspicacious 

* A chronicle of the Irish monks at Ratisbon, quoted by 
Lanigan (vol. i., p. 155), contains a tradition that one of Break- 
speare s teachers in Paris was an Irish monk named Marianus, 
of whom he afterwards spoke with great affection when he had 
become Pope. 

f Abbot Charles Louis Hugo. 


historian and skilled critic, in the third MS. volume of 
his Annals, p. 247. He quotes in the margin Chrysos- 
tom Van de Steere, Peter Waghenare, and Bernard a 
Sancto Leone, and draws the following conclusion as 
from certain premises : That blessed Hadrian was 
originally a professed member of the Premonstratensian 
Order, and that the above-mentioned Pontiff by the 
word alumnus meant exactly what is understood by the 
term professus. 

The learned writer goes on to show that Nicholas 
passed some years in France before his entry (to be 
mentioned later on) into the Monastery of St. Rufus, 
and argues at some length that in the interval he studied 
in some Norbertine monastery, and " saltern aliquamdiu 
sub stipendiis Norbertinis militaverit." He further 
quotes again the annalist Hugo to the effect that the 
profession of Nicholas in the Order, and his quitting it 
after his profession, was an old tradition of the Order 
confirmed by " documents existing at Prague, Furnes, 
Antwerp, and in Spain."* The great authority of 
Abbot Hugo,| f course, makes his opinion of unusual 
weight ; yet I must confess that so far as it is based upon 
the words of Pope Adrian s Bull prefixed to the statutes 
of the Order, it does not appear to me to be conclusive. 
The use of the word alumnus, even accepting the Bull 
as genuine, can surely mean little more than that 
Nicholas was for a time a pupil in one of the houses 

* " Beatum Hadrianum vere apud nostros professum et post 
emissam professionem inde egressum fuisse atque a praedeces- 
soribus veteris sevi acceptam esse traditionem quam exstantia 
Pragae, Parci, Furnis, Antverpiae, Hispaniae monumenta con- 

f Charles Louis Hugo (who died August 2, 1739) was Abbot 
of Etwal, and afterwards Bishop of Ptolemais. He was his 
toriographer to the Duke of Lorraine, and is considered as a 
most accurate and critical historian, well acquainted with his 
sources. " What he says," writes Abbot Geudens, " may be 
considered above criticism." By order of the General Chapter 
in 1717, held under Claudius Lucas, all the ancient documents 
from the monasteries of the whole Order were transmitted to 
him for the compilation of his annals. 


in the Premonstratensians probably, indeed, a poor 
scholar maintained by their hospitality or alms a most 
likely supposition.* But if the tradition be really con 
firmed by other documents referred to by Abbot Hugo, 
and independent of the Bull, then the claim of the 
Norbertine writers would be substantiated. As far as 
I know, these documents have not been published ; but 
Hugo, it must be admitted, writes as if he had seen them. 

In any case, then, we are safe in concluding that 
during his wanderings as a fahrender Schiller in France 
Nicholas was in all probability under the influence and 
actual care of the White Canons of St. Norbert, and 
thus was very likely deeply indebted to them for 
his subsequent fame as a scholar and success as a 

After a short stay at Aries, we next find Nicholas 
wending his way northward to Avignon, where he sought 
and obtained admission, at first in a menial position, in 
the abbey of the Canons Regular of St. Rufus (Saint- 
Ruf), whose ruins are still visible near Avignon. These 
Canons Regular must not be confounded with the Canons 
Regular of St. Norbert, of whom we have been speaking ; 
indeed, the Abbey of St. Rufus dates from a century 
before St. Norbert s own time. The Order took its rise 
early in the eleventh century in a secession from the 
cathedral church of Avignon, which was served by 
canons living in common, but who had become relaxed. 
Bonanni (in his " Ordinum Religiosorum Catalogus ") 
gives A.D. 1000, and Helyot (in his " Ordres Monas- 
tiques ") 1039, as tne date of this event. St. Rufus 
became the mother house of an independent congregation 
of Canons Regular, which had many houses in France 
and other countries, and even sent canons into Patras 
and other Eastern churches maintaining the Latin 

* It is of some importance to note that St. Norbert founded 
his Order at Premontre only in 1 1 20, about the very year of 
Nicholas s arrival in France, and that it received Papal confirma 
tion only in 1126. 


rite.* These Canons Regular no doubt followed the rule 
of St. Augustine, which was, of course, the rule also 
adopted by St. Norbert in the foundation of his Order 
of Premontre in 1120, almost in the very year when 
Nicholas Breakspeare passed into France. 

It would appear that the poor English scholar waited 
for two or three years in his humble capacity of a lay- 
brother at the Abbey of St. Rufus, at the end of which 
time the canons, won by his docility, learning, and 
personal charms of character, finally admitted him to 
profession in their Order. Thus, the rejected postulant 
of St. Albans finally, by his steadfast perseverance, 
industry, and steady determination, reached the goal 
upon which his hopes had been fixed from boyhood. 
With this happy consummation the first act of his 
dramatic life that of the poor scholar fittingly closes. 


The great talents and sterling merits of the young 
English monk were not very long in leading to the first 
step of promotion in his rapid career. In 1137, on the 
death of Abbot William II., Nicholas Breakspeare was 
unanimously elected as his successor. But with this 
new dignity trials very soon came. It would appear that 
some relaxation had crept into the house, and that the 
firmness of the new Abbot in correcting abuses very soon 

* I am indebted for these facts about the Abbey of St. Rufus 
to Miss Speakman, M.A., of the Victoria University, who adds : 
" The dress, too, as given by these authors, is different from the 
Norbertine, although both are white. The canons of St. Rufus 
wear a sort of sash over one shoulder, and tied at the opposite 
side, Scotch fashion." The Abbey of St. Rufus was destroyed 
by the Calvinists in 1562. 

f In an anonymous article of the Dublin Review for April, 
1875, Nicholas Breakspeare is referred to as " O.S.B., Abbot of 
St. Albans " (p. 258, note). It would be difficult to compress 
more errors in a single phrase (except a recent statement of the 
Times newspaper that the only English Pope was Adrian VI., 
who lived in the reign of Henry VIII. !). 


led the monks to repent of their election of the ex-lay- 
brother to be their superior. 

" But the man who had passed through the great 
lesson of learning to obey was now to show them that he 
had also learnt to command. If they thought that the 
modest, unassuming, and compliant brother was going 
to rule them with a gentle hand, and tolerate any slack 
ness in the hard duties imposed on them by their solemn 
vows, they were mistaken. Breakspeare showed imme 
diately that power of command which comes at once 
when a man of strong will, rigid principle, and knowledge 
of mankind is suddenly placed in a position of responsi 
bility. The more heavy that responsibility is, the 
better do such men rise to it. The easy ways into which 
the monks had gradually drifted were stopped, the 
rigid rules of St. Augustine put in force, and, by 
degrees, those men who had been unanimous in placing 
him over their abbey began to murmur among them 

The consequence was a serious mutiny in the monas 
tery, which culminated in two successive appeals to 
Rome, carried by Abbot Breakspeare himself and a 
deputation of the hostile monks to present their case 
against him. The Pontiff at the time was the celebrated 
Eugenius III., the disciple and favourite spiritual son of 
the great St. Bernard, who, to his own dismay, had just 
been thrust into his sublime office from the position of a 
humble monk. At the first deputation the Pope, with 
his wonted tact, succeeded in effecting a reconciliation 
between the Abbot and his unruly subjects, and the 
litigants returned home reconciled to each other. But 
very shortly probably within a year the disaffection 
broke out worse than ever. The second appeal to the 
Holy See, apparently in 1146, had a very different ending. 
The Pope answered the complaints of the monks with 
some severity. " I know, brethren, where the seat of 
Satan lieth ; I know what has stirred up this tempest 
* Tarleton, p. 40. 


among you. Depart. Choose for yourselves one with 
whom you can be, or rather are minded to be, at peace ; 
for this one shall no longer be a burden to you." The 
canons of St. Rufus departed, and Pope Eugenius 
retained the ex-Abbot at his own Court. The startling 
and dramatic sequel is eloquent testimony to the keen 
penetration of character and promptitude of action of 
the Cistercian Pope ; for, almost immediately, he raised 
Nicholas at one bound to well-nigh the highest dignity 
which it was in his power to bestow, creating him 
straightway one of the six Cardinal-Bishops,* with the 
suburbican title of Bishop of Albano. 

This sudden elevation of the once poor and obscure 
scholar and lay-brother to a rank only second to that 
of the Pope himself was sufficient to have turned a head 
less strong than that of Nicholas. It is not a little 
remarkable to observe how, in the providence of God, the 
rejection of the penniless postulant by the Abbot of 
St. Albans led to his becoming himself Abbot of the 
Canons Regular at Avignon ; and the casting off of the 
English Abbot by his unruly subjects led at once to his 
creation as Cardinal and Bishop. With this striking 
change of fortune ends the chapter of Nicholas s life as 
monk and Abbot. 


From his creation as Cardinal in 1146 to the year 1152 
we know practically nothing of Breakspeare s life. Mr, 
Tarleton surmises not, indeed, without some probability, 
though I fancy with little or no evidence that Cardinal 
Breakspeare may have accompanied Pope Eugenius III. 
to Paris in 1147, when the Pope went to give the cross 
to King Louis VII. on the eve of the second Crusade. 

* Nicholas Breakspeare was thus the second English Cardinal. 
The first had been Robert Pulleyn, Archdeacon of Rochester, 
created by Lucius II. in 1144. He died in 1150. Cardinal 
Vaughan was the thirty-fourth English Cardinal in succession 
(see Dudley Baxter, " England s Cardinals "). 


Be this as it may, in the year 1152 Nicholas was called 
upon to execute the first great act of ecclesiastical 
statesmanship for which his after-career was to be so 
famous. In that year Eugenius III. appointed him 
Apostolic Legate to the three Scandinavian kingdoms 
of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. Whatever Scan 
dinavian history we open, we shall find the name of 
Nicholas Breakspeare written large in the annals of those 
Norse kingdoms. The business for which the Legate was 
despatched to the Far North was connected with the 
ecclesiastical government of the three kingdoms, which 
up to 1 1 02 had all been subject to the Metropolitan See 
of Hamburg. In that year Pope Paschal II., after long 
negotiations, had freed the Scandinavian countries from 
their subjection to Hamburg, and erected the Metro 
politan See of Lund in Denmark. But this arrangement 
not unnaturally led to some jealousy between the three 
kingdoms, which, by the middle of the twelfth century, 
had culminated in a strong movement for ecclesiastical 
home rule, perhaps stimulated by the action of 
Eugenius III. in granting Ireland its four archiepiscopal 
sees just before. Ambassadors from the Kings of 
Sweden and Norway arrived in Rome, begging for the 
erection of such metropolitan sees in their countries. 
It was in reply to this request that Breakspeare was 
sent on his famous legation. On this journey he passed 
through England,* from the east coast of which he sailed 
for Norway, where he landed on July 19, 1152. On his 
arrival, the Cardinal-Legate found himself face to face 
with a much more extensive and serious task than that 
of merely settling the ecclesiastical government of the 
country. He found the latter in a state of great political 

* Mr. Tarleton s attempt (pp. 55, 56) to trace the footsteps 
of his hero during his brief visit to his native country, by a few 
place-names containing that of Breakspeare in two or three 
counties, appears to me preposterous. There is surely a much 
more obvious and simple explanation for the existence of the 
name, which need not have had any direct connection with Pope 


confusion, the royal power being divided between the 
three sons of the murdered King Harald Sigurd, Inge 
(sumamed Crookback), and Eystein of whom only 
Inge seems to have been a really honourable man. The 
crimes of the other two had brought about a state of 
civil war, and the strong-minded English Cardinal, 
before turning his attention to ecclesiastical affairs, 
insisted upon settling these internecine feuds. His 
strong and wise efforts were crowned with success. He 
inflicted canonical censures upon the two criminal 
Princes, and finally succeeded in restoring peace to the 
country. His next step was to erect a metropolitan see 
for Norway, which he fixed at Nidaros (the modern 
Trondhjem), in the cathedral of which city repose the 
bones of King St. Olaf. He created John, Bishop of 
Stavanger, Metropolitan, and conferred upon him the 
pallium, subjecting to the jurisdiction of the new 
province, not only Norway, but also Iceland, Greenland, 
the Faroe Islands, the Orkneys, the Shetlands, the 
Hebrides, and the Isle of Man, detaching the last three 
from the province of York. But his activity did not end 
here. He thoroughly reformed the Norwegian Church, 
swept it of abuses and of many heathen practices which 
had been allowed to creep in. He also introduced the 
payment of Peter s Pence. 

At the request of the Norwegian people, Cardinal 
Breakspeare even introduced many civil reforms 
secured the public peace by causing a law to be passed 
forbidding the carrying of arms by private persons, and 
even limiting the King s bodyguard to twelve. Great was 
the gratitude of the Norse people. Their national 
historian, Snorro, relates that no foreigner ever came to 
Norway who was so honoured, or whose memory is so 
cherished, as Nicholas Breakspeare, and that after his 
death he was honoured by the nation as a saint. It is 
pleasing to add that during his brief pontificate Adrian 
maintained the most friendly relations with Norway, 
and sent thither English architects and artists to 


build the cathedral of Hammer, which See he had 

From Norway Nicholas departed, amid the lamenta 
tions of the people, for Sweden, where he was received 
with all honour, but where he found himself face to face 
with difficulties which taxed all his diplomacy. The 
two rival provinces of Sweden and Gothland both con 
tended for the honour of the archiepiscopal see, and in 
spite of the Synod of Linkoping, which he summoned, no 
agreement could be come to. Wisely reserving his own 
decision, which was to give Sweden no metropolitan see 
at all, the Cardinal now passed on to Denmark. Here 
again he had to employ no little diplomacy, for the 
Archbishop of Lund, Eskil, was not unnaturally ag 
grieved at the detachment from his jurisdiction of the 
province of Norway, though he received the Legate with 
all pomp and honour. Breakspeare propitiated the 
Archbishop by confirming him in the title of Primate of 
all Sweden, and granting him the right of consecrating 
and investing with the pallium the new Archbishops of 
Sweden, whenever the affairs of that Church should be 
settled. He might now have looked upon his long and 
difficult mission as successfully accomplished, but he 
was once more called upon to intervene in a serious 
international dispute between Sweden and Denmark, 
caused by the wicked conduct of Johan, son of King 
Sverker of Sweden. The Cardinal used all his influence 
to avert the threatened war between the two countries, 
giving the wisest advice to the Danish King. His 
efforts, indeed, were in vain, but the disastrous results 
of the ensuing war abundantly justified the wisdom of 
his counsels. 

During its progress the Cardinal Legate left Scandi 
navia, and returned to Rome. Among the qualifications 
which had so eminently fitted him for his Scandinavian 
legation, over and above his natural talents and diplo 
matic skill, we must probably reckon also his linguistic 
attainments, including apparently a knowledge of the 



Scandinavian languages ; for among the literary 
works attributed to him by Pagi are said to have been, 
not only an account of his mission to the North (" De 
Legatione Sua "), but also catechisms of Christian 
doctrine for the Swedes and Norwegians. All these 
works are unfortunately lost. 


Cardinal Breakspeare, on his return to the Eternal 
City in the early part of 1154, found his great friend and 
patron, Pope Eugenius III., dead, and Anastasius IV., 
already in his ninetieth year, reigning in his place. On 
December 2 of the same year the aged Pontiff died, after 
a brief reign of seventeen months. The day after his 
death the Cardinals met in conclave at St. Peter s, and 
immediately, with unanimous voice, elected as his suc 
cessor the English Cardinal, who took the name of 
Adrian IV. He tried to refuse the office, but clergy and 
laity alike, not heeding his remonstrances, cried out : 
" Papam Adrianum a Deo electum !" a striking testi 
mony to the unanimity of the choice. 

" So at last the humble Englishman, the poor student, 
the modest monk, Abbot, Bishop, Cardinal, and mis 
sionary, was called to occupy the position of the greatest 
and most fearful responsibility upon the earth of those 
days. What a moment ! What a life ! Thirty years 
from poverty to Pope ! And what a vista opened out 
before him ! At this age he might reasonably hope for 
twenty or thirty years of power, and if he lived as long 
as his predecessor, forty years."* 

Such was the beginning of one of the most remarkable 
pontificates in the history of the Church a pontificate 
remarkable not only for the great and stirring events 
which were crowded into it, but also for its brevity, 
lasting as it did but four years and nine months. 

" He could not tell that within five short years he 
would be called into the presence of the Master whom 
* Tarleton, pp. 65, 66. 


he had just been chosen to represent on earth ; but if 
he had known this, and had determined to crowd into 
that short time all the stirring events and great deeds 
that he could look for, he could not have made it fuller 
than it actually proved to be."* 

From the moment of his election to that of his death 
Pope Adrian was called upon to grapple with some of 
the most difficult and momentous questions of both 
home and foreign policy that have ever fallen to the lot 
of a Pontiff to meet. No wonder that he afterwards said 
to his friend John of Salisbury that " the tiara was 
splendid because it burnt with fire."f 

" At the moment Adrian IV. took his seat behind the 
helm of Peter s bark the winds and waves raged furiously 
against her, nor ceased to do so during the whole time 
that he steered her course. That time, though short, 
was yet long enough to prove him a skilful and fearless 
pilot as much so as the very foremost of his prede 
cessors or successors, who have acquired greater fame 
than he, simply because a more protracted term of 
office enabled them to carry out to completer results 
than he could do designs in no wise loftier than Adrian s, 
and, in so doing, to unveil before the world more fully 
than was permitted to him characters not therefore 
nobler or more richly endowed than his."J 

The new Pope found his first troubles already awaiting 
him in the city of which he was not only Bishop, but also 
temporal Sovereign. These troubles, caused by the 
agitation of the Republican party in Rome, headed by 
the turbulent Arnaldo da Brescia, the disciple of Abelard, 
had raged fiercely under the pontificate of Eugenius III., 
the pupil of St Bernard. Though somewhat lulled 
during the brief and peaceful pontificate of Anastasius, 
they broke out with fresh violence on the election of 
Adrian. The Pope was met at his accession by a 
peremptory demand of the Senate, prompted by 

* Tarleton, p. 66. f " Polycraticus," viii. 23. 

I Raby, p. 17. 



Arnaldo, to renounce once for all his rights of temporal 
government, and to recognise the authority of the 
Roman Republic. They had strangely miscalculated 
the character and temper of the new ruler. The demand 
was sternly rejected by the unflinching Pope. Arnaldo 
himself hastened to Rome, and the mob broke out into 
open disorder and violence, culminating in a murderous 
attack on Cardinal Gerard in the Via Sacra. Adrian s 
action at this critical moment was prompt and decisive. 
From Anagni, to which he had retired, he issued a stern 
decree, placing Rome under an interdict. Never before 
in history had this most dreaded weapon of spiritual 
chastisement been applied to the Eternal City. No 
wonder it was received with consternation. 

" No calamity which could befall a city in those times 
and they were days when calamity had full meaning, 
days of the storm and sack, of the plague and famine- 
could be more dreaded than that of interdict."* 

I need not here repeat the description of the effects 
of an interdict. And if this dread censure produced such 
an impression even in England in the days of King John, 
what must have been its effects in the very centre of 
Christendom itself ? To add to its horrors, the interdict 
began on Palm Sunday, and lasted during Holy Week, 
thus seriously affecting, not only the spiritual, but also the 
temporal, interests of the Roman people, to whom Easter 
has always been a season of great profits, owing to the 
number of pilgrims flocking to their city. Adrian s 
strong action was completely successful. After some 
ineffectual parleying, he gained all that he demanded : 
the abrogation of the Republic, the banishment of 
Arnaldo, and the absolute submission of Senate and 
citizens to their lawful Sovereign the Pope. Then, and 
only then, did the latter return to his city, which, we are 
told, he entered in triumph amid the joyful acclamations 
of his people ; and in his cathedral of St. John Lateran 
he celebrated his coronation with great pomp and jubilee. 
* Tarleton, p. 98. 



At the very time that Adrian was engaged in this stern 
contest with his disaffected subjects a still more serious 
danger was hanging over Italy and the Papal See. This 
was the impending invasion of Frederic Barbarossa, 
" the mightiest monarch of Western Europe since Charles 
the Great." The motives which led the young and 
mighty Emperor to undertake this expedition were to 
reassert the Imperial claims over Italy which he pro 
fessed to have inherited from Charlemagne, and to con 
firm them by his coronation in Rome ; and also, no 
doubt, to check the growing spirit of freedom which was 
already beginning to show itself, especially among the 
Lombard cities of Northern Italy. To complicate the 
situation, Arnaldo and the Roman Republic had already 
sent a letter to Frederic, inviting him to come and receive 
the Imperial crown from the Senate ; but, fortunately 
for the Holy See, the invitation was worded in such 
bombastic and insolent terms that the Emperor indig 
nantly rejected it. 

About the very time of Adrian s election Frederic, 
with his large army, was crossing the Alps, and, being 
encamped at Roncaglia, he held a great Diet to receive 
the homage of his Italian feudatories. A very few days 
after Adrian s coronation in the Lateran, Frederic 
received the Iron Crown in the church of Pavia. All 
Lombardy was now in his power, and the last city to 
resist Tortona fell after a gallant struggle. The great 
Emperor and his victorious array was already entering 
the Campagna. It was a moment of painful doubt and 
suspense. The new Pope might well have addressed the 
stern monarch in the words of the King of Israel s 
messenger to Jehu, as he approached at the head of his 
troops : " Thus saith the King : Is there peace ?" 
(4 Kings ix. 19). 

It was fortunate for the Pope that Frederic had set his 
heart on being crowned, like Charlemagne, by the hands 


of the Pontiff himself. Herein the quick glance of the 
diplomatic Adrian saw the advantage which he un 
doubtedly held in treating with the irresistible Emperor 
on something like equal terms. 

At the same time that Frederic sent envoys to Rome 
to ask for his solemn coronation in St. Peter s by the 
Pope s hand, Adrian had despatched three Cardinals to 
meet Ferderic in order to ascertain his intentions, and 
also to induce him to aid in seizing Arnaldo of Brescia, 
who was engaged in his old game of stirring up disaffec 
tion against the Holy See in the Campagna. On the 
arrival of the two Archbishops who were Frederic s 
envoys, Adrian took the bold and firm stand of declining 
to consider the Imperial proposals until he should have 
received a reply to his own demands, and an assurance 
that the Emperor was approaching with friendly inten 
tions. This strong attitude met with success. The 
Papal legates soon ascertained that the Emperor was 
far from supporting Arnaldo and his followers against 
the authority of the Holy See, and, indeed, was so much 
incensed against the demagogue that he was quite 
willing to procure his seizure, which was speedily 

Before passing on, we must say a word about the well- 
known fate of this unfortunate man. Arnaldo, on being 
delivered up to the Papal authorities, was imprisoned in 
the castle of St. Angelo, with the intention, it is said, of 
being ultimately tried before Frederic himself, on the 
latter s arrival in Rome. But the Prefect of Rome, 
Peter, fearful of the great danger to which the presence 
in a city seething with sedition of so formidable a prisoner 
exposed the public peace, of his own authority, and in the 
absence of both Pope and Emperor, caused the unhappy 
man to be led out on the morning of June 18, 1155, and 
executed by the cruel and barbarous death of burning at 
the stake before the Porta del Popolo. Mr, Tarleton s 
comment on this tragic end of the famous demagogue 
seems to me just and equitable : 


" In judging the act of execution, we must be careful 
not to measure the sentiments of those days by the 
moral standard of our own, and Arnold s death seems to 
have been the only course left to those responsible to the 
Pope for the order of the city. On the other hand, we 
must apply some moral standard to acts like this, and 
not allow the consideration of difference in custom and 
thought to weigh against the sentiment of justice. 
Rarely, if ever, in history is there an occasion when the 
execution of a man without trial can be excused."* 

Meanwhile Adrian still displayed great caution in his 
preliminary negotiations with the Emperor. He sent 
word to the latter at Sutri that before the favour asked 
was granted, Frederic would have to take an oath on the 
Gospels and on the Cross before the Papal envoys to 
protect the Pope and Cardinals against aggression, to 
uphold the Papal dignity, and not to usurp any of its 
functions. In return, the Pope promised to go and meet 
the Emperor, and escort him in state to Rome for his 
coronation. The haughty Frederic complied, and took 
the oath with great solemnity. 

On the following day, June 9, 1155, took place the 
historic scene in the camp at Sutri which I am about to 
describe. Adrian IV., with all his retinue of Cardinals 
and other attendants, advanced in state from his castle 
at Nepi, where he had been waiting, the Pope riding, 
according to custom, upon a white palfrey. A splendid 
deputation of German Princes and Bishops received him, 
and conducted him to the Imperial tent. The gigantic 
Emperor advanced to welcome the Pontiff. And now 
occurred that dramatic incident, so often described in 
history, which to me has always appeared to be the 
most thrilling episode in the career of the English Pope. 
It was an old tradition, generally accepted hi those ages 
of faith, that a King, meeting the Pontiff when mounted, 
must not only assist him to dismount, but, as a sign of 
supreme veneration, must hold his stirrup as he did so. 
* Tarleton, pp. 106, 107. 


This right of the Pope to homage was acknowledged by 
the old German legislation, as expressly stated in the 
two great codes of national law the Schwabenspiegel* 
and the Sachsenspiegel-f and had been observed by 
the Emperor Lothair towards Pope Innocent II. The 
proud Hohenstauffen, however, was by no means in a 
mood to submit to the humiliation which he felt to be 
involved in performing the ceremony before all his barons 
and troops, and, though he bowed low and offered to 
assist the Pontiff to dismount, he abstained from 
holding the stirrup. The situation had all at once become 
acute : it was a moment of crisis the two strongest men 
in Europe, the English Pope and the German Kaiser, 
face to face, and a momentous question of privilege, 
behind which great issues were at stake, to be settled 
between them. Both potentates were unyielding. 
Adrian, unflinching before the mighty warrior King, 
calmly kept his seat, and refused to dismount until the 
due act of homage had been rendered. Frederic was 
angrily obdurate. Already the German soldiery were 
beginning to murmur aloud, and we are told that the 
Cardinals who formed the Papal suite were so terrified 
at the ominous state of things that they promptly fled, 
leaving the Pope alone to confront the storm. Yet 
Adrian retained all his cool courage, and with great 
dignity dismounted himself, and allowed the Emperor 
to conduct him to the seat prepared for him. On this he 
sat, and allowed Frederic to kneel and kiss his feet ; but 
when the Emperor arose to receive in return the kiss of 
peace, Adrian calmly but firmly declined to give it, 
declaring that until the homage had been paid to him in 

* " Der Papst erhalt die beiden Schwerter von Gott ; fiir sich 
behalt er das geistliche Schwert, das weltliche Schwert iibergibt 
er dem Kaiser, und wenn er se^nen weissen Zelter besteigt, muss 
ihm der Kaiser den Ziigel halten " (Articles 9 and 10 of Preface). 

j " Dem Papst ist auch gesetzt dass er zu gewisser Zeit auf 
ienem weissen Pferde reiten mag, da ihm dann der Kaiser den 
Steigbi igel halten soil, damit der Sattel sich nicht wende " (p. 17, 
ed. Gartner, Leipzig, 1732). 


full, he would withhold his blessing and decline to crown 
the Emperor. In vain the latter argued the question 
with great vehemence and every kind of argument. 
Adrian, feeling that he stood forth as the champion of 
the Holy See in a matter which, trivial as it may seem 
to us now, yet was in those days but a symbol of great 
and momentous principles of international law lying 
behind, remained inflexible and fearless, and, finally 
quitting the Imperial camp, returned unmolested to 
Nepi. He had proved the stronger man of the two. 

After his departure, Frederic, whose great ambition, 
as we have seen, was to be crowned by the Pope in Rome, 
suffered himself to be persuaded by his entourage to 
yield to the Pontiff s demands. On June n he followed 
the Pope to Nepi. Adrian rode forth once more to meet 
him, and as he approached, the haughty Barbarossa, 
advancing on foot, took hold of the Pope s stirrup, 
and helped him to alight. The Pope then embraced 
the Emperor, and gave him the kiss of peace, amidst 
the plaudits of all the spectators. So had Adrian 

" In requiring Frederic Barbarossa to pay him the 
typical homage of holding his stirrup, Adrian did plainly 
nothing but what was entirely in accordance with the spirit 
of the age, and, at the same time, with traditional usage 
as then received by Christian Princes. But Frederic did 
do what was contrary to both in his refusal, and that, too, 
while professing to be imbued with the very faith out 
of which the homage in question sprang. Thus, it is no 
wonder that Adrian should view such an inconsistency 
as most inauspicious for the liberties of the Church, with 
which those of society were then so closely bound up, 
and should therefore feel it imperative to pursue a line 
of conduct which at first glance may appear so arrogantly 
exacting, but which, found on closer examination to 
have involved the assertion of the most sacred interests 
against a man who was known to respect none in pro 
motion of his ends, assumes a character calculated 


rather to conciliate our approval than to confirm our 

The Emperor and the Pope, now reconciled, entered 
Rome side by side in triumph, and on June 18 Frederic 
was solemnly crowned in St. Peter s by Adrian, amidst 
a scene of great splendour and rejoicing. But these 
festivities were held in the midst of a city teeming with 
disaffection, soon to break out into open violence. 
Mutual exasperation existed between the Emperor and 
the Senate. The insolent messages of the latter had been 
rejected with scorn by Frederic, who had occupied the 
Leonine city with his troops. Immediately after the 
coronation a very serious riot broke out in the city, and 
Frederic s troops, hard pressed, had to fight all day long 
for their very lives. After a desperate battle, Frederic was 
victorious, the Romans suffering severely in both killed 
and prisoners, and, but for the intervention of the Pope, 
summary vengeance would have been executed upon the 
latter by the Imperial forces. But, in spite of his 
triumph, Frederic felt himself in not a very secure posi 
tion. Not merely the ill-restrained hostility of the 
Roman citizens, but the difficulty of obtaining food for 
his large army, owing to the animosity of the peasantry 
and the oppressive heats of June, were sufficient reasons 
to make him hasten his departure northwards. At 
Tivoli Pope and Emperor separated with mutual expres 
sions of goodwill, though the peace which had been made 
between the two powers was of rather a hollow kind. 
Frederic, forced by the circumstances of his position, 
rapidly marched northward, " not so much gratified by 
the acquisition of the Imperial crown as embittered by 
what he had gone through in the pursuit of it, and 
resolved not to delay longer than he could help a second 
invasion of Italy, which should compensate the mishaps 
and mortifications of the first, "f 

So ended the first round in the mighty struggle between 
Empire and Papacy the " Hundred Years War," as 
* Raby, pp. 47, 48. f Ibid., p. 54. 


Alzog styles it. And it must be admitted that, on the 
whole, Adrian had had the best of the contest with the 
first and greatest of the Hohenstauffens. 

Frederic s departure left the much-tried Pontiff no 
single moment of peace or rest. Already was he involved 
in yet another difficult and dangerous contest with the 
Norman King, William of Sicily. The feud between the 
Norman conquerors of Sicily and the Holy See had been 
of long standing, the Pontiffs claiming feudal overlord- 
ship over all Southern Italy as inheritors of the rights of 
the Western Empire, and this had led to frequent serious 
wars in preceding pontificates. Just one year before 
Adrian IV. was crowned Pope, William II. caused himself 
to be crowned King of Sicily at Palermo without obtain 
ing previously the Papal sanction (Easter Day, 1154). 
On Adrian s succession, William sent him the customary 
congratulations ; but Adrian was not the man to brook 
any diminution of the traditional rights of the office 
which he now held, and he promptly declined to recognise 
William s kingly title. An invasion of Southern Italy 
and devastation of parts of the Papal territories was 
William s reply, at the very same time that Frederic 
Barbarossa was advancing southward in his quest of the 
Imperial crown. It would take too long to narrate the 
long and varied fortunes of this contest between the Pope 
and the Sicilian King, complicated as it was by the secret 
plotting of the Greek Emperor, who sought to turn 
matters to his own profit. Adrian took the strong step 
of excommunicating William, and though the latter at 
first paid little heed to the much-dreaded censure, yet 
the offer of the Greek Emperor to form an alliance with 
the Pope against him alarmed him so much that he 
begged for release from the sentence, and offered to do 
the required homage to the Pontiff for his kingdom of 

Unfortunately, Adrian s perplexity was increased by a 
difference among his own Cardinals, the German party 
among them strongly opposing any compromise with the 


Sicilian monarch. They prevailed, and the war went on. 
The tide of success turned strongly in William s favour, 
whose successes at Brindisi and Bari were marked with 
a ferocious cruelty that struck terror into his opponents. 
By May, 1156, we find the Pope almost besieged in 
Benevento, and cut off from Rome by the victorious and 
ruthless Sicilian King. Adrian now negotiated once 
more with equal skill and firmness, and the result was a 
fairly satisfactory peace. The King, with great solem 
nity, did homage and swore fealty to Adrian as his over 
lord for Sicily and the various principalities in South 
Italy, promising to defend him against his enemies, and 
to pay a yearly tribute for three of the duchies. In turn, 
the Pope relieved William of the excommunication, and 
confirmed him in the feoff of his kingdom, but also con 
ceded to him very large rights of ecclesiastical patronage 
and other extraordinary regal privileges with regard to 
the Church in Sicily, which we may be sure nothing but 
the stern pressure of circumstances could have induced 
so good a Churchman as Adrian to yield to the secular 

So ended the long and dangerous feud with the Sicilian 
King. The following winter, 1156-1157, Adrian spent 
quietly in Viterbo, the first and last period of calm peace 
during his stormy pontificate. But for the troubles of 
the two following years there is every reason to believe 
that the great Pontiff would have taken in hand a work 
which was, after so many centuries, one of the favourite 
preoccupations of Leo XIII. the reunion of the Western 
and the Eastern Churches. He corresponded with the 
Patriarch of Constantinople, the Byzantine Emperor, 
and Bishop Basil of Thessalonica, on the subject, and also 
received a deputation of several Greek Bishops to solicit 
his protection against certain encroachments of the 
Knights Hospitallers. Unfortunately, the troubles of 
the last years of his reign put an end to any hopes of 
furthering the work he had so much at heart. 



We must here say something about Pope Adrian s 
relations as Pontiff with his own native country. 

Immediately on Adrian s election, King Henry II. of 
England, who had acceded to the throne almost at the 
same time,* sent a deputation, consisting of the Abbot of 
St. Albans and three Norman Bishops, to offer his con 
gratulations to the English Pontiff. They carried many 
rich gifts, including three mitres and some beautiful 
sandals " worked by Christina, Prioress of Markgate." 
The old chroniclerf tells us that Adrian refused all the 
presents except the mitres and sandals, good-humouredly 
remarking that he must refuse the Abbot s gifts because 
the monks of St. Albans had refused to accept him when 
as a boy he had offered himself at their gates. The witty 
Abbot readily replied that the rejection must have been 
God s will, as He had destined the postulant for a far 
more exalted station. That Adrian really preserved no 
resentment is shown by his reply to the Abbot, bidding 
him ask for what favour he wanted, and adding : " You 
know that the Bishop of Albano could never refuse any 
thing to St. Albans." 

The envoys also presented to Adrian a letter from 
Henry II. It is difficult to read this rather preposterous 
document (preserved by Peter of Blois) without a smile. 
The Plantagenet King, after warm congratulations and 
expressions of joy upon Adrian s elevation, proceeds to 
lecture the Pope in somewhat paternal fashion as to his 
future government of the Church, and to offer him advice 
as to his choice of Cardinals and holders of ecclesiastical 
benefices. The advice given is doubtless excellent, 
but it reads rather oddly from one who was soon to 
become the persecutor of the Church in his own 

* October 25, 1154; Adrian s election, December 3 of same 

f " Chronicon Monast. S. Albani." 


kingdom, and to cause the martyrdom of St. Thomas 
of Canterbury. 

In his first creation of Cardinals, which occurred the 
following year (December, 1155), Adrian raised to the 
dignity of Cardinal-Deacon his nephew and secretary, 
Boso Breakspeare,* formerly a Benedictine monk of 
St. Albans. One of the three medieval lives of the 
Pope, published by Muratori, is held by Watterich 
and others to be from Boso s pen. This is, however, 

But the Englishman who has left us most information 
about Pope Adrian was his intimate and familiar friend 
John of Salisbury. This celebrated English Churchman, 
once a pupil of Abelard, and in later life Bishop of 
Chartres, spent a good deal of time with Pope Adrian 
during the latter s brief pontificate. He has left us, 
in both his " Poly era ticus " and his " Metalogicus," 
abundant and most interesting materials concerning the 
English Pope, which not only contain valuable informa 
tion, but give us a thorough insight into his frank and 
straightforward character, his common-sense, and his 
real humility amid all the splendours of his exalted office. 
In the long and confidential conversations which John 
reports, the latter ecclesiastic spoke to the Pope with a 
freedom and openness in the way of frank criticism that 
are rather astonishing. But this criticism, and even 
blame, the Pontiff seems not only to have taken with 
humility, but even to have invited. Again, he spoke 
frequently in a truly touching manner of the troubles 
and burdens of his high office : 

" The office of Pope, he assured me, was a thorny 
one, and beset on all sides by sharp pricks. Indeed, 
the burden of it would weigh down the strongest man 
and grind him to the earth, ... He wished that he 

* Boso was promoted cardinal-priest under the next Pope, 
Alexander III. He played a part of some prominence in Rome, 
and died about 1181. 

f It is generally held to be by Cardinal Nicholas of Aragon 
(c. 1350). The life by Boso is probably lost. 


had never left his native land of England, or at least had 
lived his life quietly in the cloister of St. Rufus, rather 
than have entered on such a narrow path ; but he dared 
not refuse, since it was the Lord s bidding. ... It 
seemed once, he said, as if God was constantly beating 
me and stretching me out as with a hammer on an anvil. 
Now I pray Him to aid me with this burden which He 
has placed on my shoulders, for I find it unbear 
able. "* 

After what we have heard of the troubles and worries 
of his stormy pontificate, we should not be surprised at 
this lament of Pope Adrian. 

But the most famous affair in which the English 
Pope and the English King were brought into relation 
was that of the so-called Bull Laudabiliter, with reference 
to the lordship of Ireland. It would be quite impossible 
for me to treat at length this cause celebre. I should 
require to write an entire article in order to treat it 
at all satisfactorily. Volumes have been written upon 
it, and even angry controversy has raged around it. 
Every point connected with it has been hotly denied 
and as hotly defended. Let me very briefly indicate 
merely the state of the controversy. And first of all I 
must dispel a very popular delusion on the subject. 
It is commonly enough supposed that Adrian issued a 
Bull giving Ireland to Henry II., and that on the 
strength of this document Henry straightway invaded 
and conquered the sister island. This is quite an 
incorrect statement. What history does record is as 
follows : 

John of Salisbury writes, in the concluding chapter 
of his " Metalogicus " : 

" At my request (Adrian) granted to the illustrious 
King of the English Ireland, to be held by hereditary 
right, as his letter testifies to this day. For all the 
islands by ancient right are said to belong to the Roman 

* " Polycraticus," Iviii., c. 23 (translated by Tarleton, pp. 151, 


Church by virtue of the donation of Constantine, who 
founded and endowed it. He also sent by me a gold 
ring adorned with a splendid emerald, whereby an 
investure should be made of the right to govern Ireland, 
and the said ring was ordered to be kept in the public 
archives of the Court." 

The actual text of the letter herein referred to is 
professed to be given by Giraldus Cambrensis in three 
different works of his (" Expugnata Hibernia," ii. 5 ; 
" De Rebus a se Gestis," 10 ; and " De Instructione Prin- 
cipis "), also in several English chroniclers (Ralph de 
Dice to, Roger Wendover, Matthew Paris), from which 
sources it has been taken over into both the Annals of 
Baronius and the Roman " Bullarium," It seems to 
have been accepted unhesitatingly as genuine in Ireland 
and England, as elsewhere. But in course of time the 
controversy has arisen as to whether the supposed Bull 
is not, after all, a forgery, and even the very categorical 
statement of John of Salisbury a forged addition to his 
real work. 

There is evidence to show that, although in 1315 the 
Princes and people of Ireland, in a remonstrance to 
Pope John XXII., mention the fact of Adrian s granting 
the lordship of Ireland to Henry II. (dominium contulit), 
yet so early as 1325 doubts really existed in Ireland 
upon the subject, as shown in a letter by the Lord 
Justiciary and Royal Council of Ireland to the Pope. 
But with that exception no trace of doubt or denial 
is found until the year 1615, when Father White, S.J., 
in his " Apologia pro Hibernia," and the learned Arch 
deacon Lynch in his " Cambrensis Eversus," both 
attacking the veracity of Gerald the Welshman, main 
tained the new theory of the forgery of Adrian s letter, 
Since then the controversy has continued. Eminent 
names can be cited on both sides. To be brief, it must 
suffice to give the following table of the chief subsequent 
writers for and against the authority of the Bull at 
home and abroad on either side of the controversy : 




Lingard (" History of 

England "). 

Lanigan (" Ecclesiasti 
cal History of Ire 
land "). 

1849. Kelly (editor of " White 
and Lynch "). 

1884 and 1899. Rev - Sylvester 
Malone (in Dublin 
Review, and " Pope 
Adrian IV. and Ire 
land "). 

Pfulf, S. J. (in " Stim- 
men aus Maria 
Laach," xxxvii.). 

1893. Miss Kate Norgate (in 
English Historical Re 
view, vol. viii.). 
Bishop M. Creighton (in 
" Dictionary of Na 
tional Biography"). 

1896. Tarleton ("Nicholas 

1750. MacGeoghegan (Paris). 

1864. Damberger (in Der 

1872. Cardinal Moran (in Irish 

Ecclesiastical Record). 

1882. " Analecta Juris Ponti- 


1883. Abbot Gasquet, O.S.B. 

(Dublin Review, July 
and October). 

1 88$. Jungmann (" Disserta- 
tionesSelectae," torn, 

1890. Bellexsheim ("Geschichte 

der Kirche Irlands "). 

1891. Fr. Morris, of the Ora 

tory (" Ireland and 
St. Patrick "). 

1892. Von Pflugck-Harttung 

(in Zettschrift fur 

1898. L. Ginnell (in New Ire 
land Review ; also 

" Doubtful Grant of 

Ireland "). 
1903. O. J. Thatcher (" Studies 

concerning Adrian 

IV.," Chicago). 

In face of such a divergence of eminent names, it may 
seem rash indeed in an amateur to pronounce an opinion 
either way. I can only say that, having very carefully 
read all I could procure on both sides, I have become 
convinced that the most satisfactory conclusions have 
been reached by three of the writers just named viz., 
Miss Norgate, Mr. Tarleton, and Father Malone. The 
extremely judicial summary of the controversy by the 
first-named writer in the pages of the English His 
torical Review has specially impressed me. To my 
mind these writers have succeeded in establishing satis 
factorily : (i) the authenticity of the concluding passage 
of the " Metalogicus " of John of Salisbury ; (2) the 
genuineness of the letter Laudabiliter as given by Gerald 



and others. I admit that some difficulties still remain, 
such as certain differences in several texts of the Bull, 
and the somewhat mysterious neglect of Henry to use 
it when obtained ; but in spite of such obscurities, I am 
disposed to decide in favour of the traditional story.* 

According to this, then, Henry II. applied to Adrian 
by means of John of Salisbury to obtain Papal approval 
for an expedition into Ireland in order to put an end 
to prevalent lawlessness in Church and State " to root 
out crime and wickedness, to defend and preserve the 
rights of the Church, "f with an undertaking also to 
establish an annual tribute of Peter s Pence. It is 
clear that Henry must have impressed the Pope with a 
shocking idea of the state of things in Ireland to draw 
from him the approval of his projected expedition 
and a command to the people of Ireland to receive and 
obey him as their liege-lord. It is further to be noted 
that in granting this approval Adrian expressly bases 
his right so to do upon the overlordship of all Christian 
islands appertaining to the Holy See in virtue of the 
supposed " donation of Constantine,"J a right generally 
acknowledged and widely acted upon in those days. 

Now, it is to be observed that this privilege of 
Adrian IV. was never put into use by Henry II. It 
appears to have been laid aside in the archives of 

* The latest writer, Professor Thatcher, has rather novel views. 
He believes, indeed, that Adrian actually did make an offer to 
Henry of Ireland as a fief to be held from the Church, but that 
Henry " endeavoured to secure Papal recognition of his absolute 

Possession of it, while the Popes regarded it as the property of 
t. Peter." On the other hand, he considers both the letters of 
Henry II. and the Laudabilitev as we now have them to be quite 
worthless and forgeries "mere medieval students exercises." 
Professor Thatcher s monograph seems the most thorough and 
critical study of the sources that has yet appeared. 

f " Ad subdendum ilium populum legibus et vitiorum plan- 
taria inde extirpanda. . . . Pro dilatandis Ecclesiae terminis, 
pro vitiorum restringendo decursu, pro corrigendis moribus et 
virtutibus inserendis, pro Christianae religionis augmento." 

J " Hiberniam et omnes insulas quibus Sol justitise Christus 
illuxit ... ad jus b. Petri et Sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae 
non est dubium pertinere." 


Winchester, together with the emerald ring sent by Adrian, 
just as his predecessor, Alexander II., had sent a " ring 
of great price " to William of Normandy when blessing 
his expedition into England in 1066. It was not until 
1171, twelve years after Adrian s death, that Henry II. 
invaded Ireland, and even then with no reference to 
that Pope s letter, but in consequence of a series of events 
which began with the outrage inflicted upon O Rourke, 
King of Breiffny, by MacMurrough, King of Leinster, 
and the subsequent interference of Robert Strongbow, 
Earl of Striguil. And, in order to obtain sanction for 
his proceedings in Ireland, Henry applied for and ob 
tained other letters from Pope Alexander III., couched 
in pretty much the same strain, though without reference 
to that of Adrian, which became literally a dead letter.* 
It is evident that the question of the authenticity 
or otherwise of Adrian s letter is quite distinct from 
that of the approval or disapproval of his action. I 
shall not enter into a discussion of that much-debated 
point. It is, however, but fair to make the following 
observations : 

(1) With reference to the motives which led Adrian 
to sanction Henry s project, Miss Norgate truly observes 
that " our inquiry has nothing to do with the real 
condition of Ireland in the time of Adrian : all that it 
has to do with is Adrian s idea of that condition. "f We 
cannot doubt that the idea was largely, if not exclusively, 
based upon the accounts transmitted to him by the 
English King. 

(2) As to the actual state of Ireland at the time, 
however greatly Henry s agent may have exaggerated 
the reports about it to the Pope, the Rev. Sylvester 
Malone quotes evidence^ from the native Irish annals 
exclusively, for the fifty years before Adrian s privilege, 
which give a sad picture of the state of society and 

* Miss Norgate truly points out that the Lauddbiliter is in no 
sense a Bull ; it is a commendatory letter. 

t Op. cti., p. 36. { Op. cit., pp. 8-1 1. 

6 2 


public morality, which the " Annals of the Four 
Masters " concisely sum up in the statement that " all 
Ireland was a trembling sod." 

(3) Whatever view we may take nowadays of Adrian s 
right to interfere in the case, it is but just to place our 
selves as far as we can in the position of a Catholic of 
those days. To such a one the Papal action in this and 
other similar cases appeared not only natural but quite 
consonant with the public international law which 
prevailed. And although we now know that the so- 
called " donation of Cons tan tine," upon which the 
Papal overlordship of all islands was based, is apocryphal, 
still it must be remembered that in those days it was 
universally accepted and acted upon with the general 
consent of the Christian nations. 

These considerations may perhaps somewhat atten 
uate the censures even of those who most severely 
condemn the Papal action. 


We must now hurry to a close. The concluding years 
of Adrian IV. s life were darkened by a fresh and more 
serious contest with the haughty German Emperor. 
Various causes led to this fresh struggle. Frederic had 
departed in anything but a satisfied state of mind to 
Germany, and the news of the peace concluded between 
the Pope and the King of Sicily greatly annoyed him, 
for he himself claimed as Emperor feudal rights over that 
kingdom, as over all Italy. On the other hand, the 
Holy See had serious reasons to be aggrieved at the 
conduct of Frederic. One reason was the outrageous 
attack and imprisonment inflicted upon Adrian s old 
friend of Scandinavian days, Archbishop Eskil of Lund, 
by some of the Emperor s unruly knights, for which 
deed the Pope justly felt bound to claim satisfaction. 
Another was a cause which has repeatedly drawn the 
Holy See into conflict with Kings and Princes the 


defence of the sacredness of the marriage tie, for Frederic 
(as, centuries after, Napoleon) had divorced his childless 
wife Adelaide, and taken as a fresh wife Beatrice, 
heiress of Burgundy. In the Diet held at Besanon in 
1157 two Cardinal-Legates (one of whom, the dauntless 
Roland, was destined to be the next Pope) appeared 
from Adrian with a strong letter of complaint about 
the affair of Eskil. A somewhat imprudent style of 
address adopted by Cardinal Roland at the beginning 
of the interview evoked a first outbreak of wrath on 
the part of the Emperor and his nobles, but a single 
word in the Pope s letter, misunderstood or misinter 
preted, fanned the flames into a serious conflagration. 
Adrian in this letter made use of the word beneficium 
in speaking of the favour he had granted to Frederic 
two years before in crowning him in Rome. It is clear 
that the word was used in its natural and obvious sense 
of a " benefit " or " favour " ; but Frederic s evil 
genius, the Chancellor Reinhold von Tassel (whose ideal 
seems to have been the creation of a national German 
State Church, with a German Pope*), translated the word 
into German as if used in its technical and legal sense 
of a " fief." This would seem to imply that the 
Emperor was but the feudal vassal of the Pope. A 
terrible tumult was the result. The Legates narrowly 
escaped being cut down by the enraged Princes, and, 
though saved by the Emperor s personal intervention, 
were driven ignominiously out of the country. Adrian s 
subsequent negotiations were conducted with prudence 
and skill, and in a second legation, in 1158, he was able 
to explain to the Emperor the misinterpretation that 
had been placed upon his words, and, Frederic pro 
fessing himself to be satisfied, a reconciliation was once 
more, though only temporarily, effected between the 
two Powers. 

* Hefele, " Conciliengeschichte," v., p. 478. It was this 
Reinhold who carried away the bodies oi the three Magi from 
Milan to Cologne, where they still repose in the Dom. 


Notwithstanding this, however, in the November of 
the same year (1158) Frederic undertook his second 
invasion of Italy. The object of this expedition was to 
crush once for all the nascent spirit of Italian independ 
ence, and to establish the absolute and despotic supre 
macy of the Emperor over the whole of Italy. What 
this meant will be gathered from the doings of the 
Diet held on the plain of Roncaglia, near Piacenza 
(November 23), to promulgate a new code of Imperial 
law. At this Diet the lawyers of Bologna were induced to 
declare " imperatorem esse Urbis dominum." The jurist 
Luca di Penna is said to have affirmed, " The Emperor 
is on earth what God is in heaven " ; and the servile 
Archbishop of Milan, Uberto, almost blasphemously 
exclaimed : " Tua Voluntas jus est /" No wonder that 
such an assembly, in which, to their shame be it said, 
fourteen Italian States took part, passed decrees 
forfeiting to the Emperor all the royalties, dues, and 
other customs, and exacting homage from all Bishops 
and nobles. Milan, the city which stood out in the 
cause of liberty, had been besieged, taken, and 
humiliated. Other cities suffered similar fates. 

The year 1159 was a terrible one for Italy. " Never, 
perhaps, had Lombardy been so miserable as it was 
in the early months of 1159." It was at this juncture 
that Pope Adrian stepped forth as the champion of 
Italian liberty. In his letters he severely blamed the 
weakness of the Lombards, encouraged the Milanese, 
fearlessly bearded the ruthless tyrant, withstood him in 
the affair of the Archbishopric of Ravenna, and daunt- 
lessly upheld the rights of the Church and the Holy See. 
He made a powerful appeal to the three Archbishop- 
Electors of Germany, and at the Diet of Bologna, in the 
Easter of 1159, practically offered to the all-powerful 
Emperor by his legates an ultimatum, behind which 
was the dread threat of deprivation of the Imperial 
crown and excommunication. This sturdy bearding 
of the lion in his den has won the just admiration of 


historians. There can be no doubt that to the unflinch 
ing courage and splendid example of the English Pope 
the Italian States owed much of that spirit of resolute 
independence which, years after Adrian s death, was to 
bear splendid fruit in the victory of Legnano. 

War now seemed inevitable. The Emperor was 
advancing Romewards ; Adrian was fortifying his 
fortresses. The insolence of Frederic s letters proved 
that all reconciliation was impossible, and Adrian was 
preparing to issue the dreaded Bull of excommunication 
against the Emperor, both for his public misdeeds and 
for putting away his lawful wife and taking to himself 
another. At this critical moment God suddenly called 
him by an attack of quinsy, which ended fatally on 
September i, 1159. His enemies of the Imperial party 
spread the absurd report that he had been choked by a 
fly, and this ridiculous story has come down with so 
many other " lies of history." His body was carried to 
Rome, and buried in a red marble sarcophagus, next 
to that of Eugenius III., in old St. Peter s. In 1607 
it was removed to the new basilica, where it may still 
be seen in the crypt, with the simple inscription, 
" Hadrianus Papa 1 1 II." On the occasion of the trans 
lation the body was exhumed, and is said, together with 
the pontificals in which it was arrayed, to have been 
found entire. 

So ended the remarkable career of the first and last 
Englishman who ever attained to the Papal throne, and 
one of the greatest and ablest of all the successors of 
St. Peter. I have endeavoured, not without difficulty, 
to compress within a moderate space but a jejune 
summary of the stirring events of his extraordinary 
pontificate, and even so have had to omit even reference 
to several other great questions in which he was involved, 
such as the organization of the Spanish Church, the 
projected expedition of Louis VII. of France into Spain, 
and the bringing about of good relations between France 
and England. It must be remembered that all the really 


great and important events of European history were 
crowded into a brief pontificate of less than five years, 
and we shall then have some idea of the energy, the 
strength of will, the statesmanship, and the political 
genius of this truly great man. 

As regards his personal character, history records of 
him that he was eminent for great learning, for eloquence 
as a preacher, for his splendid voice, his beauty and 
dignity of person, and passing sweetness and kindness 
of disposition. Of other traits of character we have 
already spoken in preceding pages. 

He is mentioned as having written several works, all 
unfortunately lost to us. One of these, it is interesting 
to note, was upon the Immaculate Conception of the 
Blessed Virgin.* 

In estimating his political actions as Pope we must 
be careful to judge according to the notions and principles 
of his own times. To modern readers much of it may 
appear overbearing or arbitrary ; but let us not forget 
that, as a man of the highest integrity and courage, he 
felt himself bound before God and man to maintain and 
transmit that great heritage of power and authority 
which he had received from his predecessors. Not only 
that, but in stepping forward to uphold the cause of 
the Church and Italy against the greatest and most 
formidable of all the German Kaisers, he became the 
saviour of Europe and of Christendom. 

" His object " (writes Bishop Creighton) " was to 
maintain the claims of the Roman Church as they had 
been defined by Gregory VII. In this he showed skill, 
resoluteness, and decision ; but he had for his antagonist 
the mightiest of the Emperors. He bequeathed to his 
successor a hazardous conflict, in which the Papacy 
succeeded in holding its own."t 

* Translations into English of the Apostles Creed and the 
Lord s Prayer (the latter metrical), attributed to Adrian, are 
still preserved (see Tarleton, p. 254). 

j- " Dictionary of National Biography," vol. i., p. 145. 


Had Providence not raised up this great Englishman 
at the time, what would have been the result to Italy 
and to the Church of the West ? The glorious history 
of the struggle for freedom of the Italian Republics 
would never have been written, and the Church of 
Europe, absorbed in a new and irresistible Csesarism, 
would have been brought to the condition of the 
Orthodox Russian Church under the Tsars, or of Islam 
under the Sultans of Turkey. 

It has been not unjustly pointed out that German 
nationality and unity, too, are indebted to the stand 
made by Adrian and his successors against Barbarossa s 
plans. For had his scheme been carried out, and had 
the Emperor really become " Urbis Dominus," the seat 
of empire would in all probability have been transferred 
to Rome ; Italy would have become the centre of 
gravity of Europe, and Germany would have remained 
a half -civilized and outlying province of the Empire. 


ALFRED H. TARLETON. "Nicholas Breakspear (Adrian IV.): 

Englishman and Pope." London: Arthur L. Humphreys, 

RICHARD RABY. " Pope Adrian IV. : An Historical Sketch." 

London : Richardson and Son, 1849. 
Very Rev. SYLVESTER MALONE, M.R.I. A., F.R.S.A.I. "Adrian IV. 

and Ireland." Dublin: Gill and Son, 1899. 
OLIVER JOSEPH THATCHER. " Studies concerning Adrian IV." 

Chicago : The University of Chicago Press, 1903. 




THERE are many people who are either not aware or 
will not admit that the connection between Catholic 
truth and the printing-press is one of ancient date and 
closest intimacy. It has become part and parcel of 
what may be styled the " Reformation myth " and the 
" Protestant legend " that, somehow or another, the 
printing-press was intimately connected with the so- 
called Reformation, and an English historian is sup 
posed to have neatly summed up this view by styling 
the printing-press " the great hammer of the Reformers, 
by which they broke to pieces the power of the Papacy." 
The legend goes further still. According to what I will 
style the Luther myth based, indeed, as will be seen 
later, on words of Luther himself, and still piously 
believed in by many an earnest Protestant and repeated 
in books of history the beginning of Martin Luther s 
spiritual awakening was the fact that in 1505, Luther s 
twenty-second year, " one day he accidentally took from 
the shelves of the library [of the University of Erfurt, 
where he had studied for four years, and just taken his 
doctor s degree] a book he had not seen before an old 
Latin Bible. Delighted with this treasure, only scraps 

* Chief authorities : Janssen, " Geschichte des deutschen 
Volkes," Bd. I., pp. 9-20, 50-54 ; Von der Linde, and Falk, 
several articles in the Dictsche Wara-nde (in Dutch), tt. I. and 



of which he had as yet heard of, he read it read it again 
and again, and committed large portions to memory." 
This anecdote (which I quote from Dr. Bullock s well- 
known manual of the modern history of Europe, in 
use in English schools) I beg the reader to bear in mind, 
as it will receive much interesting elucidation from the 
historical facts I am about to present to his notice. 

In order to understand what follows, it will be neces 
sary to refer briefly to what is known of the origin and 
the early history of the art of printing. 

We may begin by asserting unhesitatingly that, what 
ever be the subsequent history and character of the art 
of printing, in its origin and early history it was an 
essentially Catholic art Catholic in invention, Catholic 
in its use, and, above all, for long exclusively consecrated 
to the propagation of Catholic truth. The invention of 
the art of printing with movable types dates from the 
year 1441, or forty- two years before the birth of Martin 
Luther. Its inventor was almost certainly John 
Guttenberg of Mainz. 

It will be interesting to know with what sentiments 
the new invention was received by the Church and her 
ministers at the time. The Carthusian monk Werner 
Rolewinck greets it in these terms in 1474 : " The art 
of printing, invented at Mainz, is the art of arts, the 
science of sciences, through whose rapid spread the world 
has been enriched and enlightened by a splendid treasure, 
hitherto hidden, of knowledge and wisdom. An endless 
number of books which hitherto were known to only a 
few students in Athens or Paris, or other Universities, are 
now disseminated by this art through all races, peoples 
and nations, and in every language." The Benedictine 
historian of Westphalia, Bernhard Witte, monk of Lies- 
born, speaks of the art of printing as one " than which 
there hath never been in the world any art more worthy, 
more laudable, more useful, more holy or divine." 
Another contemporary, Jacob Wimpheling, wrote : " We 
Germans can pride ourselves on no other discovery or 


intellectual production so much as upon that of printing, 
which has raised us up to be new intellectual carriers of 
the teaching of Christianity, of all Divine and mundane 
knowledge, and so to be benefactors of all mankind." 
The old chronicle of Koelhoff contains the following 
expressions : " How many prayers and numberless 
inward aspirations are drawn from printed books ! What 
great profit and happiness are derived by those who 
make or help to prepare printed books !" 

The new art was disseminated throughout Europe 
with astonishing rapidity and inexpressible religious 
enthusiasm not, be it observed, as a commercial specu 
lation or for the sake of material advantages, as the 
telephone or the typewriter in our own days, but rather 
as a religious work and a means of propagating Catholic 
truth. From 1462 to 1500 the names of one thousand 
printers, mostly of German origin, have been preserved. 
In Mainz itself, during the very infancy of the art, five 
printing-presses were established, in Ulm six, in Basel 
sixteen, in Augsburg twenty, in Cologne twenty-one ; in 
Nuremberg, up to 1500, five-and-twenty printers had 
been admitted to the rights of citizenship. Before the 
end of the fifteenth century over one hundred German 
printing-presses had been established in Italy.* By the 
same date Spain reckoned thirty printers, whom the 
Spanish poet Lope de Vega elegantly entitled " the 
armourers of civilization." The art reached Buda-Pesth 
in 1473, London in 1477, Oxford in 1478, Denmark in 
1482, Stockholm in 1483 (the year of Luther s birth), 
Constantinople in 1490. 

Those early printers who went forth from the birth 
place of the new art to propagate it in various lands 
were looked upon by their contemporaries almost with 
veneration, as new missionaries and apostles of the truth. 
" As formerly the missionaries of Christianity," writes 
the before-quoted Wimpheling, " so now the disciples 

* Where Dante s " Divina Commedia " was first printed as early 
as 1472. 


of the holy art go forth from Germany into all lands, 
and these printed books become, as it were, heralds of 
the Gospel, preachers of the truth and of knowledge." 
" How much all classes of human society," wrote, in 
1487, Adolf Occo, physician to the Bishop of Augsburg, 
" nowadays owe to the art of printing, which, through 
the mercy of Almighty God, has been made known in 
our time, any sensible man can easily judge for himself. 
But whilst all are under obligations to it, it is in an 
especial degree the bride of Christ, the Catholic Church, 
who hath been newly glorified by means of this art, and 
who now, more richly adorned, goeth forth to meet her 
Bridegroom, for He hath endowed her to overflowing 
with books of heavenly wisdom." 


What, it may be asked, was the view of the Church 
herself, and what part did she practically take in the 
art of printing ? The materials for an answer to this 
question are abundant indeed. Bish6ps, like Rudolf of 
Scherenberg and Lorenz of Wiirzburg, granted indul 
gences for the sale and dissemination of printed books. 
Berthold, Archbishop of Mainz, speaks of the " Divine 
art of printing." The following letter from Andrea de 
Bossi, Bishop of Aiaria, in Corsica, was written in 1468, 
to Pope Paul II. : 

" In your time, by the grace of God, has this gift been 
bestowed upon the Christian world, that even the poorest, 
for a few coins, can obtain for themselves a number of 
books. Is it not a great glory for your Holiness that 
volumes which formerly could scarcely be bought for a 
hundred ducats at present may be had for twenty gold 
pieces, or less, and are no longer full of errors, as they 
used to be ? and that books which the reader formerly 
bought with difficulty for twenty ducats can now be got 
for four, and less ? And again, whilst all the most 
eminent minds of antiquity, on account of the wearisome 


labours required, and the too great cost of hand copying, 
were formerly almost buried under dust and moths, they 
have now again, under your rule, begun to reappear, 
and, like a broad stream, are poured forth all over the 
earth. For so masterly is the art of our printers and 
type-engravers, that not only among human inventions 
of modern times, but also among those of antiquity, it 
would be difficult to find anything more excellent. . . . 
This is the reason why the laudable and pious wish of 
Nicholas Cusanus, Cardinal of St. Peter s ad Vincula, 
always was that this holy art, which then first saw the 
light in Germany, should be introduced into Rome. 
Already have the wishes of this man, whom you, Holy 
Father, loved as the apple of your eye, honoured and 
admired, been fulfilled in your own time, as I believe, 
through his intercession at the throne of our Lord Jesus 

The introduction into Italy of the art of printing, here 
referred to by Bossi, was the work of the two German 
printers Konrad Sweynheym and Arnald Pannartz, who, 
be it noted, set up their first printing-press in the great 
Benedictine abbey of Subiaco, whence, later on, they 
proceeded to Rome, under the special patronage of the 
Holy See. Von der Linde, the historian of printing, has 
recorded that from 1466 to 1472 they published twenty- 
eight works, in forty-seven different editions, so that he 
calculates that this one press, during a space of seven 
years, must have issued more than 124 millions of 
printed pages, and truly remarks, " How many scribes 
would have been necessary to write out in MS. all these 
pages !" 

" In taking a general survey of the books issued by 
the English presses upon the introduction of the art 
of printing," writes Abbot Gasquet, "the inquirer 
can hardly fail to be struck with the number of 
religious, or quasi-religious, works which formed the 
bulk of the early printed books. This fact alone is 
sufficient evidence that the invention which at this 


period worked a veritable revolution in the intellectual 
life of the world was welcomed by the ecclesiastical 
authorities as a valuable auxiliary in the work of 
instruction. In England the first presses were set up 
under the patronage of Churchmen, and a very large 
proportion of the early books were actually works of 
instruction or volumes furnishing material to the 


It was not only, however, by their praise and their 
blessing that the clergy encouraged the art of printing ; 
they themselves, and especially the religious Orders, 
took an active part in the work of the printing-press. 
The Brothers of the Common Life, well known as the 
congregation to which Thomas a Kempis belonged, set 
up a printing-press in their house at Rostock, and issued 
their first printed book as early as 1476, in which they 
speak of the art of printing as " the mistress of all arts 
for the benefit of the Church," and style themselves, 
" preachers, not by word, but by writing." One is 
reminded irresistibly by these words of the maxim of 
the late Cardinal Vaughan, " This is the age of the 
apostolate of the press ;" and of the saying attributed, 
I think, to an American ecclesiastic that, if St. Paul 
were living now, he would be, not a preacher, but the 
editor of a great newspaper. 

But to return : It was not only in Rostock that the 
Brothers of the Common Life practised the art of 
printing in their convents. Very early on they set up 
a well-appointed printing-press in their convent of 
Nazareth at Brussels, where we find them busily at 
work between 1476 and 1484. Seventeen works pub 
lished at their press are known. Several of these bear 
the imprint " in famosa civitate Bruxellensi per fratres 
com. vitse in Nazareth." The " Groto solitos sive 

* " The Eve of the Reformation," pp. 315, 316. 


Speculum Conscientiae " of Arnold of Gheilhoven was 
the first book printed in Brussels. In their convent at 
Hem, near Schoonhoven, they announce in 1495 that 
they print books in both Latin and German.* 


The following are some more examples of these 
monastery printing-presses : 

At Augsburg, in the Benedictine abbey of Saints 
Ulric and Afra, Abbot Melchior set up a printing-press 
(1472), in order to supply his monks with constant work 
in printing, correcting, binding, and publishing books. 
In the monastery of St. Peter at Erfurt, Abbot Gunther, 
with the approval and support of many other monas 
teries, established a press in 1479, the first work issued 
being a " Lectionarium," or Book of Epistles and 

The Benedictine abbey of Ottobeuren possessed an 
unusually extensive press, concerning which Maurus 
Feyerabend says in his chronicles : " At this time the 
immortal Abbot Leonhard, assisted by the learned 
Ellenbog, who was already at that time Prior of the 
community, set up a printing-press in his monastery, 
wherein, with the exception of Marc Elend, a monk from 
Fiissen, who cleaned the formes, only monks of the 
monastery itself were employed." 

The Cluniac monks of St. Albans in England had a 
press, wherein, between 1480 and 1486, eight works were 
printed by the unknown master called the " School 
master." One of these books was the celebrated 
" Bokys of Hawking and Hunting " of Dame Juliana 
Berners, Prioress of the neighbouring convent of Sope- 
well, 1485. 

* The same brothers set the example of printing in the Rhine- 
land, where they opened the first of all monastery presses at 
Marienthal as early as 1468. 


The Carthusians of Cologne printed a considerable 
number of books from 1490 onwards. The same Order 
had also a press at Strasburg. 

In Italy we find a press in the Minorite monastery at 
Venice in 1477, and in the same year the Carthusians 
are printing at Parma. About the same time at 
Savona, near Milan, in the Augustinian convent, we 
find one of the brothers, known as " Bonus Joannes," 
engaged in printing the " Consolations " of Boethius, 
whilst the Prior Venturinus corrects the proofs. Still 
more remarkable is the activity of the Italian Dominicans 
in this direction. Between 1476 and 1483, in the 
Dominican convent of Florence, two brothers of the 
Order, Domenico da Pistoja and Pietro da Pisa, as they 
themselves tell us, are busy producing printed books in 
great quantity, in so much that by the year of Luther s 
birth this monastery press had issued no less than 
seventy or eighty printed works, the highest record 
attained by any of these monastic printers. 

In the far east of Europe the work of these convent 
presses was still more important. Duke George of 
Montenegro, whose father had founded the monastery 
of Cettinje in 1485, set up therein, at his own cost, in 
1494-1495, a press, where the monk Macarius printed 
with finely-cut Venetian letters. Duke Bozidar of Servia 
between 1519 and 1528 had liturgical works printed at 
Venice, being aided in his undertaking by the monk 
Pacomius from Montenegro, two other monks, and a 
priest. Indeed, according to Schafarik, all the old Slav 
printed books, especially those in the Cyrillic character, 
were produced by the monks. 

In addition to the monasteries where the monks 
themselves worked at the press, quite a long list could 
be given of other convents, both of men and women, 
wherein printing-presses were set up and worked by 
professional printers some, masters of their art, whose 
names are still famous, others itinerant printers, who 
went about from town to town to earn their bread. 


Following Falk, I will mention the following religious 
houses which had presses of this kind : 

The great abbey of Cluny, about 1493 ; St. Michael s 
Abbey at Bamberg ; the Cucufatis Monastery, Barce 
lona, about 1489 ; the convent of the discalced Fran 
ciscans at Sontheim, near Frankfort, 1511-1512 ; the 
great Carthusian monastery at Lyons, 1517 ; the 
Premonstratensian convent of Our Blessed Lady at 
Magdeburg, about 1504 ; that of the Holy Trinity 
at Miramar in Majorca, 1495 ; that of Sant Eusebio 
in Rome, 1470 ; the Benedictine monastery of Saint 
Yrier de la Perche, near Limoges, and also that of 
Zinna, or Cenna, 1492 ; the Benedictine abbey of 
Lantenai in Brittany, in 1480 ; the Camaldulensian 
monastery at Fonte Buono in Lombardy, 1520 ; the 
monastery of Santa Maria della Grazia in Milan, 1499 ; 
and that of St. Ambrogio in the same city, 1486 ; at the 
Carthusian monastery of Namur, 1485 ; the Premonstra 
tensian monastery at Schussenried in Swabia, 1478 ; 
the Hieronymites in Valladolid, and also at Montserrat ; 
the Carthusian monastery of St. Andreas in littore in 
Venice, 1508 ; also the convent of the Sisters of Penance 
at the same place ; and, finally, the celebrated Swedish 
convent of St. Bridget in Wadstena, about 1491. 


So far we have spoken only of the regular clergy as 
taking an active part in the work of printing ; what is 
perhaps more remarkable is the large share taken in this 
practical cultivation of the art of printing by the secular 
clergy. Falk has compiled a list of priests, in different 
parts of Europe, who occupied themselves in the manage 
ment of printing-presses. From this it appears that 
the names of thirty-one priest-printers in twenty-seven 
different towns have been preserved. The first of all 
printers in Venice according to some, the first in all 
Italy was the priest Clement of Padua, 1471, and he 


was a self-taught adept of the art. The names of three 
other priests, out of the two hundred printers who were 
at work in Venice before 1500, have been preserved ; 
they are Lorenzo de Aquila, Boneto Locatello, a priest 
of Bergamo, and Francesco da Lucca, priest and cantor 
at the church of San Marco. At Milan a number of 
ecclesiastics encouraged, at their own expense, the in 
troduction of printing, and one of them at least, Giam- 
pietro Casaroto, was himself a printer in 1498. In 
Florence three priests Lorenzo de Morgianis, Francesco 
de Bonaccursi and one Bartolomeo printed several 
books between 1492 and 1500, whilst the Provost of 
the Duomo, Vespucci, corrected the proofs. It was a 
German priest from Strasburg, Sixtus Kissinger by name, 
who first introduced printing into Naples, and who 
refused many honours, including a bishopric, in favour 
of his art. He, and also another German priest, Schenk- 
becker, afterwards a Canon of the Chapter of St. Thomas, 
both practised the art later on in Rome. At Vicenza 
and at Trent we find parish priests printing books. 
Other priest-printers are enumerated at Barcelona, 
Basel, Breslau, Brixen, Briin, Copenhagen, Leipsic, 
Lerida, in Catalonia, Metz, Mainz, Liibeck, and even in 
Iceland, where the first press was erected before 1534 
by Bishop John Areson. 

I must not weary my readers with extending this 
long enumeration. Enough has surely been said to 
show with what enthusiasm the clergy of the Catholic 
Church both welcomed and practically helped in the 
work of the printing-press in the earliest days of its 
infancy. The same lesson is taught by the munificent 
patronage extended by the clergy to printers and their 
productions. Cardinal Turrecremata in 1466 and Car 
dinal Caraffa in 1469 invited distinguished German 
printers to Rome, and by 1475 the Eternal City already 
possessed twenty printing-presses, and by the close of 
the century 925 printed works had been issued from 
these presses. It was the clergy also who were the 



chief purchasers of printed books, and to their 
generous support the success of the art must be largely 

I think I have now said enough to enable us to judge 
of the correctness of the statement which represents the 
printing-press as the " hammer for the destruction of 
Papacy." It would be no exaggeration to say that for 
full fifty years before the date of Luther s famous visit 
to Rome the art of printing was the favourite and most 
powerful sword in the hands of the Papacy, and that 
we may not unjustly attribute to the efficacy of this 
" divine art," as it was called by monks and bishops 
of the time, the protection of a large part of Catholic 
Europe from the effects of the so-called Reformation. 


Let me now remind the reader of the famous anecdote 
of Luther s " discovery" of a Latin Bible in the library 
of the Erfurt University, that familiar commonplace of 
the Protestant Reformation myth to which I have 
referred at the beginning of this address. In order to 
appreciate aright the worth of this story, a few more 
historical data must be given, not forgetting that the 
famous scene is placed in the year 1505. Now, the facts 
are these. Of all the works printed by the one thousand 
printers whose names are still preserved before the year 
1500, no book was so often printed, especially in 
Germany, as the Bible. By the year 1500 no less 
than one hundred editions of the Vulgate, or Latin 
Bible, had appeared, and Janssen has shown that at 
this time the ordinary number of copies per edition 
of a printed book was about one thousand. More than 
this, in 1483 the year of Luther s birth the first 
edition of the Bible in the German language appeared 
in Koburger s press, and was illustrated with one 
hundred wood engravings of Wolgemuth, and between 
that date and the outbreak of the great religious schism 


no less than fourteen different editions of the entire 
Bible in High German, and five in Low German, had 
already been published, to say nothing of numerous 
editions of separate parts of Holy Scripture, such as the 
Psalms or the Gospels. 

How warmly the people of Germany were urged 
to read these editions in the vernacular may be seen 
from some of the quaint passages from contemporary 
Catholic writers quoted by Janssen. " All that Holy 
Church teaches," says a writer in 1513, " all that thou 
hearest in sermons and other instructions, what thou 
readest written in spiritual books, what thou singest to 
God s honour and glory, what thou prayest for thy soul s 
welfare, and what thou sufferest in trial and trouble, 
should encourage thee to read with piety and humility 
in the Holy Scriptures and Bibles, as they are nowadays 
set forth in the German tongue, and scattered far and 
wide in great numbers, wholly or in part, and as thou 
mayest now purchase them for but little money." The 
editors of the Cologne Bible of 1470-1480 declare that 
they have illustrated their edition with woodcuts in 
order to attract readers the more to the diligent use 
of Holy Scripture. Everything shows that the wide 
diffusion of the Holy Bible, in both Latin and German, 
at the close of the fifteenth century had given quite a 
remarkable impetus to the study of Holy Scripture. 
Adam Potken, a priest of Xanten, had, as a boy, between 
1470-1480, to learn by heart the four Gospels, and later 
on used to read daily, with his scholars of eleven or 
twelve years of age, portions both of the Old and the 
New Testament. In 1480 a Canon of Cassel founded 
at Erfurt University a scholarship in favour of a student 
of his village, for an eight years course of the study of 
Holy Scripture. 

I think my readers will now have sufficient material to 
judge for themselves of the inherent probability of the 
Luther legend. By the year 1500, five years before the 
Erfurt episode is alleged to have taken place, the 


printing-presses of Europe (all Catholic, be it noted, 
and many of them monastic) had issued one hundred 
different editions of the Vulgate or Latin Bible, equiva 
lent to at least one hundred thousand copies. In ad 
dition to this, at least five or six translations of the 
complete Bible into German had also been printed, and 
theT.reading and study of Holy Scripture was widely 
diffused and warmly encouraged throughout Germany. 
At such a time and in such surroundings Martin Luther, 
a talented student of the University of Erfurt, having 
already taken his bachelor s and doctor s degree, and 
being in his twenty-second year, is supposed to make 
an accidental discovery of a Latin Bible in the University 
library, a book he had never seen before, and the un 
expected discovery and reading of which, we are asked 
to believe, effects a crisis in his intellectual and spiritual 

The extraordinary thing is, that this incredible tale is 
directly based on Luther s own words, who says : 
When I was twenty years old I had never seen a Bible ; 
I thought there were no other Gospels or Epistles except 
those in the Postillse " (i.e., ll Commentaries " ; see his 
collected works, edited by Plochmann and Irischer, 
Erlangen, 1826-1868, vol. lx., p. 255). What are we to 
think of the veracity of this statement ? The judgment 
of Janssen seems but mildly expressed when he intro 
duces the quotation with the phrase if one may believe 
his words," and adds : " These words are all the more 
wonderful, as, when he was twenty years old, he had 
already been two years at Erfurt University, and 
cannot have failed to have many opportunities to get 
to know the Bible. For at Erfurt Biblical studies had 
flourished since the middle of the fifteenth century ; 
among the MS. theological works existing in one of 
the town libraries about one-half consist of exegetical 

I would venture to submit that the only charitable 
explanation for so fantastic a tale would be to imagine 


the young doctor of Erfurt as a kind of intellectual Rip 
Van Winkle, who had been sound asleep all those years 
of his student life, whilst the noise of over a thousand 
printing-presses in monastery, cathedral, and printing 
works was filling the intellectual atmosphere of Germany, 
and stirring up a new and warmer intellectual life 
throughout the ranks of clergy and laity alike, and most 
of all by the diffusion and diligent study of the Holy 

Subsequent abuses of the printing-press, and evils 
which it may afterwards have given rise to, whether 
in the intellectual or moral order and no one can shut 
his eyes to the serious extent of such evils can therefore 
never deprive the art of printing of the title it inherited 
at its birth of a truly Catholic art, and of one of the 
noblest instruments of the Catholic Church. The ex 
istence of the Catholic Truth Society in our midst is a 
living proof that the printing-press has not yet lost, and 
never will lose, its efficacy for doing good by the spread 
of Catholic truth. 




ONE dark winter s evening, somewhere about the year 
1480 so runs the charming legend* the Princess 
Margaret of York, sister of Edward IV. of England, and 
widow of the ill-fated Charles the Bold, Duke of 
Burgundy, f at that time residing at the Flemish 
University town of Lou vain, was returning to her 
residence in the ancient castle on Mont-Cesar { (where 
nowadays rises the new Benedictine abbey of Regina 
Cceli) when she called into one of the town churches 
to offer a prayer. 

" There was no light, 

Save where the lamps that glittered, few and faint, 
Lighted a little space before some saint." 

She was struck by the sight of a young and impecunious 
scholar poring over his books by the aid of one of those 
lamps, too industrious to waste the precious hours 

* The story is not found in either Moringus, Adrian s first 
biographer, Valerius Andreas, Vernulaeus, or Molanus. 

f See genealogical table, p. 115. 

J There is, of course, no foundation for the popular legend that 
the original structure was one of Caesar s camps. It had, how 
ever, a very interesting history as the feudal castle of the Counts 
and Dukes of Brabant. In 1338, Edward III. of England and 
his queen wintered here on their way back from Germany. 



which might still be devoted to study, too poor to 
" waste the midnight oil " in his own humble lodgings. 
Touched by the youth s zeal and poverty, the widowed 
English Princess continues the story immediately 
took upon herself the care of his future, and provided 
him with the means to pursue his further studies at the 
University founded some half -century before by John 
the Good, Duke of Brabant. 

The pretty story in this form unfortunately seems not 
to bear the test of historical accuracy ; nevertheless, 
there is this much of truth underlying it, that Margaret 
of York actually did afford substantial support and 
patronage, though in somewhat different form and at 
a later date, to this modest scholar, who was one Adrian 
of Utrecht, a young Dutchman, whose name is one of the 
brightest ornaments of the Flemish University. 

Adrian was born in Utrecht in 1459. His father was 
one Florent, or Florensz,* whence he came to be styled 
in after-life Master Adrian Florisze, though this latter 
name was no surname, but simply meant " son of 
Florent," exactly as the latter is sometimes styled 
" Florent Boeijens," or " Bouwens " i.e., son of 
Baldwin ; for at this time the common people of the 
Netherlands had no family surnames, a distinction 
reserved to the nobility. This fact is of interest, for 
it indicates that Adrian was of humble plebeian origin, 
just like the English Nicholas Breakspeare, who eventu 
ally became Pope Adrian IV. It does not, however, 
seem correct to say that he was actually very poor, like 
the English lad of Langley, for in the register of Louvain 
University still preserved the epithet " pauper," 
which it was at the time customary to place beside the 
names of indigent scholars when matriculated, does not 
appear, and in 1469 and 1474 we find his widowed 
mother, Gertrude, selling two,,houses, which indicates 

* And not Floris, as Creighton writes it (" History of the 
Papacy," vi., p. 222). Floris is the genitive form of Florent, and 
used as a patronymic, as explained in the text. 


the possession of some property on her part. However, 
it is certain that Adrian s parents were not much 
blessed with the goods of this world. The father, who 
seems to have been a small artisan, probably a weaver 
of tapestry or of silk,* died by the time the boy was 
ten, and once more, like Nicholas Breakspeare, the lad 
owed his early training in both letters and piety to an 
excellent mother. Gertrude, we are told, taught him 
to love visiting the churches, to serve Mass, and to 
listen attentively to the sermons, which she made him 
repeat to her on his return home. As he had manifested 
from his tenderest years unusual aptitude for learning, 
she did all she possibly could to encourage and develop 
his talents, and sent him to school to learn the trivium, 
as it was then called, comprising probably Latin, with 
arithmetic and logic. He learnt his first elements of 
Latin at Delft, in the school of the Brothers of the 
Common Life, a fact of considerable importance for his 
future development. These Brothers of the Common 
Life, whose name will ever be held in blessing for having 
given to the world Thomas a Kempis, had been founded 
in 1396 by Gerard Groote as a reaction against the 
excesses into which scholasticism had fallen. " Let 
the foundation of thy studies," said the pious founder, 
" and the mirror of thy life be first of all the Gospels, 
for they contain the life of Christ, then the lives of the 
Saints and the sentences of the Fathers, the Epistles 
of St. Paul and the Acts of the Apostles. . . . Lose not 
thy time in geometry, rhetoric, dialectic, grammar, 
poetry, and astrology. All that doth not render us 
better or turn us away from evil is harmful." 

Like most reactions, Gerard s teachings went to 
extremes, and after his death his Order considerably 
modified them, and cultivated science and literature 
with success. But it inherited his practical tendencies 

* Lord Bacon makes him a brewer (" Historia Henrici VII.," 
p. 1037). I do not know where Creighton (op. cit., p. 222) got 
the idea that he was a " ship s carpenter." 


in education, and his aversion to the exaggerated 
subtleties of the later scholasticism. In such a school 
as that of Delft we see the source of that love of Scripture 
and the Fathers, that good common -sense in philosophy, 
and that dislike of pedantry which distinguished Adrian 
through all his life. After the school of Delft, Adrian 
completed his preliminary studies either at Zwolle, 
where Thomas a Kempis had lived his religious life of 
seventy-one years, or, according to others, at Deventer. 
Everywhere distinguished by his brilliant successes, 
which placed him far ahead of all his competitors, he 
was ready at the age of seventeen to enter the nourishing 
University of Louvain, just fifty years founded, and at 
the time one of the most celebrated in Europe. Adrian 
was enrolled on June I, 1476. 

The Flemish University had lately received large 
additions to its ranks in the numerous students who 
had fled from the University of Prague, which had been 
destroyed in the Hussite wars, and in the four hundred 
Burgundian subjects expelled from that of Paris by 
Louis XI. Erasmus, who a few years later was Adrian s 
own pupil at the University, declares that it was the 
most numerously frequented of all except Paris, the 
students surpassing three thousand in number, and 
increasing day by day. " The climate," he boasts, " is 
preferable to that of Italy, being not only delightful but 
also healthy. Nowhere," he continues, " are studies 
pursued with more success and quietude, nowhere is 
the intellectual output more abundant, nowhere a larger 
or better equipped staff of professors." The discipline, 
if we may believe the descriptions of the time, was not 
only severe but very well observed. After curfew the 
students were forbidden to go out in public places 
without carrying a lantern at the level of their face, and, 
as at the Oxford and Cambridge of to-day, both masters 
and students had to wear their gowns whether at church 
or at lectures. Extravagant and worldly costumes 
were forbidden, and when the students saw any of 


their number contravening this rule they ran after them, 
hooting and crying, " Barbara ! Barbara !" 

The University comprised five faculties Theology, 
Canon Law, Civil Law, Medicine, and Arts, the latter 
being a preparation for the other faculties. The wave 
of the Classical Renascence had not yet made itself felt 
in Louvain, and the study of philosophy was the chief 
occupation of the faculty of Arts, the Humanities being 
but little esteemed. Neither the rhetoric which was 
taught at this time, nor the Latin which was in use, 
seems to have been of a very high order, though things 
were very soon after destined to be much changed for 
the better. Four colleges or hostels, abundantly en 
dowed with charitable foundations for poorer pupils, 
were attached to the faculty of Arts, and bore the curious 
names of the Pig, the Castle, the Falcon, and the Lily. 
Life in these colleges was sufficiently strenuous and 
severe. The students rose before daybreak, assembled 
in the great hall for prayers, then attended a lecture, 
after which, at six o clock, they heard Mass. The rest 
of the day was passed in lectures, repetitions, and public 
or private disputations. The course lasted two years, 
apparently without any vacation. Notes were not taken, 
and the whole work appears to have been a gigantic 
effort of memory. 

It was into the first-named of the four hostels (the 
Pig College) that young Adrian made his entrance. 
His exceptional gifts of intellect, his unusually powerful 
memory, and his extraordinary zeal for study, soon 
rendered him master of all that the faculty of Arts 
could teach him at the time philosophy, physics, 
rhetoric. His Latin style, though not adorned with the 
graces which characterize the authors of the Renascence, 
was sufficiently elegant to escape the biting criticisms 
of Erasmus. For mathematics he showed a special 
aptitude, and soon was called upon to teach them. No 
wonder his fame rapidly spread in the University. 
When the Venetian Ambassador, Hermolaus Barbarus 


accounted one of the leading Italian humanists of the 
day* visited Louvain, and asked to be introduced to 
an eminent member of the faculty of Arts, in order 
to discuss philosophy with him, Adrian was at once 
chosen, and we are told that the Venetian scholar was 
charmed with the penetrating intelligence and varied 
erudition of the young Dutch student. 

One of the greatest events in the old University of 
Louvain was the annual competitions at the close of 
the Arts course for the much-coveted title of Primus, 
or first in the faculty of Arts, a distinction which was 
apparently as highly valued as the Senior Wranglership 
in modern Cambridge, and celebrated by festivities, 
both at the University and in the native place of the 
successful candidate, in a style of which we have little 
notion at the present day. We are not surprised to learn 
that the Primus in 1478 was Adrian, then nineteen years 
of age, on which occasion he made a public triumphal 
entry into his native town of Utrecht. Immediately 
after he passed the solemn act entitled inceptio, and 
thereby became a fully-fledged Master of Arts. 

His liberal education now completed, Adrian at once 
began his course of Theology, which in those days lasted 
no less than ten years. For this purpose he entered 
the College du Saint-Esprit, founded in 1442 by Louise 
de Rycke for theological students, and which, then as 
now, was a hostel, giving board and lodging, though 
not teaching. Of Adrian s long course of studies in 
this faculty we have not many details. We know, how 
ever, that he threw himself with all the ardour of his 
nature and the keenness of his intellect into the study 
of the Fathers and theologians, and also of Holy Scrip 
ture ; and, not content with the varied studies of his 
own faculty, he applied himself to those of both Civil 
and Canon Law. No wonder that his biographer, 
Moringus, expresses his astonishment that Adrian was 
able to pursue with such success so many different 

* See Abbot Gasquet, " The Eve of the Reformation," p. 29. 


branches of study at the same time, The explanation, 
he tells us, is to be found in his methodical use of time : 
every hour was employed by rule, and every occupation 
had its fixed time. No wonder that he soon became 
known as the most brilliant ornament of the University, 
and eventually one of the greatest Catholic theologians 
of the Reformation epoch. " Magnus sine controversia 
theologus," writes Erasmus, his pupil. 

At the end of ten years of this strenuous student s 
life (in 1488) Adrian was appointed to teach philosophy 
in his old college, the Pig, and also elected a member of 
the General Council of the University ; and two years 
later (1490) he was promoted to a professorship of 
Theology, carrying with it a prebend and a stall as 
Canon of St. Pierre. This promotion is the more re 
markable as he had not yet obtained his degree as 
Licentiate in Theology, owing probably to his want of 
means to meet the expenses of the examination. Patron 
age, however, now began to flow in upon him in a steady 
stream. In the same year (1490) he received the ap 
pointment of Cure of the Beguinage,* and his resources 
now permitted him to proceed to the Licentiate s degree 
in 1491, on which occasion, we are told, the magistracy 
of Louvain offered him two measures of Rhine wine as 
a mark of their esteem. 

On June 21, 1491, Adrian at last crowned his career 
by obtaining the coveted degree of D.D. The public 
examinations, or " defensions," as they are styled, for 
the obtension of this crowning academic honour, and 
the elaborate function of its actual conferment, are 
sufficiently imposing in the actual University in our 
own times, lasting as they do three full days, and 

* The Cure of the Beguinage in which Adrian dwelt No. 153, 
Rue des Moutons is now the residence of my venerated master, 
Mgr. T. J. Lamy, Emeritus Professor of Holy Scripture and 
Semitic Languages, and well known by his numerous writings. 
The house itself has been rebuilt since Adrian s time, but the 
cellars and the garden are much the same as when he dwelt 


involving public celebrations in the town, as well as in 
the academical premises. But in the early University 
of the fifteenth century they were far more elaborate, 
lasting no less than five days, and terminating with a 
banquet given by the new doctors. The expenses, 
therefore, were very considerable, and beyond the 
reach of many a poor scholar. Here it is that we 
come into actual historical contact with the English 
Princess, Margaret Plantagenet, concerning whom we 
related a pretty, though probably apocryphal, anecdote 
at the beginning. What is certain is that, whether she 
knew Adrian and had benefited him before or not, she 
now stepped forward and generously defrayed all the 
expenses of his doctorate. On this occasion also the 
Louvain magistracy, according to a custom frequently 
honoured at the time, contributed no less than forty- 
eight measures of Rhine wine, costing thirteen gold 
florins, in honour of the new doctor. 

More substantial favours rapidly followed. Margaret 
of York conferred upon Adrian the benefice of Goerzee, 
in the island of Zealand, which he was allowed to retain 
in absentia, whilst administering it by means of a pious 
and capable curate whom he suitably maintained. 
Several times a year Adrian visited his distant parish 
to preach and shrive his people and reform abuses. 
Other preferments quickly followed. It must be re 
membered that those were the days of pluralities, before 
the reform of the Council of Trent. We need not, there 
fore, be surprised to learn that Adrian had conferred 
upon him successively the benefices of Canon of St. 
Peter at Anderlecht (Brussels), of Provost of St. Quentin 
(Maubeuge), of Dean of Notre-Dame at Antwerp, and 
of Canon and Treasurer of St. Mary s in his native town 
of Utrecht. No doubt such cumulations of ecclesiastical 
benefices in absentia were essentially an abuse, though 
quite in the ordinary course of events. But in Adrian s 
case the abuse was greatly diminished by the personal 
sanctity of his life and the scrupulous justice of his 


administration. His own household was as simple, 
his table as frugal, as ever. The large revenues of his 
various benefices were spent, not on himself, but on 
the poor of his flock, or on indigent students, and in 
munificent foundations. Moreover, his intellectual 
gifts, his theological and canonical abilities were placed 
unstintedly at the disposal of all. People flocked to 
consult him from all parts from Holland and Flanders, 
from Hainault and from Zealand. 

In the University he was now by far the man of 
greatest mark. For full twenty years, from 1492 to 
1512, he held the post of ordinary Professor of the 
Theological Faculty. His lectures became renowned 
for the solidity of their matter, and the clearness of 
their style. His elocutionary gifts were remarkable. 
He did not, indeed, publish much, though he wrote a 
great deal. His principal theological work, entitled 
" Qusestiones in Quartum Sententiarum Librum,"* 
which was the resume of his lectures up to 1509, was 
first published surreptitiously, and without the author s 
knowledge, at Paris in 1516 by Godocus Badius, under 
the editorship of a professor of the Sorbonne, Jacques 
d Assoneville. The following year it was republished at 
Louvain itself by Martin Dorpius, a pupil of Adrian, 
and the work soon became popular, for other editions 
followed at Paris, Louvain, Venice, Rome, and Lyons 
all without any participation on Adrian s part. Its 
merits were its simplicity and clearness, a return to the 
method of St. Thomas Aquinas from the exaggerated 
subtleties and quibblings of the later decadent scholastics. 
Not less was the success of another work, " Qusestiones 
Quodlibeticae," which ran through several editions in 
Louvain, Venice, Lyons, and Paris. 

The theological teachings of Adrian, collected from all 
available sources, were skilfully edited and arranged 
by my old master, Professor E. H. J. Reusens of Louvain, 

* In spite of its name, not " a commentary on Peter Lombard," 
as Creighton calls it (op. cit., p. 222) ; see Lepitre, p. 29. 


lately deceased,* in his doctoral dissertation published 
in 1862, f a mine of curious and useful information. 

The highest University honours naturally fell to the 
now famous theologian. In 1497 he was elected Dean 
of the Chapter of St. Peter s, which carried with it the 
functions of Chancellor of the University. On two 
different occasions, in 1493 and in 1500, he was chosen 
for the highest academic post, that of Rector Magnificus 
of the University, which office in those days was tenable 
for only six months at a time, but which carried with it 
exceptional privileges and jurisdiction, both civil and 

Before quitting this first chapter of Adrian s life it 
will be of interest to quote the descriptions which his 
admiring contemporaries have left us of his personal 
appearance and character. 

He was tall, we are told, and well proportioned, his 
eyes full of fire and intelligence, his eyebrows bushy, 
his countenance ruddy and full of grace, the forehead 
somewhat sloping, the nose aquiline. His manner was 
dignified, grave, and modest, his lips ever graced with 
a smile, his gestures calm, his eyes ordinarily cast down. 
His eloquence was extraordinary, without either hesita 
tion or precipitancy, his diction slow and majestic, his 
voice both soft and penetrating. 

To such a gracious exterior corresponded still more 
precious gifts of soul and mind. His life was exemplary, 
his fare frugal, though his table was always hospitable, 
without luxury or excess. He abhorred the long 
drinking bouts so dear to German students then as 
nowadays. His meals were brief. He rose at midnight 
to recite his breviary, and then returned for a brief 
repose. By daybreak he said his daily Mass with the 

* Died December 24, 1903. For biographical notice, see 
"Revue d Histoire Ecclesiastique," vol. i., pp. 150-152 
(Louvain, January, 1904). 

f " Syntagma Doctrinae Tlieologicae Adrian! VI." (Lovanii 



deepest piety. He was affable and kind to all who came 
to seek his advice or aid. By practising strict economy 
in his household, he was able to dispose of considerable 
means, especially in favour of poor students, whose 
needs he knew by personal experience. He bought them 
books, paid for their board, encouraged their industry 
not only by words, but by substantial rewards. 

But Adrian s most munificent benefaction to his Alma 
Mater was the erection of the splendid college which still 
bears his name.* His own resources and the help of his 
friends were severely taxed to erect such fine buildings, 
which called forth the surprise of his contemporaries. 
In one way this generous creation had an influence on 
his future career. The celebrated Bernardino Carvajal, 
generally known as the Cardinal di Santa Croce (from 
his titular Church), sent by Pope Julius II. as his legate 
to Germany, visited Louvain, and inspected the newly- 
finished college. He expressed great surprise that a 
simple Dean should have succeeded in erecting so 
splendid an edifice. On his return to Rome, the 
Cardinal spoke to Pope Julius in such high terms of the 
Louvain professor that the Pontiff endeavoured, though 
without success, to draw him to his Court. Adrian 
steadfastly declined, but events of a different kind were 
rapidly approaching to put an end for good and all to 
his academic career, and to draw him into the vortex of 
public life, and eventually to the highest attainable 
careers in both State and Church. 

We have already seen Adrian s indebtedness to one 
royal Margaret, the widow of Charles the Bold and sister 
of Edward IV., our English King. We are now to see a 
still more important act of patronage on the part of 
another royal Margaret. 

Margaret of York, the early patroness of Adrian, was 
godmother to the young Prince Charles, her step-great- 

* College du Pape Adrien VI., in the Place de 1 Universite. 
Restored in 1775. It was originally built for theologians ; it is 
now appropriated to Arts and Law students. 


grandson, now, owing to the death of his father Ferdi 
nand, heir to his grandfather, the Emperor Maximilian.* 
Up to her death, the royal lady had charge of the infant 
Prince, and afterwards he was in the care of a succession 
of tutors, none of whom was very satisfactory or success 
ful. For the wilful young Prince destined one day to 
be the famous Emperor Charles V. had little or no 
aptitude for learning. He hated Latin, never learnt to 
speak German, and had but a poor knowledge of Spanish 
and Italian-! He had equal difficulties with mathe 
matics, in which science he was many years later 
" coached " by his favourite companion, the Marquis of 
Lombay, afterwards glorious in the annals of the Church 
as St Francis Borgia. On the other hand, Charles 
excelled in all military and physical exercises. In the 
year 1512 his aunt, Margaret of Austria, daughter of 
Maximilian (and therefore step-granddaughter of Mar 
garet of York) who in her second widowhood presided 
over a little Court at Mechlin, rendered brilliant by the 
scholars and artists who frequented it selected the 
famous Louvain professor Adrian to undertake the 
weighty task of educating and training the young Prince, 

* The following table will serve to render somewhat more 
intelligible the rather complex genealogies mentioned in this 
article : 


Frederick III. 

Ferdinand=plsabella. Maximilian =p 
(Emp.). | 

Philip the Good. Richard, Duke of 
| York. 

Charles the Bold = Margaret Edward IV 
of York 
(and wife). 
Mary (by ist 

Juana =F Philip (Spam) 
("Jeanne la ("LeBeau"). 

Margaret of Austria, mar. : 
(i) Juan, son of Ferdinand 
and Isabella of Spain). 
(2) Philibert, Duke of Savoy. 

Charles V. Ferdinand 
(Emp.). (Emp.). 

f It may have been a realization of his own defects that caused 
him to utter in after-life the oft-quoted dictum : " Plus de- 
langues qu un nomine S9ait parler, plus de fois est-il homme." 



then in his twelfth year, as well as his sisters, the 
Infantas Leonora, Maria, and Isabela. This new and 
honourable charge was the turning-point in Adrian s 
career. He had now to quit for ever his Alma Mater, 
where he had resided for no less than thirty-six years, 
and lay aside his beloved studies, to take up his residence 
at Mechlin.* Whatever regrets he may have felt at this 
sudden break in his career at the age of fifty- three, he 
threw himself whole-heartedly into his great task. For 
a great task it was. In the youthful Charles he was to 
train him who was destined one day to unite the triple 
sovereignties of Germany, Spain, and the Low Countries, 
and to become the mightiest monarch in Christendom. 
If Adrian did not have much success in the intellectual 
training of his somewhat refractory pupil, at least he 
seems to have produced a profound impression upon his 
mind. Austere and severe in himself, with the highest 
ideals of duty and responsibility, he strove to form the 
young Prince s heart upon the noblest maxims of 
Christianity. He found his pupil, says Vicenzo Quirino, 
hot and impetuous in character, like his celebrated 
ancestor, Charles the Bold. Adrian did not natter his 
faults. He impressed upon him the emptiness of riches, 
honours, and success ;f he warned him against the 
tongues of flatterers ; taught him that God had chosen 
him solely for the welfare of his people, and would one 
day demand of him a rigorous account of his stewardship. 
It is true that there was much in the subsequent career 
of Charles that belied these noble maxims, as we shall 

* This would seem at first to dispel the popular Louvain tradi 
tion that Adrian and his royal pupil lived during this time in the 
Castle of Mont-Cesar alluded to above. Yet, according to 
Reusen s account (p. xiv), Adrian had already been teaching 
Charles, as a little boy from his seventh to his twelfth year, during 
the greater part of the year which the young Prince was wont to 
spend in the castle of Mont-Cesar, whilst Adrian was still Pro 
fessor of Theology. In 1512 he removed altogether to Court. 

| Did Charles s mind recur to these teachings of his old master 
when, at the close of his reign, he resigned his crown and passed 
his last years in religious retirement ? 


see in the course of this recital ; but he frequently 
referred with gratitude to the teachings of " Master 
Adrian," to whom he declared he was indebted " for 
what little of letters and good morals God had given 
him." He showed his gratitude, indeed, very soon ; 
for, on attaining his legal majority, his fifteenth year, 
in January, 1515, he at once nominated Adrian to a seat 
in his Council as Sovereign of the Low Countries. One 
of his fellow-councillors, William of Croy, Marquis of 
Chievres, seems to have resented this nomination, 
perhaps because of Adrian s plebeian origin, perhaps 
fearing his influence over the mind of his pupil. He 
sought and found opportunities of removing the favoured 
tutor from the Court on various honourable missions, 
twice to Holland, and a third time, in the September of 
the year, on a highly weighty embassy to Ferdinand the 
Catholic, King of Spain, Charles s maternal grandfather. 
In thus, through motives of jealousy, sending Adrian far 
away from the petty Court of the Low Countries, the 
ambitious courtier all unconsciously provided a stepping- 
stone to the most exalted dignity which the Dutch tutor 
was destined, in the brief space of seven years, to attain. 
Adrian, little dreaming that he would never again see his 
native land, far less of the high destiny that Providence 
had in store for him, quitted Flanders, and, passing 
through France, visited the famous Sorbonne of Paris, 
where his fame as a theologian had long preceded him, 
and even engaged in a public philosophical discussion in 
that ancient University. 


The object of Adrian s embassy to Spain was kept a 
secret ; it was announced that he was going " par devers 
le roy d Arragon, pour aucuns grans affaires secretz dont 
n est besoin icy faire declaration." In reality, he was 
to treat of the highest matters of State, which were to 
effect the whole future of European politics. Adrian s 


task was no other than that of winning over the old 
Spanish King to consent to his grandson Charles suc 
ceeding to the Spanish Crown, instead of his younger 
brother Ferdinand, whom the King, irritated by the 
action of his son-in-law, would have preferred as his 
successor. It would be too long to narrate the difficult 
negotiations which Adrian had to conduct with the aged 
and infirm King, whose last days were rapidly ap 
proaching. His difficulties were the greater in that he 
had first to gain the support of his all-powerful Minister, 
one of the greatest politicians of his day, and the greatest 
Minister that Spain has ever seen, the famous Franciscan 
Cardinal Ximenes. It speaks volumes for Adrian s tact 
and prudence, as well as for the high reputation for 
sanctity and learning which had preceded him, that he 
won over both the great Cardinal and the aged and sus 
picious King, who was delighted with the Ambassador s 
prudence and virtue, mingled with firmness. He suc 
ceeded in negotiating a treaty, by means of certain 
prudent concessions, and before the King died had 
secured for his pupil and Sovereign the succession so 
much desired. The death of the King rendered Adrian s 
position still more delicate. Ximenes was appointed by 
Ferdinand s will as Regent of Castile, for which post 
Charles now designated Adrian himself. Nevertheless, 
by a friendly agreement, Ximenes and Adrian undertook 
the government jointly, though Adrian was not to bear 
the title of Regent, but only of Charles s Ambassador. 
It cannot be denied that Adrian s position at this time 
was one of great difficulty. Whatever his talents, there 
is no doubt that as a politician and statesman the ex- 
professor of Louvain could not in any way compete, 
either in political genius or experience of affairs, with the 
great Cardinal. Add to this that the latter was a native 
Spaniard of whom his countrymen were justly proud, 
whilst Adrian was a foreigner, only just arrived in the 
country from the " barbarous North," and the haughty 
Castilian nobles were little likely to brook the inter- 


ference in their affairs of an obscure and humbly-born 
foreigner. The views of the two Regents on many sub 
jects were often diverse, the interests they represented 
often opposed. For, whilst Ximenes may be said to have 
championed those of Spain, Adrian s task was to protect 
the interests of the youthful Charles, himself a foreigner, 
and as yet totally unknown to the Spanish people. Once 
more Adrian s good sense and tactfulness, his evident 
sanctity of life and honesty of purpose, steered him 
through shoals on which many a more promising states 
man would have been wrecked. Sometimes Adrian won 
over the Cardinal to his views ; at others, by sage con 
cessions, he avoided conflicts. For one thing, the two 
men had much in common, and were able to live together 
as sincere and even intimate friends. Both were ecclesi 
astics of great personal piety, both devoted lovers of 
theological science. Common tastes and mutual ad 
miration for one another s virtue drew them together. 
The great Cardinal often invited his Flemish colleague 
to his table to discuss with mutual friends their common 
studies. Ximenes consulted the experienced Louvain 
professor in drawing up the constitutions of his own 
University of Alcala, which he had recently founded. 

Adrian found a new and powerful friend in the 
dowager-queen Germaine, the second wife of the last 
King. She wrote to Charles urging him to obtain from 
Rome for Adrian the important bishopric of Tortosa. 
Ximenes generously seconded her efforts, and Leo X. 
conferred upon Adrian the above-named see, one of the 
best-endowed in the whole kingdom. Adrian, now 
placed in comparative affluence by his Spanish revenues, 
at once resigned nearly all the benefices which he had 
hitherto held in the Low Countries. Once more it was, 
owing to Ximenes influence that the Pope, at Charles s 
request, in 1516 nominated the new Bishop of Tortosa 
to the important office of Grand Inquisitor of Arragon 
and Navarre. In this new and delicate office Adrian 
displayed those qualities of gentleness and prudence 


which were all the more needed at the time, as his pre 
decessor Deza had been forced to resign through the 
public odium excited by his rigour and excessive 
severity. Indeed, one of the greatest merits of Adrian 
during his stay in Spain was the moderating influence 
that he exercised over that dreaded tribunal, which had 
become in the hands of the Spanish Kings an instrument 
of political, rather than of religious, government.* 

Further preferment quickly followed. On June 25 of 
the following year (1517) Leo X. created on one day the 
unprecedented number of thirty-one Cardinals, f among 
them Lorenzo Campeggio, so well known later on in the 
affair of the divorce of Henry VIII., and also, on the 
special petition of Charles, Adrian of Utrecht. 

The letter of Leo to Charles is a high testimony to 
Adrian s reputation. " We have very willingly ad 
mitted into the College of Cardinals Adrian, Bishop of 
Tortosa, on account of his singular knowledge of sacred 
sciences, his stainless character, and his eminent virtues ; 
also out of condescension for you, and to cause you 
great joy, since we have raised to the highest dignity 
of the Church a virtuous, learned, and prudent man, 
your former master and tutor." Furthermore, the Pope 
urges upon Charles as a duty that he should supply the 
new Cardinal with means suitable to support his new 
dignity, and not leave him " with such limited means, 
or, to speak more accurately, in that poverty which has 
so long been the companion of his life " a striking tes 
timony to Adrian s reputation for frugality and dis 
interestedness, which had already made him known in 
Rome, though he had never visited that city. 

Cardinal Ximenes did not long survive the nomination 
of his colleague to the Sacred College. Worn out with 

* It is surprising to find Creighton stating that as Inquisitor 
Adrian exercised his office with rigour, and even " sharpened " 
its methods (p. 224). Exactly the contrary was the case, as 
shown in great detail by Lepitre, pp. 155-163. (See also Hofler, 
p. ii2, n. 2.) 

f And not thirty-nine, as Creighton incorrectly says (p. 223). 


disease, pursued by popular suspicions and calumnies, 
slighted and disliked by Charles, the great Cardinal, at 
the very moment of the new King s arrival in Spain, 
breathed his last, at the age of eighty- two, in the monas 
tery of Aguilera, " leaving behind him," says Peter 
Martyr, " a glory unequalled in history." " The only 
Minister," says Robertson, " whom his contemporaries 
have regarded as a saint, and to whom the people 
governed by him attributed the power of working- 
miracles." His death was a great loss for Spain. Had 
he lived longer, to mould and direct the policy of the 
new King, that country would have been spared many 
miseries. It was high time that the new King should 
visit his Spanish subjects, but unfortunately his visit, 
entirely under the influence as he was of his unscrupulous 
Minister, de Chievres, the old rival and enemy of Adrian, 
only led to dissensions and civil war, in which Cardinal 
Adrian had later on to play a difficult and most ungrate 
ful part. 

It would take too long to narrate the miserable bicker 
ings and disputes, chiefly concerning money matters, 
which marred Charles s sojourn in his new kingdom, 
owing largely to the cupidity of his Minister, which led 
Charles, as has been said, to treat Spain almost as a 
conquered country. The Cortes of Castile, Arragon, 
and Catalonia, summoned to recognise the new King 
and vote him the customary servicios, or monetary con 
tributions, were the cause of still further dissatisfaction. 
At this moment, news suddenly arrived from Germany 
that the Electors had designated Charles for the Imperial 
Crown in succession to his grandfather, and Charles was 
only too glad to give effect to their pressing invitation 
to. 7 leave at once for Aix-la-Chapelle for his installation. 
He hastily delegated Cardinal Adrian to preside in his 
name over the Cortes of Valencia, and quitted without 
further delay a country for which he cared little, whose 
language he would not speak, and for which he did not 
conceal his dislike. He left his old master Adrian a 


legacy of serious troubles and dangers. The Cortes of 
Valencia showed themselves entirely refractory, and 
within a short time of Charles s departure Adrian, now 
named Viceroy of Castile, found himself face to face 
with a general rising of the kingdom, which rapidly 
developed into the terrible civil war of the Comuneros, 
in which much blood was shed, and fortune vascillated 
from side to side, sometimes in favour of, sometimes 
adversely to, the royal authority and arms. During 
all this stormy period the Cardinal of Tortosa employed 
all his habitual tact and prudence, his natural mildness 
and placability ; and when actually forced by circum 
stances to take up arms, manifested no less firmness 
and decision.* It is instructive and edifying to remark 
how, in the midst of all these troubles, Adrian retained 
the personal veneration of the Spanish people, in spite 
of his foreign origin, and in spite of the powers, uncon 
stitutional as they were held to be, which Charles had 
conferred upon him. Spanish writers always refer to 
him as a holy man a saint. The civil war of the 
Comuneros lasted during the years 1520-1521, and were 
only ended by the crushing defeat of the rebels at the 
Battle of Villaler in the latter year. The Cardinal and 
the two colleagues whom Charles had given him in the 
government received the submission of all the cities 
except Toledo, which still held out for a considerable 
time under Dona Maria Pacheco, and the Comuneros 
accepted all the conditions imposed upon them by 
Charles V., conditions which modern historians con 
sider to have compromised the traditional liberties of 
Castile, and introduced a royal absolutism which has 
had regrettable results in the subsequent history of 
Spain. For such results Adrian cannot be blamed. 
Faithful to the behests and interests of his royal master, 
his influence all through was exercised in the direction 

* I do not think Creighton has any justification for his opinion 
that Adrian " played a somewhat ignominious part during the 
rising ot the Comuneros " (p. 223). 


of moderation and clemency. We may rather pity him 
as the victim of the headstrong and tyrannical policy 
of Charles and his ill-omened adviser. But internal 
troubles were not all that Adrian had to contend with. 
He found himself at almost the same time face to face 
with the active hostility of France, under the unscrupulous 
and ambitious King Francis I. Pursuing his claim to 
the kingdom of Navarre, Francis in the spring of 1521 
sent his army, under Andre de Foix, to invade that 
kingdom. The campaign was rapid and, for a time, 
decisive, for in a fortnight Navarre was conquered. 
One of its most striking episodes was the siege and 
gallant defence of Pampeluna, in which a Guipuzcoan 
gentleman, Don Inigo de Loyola, received those serious 
wounds which were to change the current of his life, 
and make him for ever known as St. Ignatius, the 
founder of the Society of Jesus. But the attempt of 
the French to push on into Castile was, largely owing 
to Adrian s courage and firmness, a failure. The Battle 
of Exquiros ended in the rout of the French ; Pampe 
luna was retaken, and the French army captured or 
scattered. A second French invasion, however, followed 
in the winter, though it was of short duration, and the 
French once more withdrew. Cardinal Adrian passed 
the rest of the winter busily occupied in the administra 
tion of Castile. 


In the January of 1522 Adrian was residing in Vitoria. 
The winter was one of unusual severity, the excessively 
heavy snowfall having rendered the mountains almost 
impassable, whilst severe wintry storms swept the sea. 
On the 25th Adrian had been to visit his colleague in the 
government, the Admiral of Castile, who was confined 
to his bed by sickness. As he returned to his home, a 
courier, half dead with cold, rushed into his presence, 
holding out a letter and crying out : " Holy Father ! 


Holy Father !" at the same time throwing himself on 
his knees and trying to kiss Adrian s feet. The Cardinal 
endeavoured to repel him, asking in amazement, " Where 
is the Holy Father ?" The stranger answered in Italian, 
" Voi, Padre Santo, e non altro !" Adrian, who was not 
even aware of the death of Leo X., which had occurred 
as far back as December i, opened the despatch, which 
proved to be from the Spanish Bishop of Girona, then in 
Rome, and learnt the astounding news, not only of the 
Pope s death and the subsequent conclave, but also 
of his own unanimous election to the Papal See on 
January 9. Adrian, with his customary calmness and 
without changing colour, turned to his friends and said : 
" If the news be true, I am very much to be pitied."* 

It gives us some idea of the difficulties of communica 
tion in those days to learn that, in the case of such im 
portant news as that of the death of a Pope, the holding 
of a conclave, and the election of a successor, out of 
five messengers sent off to Adrian immediately after his 
election, three, who chose the road by land, were stopped 
and held captive in France ; a fourth was driven back 
by contrary winds to Civita Vecchia, kept there ten 
days, and, having sailed again, was driven back by 
pirates to Italy, finally arrived at Nice, but was pre 
vented from proceeding further by the French ; whilst 
of the fifth nothing more was ever heard. 

Even towards the end of February Adrian was not 
yet sure whether the news of his election was true, and 
the Cardinals in Rome were ignorant whether Adrian 
was alive or dead ! It was merely by a lucky chance 
that the new Pope had received the news on January 25. 
A messenger of the Bishop of Girona had succeeded 
in bringing it as far as Logrofio, where he communi 
cated it in secret, upon which Ortiz, provisor of the 
Bishop of Calahora, himself set out for Vitoria, and, 
with the greatest danger to his life, managed to make 
his way over the snow-covered mountains, and so reached 
* Letter of Pace to Wolsey, February 22, 1522. 


the presence of Adrian as we have described. The news 
rapidly spread through Vitoria and the neighbourhood. 
The inhabitants of all classes crowded to the viceregal 
palace to congratulate the new Pope and kiss his feet, 
which Adrian endeavoured to prevent, declaring that 
the news was by no means certain. At night the streets 
were illuminated, and a cavalcade traversed the city to 
celebrate the joyful event. Yet Adrian s suspicions 
seemed almost justified. Sixteen days passed, and no 
official confirmation, of the news arrived. People began 
to ask whether the letter of the Bishop of Girona was 
not a hoax. It was even suggested that it had been 
forged at the Court of Francis I. in order to turn Adrian 
into ridicule ; but at last, on February 9, the cameriere 
of Cardinal Carvajal, who had succeeded in making his 
way through the snow-covered, mountainous roads, 
arrived with the official letter from the Sacred College. 
Adrian read the document with his accustomed calm, 
and, making no comment upon the contents, simply 
bade the messenger to go and take the rest which he so 
much needed. For some days those around him were 
in doubt whether or not he would accept the nomination. 
Once more the population crowded in to ask his blessing 
or to seek his favour. Adrian, to escape them, took 
refuge in the monastery of St. Francis, and continued to 
devote himself to the ordinary affairs of State, refusing 
to see anybody. Not till the i6th did he, after saying 
his Mass, summon his physician and two other atten 
dants, and declare to them his decision. Although, he 
said, he was well aware of the dangers of so exalted a 
position, yet he felt that if he refused the election he 
might cause still greater confusion in the Universal 
Church. Called by the inscrutable designs of Providence 
to this new dignity, he had decided to accept it, relying 
on the Divine assistance, and hoping to become a not 
unworthy servant of Divine grace. He then gave 
instructions for the legal act of acceptance to be drawn 
up, though all in the greatest secrecy. Meanwhile, 


however, as early as February 2, Adrian had written 
both to King Henry VIII. and to Cardinal Wolsey. 
Referring to the rumours of his election, he declared 
that he had neither sought nor desired the Papacy. 
His strength was insufficient, and he would have declined 
it did he not fear to offend God and the Church. In 
his letter to the English King he struck what was to be 
the keynote of his whole policy Peace. He begged the 
King to labour for the restoration of peace in Christen 
dom, and for this purpose to come to an understanding 
with the Emperor Charles V. The same idea appears in 
his letter to Wolsey, whom he designated one of the 
pillars of the Church. His first letter to Charles V. is 
dated February n. In it he clearly expresses his inten 
tion of accepting the election. The tenor of his letter, on 
the whole, is much the same as those just quoted. 

What Adrian s private sentiments were at this 
moment will be clearly gathered from his familiar letter 
to his intimate friend, Dr. Florencius Oem, Syndic of 
Utrecht : 

" There will certainly be no one who will not be sur 
prised and annoyed that a poor man, almost unknown 
to everybody, and at so great a distance, should have 
been unanimously chosen by the Cardinals as the Vicar 
of Christ. But for God it is an easy thing suddenly to 
exalt the poor man. I am not rejoiced at this honour, 
and am afraid to take upon myself so great a burden. 
I would much rather, instead of the dignities of Pope, 
Cardinal, and Bishop, serve God in my provostship at 
Utrecht. But I dare not resist the call of God, and hope 
that He will perfect what is wanting in me, and grant 
me sufficient strength to bear the burden. I beg you 
pray for me, and obtain for me by your pious prayers 
that God may teach me how to carry out His com 
mandments, and make me worthy to serve the welfare 
of His Church/ 

Similar sentiments of humility appear in other letters 



to his personal friends, of whom, in his exalted position, 
he never showed himself at all ashamed. " Votre bon 
ami et esleu pape " is his homely signature. Writing to 
another, he says : " The Prince who sets anything above 
his princely good name and the welfare of his subjects 
is no Prince, but a tyrant. I myself have learnt to satisfy 
myself with common food and little drink, to clothe my 
body with cheap garments ; all else, however much it 
may be, must be employed for the common weal of 
Christendom." Such was the man, humble, earnest, 
frugal, unworldly, whom a College of Cardinals, one of 
the most worldly, ambitious, luxurious, and mercenary 
that Christendom had yet seen, at a time of general 
worldliness, pride, dissoluteness, and intrigue, had 
unanimously chosen to be the successor of the sump 
tuous, ambitious, and worldly-minded Leo X. 

Surely here was the finger of the Most High. 

This is the place to say something of that extra 
ordinary conclave one of the most disgraceful in 
history, as it is not unjustly styled in the Cambridge 
Modern History* in which this marvellous election 

Christendom in this first quarter of the sixteenth cen 
tury was sick unto death. Ruin and devastation from 
without threatened it in the ever-growing power of the 
irresistible Turk, whose legions, under the redoubtable 
conqueror Suliman II., were thundering at its gates. 
Within, Luther and his adherents were kindling those 
religious and civil wars that were soon to rend Chris 
tianity in twain. The Christian Princes were at bitter 
enmity among themselves Charles V. of Germany and 
Henry VIII. of England, on the one hand, arrayed 
against Francis I. on the other ; the States and cities of 
Italy torn by contending factions, Imperialist or French ; 
whilst petty Princes were fighting for their own hand, 
until the whole peninsula was in a state of inextricable 
confusion and hopeless strife. A succession of worldly- 
* " The Reformation," vol. ii. 


minded Popes had left behind them a worldly-minded 
College of Cardinals, which exemplified all the vices of 
the times, and in which were reflected only too faith 
fully the varied feuds and jealousies that distracted the 
whole of Europe. Most of the Cardinals, Italian Princes 
of high rank, were men full of personal ambition, seeking 
their own exaltation, greedy of power and wealth, 
carrying the internecine feuds of the Medici, the Orsini, 
the Colonna, into the sacred precincts of the Church ; 
or else creatures and secret agents of the German 
Emperor or the French King, all alike blind and deaf to 
higher interests and to the welfare of the Bride of Christ.* 
The deplorable result was that the conclave which 
followed the death of Leo X. was an unprecedented 
scene of intrigue, quarrelling and faction, which even 
threatened schism in the Church. The various Princes 
and States of Europe endeavoured by their agents to 
promote the candidature now of one, now of the other, 
of the Cardinals. Henry VIII. of England and, secretly, 
the Emperor Charles V., supported Cardinal Wolsey. 
Clerk, the English Ambassador in Rome, writing to 
Wolsey at the time, declared : " I assure your Grace 
here is a marvellous division, and we were never likelier 
to have a schism "; and again : " The Papacy is in great 
decay ; the Cardinals brawl and scold ; their malicious, 
unfaithful, and uncharitable demeanour against each 
other increases every day." 

The conclave opened on December 27, numbering 
thirty-nine Cardinals, and lasted till January 9. So 
" marvellous," indeed, to use Clerk s words, were these 
divisions among them, that after ten scrutinies it seemed 
absolutely impossible for any one name to secure the 

* Creighton remarks, with some truth, that the large addition 
by Leo X. to the Sacred College of men from every State in Europe 
made it more amenable to political considerations (p. 214). The 
evil beginnings of this corruption of the Sacred College, especially 
under the reign of that weak nepotist Sixtus IV., are most 
strikingly portrayed in the second volume of Pastor s " History 
of the Popes." 


necessary number of votes. At one moment the con 
clave was almost in despair, and it seemed as if all must 
end in an absolute fiasco. Then a wonderful thing 
happened. Cardinal Medici, himself one of the principal 
candidates, and all through one of the least scrupulous 
intriguers, suddenly arose and proposed the election of 
one of the Sacred College, " who was absent from Rome, 
but who was a just man " Cardinal Adrian, Bishop of 
Tortosa. He was a man almost absolutely unknown to 
Rome, and whom but one of the Cardinals had ever 
seen. But, wonder of wonders, as if by a sudden inspira 
tion, at the eleventh scrutiny Adrian was unanimously 
elected. So unexpected, in fact, was this choice that 
the Cardinals themselves seemed hardly to realize what 
they had done, and none were more astonished than 
themselves at their own handiwork. Yet, indeed, it 
was not their work. If ever in the history of the 
Church there was an evident and almost visible inter 
position of the Holy Ghost, setting at nought the 
follies and intrigues of men, it was in the election of 
Adrian VI. 

The news was received by the people of Rome with 
amazed incredulity, succeeded by indignation and rage. 
As the first of the Cardinals left the conclave, he was 
received in the front of the Vatican Palace by a mob 
of 6,000 persons, howling, yelling, and hissing. Dis 
graceful scenes occurred all over the city ; men and 
women hooted the Cardinals wherever they appeared. 
The next day Pasquino was posted over with the 
bitterest squibs, sonnets, and lampoons. The Cardinals 
were declared " betrayers of the Blood of Christ," and 
covered with every species of outrage. The Romans 
were furious that no Italian had been elected, but a low 
born, obscure foreigner, whom they already dubbed a 
" barbarian." Yet the Cardinals were themselves as 
much distressed and alarmed at the result as the Roman 
mob. " They had done," says one writer, " not what 
they wished to do, but what they were obliged to do, 



and therein was their rightful chastisement."* " The 
election of the Pope," wrote the Swiss Cardinal Schiner 
to Cardinal Wolsey, " was the work of the Holy Spirit, 
whose dictates we are all bound to obey." But the work 
once done could not be undone. Wherefore the Sacred 
College determined, as the newly- elected Pope was still 
absent, to make things as comfortable as possible for 
themselves by dividing amongst themselves all the 
various lucrative posts and the governorship of the 
cities and territories in the Papal States, besides drawing 
up quite a long list of conditions and requisitions 
(" capitulations ") to be imposed, if possible, upon the 
new Pope, so as to fetter his independent action, and, as 
has been said, to turn his Papal monarchy into an 
oligarchy, j" How far they succeeded the sequel will 

The news was received throughout the rest of Europe 
with varied feelings. The French especially King 
Francis I. were furious. They looked upon Adrian as 
an " Imperialist," and his election as their own defeat 
and the triumph of the Germans. Even a French 
schism seemed not unlikely. Henry VIII. and Wolsey 
were, of course, greatly disappointed at the latter s 
failure. The Low Countries were wild with enthusiasm 
at the election of their countryman. The news reached 
Brussels on January 18, whilst Charles V. was hearing 
Mass in the Church of Ste. Gudule. The Emperor 
opened the despatch, read it, and, turning to the by 
standers, said : " Master Adrian is made Pope." All 
the bells in the city were rung ; joyful processions and 
bonfires and a solemn High Mass in Ste. Gudule ex 
pressed the popular satisfaction. Spain was no less 
nattered and delighted. The good were everywhere 
rejoiced. All Christendom felt that the election had 
contravened all political combinations, and put to 

* Hofler, p. 96. 

f " The Cardinals felt themselves a powerful aristocracy," 
remarks Creighton, p. 214. 


shame all worldly calculations. " Thy absolutely blame 
less life hath alone raised thee to the highest position 
in human affairs," wrote Vives, full of enthusiasm. 
" Thou hast shown that there is still a place for virtue, 
and men s minds have not yet lost all consideration for 
it. The lives of preceding Popes have brought it about 
that the highest dignity on earth receives fresh lustre 
from thy own person." " This is the day of the Lord !" 
cried out William Van Enkenvoert. " We have a Pope 
who has been elected without any canvassing and in his 
absence. No better, no more blameless, no holier Pope 
can be found, or even desired." " We have a Pope," 
says another contemporary, " who is a father of all 
goodness, a fountain of all doctrine, the glory of learning, 
the patron of the learned." Even his enemies and 
critics had to bear testimony to his virtues and spotless 

It was only likely and many historians have taken 
the fact for granted that Adrian should have been 
supposed to owe his election to the influence of his 
old pupil and actual Sovereign, Charles V. And when 
the election was made known, that Monarch and his 
Ministers endeavoured to make capital out of so probable 
a belief, and to inculcate it as a fact upon the mind of the 
Pope himself. But Adrian was too keen and too well 
informed to give credit to the claim, and there is docu 
mentary evidence in abundance to show that in this 
matter Charles played no very honourable part, but 
rather that of an astute dissembler. For before the 
election he was secretly pledged up to the hilt to support 
an entirely different candidate Cardinal Wolsey ; and 
there is everything to show that the name of his Viceroy 
in Spain never even occurred to him as a likely candidate 
for the tiara, but that the election took him completely 
by surprise. As soon as Charles learnt of the death of 
Leo X., he took steps to carry out his promises towards 
Wolsey. On December 28 he wrote to the latter : 



" Monsieur le Cardinal, Mon bon amy, vous saves les 
devises que autrefois vous ai tenues de ce que voudrais 
faire pour vous. A vises ce que pourray, et me les 
faites savoir, car je m y emploiray de tres-bon cceur." 
Richard Pace, sent by Henry VIII. to Rome to support 
the candidature of the Cardinal of York, called upon 
Charles at Ghent, who gave him a letter for his ambas 
sador, Don Juan Manuel, in Rome, in which he said : 
" We have written to the Sacred College, and to several 
Cardinals in particular, to exhort them to give to the 
Christian commonwealth the Pontiff who shall appear 
the best suited. ... In our judgment, the Cardinal of 
York is the man most worthy of this high pastoral office. 
. . . Do, therefore, with diligence and dexterity . . . 
all that may be necessary to arrive at this desirable end." 
And at the same time, writing again to Wolsey himself : 
" Vous pouvez estre sehur qu il ne sera riens epargne pour 
parvenir a 1 effect desire, et ne m a point semble convenable 
d escripre en faveur d autre que vous, car toute mon 
affection est a vous." And to Henry VIII. on Decem 
ber 27 : " Par quoy incontinent que ay sceu votre 
intention et la sienne ( Wolsey s), ay depeche sur ce 
mes lectres paten tes en la meilleure forme que 1 hon 
a sceu devise pour promouvoir le dit seigneur Car 
dinal aussis que en cest affere tant que en moy sera, 
n espargneray chose quelcunque pour la conduire en bon 

When the intrigues of Charles V. and his Minister, 
Don Juan Manuel, had failed, every effort was made by 
them to induce Adrian to believe that his election had 
been their work only. Don Juan wrote to the new 
Pope on January n to the effect that in his election 
" the will of the Emperor had coincided with the will 
of God " (!). He goes on to give the Pope a very large 
dose of advice as to his future conduct of affairs. In 
one curious detail Adrian followed the Spanish ambas 
sador s advice ; it was in retaining his own baptismal 
name as Pope, contrary to the custom which had been 


invariable for many centuries. Hence it was that 
Adrian of Utrecht became Pope Adrian VI., the last 
instance on record of such a departure from the tra 
ditional practice, which is said to date from A.D. 956, 
when Ottaviano Conti on his election took the title of 
John XII. 

Charles V. himself wrote to the Cardinals to thank them 
for an election by which they had " shown their piety 
towards God, and their benevolence towards himself." 
He sent his ambassador, de la Chaulx, to venerate 
the new Pope in his name, and instructed him to declare 
that he " could not desire a choice more worthy, more 
suitable to the service of our Lord, and the prosperity 
of His Universal Church, than that which had been made 
by the grace of the Holy Ghost." And later on, in a 
letter of March 7, he tries hard to persuade Adrian of the 
falsity of the reports (which were perfectly true, we 
have seen) that his ambassador Manuel had supported 
any other candidature : " Je ne sc.auroye croire qu ainsi 
fust, ne que Votre Sainctete deust adj ouster foy a une 
chose si contraire a verite . . . mais soyez asseure que 
jay este cause de votre dite ellection, et en ay eu austant 
plesir et joye que si elle m eust este donnee avec mon 
empyre." Adrian, in his very courteous and friendly 
reply, accepts all the Emperor s assurances of joy and 
friendship : " et me suis toujours tenu pour asseure 
que si, par vostre pure affection et entiere amour, vous 
seul eussiez deubt eslire ung pape, vous fussiez incline^ 
vers moy et m eussies donne vostre vot." But a few 
lines lower down, in the quiet manner peculiar to him 
self, Adrian clearly gives the Emperor to understand 
that he knew exactly what had happened, and how 
little Charles or his ambassador could take credit for 
the result. " Je suis toutesfois joyeux non estre parvenu 
a V election par vos prieres, pour la purete et sincerite 
que les droits divins et humains requierent en semblables 
affaires. Je vous en S9ay neantmoinsjaussibon gre 
ou meilleur, que si par vostre moyen et prieres vous me 


1 eussiez impetre." Adrian had seen clean through the 
duplicity of Charles and his Minister, and did not 
conceal the fact from them. 

In all this matter Charles s conduct shows but little 
to his credit. 

But Adrian checkmated his wily pupil in other matters. 
Charles jumped to the conclusion that the new Pope 
would be his man, and that he would easily be able to 
make use of him and the vast influence of the Holy See 
as an all-powerful weapon against Francis I. and France. 
Like his famous predecessor Frederic II., he had much 
to say about the " Unity of the Papacy and the Empire." 
He spoke of the Pontiff as of a person " whom he 
thought he could command as one brought up in his 
household." Writing to Adrian on March 7, he let it 
appear pretty plainly that he counted on the Pope to 
help him in confounding the designs of the French 
King : " J ay esperance que a ce cop ma requeste ne me 
sera refusee ny dylaiee, et que ferez plus a ma requeste 
que a celle de nul prince chretien, de craint que aucun 
savangast de vouloir mener quelque pratique entre 
vous et le roy de France, et que par leurs doulces 
parolles vous cuidassent endormir." In his instructions 
to his Minister de la Chaulx, Charles had the audacious 
impiety to suggest that a triple league between the 
Pope, the Emperor, and the King of England might be 
likened to a Trinity, in which Adrian should be the 
Father, Charles the Son, and Henry VIII. the Holy 
Ghost (!). 

The new Pope was too wise and too righteous to fall 
into the Imperial snare. He did not hesitate to refuse 
one or two favours asked from him by Charles. He 
declined to take sides with the latter against Francis I. ; 
on the contrary, he strove to enter into friendly relations 
with the French King, and wrote at once to him, to his 
mother, and to his sister, and in spite of much suspicion 
and unwillingness on the French side, succeeded in 
moderating at least to some extent the hostile views 


of the King. Adrian s cry in all this correspondence 
with Charles, with Francis, with Henry, with Venice, 
and the other Italian States was " Peace, Peace !" He 
longed to come forward in the capacity of a Prince of 
Peace. His great hope and desire was to induce the 
three great rival Sovereigns of Germany, France, and 
England to agree, if not to a permanent peace and 
alliance, at least to an armistice of two or three years, 
and to common action against the ever-growing dangers 
of the Turkish invasion of Europe. And all through 
his brief pontificate this was one of the chief pre 
occupations of his policy. 


Although Adrian received the official news of his 
election on February 9, it was not until July 10 that he 
was able to take ship from the Spanish coasts. There 
were many reasons for this extraordinary delay. One 
was the difficulty of obtaining ships to escort the 
Pontiff and his suite across the Mediterranean. Strange 
as it seems to us, all kinds of reasons, chiefly political, 
interfered with the plans that were successively proposed 
for setting the Pope across the waters that divided 
Spain and Italy. At one time there was a possibility 
of his going overland through France, but the Pope and 
his counsellors dared not trust themselves to the mercy 
of the French King, however fair his words. To cross 
the sea, it must be remembered, was no easy matter. 
Not only during the wintry season was the voyage often 
rendered impossible by terrible storms, but at all seasons 
a strong naval escort was required, for the waters were 
infested by the constant raids of corsairs and pirates, 
who often threatened the very coasts of Italy ; and even 
the presence of the French vessels was itself a danger. 
Negotiations were carried on at one time with Venice, 
at another time with the Emperor, or with other Powers 


to supply the needed fleet. At one time it was even 
seriously proposed by the Imperial party that Adrian 
should sail to England, and thence, via Flanders and 
Germany, make his way overland to Italy. With his 
usual prudence Adrian refused all these combinations. 
Yet time dragged slowly on. The Romans began to 
fear that the Pope would never leave Spain, and that 
a second " Avignon captivity " would ensue. Mean 
while the Pontiff pursued the calm and even tenor of 
his way. The three Cardinal-legates who had been 
deputed to go to Spain, formally salute the Pontiff and 
escort him to the Eternal City, still tarried in Rome, 
and, as a matter of fact, only one of them, Cardinal 
Cesarini, ever crossed to Spain. In March Adrian, 
passing through various Spanish cities, made his way, 
amid demonstrations of universal veneration, to the 
city of Saragossa, where he abode from March 29 to 
June n, and whence, for a good part of three months, 
he governed the Church. During this long stay at 
Saragossa he received the homage, one by one, of all 
the Christian States by means of their ambassadors. 
He himself was not rich enough to provide a sufficient 
number of galleys to undertake the voyage, which he 
longed to accomplish, to his own capital. Finally he 
reached the sea-coast at Ampolla, whence, on July 10, 
he set sail for Tarragona, where he had again to wait 
until August 5. On the evening of the latter day, after 
vespers, with a large squadron of fifty sail, and accom 
panied by his suite and a number of the representatives 
of the various Powers, he set sail on his long and slow 
voyage. He touched at Barcelona, then, passing 
through French waters in the Gulf of Narbonne, he 
passed Antibes and Marseilles, touched at Nice and 
Villefranche (August 13), where he received the salu 
tations of the French King through his secretary, then 
on to Porto Marino and Savona, and on August 17 the 
thunder of cannon announced his arrival at Genoa ; 
finally, on August 26, he first reached his own territory 


at Civita Vecchia, one hundred and sixty-nine days after 
he had left his residence at Vitoria. On the very same 
day on which the Pope first set foot on his own territory 
(August 27) the Lutheran faction in Germany began the 
civil war which was destined to last for so many years 
and to cause so much misery. A number of Cardinals, 
representatives of the Roman nobles, and many Bishops 
hastened to meet the Pontiff. The Cardinals tried to 
dissuade him from proceeding to Rome, where at this 
moment the plague was raging ; but Adrian, with his 
usual calm determination, and in spite of a furious 
storm which broke out, again betook himself to his galley, 
leaving a great part of his suite and luggage behind, 
and reached the mouth of the Tiber at Ostia. He found 
the shore crowded with Cardinals, Bishops, nobles, 
scholars, and knights to welcome him. So great was 
his eagerness to reach the Eternal City that towards 
evening of the same day the Pope and Cardinals mounted 
their horses, and, hastening towards Rome, arrived the 
same day (August 28) outside the city, and took up their 
abode at the sanctuary of San Paolo fuori le Mura. So 
rapid had been his movements that everything was in 
confusion. Cardinals and people alike had quickly to 
grow accustomed to the new Pope s calm decision and 
determination of character, as well as to his simplicity 
of life and speech ; they had indeed found their lord 
and master. The following day he was up by six o clock 
and said Mass as usual, and during the forenoon he 
received the solemn homage of the Sacred College in 
the magnificent basilica of St. Paul. Here he listened 
to a tedious address from Cardinal Caravajal, who 
endeavoured to lay down for him a programme of 
action and policy. Adrian s reply, as usual, was short, 
simple, and practical. He referred briefly to certain 
abuses which he desired to see reformed, summarily 
refused a number of favours and privileges asked for by 
various persons, and, in spite of the burning sun, towards 
evening mounted his mule and began his entry in 


solemn procession to the holy city. Passing the little 
chapel where SS. Peter and Paul are said to have taken 
leave of each other on the day of their martyrdom, by 
the Porta di San Paolo and the Aventine, the mag 
nificent cavalcade the Pope carrying the Blessed 
Sacrament and surrounded by the Swiss Guard 
wended its way through the plague-stricken city, by the 
Ghetto and the Campo dei Fiori, on to the Vatican. 
The houses were decorated with tapestry, a triumphal 
arch spanned the street ; the clergy of the city met 
him, singing the Te Deum. At St. Peter s Adrian 
dismounted, threw himself on both knees on the thresh 
old, and then proceeding to the altar of the Confession, 
once more received the obedience of the Cardinals. The 
whole city was in an uproar of jubilation ; cries of joy 
drowned the thunder of the cannon ; women wept, and 
the populace, decimated by plague and famine, cried 
out " Adriano ! Adriano !" as though their deliverer 
had come. On Sunday, August 31, the solemn crowning 
took place at St. Peter s. It was remarked that the 
Pope, now sixty-four years of age, read the prayers 
without glasses, and an eye-witness declares that who 
soever saw the angelic countenance of the Pope and 
heard his melodious voice must have felt that some 
thing Divine rather than human was here. Then 
followed the customary banquet, after which the Pope 
spoke of his plans for completing the Church of St. Peter, 
and of reforming the Rota, the supreme tribunal of 
Rome. A curious little instance of the influence of 
Adrian s example is that all the Cardinals except two 
at once shaved off their beards, which they had been 
accustomed to wear under the preceding Pontiff. 
" Never," wrote Campeggio to Wolsey, " had there been 
greater joy than at Adrian s entrance. All concluded 
from his expression, his words, his manner, that he 
would be an excellent Pope. All were astonished that 
at his age he bore so well the fatigues and excitements 
of the past few days." Thus did Adrian VI. enter upon 
his short but well-filled administration of the Holy See. 



One word sums up the leading idea of that administra 
tion reform. Never perhaps had there been a time 
when the Church and her clergy, especially the higher 
clergy, were more in need of reform. Luther and his 
partisans had raised, under the name of reform, which 
was in the mouths and the hearts of all earnest thinkers, 
the standard of religious and civil revolt, and were setting 
the North of Europe ablaze. But the true reform of 
the Church was to come, as ever, from within, and 
Adrian VI., himself of Teutonic blood, like Luther, was 
the first, during the short year of pontificate that 
remained to him, to begin that great religious reforma 
tion which culminated in the Council of Trent, and of 
which we are all enjoying to-day the spiritual benefits. 
Truly had the election of Adrian been the work of 
Divine Providence. 

We cannot pretend to narrate in full the complete 
history of his short but ever memorable reign. We 
must, however, briefly touch upon four chief questions 
which occupied the remaining months of his strenuous 
and indefatigable pontificate the reform of the Church, 
the protection of Europe against the Turkish peril, the 
defence of the Church against Lutheranism, and the 
international feud between Charles V. and Francis I. 

We have said that the word reform was in all hearts 
and mouths. At this very time secret spiritual forces 
were at work in the Church herself that were to be 
the Divine means of working out this reformation. 
St. Jerome Emilian was laying the foundation of the 
Order of the Somaschi ; three Italian noblemen, that of 
the Barnabites ; Ignatius of Loyola had just completed 
his long retreat at Manresa, where he conceived the 
plan of his famous Company of Jesus ; St. Gaetano 
was exercising his zeal in Rome, and about to establish 
his Congregation of the Theatines. The pious Cardinal 


Egidio of Viterbo submitted to Adrian, perhaps at the 
latter s own request, an elaborate project of reform, 
nearly all of which the Pope adopted. These reforms 
had reference to abuses in benefices, indults, conces 
sions and indulgences ; concordats with Princes, 
the administration of justice, the government of the 
Papal States, the extravagant expenditure which had 
burdened the Papal treasury. One of Adrian s first 
acts, and it was a drastic one, was to annul all the 
"provisions " that had been made by the Sacred College 
in his absence. So radical a measure provoked many 
murmurs ; but Adrian was not the man to be dis 
quieted by them. He published new laws of the Papal 
Chancellery, which he had elaborated some time before, 
and by which he regulated the collation of benefices.* 
More especially did Adrian suppress with all severity 
that great curse of the Church under so many of his 
predecessors nepotism. Adrian himself set the ex 
ample in his own case, and sternly refused to confer 
honours and benefices on those of his own kin. The 
revocation of indults left vacant, it is said, nearly 
5,000 benefices, and Adrian employed himself actively 
in providing these with worthy and deserving in 

Rome and the Curia itself were among the first objects 
of Adrian s reforming zeal. He found the Holy See 
heavily laden with debt owing to the extravagance and 
luxury of Leo X., who did not even leave enough to 
pay for his own funeral. Rigid economy now became 
the order of the day. The ranks of court officials and 
servants were considerably reduced. The hundred 
grooms who had served Leo X. begged to be taken again 
into service. Adrian replied that four were quite 
enough for himself, and was with great difficulty per 
suaded to take on twelve. Naturally enough these 
retrenchments caused much discontent in the city, and 

* These rules, published at Antwerp 1522, are now exceedingly 


tended to procure for Adrian the reputation of avarice. 
Yet when he died only 3,000 ducats were found in his 

The Pope himself set the example of personal fru 
gality, and continued just the same kind of life as he 
had led at Louvain. An eye-witness, Luigi Gradenigo, 
Venetian Ambassador, wrote of him : 

" Pope Adrian VI., who has refused to change his 
name, leads an exemplary and devout life. Every day 
he says the canonical hours ; he rises during the night 
to say Matins, and then returns to bed to take a little 
sleep ; before dawn he rises again to say Mass, and then 
gives audiences. He dines and sups very frugally, and 
spends, it is said, but one ducat for his meals. He is of 
good and holy life, and sixty-one years old.* He is 
slow in deciding, and acts with much circumspection. 
He is learned in Holy Scripture, speaks little, and loves 

Other Venetian ambassadors confirm this description 
point by point, adding that, when asked any request 
or decision, great or small, his invariable answer is 
Videbimus, " We will see." 

" He gives a good deal of time every day to study, for, 
not content with reading, he still wishes to write and 
compose, and thus distracts himself from the cares of 
the pontificate. His day is largely occupied with exer 
cises of piety, study, and needed repose, so that it is 
not possible to give many audiences. . . . They say 
that his daily expenditure for meals is a ducat, which he 
takes every evening from his pocket, and gives secretly 
to his majordomo, saying : Here is for to-morrow s 
expenses. His meals consist of veal, beef, or chicken. 
Sometimes he has a thick soup ; on abstinence days he 
lives on fish ; but of everything he eats with moderation. 
A woman from his own country cooks and washes for 
him, and makes his bed." 

These homely details of a simple life must have 
* This is incorrect ; he was past sixty-four. 


appeared a strange contrast indeed to the extravagant 
luxuries of the princely Court of a Leo X. ; they excited 
ridicule and dislike, for they were a silent reproach 
to many of the clergy of the Eternal City. His love of 
learning was another useful lesson to his contemporaries. 
" He could not bear an ignorant priest," writes Girolamo 
Negro. His only amusement was gardening. 

Yet simple and frugal in his own life, he could be 
magnificent when his duties as a Sovereign required it. 
The poor idolized him and crowded round him, as, alone 
on foot, he traversed the streets of Rome. He was the 
first Pope to repair the Roman aqueducts. 

Still his unpopularity among the higher classes, and 
especially in the world of secular learning and art, 
steadily grew. Pasquino was often covered with 
bitter epigrams directed against the saintly Pontiff. In 
one of these it was said that Rome had always been 
ruined by a " Sextus " (Sextus Tarquinius, Sextus Nero, 
Adrianus VI.).* At one time Adrian was disposed to 
break up both statues, Pasquino and Marforio, and throw 
them in the Tiber, but was dissuaded by a witty ambas 
sador. Adrian was certainly the bete-noire of the 
humanists and the poets of his day. They loved to 
represent him as a " barbarian " and the enemy of 
learning. This charge was unjust. Adrian was no 
enemy of good letters. He had been years before one 
of the supporters of Busleiden in establishing his 
celebrated Trilingual College of Humanities at Louvain. j* 
He maintained his friendship with Erasmus, and as 
Pope urgently pressed him to come and settle in Rome. 
Erasmus declined in a curiously artificial and exag 
gerated letter, in which he declared he could not stand 
the snow of the Alps, the odour of Italian cookery, and 
the sourness of the wines ! There is no doubt, however, 
that Adrian keenly realized the abuses and dangers of 

* " Sextus Tarquinius, Sextus Nero, Sextus et iste : 

Semper et a Sextis diruta Roma fuit." 
t See later, Article VII. 


the Renascence movement. The exaggerations of 
humanism had led to a paganizing even of Christianity 
itself. Many of the leading humanists distinguished 
themselves by indecent and even obscene writings ; 
and the undue importance attached to the pagan 
literatures and philosophies had caused a widespread 
neglect of theology. Adrian s ambition, like that of 
Leo XIII. , seems to have been to bring about a Renas 
cence of Christian philosophy and theology as a means 
of meeting the intellectual dangers which threatened 
the Faith then as now. 

It is true that, with his practical and serious turn of 
mind, Adrian seems to have lacked the love of art for 
art s sake, and also the appreciation of poetry. Hence 
artists and poets, who had enjoyed an elysium at the 
Court of Leo X.,* found no patronage under his austere 
successor. No wonder that the poets were the Pontiff s 
bitterest enemies, and attacked him with vehement 
scurrility. The bitterest of all was Berni, whose out 
rageous invective is yet a testimony to Adrian s virtue, 
for he incidentally styles him " a saintly Pope, who 
says Mass every morning." 

We may well say, with Erasmus, that ten years of 
such a pontificate would have changed the face of 
Rome and Italy. 


Long before his departure for Italy Adrian s mind 
was preoccupied with the Turkish danger which 

* Yet Professor Kraus, in his chapter on " Medicean Rome " 
in the Cambridge Modern History (vol. ii., " The Reformation "), 
questions seriously whether Leo X., the patron of Raffaele, was 
a true eiicourager of the arts. 

f It will doubtless strike many readers how much similarity 
there existed between the aims and aspirations, as well as the 
disappointments and troubles, of Adrian VI. and those of his 
predecessor Pius II. in the preceding century, as so vividly de 
picted by Pastor in his classical " History of the Popes "; and 
this in spite of the great dissimilarity of personal character and 


threatened all Europe. Christendom was distracted 
with internal jealousies and dissensions, and seemed 
heedless of the growing power of the terrible Suliman II. 
The Pope alone was on the watch-tower, solicitous for 
the common weal of Europe. This was one of the chief 
motives of his constant appeal for " peace " in all his 
correspondence or negotiations with Christian States 
and Princes. He longed to unite them in a common 
league of defence, as in the old Crusading days, and to 
turn back by their united arms the Moslem tide of 
conquest. But his efforts were all in vain. Fair words 
and promises were all he could obtain. Charles V. and 
Francis I. were implacable in their mutual hostility ; 
Henry VIII. was bound to Charles ; Venice s commercial 
interests in being free to carry on her trade with the 
East made her unwilling to break with the Turk : she 
was even accused of secretly abetting the Moslem. 
Meantime Suliman was gathering together vast naval 
and military forces, and nobody knew what would be 
his first point of attack. At last, in the summer of 1522, 
all Europe learnt that the Sultan with his forces was 
investing the island of Rhodes, then held by the gallant 
Order of the Knights Hospitallers of St. John. In vain 
did the heroic defenders call on the Pope and the Princes 
of Europe to come to their succour ; in vain did Adrian 
redouble his efforts to bring about at least a temporary 
truce in Europe, so as to enable the Christian States to 
send aid to the little band of Christian knights hard 
pressed by all the legions of the Great Sultan. Charles 
refused point blank ; Genoa made a feeble effort to 
send a couple of vessels ; there was no hope from any 
earthly power. All that year the terrible siege dragged 
on. The heroic defence of Rhodes, under the Grand- 
Master Villiers de I fie- Adam, is one of the golden pages 
of history. More than once Suliman was actually on the 
point of abandoning the attack. The intrepid heroism of 
the Knights of St. John excited the genuine admiration 
of the Moslem ; and when at last, after enduring unheard 


of hardships and displaying superhuman valour, the 
Grand-Master found himself obliged to capitulate on 
Christmas Day, the Sultan accorded the most honourable 
terms. The Knights were allowed to leave unmolested 
with their arms and baggage, and any Christians who 
liked to follow them, to Candia ; to the inhabitants of 
Rhodes the free exercise of their religion was guaranteed. 
On the first day of 1523 the Christian fleet set sail for 
Candia. The heroic Villiers de 1 lie- Adam and his 
Knights wished to visit Adrian VI., and place them 
selves at his disposal. But when they reached Italy 
the Pope was lying on his sick-bed and unable to 
receive them. He assigned them Civita Vecchia as a 
residence, and it was the Knights of St. John to whom 
was confided the care of the conclave in which 
Clement VII. was elected. Later on Charles V. granted 
them the island of Malta, where they remained till 
dispossessed by Napoleon I. 

The impression made upon Adrian by the fall of 
Rhodes was a deeply painful one. It was remarked 
that he was never cheerful again. Whenever he spoke 
of it tears filled his eyes. 

Adrian s preoccupation for the defence of Christendom 
from the external perils of the Moslem invasion did not 
in any way interfere with the anxieties concerning the 
internal perils which threatened it from the Lutheran 
revolt in the North of Europe. His election coincided 
with the rapid growth of Lutheranism, and Adrian, who 
was as convinced as Luther of the urgent necessity of a 
reform in the clergy, whether in Germany or in Italy, 
was clear-sighted enough to perceive that Luther s 
so-called Reformation was as much a political as a 
religious movement, and that it threatened both the 
political and social, as much as the religious, disinte 
gration of Christianity. To a large extent it was a 
continuation of the old feud of the Guelphs and the 
Ghibellines, and when Luther, in his coarse diatribes, 
called upon the German people to reject the Pope 



because he was Antichrist, he was exploiting the 
national tendency of the Teutonic race to enfranchise 
itself from an authority which to them was " ultramon 
tane " or foreign. Luther had the talent to excite the 
German nobles against Rome and the Emperor, and at 
the same time to excite the people against their Princes. 
A recent critic of the Cambridge Modern History, com 
menting on Professor Pollard s account of the Reforma 
tion in Germany, writes : " Luther does not cut a heroic 
figure in his relations with the democratic movement of 
the peasants against the Princes, and (quoting Pollard s 
own words) from the position of national hero now 
sank to be the prophet of a sect, and a sect which 
depended for existence upon the support of political 
powers. With the exception of Duke George of 
Saxony, the German Princes seemed blind to the dangers 
which threatened them. Some, like the Archbishop- 
Elector of Mainz, were timid, and feared a condemnation 
of Luther at the Diet of Worms ; others, like the 
Elector Frederick of Saxony, openly favoured the 
innovator. The secular Princes also were not sorry to 
emancipate themselves from the authority of the 
Emperor and to seize upon ecclesiastical property, as 
Luther encouraged them to do. At this time robbery 
and spoliation of convents and benefices was called by 
that name of " secularization " that has been found so 
convenient a term even in our own times. Adrian was 
in season and out of season in his efforts to open the 
eyes of the German Princes, by his able letters and 
despatches, to the growing danger. These documents 
are remarkable both for the firmness of their tone and 
the solidity of their arguments. He describes in 
graphic terms the evils already wrought by Luther s 
preaching the churches abandoned ; the people in 
revolt against their clergy ; a portion of the clergy seduced 
and unfaithful to their vocation ; the Sacraments des 
pised, Christians dying without confession ; and the 
clarion of civil discord re-echoing throughout Germany, 


summoning the populace to pillage, murder, and fire ; 
nuns drawn out of their convents ; the priests of Christ 
induced to violate their vows and contract marriage ; 
and all obedience, both secular and religious, trodden 
under foot. But all his efforts remained sterile. 
Charles V. himself would take no active part in suppress 
ing the evil except on conditions of monetary advantage 
to himself. He desired the Pope to authorize him to 
retain for his own use the annates, and to impose for 
his own benefit tithes on the cathedrals, the collegiate 
churches, the monasteries, and even the houses of the 
mendicant Orders, under the pretext of using them for 
the war against the Turks. Adrian was too prudent 
to grant these requests, and the Diet which assembled 
at Nuremberg, perhaps partly owing to the incapacity 
and imprudence of the Papal Legate, Francesco 
Cheregato, entirely failed to produce those results 
which Adrian desired. Soon after the " Centum 
Gravimina " appeared in Germany, according to some 
the work of the Diet itself,* according to others, more 
probably that of Luther, or some of his adherents. This 
document ridicules Purgatory and the cult of the Saints, 
calumniates the mendicant Orders, demands the suppres 
sion of ecclesiastical feasts, condemns the consecration 
of churches, cemeteries, and bells, and many other 
sacred rites, as so many superstitions. Luther was 
triumphant ; he felt that his cause was gained. He 
poured forth with more than usual scurrility attacks 
upon the Pope and his letters, which he called " truly 
Papistical, monkish, and Louvanian." Adrian could 
not but feel that, in spite of his conciliatory words, he 
had failed on all points. He resolved as a last and 
supreme resource to summon an (Ecumenical Council, 
which the Lutherans had long demanded, and for 
which Catholics like the celebrated Louis Vives were 

* So Creighton : " The Lay Estates brought forward the 
Hundred Grievances " (p. 262), and thinks " this was no token 
of sympathy with Luther s opinions." 



pleading. But death prevented his carrying his great 
project into execution. It was reserved for a later 
pontificate to realize Adrian s design in the great 
Council of Trent. In 1523 Adrian canonized two illus 
trious saints the great Dominican, St. Antoninus, 
Archbishop of Florence, and St. Benno, whose memory 
is venerated all through Saxony.* Luther replied by 
one of his most infamous libels, entitled, " Against the 
New Idol and the Old Devil who is to be glorified in 

One more project which Adrian VI. had deeply at 
heart was also destined to failure, partly owing to the 
duplicity of his own pupil Charles, still more to the 
implacable hostility of Francis I. We have already 
seen the untiring efforts made by Adrian from the very 
moment of his nomination to bring about a reconciliation 
between Francis I. on the one hand and Charles V. and 
Henry VIII. on the other, or at least to induce them to 
consent to a truce of temporary duration. We have 
also seen the insidious efforts of Charles to involve 
Adrian in a common alliance with himself and Henry 
against the French King, and we have noted the 
steady refusal of the clear-sighted and just Pontiff, 
who felt himself in reality the common Father of 
Christendom, to allow himself to be cajoled into becom 
ing the cat s-paw of the wily Emperor. Adrian spared 
no efforts to secure the goodwill of Francis I., but, at 
the close of his brief pontificate, what the diplomacy of 
Charles had failed to obtain was brought about by the 
injustice and violence of the French King himself. 
Already Charles and Henry, the latter probably in 
fluenced by Cardinal Wolsey, whom Adrian seems to 
have won over, appeared disposed to listen to the Pope s 
propositions of peace. But Francis s unjustifiable 
arrest of the Papal Nuncio in France, which was a viola 
tion of international law, his recall of his own ambas- 

* Creighton, oddly enough, calls this the canonization " of two 
German Bishops " (!) (p. 273). 


sador from Rome, and his evident determination once 
more to invade Italy and renew all the miseries of war 
in that ill-fated country, finally drove Adrian to abandon 
his neutrality and conclude a defensive league with the 
Emperor, the King of England, the Archduke Ferdinand 
of Austria, the Duke of Milan, and the republics of 
Florence, Genoa, Siena, and Lucca. That of Venice 
acceded to the league under certain reserves. Even as 
it was, an opportunity was left for the headstrong 
French King himself to enter the league upon certain 
conditions. Francis, however, declined to accede to 
this treaty of peace, and began his preparations for the 
invasion of Italy. Adrian was already taking active 
steps to provide for the defence of Italy when death put 
an end to his career. 


On the very day (April 3, 1523) on which the inter 
national league was solemnly published in the Church of 
St. Mary Major, Adrian, who had been for a long time 
unwell, was taken seriously ill. Rome at the time was 
in a most unhealthy condition. The plague, which had 
raged in 1522, broke out again with renewed virulence 
in the summer of 1523. In spite of this, Adrian con 
tinued to reside in the city, in order to restore the courage 
of the Roman people. Ill as he was, he occupied the last 
few months of his life with his wonted restless activity. 
Touched by the entreaties of King Louis of Hungary, 
whose States were already being invaded by the con 
quering Turk, the Pope, by a great effort and at the 
sacrifice of many jewels, silver-plate, and precious 
objects, succeeded in raising a sum of 50,000 ducats, 
which he despatched to Hungary to furnish resources 
against the Turks. For the same purpose, he sent large 
provisions of corn and gunpowder to the frontiers of 
Croatia and Dalmatia, which were in the greatest peril. 
But the Papal solicitude extended to far-distant parts 


of the world. He conferred upon the Franciscan mis 
sionaries special powers and privileges for the work 
of evangelization in Central and Southern America. He 
took much interest also in the welfare of the Order of 
the Dominicans, establishing, among others, a home of 
the Friars Preachers at Elgin in Scotland. He interested 
himself in the Eastern Church, and had the consolation 
of receiving the letters of Theophilus, the schismatic 
Patriarch of Alexandria, begging to be readmitted into 
communion with the Roman Church. On Palm Sunday 
he received in audience Ignatius of Loyola, who came to 
beg his blessing on the pilgrimage he was about to 
undertake to the Holy Land. 

Meanwhile his sickness grew rapidly worse, and as the 
summer wore to its close he felt that his last hour was 
swiftly approaching. On September 8 he summoned 
the Cardinals round his bed, and announced to them his 
desire of raising to the cardinalate his faithful friend 
and countryman, William Enkenvoert, the only Cardinal 
whom he created during his reign. It is a striking 
instance of his simplicity and uprightness of character 
that he also begged the Cardinals consent to his be 
queathing to his relations in the Low Countries such 
movable property as he had brought with him from 
Spain.* " This is enough," said he, " to relieve their 
poverty and future necessities. I have not wished to 
enrich them with benefices or with the goods of the 
Church, and I desire that my successors should imitate 
me " words which recall those of another Adrian, the 
English Pope. He then charged Cardinal Enkenvoert 
to dispose of all his property in Louvain and Utrecht for 
pious works, among these chiefly the endowment of the 
college he had founded at the Flemish University. 
Lastly, he begged that his funeral might be one of the 

* The " hideous scene," as Creighton calls it, made by the 
Cardinals around Adrian s deathbed, narrated by the Duke of 
Sessa, is discredited by Hofler (p. 536, n. 5). Nor is there any 
truth in the rumour of Adrian s having been poisoned. 


greatest simplicity. On the morning of September 14 
he begged for Extreme Unction, and soon after calmly 
expired in the arms of the Archbishop of Durazzo. 
" As he had lived/ writes Lochorst, " so he died peace 
fully, calmly, devoutly, and holily." The words of the 
Venetian historian Marino Sanuto might be taken as 
his epitaph : " He was a good Pope, our friend, and a 
lover of peace." No sooner was his death known in the 
city than the Roman people came in crowds to venerate 
the Father they had so much esteemed. The poor, 
especially, all devout Christians, and the religious Orders, 
deplored his death as a public calamity. But those who 
had felt the lash of his reforms usurers and corrupters 
of youth, men who had lost their offices in the Papal 
Court, and with whom the " barbarian " Pope had ever 
been unpopular rejoiced in his death as in a deliver 
ance. After its temporary repose in the basilica of 
St. Peter, the body of Adrian was eventually laid to rest 
in the magnificent mausoleum in the Church of Santa 
Maria dell Anima, erected by his friend and executor, 
Cardinal Enkenvoert, who also is buried in the same 

Adrian VI. s pontificate had lasted not quite twenty 
months, of which little more than one year in Rome 

* On the medals of Adrian VI. see Bonnani, " Numismata Pon- 
tificum Romanorum" (Romse, 1699, t. i., pp. 181-184). He figures 
and describes five medals, two being coronation medals, the reverse 
representing Adrian being crowned by one and two Cardinals 
respectively, with the motto Quern creant adorant. A third repre 
sents the Holy Ghost descending upon the tiara and keys, beneath 
which are a number of volumes of books motto Spiritus Sapi- 
entice probably in compliment to Adrian s theological learning. 
A fourth (of which a specimen is in the Hanmer Collection in the 
Library of St. Bede s College) represents the two Princes of the 
Apostles side by side, with the words Sanctus Petrus, Sanctus 
Paulus. Lastly, the fifth depicts a tower in process of building, 
with scaffolding round, and the motto Ut ipse finiam. Does this 
refer to Adrian s desire to finish the building of St. Peter s, or to 
his project of ecclesiastical reform ? Bonnani tells a curious story 
of the attempt (" somniura ") of a Capuchin writer, Matt. Bellin- 
tonus ( 1 586) to make out Adrian to be an Italian, born at Renzano, 
in the diocese of Brescia, his father being one Giovanni Bono (!). 


itself.* Short as it was, it was a well-filled reign, of 
which it may justly be said not one hour was was ted. f 
It stands forth as a bright page in the disordered and 
often disedifying history of the sixteenth century, and 
it was the first step towards that great internal reforma 
tion of the Church, which was to see its culmination half 
a century later under St. Pius V., for whom it was also 
reserved to realize Adrian s scheme of turning back the 
Moslem power and saving Europe from the Turkish 

I do not think that Creighton s estimate of Adrian VI. 
is generous, or even fair. We may all indeed agree with 
him when he styles Adrian " a pathetic figure " (p. 271), 
and in his true statement that the Dutch Pope had the 
wisdom to see " that contemporary opinion was wrong, 
in putting political questions in the front place instead 
of reform " (p. 269). But he accentuates Adrian s 
slowness and want of prompt decision. " He had not 
the boldness of constructive genius. He went so far in 
his boldness that it would have cost him little to be 
bolder. As it was, he irritated and alarmed every 
interest, while he gained no allies and awakened no 
enthusiasm. ... No one paid much heed to him " 
(p. 270). " His attitude was rather negative than posi 
tive " (p. 234). There is a degree of truth in this judg 
ment. Certainly as a politician and statesman, as before 
remarked, Adrian stands at a disadvantage compared 
with a contemporary like Ximenes. But Creighton 
scarcely takes into sufficient account the extreme diffi 
culty of his position, his isolation as a foreigner, the short 
ness of his reign, his ill-health, and many other distressing 

* Except Adrian I. (24 years), all the Popes of that name had 
short pontificates : Adrian II., 4 years 10 months ; Adrian III., 
i year 4 months ; Adrian IV., 4 years 8 months ; Adrian V., only 
i month 9 days. 

f One of the greatest misfortunes which have pursued the 
memory of Adrian VI. is the loss of his Regesta. They were all 
carried off after his death by his Flemish secretary, Dietrich 
Hetzius, to Lidge (not Louvain, as Creighton says), and he refused 
to restore them to Clement VII. Where are they now ? 


circumstances of his life, which might have crippled the 
best efforts of a much stronger man. 

There is much in the career of Adrian VI. that recalls 
that of his English namesake, Adrian IV. Both these 
Teutonic Popes were humbly born ; both distinguished 
themselves as brilliant scholars in spite of lack of means ; 
both received unexpectedly rapid promotion to the 
highest ecclesiastical honours ; both were unanimously 
elected to the Papal See in the most unlooked-for manner ; 
both were men of strenuous, simple, frugal, austere life ; 
and both displayed in their high office the combination 
of firmness and decision of purpose with personal humility. 

But there is another obvious parallel. Like 
Adrian VI., our present Holy Father, Pope Pius X., is 
essentially a man of the people. Of lowly origin, by 
sheer force of intellectual talent, of personal virtue, of 
high character, he has been raised by Providence from 
the humblest rank to the supreme dignity on earth ; 
and although, thank God, in far better times and in 
purer surroundings, the outcome of the conclave of 1903 
was almost as great a surprise to the Christian world as 
that of the conclave of 1522. Of both it may be said : 
" Digitus Dei est hie." The simple frugal life and 
homely tastes, the dislike of unnecessary court cere 
monial, of the peasant s son of Riesi, recall those of the 
weaver s son of Utrecht. And if Adrian VI. during his 
brief pontificate showed himself a true reformer, what 
have we not been led to expect in the way of reforms in 
the short space that has already elapsed since the election 
of Pius X. ? 

Adrian VI. was surely a Pius X., born four centuries 
before his time. 



Braumuller, 1880. 
L ABBfi A. LEPITRE. " Adrien VI." Paris : Berche et Tralin, 


E. H. J. REUSENS. " Syntagma Doctrine Theologicae Adrian! 
Sexti, Pont. Max." Lovanii : Vanlinthout, 1862. 



THE decision of the Holy See of April 2, 1895,* removing 
the ecclesiastical embargo hitherto laid upon the access 
of our Catholic students to the national Universities, 
marked the beginning of a new epoch in the history of 
Catholic education, or, to put it perhaps more correctly, 
indicated the closing of an era which had lasted for some 
three centuries. It will be fittingly recorded as signal 
izing the same year of grace w r hich had seen the publica 
tion of the Apostolic Letter " Ad Anglos." We are 
much too near both events to properly appreciate their 
significance and probable results. We cannot be mis 
taken in thinking that both will be one day estimated 
as of unusual magnitude. 

At any rate, the mind is irresistibly carried back, 
across the desolate span of three hundred years of con 
scription and persecution, to the times when the two 
national Universities were not only accessible to Catholic 
students, but were themselves Catholic institutions in 
as true a sense as Louvain and Washington and Fribourg 
are at the present day. To some minds this will not be 
easy to realize. Every Catholic boy and girl knows how 
we have been robbed of our grand old cathedrals, and a 
visit to Canterbury, York, or Lincoln recalls memories 
of a glorious past, associated with a keen sense of loss, 
even to the least imaginative mind. But somehow or 
* Tablet, April 27, 1895, p. 647. 


other we seem almost to have forgotten that Oxford 
and Cambridge are as truly lost heirlooms of our Church, 
so identified have they become with the ideas of Pro 
testantism, or even of free-thought and scepticism. Yet 
the material and artistic loss of our beautiful cathedrals, 
great as it was, has been far less than the intellectual 
loss of the ancient seats of learning, the homes of culture, 
and the national schools of theology. It seems appro 
priate at this juncture to rehearse the sad history of the 
process by which these national Universities were lost to 
the Catholic Church, not without a long and gallant 
struggle. To do this in a brief and commodious manner, 
we purpose to select as our guide the short and excellent 
monograph of Father Zimmermann, S.J., published 
already some sixteen years ago, but which, like too many 
admirable publications of its kind bearing upon English 
Church history, has not yet found a translator in England 
or America.* Father Zimmermann will prove a con 
scientious and reliable guide. He has diligently utilized 
the best sources of information up to the time of his 
writing Abbot Gasquet s star had scarcely appeared 
above the horizon and, as every page shows, has care 
fully and critically digested both the older authorities, 
like Wood, Cooper, Dugdale, or Spelman, and the modern 
ones, like Mullinger, Brewer, Bridgett, or Seebohm. 

* There is ample opening for the publication of a whole library 
of valuable monographs, for instance, on English Churchmen, 
translated from foreign languages. I will instance only a few : 
Abbe Martin, " St. Etienne Harding et les premiers Recenseurs 
de la Vulgate " (Amiens, 1887) " La Vulgate latine d apres 
Roger Bacon" (Paris, 1888); and "Etienne Langton et le 
Texte parisien de la Vulgate" (in the Museon, 1889-1890) ; Dr. J. 
Felten, "Robert Grosseteste, Bischof von Lincoln" (Freiburg- 
i.-B., 1887) ; Dr. K. Werner, " Beda der Ehrwiirdige und seine 
Zeit " (Wien, 1875); " Alcuin und sein Jahrhundert " (Pader- 
born, 1876) ; Alberdingk Thijm, " H. Willibrordus Apostel der 
Nederlanden " (Amsterdam, 1861). Here are able and scholarly 
studies, all comparatively short, of seven great English Church 
men, all well deserving of translation and publication. It seems a 
pity that they should not be better known and utilized in this 


This will serve as an excuse for presenting in this paper 
little more than the summary of a book, itself not ex 
ceeding 140 pages in extent. 


Mr. Gladstone s ingenious and curious contention in 
his brilliant Romanes Lecture that the Universities 
of the early Middle Ages were the outcome of " a great 
systematic effort (of the) lay mind to achieve self- 
assertion and emancipation"* as against the predomi 
nance of ecclesiasticism, hardly commended itself at the 
time to his hearers, f and probably will not do so to his 
readers at the present moment. It is, indeed, highly 
probable that the early universities, like Topsy, mostly 
" growed." Zimmermann altogether discountenances 
the old-fashioned idea that they were a continuation of 
either the old cathedral or monastic schools, from which 
they differed not only in the subjects and methods of 
study, but still more in their entire organization. 
Mr. Gladstone opines that the Papal authority may 
have been used " as a defensive measure to keep in 
check the separate action of the lay element." But, 
although it may be true enough that the very earliest 
Universities, such as Salerno or Bologna, as well as 
Oxford and Cambridge ten altogether, according to 
Mr. Gladstone were called into existence before either 
Papal or regal authority began to intervene, yet there 
does not seem to be much evidence for the supposed 
organized system of " emancipation." The more prob 
able solution appears to be that these schools, sprung 
from what Mr. Gladstone more happily styles " profes 
sional exigencies," were at first under local episcopal 

* P. 10. 

f " Unless the accepted view in these matters has been modified 
by very recent researches, the accepted view is not quite that of 
Mr. Gladstone," is the sensible criticism of a very scholarly 
article in the Manchester Guardian of October 25, 1892, evidently 
from an able though anonymous pen. 


control. Green, indeed, by whom Mr. Gladstone seems 
to some extent to have been influenced, points out that 
at first the Chancellor of Oxford was simply the local 
officer of the Bishop of Lincoln,* but that later on 
" Popes, seeing in Jaern the possibility of an intellectual 
tool and weapon jpjat the Church needed, gave them 
privileges and injpinities/ t Be this as it may, the 
early English Universities, although true " republics of 
letters," were thoroughly Catholic institutions, and for 
all practical purposes may be styled ecclesiastical ones. 
The famous " secession " of the students in 1209 is the 
first certain date in the history of Oxford, whose founda 
tion almost certainly preceded that of Cambridge. 
From the first the history of both Universities was 
intimately bound up with all that was best and holiest 
in the English Church. jThe Oxford career of St. 
Edmund Rich, so beautimlly told by Green, J falls 
between 1219 and 1226, and it was the Saint of Abingdon 
who first taught Aristotle at Oxford. But it is more 
especially with the coming of the friars of the Orders of 

* " History of the English People," book iii., chapter i. 
(Library edition, vol. i., p. 205). 

f The most recent, as well as the most complete statement 
of the origins of the European Universities before 1400 is that of 
the great historian of these Universities, the late F. Denifle, O.P. 
His conclusions may thus be summed up : Four categories may 
be made according to the manner of foundation : ( i ) The eleven 
which arose without any formal diploma of foundation, some 
of these being the outcome of pre-existing ecclesiastical schools 
among these are some of the most illustrious of all, including 
Paris, Bologna, and Oxford ; (2) sixteen created exclusively by 
Papal diploma, among which Denifle places Cambridge ; (3) ten 
created exclusively by imperial and royal charters ; (4) nine, 
created simultaneously by both Papal and royal decrees (" Die 
Universitaten des Mittelalters bis 1400," von H. Denifle, vol. i., 
pp. xiv, 814). These significant statistics confirm the truth of 
Paulsen s dictum : " In the erection of the Universities there 
was formerly absolute liberty, not outside the Church, but inside 
the Church, and the Church blessed without reserve and with 
equal affection both the good she did herself and the good which 
was done in her " (see P. Berthier, O.P., " Projets anciens des 
hautesffitudes catholiques en Suisse "). 

t Op. cit. 


both St. Dominic and St. Francis that the early glories 
of Oxford are so intimately bound up. It was immedi 
ately after his second general Chapter in 1221 that 
Brother Dominic despatched his first party of friars to 
England, and it was at Oxford, on the Feast of the 
Assumption, that they first settled and opened schools. 
Very soon learned men flocked to their Order, including 
Robert Bacon, uncle or brother to the still more famous 
Roger, and his dearest friend, Richard Fishacre, " the 
most learned among the learned," as Ireland calls him, 
and who ever carried the works of Aristotle in his bosom ; 
also Robert Kilwardby, eminent as philosopher and 
theologian, a future Archbishop of Canterbury and 
Cardinal ; and John of St. Giles, called by Matthew 
Paris " a man skilful in the art of medicine, a great pro 
fessor of divinity, and excellently learned." In 1229 
took place another curious " secession " of students, 
this time to Oxford, from the mother University of Paris, 
as a protest against the violation of certain privileges. 
Among these were the Dominicans of St. James s Con 
vent, and with them their General, Blessed Jordan, who 
wrote to the nuns at Bologna, " Our Lord gives me hopes 
of making a good capture in the University of Oxford, 
where I now am." The Dominicans, indeed, contributed 
some of its brightest ornaments to the University.* 
But, as Mr. Gladstone points out, the greatest names 
belonging to Oxford in the thirteenth and fourteenth 
centuries " are not of the Order of St. Dominic, to whom 
Dante awards the intellectual brightness of the cherub 
(Paradise, xi. 39-41), but in the ranks of the seraphic 
Francis, who could not abide the world, even in its 
academic form."f 

The Franciscan Order (he says elsewhere) gave to 
Oxford the larger number of those remarkable, and even 

* See the late Mother Augusta Theodosia Drane s admirable 
" History of St. Dominic," chap, xxxii., pp. 442-446, on the 
Friars Preachers at Oxford. 

f Op. cit., p. 1 8. The Franciscans came to Oxford in 1225. 


epoch-making, men who secured for this University such 
a career of glory in medieval times.* These men were 
of English birth, but the fame of their school was such 
that Franciscans nocked to it, not only from Scotland 
and Ireland, but from France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, 
and Germany. 

The most famous of these luminaries whom Mr. Glad 
stone cites in his generous eulogium on the Oxford 
Friars Minor were Alexander of Hales, Adam Marsh, 
Archbishop Peckham, Duns Scotus, William of Ockham, 
and, greatest of all, " perhaps the most striking British 
intellect of the Middle Ages," the earlier and the greater 
of the two Bacons, Roger. f Mr. Gladstone goes on to 
point out how the fame of the early Oxford Franciscans 
were consecrated by " that superlative distinction " of 
a special epithet attached to their names, " coin of Euro 
pean rather than of British currency," such as " Doctor 
irrefragabilis " (Alexander of Hales), " Doctor subtilis " 
(Scotus), " Doctor mirabilis " (Bacon), and others. J 
Thus it was that the very foundations of Oxford s great 
ness, which won for her, already as early as 1252, the 
epithet aemula Parisiensis, are owing to the two men 
dicant Orders, not merely for their own scientific 
achievements, but also because they stimulated by their 
example the secular and regular clergy. Very soon the 
Bishops and the Benedictines had founded colleges at 
Oxford. Merton, the first Oxford college, dates from 
1264 ; the first Cambridge foundation was Peterhouse, 

* Op. cit., p. 12. 

f Sir John Herschel, Mr. Lewis (quoted by Mr. Gladstone), 
and, we may add, Professor Jevons ("Logic," p. 229), estimate 
Roger above his famous namesake, Francis Bacon. The same 
estimate of the great Franciscan is warmly maintained by Mr. J. 
Vellin Marmery in his book entitled " Progress of Science : its 
Origin, Course, Promoters, and Results " (London : Chapman 
and Hall, 1895), in which he spiritedly defends the Middle Ages 
from the old-fashioned charge of intellectual stagnation. 

t Op. cit., p. 19. 

Op. cit., p. 17. 


I have dwelt perhaps too long upon these early facts, 
but my object is to emphasize the essentially Catholic 
character of our national Universities from their incep 
tion. The same is true from the point of view of their 
character and discipline, so unlike what they have come 
to be in these last three centuries. To begin with, the 
ancient University offered access to the poor, even to the 
very poor. The penniless student athirst for knowledge 
was not an object of contempt, but was on a perfect level 
with the richest and the noblest. His life was hard 
enough, though he generally had sufficiency of food, and 
there were many charitable foundations to assist, not 
to pauperize, him. The discipline was severe.* The 
course was much longer : seven years study was re 
quired to reach the Master s degree ; theology took ten 
years. | The student was not merely receptive ; on 
attaining his degree, he was obliged himself to teach 
" cursorie." Public disputations were frequent, as still 
in Catholic Universities and seminaries abroad. This 
system may have had its weak points, but it was well 
suited to the times. It may be questioned whether we 
are not slowly coming back to some part, at least, of the 
old ways of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth 

The opening of the fifteenth century was characterized, 
as our own days, by a remarkable devotion to learning 
on the part of the lower classes. A statute of 1406 laid 
down the grand principle, which the nineteenth century 
believed itself to have established, that it is free to any 
man, of whatever social rank he may be, to have his son 
or daughter educated in any school of the kingdom. 
Numerous colleges were founded during the century : 
Lincoln, 1427 ; All Souls and Magdalen, 1457 ; King s, 
1440 ; Queen s, 1458 ; Catherine Hall, 1475 ; Jesus, 
1497. Henry VI. and his Queen were special patrons of 

* As late as 1540 undergraduates could receive the birch-rod 
(Zimmermann, p. 65). 

| So in old Lou vain (see " The Dutch Pope," p. 109). 


the universities. Let it be remembered that colleges at 
this time were really charitable foundations to aid poorer 
students, and in each case established out of pious 
motives, for God s glory and to obtain prayers and 
masses for the souls of the founders. During this 
century also began the close connection between the 
universities and the great public schools, such as Win 
chester and Eton, so that " young men at the English 
universities were better prepared than elsewhere."* 

The close of the century saw the rise of " Humanism," 
or the "New Learning,"! the cradle of which was in Italy. 
Oxford men, like Robert Fleming, William Grey, John 
Gun thorp, John Free, Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, and 
William Snelling, O.S.B., went to Italy to become 
learners. J In 1488 three Italian humanists, one of 
whom was Cornelio Vitelli, were at Oxford, boarding 
at Magdalen College. Vitelli taught Greek to Grocyn, 
perhaps also to Linacre. Both these great English 
humanists were good and zealous Catholics. Grocyn 
was an ascetic, devout man, much attached to the 
scholastic philosophy. Linacre, distinguished for his 
studies in medicine, and worthy of record as the founder 
and first President of the Royal College of Physicians, 
was no less celebrated for his piety, and late in life (1509) 
became a priest. The illustrious pupils of Grocyn and 
Linacre were Erasmus and Sir Thomas More. Other 
eminent names among the Oxford humanists of the day 
were William Latimer and William Lyly, and, above all, 
John Colet. A Londoner (b. 1466), Colet visited Italy 
for purposes of study, but his strongly ascetic mind 
saw and realized more easily than many others the 
intellectual and moral dangers of Humanism, of which, 
however, he himself became one of the brightest orna- 

* Zimmermann, p. 8. To the same writer we are also in 
debted for an admirable monograph on " Our Public Schools " 
(" England s Oeffentlichen Schulen," Freiburg, 1892). 

f For another meaning of this term, see Gasquet s " Eve of 
the Reformation." 

\ Ibid. 



ments. In 1496 he returned to Oxford, and soon gained 
great fame and influence by his eloquence and learning, 
not only in Greek, but also in the interpretation of Holy 
Scripture. Two years later we find the famous Erasmus 
of Rotterdam at Oxford, studying Greek under Grocyn 
and Linacre. Together with his friend More, with their 
two teachers, with Charnock and Colet, he formed the 
never-to-be-forgotten coterie of classical scholars which 
graced Oxford at the close of the fifteenth century. Up 
to this, as Mr. Gladstone is justified in claiming, Oxford 
had far and away surpassed her sister of Cambridge, 
giving to England nearly all her great theologians, 
bishops, and statesmen. Cambridge seems to have been 
marked by a kind of apathy. Even in Greek learning, 
scarce one or two names of note can be recorded. 

During the following century, however, things altered, 
and eventually at least, as regards humanitie^ the 
positions were almost reversed. Cambridge owes her 
awakening almost entirely to Blessed John Fisher. It 
would be useless here to repeat the well-known story of 
his life. Suffice it to say that, born in 1469, he entered 
Cambridge in 1483. As confessor of the Lady Margaret, 
Countess of Richmond, the pious mother of Henry VII., 
he was soon able to exercise great influence in favour of 
his Alma Mater. To him is owing a novel institution, 
the establishment of salaried professorships, independent 
of the colleges. The Lady Margaret Chair of Divinity 
was founded at this time. The university awoke to new 
life and activity. In 1503 Pope Alexander VI. em 
powered the Chancellor to send out yearly twelve priests, 
either Doctors of Divinity or Masters of Arts, to preach 
all over England, Ireland, and Scotland. The next year 
Fisher himself became Chancellor. In 1506 Erasmus, 
probably induced by the new Chancellor, came to 
Cambridge. The great humanist does not appear to 
have had the gifts of a successful teacher. His great 
faults of character, too, his vanity, frivolity, love of 
ridicule and invective, all of which render his testimony 


about his contemporaries eminently suspect, might, but 
for the goodwill of Fisher, have led to unpleasant strife 
at Cambridge.* Fisher esteemed his real talents, and, 
wishing to utilize them for the Church, avoided doing 
anything to drive him into the hostile camp. Several 
eminent men at the university Bullock, Gonell, Bryan, 
Aldrich, Waston were among his pupils, and others 
were encouraged by him to take up the study of Greek. 
Fisher himself, in 1518, then in his fiftieth year, learnt 
Greek. Thus, as the classical studies began to decline at 
Oxford, they grew in favour at Cambridge. 

Whilst Fisher was thus making himself the real father 
of the greatness of Cambridge, three well-known Church 
men were doing much for Oxford. The first of these was 
Fox, Bishop of Winchester, than whom few prelates 
have merited better of the universities. The college of 
Corpus Christi, founded by him, shows in its statutes 
the strong influences of the Renascence, f Great stress 
was laid upon the reading of the classical authors. 
Scarcely less important was the influence of Archbishop 
Warham and of Cardinal Wolsey, of whom it will be 
necessary to speak later, when on the subject of the 
great religious separation. In several important points 
Wolsey displayed really marvellous breadth of view. 
He munificently endowed professorships, and one of the 
men he brought to Oxford to fill a chair was the cele 
brated Louis Vives. Still more remarkable was Wolsey s 
grandiose scheme of establishing schools in all the chief 
towns of the country, as preparatory schools for the 
universities. His foundation of Cardinal College, which 
he was never able to complete, and which scarcely sur 
vived his fall, is too well known to repeat here. He has 
been severely blamed by Protestant and Catholic writers 
alike, from Spelman to Mullinger, for his action in 
utilizing the revenues of the suppressed minor monas- 

* For an excellent estimate of Erasmus, see Gasquet s " Eve 
of the Reformation." 
t See p. 192. 

II 2 


teries to endow his college. Zimmermann, however, is 
inclined to defend him, and invokes Pope Clement VII., 
whose permission was granted for the purpose, as had 
been done in other cases of a similar kind. Wolsey s 
misfortune, he thinks, was to have had such a tool as 
Thomas Crumwell to employ for the purpose.* 

But Oxford had fallen upon evil times. To begin with, 
visitations of sore disease wellnigh threatened her 
existence. From 1509 to 1528 constant outbreaks of 
epidemics, generally the dreaded " sweating sickness," 
drove away the students in crowds. More tells us in 
1523 that the abbots had almost ceased to send their 
monks to the university ; neither the nobleman would 
send his sons, nor the parish priest his subjects or 
kinsfolk. Many hostels were altogether closed. This 
sad state of things was doubtless owing to the unhealthy 
position of the city and its shocking sanitary arrange 
ments, or rather utter want of sanitation. Vives com 
plains bitterly of the unhealthiness of the place. 

Intellectual dissensions also broke out with con 
siderable bitterness. It is a reproach to be made 
against the early humanists that, in the pride of their 
New Learning, they too often showed themselves 
narrow-minded, insolent, and overbearing, and affected 
contemptuous scorn of the scholastic philosophy, 
chiefly on account of their own ignorance of anything 
outside the narrow circle of their own philological and 
literary studies. | At first they seem to have been 
received by the theologians and philosophers with 
good humour and deference, but later on the opposition 
of the theologians to the New Learning was stimulated 
to regrettable exaggeration. So arose the feud between 
the " Greeks " and the " Trojans," as the anti-humanists 
came to call themselves. More had to invoke the 

* Zimmermann, p. 24. But see Gasquet, " Henry VIII. and 
the English Monasteries," vol. i., pp. 78 et seq. 

f See Pastor, " Geschichte der Papste" (4th edition, 1901), 
vol. i., pp. 15-41. 


intervention of the King, and Greek was at last duly 
recognised as a regular branch of study. 

Such was the state of things at the national univer 
sities at the dawn of the dark day of the religious 
troubles under Henry VIII. 


Mr. Gladstone does but formulate the universal 
verdict of history when he tells us that in the new 
epoch which now opened Cambridge was to become the 
cradle of English Protestantism,* to which we may add 
that Oxford was long to remain the citadel of English 
Catholicism. t This fact is not without its explanation. 
Wycliffism, it must be remembered, was still existent 
in the country as a religious faith, and its home was 
chiefly in the eastern counties, which, moreover, owing 
to their geographical situation, were in easy and constant 
communication with the Netherlands and Germany. 
It cannot surprise us, then, that in these districts the 
writings of Luther and other Continental " reformers " 
came to be circulated by the agency of booksellers, 
bankrupt traders, and various kinds of smugglers. 
They made their way soon enough to the University of 
Cambridge. As early as 1517 Luther seems to have 
found there an imitator in his denunciation of indul 
gences. This was a Norman, Peter de Valence, who was 
eventually publicly excommunicated by the Chancellor, 
Bishop Fisher, and who, though not an Englishman, 
may be claimed as the first English Protestant. The 
first head of the Protestant party was, however, the 
talented, but eccentric, and (like Luther) originally 
scrupulous, " Little Bilney," who by a secret propa 
ganda won over by degrees to the Lutheran doctrine a 
knot of men Arthur, fellow of St. John s, Smith, 
a doctor of canon law, Forman of Queen s, and one or 

* " Romanes Lecture," pp. 23-25. f Zimmermann, p. 31. 


two others. But his most celebrated conquest was that 
of Robert Barnes, prior of the Augustinians. Both 
Bilney and Barnes, it is worth noting, were Norfolk men. 
Barnes had been a student of Louvain, and was an 
enthusiastic humanist. His worldly and lax character 
would seem to have little fitted him for a " reformer," 
but he really became the leader of the party. It is 
remarked that, at least for the present, these English 
Lutherans did not go so far as Luther himself in all. 
points, refraining, for instance, from attacks on the 
Catholic doctrine of the Holy Eucharist. Bilney s next 
successful move, the winning over of Hugh Latimer, 
was of a character very shocking to a Catholic mind. 
He went to confession to Latimer, and under the pretext 
of seeking advice in his mental and spiritual doubts, 
difficulties and trials, succeeded in winning the confi 
dence and esteem of Latimer, who seems to have been 
up to this of a guileless and unsuspicious nature, and 
hitherto had enjoyed the reputation of piety and str ct 
orthodoxy. Very soon he was entirely under Bilney s 
influence and guidance. Latimer s character does not 
certainly seem to have gained by the new direction 
under which he fell. Duplicity and a decided want of 
steadfastness are stamped on his subsequent career. 
Summoned before Bishop West of Ely to answer for 
preaching Lutheran doctrine, he declared that he knew 
nothing about Luther s teachings as it was forbidden 
to read his books. In 1531 we find him, after some show 
of manful resistance, on his knees at Lambeth admitting 
having preached error, declaring that his hasty speech 
had led him into errors and want of discretion, and 
begging pardon for the scandal caused. Two years later 
he was again accused of the same errors, and declared 
he had been misunderstood. Arthur and Bilney too, 
after some hesitation, are found recanting their errors, 
and altogether these early English Protestants show a 
decided want of constancy and much moral weakness 
as compared with their predecessors, the Lollards. 


It is difficult to explain Wolsey s want of firmness and 
foresight at this juncture. When Barnes and Latimer 
were cited before him, he not only, led astray by 
Latimer s skilful pleading, reversed Bishop West s 
prohibition to him to preach, but with his legatine 
power gave him general faculty to preach everywhere. 

From Cambridge the infection of the Lutheran 
heresy was carried to Oxford in 1526 by a small band of 
students, whose leader seems to have been one John 
Clarke. The importation of the dangerous doctrines 
into his own university alarmed Wolsey, and roused him 
at last into some activity. 

The curious history of the attempts to arrest Thomas 
Garrett of Magdalen, the most zealous propagator of 
the writings of the Continental reformers, as related by 
his friend Dalaber, is a tragi-comic story of adventures. 
Dalaber himself does not come very honourably out of 
it, for we find him, when brought up before Dr. Loudon, 
the head of New College, whom he styles " the worst 
Papist Pharisee of all," himself playing a highly discredit 
able part. After long opposition he finally promised, and 
even swore on the Mass-book, to answer according to 
the truth, " but in his heart resolved the opposite." 
He ended by betraying his twenty-two companions, 
and was then set at liberty. On the other hand, it 
impresses us unpleasantly to find the University Com 
missioner, Dr. Cottisford, having recourse to an 
astrologer to find out the whereabouts of the fugitive 
Garrett !* The latter being eventually incarcerated 
wrote a suppliant letter, begging not so much for 
delivery from the fetters he had merited as from the 
terrible fetters of excommunication, f Several of the 
other innovators were apprehended, but the authorities 
displayed considerable mildness in their treatment of 
them. Dr. Higdon (Dean of Cardinal College), who 
himself caused their apprehension, writes to Wolsey 

* Zimmermann, p. 41. 

t "Letters and Papers" (Brewer), iv., 1804. 


begging for absolution for them, and permission to 
make their Easter duties. Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, 
apparently expecting their amendment, also pleaded 
for them. More than a dozen of these suspects took 
part in the penitential procession from St. Mary s to 
St. Frideswide s, and as they passed the Carfax cast 
there a book into the fire. Foxe s harrowing tales in 
his " Book of Martyrs " about noisome underground 
dungeons and salt food are manifestly apocryphal.* 
Three of them died in August of the sweating sickness, 
and seem to have shown some repentance. Altogether, 
as before remarked, these early Protestants did not 
display much of the stuff of which martyrs are made. 

More than this, men of the eloquence of Luther or 
the wide learning of Melanchthon were wanting in their 
ranks. Some of them were coarse and vulgar in their 
expression, and not likely to exercise much influence 
among the more cultured. Indeed, the whole movement 
would probably have died out without leaving any 
appreciable traces, as it did in Italy and Spain, but for 
the lamentable affair of the Royal Divorce that true 
fons et origo malorum of the English Church. The 
effects of the divorce case may be thus summed up in a 
sentence the numerically and intellectually weaker 
party got the upper hand, and the universities were 
reduced to a state of servitude. 

It was in 1530, two years after the events just narrated, 
that Henry VIII., being determined upon his divorce 
from Queen Catherine, appealed to the two universities 
for a favourable decision. From what has gone before, 
we can hardly wonder that he appealed first to Cam 
bridge. Cranmer, Fox, and Gardiner, his chief tools 
in the matter, were Cambridge men. It is remarkable 
that the older men were inclined to yield to the very 
urgent arguments of the King ; the younger held out 
more manfully. Now every kind of pressure was 
brought to bear. The King s party, not daring to 

* Zimmermann, p. 42. 


challenge a vote of the university at large, brought 
about the appointment of a Special Commission. But 
even in this Commission, partial as it was, things did not 
go smoothly, and the final decision that was extorted 
ran thus : " Ducere uxorem fratris mortui sine liberis 
cognitam a priori viro per carnalem copulam, est pro- 
hibitum iure divino ac naturali." Practically the 
verdict was dead against the King, for it was exactly 
the consummation of the marriage with Prince Arthur 
that was steadfastly denied by the Queen. We know, 
therefore, what value to attach to Froude s eulogy of 
the spirit of independence and liberality of Cambridge 
in favouring the divorce* as compared with the narrow- 
mindedness of Oxford. As a matter of fact, both the 
national seats of learning rejected it.f 

Oxford, however, was certainly much more strongly 
Catholic, and so remained for several generations. 
And whilst the Protestant party was very unpopular 
there, the party of the Queen was especially popular. 
Mr. Gladstone is correct in maintaining that there was 
a difference in the prevalent theological cast of the 
two universities. "Oxford was on the losing side. . . . 
It might be said, without any great perversion of 
historical truth, that in the sixteenth century the 
deepest and most vital religious influences within the 
two universities respectively were addressed at Oxford 
to the making of recusants, at Cambridge to the pro 
duction of Zwinglians and Calvinists."J 

No wonder that extraordinary efforts were made by 
Henry to coerce the Oxford intellect and will. The 
younger generations here again, especially the Arts men, 
held out gallantly, and drew down the royal wrath, 
expressed in no measured language in Henry s letters. 
He concludes by reminding them, in words which recall 
our Latin exercise books, " Non est bonum irritare 

* " History of England," i., 257-262. 

I Zimmermann, p. 44. 

J " Romanes Lecture," p. 25. 


crabrones."* Unfortunately, it must be admitted that 
the part played by Archbishop Warham in this matter 
was a discreditable one. He did not hesitate to assert 
that the Universities of Cambridge and Paris had 
already pronounced in favour of the divorce, which was 
a falsehood. Cambridge s decision we have seen above ; 
that of Paris had not been given at this time. After 
this we can scarcely be surprised at Henry s false citation 
in his letter of March 17, of the Cambridge decision, by 
simply omitting the crucial clause italicised in our 
quotation above. 

In spite of all, of King and Primate, and even of the 
threatened weakness of the theological faculty under 
tremendous pressure, it is refreshing to find the M.A. s 
holding out gallantly. After eight weeks strenuous 
contest and every kind of intrigue, nothing further could 
be squeezed out of the university than a decision 
practically equivalent to that of Cambridge for which, 
of course, Oxford falls in for the censures of Mr. Froude.f 

Henry s wrath descended heavily on the university, 
whose great Chancellor, Cardinal Wolsey, had already 
fallen into disgrace in the preceding October. It was 
his famous college, Cardinal College, that was to feel 
the full fury of the storm. And after various efforts to 
ward off the blow, spoliation and suppression rapidly 
followed one another perhaps among the bitterest of 
the dregs that the fallen Chancellor had to drink. 

Five years later the great Chancellor and benefactor 
of the sister university, Blessed John Fisher, died the 
martyr s death upon the scaffold (June 22, 1535). 
Unlike Wolsey and Warham, the saintly Bishop had 
early -on foreseen the dangers for the English Church 
which the spread of the Lutheran heresy only too 
surely threatened, but his warnings had been unheeded 
by these mighty prelates. His own services to Cam 
bridge slackened not until the end. His new statutes, 

* Letter of March 6, Zimmermann, p. 46. 
f " History of England," i., p. 279. 


to some extent borrowed from Oxford, were directed 
partly to elevating the level of the studies, partly to 
remedying the evergrowing indiscipline and recklessness 
of the rising generation. He is therefore very far from 
meriting the charge of narrow-mindedness which even 
Mullinger makes against him,* and not only St. John s 
College, as that historian truly claims, but the whole 
university may justly look back with gratitude and 
pride to Bishop Fisher as the greatest of her benefactors. 
The remaining years of Henry, from 1535 to 1547, 
are rightly summed up by Father Zimmermann in refer 
ence to our subject as the epoch of the plundering and 
enslaving of the universities. The meanness and greed 
which disgraced the policy of the latter years of the 
reign do not always, or even generally, mark the policy 
of the " Turkish Sultans" to whom Zimmermann com 
pares him. Henry has been praised as a patron of the 
universities, and a declaration of his is often quoted 
to the effect that no foundations are more to the general 
good than those in favour of colleges, and sharply 
discriminating between the universities and the monas 
teries. There is good reason to suspect the sincerity 
of these expressions, and to believe that a systematic 
spoliation of the universities was originally intended to 
follow in due course that of the monasteries. In spite 
of his foundation of Trinity, Cambridge, from purely 
political motives, Henry cannot be said to have esteemed 
either learning or learned men for their own sake.f 
But what is a much more serious charge is that his 
policy was directed to a systematic enthraldom of the 
intellect. Never were independent thought and free 
dom of research so much kept in fetters as at this 
epoch. The King s changeableness of disposition and 
views rendered this mental servitude the more galling. 
The universities were called upon to change the opinions 
they had to defend according to the royal humour. 

* " History of England," i., p. 624, 
f Zimmermann, pp. 53, 54, 67. 


Thomas Crumwell was made Visitor of both the uni 
versities, and an elaborate document containing detailed 
instructions was drawn up, which Zimmermann analyses. 
The first article expressly stipulates that the members 
of the university are to promise obedience not only to 
the rules of succession established by the King, but also 
to all statutes directed to the uprooting of the Papal 
claims and the confirmation of the King s supreme 
authority. No lectures were to be permitted upon the 
Master of Sentences and his commentators ; only the 
Old and New Testament in their literal sense were to be 
expounded. This was, of course, directed to the 
abolition of the scholastic philosophy and theology. 
Both lectures and degrees in canon law were to be 
abolished, " as all England (!) had acknowledged the 
ecclesiastical supremacy of the King." Melanchthon s 
name is inserted among the authors to be expounded in 
philosophy. All heads of houses and professors must 
swear obedience to these new statutes. Two pliant 
tools, Dr. Layton and Dr. Legh, were deputed in place 
of their master, Crumwell, as Visitors to Oxford and 
Cambridge respectively. Then followed a veritable 
panic, a reign of terror. With what high-handed 
violence the new ordinances were carried out we can 
learn from Layton s letters to his master. Duns Scotus 
was the object of special ill-treatment. His books were 
torn up and scattered about with every circumstance 
of ignominy. This was practically the banishment of 
sound logic from the English universities, remarks 
Zimmermann caustically, and so things have remained 
till quite recent times. Legh proceeded with somewhat 
more moderation in Cambridge. 

No wonder that these measures, and the general 
uncertainty which prevailed, rapidly tended to 
diminish the number of students. But the severest 
blow which the universities received was in the suppres 
sion of the great monasteries between 1536 and^T.539- 
Dr. Loudon was commissioned to suppress the nine 


colleges of the regular orders Benedictines, Cistercians, 
Augustinians, Franciscans, and Dominicans in Oxford. 
Nobles, townsfolk, and heads of secular colleges threw 
themselves greedily upon the plunder ; the subjects 
were bettering the unworthy example of their sovereign. 
The few regular colleges at Cambridge had no better 
fate. But the effects of the suppression of the monas 
teries were more far-reaching. Among these was he 
destruction of so many of the middle schools which had 
served as feeders for the universities by affording 
training for talented boys of the poorer classes. Now 
began that gradual change which eventually led to the 
practical shutting out of the poorer classes who before 
this epoch had been in the majority at the universities 
and the exclusive reservation of these national insti 
tutions to the rich and the noble. A little later than 
this, as Mr. Gladstone reminds us, " Ascham says that 
among the prevailing evils there was none more grave 
than the large admission of the sons of rich men indiffer 
ent to solid and far-reaching study."* But this was 
the process which now began and went steadily on for 
three centuries. 

On Crumweirs fall in 1540 Bishop Gardiner succeeded 
as Chancellor. It is not our business here to discuss 
the somewhat ambiguous character of Stephen Gardiner. 
As bishop he appears to have shown a less pliant dis 
position than Henry had expected from his former 
behaviour. He was at any rate a scholar of some merit. 
During his chancellorship occurred his famous quarrel 
with the gifted Hellenist, John Cheke, concerning the 
pronunciation of Greek, which led to a strife as bitter 
as (to us) it is amusing. Here we meet with the first 
beginnings of the " pedantry," which for some time was 
to cling to English learning. The chancellorship of 
Gardiner, however, to some extent appears as a time of 
comparative prosperity to the university. The new 
regulations published in 1544 were wise and useful. 
* " Romanes Lecture," p. 23. 


The foundation of Magdalen College, although the 
complete carrying out of the original plan was not 
possible till Mary s reign (1584) falls in this time, and, 
at length, also Henry s own long promised foundation 
Trinity, Cambridge. In spite of all the misery and 
uncertainty of the times there was still a certain number 
of scholars of note at the universities, but of these the 
majority were true to the Old Faith. 

At the death of Henry VIII. the country was in a state 
of the greatest anarchy that it had seen since the 
Conquest. Never had there been such a severing of 
classes and such divisions of men s minds. The people 
were in a temper of despair, and, but for the paid army 
at the King s command, a revolution would probably 
have broken out. The short reign of the boy-king 
Edward VI. was to mark the victory of Protestantism 
a victory which, in spite of the temporary Catholic 
reaction under Mary, was to be continued and consoli 
dated under Elizabeth. The Protector Somerset was a 
convinced Calvinist ; Warwick, later Duke of Northum 
berland, though at heart a Catholic, relied for the success 
of his schemes on the Protestant party, as the Catholics 
naturally favoured Mary. 

From the intellectual point of view, the Protestants 
at this time were decidedly weak, especially in theo 
logians. Cranmer and his friends could not help feeling 
that they had no men at the universities who could be 
considered a match for scholars like Dr. Richard Smith, 
Mallet, or Chedsey at Oxford, Young and Bullock at 
Cambridge. As Mr. Gladstone points out, " A proof of 
this relative weakness is supplied by the single fact that 
to reform our service-books, and to instruct our candi 
dates for holy orders, we were driven to invoke the aid 
of foreigners."* Already in Henry s lifetime unsuc 
cessful overtures had been made to Melanchthon, and now 
Bucer and Fagius were imported to Cambridge, and 
Peter Martyr (whose name was Vermigli) to Oxford. 
* " Romanes Lecture," p. 25. 


In 1548 and 1549 a new Commission of Visitation was 
issued for both universities. The statutes, under the 
sanction of all kinds of penalites, fines, imprisonment, 
etc., were to effect a thorough revolution in the Protes 
tant sense. The old doctrine was to be extirpated, 
foundations for masses to be commuted, the forms of 
Divine service to be altered. Some changes were intro 
duced into the prescribed courses of study, and efforts 
made, not, indeed, with success, to encourage the study 
of civil law. Further confusion was a necessary result. 

Peter Martyr began his lectures at Oxford in 1549. 
He was the first in England to deny the Real Presence. 
His crude Zwinglian teaching regarding the Holy 
Eucharist disgusted the Catholics. Quarrels, and even 
physical strife, were the result. Shocking scenes of pro 
fanity and desecration occurred in some of the college 
chapels, especially Magdalen. At Cambridge Dr. Cox 
was the bitterest enemy of the Catholics. He displayed 
a literal fury in the wholesale destruction of books and 
MSS. A new feature in the strife was the introduction 
of public disputations between the parties. Dr. Richard 
Smith challenged Peter Martyr to such a trial of skill, 
but his crafty adversary eluded every attempt to make 
him face so able a disputant with quite an amusing 
variety of subterfuges. The end was that Smith, like 
so many other of Oxford s ablest men, was forced to seek 
refuge in flight to the Continent. Other Catholics, 
however Tresham and Chedsey took up the cudgels 
in his place, and Peter Martyr, forced at last to a disputa 
tion, cut such a sorry figure that Dr. Cox, after four days, 
adjourned the meeting sine die. Bucer, also at Cam 
bridge, had to face the challenge of Young, Sedgwick, 
and Andrew, and came off with little credit in a public 
disputation on theology. Other such intellectual con 
tests followed. 

Somerset and Northumberland were meanwhile gradu 
ally getting rid of the Catholic professors and officials, 
whilst Catholic parents (who were still in the majority) 


were withdrawing their sons from the national univer 
sities to have them educated privately at home or at 
foreign seats of learning. The lecture-rooms were 
steadily emptying, and the diminishing ranks of students 
were recruited only from the sons of the richer classes, 
whose chief aim was pleasure, not study. We have 
Latimer s and Lever s lamentations to bear out these 
statements.* Hubert * s therefore fully justified in 
maintaining that the " Reformation " had injured the 
universities, both externally and internally. But we 
cannot agree with him in comparing the reign of 
Henry VIII. with that of Edward VI., to the advantage 
of the former. Although the evils grew under the latter 
reign, it was precisely Henry s policy which was respon 
sible for them in their origin. Yet even Edward does 
not seem to have merited all the praise which has been 
bestowed on him as a patron of learning. The funds for 
the schools of which he is reckoned the founder were for 
the most part derived either from Church property or 
the contributions of the local burgesses. 

In the statutes of Trinity College, Cambridge, pub 
lished by the visitors at this time, we find first fully 
developed the systematic plan of making the colleges 
independent of the university, an innovation which had 
serious consequences later on, as we shall see. The 
President is also to take an oath to maintain the Protes 
tant doctrine, and the fellows are to be obliged to abjure 
the Old Faith, whilst the scholars are to take an oath 
recognising the Bible as the sole rule of Faith. We are 
already in the full swing of those penal regulations which 
long kept the doors of the universities locked against 
Catholics from the inside. 

From 1553 to 1558 the reign of Mary was marked by 
the short-lived Catholic reaction. The circumstances of 
her early life, the fanaticism of her religious opponents, 
the personal affronts she had to endure under Edward s 

* Letters quoted by Zimmermann," pp. 80, 81 
f " English Universities," vol. i., p. 284. 


reign, and the violence of the innovators even after her 
accession, must go a long way to account for the bitter 
ness and intolerance she herself displayed when in power. 
At least, the universities flourished under her reign. She 
stands out favourably from the other Tudors in her 
patronage of learning, and in her personal munificence 
to the universities. Two zealous Catholics, Sir Thomas 
Pope and Sir Thomas White, founded at this time the 
two Oxford colleges of Trinity and St. John s respec 
tively ; whilst the Queen s physician, the celebrated 
Dr. Caius, also an earnest Catholic, by remodelling 
Gonville Hall, Cambridge, merited the title of the founder 
of Gonville and Caius, now generally known by his own 
name alone. The statutes display broad-minded zeal 
for the promotion of the study of medicine, for which 
foundations are provided to be enjoyed at Padua, 
Bologna, Montpellier, or Paris. The careful disciplinary 
regulations show us how far the moral tone had de 
scended already at the universities. The keeping of 
horses and dogs, as well as bull-baiting and bear-baiting, 
have to be prohibited to the students. In spite of 
Mullinger s contrary opinion, based upon such partial 
witnesses as Ascham, Jewell, and Peter Martyr, Oxford 
under Mary compares very favourably with Cambridge. 
The number of students increased a good sign of pros 
perity. The B.A. s who graduated during the reign at 
Oxford were 216, as against 176 at Cambridge. 

At the latter university Gardiner was reinstated as 
Chancellor, and we cannot but regret that his reversal of 
all that had taken place under Edward was carried out 
with much of the same spirit in which it had been intro 
duced. Some of the Protestant party, like Perne, Cheke, 
and Cecil, yielded and became Catholics. Others were 
driven out. Those were not days of toleration on either 
side !* At the same time, we may remark that 125 M.A. s 

* "It was not only Mary who thought that heretics should 
be burnt. John Rogers, who was the first to suffer, had, in the 
days of Edward, pleaded for the death of Joan Bocher " (S. R. 
Gardiner, " Student s History of England," vol. ii., p. 424). 



and 195 B.A. s graduated during five years of Mary, as 
against 90 and 167 respectively during five years of her 
predecessor. Gardiner died in 1555, and Cardinal Pole 
succeeded him as Chancellor. Visitors were now sent to 
both universities for the " extirpation of heresy," but 
their new statutes were never carried out, for the Queen s 
death followed immediately. Whatever views may be 
held of her policy, it must at least be said that she did 
more for the universities than either her predecessor or 
her successor. 

Over the reign of Elizabeth we must pass more rapidly. 
It was the period, not only of the final triumph of Protes 
tantism, but of the remodelling of Protestantism into 
the form of Anglicanism, and the consequent beginning 
of the long struggle between that form and Puritanism. 
Elizabeth herself cannot be said to have had strong 
religious convictions, and, like Cecil, who could easily 
change his religion, was influenced rather by political, 
or we may say national, motives.* Her endeavour all 
along was to found a kind of middle party, a species of 
Protestantism amalgamated with Catholic discipline. 
This was " Anglicanism." As usual, a visitation of the 
universities was carried out, with the inevitable new 
regulations and the usual serious interference with the 
rights and liberties of the ancient " republics of letters," 
which would never have been tolerated in the Middle 
Ages. The Catholics showed great steadfastness, and 
nearly all the heads of colleges and many of the fellows 
at Oxford either resigned or suffered expulsion. The 
new men put into their places were mostly very inferior. 
The test oath, and the system of espionage and persecu 
tion which followed it, found some, indeed, not quite so 
stanch, and these few formed the kernel of the new 
" Anglican party. " But the new doctrines had seriously 

* " She cared nothing for theology, though her inclinations 
drew her to a more elaborate ritual than that which the Pro 
testants had to offer. She was, however, intensely national. 
. . . For this end she must establish national unity in the 
Church " (S. R. Gardiner, op. cit., p. 428). 


lowered the general estimation of the ecclesiastical 
character, and both the clergy and the universities sank 
under Elizabeth into a pitiful condition. " Sunt mutse 
musae nostraque fama fames " was the all too true com 
plaint of the state of things at Oxford. As to the ignor 
ance of the clergy, we have the emphatic testimony of 
Pilkington, Bishop of Durham, and of Cecil.* The 
former in 1561 reported that the heads of colleges were 
so bad that he could not say whether their absence or 
their presence were more harmful, for that none of them 
did any good ; whilst " his heart bled " when he thought 
of St. John s College. Next year Cecil wished to resign 
the Chancellorship, out of disgust at the state of things ; 
for the heads had no care to second him in either 
controlling disorderly youth, enforcing discipline, or 
encouraging science and godliness. Probably with the 
design of improving the state of things at the univer 
sities, Elizabeth paid her famous State visits to Cam 
bridge in 1564 and to Oxford in 1566. As a matter of 
fact, these sumptuous pageants did vastly more harm 
than good. They tended to encourage the taste for 
luxury and frivolous amusement, and especially to 
develop a love for dramatic entertainments, which, 
whilst directly beneficial to the rise of the English drama, 
was certainly ill-calculated to improve study or academic 

In 1572 the celebrated Dr. Caius, who for a time had 
been inclined, with some others, to favour the new via 
media of Anglicanism, and had so kept his place, became 
a victim of persecution. His college was broken into 
(by the Vice- Chancellor and Dr. Whitgift, the future 
Archbishop), and all his vestments, sacred vessels, 
statues, and other objects cast into the flames. He did 
not long survive the blow, dying in London, after a life 
spent in doing more for the promotion of study at his 
university than any of his contemporaries. 

In spite of all, there was still considerable vitality in 
* Zimmermann, pp. 96, 97. 

12 2 


the Catholic party at least, at Oxford. Merton and 
Corpus had already shown considerable pluck in defend 
ing their privileges against Leicester in 1564. There was 
even a certain Catholic reaction set in. 

It would be interesting (says Zimmermann) to show 
in detail how many professors and students at both 
universities, little by little returned to the bosom of the 
Catholic Church ; how, in very many instances, the 
reading of Catholic writings converted zealous Protes 
tants and timid Catholics ; with what zeal Catholic 
booksellers or private persons strove to disseminate 
Catholic tracts of devotion or controversy among the 
students ; how often Protestant bishops or heads of 
houses caused domiciliary visitations to be made, 
destroyed Catholic books, or severely punished Catholic 
booksellers or colporteurs.* 

One of the best known of these latter cases was that of 
Rowland Jenks. In 1592 the heads of houses at Cam 
bridge established a commission to prosecute Catholics 
for " seducing the young," complaining that no books 
were so widely circulated as Catholic ones, and that in 
many of the rooms of Anglican professors the majority 
of the books found were those of scholastic theologians, 
writings of Franciscans, Dominicans, and Jesuits. 
Indeed, Anglicanism was no more able to produce a 
scientific school of theology then than it has been 
since. And there can be little doubt that, if the contest 
had been fought out with intellectual weapons only, the 
Catholic party would have come off easily victorious. 
Mr. Gladstone admits that " the very ablest men among 
those [Oxford] reared, such as Allen, Campion, Stapleton, 
and the rest, were ejected and suppressed."! 

It is hardly cognate to our purpose to follow Fr. 
Zimmermann in his history of the struggle between 
Anglicanism and Puritanism. " Nonconformity," 
indeed, took its rise at Cambridge, as Mr. Gladstone 
points out.J Browne and Cartwright, the leaders of the 

* Pp. 100, 101. I "Romanes Lectures," p. 25. Ibid. 


movement, were Cambridge men of note. The latter s 
election as Professor in 1569 and subsequent exclusion by 
the Vice-Chancellor Mey led to a serious storm ; the 
situation became so critical that a fresh revision of the 
statutes was decided upon. It was John Whitgift who 
was charged with this revision. This remarkable man 
seems originally to have been a Calvinist, but his skilful 
trimming made him a valued ally of the Queen. It is 
well known to what importance he eventually rose as 
Archbishop of Canterbury. Indeed, Fr. Zimmermann 
does not hesitate to declare that to him and Elizabeth 
is owing the foundation of the Anglican High Church 
system, and that Laud (to whom, by the way, Mr. Glad 
stone assigns so high a position as a Churchman*) merely 
followed in their footsteps. Whitgift s new statutes 
transferred the centre of gravity of university authority. 
The heads of colleges formed a new body of very great 
power, into whose hands almost all practical control was 
transferred. This also had much effect upon subsequent 
developments. Little by little the universities were 
becoming mere seminaries for Anglican divines. Yet, 
although Cartwright had to fly to Geneva, the Anglican 
bishops were in an awkward position, and did not dare 
to proceed to extremities against the Puritans, as against 
the Catholics. There is a curious memorial of complaint 
from them about the state of things at the universities, 
chiefly interesting to us, as it incidentally refers to civil 
law and natural science as " useless branches of study " ! 
The fact is, the universities were once more in a state of 
intellectual decline, of which we have contemporary 
testimony in Traver s " Ecclesiasticse Discipline Expli- 
catio " (1574). Most of the best men fled abroad. So 
in 1583 some eighty professors and students followed 
Dr. Allen to Rheims, and most of these were from Oxford. 
Leicester s influence at Oxford as Chancellor was for evil. 
Though the number of students increased under his rule, 
good discipline and study rapidly declined, and Oxford 

* " Romanes Lecture," pp. 37-39. 


was soon outstripped by Cambridge. The centre of 
intellectual life had meanwhile been transferred to 

To sum up the results of the Reformation in the 
universities. The independence and rights of the 
national seats of learning had come to an end with 
freedom of research and opinion. The authority of the 
Senate had been superseded by that of the heads of 
houses, as we have seen, and these colleges were merely 
seminaries for training Anglican clergymen. The 
students were made up of two classes the sons of the 
nobility, idlers, and pleasure-seekers, on the one hand ; 
and Protestant divines, on the other, to whom theology 
was merely a " bread-study " leading to prospective 
benefices. The best class the poorer middle class 
had disappeared. The real talent of the universities 
was to be sought abroad in the flourishing colleges 
founded by Allen, or after his example, especially at 
Douay, which at the time far surpassed Oxford. The 
study of law and medicine had almost disappeared, and 
the professors could get no hearers. In seven years 
Oxford could produce but one doctor and eight bachelors 
in law. The natural sciences and mathematics were 
treated with the utmost contempt, as dishonourable for 
university students !* Greek was almost forgotten. 
During the last forty years of the century Mullinger 
admits that only two men at Cambridge certainly knew 
Greek, and perhaps three others had a smattering of it. 
Things were worse at Oxford. Latin, too, was far less 
known at the close than at the beginning of the century. 
Hebrew, owing to the importance now attached to the 
text of Scripture, had received some more attention ; 
but the most distinguished Orientalist at Oxford, 
Robert Wakefield,t na d been a Catholic ; and his brother 

* See the quotations and examples, Zimmermann, p. 122. 

f He became the first Professor of Hebrew at Louvain. He 
had, however, supported the Royal divorce and shared in the 
plundering of the monasteries (Neve). See pp. 194, 195. 


Thomas, who also remained true to the faith, was the 
first public professor of Hebrew at Cambridge, where, 
however, Protestant bigotry forbade his lecturing. 
Foreigners or Jews were the chief teachers of Hebrew 
after them. Rhetoric had taken the place of solid 
learning. History has only the name of Camden 
(Oxford) to show ; Leland, the antiquarian, had been 
suffered to die in neglect and poverty. In a word, 
learning had not gained in a single branch by the 
Reformation. And no attempt at improvement was 
made till the reigns of the Stuarts. 

College life and discipline had fared no better. An 
entire change had come over society. The rural popula 
tion, flocking to the towns, had become spoilt and cor 
rupted.* The character of the bishops, clergy, and heads 
of colleges had descended both intellectually and 
morally. The abuses of the collegiate system of univer 
sity " graces " and of the tutoral system had most 
serious results upon the universities. The students 
came up much too young lads of twelve or thirteen, 
Peacham tells us and were badly prepared. The heads 
of colleges abused their autocratic powers. The material 
prosperity of the colleges (greatly augmented by Sir 
Thomas Smith s wise regulations) was accompanied by 
general intellectual stagnation. Poorer students, sizars, 
were systematically degraded into the position of 
drudges. How different from the state of things in the 
Middle Ages ! 

" What the Reformation meant for the entire nation 
was also what it meant for the universities the robbery 
of the poor, the enrichment of the great, the almost 
absolute exclusion of talent and industry from place and 
honour. A brilliant university career had formerly 
opened a path to high office in Church and State ; this 
was now reserved for a privileged class. Formerly the 
university professor was able, by one or more livings, 
which laid upon him no obligation of residence, to secure 

* Hall, " Society in the Elizabethan Age " (1887), pp. 104, 105. 


an existence free from anxiety ; now the stipend of a 
professor was far too little. Formerly, by the study of 
philosophy, by public disputations and other scholastic 
exercises, not only the memory, but also the thinking 
powers, had been developed ; now study was directed 
almost exclusively to cramming the memory. Formerly 
there was freedom of research, so far as it did not run 
counter to the dogmas of the Catholic Church ; now the 
narrowest compulsory teaching prevailed. Formerly 
ideal ends were united with science ; now science was 
esteemed only so far as it served practical ends. From 
the continental universities nothing had been borrowed 
but unrestrained polemics and party passion. The 
warning of Bacon* and others fell on deaf ears. Not 
till the beginning of the present century were some of the 
crying abuses which had crept in during the sixteenth 
century done away with, and the universities brought 
nearer to their true end and object." f 

It is not without significance that the vast reforms in 
the national universities which signalized the latter half 
of the nineteenth century have all been in the direction 
of the state of things in pre-Reformation times. There 
has been a casting down of barriers first religious, by 
the abolition of test-oaths ; then social, by the gradual 
readmission of the middle and poorer classes. The 
tendency nowadays to build a procession of bridges from 
the primary school, across the middle school and 
grammar school, up to the university itself, is merely a 
reversion to what existed on a much larger scale in 
Catholic times. Even for the poor boy, gifted by talent 
and industry, there is now ever-increasing opportunity 
for rising to an academic career, but as yet to a far less 
extent than there was in the Middle Ages. The intellec 
tual revival in every department has been extraordinary 
indeed ; here, again, we are going back to the Oxford 
and Cambridge of old England. During the last thirty 

* Works, ad. Spedding, vol. iii., pp. 326-328, 597. 
f Zimmermann, p. 138. 


years, we are assured by unquestionable authority, the 
growth of earnestness and the spirit of work, the decline 
of luxury and frivolity, the greater simplicity of student 
life, have made the Oxford and Cambridge of to-day 
something very unlike that of even the seventies. Here, 
again, we have a reversion to the thirteenth and two 
subsequent centuries. This being so, it appears provi 
dentially timed that a beginning should be made of once 
more opening the road towards those old Catholic 
foundations, the national universities, for the spiritual 
and intellectual heirs of their founders, who have been 
exiled from them for three hundred years. But the 
restoration will scarce be complete till we can see the 
successes of St. Edmund Rich, of Stapleton, and of Allen 
and, may we hope, those of Kilwardby, Roger Bacon, 
and Duns Scotus pursuing the same paths of study, 
Divine as well as human, by the banks of the Isis and 
the Cam. 


ATHANASIUS ZIMMERMANN, S.J. " Die Universitaten Englands 
im 16 Jahrhundert." Freiburg im Breisgau : Herder, 1889. 

RIGHT HON. W. E. GLADSTONE, M.P. " The Romanes Lecture, 
1892: an Academic Sketch." Oxford: Clarendon Press, 



IT ought not to be necessary to plead before an audience 
of Catholic theologians the great importance of Oriental 
studies in the cause of theology and apologetic. The 
value of Semitic languages for Scriptural exegesis has 
been an admitted fact in all ages from St. Jerome 
downwards. But exegesis is only one of the many 
points vital points all of them where Oriental science 
touches the domain of theology. In the century of 
Strauss, Renan, and Kuenen, and sed longo intervallo 
of popular writers like Mrs. Humphrey Ward and the 
late Professor Huxley, the very fundamental bases of 
" the Impregnable Rock of Holy Scripture," to borrow 
Mr. Gladstone s phrase, suffer attacks from the side of a 
newer kind of Orientalism, and require us to call in 
for our defence not merely the " higher criticism " of 
the more familiar Semitic tongues, but also the results 
of those eminently nineteenth century developments, 
Assyriology and Egyptology. Nor is this by any means 
all. The century of Max Miiller, Tiele, de Gubernatis, 
and Sir Edwin Arnold has developed yet new and 
perhaps more insidious methods of attack not on 
Christianity only, but on all the history of revelation, 
from the side of the new sciences of " Comparative 
Mythology " and the " History of Religions." In the 
teaching of those sciences both the religion of the Old 
Testament and the Christianity of the New are supposed 

1 86 


to find their place as merely some out of the many 
phases of a mental and spiritual evolution, which begins 
in a primitive animism and fetish worship, to end in 
the Sermon on the Mount and the Epistles of St. Paul, 
and in which Yahve and Christ hold a place with exactly 
the same rights as Obatala, Thoth, Varuna, or Herakles. 
It would, perhaps, be difficult to indicate any other field 
of research on which it is more urgent for Catholic 
scholars to employ their talents and energy than that 
of the " Comparative History of Religions," with its 
concomitant branches, such as Mythology and Folklore. 
But all this means a wide and thorough study of various 
departments of Orientalism. And what we want is an 
army of specialists in each of these branches. 

These general remarks may serve to introduce and 
explain the appearance of the following historical 
sketch of the earliest Oriental teachers and schools of 
Louvain. Among Catholic centres of learning the 
Belgian University has always held an honourable place 
for its cultivation of such branches of Orientalism as 
have been of importance at different epochs. In the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the Alma Mater was 
publishing Hebrew Grammars and Commentaries on 
Ecclesiastes ; in the nineteenth she is translating the 
" Avesta," commenting the " Vedas," and solving for 
the first time in literary history the riddles of the 
;< Yih-King." I venture to think that the work she 
has done and is doing will be found no mean contri 
bution to the advance of Christian learning. 

It may be well here to point out that the history of 
Louvain falls into two quite distinct periods, the old 
and the new. The old University, entirely medieval 
in form and constitution, founded by Pope Martin V. 
and Duke John the Good of Burgundy in 1426, was 
brought to a violent end by the French Revolutionary 
invasion and the decree of suppression of October 27, 
1797. In the interval of thirty-seven years which 
elapsed an attempt was made, it is true, by the Dutch 


rulers of Belgium to revive a University, governmental 
in character, in the old city, but the attempt was a 
failure (1817-34). It was in 1834 that the Catholic 
Church, by the hands of the Belgian hierarchy, modestly 
began a revival of the old Alma Mater for a few 
months in Mechlin, and then in Louvain itself, and 
with such happy success that the eighty-six students 
of the first year have grown to over 2,000 at the present 
moment, with all the modern equipment, especially 
in the domains of Natural and Applied Science, of a 
great European seat of learning. 

For old Louvain I have had little more to do than 
condense the elaborate history of its Oriental teachers 
contained in the exhaustive monograph of the venerable 
Orientalist of the present Alma Mater, the late Pro 
fessor Felix Neve, entitled " Memoire Historique et 
Litteraire sur le College des Trois Langues a 1 Universite 
de Louvain," which was crowned by the Royal Academy 
of Belgium in 1856 (Bruxelles, Hayez, 1856, 4to., 
pp. xviii and 425*). For the earlier part, of course, 
I have also used Valerius Andreas " Fasti Academici 
Studii Generalis Lovaniensis " (Lovanii, 1650). 


At the beginning of the sixteenth century Hebrew 
and Rabbinical studies began to penetrate from the 
Jewish to the Christian schools. Up to this date, 
during the course of the Middle Ages, there were but a 
few isolated scholars who ventured into the study of 
Hebrew, and of these most were actually converted Jews. 
There were serious difficulties which met the first 
students of Hebrew. One was that it was necessary to 
take lessons from Jewish rabbis, who exacted a great 
price for their teaching. Moreover, such a proceeding 
too often exposed the student to serious suspicions con- 
* Tome XXVIII., " Memoires Couronnes," etc. 


cerning orthodoxy on the part of his fellow Christians. 
Lastly, there was the great dearth of books and texts. 

Notwithstanding such drawbacks there is plenty of 
evidence to show that Catholics cultivated Hebrew and 
even its kindred tongues before the so-called Refor 
mation. A well-known instance is that of Pico della 
Mirandola (1463-94), whose acquaintance extended to 
Arabic and Chaldaic, besides Hebrew. Reuchlin (1455- 
1522) published his " Rudiment a Linguae Hebraicae " 
in 1506 ; and when his frequent intercourse with Jewish 
rabbis and his resistance to the decree for burning all 
the rabbinical books of a converted Jew got him into 
serious suspicion of heterodoxy and prosecution on part 
of the Inquisition, he owed his protection to Leo X. 
Spite of his persecution, he resisted the overtures of 
Luther. Elias Levita, " the last and most celebrated 
of the native (Jewish) grammarians " (1470-1549), had 
Cardinal Egidio for his pupil and patron at Rome. 
The great Polyglot of Jimenes (Ximenes) was pub 
lished between 1514-17, and contains the Hebrew and 
Chaldee texts of the various parts of the Old Testament. 
The still superior Antwerp Polyglot, published by Plan tin 
under the auspices of Philip II. (1569-72) contains, in 
addition, the Syriac version of the New Testament. 

Long before the above writers, Nicolaus de Lyra, a 
converted Jew (died 1340), had published his " Postilla 
Perpetua in Biblia Universa," which were found so 
useful by Luther.* 


The earliest beginnings of Orientalism at Louvain 
carry us back to nearly a century before the Antwerp 

* For much of the above, see Gesenius, " Geschichte der 
Hebraischen Schrift und Sprache " (Leipzig, 1851). For Roger 
Bacon s knowledge of Hebrew and his Hebrew grammar, see 
Nolan s and Hirsch s "The Greek Grammar of Roger Bacon, 
and a. Fragment of his Hebrew Grammar." Cambridge : Uni 
versity Press, 1902. 


Polyglot above alluded to. And curious to say it is not 
in the professional chair or the lecture-room that we 
come across these beginnings, but in the printers 
office. Louvain has all along been well equipped with 
an Oriental press, never so well as at the present day, 
with its double set of founts, owing respectively to 
Beelen and de Harlez, of which we speak elsewhere. 
The remote ancestor of this press must have existed 
there almost at the time when Luther was born (1483), 
for in the year 1488 there was issued a quarto volume 
entitled " Epistola Apologetica Magistri Pauli de 
Middleburgo ad Doctores Lovanienses," which is stated 
to be printed in Alma Universitate Lovaniensi, per 
Joannem de Westphalia. Now the curious fact is that 
" the Hebrew quotations of this book are printed in 
characters of a massive form and German cut, whilst 
the Greek passages are written by hand " (Neve). 
Evidently, then, there was in the Alma Mater a fount 
of Hebrew type even before one of Greek characters. 
It is easy to suppose who brought it. This John of 
Westphalia (he died, by the way, next year, 1489), was 
John Wesel or Wessel, of Groningen in Westphalia, 
brought up at Zwolle under the influence of Thomas a 
Kempis and the Brothers of the Common Life.* " In 
the course of his wanderings he made a long sojourn at 
Louvain, and must have taught Hebrew there, as he 
did in other cities he visited Cologne, Heidelberg, 
Paris, Rome, and Basel. "f J. Wessel, then, would appear 
from this to merit the honour of having been both the 
first teacher of Hebrew and the first printer of Hebrew 
at Louvain. J 

* He remained a staunch Catholic, and is not to be confounded 
with John Wesel of Oberwesel, who fell away from the Church, 
and died 1481, a prisoner of the Inquisition. 

f See Hetzel s " Geschichte der Hebraischen Sprache und 
Litteratur," p. 135 (Halle, 1776). 

J Or were the printer and the Hebrew scholar different persons ? 
This would seem to follow from a paper of Ed. van Even in the 
" Dietsche Warande," vol. iii. (N.S.), p. 167, for the year 1890, 


It is probable that in 1506 the press of Theodoricus 
Martinus Alostensis (Thierry Martens of Alost) issued a 
" Dictionarium Hebraicum sive Enchiridion Radicum 
seu Dictionum Hebraicarum ex Joanne Reuchlino," a 
quarto without name of author or year. This Martens 
had printed at Louvain up to 1501 in partnership with 
Hermann of Nassau. 

Ten years later the first step was taken towards the 
foundation of the first real Oriental school of Louvain. 

The Trilingual College. Matthczus Hadrianus. In 
1516 Erasmus came to Flanders, and the same year was 
inscribed in the matriculum of the university, bringing 
with him his doctor of theology s degree from Padua. 
" Vivo," he writes next year to Pirckheimer, " versorque 
Lovanii ; cooptatus in consortium Theologorum, licet 
in hac Academia non sim insignitus titulo doctoris." 
Indeed, as Valerius Andreas tells us,* he was engaged in 
perpetual squabbles with these same theologians. How 
ever, he did one good thing for them ; he brought about 
the establishment of their first chair of Hebrew. The 
very year of his arrival, 1516, he wrote to invite over 
from Germany Matthaeus Adrianus (Erasm. " Epist," 
lit. hi., ep. 39, " Opera," t. iii. 353). This man was a 
converted Jew of Spanish origin (born between 1470 
and 1480). At Heidelberg he had proceeded to the 
degree of doctor in medicine, and was there teaching 
Hebrew. Erasmus in the above quoted letter recom 
mended him to ^Egidius Buslidius (Giles Busleiden), for 
the new " Trilingual College " just founded by the will 
of his distinguished brother Jerome. 

Here we must turn back a moment to say a word of 
this celebrated college of the three languages (" des 
Trois Langues "). Jerome Busleiden was a wealthy 

when he records a printer, John of Westphalia, who, born at 
Aken, near Paderborn, settled at Louvain in 1474, and worked 
there till 1496. (Postscript to Frank s paper, " De Boekdruk- 
kunst en de Geestelij kheid tot 1520.") 

* " Fasti Academici Studii Generalis Lovaniensis," p. 85 
(Lovanii, 1650). 


and enlightened ecclesiastic who had held high offices 
in Church and State.* His love of learning induced him 
to leave all his property to found a college at Louvain 
for the special study of the three languages Latin, 
Greek, and Hebrew. There were to be burses for the 
support of the three professors and ten students. They 
were to devote themselves to the study of grammar 
and philosophy up to the degree of master," and were 
to learn also the rudiments of Greek and Hebrew. The 
idea was entirely new. It excited dreadful scandal 
and opposition among the old-fashioned fogies of the 
university. It was decried as " heretical " and what 
not. Erasmus fought hard for it ; but there was every 
chance of this " unicum nostrae regionis, imo totius 
Csesareae ditionis ornamentum," as Valerius Andreas 
styles it,f coming to an untimely end, but for the inter 
position of Cardinal Adrian, an old Louvain student and 
professor, soon after (1522) to ascend the Throne of 
Peter as Pope Adrian VI. He summed up the whole 
matter in a very simple, if somewhat obvious, " oracle," 
as Valerius Andreas calls it : " Bonas litteras non damno, 
haereses et schismata damno." The college was there 
fore opened near the fish-market and the academical 
historian boasts with reason that " this praise is due to 
our Busleiden : he was the first in Christendom to 
establish a Trilingual College, though his example was 
followed by others afterwards, as Francis I., King of 
France, in Paris, Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester, 
at Oxford ;J Francis, Cardinal Ximenes, Archbishop of 
Toledo, at Alcala," etc. 

* Jerome Busleiden was the esteemed friend of the great 
English Chancellor and Martyr, Blessed Thomas More, who 
wrote three elegant little Latin poems in his honour, published 
in his " Epigrammata," to be found in several editions of his 
works. They are given in full by Neve, Appendix C. (pp. 384,385). 

f " Fasti Academici," p. 277. 

I I.e., Corpus Christi, 1516-17. Fox compared his college to 
a beehive, and called his three professors " three gardeners." 
See A. Zimmermann, S.J., " Die Universitaten Englands im 
16 Jahrhundert," pp. 16-18 (Freiburg : Herder, 1889). 


We have said above that Erasmus got the Chair of 
Hebrew for Matthaeus Adrianus, who accordingly gave 
his first lesson in the new college on September i, 

It is noteworthy that the first regular teaching of an 
Oriental language at Louvain began under the auspices 
of the Faculty of Arts, and not of that of Theology. 
This is a fact of some significance. It indicates, on the 
one hand, that the study of Hebrew and its kindred 
tongues was not looked upon at Louvain merely as an 
appendage to the exegesis of Holy Writ, which has been 
so long a popular impression among Catholics, but that 
it had another and independent basis to stand upon 
viz., that of a philological branch of learning ; and, on 
the other hand, it indicates the strength and the breadth 
of the spirit of the " new learning," the humanitarian 
learning, which Erasmus did so much to foster at Louvain 
as at Oxford and Cambridge. The position thus assigned 
to Oriental studies has been maintained, and whilst at 
all times they have been largely drawn upon at Louvain 
to strengthen and elucidate exegetical and theological 
studies, they have always enjoyed, over and above, a 
position of their own as philological disciplines. 

Matthaeus Adrianus does not seem to have got on 
very well in his new home. He complained that he 
lived there " for two years without resources." As a 
matter of fact he taught for only a year and three 
months. In July, 1519, he resigned his chair, and in 
the December of the same year he went off to Wittem- 
berg. " Conductus est Hadrianus, professor Lovani- 
ensis," writes Melanchthon to Langius next year, 1520, 
" qui apud nos Hebraica doceat." 

We do not know much more of this primeval ancestor 
(in the academic sense) of Mgr. Lamy. Did he become a 
Lutheran, as Paquot says ? Where did he die ? 

His Oriental works were not numerous. We know 
only of (i) " Introductio Brevis in Linguam Hebraicam," 
8vo., no date ; also (2) " Oratiunculae tres : Dominica, 



Salutatio Angelica et Salve Regina hebraice redditae," 
4to., both published by Gryphius at Lyons. 

As to his abilities, we have a glowing eulogy pro 
nounced upon him by Erasmus, in the already quoted 
epistle to Busleiden. He speaks of him as "so learned 
in the whole Hebrew literature that, in my opinion, 
there has not been any other in this age to compare with 
him. He is not only a perfect master of the language, 
but is so familiar with the most abstruse parts (adyta) 
of the authors, that he has all their books at his fingers 
ends " (" ac libros omnes sic habet in promptu ut digitos 
unguesque suos "). 

Two Englishmen at Louvain. It is an interesting fact 
that the two occupants of the newly-founded chair of 
Hebrew who immediately succeeded Adrianus were both 
Englishmen, and connected with the national English 
universities. Upon the withdrawal of Adrianus the 
vacant professorship was conferred upon Robert 
Wakefield. This person was a north of England man, 
possibly a native of Yorkshire.* He had been educated 
in his youth at Cambridge, where he had studied arts, 
philosophy, and theology. Afterwards he, like so many 
other scholars in the Middle Ages, went abroad to 
various seats of learning ; but in his case it was a 
particular taste for Oriental languages that was the 
moving power. It is said that he had mastered Hebrew, 
Chaldee, and Syriac. 

Very short, however, was his stay at Louvain, for he 
occupied the Hebrew Chair only four months August 
to December, 1519. The next place we find him at 
is Tubingen, where in 1522 he succeeded the very 
celebrated Orientalist, Reuchlin ; but he did not stay 
there long, either, in spite of the efforts of Duke Ferdi 
nand of Wirtemberg to keep him. He seems to have 
been of a roving disposition. 

A word may be said of his subsequent career, which is 
not very creditable. In 1524 he was back in Cambridge, 
* See ante, p. 182. 


and his Oriental and Biblical learning soon brought him 
into the notice and favour of Henry VIII. , to whom he 
became chaplain (a sacris). Later on he taught at 
Oxford. It is regrettable to record that he strenuously 
supported the King in the divorce case, writing a work 
in favour of it (" Kotser Codicis," London, 1528) ; and 
took an active part in the suppression of the monasteries. 
Indeed, he was supposed to have plundered the library 
of Ramsgate, and carried off, among other tomes, for 
his own use, the Hebrew dictionary of Laurentius 
Holbeccius. Fr. Zimmermann speaks of him as though 
he had remained staunch to the Old Church, like his 
brother Thomas, the first public professor of Hebrew at 
Cambridge.* But at least his books were suspected of 
dogmatic errors, and his conduct we have already seen. 
He died in London in 1537 or 1538. Of his writings 
we may record the following : 

1. " Oratio de Laudibus et Utilitate trium Linguarum 
Arabicae, Chaldaicae et Hebraicae, atque Idiomatibus 
Hebraicis quae in utroque Testamento inveniuntur." 
4to. Cantab. 1524. (This was his inaugral lecture at 
Cambridge, and Neve says of it, " An interest of novelty 
must no doubt have attached in his days to his com 
parison of the three languages.") 

2. " Paraphrasis in librum Koheleth (vulgo Ecclesi- 
asten) succincta clara atque fidelis." 4to. (We shall 
see further what a favourite study at Louvain was that 
of Ecclesiastes.) 

3. " Syntagma de Hebraeorum codicum incorrup- 
tione." 4to. Oxonii. 1552 (posthumous). 

We need not mention his theological and canonical 

On leaving Louvain, Wakefield recommended a 
fellow-countryman, Robert Shirwood, to succeed him. 
This person was a native of Coventry, and had studied 
at Oxford. His career at Louvain is summed up by 
Valerius Andreas in a single sentence : " Post mensem 
* " Universitaten Englands im 16 Jahrhundert," p. 124. 



unum professionem inglorius deseruit." We know 
nothing of his subsequent life, except that he probably 
lived on for several years in Belgium, though he does 
not seem (in spite of Pitts) to have taught again at 
Louvain. As an author he was " a man of one book," 
viz., " Ecclesiastes La tine ad veritatem Hebraicam 
recognitus, cum nonnullis annotationibus Chaldaicis et 
quorumdam Rabbinorum sententiis." 4to. Antverpiae : 
Vorstman. 1523. 

It is noteworthy that, like his predecessor and suc 
cessor, he chose the Book of the Preacher for com 
mentary. His work* attained a certain celebrity, so 
that it merited to be inserted by Pineda in his great 
" Commentary on Ecclesiastes," published at Seville a 
century later. 

Thus, the close of 1519 saw the new Hebrew Chair 
vacant yet again, three resignations having taken place 
in one year ! It is also remarkable that the three first 
Orientalist professors of Louvain were foreigners ; on 
which Neve observes that the circumstance indicates 
" at least the fraternity and free relations existing 
between the great European seats of learning in the 
Middle Ages." 

* Dedicated to Abbot John Webb of Coventry. 


ON October 9, 1902, the writer had the privilege of attend 
ing the special " Congregation " held in the Sheldonian 
Theatre of Oxford, together with the representative of 
fifty-six other universities, as delegate of the Catholic 
University of Louvain. On that historic occasion he 
had the honour to hand to the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford 
a Latin letter, engrossed on vellum, of which the follow 
ing is a translation :* 

* The Latin text runs thus : 


" Trecentesimo redeunte nunc anno a condita insigni Biblio- 
theca Bodleiana, TJniversitatis Catholicae Lovaniensis Rector 
atque Magistri variis de causis muneris sui esse duxerunt peran- 
tiquae et quasi cognatse Academise Oxoniensi laudes et grates 
exhibere. Intra utramque enim scientiarum et artium scholam, 
Oxoniensem nempe et Lovaniensem, jam inde a pristinis tem- 
poribus, intima viguit mutui officii ac consuetudinis conjunctio. 
In memoriam quidem revocasse juvabit jam saeculo decimo 
quinto, Robertum Wilson Oxoniensem ad Universitatem nostram, 
ante pauca decennia ab Martino Quinto fundatam, se contulisse 
ibique anno 1472 juris lauream esse nactum. Haud multo post 
alium ex vestris accepimus, Robertum Shirwood, qui quum 
linguae Hebraicse studium apud nos mirum in modum promovit, 
litterarum nostram orientalium scholam primus fundasse non 
immerito reputatur. Quam multi prseterea ex alumnis magis- 
trisque vestris, sseculo decimo sexto, exortis in Anglia religionis 
causa dissidiis, Lovaniensem Academiam adiverint eamque 
scriptis et doctrina ornaverint illius setatis testantur annales ; 
hujusmodi fuere Thomas Harding, Richardus Smith, Nicolaus 
Saunders, Joannes Storey, Joannes Clemens, Joannes Fowler, 
aliiqui plurimi quos longius recensere hie minus est loci. 



" On the occasion of the tercentenary of the founda 
tion of the Bodleian Library, the Rector and Professors 
of the Catholic University of Louvain consider it their 
duty, for many reasons, to offer their congratulations 
and thanks to the ancient and, so to speak, sister Univer 
sity of Oxford. For there has existed from early times 
an interchange of good offices and friendship between 
the two seats of learning, Oxford and Louvain. It is 

" Prsecipue porro in prsesens movet nos singulare nostri grati 
animi debitum erga ipsius Bibliothecae Bodleianae instauratores 
atque rectores. In hac enim completissima librorum area anno 
1723 repositi fuere primi Avestici in Europam illati codices. 
Quorum folia nonnulla exscripta et Parisiis servata quum in 
manus incidissent clarissimi Anquetil Duperrpn, arduum hie 
inivit consilium tanti pretii tantseque antiquitatis thesaurum 
patriae suae acquirendi ; celebres itaque codices avesticos, summo 
discrimine et ipse in India consecutus, tandem anno 1771 publici 
juris fecit atque in vernaculam transtulit linguam. Hinc originem 
duxerunt quaecunque ab initio sasculi elapsi, praeeunte Burnouf, 
de sacrorum Iraniae librorum lingua atque doctrina in lucem 
ediderunt viri rerum orientalium periti. Inter hosce non 
innmum tenuisse locum clarissimum de Harlez jure merito 
gloriatur Universitas Lovaniensis. 

" At vero arctiori adhuc beneficiorum vinculo se Bodleianae 
Bibliothecae esse adstrictos ex animo recordantur scholae nostrse 
orientalis alumni atque magistri quibus inexhausti illius thesauri 
praepositi summa benignitate liberum aperuerunt aditum ad 
reconditos ibidem codices visendos atque exscribendos : recor 
dantur clarissimi Abbeloos atque Lamy qui magni Ephraem 
Edesscni insignia opera primum edenda inde prompserunt ; 
recordatur hodiernus Lovaniensis Academiae Rector, qui antiquis 
Coptorum scriptis explorandis operam impensurus, quid quid 
juvaminis ac benevolentiae posset avere continue apud vos est 

" In hujus memori animi documentum, recurrenti anniver- 
saria die instauratae a Bodleio Bibliothecse Oxoniensis, simul 
cum votis et gratulationibus nostris, munusculi gratia, ad vos 
deferenda curavimus turn opera nonnulla ex codicibus Bod 
leianis a nostratibus deprompta, turn ipsius nostrse Universi- 
tatis annales scriptaque recentiora. 

" Faxit Divina Providentia ut quaecumque Academiae Oxon- 
iensi bona et prospera apprecamur perfecte adimpleantur. 

" AD. HEBBELYNCK (Rector Universitatis). 
" J. VAN BIERVLIET (Univ. a Seer.). 

" Kal Oct., 1902." 


interesting to recall that in the fifteenth century an 
Oxford scholar, Robert Wilson, came over to our 
University, which had been founded but a few decades 
before by Pope Martin V., and there took his degree in 
Law in 1472. Not long after this we received another oi 
your men, Robert Sherwood, who, owing to what he die! 
to promote the study of the Hebrew language amongst 
us, may not unjustly be looked upon as the founder of 
our school of Oriental studies. Then, again, how many 
of your scholars and professors in the sixteenth century, 
owing to the religious dissensions which broke out in 
England, retired to the Louvain University and adorned 
it by their writing and teaching as testified by the annals 
of the times ? Among these were Thomas Harding, 
Richard Smith, Nicholas Saunders, John Storey, John 
Clements, John Fowler, and many others whom it 
would be too long to enumerate here. 

" But at the present moment we are chiefly moved by 
a sense of profound gratitude towards the founders and 
directors of the Bodleian Library. For it was in this 
splendid collection that, in the year 1723, was deposited 
the first MS. of the Avesta brought to Europe. A few 
folios of this were copied and taken to Paris, where they 
fel] into the hands of the celebrated Anquetil Duperron, 
whereupon the latter formed the venturesome resolution 
of securing for his own country a treasure of such value 
and so great antiquity. Having himself obtained in 
India, at the cost of imminent dangers, valuable Avestic 
Codices, he at length published them, with a French 
translation, in 1771. This was the very beginning of all 
that has been published by Orientalists, beginning with 
Burnouf, during the last century, concerning the 
language and doctrines of the sacred books of Iran. 
Among these it is the glory of the University of Louvain 
that the illustrious de Harlez held a distinguished place. 

" Furthermore, the students and teachers of our school 
of Orientalists are glad to recall that they are bound by 
a still closer tie of benefits received, to the Bodleian 


Library, since the custodians of that inexhaustible 
treasure-house have, with the greatest kindness, freely 
granted them facilities for the examining and transcrib 
ing of MSS. therein contained. Among these are 
Abbeloos and Lamy, who copied here the inedited works 
of the great St. Ephrem of Edessa,* and also the present 
Rector of the University of Louvain, who, when engaged 
in copying ancient Coptic MSS., received all possible 
assistance and courtesy at your hands. 

" As a testimony of this gratitude, on the anniversary 
day of the foundation of the Oxford Library by Bodley, 
we have caused to be forwarded to you, together with 
our good wishes and congratulations, a small gift in the 
shape of a few works edited by some of our men from 
Bodleian MSS., and also the history and certain more 
recent publications of our University. We pray that 
Divine Providence may bestow abundance of all blessings 
and prosperity on the University of Oxford. 

" AD. HEBBELYNCK, Rector of the University. 
" J. VAN BIERVLIET, Secretary of the University. 
" October i, 1902." 

The historical facts contained in the letter just quoted 
appear to me to be of sufficient interest, from both the 
religious and the educational point of view, to deserve a 
fuller development and exposition, and the present paper 
must be looked upon as merely a running commentary 
upon the text of the letter quoted. 


The Louvain letter begins by hailing Oxford as both an 
" ancient " and " sister " institution. Louvain herself is 
by no means of modern creation : her history goes back 
as far as the year 1425 ; but even so, Oxford can claim a 
far more venerable antiquity. It is true that the myth 
of her creation by King Alfred the Great has been long 

* This statement is not quite accurate ; see further on. 


since exploded ; and all that we can say with certainty 
is that the University appears to have come into exist 
ence by a " secession " of scholars from the already- 
existing University of Paris early in the thirteenth cen 
tury, and that, without any regular or definite formal 
erection, it developed as shown in a preceding article 
(VI.). In any case, it is possible to obtain a volume, 
published by the Clarendon Press, containing an alpha 
betical list of " Oxford Honours " from as early a date 
as 1220 to our time.* Thus, Oxford is more than two 
centuries older than her sister University of Louvain. 

Early in the fifteenth century the Low Countries, under 
the enlightened rule of the Dukes of Burgundy or Brabant, 
felt the pressing need for the intellectual and religious life 
of their people of a university centre which should play 
therein the part so long and so successfully played by 
the universities in surrounding countries Paris in 
France, Oxford in England, Cologne in Germany. It 
would appear that several influential persons had for 
some time been urging the desirability of the erection 
of such a studium generate for the Flemish country, then 
flourishing by its trade and commerce, and distinguished 
by the intelligence of its population. Their representa 
tions finally decided Duke John IV. to take in hand the 
creation of such a centre of learning on the model of 
those already existing in other countries. Duke John 
entered into negotiations with Pope Martin V., and the 
Bull of that Pontiff, dated December 9, 1425, beginning 
with the words " Sapientise immarcessibilis," constitutes 
the fundamental charter of the new University, thus 
happily created by a joint action of the ecclesiastical 
and the civil power. In his Bull, Martin V. describes 
Louvain as a town "by the grace of God, so well endowed 
with wealth, excellent climate, accommodation for large 
multitudes, and well furnished with houses and all other 

* "Oxford Honours, 1220-1894: being an Alphabetical 
Register of Distinctions conferred by the University of Oxford 
from the Earliest Times " (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1894). 


necessaries, that it seems to be most fitted and suitable 
for receiving and housing such a university/ 

The various statutes and regulations for the conduct of 
the newly-created Alma Mater were undoubtedly drawn 
up upon the model of those in vogue in the already- 
existing universities of Europe. In one respect, indeed, 
Louvain was characterized by a feature which made it 
very similar to our own Oxford. Unlike many other 
seats of learning, it was a university of many colleges ; 
in fact, at the date of its temporary suppression by the 
French revolutionists in 1797, these colleges numbered 
forty- four, many of which have long ceased to form a 
part of the University. 

As was only to be expected, Louvain, which grew and 
prospered exceedingly, very soon entered into active 
intellectual relationship with the other European seats 
of learning. In those days all universities were more or 
less international in character. Students of all nations 
often poor " wandering scholars " passed from one 
country to another, attracted by the fame of some great 
teacher, and pursued their studies turn by turn at Paris 
or Oxford, Bologna or Prague, Cologne or Louvain. As 
indicated in the academic letter read above, the earliest 
recorded Oxford man to proceed to a Louvain degree was 
one Robert Wilson, a Bachelor of Laws, who, in 1472, is 
recorded as having been promoted at Louvain to the 
degree of LL.D., the Fasti of the University adding, with 
unconscious humour, the characteristic trait that "having 
received the doctrinal insignia, he gave a grand banquet 
in the house of his president," one Jean de Grousselt 
(" solemne epulum exhibuit in sedibus praesidentis 

The next recorded connection of any interest between 
Oxford and Louvain is alluded to in somewhat too 
flattering terms in the Rector s letter. " Not long after 

* A somewhat later English student, who spent ten years at 
Louvain, was Nicholas Wootton, afterwards Dean of Canterbury 
and English Ambassador to Charles V. 


this," he writes, " we received another of your men, 
Robert Shirwood, who, owing to what he did to promote 
the study of the Hebrew language amongst us, may not 
unjustly be looked upon as the founder of our school of 
Oriental studies." This is far too complimentary a 
reference to the Oxford scholar. I have already told 
the somewhat curious story of this and another English 
man in anothe rarticle.* I am afraid that the Rector of 
Louvain was pushing courtesy to a somewhat extreme 
point in conferring upon Shirwood the title of " founder 
of our school of Oriental studies." 

I have more than once mentioned the name of Eras 
mus, the great humanist of the Low Countries, that 
strange and enigmatical character, who played a part so 
conspicuous, and yet so difficult to understand, in the 
stirring t mes of the Renaissance. Erasmus forms the 
most important connecting-link between Louvain on the 
one hand and both Oxford and Cambridge on the other 
during the early sixteenth century. In 1498 the great 
scholar paid his first visit to Oxford and studied Greek 
under Linacre, besides forming his long and intimate 
friendship with Dean Colet and Sir Thomas More. During 
his third stay in this country, Erasmus resided at Cam 
bridge, where he held for a time both the Margaret 
Professorship of Divinity and the chair of Greek. It is 
well known how important an influence he exercised 
upon the academic history of this country. His influ 
ence at Louvain was no less marked. In a letter written 
in 1521 he declares that Louvain was second to no 
university in Europe except that of Paris : the number 
of students was about three thousand, and this number 
was growing every day. We have already seen him 
exerc sing considerable influence in the appointment of 
members of the university staff. From 1517 to 1521 he 
lived and taught in Louvain, and it was during this 
period that many of his most important and most learned 

* " Two English Scholars and the Beginnings of Oriental 
Studies at Louvain," ante, p. 195. 


works were produced. It was indeed a time of active 
literary intercourse and correspondence between the 
leading English and Flemish scholars.* 


But a far more and far closer connection between 
Oxford and Louvain began with the religious troubles in 
England, as indicated in the letter presented on the 
occasion of the Bodleian Jubilee. The famous divorce 
question, under Henry VIII., had its echo in Louvain. 
Louis de Schore, who obtained his doctorate in Laws in 
1531, published, in 1535, an elaborate report upon 
Henry VIII. s marriage case,f whilst that case was under 
trial at Rome, and is said on his tombstone, to have 
been sent " regem legatus ad Anglum." From this time 
forward Louvain became a place of refuge for those 
English scholars, and sometimes their families, who 
were compelled to fly from England, in many cases at 
the sacrifice of high and important academic offices, for 
conscience sake. The first of these was Richard Smith, 
D.D., Regius Professor of Theology in the University of 
Oxford, who fled to Louvain in the reign of Edward VI. 
This distinguished scholar, whom Wood describes as 
" the greatest pillar for the Roman Catholic cause in his 
time," was a native of Worcestershire. He was obliged 
to leave his Oxford professorship under Edward VI. " to 
make way for Peter Martyr." He arrived in Louvain on 
April 9, 1549, an d was f r some time a Professor of 
Divinity there. On the death of Edward, he was re 
called to England, restored to his professorship at Oxford, 
and made chaplain to Queen Mary. " In Elizabeth s 
reign," continues the above-quoted historian, " he was 

* Of Joannes de Palude, of the Faculty 01 Arts, it is recorded 
" vixit familiaris Thomae Moro," as well as with Erasmus. He 
wrote an epistle about More s " Utopia." 

f " Consilium super viribus Matrimonii inter Henricum VIII. 
Anglorum Regem et Catherinam Austriacam " (Lovanii, typ. 
Sessoni, 1535). 


committed to custody. Afterwards he went to Douay 
in Flanders, and was constituted Dean of St. Peter s 
Church there by Philip, King of Spain, who, erecting an 
academy there about that time, made him the first 
King s Professor thereof. He was accounted by his 
persuasion the best schoolman of his time, and admirably 
well read in the Fathers and Councils." The University 
of Douay here mentioned was erected in 1562, and Smith 
died there in July, 1573. 

Another refugee under Edward VI. was the celebrated 
John Clement, M.A., of Oxford, Professor of Greek and 
Rhetoric at that University in the time of Wolsey. He 
was also tutor in the family of Sir Thomas More, and 
proceeded M.D. Twice did he seek refuge as an exile in 
Louvain ; for, having returned to England under Queen 
Mary and " practised physick in Esesx," he had to fly 
again under Elizabeth. In 1570 he married at Mechlin 
Margaret Giggs, and had one son and four daughters, one 
of whom, Winifred, married Judge Rastell, to be men 
tioned further on. Dorothy and Margaret became 
nuns the latter at St. Ursula s, in Louvain, where, 
as Sanders quaintly records, she was elected superior 
over eighty sisters : "A junior over her seniors, an 
Englishwoman over Germans."* 

In 1562 there arrived in Louvain Thomas Harding, 
D.D., of New College, Regius Professor of Hebrew at 
Oxford, a native of Beconton, in Devonshire. In 
Edward VI. s reign he was a Protestant, but under Mary 
became a Catholic. On Elizabeth s accession he fled to 
Louvain, where he remained for the rest of his life. He 
died there in 1572, and was buried by the altar of the 
Holy Trinity in St. Gertrude s Church, " where," says 
Valerius Andreas, " his epitaph, engraved on a brass 
plate, may still be read as follows : 

* This Margaret Clement, together with Dorothy Harris, wife 
of John Harris, Sir Thomas More s secretary, helped to bury the 
body of More, " wrapped in a winding-sheet," after his martyr 
dom. The whole Harris family, like the Clements, took refuge 
in Louvain. 


" Honesto loco natus, in Collegio Wilhelmi de Wyck- 
ham educatus, Sacrae Theologiae Doctor et Hebraicae 
Linguae Professor, ingenio abundans, disertus, acutus, 
insignis Divini Verbi buccinator, Lovanii multos libros 
adversus haereticos nostri temporis conscripsit, quorum 
adiumento suis multum profuisse certum est. Obiit 
sexagenarius studio et aegritudine fractus, quum religionis 
nomine decennale pertulisset exilium, die 16 Septembris, 


Nicholas Harpsfield, student of Winchester School and 
of New College, Oxford, became fellow of the latter in 
1536, B.C.L. in 1544, and two years later Regius Pro 
fessor of Greek. Under Edward VI. he, like so many 
others, fled to Louvain ; but, returning under Mary, 
proceeded D.C.L. in 1553, and obtained many important 
legal preferments in London. Under Elizabeth he was 
cast into prison, and died there after several years. 
Harpsfield was a voluminous writer. 

A very interesting character among the emigres was 
" Joannes Ramiger." Under this form the Flemish 
annalist conceals John Ramridge, D.D. He was of 
Merton College, Oxford, when he obtained his fellowship 
in 1528, becoming Doctor of Theology in 1542, and 
obtained several valuable preferments, including that 
of Archdeacon of Derby. He was obliged to fly abroad 
under Elizabeth, and settled in poverty at Louvain.* 
His fate was a singular and unhappy one. On May 21, 
1568, " in his extreme old age." he was going on foot to 
Mechlin, when, at a place called Heveren, he was set 
upon by some footpads, who had seen him giving alms 
to a beggar, and cruelly murdered. His body, we are 
told, was buried with great reverence by the clergy of 

William Rastell, born 1508, was the son of John 
Rastell, printer and lawyer, and of Elizabeth, sister of Sir 
Thomas More. In 1525 he went to the University of 

* " Desertis bonis et honoribus, exul asperam vitam Lovanii 
egit " is Molanus phrase. 


Oxford, but left without taking his degree, and set up as 
a printer, as well as a man of law, in London. On the 
accession of Edward VI. he retired to the continent and 
settled in Louvain, where, as above stated, he married 
Winifred Clement. Under Queen Mary he came back to 
his native country and was made a puisne judge ; but 
with Elizabeth s accession he had once more to retire to 
Louvain, where he died. He was a notable printer. His 
wife had already predeceased him in the reign of 
Edward VI., and he erected a monument to her in the 
Collegiate Church of St. Pierre, under the organ loft. 
His death was a saintly one, and his body was laid to 
rest by the side of that of his wife. 

A much more celebrated emigre was Nicholas Saunders, 
" the most noted defender of the Roman Catholic cause 
in his time." He was a native of Charlewood in Surrey, 
and about 1557 was Shagling Lecturer, or, as he himself 
styles it, " tamquam Regius Professor " of Canon Law 
at Oxford. About 1560 he retired to the Continent, 
going first to Rome, where he was made priest and D.D. 
Somewhat later he distinguished himself at the Council 
of Trent, and accompanied Cardinal Stanislaus Hosius on 
his legatine journey through Poland, Prussia, and Lith 
uania. After this he came to Louvain, where he wrote 
several important works. Saunders is noted for the 
extreme bitterness of his attacks on Henry VIII. and 
Queen Elizabeth, and certain of his statements contained 
in his work on the Anglican schism have been thought 
by some to be exaggerated. He has been described 
as being " to Protestants what Foxe is to Catholics." 
He lived in Louvain for about thirteen years as Professor 
of Theology. His end was a strange and tragic one. In 
1579 he was sent by Pope Gregory XIII. as legate to 
Ireland, where, about 1580, he perished of hunger 
" wandering in the mountaines," says Lord Burghley, 
" and raving in a phrensy." Saunders is perhaps the 
best known, as he was also the keenest, of the polemical 
controversialists of those times. 


In 1586 we find another refugee, one Robert Parkinson, 
of Lincoln, promoted to the degree of D.D. at Louvain. 

Perhaps the most illustrious of all these Oxford 
refugees was John Storey, the martyr. He was educated 
in the University of Oxford, chiefly at Henxey Hall ; 
admitted B.C.L. in 1531, and in 1535 appointed to a 
new chair of law founded by King Henry VIII. In 1537 
he was chosen principal of Broadgate s Hall, and the 
following year created D.C.L. In the beginning of 
Edward VI. s reign, owing to his zealous defence of the 
old religion,* he was obliged to withdraw into Flanders, 
where he remained until the reign of Mary. He was then 
recalled, and the patent of his professorship of Oxford 
was restored to him, though he soon resigned it in order 
to occupy important legal posts in London. On Eliza 
beth s accession Dr. Storey was a member of the House 
of Commons, and spoke so strongly against the Reforma 
tion that he was cast into prison, but contrived to escape, 
and settled for a time in Louvain, where he is quaintly 
said by Molanus to have spent more time with the 
Carthusians than at home with his wife. In 1570, being 
at Antwerp, he was kidnapped on an English vessel 
belonging to one Parker, brought over to England, com 
mitted to the Tower, tried, and eventually hanged, 
drawn and quartered at Tyburn (June i, 1571) under 
circumstances of unusual atrocity, being of the age of 
seventy years, f His family continued to live in Louvain. 

John Fowler, a native of Bristol, was educated at 
Winchester School and New College, Oxford, becoming a 
fellow in 1555. Under Elizabeth, he too fled to Belgium, 
and set up printing presses at Antwerp and Louvain. He 

* Dr. Storey is recorded to have exclaimed at a public assembly 
in the words of the preacher, " Woe to thee, O land, when thy 
King is a child " (Eccles. x. 16). This exclamation caused such 
an outburst of indignation that Storey realized that it was no 
longer safe to remain in England. 

f Blessed John Storey is one of the fifty-four English martyrs 
beatified by Pope Leo XIII. on December 9, 1886. See an 
excellent life of him by Dom Bede Camm, O.S.B., in his "Lives 
of the English Martyrs," vol. ii. (1905), pp. 14-110. 


is spoken of as a man of learning, well skilled in both 
Latin and Greek. He married Alice, daughter of John 
Harris, the secretary of Sir Thomas More and of his wife 
Dorothy, referred to on the preceding page.* 


I must now recall the fact that the occasion which 
drew so many representatives of universities and learned 
bodies to Oxford last October was the tercentenary of its 
famous Bodleian Library. " At the present moment," 
said the Lou vain address, as above quoted, " we are 
chiefly moved by a sense of profound gratitude to the 
founders and directors of the Bodleian Library." The 
history of this famous library, one of the six greatest 
libraries of the world, forms one of the most interesting 
chapters of literary history. Without in any way 
detracting from the undoubted merits of the illustrious 
and munificent donor whose name it bears, it is only fair 

* I have, of course, limited my remarks above to Oxford men 
at Louvain. Other English exiles, however, likewise sought 
refuge there. Such were Cuthbert Scott, D.D., Bishop of Chester, 
a Cambridge man, buried in the church of the Friars Minor, whose 
epitaph ran : 

" Anglia Cuthbertum peperit nomine Scotum ; 
Sed natale solum tribuit Northumbrica tellus. 
Pagina sacra habuit doctorem Cantabrigensem ; 
Cestria pontificem, necnon Ecclesia gemmam ; 
Integritas vitae Benardum reddidit orbi ; 
Eloquio visus nobis Chrysostomus alter." 

Another Cambridge man was Henry Jolliffe, Dean of Bristol 
and Almoner to Queen Mary, who died in 1573, and lies buried 
in the Church of St. Michel, Louvain. Of Robert Giles, whose 
tomb and epitaph are in the same church, " legum Angliae pro 
fessor egregius," and who, dying in 1578, in his forty-fourth 
year, left one daughter, " ex conjuge sua carissima Wenthana, 
Thomae Stradlynge, equitis aurati apud Wallos meridionales in 
majori Brittannia olim strenuissimi, filia," I cannot find whether 
he was an Oxford or a Cambridge man (perhaps neither). Gillow 
does not mention him in his Dictionary (but see Catholic Record 
Society, vol. i., 1905). 

Other Louvain refugees, like the Earl of Westmoreland and 
Lady Jane Dormer, do not belong to my present subject. 



to say that Sir Thomas Bodley was the restorer rather 
than the founder of Oxford s University library. The 
fact was emphatically acknowledged, both in many of the 
academical orations made at the centenary and in the 
handsome record published by the Clarendon Press on 
that occasion,* that the first creation of a university 
library or libraries at Oxford goes much further back, to 
Catholic times and Catholic Churchmen, and that the 
destruction thereof was owing to Protestant fanaticism 
at the Reformation. 

" Before any actual building had in earlier days been 
assigned for the purpose, benefactors had made some 
provision for needy scholars, to whom the purchase of 
books lay beyond their means, by gifts of MSS., which 
were preserved in chests within the precincts of St. 
Mary s Church, and were to be lent out under sufficient 
pledges for safe return. The earliest name of such a 
donor which has been handed down is that of Rogerus de 
Insula, Chancellor of the diocese of Lincoln (in which 
Oxford then lay) in 1217-20, and afterwards, till his death 
in 1235, Dean of York. He gave several copies of the 
Bible. About a hundred years later, Thomas Cobham, 
Bishop of Worcester, began (some seven years before his 
death, which occurred in 1327) to make preparation for 
building a room (now existing on the north of the chancel 
of St. Mary s Church) over a chapel then used as the 
meeting-place of the congregation of the University ; 
and, upon his decease, he left money and books towards 
the carrying out of his purpose. "f 

The library, thus inaugurated by a Catholic dean and 
a Catholic bishop, received its most important develop 
ment under an enlightened Catholic prince and from 
other Catholic bishops, 

" Only a few years elapsed before the library, thus 

happily begun, outgrew its narrow accommodation. For 

when the university, upon commencing the erection of 

the noble Divinity School, sought the aid of Humfrey, 

* " Pietas Oxoniensis." f Ibid., p. 8. 


Duke of Gloucester, as being the known encourager of 
learning, he not only contributed money liberally for 
that purpose, but began also, in 1439, to forward books 
for the library, in which year his first donation comprised 
129 volumes, worth, as Convocation said in a letter of 
thanks addressed to the Parliament, a thousand pounds 
and more. And as continuous gifts followed, amounting, 
before the Duke s death in 1447, to a total of about 
600 volumes (besides some received subsequently), 
the need of a larger room became pressing. To the 
Duke, therefore, in 1444, Convocation turned again, and 
prayed for help to erect and furnish, over the Divinity 
School, a chamber which would be better fitted for the 
housing and the use of his precious gifts help which 
would indeed make him that which he should solemnly 
be styled, Founder of the Library. It was but slowly 
after the great patron s death that the work went on, 
the books in the old library being meanwhile chained 
in 1454 ; and at length, after additional gifts had been 
received (especially from Thomas Kempe, Bishop of 
London), in 1488 Duke Humfrey s library was opened, 
and at once received a further considerable gift of books 
from Archdeacon Richard Lichfield."* 

" Kempe gave not only books, but 1,000 marks to 
complete the school of which the library formed the 
upper storey ; and in 1437 the University, in a letter to 
him, calls it tuam novam librarian! (Anstey, Epis- 
tolae Academicse, ii., 533). In 1478 the University 
bound itself to commemorate, by annual Masses, etc., 
not only Kempe himself after his death, but also his 
uncle, John Kempe, Archbishop of Canterbury."! I 
wonder what has become of those Masses now. 

It is interesting to remark that the central portion of 
the Bodleian Library still bears the name of the " good 
Duke." Only sixty- two years passed when, as the 
Public Orator, the Rev. Dr. Merry, Rector of Lincoln 
College, said in his Latin oration : " Sad times fell upon 
* Op. cit., p. 6. f Ibid., n. i. 



the University when superstition and ignorance com 
bined to destroy what learning and munificence had 
created." The superstition and ignorance were those of 
the Royal Commissioners of King Edward VI. The 
precious books and manuscripts that had been collected 
with such care and at such cost through the munificence 
of princes and prelates were, in 1550, condemned as 
Popish by these Commissioners, and either destroyed or 
sold ; many of them, as they were of parchment, were 
cut up and used as measuring-tapes by tailors. Even 
the woodwork of the old library was broken up and sold 
for timber in 1556, so that nothing was left but the four 
bare walls ; and, to quote again the " Pietas Oxoni- 
ensis," " the place chosen of old for quietness that fitted 
it for study remained abnormally quiet for lack of any 
thing to be studied."* 

The name of the boy-king, Edward VI., has been 
handed down in the popular tradition as that of a 
great patron of learning, owing to a certain number of 
grammar-schools founded in his reign and under his 
name. The sad story of the old Oxford library is a 
striking confirmation of the contention of Catholic (and 
other) historians that this apparent royal munificence 
was more than counterbalanced by the fanaticism and 
rapacity of Edward or rather of his ministers which 
plundered wholesale the goods of the Church. After 
this we can the better appreciate the bitter exclamation 
of Dr. John Storey, then Principal of Broadgate s Hall : 
" Woe to thee, O land, when thy King is a child !" 
which we quoted just now. 

These excesses of Protestant bigotry and fanaticism 
were very soon after made good by the enlightened 
generosity and devoted zeal of Sir John Bodley, himself a 
Protestant of Protestants, who dedicated a considerable 
portion of his life to the restoration of the library, or, as 
we may truly say, to the creation of a new one, which 
now deservedly bears his name, and ranks as one of the 
* op. dt , p. 7. 


greatest and most precious treasure-houses of books and 
MSS. in the world. It was opened in 1602, so that in 
1902 we were worthily celebrating its third centenary. 

The Louvain letter indicates an extremely subtle his 
torical connection between this restored library of Bodley 
and the modern intellectual development of the Belgian 
University, and expresses on that account " a sense of 
profound gratitude towards the founders and directors 
of the Bodleian Library." As the story here referred to 
forms one of the most romantic chapters of literary 
history, I must endeavour, as briefly as I can, to 
narrate it. 

In 1718 one Richard Bourchier, an English merchant 
in India, purchased from some Parsis a MS. of one of 
their sacred books, the " Vendidad," in a language and 
character then unknown in Europe, and sent it by one 
Mr. Richard Cobbe, in 1723, to the Bodleian Library in 
Oxford, where it is still preserved. There it lay for 
several years a mere useless curiosity ;* but in 1754, by 
some means or other, I know not how, a facsimile of 
four leaves of this MS. found its way to Paris, and was 
exposed in a glass case in the Bibliotheque du Roi. 
Here it was seen by an impulsive and enthusiastic young 
French scholar, Abraham-Hyacinthe Anquetil du Perron, 
little more than twenty years of age at the time, and 
enkindled in him a fire of zeal which has had far-reaching 
consequences in the subsequent history of European 
learning. He knew, of course, what everybody else 
knew, that this codex formed a portion of the sacred 
books of an ancient and once mighty religion of the East, 
that bore the name of a great prophet and reformer, 
known to the ancient Greeks as Zoroaster, and who was 
supposed to have lived at a date of fabulous antiquity 
a religion that at one time was the national faith of the 

* It is still preserved there. At my visit in 1902, through the 
kindness of Mr. E. B. Nicholson, Bodley s Librarian, I had the 
pleasure of handling and examining this historically precious 


great Persian empire, and about which much had been 
written from the days of Herodotus, the father of history, 
down to those of Hyde at the close of the seventeenth 
century. The early fathers and ecclesiastical writers, 
too, had preserved the Eastern tradition that the Magi 
or Wise-Men who came to adore Christ in Bethlehem 
belonged to this faith. But strange and discordant, 
often grotesque and exaggerated, were the statements 
scattered through history about it and its founder. It 
was known that the Parsis, the so-called Fire Worship 
pers of India, were the remnants of the adherents of the 
once Imperial faith, long since crushed and almost 
exterminated by Mohammedanism, who had found a 
refuge on Indian shores. They were believed to possess 
the sacred writings of Zoroaster and his disciples, as well 
as the knowledge of the long- forgotten languages in 
which they were preserved. But the Parsi priests 
jealously guarded their treasures, and even though in one 
or two rare instances they were persuaded to sell MSS. 
of their books, nothing had ever induced them to divulge 
what they knew of their language or contents. Anquetil 
du Perron was now fired with the ambition to win for 
his country the glory of wresting from the suspicious 
priesthood who guarded them the secrets of the old- 
world faith, and of laying before the learned world a 
complete account of the Zoroastrian doctrines, based on 
the actual testimony of the ancient books themselves. 
So great was his impatience that he enlisted as a common 
soldier in the French East India Company, quitting Paris 
with his company (men whom he speaks of as " ces 
brutaux "), and with no further luggage than a few 
books, two shirts, two handkerchiefs, and a pair of socks. 
Reaching 1 Orient on November 16, 1754, he was grati 
fied to learn that the King had allowed him a subsidy of 
500 livres and a free passage to India. He did not sail, 
however, till February 7, 1755, nor reach Pondicherry 
till August 9, after a voyage of six months. Seven long 
years he spent in India, chiefly in Surat, which he reached 


in 1758. Facing every kind of difficulty and discourage 
ment, suffering sickness, opposition, perils of war, and 
even personal violence, never once did he swerve from 
his self-imposed task. On the part of the dasturs, or 
Parsi priests, he met with vexatious delays, fraud, extor 
tion, and evasion : still he persevered. His extraordi 
dinary courage and industry were rewarded. He learned 
the Persian language, and, in addition, whatever the 
Parsis knew of their two ancient sacred languages now 
known to us as Zend and Pehlevi. He obtained com 
plete copies of all that remained of their sacred books, 
translated them into French, and collated many MSS. 
Although England and France were at war at the time, 
and Surat was captured by the former during his stay 
there, it is pleasing to record that he received much help 
and friendly protection from the English, and finally, on 
April 23, 1761, it was owing to English help that he was 
able to sail from Bombay with his precious treasures 
(including 180 MSS.) on board the Bristol, arriving at 
Portsmouth on November 17 of the same year. For a 
short time, through some misapprehension, he was 
detained as a prisoner of war, owing to the hostilities 
proceeding between the two countries, but was soon 
released. He would not, however, leave England before 
visiting Oxford to inspect and compare the Avestic MSS. 
there preserved. After a stay of two days, he returned 
by Portsmouth and London to Gravesend, whence he 
embarked for Ostend on February 14, 1762, reaching 
Paris just a month later. He deposited his MSS. in the 
Bibliotheque du Roi, and set to work to publish the 
results of his long years of labour. After nine years toil, 
there appeared in 1771 his great work in three volumes, 
destined to bring about almost a revolution in philo 
logical and historical science. It is true the work was 
full of mistakes and imperfections, not so much through 
Anquetil du Perron s own fault, as through that of his 
Parsi teachers, whose knowledge of their own classical 
languages was singularly imperfect and incorrect. Thus, 


when his translation of the " Sacred Books of the 
A vesta " appeared, it met with much scepticism and even 
ridicule ; instead of a work of profound philosophy, it 
appeared to many of his readers a mere farrago of puerile 
fables, tedious formulae, and grotesque prescriptions. A 
famous young Oxford scholar, Sir William Jones, who 
later on became the greatest Orientalist of his day, pub 
lished a letter in exquisite French in which he poured 
forth with all the wit and bitterness of a Voltaire the 
vials of almost ferocious ridicule and obloquy upon 
Anquetil. In fact, he made out that his work was a 
forgery, and this view was long held by many distin 
guished scholars. For several years the battle raged 
over the question of the genuineness or the contrary of 
the language which Anquetil had thus revealed to the 
scientific world. Among the scholars who defended 
Anquetil it is interesting to find the name of the learned 
Carmelite Father Paulinus di San Bartolommeo,* who, 
in an essay published in Rome in 1798, not only 
defended the genuineness of the Avestic language, but 
even indicated, what was later on to be so abundantly 
proved, its affinity with the Sanskrit. 

Time has abundantly avenged the good faith and sub 
stantial accuracy of Anquetil du Perron, and the cruel 
diatribe of Sir William Jones is now nothing more than 
a literary curiosity. The rich collections of MSS. 
deposited in the Paris Library by Anquetil du Perron 
were studied by one scholar after another, until 
the great Eugene Burnouf definitely placed Avestic 
philology on a permanent and certain basis. The 
language of the Avesta, the so-called Zend, was exhaus 
tively studied, its phonetics and grammatical principles 
duly recorded and explained, and it took its rightful place 
by the ^ side of its sister idiom, Sanskrit, the sacred 
language of ancient India. Thus was Bopp, the father 
of the modern science of comparative philology, able to 

* Author of the first Sanskrit Grammar ever printed (Rome : 
Propaganda Press, 1790). 


utilize it in the compilation of his epoch-making work, 
" The Comparative Grammar of the Indo-Germanic 
Languages," and even up to the present day the study of 
Zend is indispensable for a proper understanding of the 
history and development of that most important group 
of languages known to us as the Aryan, or Indo-European 

No less far-reaching have been the effects of Anquetil 
du Perron s revelation upon another most important 
modern branch of learning, the Comparative History of 
Religions. The sacred books of the Avesta, or, rather, 
what portions of them have survived the wreck, together 
with a very considerable proportion of the explanatory, 
theological, or patristic literature belonging to the after 
ages of the Zoroastrian faith, and composed in the 
medieval language known to us as Pehlevi, have, during 
the course of the nineteenth century, been studied, pub 
lished, translated, and commented upon by numerous 
scholars of every nationality. The dogmas and moral 
precepts, the ceremonial and liturgical prescriptions of 
the great Zoroastrian creed, are now fully known, and 
form one of the most valuable as well as most inter 
esting chapters of the history of religions. Now, it is one 
of the peculiar glories of the modern University of 
Louvain resuscitated in 1834 after its temporary sup 
pression by the French Republicans, as recorded earlier 
on to have played an important part in the develop 
ment of Avestic studies, whether from the philological or 
the theological point of view, through the labours of its 
most illustrious modern son, the late Charles de Harlez. 
As a young priest, this gifted scholar, forced, by ill-health 
and a serious throat affection which never left him, to 
abandon the work of the parochial ministry, threw him 
self, with all the ardour of his nature, into those studies 
which had been inaugurated by Anquetil du Perron, and 
raised to the highest scientific level by Burnouf, Wester- 
gaard, and Spiegel, of whom de Harlez may be considered 
to have been intellectually, though not actually, the 


pupil. In 1874 de Harlez joined the staff of the Louvain 
University and began his great work, the French trans 
lation of the Avesta, which, with his many subsequent 
publications, have exercised a profound influence upon 
the course of Zend studies in Europe, and upon no man 
more than upon the famous Darmesteter, though that 
strange genius would have been the last to acknowledge 
his indebtedness. But it is chiefly as the reformer of the 
intellectual life of Louvain that de Harlez comes before 
us in this paper. With a single exception of the great 
biologist Carnoy, there is no man whose intellectual 
power has so remodelled the higher studies in that Uni 
versity as Charles de Harlez. What the one did for the 
natural sciences, the other did for the philological and 
historical ones ; and it has been said, without much 
exaggeration, that de Harlez left Louvain on his death in 
1899 a hundred years ahead of what he found it on his 
arrival in 1874. If, then, that illustrious scholar owes 
his fame and his power to his Avestic studies, it is 
surely not incorrect, fanciful though the idea may seem, 
to trace, like an electric current, the intellectual in 
fluence which he exercised, back through the school of 
Burnouf, the labours and genius of Anquetil du Perron, 
and the now historical " four facsimile leaves," to the 
Bodleian MS. and its home in that literary treasure- 
house, erected three hundred years ago by the enlight 
ened munificence of Sir John Bodley. Was it too far 
fetched on the part of the Louvain University to express 
in its letter its " profound gratitude " to the Bodleian 
for having supplied the tiny seed whence have sprung 
the rich intellectual gifts which she now enjoys ? 


However poetical this idea may seem, there is no doubt 
about the prosaic reality of the good services acknow 
ledged in the concluding paragraph of the address. It is 
well known that the Bodleian has become one of the 


richest storehouses of MSS., particularly of rare and 
valuable Oriental codices, in the world, with which but 
three or four of the greatest libraries in Europe can vie. 
Hence it is that scholars come from all parts to examine, 
collate, or copy these manuscript treasures. It is true 
that the Bodleian, by one of the fundamental articles of 
its constitution, can never lend a single volume of any 
kind outside of its own walls ; and history records the 
two interesting occasions when, first of all King Charles I. 
and some years later the mighty Protector Oliver 
Cromwell, on applying for the loan of a volume, were each 
in turn stoutly refused, on the strength of this regulation, 
by the unflinching librarians of their day ; and though 
neither Charles nor Oliver were men to brook lightly a 
contradiction of their wills, it is to the credit of both that 
they each gracefully acquiesced and respected the 
founder s law. On the other hand, scholars, whether 
English or foreign, wishing to work in the library, are 
ever received with all kindness and courtesy. Members 
of the Louvain University, among others, have in our 
own times, as indicated in the address, availed themselves 
of this privilege. One or two instances are referred to by 
name. The distinguished Professor of Holy Scripture 
and the Semitic Languages, Mgr. T. J . Lamy, during the 
past few years has published the hitherto inedited hymns 
and sermons of the greatest of the Syrian Doctors of the 
Church, St. Ephrem of Edessa. This fine edition, con 
taining the original Syriac texts, with Latin translation, 
notes, and commentaries, is based upon a number of 
codices in various European libraries, and among them 
the Bodleian.* Mgr. A. Hebbelynck, who, as the 

* " Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, quos e codicibus 
Londiniensibus, Parisiensibus . . . et Oxoniensibus descriptis 
edidit " Thomas Josephus Lamy (Mechliniae, Dessain, 4 vols., 
1882-1902). There is an inaccuracy in the Louvain address in 
quoting Mgr. Abbeloos as a collaborator in this important work. 
It was in the similar edition of the Ecclesiastical Chronicle of 
Bar-Hebrgeus, or Abu l-Faraj, the greatest of the Syrian his 
torians, that Abbeloos, Lamy s most distinguished pupil, co- 


present Rector Magnificus, signs the address quoted 
above, has also been indebted to the courtesy of the 
authorities of Bodley s Library, whilst copying or col 
lating some of its Coptic MSS., one of which, an exceed 
ingly curious, quasi-gnostic treatise on the " Mysteries 
of the Greek Alphabet," he published in text and trans 
lation in 1902.* 

It was as a fitting and graceful acknowledgment of 
these and other services that the University of Louvain 
entrusted its delegate, in addition to the Latin address, 
with a selection of some dozen bound volumes of publica 
tions of members of its staff, for presentation to the 
Bodleian Library, among them being, naturally, the 
works just described. 

What I have written above will, I think, suffice to 
show the continuous traditions of friendly intercourse 
and reciprocal services which, for nearly four and a half 
centuries, have existed between the ancient University 
of Oxford and her younger, though venerable, sister 
University of Louvain ; and it is possible, perhaps, to 
trace a long-linked chain of intellectual and moral cause 
and effect between the going of Robert Lincoln, the 
Oxford bachelor, to Louvain in 1472, and the sending by 
Louvain of her delegate to share in the joys of the Oxford 
celebration of 1902, after an interval of precisely 430 

operated with the latter thirty years ago (" Gregorii Barhebraei 
Chronicon Ecclesiasticum "... conjuncta opera ediderunt 
Abbeloos et Lamy," Lovanii, Peeters, 3 vols., 1872-1877), but 
the text published was that of a British Musuem codex not of 
a Bodleian MS. 

* " Les Mysteres des Lettres Grecques d apres un Manuscrit 
Copte Arabe de la Bibliotheque Bodleienne d Oxford " (Louvain : 
Istas, 1902). 



Pietas Oxoniensis : In Memory of Sir Thomas Bodley, Knt., 

and the Foundation of the Bodleian Library. Oxford : at 

the University Press, October, 1902. 
MGR. HEBBEI.YNCK, Recteur Magnifique de 1 Universite. " Dis- 

cours prononce au Grand Auditoire du College du Pape 

Adrien VI., le 15 Octobre, 1902." Louvain : Van Linthout, 

DOM ADAM HAMILTON, O.S.B. " Chronicle of the English 

Augustinian Canonesses at Louvain." Edinburgh and 

London : Sands, 1904. 
DOM BEDE CAMM, O.S.B. "Lives of the English Martyrs." 

2 vols. London: Burns and Oates, 1904-5. 
THE CATHOLIC RECORD SOCIETY. "Miscellanea," i. London, 




AMONG the most popular devotions of the Catholic 
Church is unquestionably that form of prayer known 
to us as the " Litany of Lore to." This favourite prayer 
in honour of the Mother of God is one of the four litanies 
which, by recent decrees of the Holy See, are the only 
ones allowed to be used in public devotions viz., the 
ancient Litany of the Saints, the Litany of Jesus, the 
Litany of the Sacred Heart, and the Litany of Loreto. 
Of these, of course, only the first is, strictly speaking, 
of liturgical rank, forming as it does an integral part 
of many of the liturgical and pontifical offices of the 
Church. The Litany of the Blessed Virgin, or of 
Loreto, has, however, come to enjoy a quasi-public, 
though extra-liturgical, character, owing to the fact 
that it has become, by popular usage, almost an in 
variable portion of the service of Benediction of the 
Blessed Sacrament. Moreover, in late years Pope 
Leo XIII. officially ordered the recitation of this 
Litany, together with the Rosary, in all churches during 
the month of October (Encyclical Supremi Apostolatus, 
September I, 1883). This is the first occasion upon 
which the recitation of this litany has been made in any 
way obligatory. Over and above the official authority 
which now attaches to the Litany of Loreto, there can 
be no question of the extreme popularity which it enjoys 
among Catholics all over the world, largely on account 
of its own intrinsic beauties and of the thoroughly 



devotional spirit which pervades it. It is no wonder, 
therefore, that both the contents and the history of 
this litany have formed the subject of quite a remarkable 
number of theological and historical treatises during a 
space of well-nigh three centuries, from the earliest 
writer, Pierre Geoffrey, whose meditations on the Litany 
of Loreto were published at Bordeaux in 1607, and 
Justinus Michoviensis (1630), down to the modern works 
of Himmelstein (Wiirtzburg, 1876) and the more recent 
and exhaustive essays of Josef Sauren (1895) and of 
de Santi (1900).* Indeed, the present paper will be 
little more than a brief summary of the interesting 
investigations and conclusions so clearly and concisely 
set forth by the former author, though these have been 
keenly criticised and frequently corrected by de Santi. 
It may be of some interest to know that among the 
earlier writers on this subject was one Dr. William 
Smith, whose dissertation on four of the petitions of the 
Litany of Loreto was published at Antwerp in 1767. f 

The term " litany," as the name of a form of prayer, 
goes back to the most ancient times, even to pagan 
writers before the Christian era. It is a Greek word, 
used by the historian Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who 
nourished a few years before Christ e.g., in narrating 
the famous history of Lucretia.f (Antiq. Rom., lib. iv., 
cap. 67.) In the early Christian Church the word 
appears to have been used chiefly, if not exclusively, for 
processions, or else for prayers publicly recited during 

* See list at end of article. 

f " Dissertatio in hsec quatuor Litaniarum quas vulgo Laure- 
tanas appellamus commata : Vas spirituale, vas honorabile, vas 
insigne devotionis, rosa mystica " (Antverpise, 1767). 

J TToXXds Xircii/ei as . . . TTOiTja-a^vrj. The word is chiefly used 
as a plural in Christian usage (Lat. litanice, It. litanie, Fr. litanies, 
in its ecclesiastical sense) ; also Sp. litania and litanias. Portu 
guese is peculiar ladainha. 

In this sense O. Ital. letanie, as in Dante, " Inferno," xx. 9. 
In a document of A.D. 1092, quoted by Muratori (" Annali 
d ltalia," v. 222), we read : " Quandocunque letanice veniebant 


processions, and naturally consisting chiefly of repe 
titions of invocations. It is generally believed that the 
custom of processions with recitations of litanies took 
its rise at Vienne in France about 450, under St. Mamer- 
tus, during the terrible days of earthquakes, pestilence, 
famine, and fire which struck so much terror throughout 
Gaul during the fifth century, and again under his 
successor, St. Avitus, in 519. This was the origin of the 
Rogation Days, the observance of which is believed 
to have spread from Gaul to Rome, where Gregory the 
Great first brought them into general use. There is 
reason to believe that in the earliest times these liturgical 
litanies consisted solely of the repetition of the invoca 
tions Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison, and that the names 
of saints and petitions were added somewhat later. Be 
this as it may, there can be no doubt that the Greater 
Litanies, or Litanies of the Saints, though not exactly 
in the forms we have them now, are the most ancient in 
the Church. 

It is an interesting question to ask what is the 
antiquity of the Litany of Loreto. My readers will 
probably be surprised to learn that the difference of 
opinions which prevails among writers on this subject 
is extreme. The well-known ecclesiastical writer, Bin- 
terim, actually carried the origin of this litany back 
to Apostolic times. Fr. Hutchison (" Loreto and 
Nazareth," London, 1863), and Dr. Northcote (" Shrines 
of the Madonna ") both agree upon the beginning of the 
fifth century. Auguste Nicolas, in his celebrated book 
on the Blessed Virgin, thinks that they were in use 
in the sixth century under Gregory the Great, and 
were sung in procession during a time of pestilence, a 
clear confusion with the Litany of the Saints above 
referred to. Scherer, Schneider-Beringer, and Moroni, 
in his great dictionary, all agree in speaking of its 

ad San Donatum . . . audiebant Missam." And 1 Imolese, in 
his note to the above passage of Dante : " Qui vadunt in letaniis 
ambulant lente." 


venerable antiquity, and refer to it as belonging to the 
earliest centuries. Moroni and Glaire further assert 
that Pope Sergius I., in 637, ordered this litany to be 
publicly recited on the feast of the Annunciation. 
Other writers admit that it is doubtful whether the 
existence of the Litany of Loreto can be traced before 
the year 1294, the traditional date of the translation 
of the Holy House to that town. The writer whose 
essay I am now summarising, Herr Sauren, has under 
taken a thorough investigation of these different views, 
with results that are somewhat surprising. Speaking 
generally, we may say that his careful investigation of 
historical sources has led to a conclusion entirely fatal 
to the supposed great antiquity of the Litany of Loreto, 
and indeed to what appears to me the unavoidable con 
clusion that this devotion is not only not very ancient, 
but that it is, comparatively speaking, modern. 

Of course, it must be understood that we are here 
speaking of the actual Litany of Loreto as an organic 
whole. Not only is the form of public supplication 
known as " litanies " of the highest antiquity, but even 
litanies of Our Lady, remarkably similar to our present 
ones, are to be found all through ecclesiastical literature. 
It is very interesting to know that the oldest of all 
litanies of Our Blessed Lady now extant is an old Irish 
one, going back to the eighth century, preserved in the 
" Leabher Breac," in the Royal Library of Dublin, and 
published in the old Irish text, with English and Latin 
translations, in 1879. This ancient litany is one of great 
beauty, containing sixty invocations, some identical 
with, others very similar to, those in our own form of 
the Litany. A version of this old Irish litany, together 
with several others of various dates, is given in the 
appendix to Sauren s Essay. Among them it may be 
worth while mentioning a litany contained in the works 
of St. Bonaventure, another extracted by de Rubeis from 
an ancient codex of Frejus, a third contained in an office 
of Our Lady, printed by Dulcibello in 1503, and others 



extracted from various similar sources. All these have 
many points of close analogy with our Litany of Loreto, 
but all differ considerably, some even very widely from it. 

We will now follow our author in endeavouring to 
ascertain the historical data which are at hand for the 
certain history of the Litany we now possess. The 
earliest real historical date for this Litany is a statement 
by Vicenzo Murri in his Dissertation upon the identity 
of the Santa Casa (Loreto, 1791), to the effect that in 
the year 1489 a large silver plate bearing the name of 
Paolo Savelli, Prince of Albano, was sent as an offering 
to the shrine, having engraved upon it our present 
Litany of Loreto.* Martorelli, who wrote in 1743, also 
states that according to some authorities the Litany 
was composed in 1493. 

On the occasion of the laying of the foundation- 
stone of the marble building which enshrines the Holy 
House, in 1531, the Chapter of Loreto, according to the 
testimony of an eye-witness, Lauren tius, " sang the 
Litany of the Virgin Mary." 

In 1547 Giovanni d Albona, Canon of Loreto, made a 
foundation with the Augustinians of Recanati to say or 
sing every Saturday a mass in honour of Our Lady 
" together with her Litanies." Raffaele Riera, S.J., 
who from 1554 onwards was penitentiary at Loreto, in 
his history of the " Santa Casa," mentions a litany of 
Our Lady which the pilgrims to Loreto were in the habit 
of singing. 

It is certainly remarkable to find that the above 
quoted dates are the very earliest which can be found 
connecting a litany of Our Lady with Loreto and the 
Santa Casa. I say a litany because it is not yet quite 
certain whether each one of the litanies just mentioned 
was identical with our present Litany or not. 

On February 8, 1578, a copy of the Litany of Loreto 

was sent to Rome accompanied by a letter of Giulio 

Candiotti, arch-priest of Loreto, petitioning that this 

Litany might be introduced into the churches of Rome. 

* See, however, De Santi, pp. 15-20. 


Candiotti writes (Vatican Library, cod. reg. 2,020, 
P- 363) : " I send, with all humility, to your Holiness the 
new (moderne) lauds or litanies of the Blessed Virgin, 
taken from Holy Scripture, which are sung to music on 
Saturday evenings towards the Ave Maria, on vigils and 
feasts of the Madonna, on principal feast days, and on 
the visit of great princes to this Holy House and Church 
of Lore to, in order to give your Holiness the opportunity 
of introducing them on the same days in honour of 
Our Lady, and having them sung in St. Peter s and 
elsewhere," etc. 

The matter was submitted to examination, and there 
is preserved in the Vatican Library the manuscript of 
an official report and votum. The anonymous con 
sultant finds the Litany to be devout and edifying, but 
remarks that several of the titles attributed to Our 
Lady in this Litany are applied in Holy Scripture in 
their literal or mystic sense rather to Christ and His 
Church, though some of them have also been applied 
by the Church to Our Blessed Lady. At the same time 
he does not think the new Litany to be of sufficient 
value to be introduced by an official act into Rome, or 
extended to the Universal Church. 

The Litany here referred to was clearly not our 
Litany of Loreto. The expression " taken from Holy 
Scripture " (cavate delta sacra scrittura) applied to the 
petitions does not strictly fit those of the Litany of 
Loreto, nor can it be exactly said of any of the latter 
that they were originally " applied in Holy Scripture 
rather to Christ and His Church." Further than this, 
there are to be found in a small book of devotions, 
published at Ingoldstadt in 1573, and entitled " The 
saurus piarum et christianarum Institutionum," by John 
Perelli, two different litanies with the following titles : 

1. " Litany of the Mother of God taken from Holy 

Scripture and accustomed to be sung in the 
Holy House of Loreto every Saturday, and on 
vigils and feasts of Our Blessed Lady." 

2. " Another Litany of the Blessed Virgin Mary." 



Now, the interesting fact is that the second of these two 
Litanies is identical with our present Litany of Loreto, 
whilst the first is one whose invocations are all literally 
taken from Holy Scripture, and is undoubtedly the very 
litany sent to Rome for approval by Candiotti in 1578, 
as above narrated. 

From these facts follows the conclusion, which Sauren 
himself finds unexpected and surprising, that up to 
1578 our present Litany of Loreto was either unknown 
at Loreto, or at least not used in public functions, and 
of quite secondary importance. It is remarkable that 
so weighty and so recent an authority as Dom Suitbert 
Baeumer, O.S.B., in his invaluable " History of the 
Breviary " (Freiburg, 1895), should have been led into 
the error of stating that the litany sent up to Rome by 
Candiotti was our present Litany. 

Another important date in connection with this 
subject is afforded by the famous battle of Lepanto, in 
which the Turks were defeated by the Christian forces, 
under Don John of Austria, in 1571. As we are told in 
the lessons of the Roman Breviary (May 24), Pope St. 
Pius V., in thanksgiving for this glorious victory, added 
the title " Auxilium Chris tianorum " to the Litany of 
Loreto, and as that Pope died in 1572 the addition must 
have been made immediately after the victory. It is 
somewhat remarkable that no official decree or other 
document ordering this addition to the Litany is in 
existence ; no mention is made of it in the Pope s Bull 
on the victory, so that the statement of the Roman 
Breviary is our only historical authority for the fact. 
However, a small book of devotions entitled " Trattato 
sopra 1 historia della S. Chiesa e Casa . . . di Loreto," 
published at Macerata in 1576, as well as the above- 
mentioned Ingoldstadt Prayer-Book, contain the in 
vocation " Auxilium Christianorum " inserted in their 
version of our present Litany of Loreto. From this the 
consequence must be drawn that as early as 1571 or 
1572 our present Litany of Loreto was not only known 
but officially recognised in Rome at a time, that is, 


when quite another litany, the Scriptural, or, as we may 
conveniently call it, Candiotti s Litany, was the one 
publicly sung at Loreto. Within a very few years, 
however, these two litanies must have changed places, 
for in 1587 the Roman Litany, identical with our present 
Litany, was not only indulgenced by Sixtus V. in his 
Bull " Reddituri " of July n, but also spoken of as 
the Litany " which is recited in the House of Our 
Blessed Lady " (quae in Domo Beatae Mariae Virginis 
recitantur). And the following year Rutilio Benzoni, 
Bishop of Loreto, ordered our present Litany to be 
solemnly sung during a. three days synod which he held 
in that city. From this date forward no other Litany 
is known under the title of Loreto except the one so 
familiar to us by that name. The former Scriptural 
Litany of Loreto has passed into practical oblivion. 
There can be little doubt that Sauren is correct in sur 
mising that the cause of this substitution was the 
refusal of Rome to approve the Loreto Litany sent by 
Candiotti in 1578. 

Herr Sauren, to whom is due the credit of these 
interesting discoveries, next discusses the question of 
the origin of our present Litany. Two theories may be 
put forward. One theory is that both litanies had their 
origin in Loreto, were both in use at that shrine, but 
that the Scriptural Litany enjoyed, up to 1578, higher 
esteem, and so was sung on Saturdays and feast days. 
The failure of Candiotti s petition may have brought it 
into disfavour. 

The second, and more probable, theory holds that our 
present Litany had its origin outside of Loreto, and 
was brought to the Shrine from elsewhere. This view 
is supported by the account of the silver tablet sent as 
an offering to Loreto by Sapelli in 1489, as above 
related, with our Litany engraved upon it, as well as 
by the statement of Riera that this Litany was wont 
to be sung by pilgrims coming to Loreto. And as 
St. Pius V. added the invocation " Auxilium Christian- 
orum " to a Litany which was not at that date belonging 


to Loreto, though it has since become so, we may 
conclude that our present Litany is really one of Roman 
origin carried to Loreto by pilgrims. Since the silver 
tablet of 1489 is absolutely the earliest historical datum 
for the history of our Litany we have therefore no 
warrant at all for fixing the date of its origin earlier than 
the late fifteenth century. This is indeed a very far 
cry from the statements of the numerous writers 
referred to earlier on in this paper who claim that our 
Litany goes back to Pope Gregory the Great, to the 
earliest Christian centuries, or even to Apostolic times.* 
A most interesting question now arises as to the 
authorship of our Litany of Loreto. It may be at once 
said that we have absolutely no information, not even a 
tradition to go upon, in determining this question. A 
careful study of the various invocations shows that the 
author must have been not only a pious, but also a 
theologically learned man. The titles given to Our 
Lady are not only skilfully chosen, but are also arranged 
in an accurate and consequent order. We have already 
referred to a number of Litanies of our Blessed Lady 
published in various works of devotion, and reprinted 
in Sauren s essay. That writer points out that though 
all these Litanies differ more or less widely from ours, 
yet that the latter contains many epithets to be found 
also in the other Litanies, and more especially that an 
examination of these numbered by him 5, 7, and 8, viz., 
one published by Dulcibello in 1503, one taken from 
an old missal in Gothic characters, and published by 
Cosimo, and a third published at Venice in a small 
prayer-book in 1561, proves that our present Litany is 
nothing else than a revised version or redaction of these 
three Litanies, in any case the work of a learned and 

* It may be of some interest to add that our Litany of Loreto 
was first printed in 1576, in the above quoted Italian treatise of 
the arch-priest Bernardino Cirillo, published at Macerata ; and 
that it was first set to music by Palestrina, and his contem 
porary, Orlando Lasso, in the second half of the sixteenth 


skilful editor rather than author. Who this writer may 
have been it is unfortunately impossible even to surmise. 
We may now summarise the net results of this his 
torical investigation as follows : 

1. The use of " Litanies," or the recitation of public 
prayers in the form of strings or series of invocations 
repeated by the people, goes back to the earliest times 
of Christianity. Such litanies were at first exclusively 
used in processions. 

2. The earliest form of litanies is that which has come 
down to us as " the Litanies of the Saints," and which 
has long enjoyed liturgical rank. 

3. There is reason to believe that many forms of 
litanies in honour of our Blessed Lady were in use in 
different parts of the Church from fairly early times 
at least from the seventh or eighth century, as testified 
by the old Irish Litany of the " Leabher Breac." 

4. These various litanies consisted of series of 
invocations of the Mother of God, under various sym 
bolical and allegorical titles, taken from the Holy 
Scripture or the writings of the Fathers of the Church. 

5. In the latter part of the sixteenth century a 
litany of the Blessed Virgin, the text of which is still 
extant, was accustomed to be sung at the sanctuary of 
Loreto on Saturdays and great Feast Days. Its age 
is uncertain, but in all probability it was, at that time 
referred to, only recent. The invocations in this litany 
are taken exclusively from Holy Scripture. 

6. Between 1578 and 1587, probably owing to the 
refusal of the Holy See to give a solemn approbation to 
this Scriptural Litany, its use was superseded at Loreto 
by another litany, said to have been brought thither by 
pilgrims, in which the titles of Our Lady are taken 
chiefly from the Fathers and Doctors of the Church. 
This litany is very probably of Roman origin. It is our 
present " Litany of Loreto." 

7. A comparison of it with other litanies extant shows 
that it is not an original composition, but a skilful and 


learned adaptation of at least three other extant litanies, 
all printed and published between 1503 and 1561. 

8. Its author must, therefore, have been a learned and 
devout theologian, living probably in Rome, and during 
the fifteenth century, possibly at its close ; his name is 
entirely lost. 

It will now be of some interest briefly to review the 
various titles of Our Lady as contained in our present 
Litany of Lore to. This subject has attracted the 
attention of several pious writers who have commented 
upon the Litany. Sauren justly remarks that, unlike 
most of the earlier litanies of Our Lady, wherein the 
different epithets applied to the Blessed Virgin are 
thrown together with little or no order, our Litany 
forms an organic whole, in which every title has its 
proper place and sequence. 

In analysing the invocations, we may properly begin 
by marking off those four which have an historical 
origin, and which, not belonging to the original form of 
our Litany, have been subsequently added to it by 
Papal authority. These are (i) " Auxilium Chris tian- 
orum," which, as we have seen, according to the testi 
mony of the Breviary, was added by St. Pius V. in 1571 
or 1572, after the battle of Lepanto. (2) " Regina sine 
labe originali concepta," added by permission of 
Pius IX. after the definition of the Immaculate Concep 
tion in 1854, though strictly speaking no papal docu 
ment has ever officially extended the use of this invoca 
tion to the Universal Church, according to a decree of 
the Congregation of Rites of April 8, 1865.* (3) " Regina 
Sacratissimi Rosarii," added by Leo XIII. in his decree 
of December 24, 1883, ordering this petition to follow 
immediately the one just mentioned. (4) "Mater Boni 
Consirii," Leo XIII. , by decree April 22, 1903. 

* " Meletens . . . Utrum ex pracepto adjungendum : Regina 
sine labe originali concepta ? . . . Ad. iii. Negative." It will 
thus be seen that up to that time the addition of that title was 
not obligatory. Since the decree of Leo XIII. of December 24, 
1583, we may infer that the invocation is now ex pracepto. 


We may now proceed to analyse the titles of the 
Litany as a whole. This has been done in different 
ways by different writers. Justinus Michoviensis, in 
his already quoted work (vol. i., Discurs. ix., p. 23), 
points out that there are three motives for which a person 
merits praise and honour viz., (i) An illustrious name, 
(2) virtuous and heroic deeds, (3) high rank and dignity. 
He finds this order indicated in the Litany, in which we 
have first the venerable name of Mary. " Sancta Maria," 
second, her virtues, whether in literal language (" Sancta 
Dei genitrix " to " Virgo fidelis "), or in metaphorical 
language (" Speculum justitiae " to " Stella matutina "), 
and also her heroic deeds (" Salus infirmorum " to " Aux- 
ilium Chris tianorum ") ; third, the concluding invoca 
tions, all beginning with the title " Queen," to indicate 
her supereminent rank and dignity. 

The analysis of Sauren (following Knoll and Kolb) is 
more elaborate. He considers the titles of our Lady as 
falling into two groups those relating to her own 
individual personality, and those applying to her in her 
relation to the Church of Christ. We may express the 
further analysis in a tabular form : 


As Mother of God. Sancta Maria to Mater Salva- 

As Virgin. Virgo prudentissima to Virgo 


As Virgin Mother (by meta- Speculum justitise to Vas in- 
phors). signe devotionis. 


Foreshadowed in the Old Rosa Mystica to Stella matu- 

Testament. tina. 

Her relation to the Church Salus infirmorum to Auxilium 

militant and suffering. Christianorum. 

Her relation to the Church Regina angelorum to the end. 


Whatever be the value of this somewhat elaborate 
analysis, it at least serves to show the symmetry and 
accurate care with which our Litany has been compiled. 


But even though such an analysis may bear the appear 
ance of being somewhat fanciful, even a casual examina 
tion of the Litany reveals a certain deliberate arrange 
ment of titles, concerning which I may be permitted to 
quote some words published by me a few years ago : 
" An analysis of the titles by which Our Lady is ad 
dressed in this Litany reveals the fact, which perhaps 
is rarely adverted to, that after the three introductory 
titles, if one may so call them, which in a way give the 
keynote to what follows ( Sancta Maria/ Sancta Dei 
genitrix, Sancta Virgo Virginum ), these titles fall 
into four distinct groups viz., (i) One of the ten 
invocations in which Our Lady is addressed as Mother, 
and so her Divine Maternity celebrated ; (2) one in 
which, under six invocations, she is styled Virgin, 
thus proclaiming her Virginity ; (3) a longer group of 
seventeen titles, made up of types and mystic figures, 
which set her forth as the Mystic Woman, the predestined 
Woman of the Old Law ; and (4) a group of invocations 
to her as Queen, thus proclaiming her Triumph."* 

In accordance with this four- fold division, my friend, 
Mr. G. A. Oesch, formerly of St. Bede s College, Man 
chester, at my suggestion composed music to the 
Litany of Loreto, whose object was " to set forth these 
four varieties of the titles of Our Lady by four corre 
sponding variations in the music, celebrating respectively 
her Divine Motherhood, her Virginity, her Mystic 
Character, and her Queenship, somewhat as in the 
Litany of the Saints the music varies with the change 
in the form of invocation " (loc. cit.). It will be interest 
ing here to quote the testimony of an eminent Anglican 
authority : " With regard to the third group, the follow 
ing remark of Dr. F. G. Lee, the Anglican vicar of 
Lambeth, in his work, The Sinless Conception of the 
Mother of God (London, 1892), may be quoted : It 
is both interesting and instructive (eminently calcu 
lated to rectify historical errors) to note that the titles 

* Preface to " Litany of Loreto for four mixed Voices." 
Composed by G. A. Oesch. Ratisbon : Pustet, 1892. 



and expressions by which the Mother of God is addressed 
in the Litany of Loreto are almost all found in the 
writings of the Fathers of the first six centuries. What 
some persons have been accustomed to regard medieval 
superstitions are, in truth and reality, patristic facts. 
-Ibid.,p.g 5 ." 

In conclusion, I may remark that, although our 
Litany cannot, like its predecessor, be called Scriptural, 
yet a number of the mystic titles quoted from the 
Fathers are in reality borrowed, or at least adapted by, 
the latter from one or other passage of Holy Scripture. 

The following table, based on and abridged from 
Sauren, of the titles will show this fact to demonstration : 

Sancta Dei Genitrix. 

S. Virgo Virginum. 
Mater Christi. 
Mater Divinae Gratiae. 
Mater purissima. 

Mater castissima. 
Mater inviolata. 

Mater intemerata. 
Mater amabilis. 
Mater admirablis. 

Mater Creatoris. 
Mater Salvatoris. 
Virgo prudentissima. 

Virgo veneranda. 
Virgo praedicanda. 

Virgo potens. 

Virgo clemens. 
Virgo fidelis. 


Cone. Eph. 431) SS. Au 
gustine, Ephrem, Basil, Methodius. 

Bruno the Carthusian, Petrus Cel- 
lensis, Hugh of St. Victor. 

SS. John Damascene, Augustine, 
Gregory Nazianzen. 

" M. Gratiae," Idiota ; " M. Gratia- 
rum," St. Anselm. 

Johannes Hondemius ; " M. mun- 
dissima," St. John Damascene ; 
" Domina purissima," St. Ephrem. 

St. Ildephonsus. 

St. Ephrem ; " Virgo inviolata," St. 
Gregory Thaum. 

SS. Augustine, Methodius, Jerome. 

Gulielmus Parisiensis. 

Simeon Metaphrastes, Albert the 

SS. Bonaventure and Anselm, Caesar 

Origen, SS. Epiphanius and Ilde 

(Cf. Matt, xxv.) Idiota, St. Bonaven 
ture, Albert the Great. 

St. Gregory Nazianzen. 

" Virgo . . . celebranda," St. John 

(St. Bonaventure, " tu es potentis- 

Hermannus Contractus. 

Abbot Rupert ; " Virgo fidelissima," 
Albert the Great. 




Speculum justitiae. 
Sedes sapientiae. 

Causa nostrse laetitiae. 

Vas spirituale.* 
Vas honorabile. 

Vas insigne devotionis. 
Rosa mystica. 

Turris Davidica. 

Tunis eburnea. 
Domus aurea. 
Foederis area. 

Janua Coeli. 
Stella matutina. 

Salus infirmorum. 

Refugium peccatorum. 
Consolatrix afflictorum. 

Auxilium Christianorum. 
Regina Angelorum. 
Regina SS. omnium. 


" S. totius justitiae," Abbot Gueric. 
SS. Anselm Bernard, and Laurence 

"Causa nobis Isetitiae," St. Gregory 

of Nicomedia " Causa unica laeti- 

tiae," St. Joseph Hymnographus ; 

" Causa gaudii et laetitiae," Albert 

the Great. 
" Vas Spiritus Sancti," Bernardinus 

de Bustis, Antonius. 
Vas honoratum," Ephiphanius ; 

"Vas venerabile," St. Bonaven- 


No exact equivalent. 
Helinandus (cf. "V^isdom xxiv. 18 ; 

xxxix. 17). 
Abbot Philippus, Honorius of Autun, 

Richard of St. Laurence (cf. Cant. 

iv. 4). 

Ditto (cf. Cant. vii. 4). 
Isidore of Thessalonia. 
Idiota, Petrus Cellensis, Richard of 

St. Victor, f 
St. Peter Damian. 
St. Peter Damian ; also Idiota and 

St. Simon Stock. 
" Salus aegrotantium," Johannes 


SS. Ephrem and Bonaventure. 
Bernardinus de Bustis; "Consola 
trix mcerentium," Helinandus and 

Albert the Great. 
St. John Damascene. 
St. Josephus Hymnographus. 
St Anselm. 

This brief table will be readily admitted to justify 
Herr Sauren s conclusion that " the Litany has a dog 
matic foundation. It contains nothing inaccurate or 
exaggerated, but correctly represents the doctrine of the 
Church concerning the veneration of the Mother of God 

* " Vas," as applied to persons in both O.T. and N.T. e.g., 
St. Paul, styled " vas electionis " by Christ Himself (Acts 
ix. 15). The Italian (and French) versions paraphrase, instead of 
translating literally, these three invocations : "Dimoradello Spirito 
sancto vaso di elezione modello di vera pieta" (Sauren, p. 41). 

t " Area," applied to Mary by some of the oldest fathers 
SS. Methodius, Ephrem, Ambrose. 


as resting upon both Scripture and Tradition " (op. cit., 

P. 50). 

It is necessary to add that Sauren s little work at 
tracted very great attention at its appearance, and was 
discussed by several writers, but by none so fully as by 
Fr. Angelo de Santi, S.J., who subjected it to an ex 
tremely severe and exhaustive criticism, and succeeded in 
throwing doubt upon, if not in disproving, several state 
ments made by Sauren and the authorities he followed, 
especially as regards Savelli s silver plate. His pamphlet 
is a work of great erudition. In its main results i.e., 
the modernity of our Litany of Loreto and the existence 
of another, a Scriptural litany, for some time side by side 
with the former he practically confirms Sauren s views. 
The differences in the conclusions he arrives at are these : 
(i) He considers our present litany to be somewhat older, 
even at Loreto, than the Scriptural litany, and that it 
was probably sung in public at Loreto in the first half 
of the sixteenth century, or perhaps even at the end of 
the fifteenth, during the Plague. (2) The Scriptural 
litany was probably composed about 1575, and for a 
time (say 1578 to 1587) the two litanies existed side by 
side on almost equal footing, but that after this the 
Scriptural litany disappeared altogether from use. 
(3) The present " Loreto " litany was not introduced 
from outside e.g., from Rome by pilgrims, but took 
its rise at Loreto itself, and was not even known in Rome 
in 1587. 

Whatever we may think of these differences of view, 
Sauren will have always the merit of a pioneer in this 
interesting subject, and his main thesis may be safely 
considered as established. 


JOSEF SAUREN, Rector am St. Marienhospital zu Koln. 

" Die Lauretanische Litanei nach Ursprung, Geschichte 

und Inhalt dargestellt." Kempten : Kosel, 1895. 
P. ANGELO DE SANTI, S.J. : " Die Lauretanische Litanei : 

Historisch-kritische Studie." Aus dem Italienischen von 

Johann Norpel. Paderborn, Schoningh. 


" THE Second Spring !" To which of us is this name 
not familiar ? To what English Catholic is it not the 
watchword of a glorious past and the harbinger of a 
still more glorious future ? It is a word which, for 
over half a century, has been sweet upon our lips 
ever since that July 13, 1852, when the author of the 
phrase and the great leader of the movement first cried 
out before the assembled fathers at Oscott, in that 
most eloquent and impassioned of all his immortal 
compositions : " The English Church was, and the 
English Church was not, and the English Church is 
once again. This is the portent, worthy of a cry. It 
is the coming in of a Second Spring ; it is a restoration 
in the moral world, such as that which yearly takes 
place in the physical." 

The story is one that has often been told, and will 
often be told again, because we Catholics cannot easily 
weary of its repetition. It is one which makes the 
heart beat quicker with joy and gratitude at the great 
things which have been done for us by " Him, who is 
mighty, and blessed is His name." 

It is perhaps not too much to say that in the popular 
mind, and very likely in our own minds, the so-called 
" Oxford Movement " is more or less identified with 



that other great spiritual phenomenon just alluded to 
as the Second Spring that is to say, the marvellous 
revival, growth, and development of the Catholic Church 
in England during the last fifty years of our century. 
True it is, indeed, that the mighty stirring of the mind 
and heart of religious England in its old ancestral seat 
of learning has played an all-important one is almost 
tempted to say a preponderating part in the life of 
the Catholic Church in this country. It has given to 
us our greatest leaders in Newman and in Manning ; 
it has given to us many of our chief thinkers and 
writers in men like Ward and Dalgairns, St. John and 
Bowden, Ryder and Bellasis, Harper and Coleridge, 
Allies and Lockhart, and a legion of others ; and it is 
the prestige, both religious, intellectual, and social, of 
their names that has so greatly elevated our position 
before the English people. It is, again, the intellectual 
stimulus which proceeded from this Oxford School that 
has gone far to vivify the intelligence and to create the 
literature of modern Catholic England. All this is 
true, and my summary of the influence of the Oxford 
Movement upon our Second Spring is, if anything, too 
weakly expressed. 

But I venture to submit, and the object of this paper 
is to show, that the Oxford Movement was after all but 
one chapter, however glorious a one, of a complete 
history. The influence of the Oxford Movement was an 
influence external to the Catholic Church, a movement 
primarily in the bosom of the Anglican Establishment, 
working therein with an effect at once elevating and 
disintegrating, and, as its final result, bringing over to 
the Catholic Church so much of what was noblest and 
best of Anglican intellect and heart. But I wish to 
show that the modern revival of Catholicity has not 
been the exclusive outcome of this mighty influence 
from outside. There are other chapters in the history 
scarcely, if at all, less worthy of record. To take an 
example which will occur to every mind a very 


important share in the resuscitation of Catholic life 
and practice, and in the multiplication of both clergy 
and laity, must be attributed to the great stream of 
immigration from Catholic Ireland, consequent upon 
the famine and disease which in 1846, 1847, an< ^ following 
years drove so many poor, yet staunch, Catholics to 
these shores and spread them all over the country. 

There is yet another chapter, one less known, or 
more frequently forgotten, in the history of our Second 
Spring, and it is the one which I have chosen as the 
subject of my present paper. It is a revival of Catholic 
faith and practice in the very midst of the Catholics 
of this country themselves ; itself, the effect of what, to 
borrow the pet phrase of a late Archbishop of Canter 
bury, was in very truth literally an " Italian Mission." 
And it may be doubted whether, without this internal 
revival, preparing the way for other and more external 
influences, even such a vital force as that of the Oxford 
Movement would have been able to produce the far- 
reaching effects which are attributed to it. 

As in all great movements of the human mind, under 
the providence of God, the history of spiritual pheno 
mena affecting peoples, or even society at large, is gener 
ally intimately bound up with the life-history of certain 
chosen individuals. This has been true on a grand 
scale in the great internal reformation of the Church 
in the twelfth century, so intimately connected with 
the spiritual history of a Francis and a Dominic. This 
is true, if on a smaller scale, yet with no less intensity, 
of the Oxford Movement, so inextricably bound up with 
the intellectual and spiritual development of John 
Henry Newman. And it is also true, once more, in the 
history of that other chapter of the Second Spring, 
with which I am concerned at present. It is for this 
reason that I must begin my narrative by carrying the 
reader back to one or two biographical details concerning 
men whose names are no doubt much less familiar, but 
scarcely less worthy of our interest. 



In the year 1797, four years before the birth of John 
Henry Newman, there was born in the town of Rovereto, 
in the Italian Tyrol, the last heir to an ancient and 
noble family, Antonio Rosmini Serbati, of whom 
Cardinal Wiseman once predicted that he would one 
day be ranked with St. Augustine and St. Thomas 
Aquinas among the most luminous intelligences that 
this world has produced.* It is, I think, an unfortunate 
circumstance that the name of this most saintly and 
most gifted priest is scarcely, if at all, remembered 
except in connection with certain hotly disputed 
philosophical tenets and controversies, which too often 
have been as acrimonious as they are abstruse. Great, 
however, as was the philosophical acumen of this 
remarkable man we have already seen Wiseman s 
opinion of him great as has been the part played in 
the schools by many of his philosophical tenets, high as 
is the place which he has conquered as a thinker in the 
estimation even of non-Catholic philosophers of our 
time I venture to think that his place in the history 
of the Catholic Church ought to be marked, not so much 
by all this, as by his life, which was that of a saint, 
and by his work, which was that of a founder of a 
religious society. That society, so true to the spirit 
of its founder and of its name, so unobtrusive and yet 
so unfailing in its operations, so justly endeared to 
those who know it, is the Institute of Charity. It 
would be impossible here to narrate the history of this 
foundation, which dates from the years 1827 and 1828. 
It was a work, not of any sudden precipitation, but 
rather one which seemed to have been forced upon 
Rosmini by the over-ruling of Divine Providence. 
The Institute, as its name indicates, is a society destined 
to carry out the great work of Divine charity in the 

* " Life of Antonio Rosmini Serbati." By William Lockhart. 
Vol. i., p. 316. London, 1886. 



broadest possible manner, and in every way which 
Providence may open to its members. " The rules and 
constitutions," says Rosmini s biographer himself the 
very first fruit of the Oxford Movement " of the 
Institute of Charity as they were formed by the founder 
and sanctioned by the Church, have this one end in view, 
to undertake nothing beyond the sanctification of our 
own soul, to refuse nothing to which the voice of God s 
Providence may call us, for this on receiving God s call 
becomes an element in our own sanctification."* Again 
Rosmini wrote : "It is necessary to reflect that the 
Institute is by its nature, as it were, a connecting link 
between the regular and the secular clergy ; hence it 
requires, on the one part to retain all that forms the 
essence of the religious state in accordance with the 
Evangelical and Apostolic teaching, and on the other 
part to approach to the secular clergy in what is not of 
the essence of the religious state. Only in this way 
can it attain its end, which is the exercise of universal 
charity. By acting in this way I think it will be able 
to serve God and the Church better, and to render 
itself a subsidiary body, ready to serve humbly and 
willingly, as well the regular clergy, with which it has in 
common the profession of the Evangelical Counsels, as 
the secular clergy, of which it retains the external form. 
The Institute desires to be the servant of all, that it 
may be found of use to all."f 

True to the principles here laid down, the Institute 
of Charity has never ceased to carry out, both in Italy 
and beyond her borders, works of active charity of 
every possible kind, at the request of and in co-opera 
tion with the Bishops and clergy. Among such works 
may be enumerated the giving of retreats, the preaching 
of public missions, the care of parishes, the education 
of youth, the training of the clergy, the direction of 
orphanages and industrial schools, the cultivation of 

* Lockhart, ut sup., vol. ii., p. 176. 

f Lockhart, ut sup., vol. i., pp. 303, 304. > 


Catholic literature in a word every form of religious 
activity demanded by the circumstances of time and 
place. And it would not be easy to over-estimate the 
enormous influence in the revival of Catholic life, especi 
ally in the North of Italy, which is owing to the action 
of Rosmini and his Institute. It is now time to say 
something of the like influence in our own country. 


The religious condition of England has never ceased 
to be a subject of intense interest and sympathy to 
great and holy souls during the past three centuries. 
Who does not remember the absorbing devotion of the 
great St. Paul of the Cross for prayer for the conversion 
of England, which made him declare that he could 
never offer up Mass without praying for it, and which 
was actually one of the determining factors in the 
establishment of his Congregation of the Passionists ? 
And so Antonio Rosmini was similarly impressed from 
the beginning with this deep interest in the religious 
future of the English people. " For the restoration/* 
he writes, " of this, once an island of saints, to the 
bosom of the Church, I would willingly shed my blood." 
And though he was never destined to take any personal 
part in the great work, nor even to touch upon the 
English shores, Providence so disposed events that, 
next to Italy, England became the chief scene of the 
labours of his children. And this leads me to introduce 
another remarkable character. 

On July 14, 1801, and therefore just half a year 
later than Newman, was born in Rome Aloysius Gentili* 
Highly gifted by nature, a born poet and an accom 
plished musician, with a taste for mechanical and 
electrical science, devoted to the cultivation of modern 
languages his was, indeed, an attractive personality. 
His early life was that of a brilliant young man of the 
world, full of ambition of a nobler kind, a pet of society , 

16 2 


an evident favourite of fortune. His biographer thus 
describes him at the moment when he seemed to be 
reaching the zenith of his success : " He was tall and 
well made in person, without being corpulent, of noble 
appearance and dignified bearing, his hair was shiningly 
black, and his complexion fair though somewhat pale, 
with blue piercing eyes ; his voice also was sonorous and 
agreeable. Besides the advantage of a prepossessing 
exterior, he was gifted with a retentive memory, a clear 
understanding, a lively imagination, and a natural elo 
quence. In addition to his accomplishments in juris 
prudence, literature, and other liberal arts and sciences, 
he was doctor, advocate, professor, and knight. At the 
same time, he was in good pecuniary circumstances, 
and in communication with a large circle of aristocratic 
friends and acquaintances."* 

The story of his vocation, and especially of his attrac 
tion to the English Mission, is a romantic one. I have 
above referred to his delight in the study of modern 
languages, and among these he was especially fond of 
English. He much frequented English society in Rome, 
and was a well-known and welcome guest therein. 
Fr. Lockhart relates how a Protestant relative of his 
own, years after, on reading the name of Fr. Gentili as 
a great Catholic preacher in the English newspapers, 
exclaimed : " Can this be that Luigi Gentili with whom 
we used to sing duets in Rome ?" One of his most 
esteemed poems was an elegy on the death of a young 
English lady of high family, Miss Bathurst, who, riding 
with the French Ambassador along the banks of the 
Tiber, was thrown by her restive horse into the river 
and drowned. Gentili s constant intercourse with the 
English colony in Rome was rudely ended. He formed 
a romantic attachment for a young English lady of very 
high rank and great fortune, and the attachment would 
appear to have been mutual, but his hopes were sternly 

* " Life of Aloysius Gentili." By Fr. Pagani, p. 14. 
London, 1851. 


cut short by the lady s parents, who, in order to put an 
end for ever to his aspirations, immediately sent their 
daughter back to England. The blow was a severe one 
to a temperament like Gentili s. It finally shattered 
the whole fabric of his worldly hopes and ambitions. 
But, in reality, the disappointment was an act of Divine 
Providence, which led him to see the vanity of all dreams 
of earthly happiness. At first he was missed, but very 
soon forgotten, in English society in Rome. The shock 
had brought on a severe illness, and his first step on 
recovery was to seek admission in the Society of Jesus. 
He would have been accepted, for he was greatly 
beloved by the fathers of whom he had been a pupil, 
but his health seemed broken, and the Society did not 
venture to receive him. All this time he was becoming 
more and more impressed with the conviction that God 
called him to the priesthood, and to labour for the con 
version of England. And so it was. Providence once 
more led him to make the acquaintance of Fr. 
Rosmini, who, at his earnest entreaty, accepted him as a 
postulant of the newly-founded Institute. He remained 
in Rome, attending theological lectures, whilst residing 
at the Irish College, in order, at the same time, to 
improve his English, and after his ordination to the 
priesthood in 1830, proceeded to Domodossola to make 
his noviciate. Whilst Gentili was living at the Irish 
College, a young English gentleman, who had been 
converted whilst a student at Cambridge, arrived in 
Rome. This was Mr. Ambrose Phillips de Lisle, eldest 
son of the Squire of Garendon and Grace Dieu Manor 
in Leicestershire. This zealous convert applied to the 
rector of the Irish College to obtain for him a priest to 
preach the Catholic faith in the neighbourhood of his 
ancestral home. The rector, whilst offering Holy Mass, 
felt inwardly moved to suggest the Abate Gentili as in 
every way suited to the purpose. This led to a great 
friendship between the young priest and Mr. de Lisle, 
the submission of the whole project to Rosmini, and 


eventually to the coming of the Father to this country 
in 1835.* A word may here be said of the state of things 
in England at their arrival, and I will venture to quote 
a passage of Fr. Lockhart, which sketches the situa 
tion better than I can pretend to do : " They came at a 
very critical time in the religious history of England. 
Great religious changes have taken place through means 
of many providential agencies during the fifty years that 
have passed since their landing. They came just six 
years after the passing of the Roman Catholic Emanci 
pation Act. This, in granting political freedom and 
equality with their fellow-subjects to the Catholics, and 
especially to Catholic Ireland, had practically swept 
away all that remained on the Statute Book of the Penal 
Laws against the Catholic religion. The religious 
persecution had gradually died out ; it had long ceased 
to be exile or death for a priest to minister in England, 
Scotland, and Ireland. The fines and imprisonment for 
not attending the services of the Established Church 
had impoverished the Catholic nobility and gentry, and 
made the practice of their religion by the poor nearly 
impossible ; but these fines, after two hundred years, 
had long ceased to be exacted. These changes had 
resulted from the gradual working of public opinion, 
and partly from Catholics having become socially in 
significant. Before the passing of the Emancipation 
Act Catholics were excluded by law from all political 
power ; no Catholic Peer could take his seat in the 
House of Lords ; no Catholic could be a member of the 
House of Commons. For nearly three hundred years 
the Catholics, even the upper classes, had been almost 
entirely secluded from general society. They lived in 
their country seats, almost unknown except to their 
own tenants and to a few of their more immediate 
neighbours. The penal laws had been in various ways, 
of studied purpose, socially degrading. For instance, 

* Not without strong opposition in some quarters in England ; 
see "Life and Letters of Ambrose Phillips de Lisle, " L by Edwin 
de Lisle, vol. i., pp. 105-110 (London, 1900). u 


if a Catholic had a horse of more than 5 in value, any 
Protestant could tender that sum and take the horse. 

" The only Catholic places of worship in the country 
were the domestic chapels attached to Catholic gentle 
men s houses, except in some wild parts of Lancashire, 
Yorkshire, Scotland, and a few other out-of-the-way 
places, where, as in Ireland, the faith of the people in 
the Old Religion had never died out. The externals of 
religion, however, had been reduced to the minimum. 
In towns the Catholic chapel was always an unpretend 
ing building in one of the back streets. In London and 
other large cities and principal towns some larger 
Catholic chapels for they were never then called 
churches had been built externally of the style and 
appearance of Dissenting Meeting Houses, though 
within exhibiting somewhat of the seemly adornment 
belonging to Catholic worship. 

" The non-Catholic population of England consisted 
of the members of the Anglican or Established Church, 
and of the Protestant Dissenters, who were very 
numerous. The older sects were chiefly the Inde 
pendents, Baptists, Quakers, and Unitarians. The 
Established Church had never had much hold on the 
masses, who would probably have remained Catholics 
if there had been priests to instruct them, and during 
the eighteenth century it had fallen into a state of deep 
religious lethargy. Many of the higher clergy and 
educated laity were rather mere Socinian Rationalists 
than Orthodox Christians. About the middle of the 
eighteenth century a great revival of religious earnest 
ness and belief in the Christian doctrines had begun 
in the Anglican Church, originated by John Wesley, 
whose followers, however, withdrew from the Church of 
England, where they were generally discountenanced 
and opposed, and formed the large bodyjof modern 
Dissenters known as Wesleyans or Methodists."* 

Such was the England into which Gentili and his 
companions were sent by Rosmini in 1835. 

* " Life of Rosmini," vol. ii. f pp. 91-94. 



It may be useful at this point to recall one or two 
synchronisms between our story, as told so far, and 
the movement known as the " Oxford Movement," 
which had been going on meanwhile in the bosom of 
the Anglican establishment. In 1823 John Henry 
Newman entered Oriel ; the same year Antonio Ros- 
mini first went to Rome ; in 1827 Rosmini first received 
the " Manifestation of Providence," which decided his 
life-work, the foundation of his Institute ; the same year 
Newman says of himself : " I was rudely awakened 
from my dream by two great blows illness and 
bereavement," and as Tutor of Oriel and Vicar of 
St. Mary s first " came out of his shell." In 1830 the 
Institute of Charity began its career at Domodossola, 
and three years later (in 1833) Newman began his 
" Tracts for the Times," and ever afterwards looked 
upon that year as the beginning of the Tractarian 
Movement.* The year of the coming of the Fathers of 
Charity, 1835, occurred in the very midst of Newman s 
Oxford greatness and the busy working out of his 
theory of the " Via Media." At such a moment the two 
providential streams of agency, the one from without, 
the other from within the Church, met on English soil. 

It was not merely the invitation of Mr. Phillips de 
Lisle that brought the Rosminians to England. In the 
meantime one of the Vicars Apostolic, Bishop Baines, 
who then ruled over the Western District, having his 
residence at Bath, had sought to obtain the services of 
the Fathers for his College of Prior Park. Though 
Rosmini gave his consent as early as 1831, the period 
of preparation for the English Mission was a long one ; 
for the little band did not sail from Civita Vecchia 
till May 22, 1835. They set forth with a more 
personal blessing and mission from the Holy See 
than even St. Augustine and his companions received 

* Apologia, p. 35. 


from St. Gregory the Great, for Pope Gregory XVI. 
actually came on board the vessel and blessed the three 
" Italian missioners " just before they sailed probably 
a unique event in missionary history ! 

It is worth while to quote here some of the directions 
given by Fr. Rosmini to these his first foreign mis 
sionaries. Thus he writes to them : 

" Do everything in your power to comply with the 
Bishop s desires, preferring them to charitable works of 
supererogation . 

;< You should behave towards the secular clergy in 
such a way that there may not appear any systematic 
division between you and them. 

" You must be intimately persuaded that the Institute 
does not seek to aggrandize itself, or to attract public 
attention ; nay, rather let it be obscure, and even cease 
to exist, if it can thereby contribute to the glory of God. 
On which account be on your guard against mentioning 
the Institute without necessity or a reasonable cause, 
and endeavour to impress this characteristic spirit of 
lowliness on the minds of your companions. 

" I recommend you all three to conform yourselves 
to the English ways in all things where there is no 
wrong, putting in practice the words of St. Paul : I a.m 
made all things to all men/ Do not raise objection to 
anything in which there is no sin. Each nation has its 
customs which are good in its own eyes. You should 
conform yourselves to the customs of those people 
among whom you are, which should be good in the eyes 
of your charity. To be too much attached to Italian, 
Roman, or French customs is no small defect in the 
servant of God, whose true country is Heaven."* 

Golden words, breathing the true Apostolic spirit, 
and such, it is a pleasure to add, as have always been 
loyally carried out in all the actions of the Institute of 
Charity in our midst during the past seventy-five years 
of its history. 

* Pagani, pp. 136-138 ; Lockhart, vol. ii., p. 90. 


We have an amusing record of Gen till s first impres 
sions of London, where they arrived on June 15. 

" We seemed," he writes in a letter, "to be really 
entering the city of Pluto : black houses, a black sky, 
black shipping, and black-looking sailors filthy to an 
extreme degree. The waters of the Thames were tinged 
with a colour between black and yellow, and emitted a 
stench highly offensive. On land there prevailed a con 
fused noise, with horses, carriages, and men of every 
condition, running and crossing each other s path ; in 
fine, to make a long story short, here the devil is seen 
enthroned, exercising his tyrannical sway over wretched 

No time was lost in getting to work. A few days later 
Gentili preached his first sermon in England at Tre- 
lawney House, in Cornwall, whither they had been 
invited by Sir Henry Trelawney, Bart., a zealous 
convert. He took for his text, " Thou art Peter, and 
upon this rock I will build My Church," and his discourse 
made a remarkable impression upon the many Protes 
tants who came to hear it. 

Soon after, the missionaries were settled at Prior Park, 
where early in the following year (1836) Gentili gave a 
retreat to the whole College ; and this was one of the 
first, if not the first, public retreat according to the 
method of St. Ignatius, ever given in a secular college 
in England. For this reason it excited among some 
good souls no little criticism and opposition as a 
" novelty !" For two years Gentili was actually made 
President of Prior Park ; but Bishop Baines plan of 
combining secular and regular professors in his staff 
was an ill-advised one, and eventually led to the only 
possible result viz., the entire withdrawal of the Fathers 
from Prior Park College. And this step left them free 
to devote their energies and their increasing numbers 
to the real work for which they came preaching the 
Faith/to the English people. 

* Pagani, p. 143. 


In 1840 was opened the missionary settlement at 
Grace Dieu, the seat of Mr. Phillips de Lisle, from which 
as a centre they evangelized much of the surrounding 
country, especially Belton, Osgathorpe, and Shepshed,* 
the total population of which region was reckoned at 
6,000, of whom only twenty-seven were Catholics eight 
being children, three invalids, and the whole of them 

Notwithstanding these unpromising surroundings 
notwithstanding the bitter hostility of the neighbouring 
ministers, and Gentili s being publicly burnt in effigy 
his ceaseless labours were rewarded in a space of some 
two years by the reception of sixty-one adult converts, 
the baptism of sixty-six children under seven, and of 
twenty other children conditionally, crowned by the con 
version of an Anglican clergyman, Rev. Francis Wacker- 
barth. These consoling fruits were secured by really 
incessant toil, daily instructions, visits, and religious 
services of every kind, sometimes in inns, or hired rooms, 
at others in a poor cottage, or even in the open air. The 
days of Augustine and his companions had returned 
amid a Saxon population. 

In the meantime the numbers of the Fathers had much 
grown. Among the Italians are now to be mentioned 
FF. Pagani, Rinoln,f and Signini ; whilst some English 
men had joined their ranks, notably the afterwards 
celebrated Fr. Furlong and Fr. Hutton. 

In 1841, the Fathers undertook the important Mission 
of Loughborough, in Leicestershire, long their chief 
centre and novitiate. 

In 1842 Gentili visited Oxford. It is probable, but 

* See " Life and Letters of De Lisle," vol. i., pp. no, in. 

f Fr. Rinolfi became one of the chief and most famous of the 
" Itinerant Missioners " after the death of Gentili. For twenty 
years he was one of the most remarkable English-speaking 
preachers. His command of the language was perfect ; his elo 
quence, grace of gesture, power of diction, and cogency of argu 
ment made him a model of preachers his zeal made him a perfect 


not certain, that he met Newman, who by this time had 
retired to Littlemore, where he was living a kind of 
monastic life with a few followers. I have met with the 
statement that Newman s first acquaintance with a 
Catholic priest was with one of the Fathers of Charity, 
whom he met on the outside of a stage-coach somewhere 
about this date, but I cannot, unfortunately, find the 
reference at present. At any rate, whether Gentili and 
Newman met at Oxford or not, the visit had important 
consequences. Gentili did meet one of Newman s chief 
and best beloved followers, William Lockhart, a young 
Scotch graduate. The result was that in the August of 
the following year, " Mr. Lockhart, feeling it impossible 
to resist his conviction that the Anglican Church had 
fallen into fatal schism in separating from the Holy See, 
came to visit Fr. Gentili at Loughborough, in whose 
holiness and learning he had conceived great confidence 
from the few hours he had spent in his company at 
Oxford. After making a few days retreat under him in 
the chapel-house at Loughborough, he was received into 
the Catholic Church, and a little later, entered as a 
postulant of the Order,"* of which, let me add, he 
eventually became one of the most distinguished orna 
ments. This conversion was the very first fruit of the 
Oxford Movement, preceding as it did the reception of 
the great leader himself by no less than two years ; and 
it is pleasant to think that it was a Father of Charity, a 
disciple of Rosmini, who had the great privilege of 
culling this first ripe fruit of the Second Spring. In 
Lockhart the two spiritual schools met for the first time, 
and the favoured disciple of Newman became the 
favoured disciple of Rosmini. 

But this same year 1843 will be for ever memorable 
in English Church history for the introduction into our 
spiritual life, by the Fathers of Charity, of four great 
and potent factors which have done so much to vivify 
faith and piety. These four works it may come as 

* Lockhart, vol. ii., p. 104. 


a surprise to some of my readers to learn were : 
(i) The preaching of popular Missions ; (2) the cere 
mony of the Renewal of Baptismal Vows ; (3) the 
Quarant Ore, or Forty Hours Exposition of the Blessed 
Sacrament ; and (4) the devotions of the Month of May* 
Looking back, it appears to us as if religious life must 
have been almost torpid without these now familiar 
works of devotion and charity. 

The first public Mission was given at Loughborough 
by FF. Gentili and Furlong, and had an extraordinary 
success. Sixty-three converts were instructed and re 
ceived at it. 

From this time forward, the work of the Fathers takes 
a new and far wider development. Great public missions 
all over the country, whose stirring effects recall the days 
of SS. Francis and Dominic, alternate with innumerable 
spiritual retreats to colleges and communities for the 
next five years. It would be quite impossible to narrate 
in detail the events of those wonderful five years. It 
was a stirring up of the mind and heart of the Catholics 
of England, and a gathering into the net of converts 
from Protestantism, on a scale which astonishes us as we 
read of it at this distance of half a century. There is 
a sameness about these never-ending missions and 
retreats which will dispense me from doing more than 
give a mere catalogue, year by year, of the principal 
ones among them, so that some idea may be gained, 
however imperfect, of the marvellous " outpouring of 
Divine grace " that was going on throughout the land 
during these few years in the very midst of which 
period, by the way, John Henry Newman was received 
into the Catholic Church (October 9, 1845) by the holy 
Italian Passionist, Fr. Dominic. This same year FF. 
Gentili and Furlong were, at the request of several 
Bishops, formally set apart, like Paul and Barnabas, 
as " Itinerant Missionaries," to be exclusively employed 

* A minor innovation, also owing to the Fathers, was the use 
of the Roman Collar by the clergy. 


in travelling from place to place, and preaching the 
Word of God, after the manner of such missionaries 
in Italy. They were thus the very first Evangelical 
labourers, whether native or foreign, ever officially 
deputed to this high office in England since she lost the 

Some idea may be given of their labours and zeal from 
what has been recorded of various great public missions. 
They usually gave four or five discourses daily at fixed 
intervals, taking the sermons alternately, treating both 
dogmatic and moral Gospel doctrines, especially the 
Great Truths the Mystery of the Redemption, the 
Divine Precepts, the Life of our Lord. And the whole 
of the time intervening between the discourses was 
devoted to the arduous work of the confessional. So 
great usually was the concourse of penitents that the 
Fathers were kept occupied for eight or ten hours a day. 
Sometimes they even remained in church all night long 
hearing confessions, and had absolutely no time either 
to say Mass or recite the Divine office, much less take any 
sleep or any nourishment, except in a hasty manner. 
Such wearisome labours were not interrupted, but only 
varied, for weeks and even months together. They had 
to prepare children for their First Communion, instruct 
converts, restore peace in families, see to the restoration 
of ill-gotten goods. They also introduced processions, 
evening benedictions, and other solemn functions at the 
close of missions, f Fr. Gentili himself, in one of his 
letters, gives a picture of the scene in certain churches 
during these missions. He tells us how the secular clergy 
often organized a sort of " clerical guard," to prevent 
the too great pressure of the crowd ; "for it has often 
happened to see the church so crammed with people as 
to make it difficult to effect an entrance. Of those who 

* Pagani, p. 217. 

f These multifarious labours are all the more astonishing when 
we reflect that Fr. Gentili always abstained from the use of both 
flesh-meat and wine. 


succeeded, some were kept standing or seated for several 
hours of the day or night, without being able to move, 
while waiting their turn to confess. On the day of 
general Communion, for which preparation was made by 
appropriate meditation and hymns, the number that 
presented themselves at the Eucharistic table was so 
great that it was puzzling to guess from whence they all 


I will now give the chronological catalogue I have 
spoken of above, omitting the missions at less known 
or unimportant towns : 

1844. Mission at Coventry, at which took place the 
first public procession with a statue of Our Lady that 
occurred in England for 300 years. This caused a great 
sensation ; it was specially arranged by way of protest 
against the " Lady Godiva " procession, which at that 
time seems to have been carried out in a highly indelicate, 
if not indecent, manner. 

Same year, missions at Whitwick, Liverpool, Banbury, 
Grantham ; retreat for students at Ushaw College. 

1845. Retreat at Old Hall College, Ware. Missions 
at Hull, Leeds, Sheffield, Leamington, Newport, Hud- 
dersfield, Bradford, Coventry ; clergy and other retreats 
at Ware, Oscott, Ushaw, Liverpool. First appearance 
in Manchester and Dublin (charity sermons). More 
public missions at Leicester, Worksop, Birmingham, 
York, Malton, Scarborough, Whitby, Egton Bridge, 
Newcastle, at which latter place no less than 250 adult 
Protestants were received into the Church. 

1846. Missions at Sunderland, Durham, Middles 
brough, St. Augustine s (Manchester), Newport, Notting 
ham, Egton Bridge, London, Dublin, St. Wilfrid s and 
St. Patrick s (Manchester), Seel Street (Liverpool), 
London again. Of the Manchester missions I shall give 

* Pagani, p. 221. 


some details just now. Meanwhile, I am glad to quote 
a few reminiscences of the Seel Street mission, Liverpool, 
from a correspondent,* who wrote under date October 17, 

" I cannot give you many particulars, but the mission 
created a great sensation at the time. Gentili was a 
spare, mortified-looking man ; he spoke broken English, 
rather difficult to understand till you got accustomed to 
it. The style of preaching was novel and very impres 
sive. At times there was some humour in it, especially 
when he spoke of dishonest dealings by tradespeople and 
various forms of cheating, or pointed to the ladies grand 
bonnets as the outcome of some of this dishonesty. The 
mission was very popular. Even at five o clock morning 
service I have seen the church crammed, whilst in the 
evening the people were actually standing on the broad 
window-ledges inside the church. I remember, too, we 
had to fast rigorously for three days, and so much im 
pressed was I by the mission that I really did fast in 
the strictest sense, taking but one meal a day, and made 
my brother do likewise. At the end of the three days 
we were both famished, and glad even of a crust of dry 

I quote this letter, the writer of which was a young 
man of about twenty- three at the time, to give some 
idea of the enormous enthusiasm aroused by Gentili and 
his co-workers at this period. 

1847. Missions at Cheadle (Staffs.), North Shields, 
Stockton, Hartlepool, London, Darlington, Preston 
(where eighty- two Protestants were converted). Another 
retreat at Ushaw College. Missions in Dublin, St. 
Chad s, Manchester (sixty-one Protestants converted), 
Bristol, Huddersfield. 

1848. Mission at Bristol and Bath, the number of 
Protestants converted at the two being over a hundred ; 
in Dublin, where, in spite of the political excitement of 
that year, the confessionals were so crowded that the 

* My father the late Mr. J. Casartelli. 


Fathers often sat there without a break from the last 
instruction at night till the Mass on the following 
morning. But a sad and altogether unexpected blow 
brought to a sudden end the labours of this great 
mission. Fr. Gentili, the pioneer missioner, was sud 
denly seized with a fatal fever, and after only a few 
days illness passed to his reward on September 26, 
1848, amid the lamentations of the whole of that great 
Catholic city. His mortal remains still repose in 
Glasnevin Cemetery. 

So ended a saintly and brilliant career, one that has 
left its mark deeply upon the religious life of this country, 
one to which we all owe much more than we are prob 
ably aware of. I cannot leave him without quoting 
just a few sentences from the splendid panegyric which 
appeared in the Tablet of that time from the pen of 
Lucas himself. They will give some idea of the impres 
sion created by his work upon the most intelligent 
observers of the time. 

The life of Dr. Gentili, with his brethren, marks an 
era in the history of this corner of the Church. . . . 
We think of twelve hundred years ago, when another 
idolatry profaned this island ; when the faith of Christ 
was not known here ; when the spiritual empire of 
St. Peter included not this island in its embrace. . . . 
and when from a distant shore Augustine and his 
companions, being as it is reported nearly forty men, 
hallowed the Isle of Thanet with their footprints, and 
planted the Christian mysteries among a barbarous and 
untaught people. What then took place among us is 
now beginning to be repeated. . . . The fulness of 
time has come upon us, and God once more sends us the 
heralds of His faith from the same land, across the same 
mountains, from the same city, from the same See, from 
a Pope bearing the name and swelling with the thoughts 
of him who twelve hundred years ago laid the first stones 
of the English Apostolate." 

Further on Lucas speaks of the manner and method 



of these new Italian missioners as being addressed to the 
people in the literal sense of the term : 

" From the beginning the members of his Order have 
spoken to the people ; have endeavoured above all things 
to reach the heart of the masses ; consciously or uncon 
sciously have spoken to the sympathies of the poor, 
not as absolving them from the law and necessary 
restraint, but as raising them up to the dignity of law, 
and freeing them from all other fear." Elsewhere he 
speaks of Gentili as possessing " an influence such as we 
remember to have been enjoyed by no preacher in this 
country, in our time, or as far back as our inquiries 

If this language seems exaggerated to us at the present 
day, we must remember that for many years we have 
been accustomed by constant experience to great 
missions preached by Redemptorists, Passionists, Fran 
ciscans, Dominicans, Jesuits, members of all religious 
orders, and of the secular clergy ; so that they do not 
now appear very extraordinary events. The month of 
May, frequent Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament, 
the Quarant Ore, have actually passed into our tradi 
tions, and we can scarcely imagine a time when they 
were not ordinary phenomena of our religious life. It 
was far different in the early forties : the Fathers of 
Charity were real pioneers in all these works, and the 
very novelty of them explains much of the enthusiasm 
they awakened, and of the profound impression they 
created in both the Catholic and the Protestant public. 

With the death of Gentili I must close this chapter 
of history. Not that the work of his Institute was at 
an end. By no means. The work of the itinerant 
missions was taken up by others, and carried on for 
years. Chief among these ought to be mentioned his 
inseparable companion already often referred to 
Fr. Furlong, of whom a few additional words must 
in justice be said here. Fr. Furlong was born of 
Irish parents in 1809, and was baptized by the name of 


Moses.* From his very childhood he was remarkable 
for a spirit of piety and prayer. At the age of fifteen 
he was sent to the Benedictine College of Ampleforth, 
where his excellent progress in study was surpassed 
only by that which he made in piety and the love of 
God. After spending some seven years at Ampleforth, 
he accompanied Bishop Baines to his newly- established 
college at Prior Park, where he was in due time ordained 
priest. Shortly after his ordination he was appointed 
president of St. Peter s College, and it was during his 
presidentship that he formed an intimacy with the 
Fathers of Charity which ultimately led him to join the 
Institute, as has been already stated. 

As a religious Fr. Furlong was conspicuous for his 
spirit of humility, obedience, and self-sacrifice virtues 
which, joined to the great natural gifts of a commanding 
presence, a clear, musical, and sonorous voice, and a 
captivating eloquence, eminently qualified him for the 
office of itinerant missioner, and he was held in such high 
esteem by the venerated founder of the Institute that, 
a little before he went to his reward, he wished that 
Fr. Furlong should be summoned to Italy in order to 
take an active part in the election of his successor. 

One of his brothers in religion, Fr. Caccia, thus wrote 
of him : " After the death of Fr. Gentili in 1848, Fr. 
Furlong remained at the head of the itinerant mis- 
sioners, and was assisted by other fathers of the 
Institute. He had not the depth of learning that 
Fr. Gentili had, but the good nature that shone in his 
countenance, the ardent charity that burned within him, 
his nationality, common with that of his auditory, had 
a great influence in Ireland, which was especially the 
scene of these triumphs of evangelical charity. His 
gestures, so majestic and spontaneous and yet so natural, 
the perfect harmony of his voice at all times, whether 

* His father wished him to be christened " Mogue," after the 
patron saint of Wexford, but the priest not understanding, or 
not recognising the name, called him " Moses." 



raised to terrify or lowered to entreat, were so many 
gifts which were irresistible. Young barristers who 
were preparing for public law cases at the Assizes, 
Members of Parliament and of the theatrical profession, 
flocked to hear and see him, many of whom were drawn 
to follow the truth which they at first despised, but 
which the preacher convinced them of by his powerful 
and captivating eloquence." 

Worn out with his great and wonderful labours this 
zealous missioner and holy religious was called to his 
reward October 29, 1871. The two last years of his 
life were passed in retirement at Rugby and Ratcliffe, 
and he died at the latter house a calm and peaceful 

Other works that had been begun during Gentili s 
lifetime by his colleagues still went on, and developed. 
The Fathers opened permanent missions, and under 
took parochial work in several towns, particularly in 
Rugby, Cardiff, and London. They opened Ratcliffe 
College, near Leicester, as early as 1846, and it is still 
flourishing. The Reformatory School at Market 
Weighton, Yorkshire, and the Industrial Schools at 
Upton and Clonmel, in Ireland, are other evidences of 
their zeal and success. Lastly, they established the 
admirable printing press of St. William s at the Market 
Weighton Reformatory, which for the excellency and 
the beauty of the work it produces is almost unrivalled 
in the kingdom. It is this press which prints most of 
the publications of the Catholic Truth Society, and 
it is not by thousands, but by millions, that it reckons 
its annual output of the pamphlets and leaflets so 
familiar to us all, and which are doing such incal 
culable good for religion wherever the English tongue 
is spoken. 



I cannot, however, conclude this already too lengthy 
paper without recurring for a moment to the missions 
of the Fathers of Charity in the city of Manchester in 
1845 and 1846. I shall therefore make no apology for 
transcribing from Pagani s "Life of Father Gentili" 
those pages which describe these wonderful Manchester 
Missions, and I believe the information will come as a 
surprise to many of the local Catholics of the present 
day. Fr. Pagani writes : 

" During the three missions given this year in Man 
chester there occurred certain events which we think 
not unworthy of record. With the usual solemnity, on 
February 15 the mission was first opened in the church 
of St. Augustine. 

The sermons of the missionaries were well attended, 
the number of applicants for the Sacrament of Penance 
increased to such a degree that fifteen confessors, 
assiduously engaged, scarcely sufficed for the demand. 
One hundred and twenty-seven Protestants abjured 
their errors, nearly 9,000 persons communicated, and 
such was the pious zeal displayed for adorning the 
altar of the Blessed Sacrament that more than 3,000 
wax candles were, for this purpose, offered to the 

" The next mission, towards the end of September, 
was preached at St. Wilfrid s. From the commence 
ment the number of people assembled to hear the Word 
of God was so great that the missionary was occasionally 
induced to transfer the pulpit from the church to the 
public square in order to address a crowd of more than 
6,000 persons. The penitents were so numerous that 
some waited for days in the church until their turn came 
to enter the confessionals, and seeming, like the 
Biblical multitude in the wilderness, not to heed the 
wants of nature. This inconvenience occurred, not- 


withstanding that several confessors were engaged from 
six or seven in the morning till twelve at night, if we 
except the intervals necessary for their refreshment. It 
even happened that one of the missionaries, on leaving 
the pulpit in the evening, went direct to his confessional 
where he remained all night unceasingly occupied till 
five o clock in the morning, when he was again called 
to the plupit to address, as usual, a meditation to the 
assembly. When Fr. Gentili made his concluding 
discourse the vast audience was so moved to com 
punction that the preacher s voice was almost unheard 
amid the sobs and sighs of the pious multitude. Im 
mediately after the mission at St. Wilfrid s a similar 
course of instructions was commenced at St. Patrick s 
Church, situate in the most populous Catholic parish 
of Manchester. Fr. Gentili, however, found this the 
most difficult mission he ever had to conduct in his 

" The memorable mission of St. Patrick s, which began 
on September 27, was not concluded before Novem 
ber 12, having lasted nearly seven weeks. To the 
missionaries it proved a task replete with difficulties and 
trials ; but they were, however, consoled by the happy 
results of their labours." The number of Protestants 
received into the Church at this mission was 190, which, 
adding the 61 received the following year at St. Chad s, 
makes a total of 398 converts for the three churches of 
St. Wilfrid, St. Patrick, and St. Chad. 

What more than anything else shows the wonder 
ful success which Fr. Gentili and his companions 
obtained in the mission which they preached at Man 
chester, and especially at St. Patrick s, is the following 
memorial which the clergy of Manchester and Salford 
presented in a body to Fr. Gentili as a public testi 
mony of their respect and gratitude to him and to his 
fellow labourers. 







" Sensible of the great benefits which have 
resulted from the missions which you have given in 
Manchester and other important towns, we cannot surfer 
you to go from amongst us without endeavouring to 
acknowledge the favour which you have conferred 
upon us in devoting so much of your time to the 
spiritual welfare of the souls committed to our charge. 
In their names and our own we beg leave to thank you 
most cordially. The immense multitude of degenerate 
Catholics who have been reclaimed, and the still more 
remarkable number of converts which have been 
received into the Church during the exercises which 
you have conducted, convince us that the hand of God 
is with you, and that the practice of giving missions, 
which you have recently introduced into this country, is 
one of the greatest blessings which has accrued to 
religion in modern times. 

" When we reflect on the profound learning, the 
practical skill, the prompt decision, and the invincible 
courage with which you have encountered and over 
come the peculiar difficulties which surrounded the 
mission of St. Patrick, we feel that a still more ample 
tribute of admiration and gratitude is due for your 
charitable and most disinterested exertions. 


" We are aware, Rev. Sir, that these difficulties were 
of no ordinary magnitude, and that consequently a 
more than ordinary call upon your zeal and charity has 
been required to overcome them. We know how for- 
bearingly you watched the storm of rebellious opposition 
with which you were threatened by a party of undutiful 
children of the Church on the very eve of your 
departure from St. Wilfrid s, where the seed of the 
Word of God had happily fructified and brought forth 
an abundant harvest. We know how, notwithstanding, 
you repaired to St. Patrick s, and there began the work 
of peace and reconciliation. 

" Though the people are still suffering from the 
effects of their own folly, yet, we hope, by the judicious 
counsels which you, Rev. Sir, have suggested, we may 
be able to complete the work of reconciliation which 
you have so happily begun, ind that in a short time 
they may all return to the one lold from which they have 
strayed. Allow us, then, once more to express our 
grateful sense which we entertain for the services 
which you have rendered to religion, nor must we 
forget the brother and companion of your labours, 
the Rev. Fr. Furlong, who, by his powerful sermons 
in the various churches of Manchester and Salford 
and by his prudent, charitable, and patient zeal in the 
sacred tribunal has entitled himself to the gratitude 
of many, and to the love and esteem of all. May God, 
who ever watches over His Church, and who from 
time to time raises up light amidst darkness, still bless 
your united labours with abundant success. May He 
bestow upon you long life, that you may continue to 
labour for His glory, for the propagation of the Faith, 
the salvation of souls, and for the perfection of that 
crown of glory which we feel persuaded is laid up for 
you in His heavenly kingdom. 

" In conclusion, reverend Father, we hope that your 
absence from us will not be long, and that amidst the 
fields of labour that lie before you, you will occasionally 


remember us, and pray that we may be strengthened 
and enabled to water, and to bring to perfection, the 
precious seed which you have sown. 

" Signed, 

" W. TURNER, ) 

"JOHN RIMMER, VSt. Augustine s. 



" GEO. GREEN, VSt. Chad s. 

" W. J. SHEEHAN. j 


"THOMAS SMITH, | St. Marys. 

"R. B. ROSKELL, \ 

"EDMUND CANTWELL, >St. Patrick s. 


"J. F. WHITTAKER, > g Wilfrid s. 

" JAMES BOARDMAN, St. John s." 

It is interesting to note that of these fourteen 
signatures, representing as they do the entire Marf- 
chester and Salford clergy of sixty years ago, the first 
(William Turner) became, at the restoration of the 
hierarchy in 1851, first Bishop of Salford; another 
(Richard Roskell) became first Provost of Salford, and 
afterwards, in 1853, second Bishop of Nottingham ; 
John Rimmer, William Sheehan, Matthias Formby, 
Edmund Cantwell, and James Boardman all became 
eventually Canons of the Salford Chapter, whilst Robert 
Croskell, for very many years Provost of the Salford 
Chapter, survived till the close of 1892. 

I am privileged to add here a letter from the Vener 
able Provost, giving some interesting personal reminis 
cences of those famous Manchester missions : 

" November 12, 1894. 

" In answer to your note received this morning, I 
hasten to set down the little that I remember of the 


missionary labours of the Very Rev. Fr. Gentili in 

" The mission of Fr. Gentili was a revival and 
extension of the annual courses of instruction given by 
the Rev. Rowland Broomhead. The homely courses 
of instruction given for many successive years by the 
Father of the Mission in Manchester were attended 
with great fruit, and many exemplary and persevering 
converts to our holy religion were living when I came 
from college to St. Augustine s, Manchester, in the 
year 1835. 

" Fr. Gentili was accompanied to Manchester by 
Fr. Furlong, who accompanied his leader regularly 
for some years and until his lamented death in Dublin 
in the full career of his missionary success. I cannot 
remember the exact date of the first mission given by 
Dr. Gentili at St. Augustine s, Manchester. Being the 
first mission given in that town, the excitement was 
great and the attendance overwhelming. The Doctor s 
discourses were reasoning and argumentative, and were 
greatly appreciated by the educated portion of the 
congregation. But it was not only the intellectual 
character of his sermons, but his very appearance was a 
striking sermon. 

" A Reverend friend of mine observed to me that 
when he looked at Dr. Gentili on his presenting himself 
on the missionary platform, it struck him that he was 
one who had just come from the immediate presence 
of God to communicate a heavenly message to the 
faithful on earth. This view of the able missionary s 
appearance is confirmed by a circumstance that hap 
pened in the course of his first great mission in 
Manchester. The Doctor had appointed a Sunday 
afternoon for the Italians residing in Manchester to 
assemble in St. Augustine s Church that he might 
address them in their own language. The Italians 
came in good numbers, but with them a considerable 
number of English and Irish Catholics, and it was 


noticed that in certain portions of the Doctor s Italian 
address numbers of the people who did not understand 
a word of Italian manifested signs of the deepest 
emotion, which could be accounted for only by his 
heavenly appearance, the tones of his voice, and his 
impressive action. 

"As an illustration of the fine thread of argument 
which the holy missioner pursued, he could not bear 
any external sounds while he was preaching. When 
giving a mission at St. Chad s, then recently opened, 
the masons were engaged in hewing stone in the yard 
contiguous to the church for the outward wall of the 
church ground, when the Doctor requested that their 
work should be discontinued until he had finished his 

" The Doctor and his faithful companion and friend, 
Fr. Furlong, gave a great and protracted mission at 
St. Patrick s at the time that the congregation were 
excited to open rebellion, on account of the removal 
of Fr. Hearn, against the Bishop, the Right Rev. 
Dr. Brown, his vicar, and the clergy of Manchester. 
The holy missionary set himself to work to stem the 
torrent of violent opposition to authority by powerful 
preaching, and to give point and efficacy to his sermons ; 
he imitated St. Charles Borromeo by putting on the garb 
of penance and humiliation to atone for the sins of the 
people. His zealous efforts produced a salutary effect 
on many who were reconciled to the Church, and 
returned in humility and sorrow to the practice of their 
religious duties. 

" The learned, zealous, and most useful career of 
this saintly missionary was brought to a close in Dublin, 
to the great sorrow of thousands who held him in the 
greatest veneration, and his remains were honourably 
interred in Glasnevin Cemetery, near those of the 
great patriot, Daniel O Connell. 

" We may confidently trust that he has long since 
been crowned with unfading glory in heaven, and that 


his life and example will shed a salubrious influence 
both in England and Ireland for generations to come. 
" Yours faithfully and affectionately in Christ, 

My task is ended. I have tried to show that the 
Second Spring of the Catholic Church in England, 
of which we are at this day both the fruits and the 
witnesses, was the outcome, under God s Providence, 
not only of the great external influence, spiritual and 
intellectual, which radiated from Oxford, and is inse 
parably connected with the name and life-history of 
John Henry Newman, but also of a mighty internal 
operation of a spiritual and intellectual leaven, coming 
direct from Rome herself, and identified with the life 
and work of Aloysius Gentili and his brethren of the 
Institute of Charity. 

May their name and fame long be held in affectionate 
veneration by the Catholics of England ! 


" IF the history of the Dublin Review could be written 
in full, we suspect it would be as interesting as the 
narrative of an eventful human life." 

So wrote some years ago the genial and gifted editor 
of the Irish Monthly, Fr. Matthew Russell, S.J.* 

" If the secret history of the Dublin Review were 
known to the public, how strange it would appear ! 
So often on the point of sinking, yet always rescued, 
it looks as if Heaven regarded it propitiously." 

So wrote over sixty years ago Bishop (afterwards 
Cardinal) Wiseman, in a letter to Dr. Charles Russell, 
dated from Oscott, November 9, 1844.! 

Fr. Russell, S.J., above referred to, the nephew of 
Dr. Charles Russell, who, with Cardinal Wiseman and 
Daniel O Connell, ranks as one of the " Makers of the 
Dublin," published during the years 1893-1895 a series 
of exceedingly interesting bibliographical articles on the 
history of our Review in the pages of his own excellent 
periodical. J These papers, based upon the invaluable 
MS. documents of his late uncle, threw a flood of light 
upon the early history of this Review, and especially 
upon the identification of a large number of writers, 
of whom he has been able to compile a list, in parts 
very complete, derived chiefly from the private memor 
anda of Mr. Bagshawe, the early editor, and of Mr. 

* Irish Monthly, vol. xxxiii., p. 54, January, 1895. 
f Ibid, i p. 56. J Irish Monthly, vols. xxi., xxii., xxiii. 



Cashel Hoey, sub-editor under Dr. Ward. These 
interesting and entertaining papers of Fr. Russell 
are indispensable for anybody wishing to undertake 
the bibliographical history of our Review. He most 
kindly allowed his own papers in the Irish Monthly to 
be laid fully under contribution for the compilation of 
the present article, and, moreover, generously placed 
at our disposal the MSS. of Cardinal Wiseman and 
others above referred to. 

We have above mentioned the MS. material which 
the editor of the Irish Monthly had at his disposal. The 
first was a memorandum of Mr. Bagshawe, the early 
editor, concerning which Fr. Russell writes : 

" Through the great kindness of Mrs. Cashel Hoey 
herself so distinguished a writer in fiction and in graver 
departments of literature the precious little note-book 
has been placed at last in my hands. It is labelled 
Dublin Review, I to 104, but, unfortunately, there 
are gaps in the record. Of the two quarterly parts 
which form a volume of the Review the first has its 
writers chronicled on the left-hand page, and the second 
on the page opposite. Except in one instance towards 
the end, the articles are specified only by their number, 
not by subjects."* 

For the second series there were available, as we have 
said, certain memoranda of Mr. Cashel Hoey, the sub 
editor. Fr. Russell continues : 

" With No. 104 comes to an end the first official 
record of contributors which Mr. Cashel Hoey inherited 
from Mr. Bagshawe. As he preserved it carefully and 
valued it highly, it seems strange that he did not keep 
a similar record during the many years that he occupied 
a position similar to Mr. Bagshawe s in the conduct of 
the Review. Mrs. Cashel Hoey has been kind enough 
to show the same memorandum books, in which Dr. 
Ward s most efficient lieutenant took notes concerning 
the authorship of certain numbers, but apparently with 
* Irish Monthly, vol. xxi., p. 80. 


a view to the carrying out of the principle, * The labourer 
is worthy of his hire. "* 

That is to say, these memoranda (very imperfect for 
the rest) appear to name only, or at least chiefly, those 
contributors to whom honoraria had been paid for their 
articles, so that gaps are of frequent occurrence in 
the lists. Notwithstanding their incompleteness, Fr. 
Russell estimates these editorial records as a " treasure- 
trove," and their discovery as his " greatest piece of 
luck " in the department of literary history. Many of 
the deficiencies he was able to make up from other 
sources : partly from Fr. Russell s own MSS., con 
sisting, as above remarked, of valuable letters and 
memoranda, and partly from works since published, in 
which the contributions of numerous writers to the 
Review such as Cardinal Wiseman, Dr. Ward, Mr. 
Abraham, Mr. Wilberforce, Bishop Grant, Cardinal 
Manning, and others have been publicly acknowledged. 

In a subsequent letter to the Tablet Fr. Russell 
added the remark : " There are several gaps in the 
catalogue, which may perhaps be supplied from other 
sources. For instance, I believe the set of the Dublin 
Review in Oscott College has the writers marked." 
This was a hint too important to be lost, and the 
present writer was enabled, through the great kindness 
of Mgr. Henry Parkinson, D.D., the librarian (now 
Rector) of Oscott College, to carefully examine the 
set in the splendid Oscott Library and collate it with 
the Irish Monthly lists. The result is somewhat curious. 
To a considerable extent the two authorities coincide. 
But, unfortunately, they agree also in their lacuna. 
The Oscott volumes, at least in the earlier series, have 
the names of authors entered in a neat, small handwriting 
in the table of contents of each. So far, however, from 
being complete, there are no less than seven quarterly 
partsf in which the authors names, though given in 

* Irish Monthly, vol. xxi., p. 146. 

f Viz., vols. xii., No. 24 ; xxv., No. 50 ; xxvi., No. 51; xxvii., 
No. 52 ; xxix., No. 58 ; xlii., No. 83 ; xlvi., No. 91. 


Mr. Bagshawe s list in the Irish Monthly, are entirely 
absent in the Oscott volumes. Occasionally one or 
more articles left anonymous in the Irish Monthly are 
marked in the Oscott one ; rarely vice versd. More fre 
quently there is a discrepancy between the two lists, 
and in most of these cases Fr. Russell, to whom 
these differences have been submitted, is inclined to 
consider the Oscott list the more accurate. But in 
spite of this, it is sufficiently clear that the two lists 
are practically identical. When the Irish Monthly list 
is silent, there the Oscott list fails us too ; the volumes 
indexed at Oscott, with the slight exceptions recorded, 
just coincide with those indexed in the Irish Monthly 
lists. So that it is evident, either that one of those 
lists has been copied from the other, or that both are 
derived from some common original. Whichever be 
the case, it is to be feared that, unless some other MS. 
sources exist which have hitherto escaped our notice, 
data are no longer forthcoming for completing the list 
of authors of the original series of the Review. With 
the exception of a few odd articles, forty-one volumes 
alone of the original series have had the names of the 
reviewers preserved more or less completely. These 
names will be found appended in brackets to the table 
of contents of that series published in the " Jubilee " 
number of the Dublin (April, 1896), the information being 
derived from the several sources above enumerated. 
No doubt further research may tend to correct and 
complete this catalogue. 

It had been our intention to treat in a similar manner 
the contents of the second, or " Ward " series. For 
this purpose, however, we have been able to obtain but 
very scanty and unsatisfactory data. Moreover, it has 
occurred to us that, for other reasons, it might be 
undesirable to unveil the anonymity of the reviewers 
of this series. The first series concluded early in 1863. 
A generation has passed since then, and for the most 
part the " Old Dublin Reviewers " themselves belong to 
history. Of the writers of the second series, on the other 


hand, many are still with us ; and literary etiquette 
might in some cases make it undesirable to publish their 
names, at least without their own desire. With the 
opening of the third series the reign of the old-fashioned 
anonymity came to an end, and subsequently nearly 
all the articles have, in more modern fashion, boldly 
borne their authors signatures. 

After these preliminary remarks of a bibliographical 
nature, we may now turn to consider more strictly the 
history of the Review itself. In so doing, however, we 
shall be obliged to disappoint the reader who may 
expect what Cardinal Wiseman called " the secret 
history " of the Review. Our object is of a much less 
ambitious nature, and is limited to a brief sketch of what 
may more properly be styled " the external history " of 
the " historic Dublin," as it has been so justly called. 

The honour of the first inception of the Dublin Review 
is generally attributed, as we have said, to Dr. Wiseman 
and Daniel O Connell. Dr. Nicholas Wiseman, at that 
time (1836) a young man of thirty-four, and rector of 
the English College in Rome, was just emerging to fame 
in this country by his literary and scientific attainments. 
During the preceding year he had read before a select 
audience in the apartments of Cardinal Weld in Rome 
his " Lectures on the Connection between Science and 
Revealed Religion." O Connell was in the midst of 
the most exciting period of his stirring career. Strange 
to say, however, Cardinal Wiseman, in the preface to 
his " Essays on Various Subjects " (1853), assigns the 
honour to a third person, the first editor, Mr. Michael J. 
Quin, writing : " It was in 1836 that the idea of commenc 
ing a Catholic quarterly was first conceived by the late 
learned and excellent Mr. Quin, who applied to the illus 
trious O Connell and myself to join in the undertaking." 

The first quarterly part of this most important 
venture, " the Catholic rival to the Whig Edinburgh 



Review and the Tory Quarterly," duly appeared with 
the date May, 1836, and has continued ever since, in 
spite of all dangers and difficulties, in unbroken quarterly 
succession up to the present time. It is curious to 
remark that for a good many years the appearance of 
the parts was by no means as regular as we should have 
expected. The actual month of issue was more or less 
unsettled ; in fact, strange as it may appear, during the 
first dozen years of its existence there is not a single 
month of the year whose name does not figure on at 
least one or two of the quarterly issues.* Complete 
regularity in this matter does not seem to have been 
attempted until the opening of the Second Series. 

The subsequent history of the Review falls into four 
periods : The first is that of the original series, which 
may be fairly styled the " Wiseman-Russell series," 
from the two eminent litterateurs to whom the lion s 
share of the work and the chief credit of the high literary 
excellence are undoubtedly due. This series, as already 
stated, lasted from May, 1836, to April, 1863, filling 
fifty-two consecutive half-yearly volumes. The " New 
Series " which followed, from July, 1863, to October, 
1878 occupying thirty-one half-yearly volumes, and 
appearing at the regular quarterly intervals, and in the 
months (January, April, July, and October) which have 
now become stereotyped was pre-eminently the " Ward 
Series," during which the remarkable personality of 
that able and trenchant philosopher, Dr. W. G. Ward, 
who combined in himself the functions of both pro 
prietor and editor, completely predominates the life- 
history of the Review, and gives to this series an indi 
vidual cachet all its own. 

The retirement of Dr. Ward, and the passing of the pro 
prietorship into the hands of Bishop (afterwards Cardinal) 

* To quote a few examples : January, 1838, 1839, 1847 ; 
February, 1840-43 ; March, 1844-46 ; April, 1837, 1838 ; May, 
1836-39, 1840-43 ; June, 1844-46 ; July, 1836-38 ; August, 
1839-43; September, 1844-46; October, 1837,1838; November, 
1839-42 ; December, 1836, 1843-45. 


Vaughan, and of the editorship into those of the learned 
Bishop of Newport, Dr. Hedley, mark the opening of 
the " Third Series," on comparatively novel lines. This 
series embraced twenty-six half-yearly volumes, lasting 
from January, 1879, to October, 1891. With the passing 
of the editorship into the hands of Mgr. Canon James 
Moyes, the " Fourth Series," began with the January 
number of 1892, and has occupied twenty-eight half- 
yearly volumes. Finally, with the January of 1906, 
the Dublin once more begins what may be called a 
younger "Ward Series," under the editorship of the 
well-known and talented writer, Mr. Wilfred Ward, son 
of the former editor, Dr. W. G. Ward. 

The choice of the title of the Review was dictated 
partly, we should imagine, by way of distinctive contrast 
with the Edinburgh, the name of the Irish capital sym 
bolising a country as essentially Catholic as that of the 
Scottish capital seemed suggestive of Knox and Cal 
vinism ; and partly because it was intended to appeal 
very largely for its support, both monetary and literary, 
to the Green Isle of Erin, whose verdant livery has ever 
been the distinctive colour of the Dublin, and whose 
national arms, with the old motto Eire go brdth, in the 
proper Erse characters, duly figured on the cover of 
every number of the original series, and in smaller form 
in those of the second series. The Review has, indeed, 
from the beginning always been published in London, 
but the connection with Ireland was from its earliest 
days very close. At least one-half, oftentimes much 
more, of the literary matter of the original series was 
produced in Ireland ; and Irish topics political, social, 
educational, or literary constantly occupied an impor 
tant share of each quarter s bill of fare. A glance at the 
table of contents for the earlier years will show this. 
The first editor, to whom Cardinal Wiseman gives the 
credit of the original conception of the Review, was Mr. 
M. J. Quin, a native of Thurles, in Tipperary, a journalist 
and lawyer of some note in his time (born 1796, died 

18 2 


1843). He, however, edited only the first two quarterly 
numbers. The third number (December, 1836) was 
edited by the well-known historical writer, the Rev. 
M. A. Tierney, and the fourth and fifth (April and July, 
J 837) by Mr. James Smith of Edinburgh, whose son was 
the learned Dr. William Smith, afterwards second Arch 
bishop of St. Andrew s and Edinburgh. With the sixth 
number, the young magazine at last obtained a perma 
nent editor in the person of Mr. H. R. Bagshawe, who 
retained the editorial chair till the accession of Dr. Ward 
in 1863. The causes of this uncertainty of tenure in 
the editorial office were, alas ! of the financial kind, 
which too often dog the steps of an incipient literary 
venture. Fr. Russell cites a rather pathetic letter of 
Quin to O Connell, dated from 25, Southampton Row, 
Russell Square, January 2, 1837, m which he says : 

" In obedience to your opinion, which to me is law, I 
have surrendered all claim upon the Review funds for 
any compensation whatever. . . . The question which 
now remains to be settled is this In what mode is the 
Review to be henceforth continued ? Its existence is a 
matter of great importance to religion, to Ireland, to the 
popular cause. It is impossible that I should edit and 
write without being paid. A fund should be supplied 
adequate to pay the editor a reasonable salary, and to 
remunerate contributors for their articles. Whence is 
this fund to proceed ? This is a question necessary to be 
answered as soon as possible, in order that preparations 
should be made forthwith for the fourth number. I 
have no objection still to continue editor if you wish it, 
but I cannot give any more of my time to the journal 
without remuneration. In writing and in cash I have 
already advanced to the Review upwards of 300. Is it 
reasonable that I alone should be called upon to make 
such a sacrifice as this ?"* 

Publishers, too, were doomed to suffer from " that 
eternal want of pence that vexes public men." The first 
publisher was " William Spooner, 377, Strand." With 
* Irish Monthly, vol. xxi., pp. 138, 139. 


1838, " Booker and Dolman, 61, New Bond Street/ 
appear on the title-page, changed next year to " C. Dol 
man (nephew and successor to J. Booker)," the address 
remaining as before. In 1845 Dolman was succeeded 
by Richardson and Son, and in 1862 the Richardsons by 
the firm at first known as " Burns and Lambert," then 
as " Burns, Lambert, and Gates," and finally by its 
present style of " Burns and Gates." Of the financial 
difficulties of the early years we learn a good deal from 
a long letter of Mr. Charles Dolman to Mr. Daniel 
O Connell, M.P., dated February n, 1839, which is 
among the MSS. so obligingly placed at our disposal 
by Fr. Russell. Dolman has most to say of the diffi 
culties and risks of the undertaking, in which Mr. 
Richards (the printer) and himself " have both lost so 
much." " I undertook," he says in a subsequent letter 
(March 29, 1843), "to be responsible for the payments 
required to carry on the Review under the direction and 
editorship of Bishop Wiseman* for the period of four 
years, upon the assurance of support from the guarantee 
fund which terminated with the last year." He again 
complains that he has been a severe loser, and then 
details a new plan proposed by Dr. Wiseman, and which 
amounts to this " that the writers of articles shall 
receive a joint interest in the Review, and will be content 
to receive the proceeds of the sales, after paying the 
printing expenses, for the remuneration." We also 
gather from these letters that O Connell s annual con 
tribution to the guarantee fund was 25. In a letter 
of December 14, 1843, Dolman, acknowledging a last 
instalment, thanks the great Irish statesman very 
warmly for his powerful aid and protection, and for 
having recommended the Review to the Irish clergy. He 
thinks that it has hitherto had but slight support from 
that quarter, but is " but too well aware that there has 
been on some occasions reasons why perhaps the Review 
would not (sic) and was not well received by them, and 

* Dr. Wiseman had meanwhile been nominated Coadjutor 
Vicar- Apostolic, and consecrated Bishop of Melipotamus in 1840. 


justly so ; but I trust no such occasion will ever occur 
again, and that past errors being forgot and forgiven, 
the Review will reap the benefit of that union and support 
for want of which it has hitherto languished." 

Daniel O Connell long before this had published under 
date February 18, 1838, his lithographed letter to the 
Irish Bishops in favour of the Review, "of which I am 
one of the proprietors." He says in the document : 

" The object with which this publication was instituted 
was and is to afford the Catholic literature of these 
countries a fair and legitimate mode of exhibiting itself 
to the people of the British Empire, and especially to the 
people of Ireland, in the shape most likely to produce a 
permanent as well as useful effect. The other quarterly 
publications are in the hands either of avowed and 
malignant enemies of Catholicity, or, what is worse, 
insidious and pretended friends, who affect a false 
liberality at the expense of Catholic doctrine. 

" The Dublin Review, though not intended for purely 
polemical discussion, contains many articles of the 
deepest interest to the well-informed Catholic disputant. 
The name of Dr. Wiseman, who is also a proprietor of the 
work, insures the orthodoxy of the opinions contained 
in it, and will be admitted to be in itself a pledge of the 
extent, and depth, and variety of its scientific, as well 
as theological, information."* 

O Council s reference to the importance of Wiseman s 
share in the undertaking was no whit exaggerated. The 
evidence of this is to be found in his constant contribution 
of admirable articles to the pages of the Review. These 
articles, of high literary merit and containing a wealth 
of erudition, cover a wide field ranging from theology 
and patristic learning to the fine arts and belles-lettres. 
Many of them are of permanent value. But over and 
above this, Wiseman was practically the literary editor 
of the Review, Bagshawe being little more than a business 
editor. This is abundantly proved by his correspond- 

* M. F. Cusack, " The Liberator ; his Life and Times," p. 643 
(London, 1872). 


ence with Dr. Russell, much of which lies before us 
as we write. He is constantly discussing the articles 
to be accepted or rejected, suggesting modifications, 
enumerating the stock in hand for forthcoming numbers, 
sketching projected series or individual articles, criti 
cising, questioning, exulting, or complaining, as things 
go satisfactorily or the contrary. The impression left by 
a perusal of those letters models, by the way, of neat 
ness and accuracy in penmanship and composition, in 
spite of the almost crushing stress of official work, 
especially after the erection of the Hierarchy is that 
the Review was Wiseman s pet child. He writes about 
it with the anxiety of a father for its future, his solicitude 
for present weakness, his joy and pride at success 
achieved and commendation won from strangers. We 
must be allowed to make a few extracts : 

" I find everyone pleased with Mr. Marshall s paper 
[ Developments of Protestantism, March, 1846], though 
long. Mr. Newman has spoken to me of it in high 
admiration " (Letter, April 27, 1846). 

And again : 

" The other day I was at the British Museum Library, 
when Panizzi spoke to me with great praise of your 
article on Hippolytus [ The Newly-found Treatise 
against All Heresies, December, 1852]. He told me he 
had urged several of the very same objections to Mr. 
Bunsen. But the way he read the article was this : 
Cureton brought it to him, saying that Bunsen himself 
had given it him to peruse ; he was so much pleased by 
the gentlemanly and scholarly tone which pervaded it, 
and the respect with which he was treated, all which 
presented such a contrast to the manner in which he 
had been handled in some Protestant reviews. 

" From conversation with Panizzi, I am convinced 
that the Dublin Review is much more known, and exer 
cises much more influence, than we think. Panizzi 
knows the old numbers and articles, and told me how he 
had read them to friends in the library. Let us have a 
good number next time " (Letter, January 30 [1853]). 


Elsewhere : " I am quite overwhelmed with subjects 
for the Review." 

Then comes a list of four important articles he is 
planning on Scripture and theology, after which he adds : 
" My light article I find is popular, but I fear people are 
attributing it to me." 

(This was an amusing article in the preceding number 
September, 1849 entitled " The Art of Puffing.") 
The very next sentence is prophetic, and shows what was 
going on in the minds of Wiseman and others at the 
time, the very year before the Hierarchy : "I have 
heard nothing from Rome about the Primacy, but I 
fear much " (Letter, Bexhill, October 17, 1849). 

Some time before this, in a letter referring to some 
necessary alterations in papers contributed by some of 
the recent Oxford converts Oakeley, Morris, and others 
we meet the gratifying remark : " There was not the 
slightest difficulty in getting them all modified. Nothing 
can exceed the docility of our converts " (Letter, 
December 4, 1846). In a later letter, pleading extra 
pressure of business, the newly made Cardinal tells his 
faithful correspondent " we have been talking over 
plans for improving the Review and combining it with a 
paper" (London, December 18, 1850). But, fortunately, 
perhaps, the " combination " never came off. Some 
times we find him criticising the Review, and himself as 
well. Thus : 

" The Review is not deep. It wants some more reason 
ing and original articles ; there seems to me to be too 
much extract and mere analysis of works. ... As for 
my own article [ The Bible in Maynooth, September, 
1852], it was written far too hurriedly, and I ran off the 
rails, and could not bring out what I wanted. Let us 
get something good for next time " (Letter, October 2, 

A few months later we have the following interesting 
comments : 

" Do you not think we are getting into too few hands ? 


Ward, De Morgan, Christie, Newman, Allies, etc., have 
written for us, and now literally we are alone with 
Robertson and Dr. Charlton. The rest are chiefly 
extract papers. Surely the convert element ought to 
be more cultivated. ... I see the growing narrowness 
of our work, and deplore it. Never a paper on Physics, 
Astronomical Discoveries, Chemistry, Electricity, Steam, 
Railroads, Physiology, Medicine, Geology, Botany, Law 
Reform, not even on politics in their wider sense. Never 
any article on foreign countries, except the bleak North 
I mean an original paper. ... As to myself, besides 
Lent duties, which increase as the season advances, I 
am now more and more overpowered by extraneous 
business, which makes me feel the difference between a 
Bishop or V.A. and an Archbishop, especially when 
Cardinal" (Letter, Walthamstow, February 18, 1853). 

The ever-growing pressure of business did not, how 
ever, prevent the great Cardinal either from continuing 
to contribute admirable articles of his own to the Review, 
or from following with undiminished solicitude its career. 
Three years later at the very moment he was recovering 
" from that shabby complaint, influenza, which throws 
none of the dignity or sympathy of illness around one " 
he finds time to indite a long epistle containing some 
what similar criticisms to those above quoted, but also 
adding a projected programme of topics which he con 
ceives ought to be discussed in the pages of the Review. 
This syllabus is of sufficient interest to quote almost in 
full. It runs thus : 


" i. The State Church. 

"2. The Catholic representation : its discharge of its 
duties, etc. 

"3. Education, and the efforts making to thwart and 
undermine ours. 

" 4. Proselytism : its history and condition. 

" 5. Maynooth ; Queen s College ; Universities. 


" 6. Land Question, Encumbered Estates Court ; 
results of late changes in the population ; emigration, 
colonization, etc. 

"7. Agricultural and commercial industry, flax, 
fisheries, etc. 


" 8. Progress of religion, and its wants. 

" 9. Infidelity : its spread and remedies. 
" 10. Puseyism ; Dennison, etc. 
" ii. Charitable trusts. 
" 12. Political position of Catholics. 
"13. Education. 


"14. English and French alliance, every day becoming 
a more delicate subject. 

"15. Concordats ; Austria, Wiirtenburg (sic), Tuscany, 
and Spain ; perhaps Russia. (My lectures on the Con 
cordat having been translated into Italian and German, 
have gone through several editions. In Austria especially 
they have been much read. The Pope has read them, 
and expressed himself much pleased.) 

" 16. Defence of Catholic powers from the calumnies 
of the press .... 

"17. The true character of the Liberal party on the 
Continent ; Mazzini, etc. (It is certain that all written 
on such subjects is read with great avidity in the clubs. 
Mr. Bowyer s two articles on Spain and Sardinia, for 
which I furnished the documents, have done much 

" 18. The theoretical literature of the Continent. . . . 

" It seems to me that such matters as come under 
these heads should be treated upon clear and definite 
principles, and every number should bring one or more 
before the Catholic mind so as to work it up into a clear 
and consistent view " (Letter, November 7, 1856). 


We learn from this same letter that " the root of the 
evil " is still " the want of adequate means " to attract 
writers of talent by suitable honoraria. " If anything 
happened to Richardson we should be lost," the writer 

We ought, perhaps, to apologize for these lengthy 
extracts, but they seem required to do justice to the 
illustrious prelate who was really the father of the 
Dublin Review, as well as to give an adequate impres 
sion of the high ideal, the noble aims, which inspired him 
during all the more than quarter of a century of his 
intimate connection with it. 

From Wiseman s private letters we may turn to one 
or two articles published in the Review which convey 
the same lessons. In one, entitled " The Present 
Catholic Dangers " (December, 1856), he gives the 
following summary of the twenty years life, then just 
completed, of the periodical : 

" During the twenty years existence of this Review, 
during vicissitudes and struggles not easily paralleled 
in the history of such publications, we believe it entitled 
to one commendation. It was established for an end 
which it has steadily kept in view. Thoroughly able 
and willing to sympathise with the difficulties, the 
traditions, the deep-worn feelings of Catholics, almost 
before the dawn of the brighter era of conversion, 
church-building, educational movement, and religious 
bibliopolism had appeared on the horizon, its con 
ductors endeavoured, gently and gradually, to move 
forward the Catholic mind without shocking or violently 
drawing away or aside thoughts familiar to it, and 
growing side by side with its best inheritance. They 
avoided all the troubled waters and eddies of domestic 
contention ; nor is it among the least of many praises 
due to the illustrious O Connell, who was one of its 
founders, that, wrapped up as his whole external life 
was in politics, he consented that the new quarterly 
should not involve itself in their vortex, even to advocate 


his own views, but should steer its own course along a 
calmer stream, and try to bear along with it peaceful 
and consenting minds. 

" Whatever seemed useful to forward the interests of 
Catholics, just released from the thraldom of ages, to 
suggest greater boldness, opener confession of faith, 
better taste, and especially greater familiarity with the 
resources of Catholic ritual, Catholic devotion, or 
Catholic feeling, was diligently studied and carried on 
for years with a steady purpose that did its work."* 

And when the original series was just drawing to its 
close, in the last quarterly issue but one before it 
passed into other hands, and little more than a couple 
of years before his death, the great Cardinal, in that 
noble article, " Our Responsibility," the very last he 
ever contributed to the pages of the work with which 
he had so long identified himself, penned a passage of 
such dignity and beauty that we may well quote it, 
both as his own literary epitaph and as his last message 
and testament to those who should come after him 
in the -conduct of his Review. It is as follows : 

" From the very first number to this, every article 
has been written or revised under the sense of the most 
solemn responsibility to the Church, and to her Lord. 
If we have been reproached, it has been rather for 
severity in exclusion than for laxity in admission. 
Many an article has been ejected rather than rejected, 
even after being in type, because it was found not to 
accord with the high and strict principles from which 
its editorship has never swerved, and which it has never 
abated. To him who has conducted it for so many years 
a higher praise could scarcely be given, and by no one, 
we are sure, has it ever been better deserved. That 
occasionally an article or a passage may have crept in 
which did not perfectly come up to the highest standard 
of ecclesiastical judgment, is not only possible^but 
probable. Absence, hurry, pressing occupation, ill- 
* O.S., vol. xli., pp. 441, 442. 


health, or even inadvertence and justifiable confidence, 
will be sufficient to account for an occasional deviation 
from rule, should anyone think he detects it. If so, 
we are certain he will find its corrective or its rectification 
in some other place. 

" For from first to last, as we have said, this Review 
has been guided by principles fixed and unalterable, 
and those who have conducted it have done so with the 
feeling that they must render an account of all that 
they admitted. However long may be its duration, 
and under whatever auspices, we are sure that the same 
deep, earnest, and religious sense will pervade its pages 
and animate its conductors, that their occupation is a 
sacred one, a deputation to posterity that our children s 
children may know how we adhered to the true faith 
of their fathers, how we bore with patience and gentleness 
the persecutions of our enemies, and how we never 
swerved from justice to friend or foe. Our motto may 

Vast as was the share of Cardinal Wiseman in the life 
and success of the Review, it may be doubted whether 
the periodical would ever have survived its early trials 
but for the co-operation of that other eminent and 
brilliant scholar, who all through those long years was 
Wiseman s chief lieutenant and comrade in arms, 
Dr. Charles Russell, of Maynooth. From the literary 
point of view Dr. Russell had certainly the lion s share 
of the actual work. His first article (" Versions of the 
Scriptures"), contributed when he was a young pro 
fessor of twenty-four, appeared in the second quarterly 
issue of the Old Series (July, 1836) ; his last, " The 
Critical History of the Sonnet," is to be found in the 
fifty-fourth and fifty-fifth numbers of the Second Series 
(October, 1876, and January, 1877). During this space 
of forty years Dr. Russell was the most constant and 
most indefatigable of contributors, and the wide range 
* O.S., vol. lii., pp. 183, 184. 


of the subjects treated, well characterised by the titles 
of his first and last papers above cited, rivalled that of 
Wiseman s, and gave evidence of vast erudition the 
high literary skill and the versatile culture of one who 
may perhaps claim to have been the most gifted Catholic 
scholar of our times. For twenty years he contributed 
absolutely to every number of the Review, and before 
1860 a very large number of issues contain not one, 
but several, papers from his prolific and graceful pen ; 
in at least one instance he is credited with no less than 
five articles. His articles were no mere " pot-boilers." 
Very many of them were of the highest merit. We have 
seen Bunsen s appreciation of the one concerning him 
self. Another elaborate study on Lord Rosse s tele 
scopes won him the esteem and lifelong friendship of 
that distinguished astronomer. 

The table of contents published in 1896, imperfect as 
it is, will show the other eminent Catholic writers of the 
day who formed part of the brilliant staff gathered round 
Wiseman and Russell. Dr. Lingard contributed at least 
three articles one on " Dodd s Church History of Eng 
land " (May, 1839), one entitled " Did the Anglican 
Church Reform Herself ?" (May, 1840), and one on 
" The Ancient Church of England and the Liturgy of 
the Anglican Church " (August, 1841). Newman, 
apparently, wrote but a single article for the Review, the 
one upon Keble s " Lyra Innocentium " in the issue of 
June, 1846. The learned Drs. Murray and Croly, of 
Maynooth, were very frequent contributors. So were 
Dr. Abraham, Professor Robertson, J. F. Palmer, 
and of course the editor, Mr. Bagshawe, besides others 
too numerous to cite here. One article, the first in the 
issue for February, 1843, is assigned in the editorial 
list to John, Earl of Shrewsbury. To this Fi. 
Russell appends the remark : " It proves to be an article 
of sixty-six pages on recent charges delivered by Pro 
testant prelates, among them Henry Edward Manning, 
Archdeacon of Chichester. li the Earl wrote the 


learned article he must have been helped by his 
Chaplain."* The late Lord Chief Justice of 
England is credited with a single article, in the issue 
for August, 1860, on " The Civil Correspondence of 
Wellington." In the Oscott list this is recorded as by 
" Mr. Chas. A. Russell, Bar., London, nephew of 
Dr. Russell." The article on " Carlyle s Works," in 
the issue for September, 1850, which Carlyle, according 
to Froude, found to be " excellently serious," and 
conjectured to be from the pen of Dr. Ward, turns out 
to have been written by John O Hagan, then a young 
Newry barrister of twenty-eight, afterwards Mr. Justice 
O Hagan, who appears once more in July, 1873, with 
an article on the O Keefe case. 

A word should be said of the style of these " Old 
Dublin Reviewers." It partakes of the prevalent 
" quarterly " style of its time grave, dignified, erudite 
each article commencing with a deliberate " exordium " 
of more or less rhetorical character, with reflections of 
a very general nature sometimes gemino ab ovo, and 
occasionally rather remote from the subject in hand. 
The strict Review form is also maintained, and every 
article " hangs upon its own proper peg " in the form 
of the titles of a book or books, or even the Times 
newspaper, duly cited at its head. Our more busy 
times, perhaps, would be impatient of this old-fashioned 
and stately procedure. Yet it cannot be denied that 
the old Dublins have a charm of erudition and style 
all their own. " What treasures of orthodox erudition," 
to quote Fr. Russell once more, " contained in those 
old volumes . . . what labour, thought, learning, and 
piety of many hearts and minds are represented in this 
long series of half-yearly tomes !"f 

The list of articles has, too, its historical value. 
Looked at chronologically, it represents a complete 
picture of the history of Catholic thought and life for the 

* Irish Monthly, vol. xxi,, p. 85. 

f Ibid., vols. xxi., p. 90 ; xxii., p. 637. 


best part of the last century. Beginning almost before 
the first stirring of the waters of the Oxford Movement, 
and under the very shadow of penal days, the succeeding 
volumes gradually introduce us to the full strife of those 
intellectually stirring times, with Wiseman as the 
protagonist on the Catholic side. In No. 13 (August, 
1839) we come, with almost a shock of glad surprise, 
upon the now historical article, nay, upon the very page 
and the very footnote (vol. vii., p. 154) of that article, 
of which we knew from his own words that it was the 
" shadow of the hand upon the wall " to John Henry 
Newman the protagonist on the Anglican side and 
the means in God s Providence which was to decide 
his future for him. That simple footnote on p. 154 
contains "the palmary words of St. Augustine "- 
securus judicat orbis twrarum which ever afterwards, 
Newman tells us in his "Apologia," "kept ringing in 
my ears," and " struck me with a power which I had 
never felt from words before. . . . By those great words 
of the ancient Father, the theory of the Via Media was 
absolutely pulverized." And, he adds, " he who has 
seen a ghost cannot be as if he had never seen it." If 
the Dublin Review had no other title to gratitude it 
might securely rest its fame on having given to the world 
that Article VI. of its thirteenth quarterly number, 
whose effect had been more far-reaching than that 
of any other magazine article ever written. Gradually 
the leaders of the Tractarian Movement, from being 
opponents to be fought with and convinced, come over 
one by one to us, and in their turn take their places 
in our ranks as contributors to the Review. Ward, 
Oakeley, and Marshall simultaneously appear together 
(as far as our deficient records inform us) in the March 
issue of 1846 ; the two first-named become very frequent 
contributors. Morris, Christie, Formby, Capes, Allies, 
Anderdon, Manning (December, 1854), Ffoulkes, and 
other converts of note gradually appear in the list 
side by side with the members of the older staff. Mean- 


while we have come to the epoch of the Hierarchy, and 
the new Cardinal Archbishop himself in two consecutive 
numbers (December, 1850, and March, 1851) presents 
the Catholic view of that burning question. And 
similarly space will not allow us to give further 
examples all the great contemporary movements in 
Church and State, in education and literature, in 
scientific discovery and exploration, are faithfully re 
flected, as in a mirror, in the Dublin s table of contents. 
One could compile a history of the times from the con 
temporary pages of the old Dublin alone. 

Before laying aside for good the volumes of the 
Original Series we may add one or two little items, 
rather of interest than of importance, that we have jotted 
down in the course of our pleasant task of examin 
ing these old tomes. Lady writers are by no means 
the novelty people might imagine them to be in our 
grave quarterly. The first paper by a lady appears as 
early as the fourth volume, being on " Irish Novels and 
Irish Novelists " (April, 1838), attributed to Mrs. Fitz- 
simons. This lady was a daughter of Daniel O Connell. 
It is also somewhat surprising to note that the early 
Review was not always shy of illustrations. Plates or 
woodcuts adorn several articles on architecture and 
archaeology,* as well as the one above referred to on 
Rosse s telescopes.f Wiseman, in his letters to Russell, 
several times complains of the length of articles. No 
wonder : in vol. xlvi., No. 92 (June, 1859) an article by 
Finlayson, on " The Government of the Papal States," 
actually occupies 125 pages. By way of contrast, the 
following year, in vol. xlviii., No. 96 (August, 1860), 
Miss St. John contents herself with a space of a little 
over five and a half pages for her last article. Editors 
must have been made of less stern stuff in those days 
than in ours. 

But, lest we should yield to the temptation of becoming 

* Vols. ix., No. 1 8 ; x., No. 20 ; xii., No. 23 ; xix., No. 37. 
f Vol. xviii., No. 35. 



garrulous, without the excuse of old age, we must regret 
fully close the venerable tomes of the " Wiseman- 
Russell " era, and turn our attention, though more 
briefly, to the series which followed. 


A decided alteration, both in outward appearance and 
in style and tendency, marks the " New Series," which 
began in July, 1863, with Dr. W. G. Ward as proprietor 
and editor, dnd Mr. Cashel Hoey as sub-editor. Dr. 
Ward s own tastes and talents very naturally impressed 
themselves strongly upon his Review. Metaphysics now 
tended to come more and more to the front in the 
literary menu. Dr. Ward was the chief antagonist of 
John Stuart Mill, and esteemed by that philosopher as 
the foeman best worthy of his steel. Hence much of 
the long metaphysical duel between those two leading 
minds was fought out in the pages of the Dublin. Three 
other lines of thought were also represented by Dr. 
Ward s own writings in the Review during this time 
one regarding the Papal Infallibility, another touching 
the " Relations between Religion and Politics," and the 
third on the burning question of " Catholics and the 
Higher Education." In a memorial article by Cardinal 
Manning on the occasion of Ward s death (Third Series, 
October, 1882), a list is given of all Ward s contributions 
under these heads (pp. 268-270), to which the reader may 
be referred. We must remark, however, that he will 
find some considerable discrepancies between these lists 
and that compiled from the memoranda of Mr. Cashel 
Hoey in the Irish Monthly (April, 1893). Cardinal 
Manning, in the article referred to, writes as follows : 

" What [the Review] owed to him during the sixteen 
years in which he was not only editor but chief contri 
butor, and what aid, even after he had ceased to conduct 
it, he still gave by a constant series of philosophical 
writings, is well known. And yet the importance of his 


work is perhaps fully known only to a few who were in 
immediate contact with him and with the Dublin Review. 
The great success of the First Series of the Dublin Review, 
when it was sustained by the contributions of the illus 
trious group of men who surrounded the late Cardinal 
Wiseman in his early career, had, by the same order of 
time and nature by which we also are now deprived, 
begun to decline. In the year 1862 Cardinal Wiseman 
gave to me the legal proprietorship of the Dublin Review 
on the condition that I would insure its continuation. 
After certain preliminary endeavours, Mr. Ward accepted 
in full the responsibility of editor. He has stated that 
all articles passed under the judgment of three censors, 
who were charged to examine the bearing of them on 
faith, morals, and ecclesiastical prudence. From the 
time he undertook the office of editor, he threw himself 
into it as the work and way in which, as a layman, he 
was to serve the Church. . . . Perhaps the only other 
contemporaneous example of the all but identity of an 
editor with his periodical is Brownson s Review. In both 
cases the power of mind in the editor impressed a domi 
nant character upon the work. This fact may have 
made the Review less interesting to general readers, but 
it greatly increased its intrinsic value. . . . The Second 
Series of the Dublin Review did not rank among literary 
magazines, but it fairly won and kept its place among 
the weightier and more serious quarterly periodicals."* 
Ward himself, in what he justly styles a " personal " 
article, contributed to vol. viii., No. 15, of his periodical 
(January, 1867), in the form of a review of his own 
fourteen preceding numbers, defends the New Series with 
considerable spirit from two adverse criticisms the 
one directed against " what is considered the undue pre 
ponderance given by us to theology "; the other, " that 
our tone is too peremptory and overbearing, that we 
erect our own private opinion into a kind of a shibboleth 
(as it has been expressed to us), and that we speak of 
* N. S., vol. viii., pp. 265, 266. 



those who oppose our own private views just as though 
they opposed the Church s authoritative teaching."* 
Those were, indeed, the days of hot controversy and 
hard hitting all round. Very warm waxed the war 
fare round dogmatic questions like the Vatican Council, 
the Papal Infallibility and its extent, the Syllabus, 
and religious " liberalism," and the vexed questions 
of Catholic colleges and the national universities. The 
atmosphere in which the " Ward Series " lived was 
therefore essentially polemical, both with regard to 
external foes and to internal disputants. In the con 
cluding number of the series (October, 1878) Cardinal 
Manning, in a " letter " which forms the first article, 
gives a general approval to the line taken up by Ward in 
the course of these controversies. His Eminence also 
adds : 

" In the course of this period three special subjects of 
great moment have been forced both by events and by 
anti-Catholic public opinion upon our attention I mean 
the Temporal Power of the Holy See, the relations of the 
Spiritual and Civil Powers, and the Infallibility of the 
Head of the Church. In all these your vigilant and 
powerful writings have signally contributed to produce 
the unity of mind which exists among us, and a more 
considerate and respectful tone even in our antagonists." f 

As we have said, we are not writing the " Secret 
History " of the Dublin ; that is a matter to be left to a 
future and a more remote generation. The very wide 
difference of opinion, and the almost acrimonious tone 
of discussion which they engendered among men of the 
highest intellectual and spiritual excellence, have left 
traces both in published articles and in private corre 
spondence. We can now afford to look back calmly on 
the burning domestic questions of thirty years ago, 
and to recognise the earnestness of purpose and convic 
tion of the disputants on both sides. 

* N. S., vol. viii., pp. 164, 167. 
f N. S., vol. xxxi., pp. 275, 276. 


In his reply to Cardinal Manning s gracious message, 
Ward, in the same number, pays a handsome tribute to 
his faithful lieutenant : 

" It has been the chief felicity " (he says) " of my 
editorial lot that I have obtained the co-operation of one 
so eminently qualified to supply these deficiencies as 
Mr. Cashel Hoey. It was once said to me most truly 
that he has rather been joint-editor than sub-editor. 
One-half of the Review has been in some sense under his 
supreme control ; and it is a matter of extreme gratifica 
tion to look back at the entire harmony which has pre 
vailed from the first between him and myself. In the 
various anxieties which inevitably beset me from time 
to time, he has invariably shown himself, not only to be 
a calm and sagacious adviser, but even more, to be the 
most cordial and sympathetic of friends."* 

The staff of writers gathered around Ward and Cashel 
Hoey was also a very brilliant one. Dr. Russell, indeed, 
as we have seen, continued his active co-operation up to 
the beginning of 1877, as also did Dr. Murray. The 
latter s article " The Vatican Council : its Authority 
and Work " in the issue for January, 1873, was con 
sidered by Dr. Ward, we are told,f the best paper 
he had ever sent to him " during the same series. Pro 
fessor St. George Mivart commenced his long critical 
" Examination of Herbert Spencer s Psychology," 
which continued its career right into the Third Series. 
Other writers who contributed to the series were 
Mr. Edward Healy Thompson, Fr. Anderdon, S.J., 
Fr. Coleridge, S.J., Mr. J. C. Earle, Mr. W. H. Wilber- 
force, Canon Oakeley, Canon (afterwards Bishop) 
Hedley, Fr. Roger Bede Vaughan, O.S.B. (after 
wards Archbishop of Sydney), Fr. Herbert Vaughan, 
D.D. (the late Cardinal Archbishop), Mr. Allies, Dr. Ives 
(the converted Bishop of the Episcopal Church of 
America), Mr. David Lewis, Mr. Marshall, and, of course, 

* N. S., vol. xxxi., pp. 277, 278. 
t Irish Monthly, vol. xxi., p. 209. 


both Mr. and Mrs. Cashel Hoey. These names, at least, 
besides a few others, have been preserved for us in the 
sub-editor s memoranda, which are, unfortunately, very 
incomplete. Fr. Russell opines that the touching 
" filial memorial " on the death of Cardinal Wiseman, 
which opens the April issue for 1865, was penned by Dr. 
Manning, so soon to succeed to the vacant archiepiscopal 
throne. That " memorial" contains Cardinal Wiseman s 
own memorandum, dated Easter, 1853, narrating the 
origin and early history of the Dublin, which appeared as 
preface to his volume of " Essays " issued in that year, 
and from which we have already quoted. It also 
records the fact that : 

11 In the last two years since it passed into other 
hands the declining health of our lamented Cardinal 
compelled him to postpone again and again the kind and 
encouraging promises he made to us of contributions 
from his pen. No line written by him has therefore 
appeared in it."* 

The following well-merited panegyric of Wiseman s 
work in the Old Series is added : 

" If at the end of our labours the Second Series of the 
Dublin Review should yield from all the hands which 
may contribute to it three volumes of essays worthy to 
stand afar off by those of Cardinal Wiseman, for beauty, 
variety, learning, freshness, originality above all, for 
pure, solid Catholic doctrine and high filial devotion to 
Rome we shall hope that we have not failed in the 
trust which he has bequeathed to us." 


The final number of the Second or " Ward Series " of 
the Review (October, 1878), concluding its thirty-first 
volume, contained a fly-leaf with the following announce 
ment : 

" The historic Dublin, now in the forty-second year 

* N. S., vol. iv., p. 270. 


of its existence, has been made over by Mr. W. G. Ward 
to his lordship the Bishop of Salford. On the first of 
January, the first number of a new, or Third Series, will 
appear, under the editorship of the Right Rev. Bishop 

" While faithfully adhering to the great Catholic prin 
ciples for the maintenance of which it came into exist 
ence, and which have been its raison d etre and its very 
life for over forty years, the Dublin Review will now 
undergo certain modifications, calculated to render it 
more widely popular and more acceptable to a larger 
number of tastes and interests. 

" The Review, in its Third Series, will aim at maintain 
ing its traditional high standard of theological and 
metaphysical science ; in its historical, literary, and 
political articles it will endeavour to combine solidity 
and usefulness with brilliancy of treatment ; and each 
number will contain a summary of the contents of foreign 
Catholic contemporary periodicals, short notices of all 
new Catholic works, and a quarterly review of science. 

The work of the Dublin Review will be, as heretofore, 
to deepen Catholic intellectual life ; to promote Catholic 
interests ; to enlighten and assist those who are seeking 
for Catholic truth ; to utter warnings against dangers 
to faith and practice ; and to diminish as far as possible 
that friction arising from national, local, or personal 
narrowness which retards the onward march of Catholic 
principle. Its motto, as that of all Catholic journals, 
must be Truth, Culture, and Conciliation. 

" In order to render the Review the more interesting, 
all the articles will be signed with the names of the 

The strict rule of anonymity had already been partially 
relaxed in the Second Series. The " Historical Notes of 
the Tractarian Movement," which appeared in its earlier 
issues, were signed by their author, Canon Oakeley. 
Initials, like " M. D. T.," " T. F. M." (i.e., Mathew), and 
" R.^ E. G.," were occasionally allowed to appear. 


Papers by Mr. St. G. Mivart (October, 1876), Fr. H. 
Formby (January, 1877), and the Hon. W. (afterwards 
Lord) Petre (July, 1878), were published over their 
authors full names, the object of Dr. Ward being to allow 
certain of his contributors liberty to express views with 
which he did not desire the Review or its editor to be 
identified. In the Third Series the signing of articles 
was carried out as a principle, though by no means uni 
formly observed ; in No. 9 (January, 1881) only a single 
article, by Bishop Spalding, is signed or acknowledged ! 
By degrees, however, the custom became practically 
universal. Librarians will do well to note that for the 
first four volumes of the Third Series the numeration of 
the second was continued xxxii. to xxxv. ; with the 
next volume the New Series began an independent 
numbering of its own, and the first half-yearly volume 
of 1881 is marked vol. v. This was carried on up to 
the close of the series, the last volume of it being xxvi., 
which ended 1891. 

As announced in the circular quoted, the Third Series 
opened under the editorship of the Right Rev. John 
Cuthbert Hedley, O.S.B., the learned Bishop of New 
port, who himself contributed to the first number the 
admirable article on " Catholicism and Culture," which 
opens the series. This first issue (January, 1879) na( ^ 
also the fortune to secure an article on "The Work and 
Wants of the Church in England," from the pen of Car 
dinal Manning, and one on " The Evangelization of 
Africa," from that of his destined successor, Bishop (after 
wards Cardinal) Vaughan. The series thus began under 
very bright auspices, and a number of very distinguished 
names appear in the table of contents of subsequent 
numbers. Cardinal Manning is credited with at least 
five subsequent articles, of which the last (July, 1891) 
was entitled " Leo XIII. on the Condition of Labour," 
but half a year before the great Cardinal s death. We 
learn from some editorial correspondence that His 
Eminence had also planned a paper upon General 


Gordon early in 1885, but unfortunately f< gives it up 
has not time." The article on the subject which did 
appear in April (" The Destiny of Khartoum ") was, 
though not signed, from the indefatigable pen of Miss 
E. M. Clarke, whose industry as a Dublin reviewer during 
this series rivals that of Dr. Russell himself ; and we 
gather that Gordon s sister " wrote to the writer to thank 
her for it, as expressive of her own feelings in the portion 
where Gordon s desertion is described." Another future 
Cardinal, Dr. Moran, at that time Bishop of Ossory, 
contributed an interesting paper on " The Birthplace of 
St. Patrick " to the issue of April, 1880, and one on " The 
Condition of Catholics in Ireland a Hundred Years Ago " 
to that of January, 1882. The late Bishop Clifford, of 
Clifton, brought out in those of April and October, 1881, 
his novel theory concerning the " Days of the Week and 
the Works of Creation," which excited no little interest 
and controversy at the time. Among other episcopal 
contributors to the series will be noticed the erudite 
Bishop Healy, Bishop Ullathorne, and, of course, the 
episcopal editor. This Third Series also secured a large 
share of foreign contributors a very rare feature in the 
earlier series. Among these we meet with Professors de 
Harlez, Lamy, Alberdingk Thijm, and Colinet of Louvain, 
the Abbe Motais, Bishop Spalding of Peoria, and Senator 
Power of Ottawa. 

Other novelties announced in the programme were 
duly introduced, and have since remained marked 
features of the Dublin, differentiating it to some extent 
from other old quarterlies. The department of book 
notices received a very considerable extension. In the 
earliest issues of the Original Series, no notices of the 
kind appear, but only an occasional " summary " of 
foreign literature, though, strange to say, for several 
years a short appendix of " Miscellaneous Intelligence," 
political as well as religious, was added to each issue. 
The notices of books appear to have commenced with 
the May number of 1840, in vol. viii., Original Series, 


but, even to the end of the series, never exceeded very 
modest proportions. Dr. Ward s series gave a much 
greater development to these short reviews ; but in the 
Third and Fourth Series they have assumed still larger 
importance. Other new and useful departments now 
added were the " Science Notes " and " Notes on Travel 
and Exploration " still regularly continued. 

Bishop Hedley was ably assisted in his editorial duties 
by an excellent sub-editor, the Rev. W. E. Driffield, 
whose name deserves to be recorded with due honour side 
by side with those of Bagshawe and Cashel Hoey. At 
the close of 1884 Dr. Hedley resigned the editorial chair 
which was then assumed by the Right Rev. Herbert 
Vaughan, then Bishop of Salford, who thus again, like 
Dr. Ward, combined the functions of proprietor and 
editor, which he retained till the close of 1891. The 
multifarious duties and occupations of the editor s busy 
episcopal life very naturally threw an ever-increasing 
share of labour upon the devoted sub-editor, and to a 
very considerable extent Father Driffield may be said to 
have been rather the acting editor during the last few 
years of the series. 

With the beginning of 1892 the editorship was con 
ferred upon the Right Rev. James Moyes, D.D., since 
Canon Theologian of Westminster, and with the change 
commenced also the Fourth Series of the Dublin Review. 
There was somewhat of an alteration in outward appear 
ance, and in one respect at least a reversion to the 
memories of the Original " Wiseman " Series. The new 
first volume of the series was numbered vol. ex., the 
numeration thus going right back to the beginning, and 
the first issue bore number " 220," by a curious mis 
calculation, which will puzzle some future librarian, 
for it should have been " 219." This first quarterly 
issue was scarcely in the hands of its readers when the 
whole country was shocked by the news of the death 
of the venerable Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster, 
who himself twenty-seven years before had consecrated 


in the pages of the Review a " Memorial " to his 
predecessor, Cardinal Wiseman. A graceful and pathetic 
memorial article from the pen of the lamented Fr. Lock- 
hart appeared in the subsequent issue (April, 1892). 
It is interesting also to note that the opening article 
of this Fourth Series was that on " England s Devo 
tion to St. Peter," by the then Bishop of Salford, who, 
at the very moment the second part of the article was 
issuing from the press in the April number, had succeeded 
Manning and Wiseman on the metropolitan throne of 
Westminster, as he had succeeded them in the proprietor 
ship of the " historic Dublin." The intimate connec 
tion between the three successive Cardinal Archbishops 
of Westminster and the great Catholic quarterly, of 
which this coincidence is but the outward symbol, is not 
a little remarkable, and confirms the impression of the 
very large part played by the Review in the history 
of Catholic thought and life during sixty years. 

It will be unnecessary to say more about the Review, 
now in its seventieth year of existence, and with the 
whole twentieth century, as we may hope, before it. 
If the past be any augury of the future, the omens are 
certainly propitious. We can heartily wish it God 
speed in its career. 

Certain writers have sometimes speculated, in idle 
mood, what work they would choose if condemned 
for years to solitary imprisonment, or to banishment 
on a desert isle, with no other companion than one 
single set of volumes. Was it not Matthew Arnold 
who thought he would select Migne s edition of the 
Fathers ? * The present writer is not at all sure whether, 
if he were in the predicament, he would not take for 
his choice the volumes of the Dublin Review from 
1836 to 1906. 

* And, strangely enough, in a paper concerning an article in 
the Dublin Review itself ! 



THE war of 1894-95 between the nations of the extreme 
East, the collapse of the Chinese Goliath and the unvary 
ing success of the Japanese David, and the still more 
astonishing Titanic contest between Russia and Japan 
of 1904-5, have excited a widespread and intense interest 
in all that relates to Japan and the Japanese. 

But the Japanese have an attractiveness all their own, 
and quite independent of any temporary political 
circumstances. The race is an extremely interesting 
one in itself. This has been well expressed not long 
ago by a competent observer. M. Ribaud, a Catholic 
missionary of Hakodate, writes thus in the Missions 
Catholiques of Lyons for February 22, 1895 : 

" The beauty of this province of Miyagi, which we are 
now traversing, is suggestive of thought. We seem to 
have before us some beautiful scene in Greece. Greece ? 
Yes, for Japan is not a little like to Greece. Has not 
Japan landscapes as lovely as those of Athens, Corinth, 
or Ionia ? Does the pellucid atmosphere of Miyagi or 
Iwate yield in delicacy to that of Attica ? And if the 
physical features and climate of Japan are like to those 
of Greece in so many ways, are they not likely to impress 
upon the Japanese character some traits of the Hellenic 
type ? The vivacity of wit, the facility and abundance 
of speech, which have rendered the Athenian name 



famous, are to be found to a striking degree among the 
Japanese. The ri KOLLVOV, which paints so well the in 
satiable curiosity of the Greek, is at every instant on the 
lips of the Japanese.* What shall I say of the passion 
for independence, fostered in Greece by the very nature 
of the soil ? It is found, for the same reason, in Japan, 
carried to its highest pitch, and with it the love of 
country. If we peruse the annals, without pushing our 
researches into ancient times that nebulous period 
wherein we see the Empress Jingo marching to the 
conquest of Corea nor even to the sanguinary struggles 
of the fourteenth century, in which the celebrated 
leyasu, breaking through all the obstacles with his 
puissant hand, succeeded in snatching the sceptre from 
the Mikado but simply glancing at the recent revolu 
tions which have restored to the Emperor the authority 
of which he had been despoiled, how many traits of 
valour, energy, and ardent patriotism do we not discover 
which need not pale side by side with the noblest deeds of 
patriotism of the heroes of Thermopylae and Mantinaea !" 

But the history, present condition, and prospects of 
Christianity in Japan is a subject which scarcely needs 
these considerations to render it one of surpassing 
interest. The contact between a race so highly endowed 
by nature as that of the Japanese and the powerful 
leaven of Christianity, must of necessity produce reac 
tions and results destined to be little less momentous 
than similar contacts in the past between Christianity 
and, let us say, the Keltic and Anglo-Saxon races. To 
the student of philosophy, as well as to the historian, it 
must be interesting in the highest degree to watch such 
processes of spiritual chemistry. 

The ancient island-empire of Nippon was first made 

* " The Japanese are very curious by nature," wrote St. 
Francis Xavier in 1551, "and as desirous of learning as ever 
any people were. . . . They desire very much to hear novelties, 
especially about religion " (Letter Ixxxiv., Coleridge, vol. ii., 
p. 300). 


known to the Western world under the name of 
" Cipangu " in 1295 by Marco Polo, the famous Venetian 
traveller, and from that time forward appeared on maps, 
its discovery being among the objects which Columbus 
set before him in his memorable voyages to the West. 
The first Europeans to reach the archipelago, however, 
were three Portuguese fugitives, who were driven upon 
the southern islands in 1542 the very same year, by 
the way, in which St. Francis Xavier landed at Goa. 
But much more important events were the two visits of 
Mendez Pinto in 1545 and 1547, of which he himself has 
left a detailed account, published in English by Mr. 
H. Cogan in 1891. In the second of these visits Pinto 
received on board a Japanese fugitive named Anjiro (or 
Han-Siro) and his servant. Taken to Malacca, the two 
Japanese there made the acquaintance of St. Francis 
Xavier, who was intensely interested in the two fugitives 
and in what they had to tell him of their country. He 
took them with him to Goa, where both were instructed 
and became Christians, Anjiro being baptized under the 
name of Paul- of the Holy Faith. 

Those acquainted with the life of the Apostle of the 
Indies, and more especially readers of Fr. Coleridge s 
admirable " Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier," will 
scarce need reminding how deep an impression was made 
on the saint s mind by what he heard from these 
Japanese converts, and how Japan became to him truly 
a land of predilection. From the moment of his meeting 
with Anjiro the idea of a missionary expedition to Japan 
took hold of his soul. 

It was not until 1549 that Francis was able to under 
take his great task the evangelization of the island- 
empire. On April 25 he embarked at Cochin for Malacca, 
whence, on the Nativity of St. John Baptist, he sailed 
for Japan " on board the ship of a heathen merchant, a 
Chinaman." The voyage lasted seven weeks, and a 
most interesting account of it is given by Francis himself 
in his first letter from the place of his arrival. He had 


with him the two Japanese, Anjiro (otherwise " Paul of 
the Holy Faith ") and the latter s servant, Fr. Cosmo 
de Torres, and a lay-brother, Joao Fernandez. 

" So by the guidance of God," he writes, " we came at 
last to this country, which we had so much longed for, 
on the very day of the Feast of Our Blessed Lady s 
Assumption, 1549. We could not make another port, 
and so we put into Cagoxima, which is the native place 
of Paul of the Holy Faith. We were most kindly received 
there both by Paul s relations and connections and also 
by the rest of the people of the place."* 

The port of Cagoxima i.e., Kagoshimaf lies upon 
the deep inlet which indents the southern extremity of 
Kyushu, the southernmost island of the archipelago. 
It was at the time the capital of the principality of 
Satsuma. The first successes of the saint and his com 
panions were truly gratifying. We have his own words 
for it. He writes : 

" The prince of this place was six leagues away from 
Cagoxima, and when Paul went to pay his respects to 
him he was very glad of his return, and showed him much 
honour, asking him also a great many things about the 
manners, the power, and the resources of the Portuguese. 
When Paul told him all about them, he seemed to be 
very highly delighted with what he had heard. Paul 
had taken with him a very fine picture of Our Blessed 
Lady with the Child Jesus sitting in her lap, which we 
had brought from India. When the prince saw the 
picture which Paul had brought he was quite struck with 
wonder ; he at once fell on his knees and venerated it 
in the most pious manner, and ordered all who were 
present to do the same. After this his mother saw it 
and gazed upon it, and was filled with wonderful admira- 

* Coleridge, vol. ii., p. 232. 

f We shall adopt in this paper the spelling of modern Orien 
talists for Japanese names and words. It must be remembered 
that the early Jesuit missioners spelled according to the Portu 
guese sounds. The Portuguese x is pronounced as sh. 


tion and delight ; and a few days after, when Paul had 
returned to Cagoxima, she sent a man and a very good 
person he was to see about getting a copy of it taken 
somehow or other. However, there were no means of 
doing the thing at Cagoxima, and so the matter went no 
further. The same lady sent us a request by the same 
hand that we would give her in writing the chief points of 
the Christian religion. So Paul devoted some days to 
this work, and wrote out in his own native language a 
great many things concerning Christian mysteries and 
laws. You may take my word for it, and also give God 
great thanks, that a very wide field is here opened to you 
for your well-roused piety to spend its energies in." 

In this same very long letter, addressed to the Society 
at Goa, Francis, besides a very full account of the 
Japanese manners and customs, gives us his opinion of 
the Japanese people, of whom he speaks with something 
like enthusiasm. " The nation with which we have had 
to do here," he declares, " surpasses in goodness any of 
the nations lately discovered. I really think that among 
barbarous nations there can be none that has more 
natural goodness than the Japanese." 

St. Francis Xavier stayed little more than two years 
in Japan. He and his companions laboured successively 
at Hirado, Hakata, Yamaguchi, Kyoto,* and Bungo, 
though with very varying success. The Prince of 
Satsuma himself became hostile, influenced by the 
jealousy of the Buddhist bonzes. At Yamaguchi the 
mean and forlorn appearance of Francis caused him to 
be driven out of the city with obloquy. Yet his two 
years stay in Japan produced an indelible impression. 
The Church of Japan was securely founded, and from the 
sweat and tears of its first great apostle there sprang that 
glorious harvest which was destined to ripen in an 
incredibly short space of time. 

St. Francis Xavier left Japan in the November of 1551. 

* Called by St. Francis " Myako " i.e., the capital, for such 
it was in his time. 


His intention was to visit the vast empire of China, and 
then begin to sow the seeds of Christianity as he had 
done in Nippon. He had heard much about China 
whilst in the neighbouring kingdom, and had met 
Chinamen there. " The Chinese whom I have seen," 
he says, " are acute and eager to learn. Their intellect 
is superior even to the Japanese." And again : " China 
is that sort of kingdom that, if the seed of the Gospel is 
once sown, it may be propagated far and wide."* But 
it was not merely the desire to carry the truth to China 
that moved Francis to this new expedition. He saw in 
it a means of reacting upon his beloved Japan. For, as 
he remarks in one of his letters, the Japanese used to 
especially urge against the Christian teaching " that if 
things were as we preached, how was it that the Chinese 
knew nothing about them ?" This was only natural, 
since Japan had derived her civilization, her letters, her 
religion from China, and consequently " the Japanese 
have a very high idea of the wisdom of the Chinese, 
whether as to the mysteries of religion, or as to manners 
and civil institutions." 1 ) 1 And, writing to his great 
superior, St. Ignatius, just after leaving Japan, he says 
explicitly : " As soon as the Japanese learn that the 
Chinese have embraced the faith of Jesus Christ, there 
is reason to hope that the obstinacy with which they are 
attached to their own false sects will be lessened. "J 
This same letter to St. Ignatius betrays the depth of the 
affection which attached St. Francis to this people, for he 
exclaims therein : "No words can express all that I owe 
to the Japanese." And how wonderful in the light of 
subsequent history is the prophecy contained in another 
part of this letter, where he writes : " As far as I know, 
the Japanese nation is the single and only nation of them 
all which seems likely to preserve unshaken and for ever 
the profession of Christian holiness if once it embrace 

* Letter Ixxxvi., Coleridge, p. 348. 

f Letter Ixxxiv., Coleridge, pp. 300, 301. 

J Letter Ixxxviii., Coleridge, p. 373. 



it." These words will surely recur to our memory later 
on in reading of the event of March 17, 1865 ! 

Everyone knows that St. Francis Xavier was never 
destined to reach the shores of China, and that he died 
an outcast on the little island of San Chan, at the mouth 
of the Canton river, on December 2, 1552, like Moses in 
sight of the Promised Land. 

The following half-century marks an epoch of marvel 
lous prosperity in the Japanese missions. Numerous 
Jesuit Fathers and lay-brothers were sent over, as Francis 
had desired, to carry on the work so auspiciously begun. 
Within thirty years it is calculated that over 200,000 
Japanese, including several bonzes, had been converted, 
and the Princes of Omura, Bungo, and Arima were 
among these neophytes. Nagasaki was the chief focus 
of Christian life. By 1567 it was said that the popula 
tion of that city was almost entirely Catholic. The 
virtual ruler of Japan at this time was Nobunaga, the 
celebrated Minister and commandant of the forces. This 
able Minister was distinctly favourable to the Christians 
during all his administration of nine years (1573-1582). 
All this time the Jesuit Fathers had been pushing forward 
their apostolic work, and had met with marvellous 
success. In Kyoto and Yamaguchi, in Osaka and Sakai, 
as well as in Kyushu, they had founded flourishing 
churches, established colleges for the formation of a 
native clergy, opened hospitals and asylums, and ex 
tended their influence far and wide. The latter part of 
Nobunaga s supremacy was perhaps the era of their 
greatest prosperity. At this time Chamberlain estimates 
the number of Japanese Christians at not less than 
600,000. Nobunaga s patronage of the Christians was 
largely inspired by political motives. His strong 
Government had made him hated by the Buddhist 
bonzes, whose overwhelming power he effectually held in 
check, and who looked upon him as a usurper, as he 
technically was. It was this disaffection of the bonzes 
that led him to support the Christian missionaries. 


They seem to have attributed his patronage to higher 
motives, and to have looked forward to his conversion. 
But though churches were built under his patronage at 
Kyoto and at Azuchi, on Lake Biwa, near his own 
beautiful residence, he never seems to have seriously 
intended to become a Christian. For some time after 
Nobunaga s death nothing occurred to interfere with the 
development of the Church ; indeed, that date (1582) 
coincides with the mission of Fr. Valignani from 
Gregory XIII., now to be mentioned. 

The fervour, zeal, and devotion of these new Christians 
were worthy of the early days of Christianity. The Holy 
See was very soon able to rejoice in the addition to the 
fold of legions of devoted children. Gregory XIII. 
deputed Fr. Alessandro Valignani, S.J., with gifts to 
the converted Japanese princes, and they in their turn in 
1582 despatched a solemn embassy to Rome, consisting 
of two young princes and two counsellors, who were 
accompanied by Fr. Valignani and another Jesuit. 
This embassy was received with all state and splendour 
both by Gregory XIII., who died during their stay in 
Rome (1585), and by his successor, Sixtus V. But on 
their return to their native country the Japanese dele 
gates found that troubles had already broken out.* 

It was in 1587 that the first anti-Christian edict was 
issued by the celebrated Taiko-Sama, one of the greatest 
rulers Japan has ever known ; and the years from that 
date till 1650 may be fairly designated the era of the 

* This was not the only Japanese embassy to the Holy See at 
that time. At the Tenth International Congress of Orientalists, 
held at Geneva in September, 1894, the eminent Sinologue, Pro 
fessor Valenziani, of Rome, read a paper on two passages of the 
" Nippon hyak kets den," a kind of biographical encyclopaedia, 
by which he established the fact that during the last years of 
the sixteenth century Gamau Udji-sato, daimyo of Aidzou, sent 
no less than four different embassies to the reigning Pontiff, 
with the purely political object of detaching him from the 
Spaniards, against whom the Japanese were contending in the 
Philippines. As the President of the section, Professor Schlegel, 
remarked, these facts were entirely new and hitherto unknown 
to European scholars. 

20 2 


persecutions, the special and abiding glory of the 
Japanese Church. 

Before, however, we enter upon the history of these 
persecutions, the mention of Taiko-Sama s name calls for 
a brief explanation of the state of Japanese government 
at that time. In our ecclesiastical histories this first per 
secutor is always spoken of as " the Emperor Taico- 
sama." The title is entirely erroneous. To explain 
how the early missionaries fell into this error, it will be 
necessary to refer to a much earlier period of Japanese 
history. The series of the Emperors (or " Mikados ") of 
Japan go back in an unbroken line from our own day 
to the founder of the dynasty, Jimmu, who appears to 
have reigned from 660 to 585 B.C. But at the close of the 
twelfth century of our era the all-powerful Minister 
Yoritomo succeeded in establishing the curious system of 
government known as the Shogunate, which endured till 
so recent a date as 1868. This system resembles nothing 
so much as that of " the mayors of the palace " under the 
later Merovingian kings. The " Shogun "* was Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the forces, and also Viceregent of the 
Empire. And though for long periods he was actually 
the de facto ruler, still, during the whole eight centuries 
of the Shogunate this potentate always scrupulously 
observed the outward show of reverence for, and absolute 
dependence upon, the Emperor, whose humble servant 
he professed to be, and whose commission he always 
received for the performance of his duties. This curious 
form of government is described with fair accuracy in 
the memoir on Japan drawn up by Paul Anjiro, with the 
peculiarity that he styles the Emperor " Voo " and the 
Shogun " Goxo " words of which we have not seen an 
explanation anywhere, f Yet the early Jesuit mission- 

* The name was long known in Europe under the quasi- 
Chinese form, " Tycoon." 

f Perhaps " Voo " may be meant for the Japanese word 
"Wau," ruler or sovereign, and "Ten-wau," heavenly King, is 
actually a title of the Mikado. But " Gossiyo " (literally, exalted 
place) is also one of the titles of the Emperor himself. 


aries seem to be quite oblivious of the existence of the 
Mikados, or Emperors, whose names never appear in the 
acts of the ancient Church of Japan. 

The famous Taiko-Sama (literally, " Lord Taiko ") was 
in reality the Prime Minister, Commander-in- Chief, and 
Viceregent, known in Japanese history as Hideyoshi. 
He was not Emperor, and never obtained even the 
exalted title of Shogun, but was content with the lower 
one of " Kwambaku," though his power was none the 
less absolute. His predecessor in power, of whom we 
have spoken above, the scarcely less celebrated Nobu- 
naga, like himself, held the authority without enjoying 
the title of Shogun. 

In 1585 Hideyoshi, after a brief period of confusion, 
became the virtual ruler of Japan. At first he does not 
seem to have been hostile to the Christians, but his 
sentiments gradually underwent a change. Various 
reasons have been assigned for his development into a 
persecutor. Prominent among these must have been 
the influence of the bonzes, who doubtless did their best 
to arouse his suspicions against the foreigners. He was, 
indeed, already inclined to look upon the Jesuits as 
secret envoys of the King of Portugal. But whatever 
dislike to Christianity had been growing up in his mind 
was fanned to a flame by the firmness and constancy of 
certain Christian maidens who refused to yield to his 
lustful passions, and preferred death to sin. The first 
step towards persecution was Taiko-Sama s edict of 1587. 
All " foreign religious teachers " were commanded to 
quit Japan within twenty days under pain of death. The 
Jesuit Fathers thereupon withdrew to Nagasaki, where it 
would appear they were allowed to devote themselves to 
the spiritual wants of the Europeans. Yet so far from 
these measures checking the growth of Christianity, not 
only did the Japanese converts remain staunch in their 
faith, but it is calculated that during the next few years 
over 60,000 more were added to the fold. Meanwhile 
new elements were introduced. 


Much has been made by Protestant writers of the 
mutual jealousies of the Jesuits and the other Orders. 
A word must therefore be here said upon this subject. 

It appears that in 1485 Pope Gregory XIII. issued a 
brief giving to the Society of Jesus the exclusive charge 
of the Japanese missions, as, indeed, it had well merited 
by its extraordinary successes. The Spanish Govern 
ment viewed with a jealous eye whatever secured the 
monopoly of the Portuguese in the country ; and the 
governor of the Philippines soon after despatched an 
embassy to Hideyoshi, seeking to obtain permission to 
trade at some of the Japanese ports, and with the em 
bassy he sent four Franciscans, who were thus indirectly 
permitted to establish themselves in Kyoto and Naga 
saki (1593). Taiko-Sama at first seemed favourably 
disposed to these Franciscans, and they soon took the 
opportunity of publicly preaching the Gospel, which they 
did with great success. This activity, combined with 
the mischievous gossip of a Portuguese (or Spanish*) 
sea-captain, seems to have roused Taiko-Sama to fury. 
The imprudent fellow boasted that the King of Spain 
had sent his own missionaries into Japan in order to pave 
the way to a future conquest of the islands. Nothing 
more was required to give the signal for a cruel persecu 
tion. The death-penalty was decreed against all the 
Christian preachers. The first fruits of the glorious 
Japanese army of martyrs were the twenty-six who were 
crucified at Nagasaki on February 5, 1597. They 
numbered six Franciscan Fathers, including the superior, 
Fr. Peter Baptist, fifteen Japanese tertiaries of the same 
Order, three Japanese Jesuits, and two servants. At 
the thrilling scene of this martyrdom, which has been too 

* The accounts are contradictory, as is also the chronology of 
these events. I have followed the valuable " Compendium 
Historise Ecclesiasticae," published at Pulo-Pinang (Straits 
Settlements), 1885, which differs considerably in the order of 
its narrative from Mr. D. Murray (" Japan," in " The Story 
off the Nations " series ; London : Fisher Unwin, 1894), whose 
dates appear to me to be hopelessly confused. 


often told to allow of repetition here, was present the 
first Bishop who had yet set foot on Japanese soil. This 
was Pedro Martinez, S.J., appointed Bishop of Japan by 
Sixtus V., whose singular privilege it was to transmit to 
Rome the acts of the Proto-martyrs, of which he himself 
had been an eye-witness. 

It is only fair to remark here that some of the responsi 
bility for the persecution appears to be due to the action 
of the converted Japanese princes, who, not content with 
embracing the Catholic faith, seem to have been only 
too ready to force it upon their subjects, and to pose as 
regular persecutors of Buddhism. Those were not days 
when " toleration " was understood in any country ; but 
it would really appear that this untimely zeal of some of 
these princes reacted disastrously upon the pagan rulers. 

Taiko-Sama, or Hideyoshi, died in 1598. After some 
years of civil war, the power passed into the hands of a 
man scarcely less able than himself, leyasu, in whom the 
office of Shogun (in abeyance since 1573) was restored, 
and who founded the Tokugawa dynasty, or Shogunate. 
A period of comparative peace and prosperity for the 
Japanese Church now ensued. Bishop Luiz Serqueyra, 
S.J., was able greatly to console and confirm his flock, 
which he ruled peacefully till 1614. leyasu even received 
the Bishop with a certain degree of favour in 1606 at 
Kyoto, and the following year the Provincial of the 
Jesuits. About the same time Dominican and Augus- 
tinian Fathers began to arrive and swell the ranks of 
the missioners. At the beginning of the seventeenth 
century the number of Japanese Christians is said to have 
risen to 1,800,000. But the peace was to be of short 
duration ; it was but the prelude to one of the most 
awful persecutions ever recorded in the history of the 

Even during the period just referred to a certain 
amount of local persecution of the Christians was going 
on, especially in the principality of Fingo (Higo), where 
several martyrs suffered. But in 1617 the persecution 


became general, and for twenty years it endured with a 
violence surpassing that of Nero. It is a lamentable fact 
that much of the responsibility of this terrible persecu 
tion must be laid at the door of the Dutch Protestants, 
who, as well as the English, at this time began to trade 
largely with Japan. National jealousy of the Portuguese 
and Spanish, as well as religious hatred, were rife at the 
time, and there is only too strong evidence to believe that 
the new-comers did much to poison the mind of the 
Shogun against the Catholics. Mr. Murray thinks that 
leyasu had also been enraged by the solemn celebration 
of the beatification of Ignatius Loyola (1609) by public 
processions of the Bishop and all the religious orders 
through Nagasaki, in spite of a " warning proclamation " 
issued in 1606. But this was long years before the out 
burst of the persecution ; the actual edict for the extirpa 
tion of Christianity to secure the safety of the empire 
was issued in 1614. All members of religious orders, 
whether native or European, were to be expelled the 
country, the churches which had been erected were to 
be pulled down, and Japanese converts were to be com 
pelled to renounce their faith. Some 300 persons were 
shipped from Japan on October 25, but eighteen Jesuit 
Fathers and nine lay-brothers escaped and lay concealed. 
Among other exiles was the powerful noble Takeyama, 
known in the Christian annals as Justus Ucondono. He 
was one of those converted princes, and is accused of 
having carried out a system of persecution against the 
Buddhists in his territory of Akashi. But whatever 
misguided zeal he may have shown in that matter, he 
certainly set a bright example of personal heroism in the 
hour of trial. He stimulated his fellow-Christians by his 
constancy in the Faith, and his readiness to forego all 
honours and dignities in its defence. Already banished, 
in Taiko-Sama s reign, he was now deported to the Philip 
pines, where he died of a painful sickness in 1615. 

The new edict was carried out with ruthless severity. 
A special department, entitled " The Christian Inquiry," 


was instituted for the purpose of searching out Christians 
and forcing them to apostasy. Priests and laity were 
hunted down ; large rewards were offered for information 
against Christians in every rank of life ; a special scale 
was published for the betrayal of parents by their 
children, and of children by their parents. leyasu died 
in 1616, just at the beginning of the persecution, but it 
was continued with relentless fury by his son and suc 
cessor. History has but one verdict upon the diabolic 
atrocity of the persecution. " One may search the grim 
history of early Christian martyrology," writes the 
author of " The Conquests of the Cross," published by 
Messrs. Cassell, " without finding anything to surpass the 
heroism of the Roman Catholic martyrs of Japan. 
Burnt on stakes made of crosses, torn limb from limb, 
buried alive, they yet refused to recant." "It has never 
been surpassed," says Mr. D. Murray of this persecution, 
" for cruelty and brutality on the part of the persecutors, 
or for courage and constancy on the part of those who 
suffered."* Mr. Gubbins, in the Japanese Asiatic 
Society s Transactions, after detailing some of the more 
barbarous tortures inflicted, adds : " Let it not be sup 
posed that we have drawn on the Jesuit accounts solely 
for this information. An examination of the Japanese 
records will show that the case is not overstated." 

Painful as is the subject, some record must be made of 
what these heroic confessors of the faith had to undergo. 

" We read," says the last-quoted writer, " of their 
being hurled from the tops of precipices, of their being 
buried alive, of their being torn asunder by oxen, of their 
being tied up in rice-bags, which were heaped up together, 
and of the pile thus formed being set on fire. Others 
were tortured before death by the insertion of sharp 
spikes under the nails of their hands and feet, while some 
poor wretches, by a refinement of horrid cruelty, were 
shut up in cages and there left to starve with food before 
their eyes." 

* " Japan." 


Specially awful were the torments inflicted in the caves 
of Un-gen (or On-sen) between Nagasaki and Shimabara. 
Here some were plunged into the boiling sulphur-springs, 
others suffocated by the fumes, some forced to drink 
enormous quantities of water, and then, like Margaret 
Clitheroe, pressed to death beneath crushing weights. 
But of all the tortures the most terrible was that known 
as " the Fosse," or suspension head downwards into a 
pit, the martyr hanging by a rope fastened to the feet 
and attached to a projecting post. The suffering was 
excruciating, blood exuding from the mouth and nostrils, 
and the pressure on the brain being almost unendurable. 
Yet the victim usually survived eight or nine days ! We 
can hardly be surprised that many succumbed under the 
trial, and that a number fell away into apostasy. Yet 
what were they compared with the glorious army of 
martyrs, including women and children, mostly natives, 
who triumphed and won their crown ? Statistics alone 
are capable of giving an idea of the terrible character of 
the persecution. It is reckoned that over 1,000 religious 
of the four orders Jesuits, Franciscans, Dominicans, 
and Augustinians shed their blood for the faith during 
its course, whilst the number of native Japanese lay-folk 
who perished exceeded 200,000 ! " Since the Apostolic 
times no grander spectacle has been exhibited to the 
Christian world ; it embraced episodes beautiful enough 
to delight the angels, and refinements of wickedness 
sufficient to excite the jealousy of demons."* 

Everybody has heard of the trampling on the cross 
which Europeans were required to perform to save their 
lives. This test was known to the Japanese as e-fumi, 
and was carried out under the direction of an officer, 
styled Kirishitan Bugyo, or " Christian Inquisitor." 
Specimens of the metal trampling-plates upon which the 
crucifix was engraved made, too, from the metal ob 
tained from the Christian altars are still to be seen in 

* Louvet, "Les Missions Catholiques an XIX me Stecle," Paris, 
1895. P- 235. 


the Uyeno Museum in Tokyo. The Dutch made no 
difficulty in submitting to the test, and for the sake of 
trade privileges were content several times a year to 
trample upon the figure of Him whom they professed to 
worship as their Saviour. 

The last scene in this terrible tragedy was the revolt 
in the principality of Arima in 1638. One can hardly 
wonder, perhaps, at the Christians being driven to 
desperation by their twenty years persecution. Yet 
Mr. Murray points out that it is but justice to remember 
that this rebellion was not due exclusively to the Chris 
tians, but that it was probably originated by other 
causes namely, the misgovernment and senseless 
cruelty of two successive daimyos of Arima, whose 
tyranny drove the farmers of Arima and Amakusa to 
open revolt.* Then it was that the Christians rose en 
masse in the province to swell the ranks of the insurgents, 
the total number amounting, it is said, to 40,000. Then 
came the long siege of the strong position of Shimabara. 
It will be remembered that the Dutch under Koecke- 
backer, on this occasion, acceded to the request of the 
Government, and lent their powder and cannon to the 
besiegers. Dr. Geerts has written a defence of Koecke- 
backer s action in the Japan Asiatic Society s Trans 
actions, and thinks he could not help doing what he did, 
and that any European would have done the same in 
the same position. Finally, Shimabara was carried by 
assault after a siege of 102 days, and a general massacre 
ensued. We have Koeckebacker s own authority that 
of the 40,000, young and old, all, except one, were 
slaughtered. From that moment Christianity appeared 
to be extinct in Japan. The last Bishop of the ancient 
Church of Japan, Luis Sotelo, O.S.F., had perished, 
having been burnt alive in 1624. A few scattered 
remnants yet remained. Edicts continued to be issued 
against the pestilent sect of the Christians. 

" For more than two hundred years notice-boards 
* " Japan," pp. 257-260. 


stood beside highways, ferries, and mountain passes, 
containing among other prohibitions the following : So 
long as the sun shall warm the earth, let no Christian be 
so bold as to come to Japan ; and let all know that the 
King of Spain himself, or the Christian s God, or the 
Great God of all, if He violate this commandment, shall 
pay for it with His head. "* 

So the Church, which at the beginning of the century 
counted 1,800,000 souls, appeared by its close to be 
absolutely extinct. A silence of death settled down 
upon it. We hear, indeed, of an Italian Jesuit, Fr, John 
Baptist Sidotti, reaching the shores of Japan in 1709 ; 
but he was immediately captured and thrust into prison, 
where he soon perished. He was the last Jesuit who has 
ever trodden the Japanese soil. After his death dark 
ness, black as night, spread over the scene, for it must be 
remembered that not only was Christianity (apparently) 
exterminated, but all intercourse with foreigners, even 
for trade, was abruptly broken off, the only partial ex 
ception being in favour of the Chinese and Dutch. 

Before leaving the subject of the ancient Church of 
Japan, it would seem but justice to record one more of 
its titles to glory, though, indeed, a minor one. We 
refer to the labours of the early missioners in behalf of 
philology and literature. Protestant writers have re 
corded with astonishment the fact that, whilst the Dutch, 
favoured as they were by the Japanese Government, did 
nothing in the cause of science, it is to the Catholic 
missioners, in spite of the terrible times of persecution, 
that Europe owes the earliest works relating to the 
Japanese language and literature. Thus the Dutch 
Orientalist Hoffmann, writing in the Journal of the 
German Oriental Society (vol. xii., pp. 443 et seq.), says : 

" It cannot but excite just surprise, as Adelung has 
already remarked with disapprobation, that the Dutch, 
whether merely from lack of interest or from petty 

* See Cobbold, " Religion in Japan/ p. 94 (London : S.P.C.K., 


motives of selfishness, have waited until the most recent 
times before publishing anything of value concerning the 
language and literature of Japan. And yet they had 
every opportunity to do so. ... Holland cannot easily 
allege any serious excuse for not taking the task earlier 
in hand. They had only to continue building upon a 
ground already prepared for them by the Portuguese in 
a highly commendable manner, as was always the case, 
and bequeathed by them to their successors in Japan, 
who were the Dutch themselves. ... To whom, then, 
are we indebted for the first scientific knowledge of the 
Japanese language ? To the Dutch ? Oh no ! To 
Portuguese missioners like Alvarez, Rodriguez, and 
Collado, who had already published their Japanese 
grammars and dictionaries at the close of the sixteenth 
and beginning of the seventeenth centuries."* 

The above-mentioned Joao Rodriguez, S.J., arrived 
in Japan in 1583, and under his directions a series of 
important publications appeared between 1590 and 1610. 
In 1595 there was printed in the Jesuit College at 
Amakusa the now rare Portuguese-Latin-Japanese 
Dictionary, occupying 906 quarto pages, and of remark 
able completeness. In 1603 followed a Japanese- 
Portuguese Dictionary. In 1604 Fr. Rodriguez s 
Japanese Grammar was printed at Nagasaki. The 
Dominicans rivalled the Jesuits in their literary zeal. 
The above-named Diego Collado was a Dominican, 
whose Dictionary and Grammar of the Japanese language 
appeared in Rome in 1632. Three years before, the 
Dominicans of Manila had printed a Spanish translation 
of the Jesuit Dictionary. After Rodriguez, who died 
in 1633, other missioners, such as Lopez and Sylva, 
worked in the same field. For two centuries, moreover, 
the reports of the Catholic missioners were the best 
and almost the only sources of a knowledge of Japan 
and the Japanese people. Fr. Froes, S.J., in the second 

* See Jos. Dahlmann, S.J., " Die Sprachkunde und die Mis- 
sionen," pp. 57, 58 (Freiburg: Herder, 1891). 


half of the sixteenth century, deserves special mention 
in this respect. According to Anushin, he was the first 
European to speak of the curious primeval race of the 

A number of religious works in the Japanese language 
for the use of native Christians were compiled and 
published by the Catholic missioners. Bishop Serqueyra, 
whom we have spoken of above, composed a work on 
moral theology. One of the Franciscan Fathers, known 
as Diego de las Llagas, was a native Japanese, who, 
besides translating the " Flos Sanctorum " into his 
mother tongue, published also a Japanese Grammar and 
a Spanish-Latin-Japanese Dictionary. 

Special mention must also be made of the efforts of 
the early missioners to accommodate the Japanese 
language to the Roman alphabet a work which has 
been taken up earnestly in our own time by the Romaji- 
Kai, and which occupied a considerable share of the 
attention of the Geneva International Congress of 
Orientalists in 1894. In 1590 the Jesuit missioners 
began to cast European type in Japan, and they elabo 
rated a complete system of transcription in Roman 
characters. Mr. Ernest Satow, the eminent Japanese 
scholar, has published an interesting monograph, " The 
Jesuit Mission Press in Japan, 1590-1610 " (London, 
1888), in which a full account is given of the literary 
labours of our missioners in this regard. Numerous 
Japanese works, printed according to this system, exist 
in the libraries of Europe. 


Though Catholicity in Japan was to all intents and 
purposes extinct, the blood of so many martyrs was 
not destined to be shed in vain. During the death- 
silence of well-nigh two centuries, the Holy See did not 
altogether forget this once so hopeful field of spiritual 


harvest. Almost contemporaneously with the final 
struggles of the Church of Japan, an entirely new move 
ment was taking shape in Europe, leading eventually, 
under the marvellous guidance of Providence, to the 
erection of the Seminary of the Foreign Missions in 
Paris, and the formation of the greatest foreign mis 
sionary agency which the Church has ever seen, the 
illustrious Societe des Missions fitrangeres. In so far as 
the society can be said to have had " founders " for 
in the literal sense of the word it had really no founder* 
it is the two first Vicars Apostolic for the Far East 
Mgr. Palm and Mgr. de la Motte Lambert, appointed 
in 1658 by Pope Alexander VII. who have the nearest 
claim to that title. The primary end of the new society 
was the creation of a native clergy in the foreign mis 
sionary countries confided to its charge ; the second one, 
the preaching of the Gospel to the heathen. The first 
centre of its work was in the kingdom of Siam, where a 
general seminary for the training of native clergy was 
erected in the old capital, Ayuthia. The earliest 
countries of the Far East evangelized by the members 
of the society were Annam (Cochin China), Tonkin, Siam, 
and parts of China. Yet even at that early date the 
eyes of the society seem to have been turned towards 
the Forbidden Land, for two of its very first missionary 
Bishops Mgr. Laneau and Mgr. Cice received in turn 
the barren title of Vicars Apostolic of Japan. f Nothing 
at all practical, however, was attempted till early on 
in the last century. J Curiosity was awakened in 1831 
by the shipwreck of a Japanese vessel on the shores of 
the Philippines. Some twenty shipwrecked sailors were 

* See on this subject Ad. Launay, " Histoire General e de la 
Societe des Missions Etrangeres," torn. i. (Paris, 1894). 

f Ad. Launay, p. 202. 

% It is recorded in the Pulo-Pinang " Compendium Historiae 
Ecclesiasticae," (1885), that at the close of the eighteenth century 
a few men arrived in Cochin China saying they were Japanese 
missionaries, and begging for some sacred vestments from the 
Vicar Apostolic, to whom they made themselves known under 
the greatest secrecy. The sequel does not appear (p. 127). 


kindly received by the Spaniards, who were surprised 
to find them wearing Christian medals, which they 
appeared to reverence with superstitious veneration. 
On inquiry, they said they had descended to them from 
their ancestors. These descendants of the ancient 
Christians were all instructed and baptized. Already 
the Anglican Bible Society had been making efforts to 
introduce their Bibles into Japan, but had met with little 
success, and even been forced to fly. 

To Gregory XVI. was reserved the glory of reopening 
the sealed book of the history of the Japanese Church. 
In 1832 he erected the Vicariate Apostolic of Korea, 
attaching to it the Liu-Kiu (Ryu-Kyu, or Loo-Choo) 
Islands, dependencies of Japan, in the hope that they 
might become a gate opening into the Island Kingdom, 
as indeed they proved to be. Some attempts not 
altogether unsuccessful seem to have been made at this 
time by the Societe des Missions ICtrangeres to send a 
few Catechists into Japan, with what fruit we know not. 
In 1838 we find Mgr. Imbert writing home, under date 
November 22 : " Souvent il m arrive de tourner des 
regards et presque d esperance vers les rives du Japon." 
It was the two hundredth anniversary of the massacre 
of Shimabara. 

A new factor was about this time introduced into the 
Japanese problem. The various governments of Europe 
and the United States were making more and more 
energetic efforts to bring about an opening-up of Japan 
for commercial purposes. In the constant negotiations 
for this end the various navies necessarily played a 
leading part ; the real diplomatists were the admirals 
and commodores, French or English, American or 
Russian, who carried on the only possible communica 
tions with the coy government of the Shoguns. The 
French authorities were willing to associate their efforts 
with those of the great French missionary society to 
gain a footing in the Land of Promise. In 1844 the 
French squadron was under the command of Rear- 


Admiral Cecile. He consented to despatch the Alcmene, 
under command of Fornier-Duplon, to the Liu-Kiu 
Islands, having on board M. Forcade, a priest of the 
Missions Etrangeres, and Augustine Ko, a native cate- 
chist, who had already suffered as a confessor of the faith, 
and subsequently became a priest. On the Feast of the 
Patronage of St. Joseph, April 28, the capital of the 
group, Nafa, was reached, and negotiations were at once 
opened with the government of the petty king. The 
end was that the two missioners were allowed to remain. 
They soon found, however, that their condition was 
little better than an honourable durance. They were 
installed in a Buddhist monastery, but subjected to a 
constant and harassing surveillance. 

" I was barely allowed," wrote M. Forcade, " to take 
a little exercise on the sand or mud by the seashore, and 
even then I might not go out alone. I was surrounded 
by the inevitable mandarins, preceded by satellites 
armed with bamboos to strike the poor people and drive 
off any passers-by, which was naturally calculated to 
render me an object of odium." 

The Japanese Government having got wind of these 
proceedings, promptly demanded the missionary s head ; 
but the Dutch resident at Deshimo, to his credit be it 
said, interposed his good services, and perhaps respect 
for the French squadron had its influence ; the danger 
passed over. So two years went by, without any possi 
bility of communicating with the natives even of Nafa. 
In 1846 Pope Gregory XVI., to show his interest in the 
work, nominated M. Forcade, Bishop of Samos and 
Vicar Apostolic of Japan. The same year Admiral 
Cecile called at Nafa with his squadron and endeavoured 
to negotiate a treaty. The missioners were now allowed 
to remain in the Tu-mai lamassery and to procure books 
for the study of the language, and were relieved from 
the vexatious surveillance they had hitherto endured. 
Two new missionary priests, MM. Adnet and Leturdu, 



arrived at the Liu-Kiu Islands, whilst Mgr. Forcade 
went to France in the interests of his vicariate. 

A gap of eight years now occurs in the progress of our 
history. In 1854, under the pontificate of Pius IX., 
M. Collin, a missionary of Manchuria, was nominated 
Prefect Apostolic of Japan, but died immediately after 
his nomination. M. Libois, the new superior, sent out 
three new missioners to the Liu-Kiu Islands under 
M. Girard ; but their position was a very painful one, 
and, like their predecessors, they were subjected to 
incessant and vexatious surveillance. Once more the 
French naval commandant, Admiral Guerin, interposed 
his good offices, and a new treaty was made with the 
king. The missioners were now allowed to buy some 
land and build a house in the centre of the town. But 
as regards evangelical work, all they could possibly 
achieve was to baptize a few babies at the point of death, 
and also a few old people. 

In 1856 Admiral Laguerre, taking a missionary on 
board, visited Nagasaki ; but all his efforts at friendly 
negotiation were in vain. Other European nations had 
in the interval been more successful. The real opening- 
up of Japan is to be credited to the United States, for it 
was Commodore Perry who, in 1853, conducted the first 
successful negotiation with the Shogun s Government, 
not without a very considerable and perhaps necessary 
display of force, and the American treaty was ratified in 
1854. Treaties followed with Great Britain in the same 
year, Russia in 1855, and Holland in 1856, each pro 
viding for the admission of traders to two Japanese ports. 
France was still knocking at the door. In 1857 two 
frigates, having two missionaries on board, touched at 
Nagasaki, and one of the priests actually landed, but 
was quickly obliged to beat a retreat. 

At last, in 1858, Japan was finally opened to the 
French, and as a consequence to the missioners of the 
French Society. To Baron Gros belongs the credit of 
negotiating the treaty at Yeddo (now called Tokyo), 


signed on October 9. The ports of Yokohama, Naga 
saki, and Hakodate were opened by this diplomatic key. 
Religious liberty was allowed to foreigners, not yet to 
natives. On November 28 M. Girard, now Pro- Vicar 
Apostolic of Japan, writes in exulting strains to the 
Central Council of the Society of the Propagation of the 
Faith : 

" After ten years of waiting and painful uncertainty, 
about the future of a mission always so dear to us, to 
behold the gates at length opened is an event in which 
we cannot fail to see the direct intervention of Almighty 
God. The treaty awards to the Minister Plenipotentiary 
the right of travelling all over the empire. We hope 
that one of us may be able to accompany him and seek 
out the remnants of the ancient Christian settlements 
said still to exist in Japan."* 

Very little, however, could be done at first. Prudence 
made caution absolutely necessary. Missionaries were 
placed in each of the three treaty ports to attend to the 
spiritual wants of European Catholics, and chapels were 
erected at Yokohama and Nagasaki. That of the former 
town was dedicated with considerable pomp on 
January 12, 1861, and many Japanese, undeterred by 
severe Government edicts, daily visited it out of curiosity. 

We must now turn our eyes for a moment to Rome. 
Already, as early as 1627, Pope Urban VIII. had per 
mitted the Franciscans and Jesuits to celebrate yearly 
an Office and Mass in honour of the martyrs of their 
respective congregations who, as above narrated, had 
been crucified at Nagasaki under Taiko-Sama in 1597. 
Their cause pursued its course in Rome, and finally, on 
Whit Sunday, 1862, Pius IX., surrounded by an extra 
ordinary gathering of Catholic Bishops from all parts of 
the world, had the consolation of solemnly proclaiming 
the canonisation of these twenty-six first martyrs of 

What followed in Japan seemed like a visible answer 
* Ad. Launay, p. 365. 

21 2 


to the honours thus so splendidly rendered to these 
heroes of the faith. On February 19, 1865, the fine 
Catholic church dedicated to the twenty-six martyrs was 
opened at Nagasaki, the scene of their martyrdom. 
This church had been built by M. Bernard Petit jean, a 
native of the diocese of Autun, who, having joined the 
Societe des Missions Etrangeres, had been sent out to 
Japan in 1860. We must let this illustrious missionary, 
whose name will be for ever indissolubly bound up with 
the history of the Japanese Church, narrate the wondrous 
sequel in his own oft-quoted words : 

" Scarce a month had elapsed since the benediction of 
the church at Nagasaki. On March 17, 1865, about 
half-past twelve, some fifteen persons were standing at 
the church door. Urged, no doubt, by my Angel 
Guardian, I went up and opened the door. I had scarce 
time to say a Pater when three women, between fifty and 
sixty years of age, knelt down beside me, and said in a 
low voice, placing their hand upon their heart : 

" The hearts of all of us here do not differ from 

" Indeed ! I exclaimed. Whence do you come ? 

"They mentioned their village, adding: At home 
everybody is the same as we are ! 

" Blessed be Thou, O my God ! for all the happiness 
which filled my soul. What a compensation for five 
years of barren ministry ! Scarce had our dear Japanese 
opened their hearts to us than they displayed an amount 
of trustfulness which contrasts strangely with the 
behaviour of their pagan brethren. I was obliged to 
answer all their questions, and to talk to them of 
Deous Sama, Yaso Sama, and Santa Maria Sama, by 
which names they designate God, Jesus Christ, and the 
Blessed Virgin. The view of the statue of the Madonna 
and Child recalled Christmas to them, which they said 
they .had celebrated in the eleventh month.* They 

* According to the old Japanese calendar, the year began with 
our February. 


asked me if we were not at the seventeenth day of the 
Time of Sadness (i.e., Lent) ; nor was St. Joseph un 
known to them ; they call him Yaso Samana yo fu, 
the adoptive father of our Lord. In the midst of this 
volley of questions footsteps were heard ; immediately 
all dispersed. But as soon as the new-comers were 
recognised all returned, laughing at their fright. 

" They are people of our village, they said. They 
have the same hearts as we have. 

" However, we had to separate for fear of awakening 
the suspicions of the officials, whose visit I feared. On 
Maunday Thursday and Good Friday, April 13 and 14, 
1,500 people visited the church of Nagasaki. The 
presbytery was invaded ; the faithful took the oppor 
tunity to satisfy their devotion before the crucifix and 
the statues of Our Lady. During the early days of May 
the missioners learnt of the existence of 2,500 Christians 
scattered in the neighbourhood of the city. On May 15 
there arrived delegates from an island not very far from 
here. After a short interview we dismissed them, 
detaining only the catechist and the leader of the pil 
grimage. The catechist, named Peter, gave us the most 
valuable information. Let me first say that his formula 
for baptism does not differ at all from ours, and that he 
pronounces it very distinctly. He declares that there 
are many Christians left up and down all over Japan. 
He cited in particular one place where there are over 
1,000 Christian families. He then asked us about the 
Great Chief of the Kingdom of Rome, whose name he 
desired to know. When I told him that the Vicar of 
Christ, the saintly Pope Pius IX., would be very happy 
to learn the consoling news given us by himself and his 
fellow-countrymen, he gave full expression to his joy. 
Nevertheless, before leaving he wished to make quite 
sure that we were the true successors of the ancient 
missioners. Have you no children ? he asked timidly. 

" You and all your brethren, Christian and heathens 
of Japan, are all the children whom God has given us. 


Other children we cannot have. The priest must, like 
your first Apostles, remain all his life unmarried. 

" At this reply Peter and his companion bent their 
heads down to the ground and cried out : They are 
celibate. Thank God ! "* 

Next day an entire Christian village invited a visit from 
the missioners. Two days later 600 more Christians 
sent a deputation to Nagasaki. By June 8 the mis 
sioners had learnt the existence of twenty-five " Chris 
tianities," and seven " baptizers " were put into direct 
relation with them. 

" Thus (to quote M. Launay s admirable resume of 
this marvellous episode), in spite of the absence of all 
exterior help, without any sacraments except baptism 
by the action of God in the first place, and in the next 
by the faithful transmission in families of the teaching 
and example of the Japanese Christians and martyrs of 
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the sacred fire 
of the True Faith, or at least a still burning spark of this 
fire, had remained concealed in a country tyrannized over 
by a government the most despotic and the most hostile 
to the Christian religion. All that was required was to 
blow upon this spark and to rekindle its flame in order 
to realise once more the wish expressed by our Saviour : 
I am come to cast fire upon the earth, and what do I 
desire but that it be enkindled ? 

Such was the almost miraculous event of March 17, 
1865, in honour of which Pius IX. established a feast, 
with the rank of a greater double, to be celebrated for 
ever in Japan under the title of "The Finding of the 

It was a graceful recognition of the part played by 
Fr. Petit jean in this resurrection of the Japanese Church 
that further prompted Pius IX. to nominate him the 
following year (1866) Bishop of Myrophitus and Vicar 
Apostolic of Japan. 

* Ad. Launay, pp. 457-459. 


One of the first acts of the new Bishop was to erect a 
statue to " Our Lady of Japan " in 1867, and the same 
year Pius IX. pronounced the beatification of 205 more 
of the early Japanese martyrs, including both men and 

We cannot be astonished that, in spite of all precau 
tions, the secret soon leaked out in Japan. Christianity 
was still a proscribed religion, forbidden under pain of 
death. No wonder the year 1867 saw the commence 
ment of fresh attempts at persecution. In 1868 a fresh 
edict was issued and displayed on the public notice- 
boards, declaring : " The evil sect called Christian is 
strictly prohibited. Suspicious persons should be re 
ported to the proper officers, and rewards will be given." 
One of the missioners, M. Laucaigne (afterwards Vicar 
Apostolic), had a narrow escape of being arrested. 
Sixty-five Christians of Urakami were actually seized. 

This same year (1868) saw the great national revolu 
tion, which entirely altered the system of government. 
This is not the place to narrate this, the most important 
political event which has occurred for seven centuries in 
Japan. Suffice it to say that the upshot of the struggle 
was the abolition of the Shogunate, established by 
Yoritomo as far back as 1192, and the resumption of 
supreme and undivided power by the real Emperor, the 
Mikado, whose supremacy had been practically dormant 
during all those long centuries. It was the still reigning 
Mikado, Mutsuhito, then only sixteen years of age, under 
whom this great revolution was effected. Strange to 
say, this restoration of the Imperial power was coincident 
with a recrudescence of persecution. Fresh imperial 
edicts against Christians were published. Between 
October, 1869, and January, 1870, 4,500 Christians were 
deported from Urakami and the Goto Islands, the chief 
centres of Catholicity. Pius IX. addressed to these con 
fessors a letter of encouragement. In reply to remon 
strances from the Powers, the Government of Tokyo in 
a memorandum accused the missioners of fomenting 


disorder. And it was a considerable time before the 
Consuls could induce the Government to recall the 
exiles, and withdraw the measures decreed against the 

The next few years are designated in the annual 
reports of the missioners as a time of mingled persecu 
tion and liberty. For, in spite of the expiring efforts of 
hostility and repression, the growth of Catholicity and 
the expansion of Catholic works went on very rapidly. 
It was not until 1873 that all religious persecution ceased. 
It is calculated that between 1868 and 1873 from 6,000 
to 8,000 Christians were torn from their families, de 
ported, and subjected to cruel tortures, so that nearly 
2,000 died in prison.* On March 14, 1873, all the 
Christian prisoners were set at liberty, though the 
missioners were not yet allowed to penetrate into the 

From this time forward the history of Catholicity in 
Japan has been one of most gratifying progress. The 
number of missionary priests sent out by the society 
largely increased, rising from 3 in 1860 to 28 in 1880, 
and to 98 in 1895. Nuns were introduced, belonging to 
the two Societies of St. Paul of Chartres and of the Child 
Jesus. The first religious women entered Japan in 1872, 
and soon had several native postulants. The first native 
nun (at least, in modern times), and also the first to die, 
was Agatha Kataoka Fuku, in religion Sister Margaret, 
the sister and daughter of martyrs, who herself died quite 
young from the effects of the ill-usage she had endured 
as a child in gaol, where she saw her father perish under 
the blows of the executioner. In 1882 Sister Julia 
(Maria Fuyu), and in 1885 Sister Mary (Melania Kustugi 
Totu) were professed. These were the firstfruits of the 
religious life in the new Church of Japan. There are 
now a good number of native nuns, both professed and 
postulants. A native clergy, too, has been created, the 
first Japanese priest having been ordained in September, 
* Lou vet, p. 238. 


1883, and some thirty native priests are already at work. 
" If," says Louvet, " in the hour of trial this heroic 
Church, which was able with mere catechists to preserve 
the faith, had had a native clergy, it is probable that 
Japan would at the present day be wellnigh Christian."* 

The ecclesiastical government of Japan has necessarily 
developed to keep pace with this religious growth. In 
1876 (June 3) Pope Pius IX. divided the vicariate of 
Japan into two a north and a south vicariate. His 
successor, Leo XIII., in 1888 (March 16), created a 
third vicariate Central Japan out of that of South 
Japan ; and in 1891 (April 17) divided that of North 
Japan, erecting the new vicariate of Hakodate. The 
preceding year, on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the 
" Discovery of the Christian," the First Provincial Synod 
of Japan was held at Nagasaki, close to the tomb of 
Bishop Petitjean (who had died October 7, 1884), an d 
in the very church where the wonderful event of 
March 17, 1865, had taken place. 

" Who could then have told Fr. Petitjean," wrote 
his successor, Mgr. Jules Cousin, " that twenty-five years 
later there would be assembled at the foot of the same 
altar four Bishops, with over thirty missioners and native 
priests, and that his first meeting with a few poor women 
who were praying to Santa Maria would have had such 
rapid and consoling results ?"| 

At this synod was first announced the great and 
crowning act long contemplated by Leo XIII. the 
formal creation of the Japanese hierarchy. This was 
effected by the Apostolic Letter " Non maius Nobis," 
dated June 15, 1891. In this interesting document the 
Holy Father, after a brief but succinct summary of the 
history of Catholicity in Japan from the time of St. 
Francis Xavier down to our own day, refers in graceful 
terms to the " courtesy of justice " of the present 
Japanese Government towards Catholic missioners, and 

* Louvet, p. 239. 

f Illustrated Catholic Missions, vol. iv., p. 63. 


especially to the interchange of amenities between the 
Holy See and the Mikado. The latter had solemnly 
received Mgr. Osouf in 1885 with an autograph letter 
from Leo XIII., expressing the Pontiff s gratitude at the 
benevolent disposition of the Japanese Government ; 
and in his turn had deputed a diplomatist to Rome to 
offer his Imperial congratulations on the Pope s sacer 
dotal jubilee.* 

The Pontiff then proceeds to create and delimit the 
four sees. The Metropolitan See is fixed at Tokyo, " the 
illustrious city which is the capital of the Empire and 
the residence of the most serene Emperor," and is 
bounded on the north by the provinces of Ichigo, Iwashiro 
and Iwaki ; in the south it embraces the provinces of 
lechizen and Owari, and extends to the shores of Lake 
Biwa. It is thus a continuation of the old vicariate of 
North Japan, minus that of Hakodate, which had been 
detached only in the April of the same year. 

Of the suffragan sees, that of Hakodate, like the 
vicariate of the same name, embraces the whole of Japan 
north of the archdiocese, with Yezo, the island of the 
Ainus, and the Kurile Islands. The see of Nagasaki 
occupies South Japan, in continuation of the old 
vicariate, embracing the islands of Kyu-Shu, Hirado, 
Goto, Chushima, the Liu-Kiu Isles, and several smaller 
ones. All the rest, the former vicariate of Central Japan, 
from Lake Biwa to the south of the main island of 
Nippon, and including the island of Shikoku, forms the 
diocese of Osaka. The former Vicars Apostolic now 
became Bishops with territorial titles : Mgr. Osouf being 
first Archbishop of Tokyo, and Metropolitan ; Mgr. 
Cousin, Bishop of Nagasaki ; Mgr. Midon, Bishop of 
Osaka ; and Mgr. Berlioz, Bishop of Hakodate. 

* Two other indications of the changed dispositions of the 
Mikado s Government deserve to be quoted here. In 1877, when 
a fresh persecution threatened in Korea, and Mgr. Ridel, V.A., 
was arrested, the Japanese Government intervened in his favour. 
On August n, 1884, an Imperial Decree disestablished Buddhism 
and Shintoism, the State religions, and declared the bonzes to 
be no longer State officials. 


With the creation of the hierarchy, the Church of 
Japan enters upon an entirely new era of her history.* 

The following table gives a summary view of the 
growth of the Japanese Church in this century : 







Number ! 
Catholics. : 


i Prefect Apostolic 



(none i 



i Vicar Apostolic - 






2 Vicars Apostolic 




23.989 i 


/i Archbishop \ 
\ 3 Bishops J 





44.505 | 


/i Archbishop \ 
\4 Bishops J 





68,336 ; 

* We append in this footnote a " series episcoporum " of 
Japan, taken from the Pulo-Pinang " Compendium," and not 
easy to find elsewhere, and brought up to the present day : 

I. Antonio Oviedo, S.J., Patriarch of Ethiopia ; appointed 
" Bishop of Japan " by St. Pius V., but declined to accept. 
II. Melchior Carnero, S.J., Bishop of Nicsea ; Coadjutor to 
above, but died at Macao. 

III. Sebastian Morales, S.J., Bishop of Japan under Sixtus V. ; 

died at Mozambique on his way out. 

IV. Pedro Martinez, S.J., Bishop of Japan, the first to land; 

was present at the sufferings of the twenty-six martyrs. 
V. Luiz Serqueyra, S.J., Coadjutor ; ruled till 1614. 
VI. Didaco Valens, S. J., died at Macao on his way out. 
VII. Luis Sotelo, O.S.F., Bishop of East and North Japan ; 
reached Nagasaki 1622, arrested and burnt alive 1624. 
VIII. Auguste Forcade, S.M.E., Bishop of Samos, and V.A.of Japan. 
(After his death FF. Collin, Libois, and Girard, Superiors.) 
IX. Bernard Petitjean, S.M.E., Bishop of Myrophitus and V.A. 
of Japan, 1866; V.A. of South Japan, 1876; died 1884. 
X. Joseph Laucaigne, S.M.E., Bishop of Apollonia, and 
Auxiliary to preceding, 1873 . died 1885. 

XI. Pierre M. Osouf, S.M.E., Bishop of Arsinoe, and V.A. of 

North Japan, 1877 ; Archbishop of Tokyo, 1891. 

XII. Jules A. Cousin, S.M.E., Bishop of Acmonia, and V.A. of 

South Japan, 1885 ; Bishop of Nagasaki, 1891. 

XIII. Felix M. Midon, S.M.E., Bishop of Oesaropolis, and V.A. 

of Central Japan, 1 888; Bishop of Osaka, 1891; died 1893. 

XIV. Alexandre Berlioz, S.M.E., Bishop of Kalinsda, V.A., and 

then Bishop of Hakodate, 1891. 

XV. Henri Vasselon, S.M.E., second Bishop of Osaka, 1894. 
XVI. Jules Chatron, S.M.E., third Bishop of Osaka, 1896. 
XVII. Pierre Mugabure, S.M.E., Bishop of Sagalasso and 
Coadjutor of Tokyo, 1901. 



And the future ? The establishment of the Japanese 
hierarchy may be very correctly regarded as the close of 
one epoch and the opening of another. What are the 
prospects of the Catholic Church in the Japan of the 
twentieth century ? 

To guide us in forming a probable estimate of the 
outlook, we have the best possible sources of informa 
tion : the views of the experienced missionary Bishops 
who constitute the Japanese hierarchy, as contained in 
their annual reports to the society which has sent them 
forth to their evangelical labours. Let us then consult 
the Compte Rendu des Travaux, published in 1894 and 

These reports have undoubtedly their consoling side. 
The number of Catholics in 1904 was 68,336 a growth 
of 23,831 since 1891 (see preceding table). During the 
twelve months the number of adult pagans converted 
and baptized had been 2,105 ; the number of children 
of Christian parents baptized (representing the natural 
growth of the Church), 1,747. Works of education and 
charity show a gratifying increase. Special mention is 
made of the two excellent leper asylums of Gotemba 
and Kumamoto. Leprosy is still a terrible scourge of 
the Japanese Archipelago, and very heartrending are 
the accounts published from time to time by our Catholic 
missioners, especially FF. Vigroux and Corre, in the 
pages of Illustrated Catholic Missions* of the wretched 
and abandoned victims of this fell disorder. The work 
among the lepers will doubtless bring with it many 
spiritual blessings on our missionary work, and must 
produce a great effect on the native mind. It is con 
soling, again, to read of the primitive fervour which still 
characterizes the Christians of the Goto Islands, " the 
heritage of the ancient Church of Japan "; of the living 

* See especially vol. iv., p. 176 ; vol. vi., p. 48 ; vol. vii., 
p. 103 ; vol. ix., pp. 70, 135. 


zeal and self-denying labours of the catechists of 
Oshima ; and of the great hopes entertained of the 
future conversion of the Ainus, whom Fr. Rousseau finds 
" docile, sympathetic, and humble," their chief defects 
being excessive timidity, and, alas ! the love of intoxi 
cating drink. 

It is a gratifying fact that the patriotic, and often 
heroic, conduct of Catholic sailors, soldiers and officers 
during the great Chinese and Russian wars of the past 
ten years has largely increased the credit of, and the 
respect for, Catholicity in the Japanese mind. 

But it is useless to deny that there are many dark 
clouds looming over the future of Japanese Catholicity. 
The era of actual persecution is over,* but it may well 
be doubted whether the dangers that seem to threaten 
are not more formidable than the sword and fire of the 
persecutor. The Bishops reports are full of these perils. 
The Archbishop of Tokyo enumerates four agencies at 
work which impede the advance of Catholicity ; these 
are, the active hostility of the bonzes, the antagonism of 
the sects, political agitation and the growing dislike of 
foreigners, and chiefly the anti-Catholic press. Two of 
these agencies deserve a word of fuller explanation. 
Since Japan was opened to foreign intercourse, a very 
large number of missions have been founded by various 
European and American sects. The best account of 
these will be found in Mr. Cobbold s extremely interest 
ing little book, " Religion in Japan," which deserves 
commendation for its general fairness and for the appre 
ciative manner in which it treats our Catholic missions, 
both ancient and modern. The Russian Church pursues 
an active propaganda, has a fine Cathedral at Tokyo, 
and claims a total membership of over 20,000, divided 
into^2 19! congregations. The number of adult baptisms 

* Strangely enough, however, even at the present day, " our 
missionaries are allowed to reside in the interior of Japan only 
onCsuffrance and as travellers. The passports issued for this 
purpose have to be renewed half-yearly " (" Compte Rendu des 
Travaux," p. 94). 


for 1892 is given as 952 ; and the proximity of Russian 
Asia to Japan is highly favourable to this mission. The 
various Protestant missions are so numerous as to be 
confusing. The Americans were first in the field, having 
begun work in 1859. Three of these missions viz., 
those of the American Episcopal Church, the Church of 
England, and the English Church in Canada, have 
formed a kind of alliance, holding biennial synods, under 
the general title of " Nippon Sei Kokwai," or "Church 
of Japan." The total membership of this group is 
stated to be 4,300, of whom 3,000 belong to the Anglican 
Church (represented by both the Church Missionary 
Society and the Society for the Promotion of the Gospel). 
There are three or four American and English Bishops. 
Another amalgamation of religious bodies is that entitled 
" The Church of Christ in Japan," made up of several 
American sects and the United Presbyterians of Scot 
land, claiming a membership of 11,190. Then there are 
the " Kumi-ai Churches " i.e., the Congregational] sts 
with a total of 10,700. Lastly, there are a number of 
disjecta membra, such as American and Canadian 
Methodists, Baptists, Swiss Protestants, American 
Friends, Scandinavian Church, and Unitarians, totalling 
about 8,640. The sum total of members of the Greek 
Church and Protestant sects of all denominations is now 
reckoned at over 66,000. 

Now, even if all these discordant sects displayed no 
hostility to the work of the Catholic Church, it cannot 
be doubted that the spectacle of the disintegration of 
the Christian name and the contradictory nature of their 
respective teachings must produce the worst possible 
effect upon the keen and intelligent mind of the Japanese, 
and must afford a powerful argument to the bonzes in 
comparing Christianity unfavourably with Buddhism ; 
nor are they slow to avail themselves of so formidable 
a weapon. Miss Bickers teth (daughter of an Anglican 
Bishop), in her book " Japan as we saw It " (1893), 
quoted by Mr. Cobbold, does not fail to remark this : 


" It was impossible not to be struck," she says, " with 
the present complication of religious matters in the 
country as compared with the days of Xavier. . . . The 
divisions of Christendom are nowhere more evident than 
in its foreign missions to an intellectual people like 
the Japanese. The Greek, the Roman, the Anglican 
Churches, the endless splits of Nonconformity, must 
and do present to the Japanese mind a bewildering 
selection of possibilities in religious truth/ 

In connection with this, Mr. Cobbold comments 
strongly on the disastrous " trimming " in formulae, 
chiefly with reference to the Divinity of Christ, practised 
by some of the Nonconformist sects, and which he calls 
" full of painful significance."* The same writer per 
ceives that the married missionary of the sects is 
specially unsuited to Japan, as to other Eastern fields, -f 
and certainly cannot tend to their Christianisation. It 
will be evident, therefore, that the advent of all these 
sects has rendered the work of the Catholic missionaries 
far more arduous and precarious. 

An anti-Catholic press is quite a new element of diffi 
culty to cope with : 

" The great means," writes M. Ligneul " the prin 
cipal means employed by the sectaries and by enemies 
of all kinds and all shades against the propagation of 
Christianity is the press. The press is nowadays, at least 
as much as in Europe, the real power. Everybody reads, 
and each one, especially since the establishment of con 
stitutional government, pretends more than ever before 
to judge of everything for himself." J 

Some remarkable statistics regarding the Japanese 
press are given by Archbishop Osouf. In 1892 the 
number of books published in Japan was 20,647, of 
which 7,334 were new works, and the rest translations 
or re-editions. Of newspapers there were 792, and of 
these 69 were religious, issuing a total of 1,837,000 

* Cobbold, p. 1 06. f Ibid., p. in 

J Compte Rendu, p. 38. 


numbers. In 1902 the numbers of publications on 
religious subjects had risen to 1,134. The largest pro 
portion of these works and papers were Buddhist. The 
Protestants have 22 papers or other periodicals, and large 
numbers of books ; the catalogues of two Tokyo book 
sellers mention 600 of all sizes and prices. The Russians 
issue a fortnightly periodical of 32 pages. And the 
Catholics ? For some time they issued a small Catholic 
paper of only 18 pages ; this failed, but at present there 
are two Catholic monthly periodicals, one of 50 pages 
edited by Fr. Maeda, a native Japanese, the other by 
Fr. Lemoine. It appears to us that what is most 
urgently needed is a Japanese Catholic Truth Society ! 

The great event of 1893 was the issue of an anti- 
Christian work by one Inoue Tetsujiro, a professor of the 
Imperial University, who had studied at the University 
of Berlin, whence he returned with the degree of Ph.D. 
and a knowledge of three European languages. It has 
been his endeavour to rehabilitate Buddhist pantheism 
by clothing it in the garb of German rationalistic philo 
sophy. The book is written in a very attractive, almost 
irresistible, style ; the high reputation of its author for 
learning secured him at once a hearing, and in a few 
weeks the book had an immense success. Its main 
thesis is that Christianity is contrary to the welfare of 
the Japanese State and family. The true religion of 
Japan is patriotism. Christianity is an ti- Japanese. 
The writer dishes up all kinds of old arguments : the 
decadence of Catholic nations in Europe, and the con 
tempt of the educated classes for Catholicism ; the 
alleged incompatibility of its teaching, with the results 
of experimental science ; the intellectual inferiority of 
the clergy ; the moral corruption of Europe, in spite of 
its profession of Christianity ; the absence of patriotic 
teaching in the Gospel, the apparent opposition of some 
of its doctrines to family duties ; even the Inquisition 
and Galileo find their place among the two hundred 
objections piled up together with little or no attempt at 


proof, but in eloquent language, and all leading to the 
same conclusion " Christianity is contrary to the wel 
fare of country and home." In the present disposition 
of the Japanese mind one can easily understand the 
phenomenal success of this book, which was soon 
followed by two others of a like nature, and doubtless 
others will yet appear. The missioner quoted above 
M. Ligneul -did not delay in producing a reply to this 
pernicious work, the refutation of which is by no means 
difficult. The first volume of this reply was already 
printed, and great good was anticipated from its appear 
ance. According to Japanese law, however, before a 
book can be issued from the press, two copies must be 
deposited at the Ministry of the Interior. This was done 
by M. Ligneul, and the very day before his book was to 
be published a Ministerial decree prohibited its issue on 
the ground that " it menaced the public peace !" The 
impression produced was extremely painful. " On the 
one hand," writes the Archbishop, " we see Christianity 
publicly and very violently attacked, on the other we are 
placed in the impossibility of publishing a reply. It is 
very hard ! However," his Grace adds, " there is hope 
that some good may yet result." Nearly all the news 
papers published the official censure. The book of 
M. Ligneul has thereby already gained a certain notoriety, 
and is being widely asked for. 

In his report for 1903, the Archbishop has some 
further information on this subject. He writes : 

" It would be impossible to give an idea of the deluge 
of books, newspapers, reviews, and publications of all 
sorts which inundate Japan. To continue the struggle 
in this field without losing courage one must have an 
invincible confidence in the power of truth. Fr. Drouart, 
who carries on with equal zeal the care of his district 
and the composition of controversial works, has solved, 
in an excellent book, thirty of the most serious objections 
against God, Jesus Christ, and the Church. Fr. Steichen 
has issued an important work (in both French and 



English) The Christian Daimyos : a Century of Re 
ligious and Political History in Japan (1549-1650). 
His work is a source of light for Japanese history itself, 
as well as for that of the Church in Japan. M. Ligneul, 
the indefatigable apostle of religious controversy, and 
his skilful collaborator, Fr. Maeda, have published, 
sometimes separately, sometimes in conjunction, about 
a pamphlet a month on different subjects, generally on 
burning questions of the day. An influential Tokyo 
newspaper lately tendered well-deserved homage to 
M. Ligneul. After mentioning several of his publica 
tions, the writer of the article added : As a contro 
versialist, M. Ligneul has probably never had his equal 
in the Christian Church in Japan. Among the objec 
tions urged against Christianity there are very few 
indeed which he has not answered with great com 
petence/ " 

But there is a factor in the life and development of the 
Japanese nation deeper than any of those yet referred 
to, and which in the long-run threatens to be more 
dangerous to the Church than any other. This is the 
ever-growing spirit of materialism and indifferent ism, 
lamented by almost every one of the missioners. 

Our readers will scarce need to be reminded of the 
extraordinary and probably unprecedented change which 
has come over the political and social life of Japan during 
the reign of the present Mikado. That change can best 
be expressed as the " Europeanization " of Japan. 
Western civilization has been taken over en bloc, and, 
without any transition, the quaint Japan of the Shoguns 
and the daimyos, with their strange costumes, grotesque 
armour, and half -barbarous system of feudal aristocracy, 
has been transformed into a modern constitutional 
kingdom, with its Houses of Parliament and responsible 
Ministry, its latest Parisian or London fashions, its rail 
ways, telegraphs, bicycles, machinery, universities, 
learned societies, newspapers, and all the other para 
phernalia of our so-called " civilization." The late war 


has shown how in the matter of armaments and military 
organization, in ironclads, torpedo-boats, and the whole 
equipment of army and navy, Japan can now claim to 
rank among the Great Powers of the day. Unfortu 
nately, this civilization thus suddenly thrust upon the 
Japanese people is of a purely materialistic nature. As 
is the case in India, European education, the spirit of 
" corrosive criticism," has shattered the belief in the 
ancient religions of the country, whose puerilities and 
superstitions have become only too apparent to more 
enlightened minds, and have substituted no form of 
religious belief in their place. The result is a blank 
scepticism, a purely negative rationalism. This result 
is well expressed in a passage quoted by Mr. Cobbold : 

" A dull apathy as regards religion has settled down 
upon the educated classes of Japan. The gods of 
heathenism have crumbled to nothing before modern 
science and civilization, and the glimmer of light and 
truth to which they pointed has gone as well."* 

This is the cry of all the missioners, as the following 
extracts from the Compte Rendu will show : 

" The characteristic note of the period we are passing 
through," writes M. Bulet, " is, if I am not mistaken, a 
real religious indifference, which is more difficult to over 
come than the ancient hostility which made martyrs." 

The Bishop of Nagasaki, Mgr. Cousin, enumerates as 
the chief obstacle to be encountered " the ever-growing 
indifference of the population in regard to religious 
matters. This indifference is produced by books, 
newspapers, the official education, the thirst for material 
well-being, for which the extension of commerce and 
relations with the outer world have opened up new 

The Bishop of Osaka enumerates the difficulties of his 

ministry, and among them " the general spirit of the 

people a spirit which is intelligent, open, supple, but 

completely absorbed by politics and the fever of material 

* " Religion in Japan," p. 109. 

22 2 


progress." At Miyazu, we read, " the opening of a 
commercial port and that of a naval port at Maizuru 
have so preoccupied men s minds that they can find 
neither time nor disposition to study a foreign religion." 

The sad results of this state of things are visible on 
every page of the reports. There is an actual slackening 
in the tide of conversions, and a falling off among the 
Christians themselves. " Nearly all the missionaries," 
reports Archbishop Osouf, " complain of a want in their 
Christians, the absence of zeal to propagate their religion 
around them." M. Steichen, writing of his district of 
Shizuoka, declares : 

" This year has been the most painful of my life. To 
judge by the number of baptisms I have to report, one 
might doubt of the zeal of my five catechists. Nothing 
could be more unjust. ... St. Paul (2 Tim. iv.) has 
well described the state of my district : There shall be 
a time when they will not endure sound doctrine, but 
will turn away their hearing from the truth, and will be 
turned into fables. 

At Matsumoto M. Drouart deplores the stationary 
state of Christianity, in spite of the labours of his 
predecessors and himself. In the archdiocese, the 
boarding-school for girls, in spite of the unbounded 
devotedness of the nuns, does not increase ; the number 
of elementary schools and pupils has slightly decreased. 
With the consoling exception of Oshima, the Bishop of 
Nagasaki does not foresee anywhere in his diocese any 
considerable movement of conversions. 

" If we look " (writes F. Claudius Ferrand) " at the 
Japan of to-day, really, does it not seem that she goes 
farther away from the Catholic truth, as she grows in 
power and advances in the road of progress ? The 
high classes of Japanese society, both those which 
govern and those which teach, do they not openly pro 
fess the most absolute rationalism ? Whoever elevates 
himself above the vulgar herd, whether by fame or 
science, whether by social position or by riches, does 


he not make it a title of glory to publicly parade his 
contempt of all religion. Is not atheism officially 
taught in the schools, patronized by the press, preached 
by the so-called scholars and philosophers who keep 
schools ? Does it not seem that it is the fashion and 
forms an essential part of the programme followed by 
those who direct New Japan ? Yes, certainly, we must 
admit that it is outside of all Christian thought, not 
to say against Him who effects this progress which 
astonishes the world." 

It will be interesting, before concluding, to cite the 
views, no longer of a European observer, but of a native 
Catholic Japanese. Writing to Father Claudius Ferrand, 
the founder of the " Geshikuya," a Catholic hostel 
for Japanese students frequenting the university and 
professional schools in the capital, this native priest, 
Father Maeda Choto, says : 

" I am a Catholic priest and Japanese. I cannot be indifferent, 
I must not be, in regard to all that concerns our religion and 
my country. . . . 

"Leibnitz has said: I have always thought that we could 
reform mankind if we reformed the education of youths. In 
fact the young men of to-day are the men of to-morrow ; good 
or bad they will mostly be what their education has made them. 
Also everyone says and repeats it : Youth, here is the future, 
here is the hope. It is true, but perhaps also ruin in preparation. 
This is why for thirty years the activity of the Japanese has 
turned specially towards education. It is by education that all 
the changes of this country have been brought about. All who 
have been able to profit of this means have done so to instil into 
the new generation the spirit and the ideas that they wished to 
give them. The Protestants in particular have used it more 
than any of the others. By teaching under all its forms, all its 
degrees, they have exercised over all the country an influence 
hard to believe. Among the men of the press, before the public 
eye, in public schools, in politics, the first and the most remark 
able have come from their schools or at least have been brought 
up after their principles. By the men that Protestantism has 
formed it is nearly in a position to govern all intellects. 

" And in our Catholic Church ? There have been for a long time 
works of faith and of charity of all kinds. For orphans, boys 
and girls, for young women, for the sick, for the poor leper, 
great efforts have been made and not without success. For 


the purchase of property, for installations of churches and 
suitable houses, the Mission has exhausted all its resources. 
Devoted auxiliaries also have brought to the missionaries for 
the education of youths an extremely precious help. But this 
special work for youths which every man anxious for the 
future waited, asked for, of which the necessity imposed itself 
and imposes itself stronger to-day than ever, you are the first 
that undertook it, and thanks to your zeal, your industry, your 
inventive spirit, we now see it in the way of producing happy 
results. Once more, my reverend father, receive our gratitude. 

" To this work is attached another, no less important than the 
first, and which cannot be developed without it. Will you allow 
me to speak of it ? It is the press. Until the present day to 
speak of books, newspapers, reviews in a country of missions 
has always seemed a dream. In the minds of the Catholics of 
Europe, japan is still a savage country ; the Catechism, Prayer- 
Book, and the beads were enough. With but few exceptions 
the appeals made to charity for the work of the press have 
always remained without response. This time perhaps the 
Russo-Japanese War will have shown that the Japanese are not 
in such a profound ignorance, and that they have already made 
some progress. The truth is that there is not a country in the 
world, even the United States of America, which has more 
intellectual life than Japan. All ideas in circulation in other 
countries immediately appear in Japan. By the reviews, the 
newspapers, and books they are published right away and known. 
Religion, politics, moral systems, science, arts, industries, 
commerce, the latest in literature, impious, immoral, everything 
is announced, published, translated, and read. The worst 
novels are known and vulgarized. The press flood the country 
every day with productions from all sources and of all sorts. 
Revolution, socialism, even anarchy, everything is there. 

" And in all this confusion of all opinions and also of all errors, 
Catholic truth until the present is hardly represented. Not 
withstanding great personal sacrifices, and a zeal worthy of all 
praise, the part which the missionaries have been able to take 
in the movement of the Press in Japan is far from being in 
proportion to the importance of the Catholic religion, with the 
utility that it could have for the good of the country, with the 
role to which victorious Japan henceforth aspires in the Ex 
treme Orient. To light to-day the torch of truth in Japan is 
to enlighten quite a large portion of the world. 

For this, Reverend Father, you know what is missing men 
practised in wielding the pen, and resources to maintain them. 
Men you prepare in your family home, your nursery of men, 
and you will find the necessary funds. 

"The American and English people are better prepared than 
any other for understanding such a situation, and for helping 
practically by their sympathy and their generosity. Among the 
numerous friends and acquaintances that you now have beyond 


the great ocean, I pray you, Reverend Father, plead once more 
the cause of our Church and our Japan. For the Catholic 
Press, the principal organ of our Christian life, your appeal will 
certainly be heard." 

But we have quoted enough to convince our readers 
of the great dangers which threaten the future of the 
Church in Japan, all the more alarming because far more 
subtle and insidious than all the ferocious cruelties of 
Hideyoshi and leyasu, and their successors. The de 
voted pastors of the Church are, thank God, fully alive 
to the signs of the times, as their own words prove. 
Dark as the outlook may be in many respects, terrible as 
is the struggle before them for they may truly say " our 
wrestling is not with flesh and blood," but with the spirit 
of worldliness and infidelity we still feel encouraged to 
hope of ultimate triumph. All the roseate expectations 
of 1865, and still more of 1891, are probably not to be 
realised so soon ; but it seems almost a want of faith to 
doubt that the prayers and groans of St. Francis Xavier, 
and the blood of so many martyrs, known and unknown, 
poured forth like water during the sixteenth and seven 
teenth centuries, will, in God s own good time, bear a 
glorious harvest in the century which is beginning. 
Fiat, fiat ! 


Louis EUG. Lou VET. " Les Missions Catholiques au XIX e 
SiScle." Lille-Paris : Societe de St. Augustin, 1891. 

AD. LAUNAY. " Histoire Generale de la Societe des Missions 
EtrangeTes," t. iii. Paris : Tequi, 1894. 

" Societe des Missions Etrangeres." Compte Rendu des 
Travaux (annual). 

M. STEICHEN. " The Christian Daimyos ; a Century of Religious 
and Political History in Japan (1549-1640)." Tokyo : 
Rikkyo Gakuin Press (1904). 

MARNAS. "La Religion de Jesus resusscitee au Japan," two 
vols. Paris, 1894. 

" Supplementum ad Compendium Historiae Ecclestiasicae." 
Pulo-Pinang : Collegium Generale, 1895. 

DAVID MURRAY. " Japan " (" Story of the Nations "). London : 
Fisher Unwin, 1894. 

GEORGE A. COBBOLD. " Religion in Japan Shintoism, Budd 
hism, Christianity." London : S.P.C.K., 1894. 


IT is a curious fact, and perhaps a providential one, that 
the only two striking survivals of curious medieval 
celebrations testifying to the vitality of the faith in the 
Christian masses are to be found amongst those Teutonic 
nations with whom began the great revolt against the 
Faith in the sixteenth century. Not the hot-blooded 
and imaginative sons of Italy or Spain, but the phleg 
matic, hard-headed, and intellectual children of Germany 
South and North have preserved intact to our days 
those two strange fragments of the ages of faith whose 
origins are lost in the twilight of the Middle Ages 
the Passionspiel of Ober-Ammergau and the Spring- 
prozession of Echternach. Having had the good fortune 
in 1880 to assist at the decennial performance of the 
Bavarian Passion Play, I was only too glad of the oppor 
tunity in 1884 of seeing also the annual " Dancing Pro 
cession " of this extremely ancient town. A spell of 
delightful weather enabled me to combine a large amount 
of pleasure with the mingled curiosity and devotion that 
led me thither. I have not space here to introduce 
to the notice of my readers the natural beauties of the 
charming little Grand Duchy of Luxemburg, above all, 
to describe in detail the wondrous scenery of the 
Muhlerthal. I was fortunate enough to fall in with a 
large and agreeable party bent on a foot tour through 
this delightful valley en route for Echternach. Let 
me here open a brief parenthesis to recommend 
any of my readers who are within convenient distance, 



and who are not afraid to face a good mountain scramble 
and a six or seven hours walk, not to miss the chance 
of a really pleasant day s out, crowned by a visit to 
a shrine that ought to interest all Englishmen that 
of St. Willibrord, one of the greatest men that England 
ever produced, the Apostle of Northern Germany and 
of the Netherlands. We took train from the city of 
Luxemburg to the small station of Griindhof, whence 
we set off on foot through a beautiful country to gain 
the entrance to the romantic valley, with its wild rocks, 
its fantastic caverns, and its luxuriant vegetation, 
which goes winding through the heart of the land until it 
opens out into the lovely valley of the Sauer. Half-way 
on our long walk we came to the village Berdorf, where 
the tourist ought not to fail to visit the village church, 
and see the curious old Roman pagan altar, which was 
consecrated for Christian use by St. Willibrord himself, 
and is still used as the high-altar of the church. The 
massive square block is well preserved, with the figures 
at each of the four sides of Hercules, Juno, Apollo, and 
Minerva. Beyond Berdorf, the Miihlerthal assumes a 
more peaceful and less wild aspect, and reminds one of 
nothing so much as the " fairy glen " of Bettws-y-Coed, 
only prolonged for many and many a mile. The shades 
of evening were already falling when we emerged at last 
from the narrow fastnesses of the " Wolf s Glen," and 
saw lying at our feet the fruitful valley embosoming the 
old abbey town of Echternach, whose origin dates back 
to pre-Roman times as attested by its Keltic name* 
and the abundant Keltic remains found in its vicinity. 
Needless to say, we found the little town of barely 4,000 
inhabitants densely crowded, and it was no easy matter 
to procure a night s lodging for all our party. 

Historians are at a loss to give an account of the origin 

of the strange " Dancing Procession " in honour of 

St. Willibrord, which is held here every Whit Tuesday ; 

for, strange to say, the earlier chronicles maintain a 

* Lat. Epternacum. 


strict silence on the subject. It is not till 1553 that 
we find any definite indication of the dance, but a picture 
painted in that year represents St. Willibrord blessing 
the dancers. A decree of the local magistrates about 
the same date also speaks of the " Springh heiligenn . . . 
uff Pofingst dinstag." The historian Brouwer, who was 
born in 1559, often describes this curious ceremony, and 
declares that as a child he had heard the procession 
spoken of by very old people as a tradition of great 
antiquity. A petition of the parish priests of the Eifel 
in 1770 to the Archbishop of Trier states that their 
ancestors had established this painful act of penance by 
vow in times of great necessity 300 years before. But 
although the actual dancing is not traceable by docu 
ments to a higher antiquity, yet the pilgrimages and 
processions of the neighbouring parts of Germany to 
the tomb of St. Willibrord are traceable back to the very 
death of the saint himself. For this we have the explicit 
testimony of another great Anglo-Saxon of the next 
generation, Alcuin, the friend of Charlemagne, who, 
both in his prose and poetical Life of St. Willibrord, 
describes the crowds of pilgrims who flocked to the 
shrine at Echternach and the numerous miracles wrought 

"Vincula rumpuntur per se properantibus illuc 
Qui sua cum lacrymis veniunt mala crimina flere, 
Et toti redeunt, Christo donante, soluti." 

Still more distinctly does Abbot Thiofred (died mo) 
describe in considerable detail the great procession held 
in Whit Week, according to immemorial right (" ritu 
perpetuo et quasi a progenie in progenies transmissa ") ; 
but does not seem to mention the dancing, unless the 
word tripudium, frequently used by him, refers to the 
custom. Certainly the meaning of dancing is attributed 
to it in Ducange. A number of antiquarians, and among 
them Cardinal Pitra, attribute a still greater antiquity 
to the dancing procession, for they consider it likely 
that it is nothing else than some old heathen dance or 


triumphal march, which St. Willibrord may have found 
in use among the wild populations whom he converted to 
Christianity, and which he may have changed into a 
Christian celebration, just as the Church did so often 
and so prudently during the conversion of the European 
tribes, and as Pope Gregory the Great actually allowed 
and advised in the case of various pilgrimages and other 
usages of heathen nations. This would be all the more 
natural in the case of St. Willibrord, who, as we have 
seen, consecrated the pagan altar for Christian use at 
Berdorf, and I believe at one or two other places in 
Belgium. " We should not be astonished," says 
Cardinal Pitra, " if an inquiry into the origin of the 
procession should lead us to some military and national 
march of the ancient Frisians or Saxons, whom St. Willi 
brord had permitted to preserve as they followed him, 
even up to the doors of his monastery, their patri 
archal dance." One of the main arguments in favour 
of this theory is the extremely ancient traditional melody 
of the procession, which seems to bear rather a joyful 
than a penitential character. Other writers have come 
to the conclusion that the traditional religious proces 
sions to the tomb of St. Willibrord, which have been 
going on since his death, were, during the fourteenth 
century, purposely altered into a penitential exercise by 
means of the fatiguing and painful kind of dance which 
now distinguishes it. That was the century of terrible 
epidemics, especially of epilepsy and the so-called " St. 
Vitus s dance." As the old chronicler writes : 

" L an trieze cens soixante et quatorze 
A Metz advint piteuse chose, 
Qu en la cite ville et champs 
Gens danssoient du bien sainct Jean. 
Le prestre en faisant son office, 
Les seigneurs scans en justice, 
Le laboureur en son labour, 
Sur qui que tombait la douleur, 
Et danssiaent neuf ou dix jours, 
Sans avoir repos ny sejour." 


As a matter of fact, it is known for certain that this was 
the origin of the spring procession at Prum, founded 
about 1340, but long since extinct. Again, it is certain 
that the object of the dancing processions now, and for 
the last few centuries, has been penitential, and especi 
ally for the averting of St. Vitus s dance and epilepsy. 
Lastly, the popular legend, which may be read in Collin 
de Plancy s " Fiddler of Echternach," connects the dance 
with Vitus himself, who appears as a wondrous fiddler, 
and whose adventures are strangely like those of the 
Pied Piper of Hamelin. Whichever of these two theories 
we accept, it is clear that in the dancing procession we have 
a curious custom of very great antiquity, preserving not 
merely its vitality, but actually, after its brief interrup 
tion during the days of Joseph II. and the French Revolu 
tion, yearly increasing in size and popularity, as the 
following numbers of those who take part in it will show : 
1831, 4,500 ; 1841, 8,887 ; 1861, 10,991 ; 1872, 12,272 ; 
1881, 15,541. The whole ceremony and its surroundings 
impress the spectator mostly by the wonderful faith and 
devotion of the thousands of pilgrims who flock to it. 
Not without difficulty were the numerous priests able 
to say Mass in the ancient parish church where the shrine 
of St. Willibrord is exposed to the veneration of the 
faithful under the high-altar. From early daybreak 
long processions of peasantry, headed by their clergy, 
and with cross and banners, are seen wending their way 
down the fruitful hillsides towards the banks of the 
Sauer. They are all singing and praying aloud, and 
have come journeys of six, eight, or ten hours on foot 
men, women, and children. The famous Gross-Prum 
pilgrimage, indeed, comes a journey of three days. Each 
procession pours into the parish church, and makes the 
tour of the high -altar, singing or reciting the Litany of 
St. Willibrord at the very top of their voices ; and, as 
many of the pilgrimages are in the edifice at the same 
time, the effect is rather impressive than harmonious. 
Indeed, I can assure the reader that a priest has some 


difficulty in saying Mass amidst the surging sea of voices 
which fill the church, or, indeed, of making his way to 
the altar through the dense mass of human beings which 
fill the place. 

At nine o clock the great " Maxglocke," the big bell 
given by Emperor Maximilian, the " last of the Knights," 
and the last of the numerous Imperial pilgrims, in 1512, 
rang out the opening of the ceremony. The Veni 
Creator having been intoned by the clergy in front of the 
tomb of St. Willibrord, the great procession moved across 
the ancient pre-Roman bridge to the Prussian side of the 
Sauer, where, on the bank of that river, a short sermon 
was delivered. I regret to say that the crowd was so 
dense that I was unable to approach the bridge, much 
less pass it, and so am unable to describe this part of the 
day s proceedings. The sermon ended, the town bands 
struck up the peculiar old traditional melody, and, as if 
by magic, as when the legendary Vitus drew the first 
notes across his magic violin, the thousands assembled 
in their ranks for the procession began their curious hop 
or dance, and the entire body slowly started their toil 
some march through the old town. I was fortunate in 
being accommodated at a window of the pro-Gymnasium, 
whose courteous rector also afforded me hospitality on 
the preceding night. Looking down from this point of 
vantage, the sight was indeed a memorable one. First 
came the clergy in surplice, with a choir of singers, cross, 
and banners ; then the band playing the often-mentioned 
melopeon of the dance. 

The melody is scarcely a melancholy one, but rather 
suggestive of a joyful origin. It has something quaint 
about it, and when it has been heard for some three hours, 
repeated over and over again on every kind of instru 
ment of the most atrocious character, suggestive of pain 
fully asthmatic German bands, it haunts the memory, 
and is not easily forgotten. I had been told by every 
body that the impression produced by the procession 
was not, as might be expected, ludicrous or grotesque, 


but rather weird and painful. Let me hasten to say 
that my own experience fully confirms this judgment. 
Immediately after the band the hundreds of school 
children, the boys all in their shirt-sleeves, hopping 
merrily and evidently enjoying the exercise, form rather 
an amusing and pleasing picture. Many of these children 
are hired to dance for people who are unable to take part in 
the procession themselves. On our arrival at Echternach 
the night before, we were met by a decent-looking lad, 
who politely doffed his cap, and asked if we required any 
one to dance for us on the morrow. They receive a 
small gratuity for thus acting as proxies. But when you 
see between ten and twelve thousand grown-up men and 
women, hardy, sunburnt sons of toil, some of great 
age, others afflicted with various bodily infirmities, their 
faces marked by the deepest seriousness and earnestness, 
painfully springing the curious steps two steps forward 
and one obliquely backwards laughter dies away from 
your lips ; you are moved rather to sadness sometimes 
to tears. It must be remembered that all these people 
are going through the exercise as a penitential work, 
either to obtain delivery for themselves or some member 
of their family from the terrible visitation of epilepsy or 
kindred diseases, or in thanksgiving for cures obtained, 
or else to avert the same from their families, or, lastly, in 
fulfilment of some vow of themselves or their ancestors. 
This accounts for the great earnestness displayed on 
their features and in their movements. Many of the 
men dance in their shirt-sleeves. I noticed that nearly 
all the women, young and old, carried ample baskets on 
their left arm, no doubt containing the day s provisions. 
The ranks vary from four to six persons in breadth. As 
a rule, the dancers seem to go by families, though in some 
parts the men and women are grouped separately. The 
so-called dance is executed with precision only by a few, 
who really take the steps with considerable accuracy ; 
in most cases it resolves itself into a kind of hop or skip 
forward and backward, to the cadence of the music. It 


is extremely curious to look down from a window upon the 
surging mass of people swaying alternately backwards 
and forwards, with a slow onward movement, exactly 
like the waves of the sea at the edge of the coast. Now 
and again there are pauses for much-needed rest, and 
then after a few minutes the quaint movement is re 
sumed. Here and there comes a band, or a small knot 
of amateur musicians, perhaps a fiddle and a couple of 
flutes, or a flute and a kettle-drum, or an accordion with 
a triangle, all repeating the melody, and nearly all of the 
very vilest description. About three hours are con 
sumed in the entire course of the 1,225 steps. The 
procession winds through the town up the sixty-two 
steep steps of the Petersberg, into the church, round the 
shrine of St. Willibrord, out into the churchyard, and 
finally thrice round the wooden cross in the same. 
Generally the weather at this time is intensely hot, and 
then the " springing " under the blazing rays of an almost 
tropical sun is a terrible work of mortification indeed. 
Fortunately, the weather at my visit was overcast and 
cool. But even so, all along the course charitable people 
were to be seen running out of their houses and offering 
glasses of wine or sugared water, or even vinegar and 
water, to the exhausted dancers. Let me here note as 
a pleasing feature that every person in the streets, 
whether among dancers or spectators remained bare 
headed during the whole time of the procession. Nothing 
could exceed the respect and reverence shown on all 
sides. Among the persons particularly noticed in the 
procession, I must mention an old woman, who carried 
astride on her shoulders a girl of some ten or twelve years, 
afflicted with epilepsy, clinging to her neck. The old 
dame danced with painful earnestness, and the sight of 
her struggling beneath the weight of her unfortunate 
burthen was really pitiful to behold. Another woman 
carried her afflicted child in her arms, and evidently must 
have suffered much under the weight of it during the 
three mortal hours of the procession. Two well-dressed 


girls, holding their afflicted brother between them, were 
springing with an energy that was actually painful to wit 
ness. Several blind persons were among the " springers." 
I also noticed a curious little dwarf of minute propor 
tions, who danced with great zeal and devotion. The 
lines of dancers generally held together, either hand in 
hand, or by means of umbrellas or even pocket-handker 
chiefs stretched from one to the other to facilitate their 
movement. At the end of the dancers came the dense 
body of " prayers " (Beter), perhaps two or three 
thousand in number, not dancing, but praying aloud 
with wondrous fervour. In an Englishman the constant 
refrain, " Heiliger Willibrordus, bitt fur uns !" borne in 
upon thousands of voices, cannot but produce a thrill of 
patriotic gratification, but at the same time a feeling of 
regret that this great Saxon Apostle is so little known in 
his Dative land. 

It is calculated that 10,000 or 15,000 spectators 
thronged the little town. Among them were the newly- 
consecrated Bishop of Luxemburg, Mgr. Koppes, and 
his Excellency the Papal Internuncio at the Hague, 
Mgr. Spolverini. The number of ecclesiastics German, 
Belgian, and French was enormous. I also noticed 
two curious hermits in a kind of monastic dress ; for in 
the rocks which border the valley of the Sauer there is 
still to be found here and there an odd cavern or grotto 
which houses a solitary hermit as in days of yore. 

About one o clock the famous procession and the 
whole of the religious proceedings were over, and the 
rest of the day was given up to more worldly affairs in 
the shape of a kind of Kermess, or great fair. The 
market-place is crowded with booths of all kinds of 
wonders and monstrosities, shooting-galleries, wax 
works, merry-go-rounds, and all the varied parapher 
nalia of village wakes, while the streets are lined with 
stalls for the sale of every conceivable article, from 
sugar saints to boots and shoes. 

I had intended to say something of the superb old 


Benedictine Abbey, once one of the most famous in all 
Europe, and the " flos regulae " of St. Benedict, and of 
the splendid basilica, now so happily restored ; but I 
fear that I have already too long trespassed on the 
patience of my readers. I feel, however, bound to say 
that I saw nothing degrading, repulsive, or ludicrous in 
the curious sight I was privileged to witness. Quaint, 
strange, weird, even somewhat painful, it all is ; but the 
main impression left on the mind is that of the marvel 
lous spirit of faith, of devotion, and of penance, rooted 
so firmly in the very nature of this hardy German 
peasantry, as testified by the more than 20,000 pilgrims, 
whether springers or spectators, who crowded into the 
little and ancient town of St. Willibrord, the Northum 
brian Saint and Apostle of Lower Germany. 


To p. 341. The little volume " Le Catholicisme au Japon," 
by Albert Vogt (Paris, Librairie Bloud), did not fall into my 
hands until the present book was completed. I should also 
add " Les Missions Catholiques Francaises au XIX e Sicle," by 
Fr. Piolet, t. iii. (Paris). 

T P- 353- An account of the "Dancing Procession" this 
year (1905) by an eye-witness (" M. R.") appears in The 
Harvest tor October, 1905. 



Abbeloos, Monsignor, 200, 219 

Abbots Langley, village of, 55 

Abelard, 78 

Abraham, Mr., 271, 286 

Achaemenid Kings of Persia, 13 

Adelaide, divorced wife of Frederick 
Barbarossa, 85 

Adelperga, 31 

Adelung, 316 

Adelwald, 41 

Adnacul or Adhnachd (a burial- 
place), 9 

Adnet, Abbe", 321 

Adrian I., Pope, 152 note 

Adrian II., Pope, 152 note 

Adrian III., Pope, 152 note 

Adrian IV. (Nicholas Breakspeare) 
and Ireland, 53; and Henry II., 
53 ; birthplace, 55 ; boyhood, 56 ; 
studies at Paris and Aries, 57 ; 
connection with Order of the 
Norbertines, 57 etseq. ; enters the 
Abbey of St. Rufus at Avignon, 
59-60 ; elected abbot, 60 et seq. ; 
appeals to Rome against his 
monks, 61 ; retained by Euge- 
nius III. and created cardinal, 
62 ; appointed Apostolic Legate 
to Scandinavia, 63 ; visits Eng 
land, 63 ; his work in Norway, 63 
et seq. ; his work in Sweden, 65 ; 
his mission to Denmark, 65 ; 
tries to avert a dispute between 
Sweden and Denmark, 65 ; his 
linguistic attainments, 65-66 ; 
elected Pope, 66 ; struggle with 
the Roman republicans, 67-68, 
70 et seq. ; places Rome under an 
interdict, 68 ; dealings with 

Frederick Barbarossa, 69 et seq. ; 
the question of homage, 71 et seq. ; 
crowns Frederick at Rome, 74 ; 
quarrel with William II. , Norman 
King of Sicily, 75 et seq. ; rela 
tions with the Eastern Churches, 
76 ; relations with England, 77 et 
seq. ; alleged grant of Ireland to 
Henry II., 79 et seq. ; renewal of 
struggle with Frederick Barbar 
ossa, 84 et seq.; the champion of 
Italian liberty, 86 et seq.; his 
death, 87 ; personal character, 
88 ; works, 88 ; policy, 88 ; bib 
liography, 89 ; other references, 
105, 106, 152 note, 153 
Adrian V., Pope, 152 note 
Adrian VI. (Adrian of Utrecht) and 
Princess Margaret of York, 104- 
105, in ; birth and parentage, 
105 ; educated by the Brothers of 
the Common Life, 106 ; goes to 
Louvain University, 108 ; gains 
the title of " Primus," 109 ; 
studies theology at the College 
du Saint-Esprit, 109 ; professor of 
philosophy and theology, no ; 
Canon of St. Pierre, no ; Cur of 
the Be"guinage, no ; Doctor of 
Divinity, no etseq.; receives many 
benefices, in ; professor at Uni 
versity of Louvain, 112 ; pub 
lishes his " Qusestiones in Quar- 
tum Sententiarum Librum " and 
" Questiones Quodlibeticse," 112 ; 
elected Chancellor of University, 
113 ; twice chosen Rector Magni- 
ficus, 113 ; personal appearance 
and character, 113 et seq.; erects 
college at Louvain, 114, 150; 

355 232 



comes under the notice of Pope 
Julius II., 114; tutor to Prince 
Charles and his sisters, 116 et 
seq.; nominated by Charles to a 
seat on the council of the Low 
Countries, 117; sent on embassies, 
117-118 ; nominated Regent of 
Castile, 118 ; made Bishop of 
Tortosa, 119; resigns his benefices 
in Low Countries, 119 ; nomi 
nated Grand Inquisitor of Arragon 
and Navarre, 119 et seq.; created 
Cardinal by Leo X., 120; made 
Viceroy of Castile, 122 ; elected 
Pope, 123 et seq.; election not due 
to the influence of Charles V., 
131 et seq.; retains his baptismal 
name, 132 ; refuses to become the 
tool of Charles V., 134-135 ; the 
journey from Spain to Rome, 135 
et seq.; reforms Papal Court, 139 
et seq.; relations with humanism, 
142 et seq.; aims similar to those 
of Pope Pius II., 143 note ; efforts 
to beat back the Turk, 143 et seq., 
149; and Lutheranism, \<\$etseq.; 
desires to convoke an (Ecumenical 
Council, 147 ; canonizes St. An 
toninus and St. Benno, 148 ; 
forms international league to 
defend Italy against Francis I., 
149; illness and death, 149 et 
seq.; estimate of his work, 152^ 
seq. ; bibliography, 153 ; further 
reference, 192 

Adrian Florisze, Master, 105 

yElian on inhumation, 12 

Africa, funeral customs of, 21-22 

Agelmund, first King of the Lom 
bards, 34, 41 

Agilulf, King, 30, 41 

Aguilera, monastery of, 121 

Ahu itzoll, slaughter of, 21 

Ahura-Mazda, 13 

Aio (or Agio), 33, 34 

Aix-la-Chapelle, 121 

Aken, near Paderborn, 191 note 

Alaric, 16 

Albano, Nicholas Breakspeare cre 
ated Bishop of, 62 

Albert the Great, Blessed, 235, 236 

Alboin, King, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 

Alcala, University of, 119, 192 

Alcuin, 31, 155 note, 346 

Aldrich, 163 

Alexander of Hales, 159, 

Alexander II., Pope, 83 

Alexander III., Pope, 78 note, 83 

Alexander VI., Pope, 162 

Alfred, King, 48 ; and the founda 
tion of Oxford, 200, 201 

Aligherius (Dante), etymology of 
name, 48, 49 

All Souls College, Oxford, 160 

Allen, Dr. William (after wards Car 
dinal), 180, 181, 182, 185 

Allies, Mr. T. W., 239, 281, 288, 

2 93 

Alvarez, Father, S.J., 317 

Alzog, Dr., 75 

Ambri, 33 

American Episcopal Church in 
Japan, 334 

Ampleforth College, 259 

Ampolla, 136 

Anagni, 68 

" Analecta Juris Pontificii," 81 

Anastasius IV., Pope, 66 

Anderdon, Father, S.J., 288, 293 

Andrew, 175 

Angles, 43 

" Anglicanism" and scientific theo 
logy, 180 

Anglo-Saxons and Lombards, points 
of contact as regards dress, 44, 

47 ; language, 45-47 ; political in 
stitutions, 47-48 ; love of liberty, 

48 ; temperament and character, 

Angro-Mainyus, 13 

Animism, 187 

Anjiro (Han-Siro), afterwards Paul 

of the Holy Faith, 302, 303, 

Annals of the Four Masters " on 

the state of Ireland about the 

time of Pope Adrian IV. , 84 
Anstey, " Epistolae Academicae " 

quoted, 211 
Anthaib, 34 
Antibes, 136 
Antonius, 236 
Antwerp, 196, 208 
Anushin, 318 
Apollodorus of Rhodes on building 

of funeral pyre, n 
Apostolic origin of Litany of Loreto, 

alleged, 224, 230 
Areson, Bishop John, 99 
Arianism, Lombards and, 41 
Arichis II., 31 



Arima, revolt of Christians in princi 
pality of, 315 

Aries, Nicholas Breakspeare studies 
at, 57. 59 

Armstrong, Mr. T., 55 

Arnaldo da Brescia, 67, 68, 70, 71 

Arnold, Sir Edwin, 186 

Arnold of Gheilhoven, 96 

Arnold, Matthew, 299 

Arthur, Prince (brother of Henry 
VIII.), 169 

Arthur, fellow of St. John s College, 
Cambridge, 165, 166 

Articles in Dublin Review, sugges 
tions by Cardinal Wiseman for, 
281, 282 

Aryans and neolithic age, 7 ; cradle- 
land of, 9 ; originators of crema 
tion, 8, 9, 22, 24 ; funeral customs 
of, 15, 16 

Ascham, Roger, 173, 177 

Assi, 33 

Assipitti (probably the Usipetes of 
Caesar and Tacitus), 33 

Assyrian Empire, burial customs of 

Assyriology, 186 

Astodans (bone receptacles), 14 

Athelstan, 48 

Audoin, 38, 44 

Augsburg, printing press at, 92, 96 

Augustinians at Oxford, 166, 173 ; 
of Recanati, 226 ; arrive in Japan, 
311 ; martyrs in Japan, 314 

Australia, funeral customs of, 22 

Authari, King, 41, 42 

" Auxilium Christianorum," origin 
of the invocation, 228, 229, 232 

" Avesta," 9, 14 ; Lou vain and the, 
187 ; first manuscript of the, 199, 

Ayuthia, ancient capital of Siam, 


Aztecs, 21, 22 

Babylonian Empire, burial customs 

of, 16 
Babylonian and Oriental Record, 

J 4 

Bacon, Lord, 106 note, 159 note, 184 
Bacon, Robert, 158 
Bacon, Roger, 155 note, 158, 159 

and note, 185, 
Baeumer, Dom Suitbert, O.S.B., 

slight error in his History of the 

Breviary," 228 

Bagshawe, Mr. H. R., editor of 
Dublin Review, 269, 270, 272, 
278, 286, 298 

Bainab, 34 

Baines, Bishop, Vicar Apostolic of 
the Western District, 248, 250, 

2 S9 

Bamberg, Abbey of St. Michael at, 

Baptism retained by the "redis 
covered" Christians of Japan, 325, 

Baptismal vows, renewal of, 253 

Baptists in Japan, 334 

Barcelona, 136; Cucufatis Monas 
tery at, 98 ; priest-printers at, 99 

Bardenea, 37 

Bardengau, 35 

Bardowyk, 35 

Bari, 76 

Barnabites, 139 

Barnes, Robert, Augustinian Prior, 
166, 167 

Baronius, Annals of, 80 

Bartolemeo, priest - printer of 
Florence, 99 

Basel, printing press at, 92, 99 ; 
John Wesel at, 190 

Basil, Bishop of Thessalonica, 76 

Bathhurst, Miss, 244 

Bauwens, Dr. Isidore, on funeral 
and mourning customs, 2 et seq., 
7, 8, 18, 25 

Baxter, Mr. Dudley, 62 note 

Beardeneu, 37 

Beardincgford, 37 

Beatrice, heiress of Burgundy, 85 

Beconton, Devonshire, 206 

Bedmond, hamlet of, 55 

Beelen, 190 

Belgium, Royal Academy of, 188 

Bellasis, Mr. Sergeant, 239 

Bellesheim, 81 

Bellintonus, Mattheus, 151 note 

Benedictines at Oxford, 159, 173 

Benevento, dukedom of, 31, 40, 76 

Benson, Dr., Archbishop of Canter 
bury, 240 

Benzoni, Rutilio, Bishop of Loreto, 

Berdorf, altar in church at, 345, 

Bergamo, 50; its "priest-printer," 


Berlioz, Mgr., Bishop of Hakodate, 
330, 331 note 



Bernard a Sancto Leone, 58 
Bernardinus de Bustis, 236 
Berners, Dame Juliana, Prioress of 

Sopewell, 96 
Berni, 143 

Berthier, Pere, O.P., 157 note 
Berthold, Archbishop of Mainz, 


Besanpon, Diet of, 85 
Bettws-y-Coed and the Miihlerthal, 

Bible and inhumation among the 

Jews, 17, 18 

Bible, Antwerp Polyglot, 189 
Bible, editions of, in fifteenth and 

sixteenth centuries, 100-102 
Bible in early University library at 

Oxford, 2ii 

Bible Society and Japan, 320 
Bibliotheque du Roi, Paris, 213, 215, 

Bickersteth, Miss, on the rivalry of 

the Christian sects in Japan, 334- 


Biella, 50 
Binterim on the antiquity of the 

Litany of Loreto, 224 
Bishops, list of Japanese, 331 note 
Blanche Nef, wreck of the, 56 
Bluime, 36 

Boardman, Rev. James, 265 
Boat burial. See Water burial 
Bocher, Joan, 177 note 
Bodleian Library, Oxford, 198 et 

seq.; 210 et seq. 
Bodley, Sir Thomas, 210, 212, 218, 

221 note 
" Bokys of Hawking and Hunting," 

by Dame Juliana Berners, Prioress 

of Sopewell, 96 
Bologna, Diet of, 86; University of, 

156, 157 note, 177, 201, 202 
Bonanni, 59 
Boneto Locatello, 99 
Bonnani, 151 note 
Bono, Giovanni, 151 note 
" Bonus Joannes," MonkofSavona, 

Bonzes, influence of the, 306, 309, 

330 note, 333, 334 
Booker and Dolman, publishers, 


Bopp, philologist, 216 
Bourchier, Richard, merchant, 213 
Bowden, Father of the Oratory, 


Bowyer, Mr. (afterwards Sir 
George), 282 

Bozidar, Duke of Servia, 97 

Brabant, Counts of, 104 note, 105, 

Bradley on spelling of "Scandi 
navia," "$$note 

Brahmanism and cremation, 24 

Breakspeare, Nicholas. See Adrian 

Breakspeare, Boso, 78 and note 

Breakspeare, Robert, 56 

Breslau, " priest printers" at, 99 

Breviary, Roman, on the origin of 
the title " Auxilium Christianum," 

Brewer, Professor, 155, 167 note 

Bridgett, Father, C.SS.R., 155 

Brindisi, 76 

British Museum Library, 220 note 

Brixen, "priest-printers" at, 99 

Broadgate s Hall, Oxford, 208 

Broomhead, Father Rowland, 266 

Brothers of the Common Life, 95, 
106, 190 

Brower on the dancing procession, 

Brown, Dr., Vicar Apostolic (after 
wards first Bishop of Liverpool), 

Browne, 180 

Brownson s Review, 291 

Bruckner on the Lombards. See 
chap, \\.passim 

Briin, " priest-printers " at, 99 

Bruno the Carthusian, 235 

Brussels, press at Convent of Naza 
reth at, 95 

Bryan, 163 

Bucer, Martin, 174, 175 

Buda-Pesth, printing press at, 92 

Buddhism and cremation, 14, 24 ; 
disestablished in Japan, 330 note 

Bulet,Abbe",on religious indifference 
in Japan, 339 

" Bullarium," Roman, 80 

Bullock, 163, 174 

Bullock, Dr., 91 

Bunsen, Chevalier, 279, 286 

Burghley, Lord, 177-179, 207 

Burgundaib, 34 

Burgundians, 34, 39 

Burgundy, Dukes of, 201 

Burial, art of, i ; general conclu 
sions, 24-25 ; bibliography, 25. 
See also Cremation, Inhumation, 



Exposition, Water-burial, Em 
balming, Tree-burial, Platform- 
burial, Funeral customs 
Burnouf, Eugene, 199, 217, 218 
Burns and Lambert, publishers, 


Burns and Gates, publishers, 277 
Busleiden, Giles (/Egidius Bus- 

lidius), 142, 191, 194 
Busleiden, Jerome, 191 et seq. 
Bustum (a tomb), 9 

Caccia, Fa her, on Father Furlong, 


Caesar Cistariensis, 235 
Cassarism, {9 

Caius College, Cambridge, 177, 179 
Caius, Dr., 177, 179 
Calvinists, at Cambridge, 169 
" Cambridgt Modern History " on 

the concla e which elected Adrian 

VI., 127 ; and relations between 

Leo X. aid Raffaele, 143 note; 

and Luthe:, 146 
Cambridge, Jniversity of, chapter 

vi. , passim ; work of Blessed 

John Fishe at, 162 et seq., 170 et 

seq.; Luthranism at, \b$etseq.; 

Royal div<rce and, 168 et seq. ; 

Reformation changes at, 176 ; 

foundation of Queen Mary s 

reign, 177 
Camden, 183 

Camm, DomBede, 208 note 
Campeggio, Cardinal Lorenzo, 120, 

Campion, Bsssed Edmund, S.J., 

1 80 

Candia, 145 
Candiotti, Qulio, Arch-priest of 

Loreto, 22*229 
Cannibalism a Australia and Africa, 


Canstadt raci, 3 
Cantwell, Re. Edmund, 265 
Capes, Mr. JM., 288 
Caraffa, Cardnal (afterwards Paul 

IV.), 99 

Cardinal Col. ge, Oxford, 163, 170 
Carfax, the, xford, 168 
Carnero, Mehior, S.J., Bishop of 

Nicaea, ^note 

Carnoy, Protesor, biologist, 218 
Carriers, cunus Indian custom, 21 

and note 
Carthusians, 108 

Cartwright, 180, 181 

Carvajal, Bernardino, Cardinal di 
Santa Croce, 114, 125, 137 

Casaroto, Giampietro, 98 

Casartelli, Mr. J., and the great 
mission in Liverpool, 256 

Cashel Hoey, Mr. , and the Dublin 
Review, 270, 290, 293, 294, 298 

Cashel Hoey, Mrs., and the Dublin 
Review, 270, 294 

Cassell s " Conquests of the Cross " 
quoted, 313 

Catherine Hall, Cambridge, 160 

Catherine, Queen of Henry VIII., 
1 68 et seq, 

Catholic Record Society "Miscel 
lanea," 221 

Catholic Truth Society and the 
printing press, 103 

Cattle, slaughtering of black, in 
Greek and Roman funeral rites, 

Cecil, William, Baron Burghley, 
Chancellor of University of Cam 
bridge, 177-179, 207 

Ce"cile, Rear-Admiral, assists mis- 
sioners to reach the Liu Kiu 
Islands, 321 

Celibacy, idea of, preserved among 
the survivors of early Japanese 
Christianity, 325-326 

Cenna (or Zinna), monastery at, 98 

" Centum Gravimina," 147 

Cerberus, n 

Cesarini, Cardinal, 136 

Cettinje, monastery press at, 97 

Chaldean burial-places, 17 

Chamberlain, 306 

Chancellor, office of, at University 
of Oxford, 157 

Charlemagne visited by Paul the 
Deacon, 31 ; deposes Desiderius, 

Charles the Bold, Duke of Bur 
gundy, 104, 114, 116 

Charles V., Emperor, 114 et seq. 

Charles I., King, and the Bodleian 
Library, 219 

Charlton, Dr,, 281 

Charnock, 162 

Chatron, Jules, S.M.E., Bishop of 
Osaka, 331 note, 339 

Chedsey, 174, 175 

Cheke, John, 173, 177 

Cheregato, Francesco, Papal Le 
gate, 147 


Chevillard, Abbe", " Siam et les 

Siamois," 23-24 
Chinese favour inhumation, 14 ; 

influence on Japanese, 305 
Chorten (cenotaph), 15 
Choto, Father Maeda, on the needs 

of the Church in Japan, 336, 338, 


Christi, Father, S.J., 281, 288 
Christina, Prioress of Markgate, 77 
Christmas kept by the survivors of 

early Japanese Christianity, 324 
"Chronicon Monast. S. Albani," 77 

and note 

Church and printing press: autho 
rities, 90 note ; printing, in its 
origin and early history, essen 
tially a Catholic art, 90-93 ; grants 
indulgences for sale and dissemin 
ation of printed books, 93 ; the 
Religious Orders set up presses, 
94 et seq. ; the secular " priest- 
printers " develop the art, 98 et 
seq, ; the clergy patronize lay 
printers, 99 ; the Luther legend, 


Church Missionary Society in Japan, 


Cice", Monsignor, 319 
Cicero, 12 
Cirillo, Bernardino, author of the 

Macerata Prayer-Book , 230 note 
Cistercians at Oxford, 173 
Civita Vecchia, 124, 137, 145 
Clarendon Press, Oxford, 201, 210 
Clarke, Miss E. M. , 297 
Clarke, John, 167 
Clement, Dorothy, 205 
Clement, John, Professor of Greek 

at Oxford, 199, 206 
Clement, Margaret, 205 and note 
Clement of Padua, 98 
Clement VII., Pope, 145, 152 note, 


Clement, Winifred, 205, 207 
Clerk, English Ambassador in 

Rome, 128 

Clifford, Dr., Bishop of Clifton, 297 
Clitheroe, Venerable Margaret, 314 
Cluny, Abbey of, 98 
Cobbe, Richard, 213 
Cobbold, Mr. G. A., on religion in 

Japan, 315-316, 333. 339, 343 
Cobham, Thomas, Bishop of Wor 
cester, 210 
Codes, Lombard, 48 

Codex Gothanus. 30 

Cogan, Mr. H., 302 

Coleridge, Father, S.J., 239, 293, 
301 note, 302, 303, 305 

Colet, Dean, 161, 203 

Colinet, Professor, 297 

Collado, Father, O. P., 317 

College du Pape Adrien VI., Lou- 
vain, 114 and note 

Collin, Abbe", nominated Prefect 
Apostolic of Japan, 322 

Collin de Plancy s " Fiddler of 
Echternach," 348 

Cologne, printing press at, 92 ; 
Carthusians, 97 ; BiHe of, 101 ; 
University of, 201, 202 

Columbus, 302 

Commission, Special, fcr the Royal 
Divorce, 168 et seq. 

Commissioners of KingEdward VI. 
at Oxford, 212 

Como, province of, 49,50 

"Comparative Histoy of Reli 
gions," 186, 187 

"Comparative Mythobgy," 186 

" Compendium Historse Ecclesias- 
ticae," 310 note, 39 note, 331 
note, 343 

Compte Rendu des Tnvaux de la 
"Socie te des Mission:Etrangeres," 
332, 333 note, 335, 39, 343 

Comuneros, Civil Wa of the, 122 

Conclave on death of Leo X., 127 
et seq. 

Concordat, Cardinal Wiseman s 
lectures on, 282 

Congregation of Rite, decree re 
specting the invocaion " Regina 
sine labe originali cocepta," 232 
and note 

Congregationalists in Jtpan, 334 

" Consolations " of Bdthius, 97 

Constantinople, art of finting in, 92 

Cooper, 155 

Copenhagen, " priestwinters " at, 


Corpus Christi CollegeOxford, 163, 
1 80, 192 and note 

Corre, Abbe\ 332 

Cortes of Valencia preided over by 
Adrian VI. , 121 et si. 

Cosmic, publisher, 230 

Cottisford, Dr., Unisrsity Com 
missioner, 167 

Cousin, Mgr., Bishop f Nagasaki, 
329-331 note, 339, 34 



Coventry, 195, 255 

Cox, Dr., 175 

Cranmer, Thomas, 168, 174 

Creighton, Mandell, Dr., Bishop of 
London, 53, 81, 88 ; and chap. v. 

Cremation not found among Palaeo 
lithic races, 4 ; first traces in Neo 
lithic Age, 5 ; first appears in Spain 
with introduction of bronze, 6 ; 
disappears from Spain in the 
"Silver Age," 6; general con 
clusions of Dr. Bauwens, 7 ; 
Aryans originated cremation, 7, 
8, 24 ; practised by only a few 
non-Aryan races, 8 ; evidence of 
its prevalence before Aryan sepa 
ration, 8, 9; Eranians abandon 
cremation, 8, 9, 13 ; cremation in 
Vedic times, 10, 11-12 ; in Homer 
and Virgil, u, 12 ; Apollodorus 
of Rhodes, n ; among the Greeks, 
12 ; among the Romans, 12, 13, 
18 ; among Buddhists, 14 ; in 
Tibet, 15; among Gauls, Ger 
mans, and Scandinavians. 16 ; 
traces found in Tunis, 18 ; in 
America (island of St. Catherine), 
20 ; among the American Indians, 
21 ; East Indian Archipelago, 22 ; 
general conclusions, 24, 25 

Croatia, 149 

Croly, Dr., 286 

Cro-Magnon race, 3 

Cromwell, Oliver, and the Bodleian 
Library, 219 

Crook, Mr. T. Mewburn, 55 

Croskell, Rev. Robert (afterwards 
Provost of Salford), 265 ; account 
of Dr. Gentilli s mission in Man 
chester, 265-268 

Cross, trampling on the, in Japanese 
persecutions, 314-315 

Crumwell, Thomas, 164, 172, 173 

Cunimund, 38, 42 

Cunningham, General, 15 

Cureton, Dr., 279 

Curia, Adrian VI. and, 140 

Cusack, M. F., 278 note 

Cusanus, Cardinal Nicholas, 94 

Cyrus, 13 

Dahlmann, Father, Joseph, S.J., 

317 note 
Dakhma (a burning place), 9, 13, 


Dalaber, 167 

Dalgairns, Father, of the Oratory, 


Dalmatia, 149 

Da Lucca, Francesco, 99 

Damberger, 81 

Dancing procession at Echternach, 
the two great survivals of ages of 
faith, 344 ; the road to Echternach, 
344-345 ; no definite indication of 
the dance until 1553, 346 ; theory 
of its pagan origin, 346-347 ; theory 
of its Christian origin, 347-348 ; 
scene in the parish church, 348- 
349 ; the procession itself, 349-352 ; 
the spectators, 352 ; the Kermess 
or fair, 352 ; the main impression, 


Dante, 92, 158, 223-224 note 
Darmesteter, Professor James, Orien 
talist, 218 
D Assoneville, Jacques, professor of 

the Sorbonne, 112 
De Bonaccursi, Francesco, 99 
De Bossi, Andrea, Bishop of Alaria, 


De Foix, Andre", 123 
De Grousselt, Jean, 202 
De Gubernatis, 186 
De Harlez, Monsignor, Orientalist, 

190, 199, 217, 218, 297 
De Morgan, Professor, 281 
De Morgianis, Lorenzo, 99 
De la Chaulx, Ambassador of 

Charles V., 133, 134 
De la Motte Lambert, Monsignor, 


De Langobardorum gestis, 30 
Delft, 106, 107 
De Lisle, Mr. Ambrose Phillips, 

meets Dr. Gentili in Rome, 245 ; 

invites him to England, 245, 248 ; 

makes his house "Grace Dieu " 

centre of missionary activity, 251 
De Lisle, Mr. Edwin, 246 note 
Denifle, Father, O.P., 157 
Denmark, Cardinal Nicholas Break - 

speare s mission to, 65 ; art of 

printing in, 92 

De Palude, Joannes, 204 note 
De Quincey, Thomas, i 
De Rubeis, 225 
De Rycke, Louise, 109 
De Santi, Father Angelo, S.J., 223, 

226 note, 237 
De Schore, Louis, 204 



Deshimo, Dutch resident at, pro 
tects missioner, 321 

Desiderius, thirtieth and last Lom 
bard king, 31, 40 

D Estienne, 7 

De Torres, Father Cosmo, S.J., 303 

Devad&ru (deodar or divine tree), 10 

Deventer, 107 

Deza, Grand Inquisitor of Arragon 
and Navarre, 120 

Dictionary of National Biography " 
on Adrian IV., 53, 81, 88 

Diego de las Llagas, Father, O. S. F. , 

Dietsche IVarande, articles in, on 
"The Church and the Printing- 
press," 90 note 

Dio Cassius, 30 

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, his 
torian, 223 

Disabilities of English Catholics 
before Emancipation Act, 246-247 

Di San Bartolommeo, Father Paul, 
Carmelite and Orientalist, 217 
and note 

" Divina Commedia," one of the 
earliest printed books, 92 note 

Divorce Question of Henry VIII., 
English Universities and the, 168 
et seq., 182 note; supported by 
Robert Wakefield, 195 ; Univer 
sity of Louvain and the, 204 

Dolman, C., publisher, 277 

Domenico da Pistoja, 97 

Dominicans, Adrian VI. and, 150 ; 
at Oxford, 158, 173, 180 ; in 
Japan, 311 ; martyrs, 314 ; literary 
activity, 317 

Dominic, Father, Passionist, 253 

Domodossola, novitiate of the Insti 
tute of Charity, 245, 248 

" Donation of Constantine," 80, 82, 

Dormer, Lady Jane, 209 note 

Dorpius, Martin, 112 

Douay, 182, 205 

Drane, Mother Augusta Theodosia, 
158 note 

Dress, Lombard and Anglo-Saxon, 
44, 47 

Dnffield, Rev. W. E. , 298 

Drouart, Abbe", 337, 340 

Dublin \_Review\ Makers of the ; 
Bibliographical details, 269-273 ; 
Wiseman attributes first inception 
to Mr. Michael Quin, 273 ; irregu 

larity of issue, 274 and note ; four 
periods in its history, 274-275 ; 
choice of the title, 275; editors 
of first series, 275-276 ; financial 
difficulties, 276-277 ; O Connell re 
commends it to Irish clergy and 
Bishops, 277-278 ; Wiseman prac 
tically literary editor, 278-279 ; 
reference to Review in his letters 
and articles, 279-284 ; Wiseman 
on the spirit of the Review, 284- 
285 ; Dr. Russell s work, 285-286 ; 
other contributors, 286-287 ; st yl e 
of the articles, 287 ; the Review 
and the Oxford Movement, 288 ; 
lady contributors, 289 ; illustra 
tions, 289 ; length of articles, 289 ; 
characteristics of the second series 
under Dr. Ward, 290-292; work 
of Mr. Cashel Hoey, 293 ; the 
chief contributors, 293-294 ; the 
spirit of the third series under 
Bishop Hedley, 294-295 ; all the 
articles must be signed, 296 ; chief 
contributors, 296-297 ; new fea 
tures, 297-298 ; editor and sub 
editor, 298 ; the fourth series 
under Canon Moyes, 298-299 

Dublin Review on Nicholas Break - 
speare, 60 note 

Ducange, 346 

Du Chaillu, Mr. Paul, on "The 
Viking Age," 16 

Dugdale, 155 

Dulcibello, printer, 225, 230 

Duns Scotus, 159, 172, 185 

Du Perron, Abraham - Hyacinthe 
Anquetil, 199, 213 et seq. 

Durazzo, Archbishop of, 151 

Dutch attempt to revive the Univer 
sity of Louvain, 187 et seq. 

Dutch Pope, the. See Adrian VI., 
chap. v. 

Dutch Protestants partly responsible 
for persecution of Japanese Catho 
lics, 312 ; trample on the Cross, 
315 ; give help against Christians 
in Shimabara, 315 

Ealhilda, Queen of Myrgingi, 44 

Earle, Mr. J. C. , 293 

Eastern Church, Adrian VI. and, 


East Indian Archipelago, favours 

cremation, 22 
Eber s " Aegypten," 19 



Ecclesiastes, book of, 187, 195, 196 
Echternach. See Dancing proces 
sion at. 
Education, Catholic higher, and 

Dublin Review, 290 
Edward the Confessor, 48 
Edward III., King, 104 note 
Edward IV., King, 104, 114 
Edward VI., King, 174, 176, 177 
Egidio, Cardinal of Viterbo, 140, 


Egyptians, burial customs of, 19 
Egyptology, 186 
Eif el, petition of the parish priests of 

the, 346 
E/cXaucrav, 18 
Elend monk of Fiissen, 96 
Elgin, Friars Preachers established 

at, by Adrian VI., 150 
Elias Levita, 189 
Elizabeth, Queen, 174, 178 et seq. 
Ellenbog, Prior of Ottobeuren, 96 
Emancipation, act of Catholic, 246 
Embalming in Egypt, 19 ; in 

America, 20 
Embassy from Japanese princes to 

the Holy See, 307 and note, 330 
English Historical Review on the 

alleged Papal gift of Ireland to 

Henry II., 81 et seq. 
English Orientalists at Louvain : 

Thomas Wakefield, i94 1 95 I 

Robert Sherwood, 195-196 
English Pope. (See Adrian IV.) 
Ephesus, council of, 235 
" Epistola Apologetica Magistri 

Pauli de Middleburgo ad Doc- 
tores Lovanienses," 190 
Eranians and cremation, 8, 9, 13-14 
Erasmus, 107, 108, no, 142, 143, 

161, 162 et seq., 191-194, 204 note 
Erfurt, monastery of St. Peter at, 

96; university at, 90, 100, 101, 


Eskil, Archbishop of Lund, 65, 84 
Eton College, 161 
Eucharist, Holy, English Lutherans 

and the, 166 ; English Zwinglians 

and the, 175 

Eugenius III., 61 et seq., 87 
" European! zation " of Japan, 338- 


Exposition of bodies among Era 
nians and Turanians, 13, 14 ; in 

Greater Tibet, 15; in America, 


Exquiros, Battle of, 123 
Eyestein, Prince of Norway, 64 

Fagius, 174 

Falk, 90 note, 98 

Faroe Islands under Metropolitan 
See of Nidaros, 64 

Feast of the " Finding of the Chris 
tians " established by Pope Pius 
IX. , 326, 329 

Felitzin quoted, 7 

Felten, Dr. J., 155 note 

Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, 

Ferdinand the Catholic, 117 

Ferdinand, Duke of Wirtemberg, 

Fergusson, 7 

Fernandez, Joao, 303 

Ferrand, Father Claudius, on irre- 
ligion in Japan, 340-341 

Fetish worship, 187 

Feyerabend, Maurus, 96 

Ffoulkes, E. S., 288 

Finlayson, Mr., 289 

Fishacre, Richard, 158 

Fisher, Blessed John, 162 et seq., 
165, 170-171 

Fitzsimons, Mrs., 289 

Fleming, Robert, 161 

Flesh-stripping, 5, 14, 20, 23, 24 

Florence, Dominican press at, 97 ; 
" priest-printers" of, 99 ; repub 
lic of, 149 

Folklore, 187 

Fonte Buono, monastery at, 98 

Forcade Abb6 (afterwards Bishop of 
Samos and Vicar Apostolic of 
Japan), 321, 322, 331 note 

Forman, 165 

Formby, Father H., 288, 296 

Formby, Rev. Matthias, 265 

Fornier-Duplon, M., 321 

" Fosse," Japanese method of tor 
ture, 314 

Fowler. john, 199, 208 

Fox, Edward, Bishop of Hereford, 

Foxe s "Book of Martyrs, 168, 

Fox, Richard, Bishop of Winchester, 
163, 192 

Franciscans, Adrian VI. and, 150 ; 
at Oxford, 158 et seq., 173, 180 ; 
in Japan, 310 ; martyrs in Japan, 
310, 314, 323 



Francis I., King of France, 123, 

125, 127, 130, 134, 139, 148, 


Frank, 191 note 
Franks, 39, 46 
Frederick Barbarossa invades Italy, 

69 et seq.; struggle with Adrian IV. 

as regards homage, 71 et seq.; 

crowned at Rome by Pope, 74 ; 

quells a riot at Rome, 74 ; renews 

his quarrel with Pope, 84 et seq.; 

second invasion of Italy, 

Frederick, Elector of Saxony, 146 
Free, John, 161 
Frejus, ancient codex of, 225 
French Revolution and Louvain, 


Freya, 33, 41, 43 
Friars and the English Universities, 

Friars Minor, Church at Louvain, 

209 note. 

Fribourg University, 154 
Frisians, 43 

Frees, Father, S.J., 317 
Froude, J. A., 169, 170 
Fuku, Agatha Kataoka (Sister Mar 

garet), 328 
Funeral customs : 

Bodies buried in sitting or 

crouching position, 5, 6, 15, 

Burial of animals (favourite 

horse, etc.) with bodies, 23 
Burial of objects (weapons, 
food, etc.) with bodies, 5, 6, 
10, ii, 16, 23 
Cannibalism, 22, 23 
Flesh stripping, 5, 14, 20, 23, 

Interments beneath the house 

floor, 6, 12 
of Africa, 22 
of America, 20, 21 
of Australia, 22 
of early Aryan conquerors of 

India, 10 
of East India Archipelago, 22, 

2 3 

of Egyptians, 19 
of Eranians, 13-14 
of Gauls, Germans, Scandi 

navians, and Visigoths, 16 
of Greece and Rome, 11-12 
of Israelites, 17-18 
of Little Tibet, 15 

Funeral customs continued : 
of Phoenicians, 18 
Slaughter of attendants (slaves, 

etc.), 21, 22, 23 
Widow-burning, 10-11, 23 
Funeral pyre, building of described 
by Apollodorus of Rhodes, 
Homer and Virgil, 11 and note 
Funus, 9 
Furfooz race, 4 
Furlong, Father, 251, 253, 258-259, 

264, 266, 267 
Future life, various burial rites and 

the, 24 

Fuyu, Maria (Sister Julia), 328 
Fylde, 36 

Galileo in Japanese controversy, 336 
Gamau Udji-sato, daimyo of Aid- 

zou, 307 note 
Gambara, priestess of the earth, 33, 


Gamut, origin of names for the 
notes of the, 32 note 

Gardiner, Mr. S. R., 177 note, 178 

Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Win 
chester, 168, 173, 177 

Garibald, Duke of Bavaria, 41, 42, 

Garibaldi, etymology of name, 48 

Garrett, Thomas, of Magdalen Col 
lege, Oxford, 167 

Gasquet, Abbot, O.S.B., 81, 109 
note, 155, 164 note 

Gauls, ancient, practise both crema 
tion and inhumation, 16 

Geerts, Dr., and the siege of Shima- 
bara, 315 

Genealogical table of royal person 
ages mentioned in connection 
with Pope Adrian VI., 115 note 

Genoa, 136, 144, 149 

Gentili, Dr. Aloysius, sketch of his 
career, 243-246 ; first impressions 
of London, 250; first work in 
England, 250-251 ; visits Oxford, 
251-252 ; vegetarian and total 
abstainer, 254 note ; sudden death 
of, 257 ; tribute by Frederick 
Lucas, 257-258 ; great mission at 
Manchester, 261-268 ; testimonial 
from Manchester clergy, 263-265 

Geoffrey, Pierre, 223 

George, Duke of Montenegro, 97 

George, Duke of Saxony, 146 



Gepidae, 38, 39 

Gerard, Cardinal, attack on, 68 

Germaine, wife of Ferdinand the 
Catholic, 119 

Germans use cremation, inhuma 
tion, and water burial, 16 

Gertrude, mother of Adrian VI., 
105, 106 

Gesenius, 189 note 

" Geshikuya," Catholic hostel for 
university students at Tokio, 341 

Geudens, Right Rev. Abbot, 57, 58 

Ghibellines, 145 

Giggs, Margaret, 205 

Giles, Robert, 209 note 

Giles, Wenthana, 209 note 

Gillow, Mr. Joseph, 209 note 

Ginnell, L., 81 

Giovanni d Albona, Canon of 
Loreto, 226 

Giraldus Cambrensis, So 

Girard, Abbe, 322, 323 

Girona, Bishop of, 124, 125 

Gladstone, Mr. W. E., on the 
" Medieval Universities," chap, 
vi. passim; 186 

Glaire, 225 

Godiva, Lady, procession at Coven 
try. 255 

Godocus Badius, 112 

Goerzee, Adrian VI. receives bene 
fice of, in 

Golanda, 34 and note 

Gonell, 163 

Gonville Hall, Cambridge, 177 

Gordon, General, Cardinal Manning 
and, article on, 296-297 

Goths, 39 

Goto Islands, 327, 332 

Gradenigo, Luigi, Venetian ambas 
sador, 141 

Grammar schools founded in reign 
of Edward VI., 212 

Grant, Dr., Bishop of Southwark, 271 

Greece and Japan, parallels between, 

Greek studies neglected at Univer 
sities after Reformation, 182 

Green, Rev. George, 265 

Green, J. R., 38 note, 157 and note 

Greenland under Metropolitan See 
of Nidaros, 64 

Gregory the Great, Pope, and con 
version of the Lombards, 40-41 ; 
and Lombard language, 46 ; and 

Rogation days, 224 ; and Litany 

of Loreto, 230; and heathen 

usages, 347 

Gregory VII., Pope, 88 
Gregory XIII., Pope, and Nicholas 

Saunders, 208 ; receives Japanese 

embassy, 307; gives Jesuits charge 

of Japanese missions, 310 
Gregory, XVI., Pope, and the 

" Italian missioners," 248-249 ; 

erects vicariates in Korea and 

Japan, 320,321 
Grey, William, 161 
Grimm, J., 8, n, 42 
Grocyn, 161 
Groote, Gerard, 106 
Gros, Baron, 322 

Grosseteste, Robert, Bishop of Lin- 
" coin, 155 note 
Gross- Priim pilgrimage to Echter- 

nach, 348 
" Groto solitos sive Speculum Con- 

scientiae" of Arnold of Gheil- 

hoven, 95-96 
Griindhof, 345 
Gryphius, 194 
Gubbins, Mr., on the persecution of 

Japanese Christians, 313 
Gudeoc, 34 
Guelphs, 145 
Gueric, Abbot, 236 
Gue"rin, Admiral, 322 
Guido d Arezzo and the names for 

the notes of the gamut, 32 note 
Gulielmus Parisiensis, 235 
Gunther, Abbot of St. Peter s, 

Erfurt, 96 

Gunthorp, John, 161 
Guttenberg, John, 91 

Hakodate, Vicariate of, 329, 330 
Hall s "Society in the Elizabethan 

Age," 183 note 
Hamard, 7 

Hamburg, Metropolitan See of, 63 
Hamilton, Dom Adam, O.S.B., 221 
Hammer, Adrian IV. and the build 
ing of the cathedral of, 64-65 
Hanlon, Bishop, on the funeral 

customs of Little Tibet, 15 
Hanmer collection of medals at St. 
Bede s College, Manchester, 151 

Harald, King of Norway, 64 
Harding, Thomas, Regius Professor 
of Hebrew at Oxford, 199, 205-206 



Harper, Father, S.J., 239 

Harpsfield, Nicholas, Regius Pro 
fessor of Greek, 206 

Harris, Alice, 209 

Harris, Dorothy, 205 note, 209 

Harris, John, secretary to Sir 
Thomas More, 205 note, 209 

Hartmann, L. M. , 36, 42, 51 

Harvest, article in the, on the 
" Dancing Procession," 354 

Healy, Dr. , Archbishop of Tuam, 297 

Hearne, Father Daniel, of St. 
Patrick s, Manchester, 267 

Hebbelynck, Mgr. Ad., Rector 
Magnificus of the University of 
Louvain, 200, 219-220 and notes, 


Hebrew studies in the Middle Ages, 
182, 188 et seq. 

Hedley, Dr., Bishop of Newport, 
and the Dublin Review, 275, 293, 

Hefele, Bishop, 85 note 

Heidelberg, 190, 191 

Helinandus, 236 

Helmechis, 38 

He"lyot, 59 

Hem, convent at, 96 

Hengist and Horsa, 33 note 

Henry I., King of England, 54 

Henry II. and Adrian IV., 53 ; 
sends gifts to Adrian on his elec 
tion, 77 ; controversy respecting 
gift of Ireland to, 79 et seq. 

Henry VI., King, 160 

Henry VIII. , King, and Adrian VI., 
126, 127, 128, 130, 148 ; and Eng 
lish Universities, 165, 168 et seq. 

Henxey Hall, Oxford, 208 

Herakle s, 12, 187 

Hermann of Nassau, 191 

Hermanus Contractus, 235 

Hermolaus Barbarus, Venetian Am 
bassador, 108 

Herodotus, 214 

Herschel, Sir John, 159 note 

Hertha, Teutonic goddess wor 
shipped by Lombards, 30 

Heruli, 35, 36 

Hetzel, 190 note 

Hetzius, Dietrich, Flemish Secre 
tary to Adrian VI., 152 note 

Heveren (Flanders), 206 

Hideyoshi (or Taiko-Sama) issues 
Edict against Christians, 307, 309, 

Hierarchy, creation of Japanese, 


Higdon, Dr., Dean of Cardinal 
College, Oxford, 167 

" High Church " system, origin of, 

Himmelstein, ecclesiastical writer, 

Hodgkin, T., "Italy and her In 
vaders" quoted, 26-27, 30 note, 
51 ; on legends Lombard migra 
tions, 35, 36 ; rejects the story of 
Rosamund, 38 note ; on the Ger 
manic origin of Langobards, 42 
et seq. 

Hoffmann, Professor, on the work 
of Portuguese missions in Japan, 

Hofler on Pope Adrian VI., 120 
note, 130 note, 150 note, 153 

Holstein, 36 

Holy House of Loreto, 225-227 

Holy See allows English Catholics 
to attend the Universities, 154 ; 
letter of Leo XIII. , "Ad Anglos," 

J 54 
Homage, Papal right to, recognised 

by German law, 72 ; submitted 

to by Frederick Barbarossa, 72 

et seq. 
Homer on building of funeral pyre, 


Hondemius, Johannes, 235 
Honorius of Autun, 236 
Honours, list of Oxford, 201 and 

Horse or hounds, burying favourite, 

2 3 
Hosius, Cardinal Stanislaus (Papal 

Legate at Council of Trent), 207 
Huber, 176 

Hugh of St. Victor, 235 
Hugo, Abbot Charles Louis, 57 and 

note, 58 and note, 59 
" Humanism," 161, 164 
Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, 

gifts to Oxford University Library, 


"Hundred Years War" between 
Empire and Papacy, 74-75 

Huns, 26 

Hutchison, Father, on the antiquity 
of the Litany of Loreto, 224 

Hutton, Father, 251 

Huxley, Professor^ 186 

Hyde, Thomas, Orientalist, 214 



Ibor, 33 and note, 34 

Iceland under Metropolitan See of 

Nidaros, 64 ; first printing-press 

in, 99 

Idiota, 235, 236 
leyasu, lounder of the Tokugawa 

Dynasty, 301, 311, 313, 343 
Illustrated Catholic Missions, 15, 

3 2 9. 33 2 

Imbert, Mgr., 320 

Immaculate Conception, Adrian IV. 
and the, 88 

Incas of ancient Peru, 20 

Indifference, religious, in Japan, 

Indulgences denounced at Cam 
bridge, 165 

Inge, Prince of Norway, 64 

Ingoldstadt Prayer-Book and the 
invocation "Auxilium Christian- 
orum," 228 

Ingvaeones, 45 

Inhumation practised universally by 
Palaeolithic races, 4 ; prevalent 
among Neolithic races, 5 ; the 
only method employed during 
the "Silver Age" in Spain, 6; 
abandoned by Eranians, 9 ; prior 
to cremation among Greeks, 12 ; 
practised in Rome, 12 ; employed 
by Chinese, 14 ; practised by 
Greeks, Germans, Scandinavians, 
and Visigoths, 16 ; Semites essen 
tially a burying race, 16 et seq. ; 
the Jews bury their dead, 17, 18 ; 
the exclusive funeral rite of the 
Egyptians, 19 ; in America, 20 ; 
practically universal in Africa, 21, 
22 ; general conclusions, 24, 25 

Innocent II., Pope, 72 

Inquisition, 189, 190 note; in Japan 
ese controversy, 336 

Institute of Charity : foundation 
and constitutions, 241-243 ; and 
Prior Park College, 248, 250 ; 
Pope Gregory XVI. blesses the 
English missioners, 248-249 ; in 
structions of Rosmini to English 
missioners, 249 ; first work in 
England, 250-252 ; four great 
spiritual works, 252-253 ; the 
work of the "Itinerant Mission 
aries," 253-255 ; chronological 
catalogue of missions, 255-256 , 
death of Dr. Gentili, 257-258 ; 
sketch of career of Father Fur 

long, 258-260 ; further develop 
ments, 260 

Interdict, Rome placed under, by 
Adrian IV., 68 

Ireland : alleged grant to Henry II., 
53 ; statement of the controversy, 
79 et seq. ; state of Ireland in 
Adrian IV. s time, 82 et seq. ; 
Cardinal Wiseman, suggestions 
for articles in Dublin Review on, 

Ireland, quoted on, Richard Fish- 
acre, 158 

Irish College, Rome, Dr. Gentili 
and the, 245 

Irish Immigration and the "Second 
Spring," 240 

Irish Monthly. See Russell, Father 
Matthew, S.J. 

Iron Crown, Frederick Barbarossa 
receives, 69 

Irreligion in Japan, 336-341 

Isabella, Infanta, 116 

Isidore of Tliessalonia, 236 

Islam, 89 

Isle of Man transferred from pro 
vince of York to that of Nidaros, 
64 < 

Israelites and inhumation, 17, 18 

" Italian," meaning of the term, 27 

Ives, Dr. (converted Bishop of the 
Episcopal Church of America), 293 

Janssen, 90 note, 100, 102 

Japan : the Catholic Church in 

I. The ancient Church, 300- 
318 ; interest of the subject, 300- 
301 ; discovery of Japan, 302 ; 
work of St. Francis Xavier, 302- 
304 ; why St. Francis Xavier left 
Japan, 305 ; success of Jesuit 
missions, 306-307 ; Japanese 
Embassy to Pope Gregory X III., 
307 ; sketch of Japanese Govern 
ment, 308 ; Hideyoshi perse 
cutes the Christians, 309 ; 
various religious orders in 
Japan, 310 ; first martyrs, 310- 
311 ; mistaken zeal of native 
Christian princes, 311 ; peace 
under leyasu, 311 ; cause of the 
great persecution, 312 ; suffer 
ings of the Christians, 312-315 ; 
massacre of Shimabara, 315 ; 
extinction of Christianity in 
Japan, 315, 316 ; labours of 



early missioners in behalf of 
philology and literature, 316- 

II. The Second Spring, 318- 
331 ; " Socie te des Missions 
Etrangeres," 319 ; Japanese 
wrecked off Philippines, 319- 
320 ; Missioners get to Liu Kiu 
Islands, 320-322; United States 
get admission to Japanese ports, 
322 ; Missions opened at Yoko 
hama and Nagasaki, 323 ; 
canonization of twenty - six 
Japanese martyrs, 323 ; the 
finding of the Christians," 323- 
326 ; overthrow of the Shogun- 
ate, 327 ; fresh persecution, 327- 

328 ; introduction of nuns, 328 ; 
native priests and nuns, 328- 

329 ; development of ecclesias 
tical government, 329 ; erection 
of Heirarchy, 329, 330 ; ameni 
ties between Mikado and Holy 
See, 330 ; list of bishops, 331 

III. Future of the Church, 
33 2 -343 1 recent returns, 332, 
333 ; four hindrances, 333 ; 
rivalry of the sects, 333-335; 
the anti-Catholic press, 335- 
337 ; materialism and indiffer- 
entism, 338-341 ; hope for the 
future, 341-343 

Japanese practise cremation, 8 

Jars, funeral, 6, 17, 18 

Jealousies of religious orders in the 

East, 310 
Jehu, 69 

Jenks, Rowland, 180 
Jeremiah, 17 
Jesuits, 1 80 ; in Japan, chap. xii. 


Jesus College, Cambridge, 160 
Jevons, Mr. F. B., 25 
Jevons, Professor W. S., on Roger 

Bacon, 159 note 
Jewell, Bishop, 177 
Jimmu, founder of the present 

Japanese dynasty, 308 
Jingo, Empress, 301 
Joannes de Westphalia (John 

Wessel of Groningen), 190 and 

Johan, son of King Sverker of 

Sweden, 65 

Johannes, Geometra, 236 
John of Austria, 228 

John IV., Duke of Brabant, 187, 


John of Salisbury, 67, 78, 79, 80, 


John of St. Giles, 158 
John XII. , Pope, 133 
John XXII, Pope, 80 
Jolliffe, Henry, Dean of Bristol, 

209 note 
Jones, Sir William, Orientalist, 

Jordan, Blessed, General of the 

Dominicans, 158 
Joseph II., 348 
Journal of the German Oriental 

Society quoted, 316-317 
Julius II., Pope, 114 
Jungmann, Professor B., 81 
Justinus Michoviensis on the Litany 

of Loreto, 223, 233 

Kagoshima, 303 

Karlby, great burial ground at, 5 

Kelly, 81 

Kempe, John, Archbishop of Can 

terbury, 211 
Kempe, Thomas, Bishop of London, 


Kilwardby, Cardinal Robert, Arch 

bishop of Canterbury, 158, 185 
King s College, Cambridge, 160 
Kingship among Lombards and 

Anglo-Saxons elective, 47-48 
Kiriskitan Bugyo or Japanese 

Christian inquisitor, 314 
Kissinger, Sixtus, first introduced 

printing into Naples, 98 
Knights Hospitallers of St. John, 

76, 144 et seq. 

Knoll on the Litany of Loreto, 233 
Ko, Augustine, 321 
Koburger s press, ico 
Koeckebacker, 315 

Koegel, 37 

chronicle of, 92 
Kolb on the Litany of Loreto, 


Koppes, Mgr., Bishop of Luxem 

burg, 352 

Kraus, Professor, 143 note 
Kuenen, 186 
Kumbha (funeral urn), n 

Ladak (Little Tibet), Bishop Han- 
Ion on the funeral customs of, 



Lady Margaret Chair of Divinity at 
Cambridge, 162 

Laguerre, Admiral, 322 

Lake Dwellers, 4, 5, 7 

Lambeth, 166 

Lamissio, legend of, 34, 41 

Lamy, Professor, T. J., no note, 
193, 200, 219-220 and note, 297 

Laneau, Monsignor, 319 

Lanfranc, 49 

Langius, 193 

Langton Stephen, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, 155 note 

Language of Lombards, 45 et seq.; 
Japanese, 318 

Lanigan, 81 

" Lankosargi," 29 

Lantenai, Abbey of, 97 

Latham, Dr., 37, 45 

Latimer, Hugh, Bishop of Worces 
ter, 166, 176 

Latimer, William, 161 

Laucaigne, Abbe", 327, 331 note 

Laud, Archbishop, 181 

Laudabiliter, so-called Bull, 79, 81, 
82 note, 83 note 

Launay, Abbe", 319 notes: 324-326, 

T 343 . 

Laurentms, 226 

Laurentius Holbeccius, Hebrew 

dictionary of, 195 
Laws of the Twelve Tables, 12 
Layton Dr. , 172 
" Leabher Breac," 8th century 

litany of Our Lady, 225, 231 
Lee, Dr. F. G. , and the invocations 

of the Litany of Loreto, 234-235 
Legh, Dr., 172 
Legnano, Battle of, 87 
Leibnitz, 341 
Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of, 

Chancellor of Oxford, 180, 181 
Leipsic, "priest-printers" at, 99 
Leland, 183 
Lent (the time of sadness), kept by 

the survivors of early Japanese 

Christianity, 325 

Leonhard, Abbot, of Ottobeuren, 96 
Leonora, Infanta, 116 
Leo X., Pope, 120, 124, 140, 142, 

143 and note, 189 
Leo XIII., 55, 76, 143, 208 note, 

222, 232 and note, 233, 329 
Lepanto, Battle of, 228, 232 
Lepitre, Abb6 A., on Adrian VI., 

112 note, 120 note, 153 

Leprosy in Japan, 332 

Lerinda, "priest-printers" at, 99 

Leturdu, Abbe", 321 

Lever, 176 

Lewis, Mr. David, 293 

Lewis, Mr., estimate of Roger Bacon, 
159 note 

Libois, Abbe", 322 

Lichfield, Archdeacon Richard, 211 

Liege, 152 note 

Lienhardt, Abbot, 57 

Ligneul, Abbe", on the anti-Catholic 
press of Japan, 335 ; replies to 
Professor Tetsujiro, 337 ; his work 
prohibited, 337 ; value of his work, 

L Imolese, 224 note 

Linacre, Thomas, 161, 203 

Lincoln, Bishop of, and the Chan 
cellorship of Oxford University, 


Lincoln College, Oxford, 160 

Lincoln, Robert, 220 

Lingard, Dr., 81, 286 

Linkoping, Synod of, 65 

Litanies, four allowed for public reci 
tations, 222; the term "litany," 
223, 231 

"Little Bilney," 165-166 

Liu-Kiu Islands attached to Vicar- 
iate of Korea, 320-321 ; attempts 
to open them up for commerce, 

320 ; Abbe* Forcade reaches Nafa, 

321 ; terrible sufferings of mis 
sionaries, 322-323 

Liutprand, 32, 40, 43, 48 

Lochorst, 151 

Lockhart, Father, 239, 241 note, 242 
and note, 244, 246, 247, 249, 252, 

Logrono, 124 

Lollards, 166 

Lombards or Langobards, a savage 
horde from Pannonia, 26 ; name 
Germanic, 28 ; closely connected 
with Anglo-Saxons, 28 ; Roman 
civilization and culture have pre 
vailed among them, 28-29 < clas 
sical Roman writers and early 
history of, 29-30 ; native legends 
and early history of, 30, 32 et seq. ; 
Paul, the deacon s "History of 
the Lombards," 31, 32; origin of 
name Langobardi, 33 ; had serf 
population, 33, 34 ; often known as 
" Bardi," 36; meaning of word 



" Langobard," 37 ; all Germanic 
traces in Italy not Lombardic, 39 ; 
Lombard influence not limited to 
modern Lombardy, 40 ; two cen 
turies of Lombard supremacy, 40 ; 
conversion of the Lombards, 40- 
41 ; wealth of folk legends, 41-42 ; 
probably of Low German origin, 
42 et seq. ; the Lombard language, 
45 etseq. ; the political institutions, 
47 et seq. ; dress of, 44, 47 ; in 
fluence on architecture, commerce, 
and science, 49-50 ; modern Lom 
bardy, 50 ; bibliography of, 51 

Lombard Street, 27, 49 

London, first printing-press in, 92 

Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, 168 

Lope de Vega, 92 

Lopez, Father, S. J., 317 

Lorenz, Bishop of Wiirzburg, 93 

Lorenzo d Aquila, 98 

Loreto, History of the Litany of, its 
unique position among Catholic 
devotions, 222-223 I meaning and 
history of the word " litany," 223- 
224 ; opinions as to the age of the 
litany of Loreto, 224 - 225, 237 ; 
ancient litanies to Our Lady, 225- 
226 ; uncertainty as to the existence 
of our present litany before the 
latter half of sixteenth century, 226- 
228 ; probably officially recognised 
in Rome after the Battle of Le- 
panto, 228-229 ; two theories as to 
the origin of our present litany, 
229-230 ; authorship of the existing 
litany, 230-231 ; summary of the 
investigation, 231-232 ; history of 
certain additions to the litany, 
232 ; analysis of the invocations 
in our litany, 233-235 ; table 
showing patristic and Scriptural 
sources of the invocations, 235- 

236 ; opinion of Fr. De Santi, S.J., 

237 ; books to be consulted, 237 
Lorraine, Duke of, 58 note 
Lothair, Emperor, 72 

Loudon, Dr., 167, 172 
Loughborough, Leicestershire, 251, 

2 S3 

Louis, King of Hungary, 149 
Louis VII., King of France, 62, 


Louis XI. , King of France, 107 
Louvain and Oxford. See Oxford 

and Louvain. 

Louvain, two English scholars and 
the beginning of Oriental studies 
in. See "Oriental Studies in 

Louvain, University of, 104, 105, 
107 ; discipline, 107 ; faculties, 
108 ; and Renascence, 108 ; other 
references, 150, 154, 166, 182 note. 
See also chaps, vii. and viii. passim. 

Louvet quoted on persecution in 
Japan, 314, 328, 329, 343 

Low German character of the Lom 
bards proved. 43-44 

Liibeck, " priest-printers" at, 99 

Luca di Penna, 86 

Lucas, Claudius, 58 note 

Lucas, Mr. Frederick, on Dr. Gen- 
tili, 257-258 

Lucca, Republic of, 149 

Lucius II., Pope, 62 note 

Lucretia, 223 

Lund, Metropolitan See of, 63 

Luther, 127, 139, 145, 165, 166, 168, 
189, 190 

Lutheranism at the Universities, 165 
et seq. 

Luther legend, 90, 100 et seq. 

Luxemburg, Grand Duchy of, 344 

Lycurgus condemns cremation, 12 

Lyly, William, 161 

Lynch, Archdeacon, 80 

Lyons, Carthusian Monastery at, 

Macarius, monk of Cettinje, 97 

Macerata Prayer-Book and invoca 
tion, "Auxilium Christianorum," 
228, 230 note 

MacGeoghegan, 81 

MacMurrough, King of Leinster, 


Maeda, Father, on the needs of the 
Church in Japan, 336, 338, 341- 

Magdalen College, Oxford, 160, 161, 

174, 175 

Magdeburg, Premonstratensian con 
vent at, 98 

" Magistri Comacini," 49 

Magi, tradition respecting, 214 ; 
bodies transferred from Milan, 85 

Mainz, 92, 99, 146 

Makpelah, burying - place of the 
kings, 18 

Mallet, 174 


37 1 

Malone, Father Sylvester, 81, 83, 


Malta, 145 
Manchester Guardian quoted, 52, 


Manning, Cardinal, 239, 271, 286, 
288, 290, 294, 296 

Manuel, Don Juan, Imperial Am 
bassador at Rome, 132, 133 

Marathon, 12 

Marco Polo, 302 

Marforio, statute of, 142 

Margaret, Countess of Richmond, 

Margaret of Austria, 115 

Margaret, Princess of York, 104, 
105, in 

Maria, Infanta, 116 

Marienthal, 96 note 

Marius, 13 

Market Weighton Reformatory, 
work of printing-press at, 260 

Marmery, J. Vellin, 159 note 

Mamas on religion in Japan, 343 

Marseilles, 136 

Marsh, Adam, O.S.F., 159 

Marshall, Mr. T. W., 279, 288, 

2 93 

Martin, Abbe", 155 note 
Martinez, Pedro, S.J., first resident 

Bishop of Japan, 311, 331 note 
Martin V., Pope, 187, 199, 201 
Martorelli on the date of the Litany 

of Loreto, 226 
Martyrs, Japanese, number of, 

314, 315 ; canonization of, 323, 


Mary, Queen, 174, ij6 et seq. 
" Mater Boni Consilii," origin of 

invocation, 232 
Materialism in Japan, 338-341 
Matthaeus Hadrianus, 191, 193 et 


Matthew Paris, 80, 158 
Mauringa, 33, 34, 36, 41 
Maximilian, Emperor, 115, 349 
May devotions introduced by Fathers 

of Charity, 253, 258 
McCarthy, Mr. James, on funeral 

jars in Siam, 6 note 
Meaney, Rev. Joseph, 265 
Mechlin, 115, 116, 188, 206 
Medals of Adrian VI., 151 note 
Medici, Cardinal, 129 
Melanchthon, 168, 172, 174, 193 
Melchior, Abbot, 96 

Mendez Pinto, 302 

Merry, Dr. , Rector of Lincoln Col 
lege, Oxford, 211 

Merton College, Oxford, 159, 180, 

" Metalogicus " of John of Salis 
bury, 78, 79, 81 

Methodists in Japan, 334 

Metz, "priest-printers" at, 99 

Mey, Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge 
University, 181 

Mexicans practise cremation, 8 

Midon, Mgr. , Bishop of Osaka, 330, 
331 note 

Migne, Abbe", 299 

Milan, Duke of, 149 

Milan stands out against Frederick 
Barbarossa, 86 ; monastic presses 
near, 97 ; the secular " priest- 
printers " of, 99 

Mill, John Stuart, and the Dublin 
Review, 290 

Mirama, convent at, 98 

Mirandola, Pico della, 189 

Missions Catholiques of Lyons 
quoted, 300-301 

Missions, preaching of popular, in 
England, 253 

Missions, remarkable, given by 
Fathers of Charity (1844), Coven 
try, 255 ; (1846), Seel Street, 
Liverpool, 255-256 ; (1845-1846), 
Manchester, 261-268 

Mivart, Mr. St. George, and the 
Dublin Review, 293, 296 

Modrone, 50 

Molanus, 104 note, 206 note, 208 

Moller, 42 

Monasteries, suppression of the, its 
effects on the Universities, 172 et 

Mongolians, 14 

Monro, Professsor D. B., Vice- 
Chancellor of University of Ox 
ford, 197 

Mont-Ce"sar, castle on, 104, 116 

Monte Cassino, Abbey of, 31, 32 

Montpellier, University of, 177 

Montserrat, monastic press at, 98 

Monza, 40 

Morales, Sebastian, S.J., Bishop of 
Japan, 331 note 

Moran, Cardinal, 81, 297 

Moravia, 36 

More, Sir Thomas, 161, 162, 192 
24 2 



note, 203, 204 note, 205 and note, 
206, 209 

Morice, Father, O.M.I., on "Car 
rier Sociology and Mythology," 
21 note 

Moringus, 104 note, 109 

Moroni, 224, 225 

Morris, Father John, S.J., 280, 288 

Morris, Father W. B., of the Ora 
tory, 8 1 

Motais, Abbe", 297 

"Mounds" of America, 4, 19-20 

Moyes, James, Canon, and the 
Dublin Review, 275, 298-299 

Much on origin of Langobards, 42, 


Mugheir, burial-ground at, 16 
Miihlerthal, the, 344, 345 
M tiller, Professor Max, 9, 186 
Miiller, Sophus, 25 
Mullinger, 155, 163, 171, 177, 182 
Muratori, 78, 223 note 
" Murder as a Fine Art," i 
Murray, Dr., 286, 293 
Murray, Mr. D., 310 note, 312, 313, 

S 1 ^ 343 
Murri, Vicenzo, on the date of the 

Litany of Loreto, 226 
Mutsuhito, Mikado, 327, 330 

Na9us, 13 

Nafa, capital of Liu-Kiu Islands, 

Nagasaki, 306, 309, 312, 322-326, 


Namur, monastery at, 98 
Naples, first introduction of print 
ing into, 99 
Napoleon I., 85, 145 
Narses, 38 
Navarre, attempted conquest by 

Francis I. of France, 123 
Neanderthal race, 3 
Nego, Girolamo, 142 
Neolithic Age, 4, 5, 7 
Nepi, 71, 73 
Nepotism, suppressed by Adrian 

VI., 140 
Neve, Professor Felix, 182 note, 188, 

190, 192 note, 195, 196 
New College Oxford, 206, 208 
Newman, Cardinal, 238-241, 248, 

252, 253, 268, 279, 281, 286, 288 
Nice, 124, 136 
Nicholas, Auguste, on the antiquity 

of the Litany of Loreto, 224 

Nicholas, Cardinal of Aragon, 78 


Nicholson, Mr. E. B. , 213 note 
Nicolaus de Lyra, 189 
Nidaros, erection of Metropolitan 

See of, 64 
Nobunaga and Christianity, 306, 

37, 39 
Nonconformists in England before 

Catholic revival, 247 
Norgate, Miss Kate, 81, 83 and 

Northcote, Dr., on the antiquity of 

the Litany of Loreto, 224 
Norway, Cardinal Nicholas Break- 

speare s mission to, 63 et seq. 
Notre Dame, Church of (Antwerp), 

Adrian VI., Dean of, in 
Nuns sent to Japan, 328 
Nuremberg, printing-press at, 92 ; 

Diet of, 147 

Oakeley, Canon, 280, 288, 293, 295 

Obatala, 187 

Ober Ammergau, Passion Play at, 


Occo, Adolf, 93 

O Connell, Daniel, 267 ; and the 
Dublin Review, 269, 273, 276-278, 
283, 289 

Oem, Dr. Florencius, Syndic of 
Utrecht, 126 

Oesch, G. A., and musical setting 
of Litany of Loreto, 234 and 

O Hagan, Mr. John (afterwards Mr. 
Justice), 287 

Order of the Child Jesus send nuns 
to Japan, 328 

Orientalism among Catholic scholars 
before the Reformation, 188 et 

Orientalists, International Congress 
of, at Geneva, 307 note, 318 

Oriental studies in Europe, what 
they owe to Du Perron, 213 et 

Oriental studies in Louvain : Orien 
talism and theology, 186 et seq. ; 
Oriental studies always held a 
high place at Louvain, 187 ; Orien 
talism among Catholic scholars 
before Reformation, 188-189 ; be 
gan in the printer s office, 189 et 
seq. ; earliest work in the lecture- 
room : Matthaeus Hadrianus, 191 



et seq. ; foundation of the Trilin 
gual College, 191 et seq. ; first 
teaching under the auspices of the 
Faculty of Arts, 193 ; two English 
men hold chair of Hebrew, 194- 

196 ; Robert Wakefield, 194-195 ; 
Robert Sherwood, 195-196 

Origen, 235 

Origo gentis Langobardorum, 30 

Orkneys transferred from province 
of York to that of Nidaros, 64 

Orlando di Lasso and the Litany of 
Loreto, 230 note 

O Rourke, King of Breiffny, 83 

Ortiz, provisor of the Bishop of 
Calahora, 124 

Oscott College, 238, 271 

Osouf, Mgr., received by Mikado, 
330, 331 note ; on Japanese press, 
335-338 ; on religious indifference 
in Japan, 340 

Ostia, 137 

Ostrogoths, 26 

Ottobeuren, Abbey of, 96 

Oviedo, Antonio, S.J., Bishop of 
Japan, 331 note 

Oxford and Louvain : address of 
the University of Louvain at ter 
centenary of Bodleian Library, 

197 et seq. ; Oxford two centuries 
older than Louvain, 200-201; 
the influence of the Church on the 
development of both Universities, 
201-202 ; like Oxford, Louvain 
was a University of many colleges, 

202 ; connections between them, 

203 et seq. ; Erasmus closely 
connected with both, 203 ; Oxford 
men who found refuge at Louvain 
at the Reformation, 204 et seq. ; 
history of the Bodleian, 209-213 ; 
Avestic studies at Louvain owe 
much to the Bodleian Library, 
213 et seq. ; the labours of Du 
Perron, 213-218 ; kindness of the 
Bodleian librarians to Louvain 
scholars, 220-221 

Oxford, first printing-press at, 92 ; 
Dr. Gentili at, 251-252 

Oxford, University of, 107, 156, 157 
and note, 158 ; the " New Learn 
ing" and, 161 ; work of Church 
men at Oxford, 163 ; epidemics 
at, 164 ; Lutheranism and, 167 
et seq. ; Royal divorce and, 168 
ct seq. ; effect of the suppression 

of the monasteries on the, 172 et 
seq. ; Chancellorship of Bishop 
Gardiner, 173 ; Peter Martyr 
lectures at, 175 ; Catholic party 
during Elizabeth s reign at, 178 et 

Pace, Richard, sent by Henry VIII. 
on mission to Rome, 132 

Pacheco, Dona Maria, 122 

Pacomius, 97 

Padua, University of, 177, 191 

Pagani, Father, Rosminian, 244, 
249-251, 254, 255, 261 

Pagi, 66 

Palaeolithic races, 3-5, 19 

Palermo, 75 

Palestrina and the Litany of Loreto, 
230 note 

Pallu, Mgr., 319 

Palmer, J. F., 286 

Pampeluna, siege of, 123 

Panizzi praises article on Dublin 
Review, 279 

Pannartz, Arnald, 94 

Papal infallibility and Dublin Re 
view, 290, 292 

Paquot, 193 

Paris, University of, 57, 107, 157 
note, 158, 170 et seq., 177, 190, 
192, 201-203 

Parker, shipowner, 208 

Parkinson, Mgr. Henry, Rector of 
Oscott College, 271 

Parkinson, Dr. Robert, 208 

Parma, Carthusian press at, 97 

Parsis of Bombay, 13, 215 

Paschal II., Pope, 63 

Pasquino, statue of, 129, 142 

Passionists, congregation of the, 
243, 253, 258 

Pastor, Dr. Ludwig, 128 note, 143 
note, 164 note 

Patras, 59 

Paul II., Pope, 93 

Paul the Deacon quotes De Lango- 
bardorum gestis, 30 ; sketch of his 
life, 31 ; connection with St. 
Bede, 31-32 ; and origin of names 
of the notes of the gamut, 32 
note preserves the old saga of 
Lombard migrations, 32, et seq., 
42 note; on similarity of Lom 
bard and Anglo - Saxon dress, 
44, 47 ; and Lombard songs, 



Paulsen, 157 note 

Pavia, 40 

Peacham, 183 

Peckham, Archbishop, 159 

Perelli, John, gives titles of two dif 
ferent litanies of Our Lady, 227 

Perne, 177 

Perry, Commodore, 322 

Persecutions in Japan, first persecu 
tion probably due to Spaniards, 
310 ; second due in great part to 
English and Dutch, 311-316; 
third (1868), 327-328 

Peter Baptist, Father, O.S.F., 310 

Peter de Valence, 165 

Peterhouse, Cambridge, 159 

Peter Lombard, 27, 49, 112 note, 172 

Peter Martyr, 121, 174, 175, 177, 204 

Peter of Blois, 77 

Peter, Prefect of Rome, and Arnaldo 
da Brescia, 70 

Peter s pence first raised in Norway 
by Nicholas Breakspeare, 64; 
Henry II. promises an annual 
tribute of, 82 

Peter the Patrician, 30 

Petitjean, Abbe" Bernard, 324-326 ; 
(afterwards Bishop of Myrophitus 
and Vicar Apostolic of Japan), 
329, 331 note 

Petre, Hon. and Rev. W. (after 
wards Lord), 296 

Petrus Cellensis, 235, 236 

Pfulf, Father, S.J., 81 

Philip II., 189, 205 

Philippus, Abbot, 236 

Phoenicians, burial customs of, 18 

Phos-spun (hereditary undertaker), 


Pictet, Adolphe, " Origines Indo- 
Europe"ennes " cited, 8 ; on burial 
rites in pre-Vedic times, 11-12 
Pied Piper of Hamelin, 348* 
" Pietas Oxoniensis" quoted, 210, 

211, 212, 221 

Pietro da Pisa, 97 

Pilkington, Bishop of Durham, 179 

Pineda, 196 

Pirckheimer, 191 

Pitra, Cardinal, 346, 347 

Pitts, 196 

Pius V., Pope, and the title, " Aux- 

ilium Christianorum," 228, 229, 

Pius IX., Pope, 232, 323, 325, 326, 

327. 3 2 9 

Pius X., Pope, and Adrian VI., 153 
Place names, note on spelling of 

Japanese, 303 note 
Plague in Rome (1523), 138, 149 
Plantin, 189 
Platasa, 12 
Platform burial among the Sioux 

Indians, 21 
Pliny, 12, 35 note 
Plochmann and Irischer edition of 

Luther s works quoted, 102 
Pluralities, Adrian VI. and, m 

et seq. 

Plutarch on inhumation, 12 
Pole, Cardinal, 178 
Political institutions of Lombards, 

47 et seq. 

Pollard, Professor, 146 
" Polycraticus" of John cf Salisbury, 

67, 78, 79 
Pondicherry, 214 

Poor scholars at English Univer 
sities, 160, 161, 173, 183 et seq. ; 

at Louvain, 202 
Pope, the survivors of early Japanese 

Christianity inquire after, 325 
Pope, Sir Thomas, 177 
Porto Marino, 136 
" Postillas," 102 

Potken, Adam, priest of Xanten, 101 
Power, Senator (of Ottawa), 297 
Prague, University of, 107, 202 
Prasavya rite, 10 
Predil Pass, Lombard trek across 

the, 40 
Premonstratensians, connection of 

Nicholas Breakspeare with, 57 et 

Press, anti-Catholic, in Japan, 335- 


Press, Oriental, at Louvain, 190 
Printing-press. See " The Church 

and the Printing-press": in the 

fifteenth century, 92-93, 94 ; much 

used by religious orders, 94 et seq. 
Prior Park College, the Fathers of 

Charity and, 248, 250, 259 
Processions with litanies, rise of, 224 
Procopius, 35 
Protestantism and the Universities, 

165 et seq. 
Protestant missions in Japan, 334- 


Priim, procession at, 348 
Ptolemy, 30, 43 
Public schools and Universities, 161 



Pulleyn, Robert, Archdeacon of 
Rochester and the first English 
Cardinal, 62 note 

Puritanism, 178, 180 et seq. 

Pusstas of Hungary, 36 

Pyramids, 19 

Pythagoreans bury their dead, 12 

Quakers (American) in Japan, 334 
Quarant Ore introduced into Eng 
land, 253, 258 

Queen s College, Cambridge, 160 
Quin, Mr. Michael J., first editor of 
the Di&lin Review, 273, 275, 276 
Quirino, Vincenzo, 116 

Raby, Mr. Richard, on Adrian IV., 
S3. 67, 89 

" Race chemistry," 27 

" Race philosophy," 27 

Raffaele and Leo X., 143 note 

Ralph de Diceto, 80 

Ramridge, Dr. John (Joannes Ra 
in i^er), 206 

Ramsgate, plundering of monastic 
libiary at, 195 

Rastell, Elizabeth, sister of Sir 
Thomas More, 206 

Rastell, John, printer and lawyer, 


Rasell, Judge William, 205-207 
Ratehis, King of the Lombards, 31, 

58 note 

Rrtcliffe College, Leicester, 260 
Rivenna, Adrian IV. and Frederick 
II. quarrel about the archbishopric 
of, 86 

Reform, Adrian VI. and, 139 et seq. 
Reformation and English Univer 
sities, "vide Universities, English, 
and the Reformation, chap, vi., 

Reform, University, in modern times 

a reversion to pre- Reformation 

ideals, 184-185 
Regesta of Adrian VI., loss of, 152 

Regina Cceli, Abbey of, Louvain, 

" Regina Sacratissimi Rosarii," 

origin of invocation, 232 
" Regini sine labe original! con- 

cepta," origin of the invocation, 

Reinhold von Tassel (Chancellor of 

Frederick Barbarossa), 85 and note 

Religion and politics, relation of, 

Dublin Review and, 290 
Religious orders and printing-press, 

94 et seg. 
Renan, 186 
Renascence, Adrian VI. and, 142 

et seq, 

Rendal, Professor, 9 
Renzano, 151 note 
Republican party at Rome struggle 

with Adrian IV., 67-68 ; invite 

Frederick Barbarossa to Rome, 

Retreats in colleges according to 

method of St. Ignatius, 250 
Reubner, Ernestus, 57 
Reuchlin, 189, 191, 194 
Reusens, Professor E. H. J., 112- 

113 note, 116 note, 153 
Revolution and Louvain University, 


Rheims, English scholars at, 181 
Rhodes, Island of, invested by Turks, 

144 ; capitulation, 145 
Ribaud, Abbe", on parallels between 

Japan and Greece, 300-301 
Richard, Abbot of St. Alban s, 56 
Richard of St. Lawrence, 236 
Richard of St. Victor, 236 
Richards, Mr., printer, 277 
Richardson and Son, publishers, 

277, 283 
Ridel, Mgr., Vicar Apostolic of 

Korea, 330 note 

Riera, Father Raffaele, S.J., 226, 229 
Riesi, 153 
Rig Veda, on funeral ritual of early 

Aryan conquerors of India, 10-11 ; 

rite for inhumation and cremation, 


Rimmer, Rev. John, 265 
Rinolfi, Father, 251 and note 
Robertson, Canon James Craigie, 

historian, 121 

Robertson, Professor J. B., 281, 286 
Rodgers, John, 177 note 
Rodriguez, Father Joao, S.J., 317 
Rogation Days, origin of, 224 
Rogerus de Insula, Chancellor of 

Diocese of Lincoln, 210 
Roger Wendover, 80 
Roland, Cardinal (afterwards Pope 

Alexander III.), 85 
Roman collar introduced into Eng 
land by Fathers of Charity, 253 

37 6 


Romanes Lecture, 1892 : Mr. W. E. 
Gladstone on the History of Uni 
versities, chap. vi. passim 

Rome, introduction of printing, 94; 
convent of Sant" Eusebio, 98 ; 
progress of printing at Rome 
during fifteenth century, 99 ; 
"priest-printers" at, 99 

Roncaglia, Diet of, 69, 86 

Rosamund, story of, 38 and notes, 
39 and notes, 42 

Roskell, Rev. Richard B. (afterwards 
second Bishop of Nottingham), 

Rosmini-Serbati, Antonio, founds 
Institute of Charity, 241-243 ; in 
terested in conversion of England, 
243 ; accepts Aloysius Gentili, 245 ; 
instructions to Fathers going to 
England, 249 

Rosse, Lord, telescope of, 286 

Rostock, 95 

Rota, supreme tribunal of Rome, 138 

Rothari, laws of King, 30, 40, 43, 48 

Rousseau, Abbe", on conversion of 
the Airms, 333 

Royal Library of Dublin, 225 

Rudolf, Bishop of Scherenberg, 93 

Rugians, 39 

Rugiland, 34, 36 

Rupert, Abbot, 235 

Russell, Dr. Charles (President of 
Maynooth College) and the Dublin, 
Review, 285-286, 293 

Russell, Father Matthew, S.J., on 
the history of the Dublin Review. 
See chap. xi. passim 

Russell of Killowen, Lord, 287 

Russian Church, Orthodox, 89 ; in 
Japan, 333-334 

Ryder, Father, of the Oratory, 239 

Salerno, University of, 156 

San Paolo fuori le Mura, 137 

"Santa Casa," 226 

Santa Maria dell Anima, Church 

of, at Rome, 151 
Sanuto, Marino, Venetian historian, 

I S I 

S apareu ( professional corpse- 
butcher), 24 

Saragossa, 136 

Saraph, note on its meaning in 
i Kings xxxi., vv. 12, 13, and Jer. 
xxxiv., v. 5, 17 

Satow, Mr. Ernest, 318 

Saul, 17 

Saunders, Nicholas, Regius Pro 
fessor of Canon Law at Oxford, 
199, 207 

Sauren, Herr Josef, on (he Litany 
of Loreto, chap. ix. passim 

Savelli, Paolo, Prince of Albano, 
226, 229, 236 

Savona, Augustinian convent at, 97 
Adrian VI. at, 136 

Saxons, 39, 43 

Sayce, Rev. Professor, 9 

Scandanan, hie cf, 32, 35 

Scandinavia, 35 and note", 40, 51 

Scandinavian Church and Cardinal 
Nicholas Breakspeare, 52, 62-66 ; 
in Japan, 334 

Scandinavians use cremation, in 
humation, and water buriil, 16 

Sceafa, Anglo-Saxon hero, 44 

Schafarik, 97 

Schenkbecker, 99 

Scherer, 224 

Schiner, Cardinal, 130 

Schlegel, Professor, 307 note 

Schmidt, Lud., 36 

Schmitt Leonhard, 37, 42 

Schneider-Beringer, 224 

Schrader, O., " Prehistoric Antiqui 
ties of the Aryan Peoples," 7,25 ; 
on the Lake Dwellers, 7 ; on Cre 
mation and inhumation in Vedic 
times, 11-12 

Schussenried, monastic press at, 98 

Scipios, 12 

Scoringa, 33, 35 

Scott, Dr. Cuthbert, Bishop of 
Chester, 209 note 

Second Spring: A Forgotten Chaptei 
of the : origin of the phrase, 238 ; 
influence of Oxford movement on, 
238-239 ; influence of Irish immi 
gration on, 240 ; influence of the 
" Italian Mission," 240; Rosmini s 
Institute of Charity" (foundation 
and constitutions of), 241-243; 
continental interest in the conver 
sion of England, 243 ; the career 
of Dr. Gentili, 243-246 ; state of 
Catholics in England previous to 
1835, 246-247 ; synchronisms be 
tween the work of Newman and 
Rosmini, 248 ; the coming of the 
" Italian mission," 248-250 ; first 
work of the Rosminians, 250-255 ; 
chronological catalogue of mis- 



sions given by Fathers of Charity, 
255-256 ; death of Dr. Gentili, 
2 57- 2 5 8 I career of Father Fur 
long, 258-260 ; account of the 
great mission in Manchester 
(1845-1846), 261-268 
Sects in Japan, 333 et seq. 
Secular " priest-printers," 98 et seq 
Secundus, Abbot of Trent, 30 
Sedgwick, 175 
Seebohm, 155 
2TJ/u(.a (a mound), 10 
Semitic races, burial customs of, 


Senates of Universities and Refor 
mation, 182 
Septuagint, 18 
Sergius I., Pope, 225 
Serqueyra, Bishop Luiz, S.J., 311, 

318, 331 note 
Sessa, Duke of, 150 note 
Seville, 196 

Sheehan, Rev. W. J., 265 
Sheldonian Theatre, Oxford, 197 
Shetlands transferred from province 

of York to that of Nidaros, 64 
Shimabara, siege of and massacre 

at, 315, 320 
Shintoism disestablished in Japan, 

330 note 
Shirwood, Robert, 195 - 196, 199, 

Shogunate system of government, 

308 ; overthrow of, 327 
Shrewsbury, John, Earl of, 286-287 
Siam burial customs, 6 note, 24 
Sidotti, Father John Baptist, S.J., 


Siena, Republic of, 149 
Signini, Father, 251 
Sigurd, Prince of Norway, 64 
" Silver Age " in Spain, 6, 12 
Simeon Metaphrastes, 235 
Siret, MM. Henri and Louis, their 

discoveries in Spain, 5, 6 
Sixtus IV., Pope, 128 note 
Sixtus V. , Pope, and the Litany of 
Loreto, 229 ; receives Japanese 
embassy, 307 
Slav, printed books, 97 
Smith, Doctor of Canon Law at 

Cambridge, 165 
Smith, Mr. James, 276 
Smith, Dr. Richard, 174, 175, 199, 

Smith, Dr. William, second Arch 

bishop of St. Andrews and Edin 
burgh, 276 

Smith, Dr. William, 223 

Smith, Rev. Fr. Thomas, 265 

Smith, Sir Thomas, 183 

Snelling, Fr. William, O.S.B., 161 

Snorro, 64 

" Socie te des Missions Etrangeres" 
and missions to Japan, 319-341, 

" Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel " in Japan, 334 

Solon, 12 

Somaschi, Order of the, Clerks 
Regular of, 139 

Somerset, Duke of, Protector, 174, 

J 75 
Sontheim, convent of discalced 

Franciscans at, 98 
Sopewell, convent of, 96 
Sorbonne at Paris visited by Adrian 

VI., 117 
Sotelo, Bishop Luis, O.S.F., 315, 

331 note 
Spalding, Dr. Bishop, of Peoria, 

296, 297 
Speakman, Miss, M.A., and Abbey 

of St. Rufus, 60 note 
Spedding, James, 184 note 
Spelman, 155, 163 
Spiegel, Orientalist, 217 
Spoleto, dukedom of, 40 
Spolverini, Mgr. , Papal Internuncio 

at the Hague, 352 
Spooner, William, publisher, 276 
" Spy race," 3 
Srephah, note on its meaning in 

2 Chron. xvi., v. 14, 17 
St. Albans, Abbey of, 55, 56, 96 
St. Ambrose, 236 note 
St. Anselm, 49, 235, 236 
St. Augustine, 60, 61, 235 
St. Avitus, 224 
St. Basil, 235 
St. Bede, 31, 32, 155 note 
St. Bernard, 236 
St. Bonaventure, 225, 235, 236 
St. Catherine, island of, contains 

traces of cremated remains, 20 
St. Charles Borromeo, 267 
St. Dominic, 158, 240, 253 
St. Edmund Rich, Archbishop of 

Canterbury, 157, 185 
St. Ephrem of Edessa, 200, 219 and 

note, 235, 236 and note 
St. Epiphanius, 235, 236 


St. Francis of Assisi, 240, 253 
St. Francis Borgia "coaches" Em 
peror Charles V. in mathematics, 


St. Francis Xavier on the curiosity of 
the Japanese, 301 note; lands at 
Goa, 302 ; meets two Japanese at 
Malacca, 302; lands at Kago- 
shima, 303 ; the Prince is favour 
able to Christianity, 303 - 304 ; 
speaks highly of Japanese charac 
ter, 304 ; work during his two 
years stay, 304 ; death, 306 
St. Frideswide s Church, Oxford, 


St. Gaetano, 139 

St. Gertrude s Church, Louvain, 205 
St. Gregory Nazianzen, 235 
St. Gregory of Nicomedia, 236 
St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, 235 
St. Gregory the Great and pagan 
practices, 347. See also Gregory 
the Great 
Ste. Gudule, Church of, at Brussels, 

St. Ignatius Loyola, 123, 139, 150, 


St. Ildephonsus, 235 
St. Isidore of Seville, 37 
St. Jerome, 186, 235 
St. Jerome Emilian, 139 
St. John Damascene, 235, 236 
St. John, Father, of the Oratory, 


St. John, Miss, 289 
St. John s College, Cambridge, 171 

et seq, 

St. John s College, Oxford, 177, 179 
St. Joseph, devotion of the survivors 

of early Japanese Christianity to, 

3 2 S 

St. Joseph Hymnographus, 236 
St. Laurence Justinian, 236 
St. Mamertus, 224 
St. Mary s Church, Oxford, 168, 210 
St. Mary s Church, Utrecht, Adrian 

VI., canon and treasurer of, in 
St. Mary Major, Church of, Rome, 


St. Methodius, 235, 236 note 
St. Michael, church of, at Louvain, 

209 note 

St. Norbert, 59 note 
St. Olaf, King, 64 
St. Paul of Chartres, nuns of go to 

Japan, 328 

St. Paul of the Cross, 243 

St. Peter Damian, 236 

St. Peter s, Anderlecht (Brussels), 

Adrian VI., Canon of, in 
St. Peter s, Douay, 205 
St. Peter s, collegiate church at 

Louvain, 207 
St. Pius V. , Pope, 152 
St. Quentin (Maubeuge), Adrian 

VI., Provost of, in 
St. Rufus, monastery of, at Avignon, 

58, 59, 60, 79 
St. Simon Stock, 236 
St. Stephen Harding, 155 note 
St. Thomas Aquinas, 112 
St. Thomas of Canterbury, 78 
St. Ursula s Convent, Louvain, 205 
"St. Vitus s dance" and the 

Dancing Procession of Echter- 

nach, 347-348 
St. Willibrord, 155 note ; chap, xiii., 

St. Yrier de la Perche, monastery of, 

near Limoges, 98 
Stapleton, Dr. Thomas, 180, 185 
Statue of our Lady, first carried in 

public procession at Coventry, 

2 5S 
Stavenger, John, Bishop of, created 

Metropolitan, 64; extent of his 

jurisdiction, 64 
Steichen Abbe, 337, 340, 343 
Stockholm, art of printing in, 92 
Storey, John, Blessed, 199, 208, 212, 
Strabo, 29 

Stradlynge, Thomas, 209 note 
Strasburg, Carthusian press at, 97 
Strauss, 186 

Strongbow, Earl of Striguil, 83 
Subiaco, Abbey of, 94 
Suliman II., 127, 144-145 
Sulla, 13 
Suppression of the monasteries, 172 

et seq, 195 
Surat, 214-215 
Sus, discovery of cremated remains 

at, 18 
Sutri, 71 
" Suttee " or widow-burning not 

practised in Vedic times, io-n 
Swabians, 39, 43 
Sweden, Cardinal Nicholas Break- 

speare s mission to, 65 
Sweynheym, Konrad, 94 
Swinburne, Mr., and the story of 
Rosamund, 39 and note 



Swiss Protestants in Japan, 334 

Sylva, Father, S.J., 317 

Synod, P irst Provincial of Japan, 

3 2 9 

Syriac version of New Testament, 

Tablet, 154 note, 257-258, 271 
Tacitus, 29, 43 
Taiko-Sama. See Hideyoshi 
Takeyama (Justus Ucondono) exiled 

to Philippines, 312 
Tarleton, A. H., on Adrian IV., 

chap. iii. passim 
Tarragona, 136 
Tato, 35 

Taylor, Dr. Isaac, 9 
Temporal power of the Pope, 84 
Tetsujiro, Professor Inoue, attack 

on Christianity, 336 
Thatcher, Professor, O.J., 81, 82 

note, 89 

Theatines, congregation of the, 139 
Theodolinda, Queen, and conver 
sion of Lombards, 41, 42 
Theodoricus Martinus Alostensis 

(Thierry Martens of Alost), 191 
Theophilus, schismatic Patriarch of 

Alexandria, 150 
Thijm, Professor Alberdingk, 155 

note, 297 

Thinx (an assembly), 48 
Thiofred, Abbot, 347 
Thomas a Kempis, 95, 106, 107, 

Thompson, Mr. Edward Healy, 


Thoth, 187 

Thsathsa (small image), 15 
Thucydides, 12 
Gj^ujSos, 10 

Tiara in Adrian IV. s time, 52 note 
Tiberius, 29 
Tiele, 186 
Tierney, Rev. M. A., historian, 

Times, the, and the only English 

Pope, 60 note 

Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, 161 
Tivoli, 74 
Toledo holds out against Charles V., 


Tortona, 69 
Totu, Melania Kustugi (Sister 

Mary), 328 
Towers of Silence, 14 

Tractarian movement and the 

Dublin Review, 288 
Transactions of the Japan Asiatic 

Society, 313, 315 
Transactions of the Royal Society of 

Canada on "Carrier Sociology 

and Mythology," 21 note 
"Traveller s Song," 44 
Travers, " Ecclesiasticse Disciplines 

Explicatio," 181 
Treaties with Japan, 322 
Tree-burial of America, 21 
Trelawney, Sir Henry, Bart., 250 
Trent, " priest - printers " at, 99; 

Council of, in, 148, 207 
Tresham, 175 
Trilingual College at Louvain, 191 

et seq. 
Trinity College, Cambridge, 171, 

174, 176 

Trinity College, Oxford, 177 
Trollope, "Memoir of the Life of 

Adrian IV.," 53 

Trondhjem (formerly Nidaros), 64 
Tubingen, 194 
Turanians, 14 
Turks and Adrian VI., 143 et seq. t 

Turner, Rev. William (afterwards 

first Bishop of Salford), 265 
Turrecremata, Cardinal, 99 
Tuscany, 40 
Tyburn, 208 

Tyler, Professor E. B., 4 
Tynwald, etymology of word, 48 


Uberto, Archbishop of Milan, 86 

Ullathorne, Dr., Bishop of Birming 
ham, 297 

Ulm, printing-press at, 92 

Umbria, 40 

Un-gen (or On-sen), Christians tor 
tured in the caves of, 314 

Unitarians in Japan, 334 

United Presbyterians of Scotland in 
Japan, 334 

United States first opens up Japan, 

Universities, English, and the Refor 
mation : greatness of their loss to 
Catholicism, 154-155 ; for the most 
part ecclesiastical in foundation 
and development, 156 et seq. ; the 
work of the friars, 157 et seq. ; 
character and discipline, 160 ; 



foundations of the fifteenth cen 
tury, 160-161 ; " Humanism " at 
Oxford and Cambridge^ 161 et 
seq. ; Lutheranism at, 165 et seq.; 
the question of the royal divorce, 
168 et seq. ; the plundering and 
enslaving of the, 171 et seq. ; the 
Commission of Visitation, 174 et 
seq. ; the effect of Queen Mary s 
reign on, 176 et seq. ; Elizabeth 
and the, 178 et seq. struggle be 
tween Anglicanism and Puritan 
ism at, 1 80 et seq. ; summary of 
the results of the Reformation in 
the, 181 et seq. ; on the studies, 
182-183 5 on college life and dis 
cipline, 183 ; on the class of 
students, 183 ; the trend of 
modern reform, 184-185 ; biblio 
graphy, 185 

Unsworth, Rev. Edward, 265 

Unsworth, Rev. Thomas, 265 

Urakami Islands, 327 

Urban VIII., Pope, and Japanese 
martyrs, 323 

" Utopia," Sir Thomas More s, 204 
note i 

Utrecht, 105, 109, 150, 153 

Uyeno museum in Tokyo, 314-315 

Valens, Didaco, S.J., Bishop of 

Japan, 331 note 
Valenziani, Professor, on Japanese 

embassies to the Holy See, 307 

Valerius, Andreas, 104 note, 188, 

191, 192, 195, 205 
Valignani, Father Alessandro, S.J., 


Valladolid, monastic press at, 98 

Vandals, 26, 33, 41 

Van den Gheyn, Pere, S.J., on 
cradle land of Aryans, 9 note 

Van de Steere, Chrysostom, 58 

Van Enkenvoert, Cardinal William , 
131, 150, 151 

Van Even, Ed., 190 note 

Varuna, 187 

Vasselon, Henri, S.M.E., Bishop 
of Osaka, 331 note 

Vatican Library, 227 

Vaughan, Cardinal, 62 note, 95, 274- 
275, 293, 295, 296, 298, 299 

Vaughan, Dom Roger Bede (after 
wards Archbishop of Sydney), 293 

" Vedas," Louvain and the, 187 

Velleius, Paterculus, 26, 29 

" Vendidad," MSS. of the, 213 

Venice, Minorite press at, 97 
liturgical works printed at, 97 ; 
monastic press at, 98 ; " priest- 
printers " at, 98 ; Adrian VI. and, 
135, 144, 149 

Venturinus, Prior of Savona, 96 

Vermigli (Peter Martyr), 121, 174, 
175, 177, 204 

Vernulaeus, 104 note 

Vespucci, Provost of the Duomo at 
Florence, 98 

Via Appia, 12 

Vienne, 224 

Vigroux, Abbe", 332 

Villaler, Battle of, 122 

Villefranche, 136 A 

Villiers de 1 lie- Adam, Grand- 
Master of Knights Hospitallers of 
St. John, 144, 145 

Vincenza, " priest-printers " at, 99 

Virgil on building of funeral pyre, n 

Visconti, 50 

Visigoths, 16, 26 

Vitelli, Cornelio, 161 

Viterbo, Adrian IV. at, 76 

Vitoria, 123-125, 137 

Vives, Louis, 131 ; 147, 163, 164 

Vogt, Albert, on Catholicism in 
Japan, 354 

Von der Linde, 90 note, 94 

Von Pflugck-Harttung, 81 

Von Stolzenberg-Luttmersen, 36 

Vorstman, 196 

Wackerbarth, Rev. Francis, 251 

Wadstena, convent of St. Bridget 
at, 98 

Waghenare, Petrus, 57, 58 

Wakefield, Robert, Orientalist, 182 
and note, 194, 195 

Wakefield, Thomas, Professor -of 
Hebrew at Cambridge, 183, 195 

Ward, Dr. William George, 239 ; 
connection with Dublin Review, 
270-272, 274, 281, 288, 290-294, 
295, 298 

Ward, Mrs. Humphrey, 186 

Ward, Mr. Wilfred, 275 

Warham, Archbishop of Canter 
bury, 163, 170 

Warka, burial-ground at, 16 

Warwick, Duke of Northumberland, 

174- 175 
Washington University, 154 


Waston, 163 

Water burial among Germans and 
Scandinavians, 16 ; among Ameri 
can Indians, 21 

Watford, 55 ! 

Weapons, utensils, food, etc., buried 
with bodies, 23 

Webb, Abbot John, of Coventry, 
196 note 

Werner, Dr. K. , 155 note 

Werner, Rolewinck, the Carthusian, 


Wesley, John, 247 

Wessel, John, of Groningen, 190 

Wessel, John, of Oberwesel, 190 

West, Bishop of Ely, 166 

Westergaard, Orientalist, 217 

Westmoreland, Earl of, 209 note 

Westrum, 36 

White, Father, S.J., and so-called 
Bull " Laudabiliter," 80 

White, Sir Thomas, 177 

Whitgift, Dr. (Archbishop of Can 
terbury), 179, 181 

Whittaker, Rev. J. F., 265 

Widsith, "Traveller s Song" attri 
buted to, 44, 46 

Wilberforce, Mr. W. H., 271, 293 

William of Croy, Marquis of 
Chievres, 117, 121 

William II., Abbot of St. Rufus, 60 

William II. , King of Sicily, quarrels 
with Adrian IV. , 75 

William of Ockham, 159 

William the Conqueror, 83 

Wilson, Robert, 199, 202 

Wimbledon, Battle of, 38 note 

Wimpheling, Jacob, 91-92 

Winchester, archives of, 82 - 83 ; 
School, 161, 206, 208 

Winnili, 32, 33, 35-37, 41, 42, 51 

Wiseman, Cardinal, 241 ; connec 

tion with Dublin Revieiv, chap, 
xi., passim 

Witte, Bernhard, 91 

Wittemberg, 193 

Wives, slaves, buried with husband 
and master, 23 

Wodan (or Godan), 33, 37, 41, 43 

Wolgernuth, engravings of, 100 

Wolsey, Cardinal, 126, 128, 130, 
131, 138, 148, 163, 167, 170, 205 

Wood, Antony, historian, 155, 204 

Wootton, Nicholas, Dean of Canter 
bury, 202 note 

Worms, Diet of, 146 

Wycliffism, 165 

Ximenes (Jimenes), Cardinal, 118 et 
seq., 152, 189, 192 

"Yih-King," Louvain and the, 187 
Yokohama, dedication of chapel at, 

3 2 3 
Yoritomo and Shogimate system of 

government, 308, 327 
York, See of, loses jurisdiction over 

Orkneys, Shetlands, and Isle of 

Man, 64 
Young, 174, 175 

Zarathushtra or Zoroaster, 13, 214 
et seq. 

Zedekiah, 17 

Zeuss, 36, 42 

Zimmer on cremation and inhuma 
tion in Vedic times, n 

Zimmermann, Father A., S.J., on 
the English Universities and the 
Reformation, chap. vi. passim, 
192 note, 195 

Zinna (or Cenna), monastery at, 98 

Zoroaster, 13, 214 et seq. 

Zwinglians, 169, 175 

Zwolle, 107, 190