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HISTORY OF FLORENCE,
THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY,
FROM THi: EAKLIKSJ TIMES TO
THE DEATH OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT
TOGKTHKR WITH
THE PRINCE.
ANT) VAftlor.S HISTORICAL TKACTS.
BY NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI.
% Neto translation.
LONDON:
HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. u d
1B5L
SEEN r
PRESF." 102
73*]
ft2m3l3
7^„
BOCFBRXB STREET, FLEET STREET.
BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY.
THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE
THE PRINCE.
BY N1CCOLO MACHIAVELLI.
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HISTORY OF FLORENCE.
BOOK I.
Chap. I. — Irruption of northern people upon the Roman territories — Visi-
goths — Vandals — Franks and Burgundians — Huns — Angles in England
— Attilla — Genseric — The Lombards . . .1
Chap. II. — Roman empire under Zeno — Theodoric — Changes in the Ro-
man empire — New languages — New names — Belisarius — Totila — Narses
— The Lombards change the form of government . . 6"
Chap. III. — The pontiffs in Italy — Pepin, king of France — Charlemagne
— The title of cardinal — The empire passes to the Germans — Berenga-
rius . . . . . .13
Chap. IV. — Guelphs and Ghibellines — Kingdom of Naples — Pope Urban
II. — The first crusade — Frederick Barbarossa — An anti-pope — Henry,
king of England — Orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis . 10
Chap. V. — The house of Este— Frederick II. — Naples— Guelphs and
bellines in Lombardy — Charles of Anjou — Nicholas III. — Institution
of the jubilee — The popes at Avignon . . .26
Chap. VI. — The emperor Henry in Italy — The duchy of Milan — The
Emperor Louis— John, king of Bohemia — Venice— Venetians . 32
Chap. VII. — Schism in the church — Boniface IX. — Council of Pisa — Of
Constance — Filippo Visconti — Giovanna II. of Naples . 40
BOOK II.
Chap. I. — Advantage of colonies — Origin of Florence — The Florentines
take Fiesolq,— First division in Florence — Buondelmonti . 46
Chap. II. — Florence in the power of Naples — Farinata degli Uberti —
Establishment of trades' companies — Count Guido Novello . 52
Chap. III. — The Si<morv created — The Gonfalonier of Justice created —
Ubaldo Ruffoli— Giano della Bella . . .59
Chap. IV. — The Cerchi and the Donati — Origin of Biancha and Nera
factions — Charles of Valois sent by the pope to Florence . 65
Chap. V. — Restless conduct of Corso Donati — War with Uguccione della
Faggiuola — Count Novello — Lando d'Agobbio . . 7-
Chap. VI. — War with Castruccio — The Squittini established — Raymond of
Cardona — Charles, duke of Calabria — The Emperor Louis . 79
Chap. VII. — The emperor at Rome — The Bardi and Frescobaldi — MaftVo ►aff°3
da Marradi — The duke of Athens . . .84
Chap. VIII. — The duke of Athens requires to be made prince of Florenc of hi*
— His tyrannical proceedings — Conspiracies — He withdraws from the
city . . . . . .91
Chap. IX. — Many cities and territories, subject to the Florentines, rebel;^^
Riot of Andrea Strozzi — The plague of which Boccaccio speaks > ^ 102
CONTENTS.
BOOK III.
^iap. I. — Domestic discords of republics — Rome and Florence — The
Ricci and Albizzi — Uguccione — Piero
Chap. II.— War against the pope's legate — The Capitani di Parte — Sal-
vestro de Medici Gonfalonier . . . 118
Chap. III. — Measures adopted by the magistrates to effect a pacification —
Luigi Guicciardini — The woollen art — Speech of a plebeian . 124
Chap. IV. — Proceedings of the plebeians — They insist that the Signory
leave the palace — Michele di Lando Gonfalonier . 131
Chap. V. — New regulations for elections of the Signory — Confusion in the
city— Piero degli Albizzi and others condemned — Approach of Charles
of Durazzo — Giorgio Scali — Benedetto Alberti — Giorgio beheaded 138
Chap. VI. — Riots in the city — Reform of government — Michael di Lando
Benedetto Alberti — Coming of Louis of Anjou — The Florentines purchase
Arezzo — Benedetto Alberti — His discourse — Other citizens banished —
War with Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan . . 143
Chap. VII. — Maso degli Albizzi— Veri de' Medici — Conspiracy supported
by the duke of Milan — Taking of Pisa — War with the king of Naples —
Acquisition of Cortona . . . .149
BOOK IV.
Chap. I. — Licence and Slavery — Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici — Filippo
Visconti — War declared — The Florentines routed . 157
Chap. II. — Rinaldo degli Albizzi — Restoration of the Grandi — Niccolo
da Uzzano . . . . .163
Chap. III. — Giovanni de' Medici acquires favour — Bravery of Biaggio del
Melano — Baseness of Zanobi del Pino — League with the Venetians —
Origin of the Catasto — Peace with the duke of Milan . 168
Chap. IV. — Death of Giovanni de' Medici — Insurrection of Volterra —
Niccolo Fortebraccio — War with Lucca — Astorre Gianni and Rinaldo
degli Albizzi . . . . . 1 74
Cii.vp. V.— Seravezza appeals to the Signory — Filippo Brunelleschi —
The duke of Milan sends Francesco Sforza — Pagolo Guinigi . 1 81
Chap. VI. — Cosmo de' Medici — His greatness excites jealousy — Niccolo
da Uzano — Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier— Cosmo arrested 188
Chap. VII. — Cosmo banished to Padua — New disturbances occasioned by
Rinaldo degli Albizzi — Pope Eugenius in Florence — Cosmo recalled —
Rinaldo and his party banished — Glorious return of Cosmo . 195
BOOK V.
Chap. I. — Of empires — State of Italy— Factions of Sforza and Braccio —
The pope is expelled by the Romans . . . 2<fi
Chap. II. — Death of Giovanna II. — Rene" of Anjou and Alfonso of Arra-
gon — Alfonso obtains the friendship of the duke of Milan — Divisions
amongst the Genoese — League against the duke of Milan — Rinaldo
degli Albizzi — Niccolo Piccinino before Barga . . 209
Chap. III.— The Florentines go to war with Lucca — Discourse of a citizen
of Lucca — Francesco Sforza — Cosmo de' Medici at Venice — Peace be-
- v tween the Florentines and the Lucchese — The pope consecrates the
cilia eh of Santa Reparata — Council of Florence . .217
CONTEXTS. Vll
hap. IV. — New wars in Italy — Niccolo Piccinino deceives the pope ^.nd
takes many places from the church — Attacks the Venetians- 1
the Florentines — The Venetians request assistance from the Florentines
and of Sforza — League against the duke of Milan — Neri di Gino Cap-
poni at Venice . . . N^'J.p
'•ap. V. — Francesco Sforza marches to assist the Venetians — T
, lians routed by Piccinino — Piccinino routed by Sforza — Surpris<
' — Recovered by Sforza — The duke of Milan makes war against i y» 1469,
routines — Cardinal Vitelleschi their enemy . "• Hia
Chap. VI. — The pope assists the Florentines — Niccolo Piccinino & traced
cany — He takes Marradi — Cowardice of Bartolomeo Orlandini^. The
/ resistance of Castel San Niccolo . . . f citizens
/ Chap. VII. — Brescia relieved by Sforza— Piccinino is re-called int ous an-
bardy — Is routed before Anghiari — Death of Rinaldo degli Albiz in g the
joved
BOOK VI. J rs - of
Chap. I. — Niccolo reinforces his army — The Venetians acquire Ravemhest
The Florentines purchase the Borgo San Sepolcro of the pope — '1
insolence of Niccolo Piccinino — The duke makes peace with the leagu-
— Sforza assisted by the Florentines . . .254
Chap. II. — Baldaccio d'Anghiari murdered — Sforza and Piccinino — 'Death
of Piccinino — End of the war — Annibale Bentivoglio slain by Battista —
Canneschi — Santi Bentivoglio is called to govern the city of Bologna —
Discourse of Cosmo de' Medici to him — General war in Italy . "262 J
Chap. III. — Death of Filippo Visconti — Milan becomes a republic — The /
pope endeavours to restore peace to Italy — Alfonso attacks the Flo*
rentines — Scarcity in the Florentine camp— Alfonso sues for peace —
Pavia surrenders — The Venetians routed by the count . . 269
Chap. IV. — The count's successes — League of the Venetians and Mi'anese
— The count dupes them — He applies for assistance to the Florentines —
Neri di Gino Capponi — Cosmo de' Medici — The Florentines send am-
bassadors to the count . . . . .277
Chap. V. — Prosecution of the war between the count and the Milanese —
League between the new duke of Milan and the Florentines — Venetian
and Neapolitan ambassadors at Florence — Answer of Cosmo de' Medici
to the Venetian ambassador — Florence prepares for w.ir — The emperor,
Frederick III., r' Florence .... 284
Chap. VI. — Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the papal government —
Gallant conduct of Antonio Gualandi — Rene of Anjou is called into
Italy by the Florentines— The pope endeavours to restore peace — Peace
proclaimed . . . . .292
Chap. VII. — Christendom alarmed by the progress of the Turks — The
Turks routed — Remarkable hurricane — Death of Alfonso, king of Naples
—Eulogy of Pius II. .... 299
BOOK VII.
Chap. I. — Connexion of the other Italian governments with the history of
Florence — Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi become powerful by
dissimilar means— Luca Pitti, Gonfalonier of Justice— Tyranny and
CONTENTS.
BOOK III.
^iap. I. — Domestic discords of republics — Rome and Florence — The
Ricci and Albizzi — Uguccione — Piero
Chap. II. — War against the pope's legate — The Capitani di Parte — Sal-
vestro de Medici Gonfalonier . . . 118
Chap. III. — Measures adopted by the magistrates to effect a pacification —
Luigi Guicciardini — The woollen art — Speech of a plebeian . 124
Chap. IV.— Proceedings of the plebeians — They insist that the Signory
leave the palace — Michele di Lando Gonfalonier . 131
Chap. V. — New regulations for elections of the Signory — Confusion in the
city— Piero degli Albizzi and others condemned — Approach of Charles
of Durazzo — Giorgio Scali — Benedetto Alberti — Giorgio beheaded 138
Chap. VI. — Riots in the city — Reform of government — Michael di Lando
Benedetto Alberti — Coming of Louis of Anjou — The Florentines purchase
Arezzo — Benedetto Alberti — His discourse — Other citizens banished —
War with Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan . . 143
Chap. VII. — Maso degli Albizzi— Veri de' Medici — Conspiracy supported
by the duke of Milan — Taking of Pisa — War with the king of Naples —
Acquisition of Cortona .... 149
BOOK IV.
Chap. I. — Licence and Slavery — Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici — Filippo
Visconti — War declared — The Florentines routed . 157
Chap. II. — Rinaldo degli Albizzi — Restoration of the Grandi — Niccolo
da Uzzano ..... 163
Chap. III. — Giovanni de' Medici acquires favour — Bravery of Biaggio del
Melano — Baseness of Zanobi del Pino — League with the Venetians —
Origin of the Catasto — Peace with the duke of Milan . 168
Chap. IV. — Death of Giovanni de' Medici — Insurrection of Volterra —
Niccolo Fortebraccio — War with Lucca — Astorre Gianni and Rinaldo
degli Albizzi . . . . 3 74
Ch^p. V. — Seravezza appeals to the Signory — Filippo Brunelleschi —
The duke of Milan sends Francesco Sforza — Pagolo Guinigi . 1 81
Chap. VI. — Cosmo de' Medici — His greatness excites jealousy — Niccolo
da Uzano — Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier— Cosmo arrested 1P.8
Chap. VII. — Cosmo banished to Padua — New disturbances occasioned by
Rinaldo degli Albizzi — Pope Eugenius in Florence — Cosmo recalled —
Rinaldo and his party banished — Glorious return of Cosmo . 195
BOOK V.
Chap. I. — Of empires — State of Italy— Factions of Sforza and Braccio —
The pope is expelled by the Romans . . . 202
Chap. II. — Death of Giovanna II. — Rene" of Anjou and Alfonso of Arra-
gon — Alfonso obtains the friendship of the duke of Milan — Divisions
amongst the Genoese — League against the duke of Milan — Rinaldo
degli Albizzi — Niccolo Piccinino before Barga . . 209
Chap. III.— The Florentines go to war with Lucca — Discourse of a citizen
of Lucca — Francesco Sforza — Cosmo de' Medici at Venice — Peace be-
-- , t\veen the Florentines and the Lucchese — The pope consecrates the
ciufieh of Santa Reparata — Council of Florence . .217
/
CONTENTS. Vll
i!ap. IV. — New wars in Italy — Niccolo Piccinino deceives the pope and
takes many places from the church — Attacks the Venetians — Fears of
the Florentines — The Venetians request assistance from the Florentines
and of Sforza — League against the duke of Milan — Neri di Gino Cap-
poni at Venice
H ,'ap. V. — Francesco Sforza marches to assist the Venetians — T
] tians routed by Piccinino — Piccinino routed by Sforza — Surprise
' — Recovered by Sforza — The duke of Milan makes war against 9i J4G9,
lvntines — Cardinal Vitelleschi their enemy . CI * His
CfiAP. VI. — The pope assists the Florentines— Niccolo Piccinino ^ traced
cany — He takes Marradi — Cowardice of Bartolomeo Orlandini^- The
j resistance of Castel San Niccolo f cit ^en.s
Ckap. VII. — Brescia relieved by Sforza— Piccinino is re-called im ous an-
bardy— Is routed before Anghiari — Death of Rinaldo degli Albiz in g the
joved
BOOK VI. J r - of
Chap. I. — Niccolo reinforces his army — The Venetians acquire Ravemhest
The Florentines purchase the Borgo San Sepolcro of the pope — '1
insolence of Niccolo Piccinino — The duke makes peace with the leagu-
— Sforza assisted by the Florentines . . . 254
Chap. II. — Ba'daccio d* Anghiari murdered — Sforza and Piccinino — Death
of Piccinino — End of the war — Annibale Bentivoglio slain by Battista —
Canneschi — Santi Bentivoglio is called to govern the city of Bologna —
Discourse of Cosmo de' Medici to him — General war in Italy . 262 J
Chap. III. — Death of Filippo Visconti — Milan becomes a republic — The /
pope endeavours to restore peace to Italy — Alfonso attacks the Flo-
rentines — Scarcity in the Florentine camp— Alfonso sues for peace —
Pavia surrenders — The Venetians routed by the count . . 269
Chap. IV. — The count's successes — League of the Venetians and Milanese
— The count dupes them — He applies for assistance to the Florentines —
Neri di Gino Capponi — Cosmo de' Medici — The Florentines send am-
bassadors to the count . . . . .277
Chap. V. — Prosecution of the war between the count and the Milanese —
League between the new duke of Milan and the Florentines — Venetian
and Neapolitan ambassadors at Florence — Answer of Cosmo de' Medici
to the Venetian ambassador — Florence prepares for war — The emperor,
Frederick III., r Florence .... 284
Chap. VI. — Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the papal government —
Gallant conduct of Antonio Gualandi — Rene of Anjou is called into
Italy by the Florentines— The pope endeavours to restore peace — Peace
proclaimed . . . . .292
Chap. VII. — Christendom alarmed by the progress of the Turks — The
Turks routed — Remarkable hurricane — Death of Alfonso, king of Naples
—Eulogy of Pius II. .... 299
BOOK VII.
Chap. I. — Connexion of the other Italian governments with the history of
Florence — Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi become powerful by
dissimilar means— Luca Pitti, Gonfalonier of Justice— Tyranny and
/
CONTEXTS.
pride of Luca Pitti and his party — Death of Cosmo de' Medici . 30l
Chap. II. — The duke of Milan becomes lord of Genoa — Jacopo Piccininq
murdered — Fruitless endeavours of Pius II. to excite Christendoi
against the Turks — Death of Francesco Sforza — Conspiracy of Diotisalv]
an Withers against Piero . . . 3ii
tec I. —Niccolo Soderini drawn Gonfalonier of Justice — Reform
T. — Mement in favour of Piero de' Medici — Fall of Luca Pitti — Lettc
Tgi Guiccisnolo Acciajuoli to Piero de' Medici — Piero's answer . ,'r2\
Chap. IV. — PrV. — War between the Venetians and the Florentines — Peace re\
leave the palished — Death of Niccolo Soderini — Accession of Sixtus IV.
Chap. V. — NeAnaso Soderini declares himself in favour of the Medici . 3311
city —Piero ". — Corruption of Florence — The duke of Milan in Florence — The\
of Durazzo-h of Santo Spirito destroyed by fire — Rebellion of Volterra 338
Chap. VI. — PVT. — Animosity between Sixtus IV. and Lorenzo de' Medici — Con-
Benedetto, acy against Galeazzo, duke of Milan — He is slain . 344
wS3?" . BOOK VIII.
Chap. VJap. I. — State of the family of the Medici at Florence — Enmity of Six-
ty tip tus IV. towards Florence .... 352
AcciChap. II. — Giuliano de' Medici slain — Lorenzo escapes — The pope and the
king of Naples make war upon the Florentines — Florence excommuni-
cated — Speech of Lorenzo de' Medici . . . 359
"H Chap. III. — The Florentines prepare for war against the pope — The Flo-
i rentines repulse then: enemies — They attack the papal states . 3G7
\ Chap. IV. — The duke of Calabria routs the Florentine army at Poggi-
bonzi — Lorenzo de' Medici goes to Naples to treat with the king — Peace
concluded with the king . . . .373
Chap. V. — New occasions of war in Italy — Differences between the mar-
quis of Ferrara and the Venetians — The king of Naples and the Flo-
rentines attack the papal states — Lodovico Sforza . . 382
Chap. VI. — Affairs of the pope — He is reconciled to Niccolo Vitelli — The
Colonnesi and the Orsini — Death of Sixtus IV. — Innocent VIII. elected
— Bank of St. Giorgio — The Lucchese lay claim to Pietro Santa
Chap. VII. — The pope becomes attached to the Florentines — The Geno-
ese seize Serezanello — Genoa submits to the duke of Milan — Osimo re-
volts from the "hurch — Count Girolamo Riario slain by a conspiracy —
C Galeotto, lord of Faenza, is murdered by the treachery of his wife —
Death of Lorenzo de' Medici — Establishment of his family — The univer-
sity of Pisa — The estimation of Lorenzo by other princes 396
THE PRINCE.
Different kinds of principalities — Of hereditary principalities — Of mixed
principalities, 6cc. ..... 407
APPENDIX — 1. Savonarola— 2. Murder of Vitellozzo, Vitelli, and
others, by Caesar Borgia — 3. To rise from a middling station, &c. — 4. To
Francisco Vettori — 5. On neutrality — 6. Instructions to Raphael Giro-
lami — 7. Of fortune, chance, providence — 8. He that would wish for
success must act in unison with the times . . . 488
-. . U (.
cfraich oi
MEMOIR OF MACHIAVELLI.
Niccolo Machiavelli was born at Florence, on the 5th of May, 1469,
being the last year of the mild administration of Piero de' Medici. His
family was descended from the ancient marquesses of Tuscany, and traced
its origin more especially to a marquis Ugo, who flourished about 850. The
Machiavelli were lords of Montespertoli; but, preferring the rank of citizens
of a prosperous city to the unprofitable preservation of an illustrious an-
cestry, they submitted to the laws of Florence, for the sake of enjoying the
honours which the republic had to bestow. Thirteen times they enjoyed
the rank of Gonfaloniere of Justice,* and fifty-three different members of
the family were at various times elected priors,t another of the highest
offices of government.
Bernardo Machiavelli, the father of Niccolo, was jurisconsult and trea-
surer of the march; and by aid of these offices he maintained, in some
degree, the lustre of his family, which was obscured by the poverty into
which it had fallen. His wife Bartolomea, daughter of Stefano Nelli, was
equally well descended ; her family being derived from the ancient counts
of Borgonuovo, of Fucecchio, who flourished in the tenth century. She
had been previously married to Niccolo Benizzi, and was distinguished for
her cultivated understanding and poetic talent.
But little is known of the education of Machiavelli. During his
childhood Florence was distracted by the various tumults and struggles
occasioned by the party that sought to prevent the success-ion of Giuliano
and Lorenzo de' Medici, which at length were terminated by the unsuc-
cessful conspiracy of the Pazzi before Machiavelli had completed his tenth
year. The remainder of his youth was passed under the popular govern-
ment of Lorenzo de' Medici ; but the first years of his manhood had
scarcely expired before the death of Lorenzo again exposed Florence to
internal jealousies and foreign ambition. It will thus be readily perceived
that Machiavelli could not have commenced his political career at a moment
which required more arduous duties or a greater share of energy and skill.
Having received a liberal education, he was placed as secretary in the office
of Marcello di Virgilio de' Adriani, one of the chief officers of the Floren-
tine court of chancery, whose pupil he had formerly been. There is no
trace of his taking any part in the political disturbances of this time.
Florence was then agitated by the preaching of Savonarola, concerning
whom there is an account still extant given by Machiavelli in a
letter, dated May 8, 1497. (See Appendix A, page 488). Five }ears
passed away in the quiet fulfilment of his duties, during which none of his
writings were composed. He must, however, have distinguished himself
* Vide page 61. t Vide page CO.
X IfEHOIB OF MACHIAVELLI.
by his talents, for when, at the expiration of that period, his employer,
Marcello, was elected high chancellor, Machiavelli was chosen from among
four other competitors to the office of chancellor of the second court ; and
in the course of the following month he was named secretary to the Council
of Ten, a board entrusted with the management of foreign affairs and diplo-
matic negotiations, which situation he held for fourteen years, when the
return of the Medici to Florence overthrew the government he served.
In this position the political genius of Machiavelli was rapidly developed,
and his abilities and penetration being soon perceived by his superiors, he
was successively employed on several missions, many of which were of the
utmost importance. The first was in 1498, when he was sent to Jacopo
Apiani, lord of Piombino, for the purpose of engaging him to join the
Florentine troops which were besieging Pisa, whilst their general Vitelli de-
fended the Florentine territory against the Venetians, who were making
incursions from the borders of Romagna, assisted by the emigrant partizans
of the Medici In the following year, 1499, he was despatched to Catharine
Sforza, countess of Forli, in order to make arrangements for her son Otta-
viano to engage as condottiero in the service of the republic. In 1500 he
was employed as a commissioner to the Florentine camp before Pisa, and
was present at the arrival of a body of French and Swiss auxiliary troops
under De Beaumont, sent by Louis XII., who had just re-conquered Lom-
bardy, and had formed an alliance with Florence. Dissensions, however,
rose between the allies, concerning the pay of the auxiliaries. The Swiss
mutinied and insulted Luca degli Albizzi, one of the Florentine commis-
sioners ; and the French, under the pretence of a delay of pay, abandoned
the attack against Pisa. The king of France accused Florence of being
the cause of this affront sustained by his arms; and to appease him, and
obtain if possible further assistance, the republic deputed Francesco della
Caza and Machiavelli as envoys to the French court. This was a very
delicate mission. Louis XII. and his minister, Cardinal dAmboise, were
prejudiced against the Florentines, and had an interest in favouring the
Borgias, who at that time threatened Florence. Machiavelli and his fellow
envoy remained in Florence three months, following the king and his court
to Montargis, Melun, Plenis, and Tours. They were faithful and indus-
trious in their duties, more especially Machiavelli, as Francesco della Caza
was taken ill, and compelled to spend the greater portion of hi3 time at Paris.
They failed in their object; yet, by dint of much skilful management, of fair
promises and professions, and of timely suggestions, they left Louis better
disposed towards Florence than they had found him, and made him watchful
and jealous of the movements of Cagsar Borgia. This jealousy proved the
salvation of the Florentines; for when the ferocious and unprincipled
Borgia entered Tuscany a few months after, with eight thousand men, and
encamped near Florence, the French king sent him letters forbidding him
to molest the republic.
In 1 502, Machiavelli was sent on a mission to Caesar Borgia, also called
Duke Valentino, who was then at Imola in Bologna. Borgia had just re-
turned from Lombardy, where he had endeavoured to clear himself to
Louis XII. from the charge of having countenanced the revolt of Arezzo
and other places in the Vale de Chiana against the Florentines. During
his absence there, his own friends and former colleagues, Vitellozzo Vitelli,
MEMOIR OF MACHIAVELLI. XI
Oliverotto da Fermo, Baglioni of Perugia, and the Orsini had taken alarm
at his ambition and cruelty, and entered into a secret league with Benti-
voglio of Bologna and Petrucci of Sienna, who were his declared enemies,
and invited the Florentines to join them. The latter, however, held an
old pique against Vitelli and the Orsini, and moreover were afraid of in-
curring the displeasure of France, who protected Borgia, they therefore not
only refused to join them, but sent Machiavelli to make professions of
friendship and offers of assistance to the duke, and at the same time to
watch his movements, to discover his real intentions (which was not an easy
thing, for Borgia was the closest man of his age), and endeavour to obtain
something in return for their friendship. The account of this mission is
extremely curious ; there was deep dissimulation on both sides. Borgia
hated Florence as much as the Florentines hated him ; but they were both
kept in check by the fear of France, and both Borgia and Machiavelli
made the fairest and apparently the most candid professions towards each
other. Borgia even assumed a confidential tone, and began to tell Machia-
velli of the treachery of his former friends ; he added, that he knew how
to deal with them, and was only waiting for his own time ; he also expa-
tiated on his well-disciplined forces, his artillery, and the assistance he
expected from France ; and all this in order to persuade the Florentines
of the great value of his friendship, and that they should give him a con-
dotta, that is to say, the chief command in their army.
Borgia, however, had to do with a negotiator who, though young, was a
match for him. " 1 answered," says Machiavelli, in the twenty-first letter
of that mission, " that his excellency the duke must not be compared to
the generality of other Italian lords, but th.it he must be considered as a
new potentate in Italy, with whom it is more fit and becoming to make a
treaty of alliance than a mere condotta or mercenary convention. And I
added that as alliances are maintained by arms, which are the only binding
security for either party, your lordships (the magistrates of Florence) could
not see what security there would be for them if three-fourths or three-
fifths of your forces were to be in the hands of the duke." Still the nego-
tiations went on about the condotta, whilst Borgia was meditating another
stroke of his usual policy. Machiavelli had a foretaste of it at Cesena,
where a certain Rimino, a confidential agent of Borgia, and, as such,
hateful to the people, was suddenly arrested by order of his master, and
the next morning (on the 26th of December) was found in the middle of
the square cut into two pieces. " Such," says Machiavelli, " has been the
duke's pleasure, for he wishes to show that he can do and undo his own men
as he thinks proper." On the last day of December, Borgia, followed by
Machiavelli, marched with his troops to Sinigaglia, where the Orsini, Vitel-
lozzo, and Oliverotto were waiting for him, to have a conference and settle
matters. As soon as his troops had entered the town he arrested those
chief's, strangled two of them that very night, and kept the Orsini in prison
until he heard that his father, the pope, had secured the person of their
relative Cardinal Orsini at Rome, after which they also were put to death.
On the same night Borgia sent for Machiavelli, and said that he had done
a great service to Florence in ridding the world of those men who were the
sowers of discord. He then expressed his wish to attack Sienna and re-
venge himself on Petrucci ; but the Florentines, being cautioned by
x ii MEMOIK OF MACHIATELLI.
Machiavelli, took measures to thwart his plans, and Petrucci was saved.
Machiavelli returned to Florence in January, 1503, after three eventful
months passed in the court and camp of Borgia, which was the most com-
plete school of that policy which he afterwards illustrated in his treatise of
" The Prince." His letters (fifty-two in number), written during that
mission, have a certain dramatic character which awakens feelings of sur-
prise, terror, and intense curiosity.
Machiavelli wrote a detached report of the Sinigaglia tragedy, for a trans-
lation of which see Appendix B, page 491.* He obtained one thing from
Borgia by this mission, viz. a free passage through Romagna to all Flo-
rentine travellers and merchants, and their goods and other property.
On the 28th of August, 1503, Alexander VI. died, and his successor,
Pius III., died a few days after. A new conclave being assembled in Oc-
tober, the Florentines sent Machiavelli to Rome, where he was present at
the election of Julius II., and soon after witnessed the fall of Caesar
Borgia, who was arrested at Ostia by order of the pope, and all his ill-
gotten dominions were taken from him. His troops, in passing through
Tuscany, were disarmed and disbanded agreeably to Machiavelli's secret
advice.
In January, 1504, Machiavelli was sent to France to rouse Louis XII.
to the danger threatening both Florence and the state of Milan from the
Spaniards, who were advancing from Naples towards North Italy. The
truce between France and Spain put an end to this mission.
After several minor missions to Piombino, to Baglioni of Perugia,
Petrucci of Sienna, and the duke of Mantua, Machiavelli was sent, in
August, 1506, to Pope Julius II., whom he met on his march to dispossess
* No part of Machiavelli's political career has given rise to so much misrepresenta-
tion as his embassy to the Duke Valentino, on the occasion of his rupture with Vi-
telozzo, Oliverotto, and the Orsini. The reader who confines his examination of this
period to the narrations of Roscoe and some other modern historians, will be led to
concur in the darkest views of the character of Machiavelli. An attentive perusal of
the original documents will lead to a very different conclusion. The perilous situation
of the Florentine republic exerted at this moment a peculiar influence upon her po-
licy ; and the friendship of Borgia and of Alexander, instead of forming a question of
general interest or of probable advantage, could easily decide the destruction or pre-
servation of the state. It was under such circumstances that Machiavelli was des-
patched to the court of Borgia. The history of his embassy is fully detailed in his
official correspondence ; but the master-piece of treachery by which Borgia secured
his vengeance upon greater villains than himself, is also related in the letter in the
Appendix, which originally either formed a part of the despatches, or was prepared
like the other historical fragments, to be interwoven in the continuation of the Flo-
rentine histories. That Machiavelli, far from assisting to devise the treachery of Bor-
gia, had no knowledge of his intentions with regard to Vitelozzo and his associates,
is evident from the whole course of his letters. It appears from these, that the duke
never confided his plans even to his favourite counsellors ; that his probable conduct
was, on this occasion, a subject of general conjecture ; Machiavelli gives his own, ard
inclines to suspect the seeming reconciliation of Borgia and his enemies. It appears
also that Borgia, instead of seeking the advice of Machiavelli, never admitted him
to an audience, except when new despatches from Florence rendered it impossible
to refuse, and the conversation at these interviews is fully related.
They who blame him for not having returned immediately upon the discovery of
Borgia's crime, apart from the new principle which they establish for ambassadors,
fall into two errors: they fcrget that he had repeatedly solicited a recall, and been
ordered to remain ; secondly, that the state of roads rendered all passing difficult
and dangerous, — some of his own dispatches were lost, — and there was no possibi-
iitj of his escaping to Florence.
MEMOIR OF MACHIAVELLI. Xlll
Baglioni of Perugia and Bentivoglio of Bologna, whither the Florentine
envoy followed him, and returned in October. He then wrote " Prowisione
per istituire Milizie Nazionali nella Republica Florentina." He had
always blamed the employment of mercenary troops and condottieri, which
was an old custom of the Florentines.
In December, 1507, Machiavelli was sent to the Emperor Maximilian
in Germany, who had signified his intention of going to Italy to be ciowned,
and had demanded money of the Florentines. He proceeded by Geneva
and Constance, where, finding that the emperor had moved southwards by
the Tyrol, he followed him to Bolzano. The Venetians, however, opposed
the passage of Maximilian, and Machiavelli returned to Florence in June,
1503. On his return he wrote several reports on the affairs of Germany,
besides the letters which he had sent home during his mission.
In February, 1509, he was sent to the camp before Pisa, which was again
besieged by the Florentines, and he thence addressed a report on the state
of affairs : " Discorso fatto al Magistrato dei Dieci sulle cose di Pisa." In
June of that year Pisa surrendered, through famine.
In July, 1510, Machiavelli was sent to France. The Cardinal d'Am-
boise was lately dead. The object of this mission was to encourage the
French count to maintain the alliance with the pope and the emperor
against the Venetians (the league of Cambrai), and to induce Louis to pre-
vent the Swiss from enlisting in great numbers in the service of the pope,
for fear that Julius, feeling himself too independent, should take some new
whim into his head. And this in reality happened soon after, for while
Machiavelli was in France, Julius formed a league to drive the French out
of Italy. In September, 1510, Machiavelli returned to Florence, having
consolidated the alliance of France with the republic.
In September, 1511, Machiavelli was sent again to France, concerning
the council which assembled at Pisa, by order of Louis XII., to try and
depose Pope Julius, which council however broke up without effecting any
thing. Machiavelli fell ill, and soon returned home. In 1512 the battle
of Ravenna was fought, Gaston de Foix was killed, and the French lost
Italy. Julius, who was irritated against Florence for having sided with the
French, engaged the Spanish viceroy of Naples to send a body of troops
against it. and re-establish the Medici by force. The catastrophe took place
soon after.
The confidence and favour with which Machiavelli Avas viewed by his
government are evident from the free recourse that was had to his ser-
vices upon all important occasions. Scarcely had he returned from one
embassy when he was directed to prepare for another, and negotiations of
great consequence with foreign powers were followed by difficult and confi-
dential commissions within the territories of the republic. In this succes-
sion of active duties, fourteen years of his life passed rapidly away; but at
length a new storm began to gather above the devoted walls of Florence,
and the timid and vascillating policy of Piero Soderini, who had been elected
Gonfalonier for life, drew down upon his country and himself the ruin that
firmness and energy might have easily averted. The government by which
Machiavelli had been employed was overthrown by the arms of Spain, and
in September, 1512, the family of the Medici, like the Bourbons of our
own days, returned to their native walls under the protection of a foreign ally.
Xiv MEMOIR OF MACHIAVELLI.
No sooner was the new government firmly established than it commenced
the usual train of persecutions against the partisans of the old. Three de-
crees were passed against Machiavelli within the course of ten days. By
the two first he was deprived of office, and condemned to a year's banish-
ment from the Florentine territory; but by the third, the sentence of ban-
ishment was commuted to a simple prohibition from entering the " public
palace." Fear and suspicion followed the secretary into his retirement, and
when in the course of the following year (1513), an extensive conspiracy
against the Medici was accidently discovered, he was immediately arrested
and put to the torture, which was at that period indiscriminately em-
ployed under all the Italian governments in examining persons accused of
state crimes. Six shocks of the cord were inflicted upon Machiavelli with
fruitless cruelty, and not a word escaped him in the bitterness of his agony
that could be wrested into a confession of guilt, or serve as an accusation
against others. Unable to convict him, they could still torment; and ac-
cordingly, buried in the depths of a loathsome dungeon, his lacerated body
closely bound with chains, and his mind distracted by the cries of misery
and of degradation that reached him from every side, he was left to the long
torture of solitude and suspense. Here also his fortitude remained un-
shaken, and his noble power of patient endurance baffled the snares of his
adversaries and wearied their malignity. From his prison of Le Stinche,
he wrote a sonnet to Giuliano de ( Medici, who was then governor of Florence,
his brother Giovanni having gone to the conclave at Rome, where he was
elected pope by the name of Leo X. This sonnet, though written for the
avowed purpose of exciting his interest, breathes an elevated and independ-
ent tone, and contains a degree of humorous expostulation and description
which could not have proceeded from a mind broken or humbled by mis-
fortune. At length the friends whose affection he had gained during the
days of his prosperity, gave, in these moments of trial, the surest testimony
to his worth and their own sincerity; and several lucky circumstances com-
bining to favour their exertions, he was restored to freedom.
It was not, however, to return to his favourite occupations that Machia-
velli issued from his dungeon, for he now withdrew for several years from
public life, and retired to his country-house, at San Casciano, about eight
miles from Florence. Here a long course of bitter trial still awaited him;
poverty with its anxious schemes and depressing cares, the excitements of
hope, the bitterness of repeated disappointment, and, more than all, the
restless movements of a mind that nature had formed for constant exertion,
and long habit had rendered incapable of repose. But the resources that
his fortune denied, were, in part supplied by his own exertions. Anxious
to open a way of return to public life, on which he depended not only for en-
joyment, but for the means of support, he composed his treatise called " The
Prince," in which he had endeavoured to embody the results of his observa-
tions upon the governments of his own times, and of his study of the political
doctrines of the ancients. This celebrated treatise was not intended for publi-
cation, but was written for the private perusal, first of Giuliano, and then of
Lorenzo de' Medici, afterwards duke of Urbino, son of Piero, and grandson of
Lorenzo the Magnificent, who was appointed by his uncle, Leo X., governor
of Florence, his uncle, Giuliano having removed to Rome. It was first pub-
lished, after Machiavelli's death, at Rome, 1532, under the sanction of Pope
MEMOIR OF MACHIAVELLI. XV
Clement III. Perhaps no work in ltterary history has occasioned more con-
troversy, or rendered the name of its author more generally odious than
this celebrated treatise. The terms' in which Machiavelli has been com-
monly described since this work has been given to the world, " would seem,"
says Macaulay,* " to impart that he was the tempter, the evil principle,
the discoverer of ambition and revenge, the original inventor of perjury,
and that, before the publication of his fatal * Prince,' there had never been a
hypocrite, a tyrant, or a traitor, a simulated virtue, or a convenient crime.
One writer gravely assures us that Maurice of Saxony learned all his fraudu-
lent policy from that execrable volume. Another remarks, that since it
was transcribed into Turkish, the sultans have been more addicted than
formerly to the custom of strangling their brothers. Lord Lyttleton charges
the poor Florentine with the manifold treasons of the house of Guise, and
with the massacre of St. Bartholomew. Several authors have hinted that
the gunpowder plot is to be primarily attributed to his doctrines, and seem
to think that his effigy ought to be instituted for that of Guy Faux, in those
processions by which the ingenuous youth of England annually commemo-
rate the preservation of the three estates. The church of Rome has pro-
nounced his works accursed things. Nor have our own countrymen been
backward in testifying their opinion of his merits. Out of his sirname they
have coined an epithet for a knave, and out of his Christian name, a syno-
nyine for the devil. +
" It is indeed scarcely possible for any person, not well acquainted with
the history and literature of Italy, to read without horror and amazement
the celebrated treatise which has brought so much obloquy on the name of
Machiavelli. Such a display of wickedness, naked, yet not ashamed, such
cool, judicious, scientific atrocity, seemed rather to belong to a fiend than to
tho most depraved of men. Principles which the most hardened ruffian
would scarcely hint to his most trusted accomplice, or avow, without the
disguise of some palliating sophism, even to his own mind, are professed
without the slightest circumlocution, and assumed as the fundamental axioms
of all political science.
" It is not strange that ordinary readers should regard the author of
such a book as the most depraved and shameless of human beings. Wise
men, however, have always been inclined to look with great suspicion on
4 he angels and demons of the multitude; and, in the present instance, seve-
ral circumstances have led even superficial observers to question the justice
of the vulgar decision. It is notorious that Machiavelli was through life a
zealous republican. In the same year in which he composed his manual
of king-craft, he suffered imprisonment and torture in the cause of public
liberty. It seems inconceivable that the martyr of freedom should have
designedly acted as the apostle of tyranny. Several eminent writers have,
therefore, endeavoured to detect in this unfortunate performance some con-
cealed meaning, more consistent with the character and conduct of the
author than that which appears at first glance."
* Critical and Historical Essays, vol. i.
t " Nick Machiavel had ne'er a trick,
Tho' ho gave his name to our Old Nick."
Iladibras, Part iii. Canto i.
But wo believe there is a schism on this subject among the antiquaries.
Xvi MEMOIR OF MACHIAVELLI.
We cannot, however, here enter upon all the various hypotheses which
have been raised respecting the origin of the Prince; but the most reason-
able one appears to be a desire on the part of the author to obtain some
public employment under the Medici government.
Machiavelli, in a letter discovered only in 1810, and addressed to his
friend Vittori, then at Rome, 10th December, 1513, mentioTrs-thi^treatisa
on which he was then engaged, and tells him that he wishes to showHo the
Medici "that he had not spent the fifteen years in which he had studied
the art of government in sleeping or playing, so that they might think of
employing a man who had acquired experience at the expense of others ;"
and he adds, " I wish that these signori Medici would employ me, were it
only in rolling a stone. They ought not to doubt my fidelity. My poverty
is a testimony of it." These expressions show clearly enough that
Machiavelli's object in writing the " Principe " was to recommend himself
to the Medici. All the ingenious surmises of later critics about his wishing
to render absolute princes odious to the people, or to induce the Medici, by
following his precepts, to render themselves insupportable, and thus bring
about their own fall and the restoration of the republic, are completely
overthrown. Machiavelli saw clearly enough that the Medici were too
firmly seated at Florence to be dislodged, and although he was himself
partial to a rational system of civil liberty, if consistent with a strong
government, he was still more attached to the national honour and inde-
pendence of his country ; and what he dreaded most was, that, through
some rash ebullitions of party spirit, foreigners might be enabled to interfere
and enslave Florence, as they had enslaved Lombardy and Naples.
The object for which Machiavelli had thus written failed, but a nobler
end was obtained. He had commenced the train of thought which was to
lead him to the discovery of many important truths, and his active mind
could not rest on the threshold of the temple it had opened. Step by step
he was led on to a more attentive examination of his principles, new truths
were discovered, some erroneous views were brought out in their true light
by wider application and more exact comparison, and the undertaking
which had originated in a strong desire for public life, became the chief
source of his enjoyments, and was continued with regular and progressive
improvement until the last moment of his existence. In a letter to Vittori,
after giving a humorous description of the manner in which he passed hia
time in his country-house — of his snaring thrushes, cutting wood, and playing
at cricca and tric-trac with a butcher, miller, and two kiln men, he says,
" but when evening comes I return home, and shut myself up in my study.
Before I make my appearance in it, I take off my rustic garb, soiled with
mud and dirt, and put on a dress adapted for courts or cities. Thus fitly
habited I enter the antique resorts of the ancients ; where, being kindly
received, I feed on that food which alone is mine, and for which I was
born. For an interval of four hours I feel no annoyance ; I forget every
grief, I neither fear poverty nor death, but am totally immersed."
In 1516 Machiavelli wrote his Discourses on the first ten books of Livy,
and about the same time he composed his Art of War. These studies,
however, were not sufficient to furnish constant occupation for a spirit like
his, and the intervals of severe labour were partly filled up with the com-
position of his Comedies, Translations, and various lighter pieces, both in
MEMOIR OF MACHTAYELLI. XV11
prose and verse. But many moments still remained, which for a mind that
sought relief in a variation of duties rather than in actual repose, were
wearisome blanks in existence. In such moments hi3 spirit seemed to
break, and his fortitude to forsake him, and it is impossible to read the
many expressions of passionate discontent which appear in his letters —
complaints that had never been suffered to escape him in prison and in
torture — without feeling*how much easier it is to meet the most violent
persecutions of the world, than to support the long trial of ingratitude and
neglect.
At length the gradual progress of his literary reputation began to prepare
the way for a return to public life. His correspondence with Vittori, the
Florentine ambassador at Rome, had been communicated to Leo X., and
that pontiff, a liberal if not a judicious patron of learning, had, from time
to time, encouraged the solitary labours of Machiavelli, by various marks
of his favour and regard. He caused him to be consulted on many im-
portant questions, and drew from him, through the medium of Vittori,
many admirable views concerning the most interesting events of the period.
At last, throwing aside the veil under which he had covered his communi-
cations with Machiavelli, the pope invited him to prepare a plan for the
remodelling of the government of Florence.* This was speedily followed
by a mission, of but little moment in itself, but of great importance to him,
as an earnest of a recall to his favourite occupations. But another blow
seemed to await him at the first revival of his hopes, and before any fixed
establishment had assured him of the permanence of his restoration to
favour, Leo X. was suddenly cut off in the prime of his career. Thus
deprived of a protector who, although slow to grant him confidence, had
been ready to acknowledge his merit, Machiavelli remained for a short time
in the greatest uncertainty. Another mission, however, of a more import-
ant character, was soon confided to him by one of the principal corporations
of the city, and while engaged at Venice in the negotiations for its fulfil-
ment, he received the welcome tidings that his name had been inserted
among those of the citizens that were held eligible to office.
About this time the Cardinal Julius commissioned Machiavelli to write
the History of Florence, which he accordingly completed to the death of
Lorenzo the Magnificent, and presented it to Julius in 1525, who shortly
before had been elected to the pontificate upon the death of Adrian the
successor of Leo, under the title of Clement VII. This great work "is
enough," says Hallam, "to immortalize the name of Machiavelli. Seldom
has a more giant stride been made in any department of literature than by
this judicious, clear, and elegant history : for the preceding historical
works, whether in Italy or out of it, had no claims to the praise of classical
composition, whilst this has ranked among the greatest of that order.
Machiavelli was the first who gave at once a luminous development of
great events in their causes and connections, such as we find in the first
book of his History of Florence. That view of the formation of European
societies, both civil and ecclesiastical, on the ruins of the Roman empire,
though it may seem now to contain only what is familiar, had never been
* See Roscoe's Leo X., (Stand. Lib. edit.) vol. ii. p. 203.
Xviii MEMOIR OF MACHIAVELLI.
attempted before, and is still, for its conciseness and truth, as good as any
that can be read."
In the Florentine history, the merit of acute and vigorous thought which
characterizes all the productions of Machiavelli, is enhanced by the skill
with which he arranges his subject and conducts his narrative. The transi-
tions are generally easy and natural, and the charm of the narrative is
preserved by the peculiar art with which he interweaves his generalization
with the facts from which it proceeds, and sometimes even with the sentence
that records it. For the most important, however, of these remarks, a
particular place has been reserved at the commencement of each book,
where they serve as a general introduction to the portion that follows.
Some of the most interesting questions are here treated with an energy and
justness of thought which surpasses anything in even the best chapters of
his Discourses, and with the peculiar and powerful train of logic which
distinguishes all the works of Machiavelli. If it were possible to judge of
a mind like his by detached passages and fragments of his general train of
thought, no part of his writings could be selected with so much propriety
as the Introductions to the books of the Florentine Histories.
No work, if we except the Decameron of Boccaccio, has exercised upon
Italian prose the same degree of influence as this. But while Boccaccio,
misguided by his reverence for the Latin, laboured to form his style upon
the arbitrary inversions and periodic sentences of the Roman classics,
Machiavelli, with a juster appreciation of the genius of the Italian, adopted
a simpler and more pleasing course, equally free from the inversions of the
fourteenth century and the Gallicisms of the eighteenth. The language of
the purer writers of Italy has continued to our own times, as it was left
them by Machiavelli, and his works possess nearly the same freshness of
expression which characterizes in our own language the prose of Dryden
and of Addison.
The style of Machiavelli is of a kind of which foreigners can in part
perceive and appreciate the beauty. Uniting the excellences of clearness
and conciseness with great vigour of expression and perfect harmony of
arrangement, it conveys the ideas of the writer with a force and precision
which make the deepest impressions upon the memory, while they leave
no room for misapprehension. His words and phrases are peculiarly
appropriate, and have that graceful eloquence which always results from a
skilful use of idioms. There are no laboured expressions, no nicely wrought
sentences, but the whole moves on, plain and concise in argument, clear
and animated in description, nervous and powerful in declamation, warming
with the feelings of the writer, and reflecting every shade of his thoughts.
In Clement VII. Machiavelli found a firm and constant protector, and
the most important portion of his political career now opened before him.
The condition of Italy was at this period most deplorable. The various
states were alarmed at the ascendency of the emperor Charles V., and the
Constable Bourbon was leading the troops of the imperial army by slow
advances, with the intention of enriching them by the sack of Florence or
Rome. The danger was nearest to the former city, and Machiavelli was
employed there to inspect the progress of the fortifications. He executed
his task diligently, and, as was his wont, put his whole heait and soul into
MEMOIR OF MACHIAVELLI. XIX
his occupation. In the meantime the imperial army continued to advance,
and Machiavelli was sent several times to his friend Guicciardini, who was
governor first of Modena and afterwards of Parma, to take measures with
regard to the best method of securing the republic. A truce was concluded
between Clement VII. and the ministers of Charles V., but it was not
acceded to by Bourbon and his army ; which circumstance being unknown
to the pope he dismissed his troops, and remained wholly unguarded, whilst
Bourbon entered Tuscany, and without staying to attack Florence, hurried
on by forced marches and took Rome by assault. Machiavelli followed
the Italian army as it advanced to deliver the pope, who was besieged in
the Castel Sant Angelo. From the environs of Rome he repaired to
Civita Vecchia, where Andrea Doria commanded a fleet ; and from him he
obtained the means of repairing by sea to Leghorn. Before embarking, he
received intelligence of the revolution of Florence. On hearing of the
taking of Rome, on the 6th of May, the republicans rose against the Medici,
and they were forced to quit the city. The government was changed on
the 16th of May, and things were restored to the same state they were in
1512.
Machiavelli returned to Florence full of hope. He considered that the
power was now in the hands of his friends, and that he should again enter
on public life under prosperous auspices. His hopes were disappointed —
public feeling was against him : his previous services, his imprisonment and
torture, were forgotten, while it was remembered that, since 1513, he had
been continually aiming at getting employed by the Medici, against whom
the public feeling was violently excited. He was actually in their service
when they were driven from the city. These circumstances rendered him
displeasing to men who considered themselves the deliverers of their
country. Machiavelli was disappointed by their neglect, and deeply
wounded by their distrust. He fell ill, and taking some pills to which he
was in the habit of having recourse when he was indisposed, he grew
worse, and died two days after, on the 22nd of June, 1527, in the fifty-
ninth year of his age. A letter of one of his sons describes the particulars
of his death, and mentions that he died in the greatest poverty. He was
buried at the church of Santa Croce in Florence, and left five children by
his wife Marietta Corsini, who survived him, with but little or no fortune.
Machiavelli was of middle stature, rather thin, and of olive complexion.
He was gay in conversation, obliging with his friends, and fond of the arts.
He had readiness of wit ; and it is related of him that, being reproved for
the maxims of his " Prince," he replied, "If I taught princes how to
tyrannize, I also taught the people how to destroy them." He probably
developes in these words the secrets of his writings. He was willing to
teach both parties, but his heart was with the republic. In his works he
united the keenest comic wit with the profoundest philosophical reflection ;
the skill of the satirist with the gravity of the historian ; the warmth of
poetic feeling with the shrewdness of political sagacity; and bringing into
actual life the same versatility and apparent contradiction of character— the
pliant skill of an Italian diplomatist with the virtues of a faithful citizen
and the tenderness of an affectionate father and friend. In short, whether
we consider him in his life or in his works, we shall be constantly struck
with the peculiar and strongly marked character of both, and be prepared
XX MEMOIE OF MACHIAVELLI.
to acknowledge that if the " mind of man be indeed the proper study of
mankind," few volumes contain a richer store of varied wisdom than the
life and writings of Machiavelli.
None of the works of Machiavelli were printed during his life, but the
copies which had been prepared for the use of his friends, or of the patrons
to whom particular portions were dedicated, had been freely circulated in
manuscript both in Florence and in Rome. Within a few years, however,
after his death, all his larger works were printed ; and obtaining extensive
circulation, soon gave rise to that violent controversy which has been con-
tinued, with very little increase of judgment or diminution of virulence,
during the course of some centuries. The first to commence this warfare
was the celebrated Cardinal Pole, who assailed with great vehemence the
principles of the " Prince." This attack was followed in a few years by a
violent dissertation of the Bishop Caterino Politi. A French Protestant,
Innocent Gentiletto, next entered the lists, and the warfare, thus begun,
was continued with a virulence of which it is difficult to find the parallel.
The works of this celebrated Italian have accordingly been interdicted by
several popes, and for a long time considered to contain principles subver-
sive of religion and humanity.
More than two centuries passed away before justice was done to the
memory of Machiavelli, when, through the exertions and liberality of Earl
Cowper, a splendid edition of his works was published at Florence in 1782j
and in 1787 a monument was erected over his remains, bearing the follow-
ing inscription : —
Tanto Nomini nullum par Elogium
Nicolaus Machiavelli.
Obiit Anno A. P. V. M.D.XXVII.
THE
FLORENTINE HISTORY
OF
NICCOLO MAOHIAVELLI.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
Irruption of Northern people upon the Roman territories — Visigoths —
Barbarians called in by Stilicho — Vandals in Africa — Franks and Bur-
gundians give their names to France and Burgundy — The Huns — Angles
give the name to England — Attila, king of the Huns, in Italy — Genseric
takes Rome — The Lombards.
The people who inhabit the northern parts beyond the
Rhine and the Danube, living in a healthy and prolific region,
frequently increase to such vast multitudes, that part of them
are compelled to abandon their native soil, and seek a habit-
ation in other countries. The method adopted, when one of
these provinces had to be relieved of its superabundant
population, was to divide into three parts, each containing an
equal number of nobles and of people, of rich and of poor.
The third upon whom the lot fell, then went in search of new
abodes, leaving the remaining two-thirds in possession of
their native country.
These migrating masses destroyed the Roman empire by
the facilities for settlement which the country offered when
the emperors abandoned Rome, the ancient seat of their
dominion, and fixed their residence at Constantinople ; for
by this step they exposed the western empire to the rapine of
both their ministers and their enemies ; the remoteness of
their position preventing them either from seeing or providing
for its necessities. To suffer the overthrow of such an ex-
tensive empire, established by the blood of so many brave and
2 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 1. a.d. 379.
virtuous men, showed no less folly in the princes themselves
than infidelity in their ministers ; for not one irruption alone,
but many, contributed to its ruin; and these barbarians
exhibited much ability and perseverance in accomplishing
their object.
The first of these northern nations that invaded the empire
after the Cimbrians, who were conquered by Caius Marius,
was the Visigoths — which name in our language signifies
" Western Goths." These, after some battles fought upon
its confines, long held their seat of dominion upon the
Danube, with consent of the emperors ; and although, moved
by various causes, they often attacked the Roman provinces,
were always kept in subjection by the imperial forces.
The emperor Theodosius conquered them with great glory ;
and, being wholly reduced to his power, they no longer
elected a sovereign of their own, but, satisfied with the terms
which he granted them, lived and fought under his ensigns
and authority. On the death of Theodosius, his sons Arcadius
and Honorius succeeded to the empire, but not to the talents
and fortune of their father ; and the times became changed
with the princes. Theodosius had appointed a governor to
each of fhe three divisions of the empire, Rufhnus to the
eastern, to the western Stilicho, and Gildo to the African.
Each of these, after the death of Theodosius, determined not
to be governors merely, but to assume sovereign dominion
over their respective provinces. Gildo and Rufnnus were
suppressed at their outset ; but Stilicho, concealing his
design, ingratiated himself with the new emperors, and at the
same time so disturbed their government, as to facilitate his
occupation of it afterwards. To make the Visigoths their
enemies, he advised that the accustomed stipend allowed to
this people should be withheld; and as he thought these
enemies would not be sufficient alone to disturb the empire,
he contrived that the Burgundians, Franks, Vandals, and
Alans (a northern people in search of new habitations), should
assail the Roman provinces.
That they might be better able to avenge themselves for
the injury they had sustained, the Visigoths, on being de-
prived of their subsidy, created Alaric their king ; and having
assailed the empire, succeeded, after many reverses, in over-
running Italy, and finally in pillaging Rome.
B c. ch. 1. a.d. 448. EMPEROR THEODOSIUS. 3
After this victory, Alaric died, and his successor Astolphus,
having married Placidia, sister of the emperors, agreed with
them to go to the relief of Gaul and Spain, which provinces
had been assailed by the Vandals, Burgundians, Alans, and
Franks, from the causes before mentioned. Hence it fol-
lowed, that the Vandals, who had occupied that part of Spain
called Betica (now Andalusia), being pressed by the Visigoths,
and unable to resist them, were invited by Boniface, who
governed Africa for the empire, to occupy that province ; for,
being in rebellion, he was afraid his error would become
known to the emperor. For these reasons the Vandals gladly
undertook the enterprize, and under Genseric their king
became lords of Africa.
At this time Theodosius, son of Arcadius, succeeded to
the empire ; and, bestowing little attention on the affairs of
the west, caused those who had taken possession to think of
securing their acquisitions. Thus the Vandals ruled Africa ;
the Alans and Visigoths, Spain ; whilst the Franks and Bur-
gundians not only took Gaul, but each gave their name to
the part they occupied ; hence one is called France, the other
Burgundy. The good fortune of these brought fresh people
to the destruction of the empire, one of which, the Huns,
occupied the province of Pannonia, situated upon the nearer
shore of the Danube, and which, from their name, is still
called Hungary. To these disorders it must be added, that
the emperor, seeing himself attacked on so many sides, to
lessen the number of his enemies, began to treat first with
the Vandals, then with the Franks ; a course which diminished
his own power, and increased that of the barbarians. Nor
was the island of Britain, which is now called England,
secure from them ; for the Britons, being apprehensive of
those who had occupied Gaul, called the Angli, a people
of Germany, to their aid ; and these, under Vortigern their
king, first defended, and then drove them from the island,
of which they took possession, and after themselves named
the country England. But the inhabitants, being robbed of
their home, became desperate by necessity, and resolved
to take possession of some other country, although they had
been unable to defend their own. They therefore crossed
the sea with their families, and settled in the country nearest to
the beach, which from themselves is called Brittany. The
b 2
4 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.i. ch. 1. ad. 452.
Huns, who were said above to have occupied Pannonia,
joining with other nations, as the Zepidi, Eruli, Turingi, and
Ostro, or eastern Goths, moved in search of new countries,
and not being able to enter France, which was defended by
the forces of the barbarians, came into Italy under Attila
their king. He, a short time previously, in order to possess
the entire monarchy, had murdered his brother Bleda ; and
having thus become very powerful, Andaric, king of the
Zepidi, and Velamir, king of the Ostrogoths, became subject
to him. Attila, having entered Italy, laid siege to Aquileia,
where he remained without any obstacle for two years, wasting
the country round, and dispersing the inhabitants. This, as
will be related in its place, caused the origin of Venice.
After the taking and ruin of Aquileia, he directed his
course towards Rome, from the destruction of which he ab-
stained at the entreaty of the pontiff, his respect for whom
was so great that he left Italy and retired into Austria,
where he died. After the death of Attila, Velamir, king of
the Ostrogoths, and the heads of the other nations, took arms
against his sons Henry and Uric, slew the one and compelled
the other, with his Huns, to repass the Danube and return to
their country; whilst the Ostrogoths and the Zepidi esta-
blished themselves in Pannonia, and the Eruli and the Turingi
upon the farther bank of the Danube.
Attila having left Italy, Valentinian, emperor of the
west, thought of restoring the country ; and, that he might
be more ready to defend it against the barbarians, aban-
doned Rome, and removed the seat of government to Ra-
venna. The misfortunes which befell the western empire
caused the emperor, who resided at Constantinople, on many
occasions to give up the possession of it to others, as a
charge full of danger and expense ; and sometimes, without
his permission, the Romans, seeing themselves so abandoned,
created an emperor for their defence, or suffered some one to
usurp the dominion. This occurred at the period of which
we now speak, when Maximus, a Roman, after the death of
Valentinian, seized the government, and compelled Eudocia,
widow of the late emperor, to take him for her husband;
but she, being of imperial blood, scorned the connexion
of a private citizen ; and being anxious to avenge herself
for the insult, secretly persuaded Genseric, king of the
R i. ch. 1. A.r».4S0. THE LOMBARDS. 5
Vandals and master of Africa to come into Italy, representing
to him the advantage he would derive from the undertaking,
and the facility with which it might be accomplished
Tempted by the hope of booty, he came immediately, and
finding Rome abandoned, plundered the city during four-
teen clays. He also ravaged many other places in Italy, and
then, loaded with wealth, withdrew to Africa. The Romans,
having returned to their city, and Maximus being dead,
elected Avitus, a Roman, as his successor. After this,
several important events occurred both in Italy and in the
countries beyond ; and after the deaths of many emperors,
the empire of Constantinople devolved upon Zeno, and that of
Rome upon Orestes and Augustulus his son, who obtained the
sovereignty by fraud. Whilst they were designing to hold by
force what they had obtained by treachery, the Eruli and the
Turingi, who, after the death of Attila, as before remarked,
had established themselves upon the farther bank of the
Danube, united in a league and invaded Italy under Odoacer
their general. Into the districts which they left unoccupied,
the Longobardi or Lombards, also a northern people, entered,
led by Godogo their king. Odoacer conquered and slew
Orestes near Pavia, but Augustulus escaped. After this
victory, that Rome might, with her change of power, also
change her title, Odoacer, instead of using the imperial name,
caused himself to be declared king of Rome. He was
the first of those leaders who at this period overran the
world and thought of settling in Italy ; for the others,
either from fear that they should not be able to hold the
country, knowing that it might easily be relieved by the
eastern emperors, or from some unknown cause, after plun-
dering her, sought other countries wherein to establish them-
selves.
HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch.2. a.d.493.
CHAPTER II.
State of the Roman empire under Zeno — Theodoric king of the Ostrogoths
— Character of Theodoric — Changes in the Roman empire — New lan-
guages — New names — Theodoric dies — Belisarius in Italy — Totila
takes Rome — Narses destroys the Goths — New form of government in
Italy — Narses invites the Lombards into Italy — The Lombards change
the form of government.
At this time the ancient Roman empire was governed by
the following princes : Zeno, reigning in Constantinople,
commanded the whole of the eastern empire ; the Ostrogoths
ruled Mesia and Pannonia ; the Visigoths, Suavi, and Alans,
held Gascony and Spain ; the Vandals, Africa ; the Franks
and Burgundians, France ; and the Eruli and Turingi, Italy.
The kingdom of the Ostrogoths had descended to Theodoric,
nephew of Velamir, who, being on terms of friendship with
Zeno the eastern emperor, wrote to him that his Ostrogoths
thought it an injustice that they, being superior in valour to
the people thereabout, should be inferior to them in dominion ;
and that it was impossible for him to restrain them within the
limits of Pannonia. So, seeing himself under the necessity
of allowing them to take arms and go in search of new
abodes, he wished first to acquaint Zeno with it, in order that
he might provide for them, by granting some country in
which they might establish themselves, by his good favour,
with greater propriety and convenience. Zeno, partly from
fear and partly from a desire to drive Odoacer out of
Italy, gave Theodoric permission to lead his people against
him, and take possession of the country. Leaving his friends
the Zepidi in Pannonia, Theodoric marched into Italy, slew
Odoacer and his son, and, moved by the same reasons which
had induced Valentinian to do so, established his court at
Ravenna, and like Odoacer took the title of king of Italy.
Theodoric possessed great talents both for war and
peace : in the former he was always conqueror, and in
the latter he conferred very great benefits upon the cities and
people under him. He distributed the Ostrogoths over the
country, each district under its leader, that he might more
conveniently command them in war, and govern them in
peace. He enlarged Ravenna, restored Rome, and, with the
B.i.ch.2. a.d.500. CHARACTER OF THEODORIC. 7
exception of military discipline, conferred upon the Romans
every honour. He kept within their proper bounds, wholly
by the influence of his character, all the barbarian kings who
occupied the empire ; he built towns and fortresses between the
point of the Adriatic and the Alps, in order, with the greater
facility, to impede the passage of any new hordes of barbarians
who might design to assail Italy ; and if, towards the latter
end of his life, so many virtues had not been sullied by acts
of cruelty, caused by various jealousies of his people, such
as the deaths of Symmachus and Boethius, men of great holi-
ness, every point of his character would have deserved the
highest praise. By his virtue and goodness, not only Rome
and Italy, but every part of the western empire, freed from
the continual troubles which they had suffered from the fre-
quent influx of barbarians, acquired new vigour, and began
to live in an orderly and civilized manner. For surely if
any times were truly miserable for Italy and the provinces
overrun by the barbarians, they were those which occurred
from Arcadius and Honorius to Theodoric. If we only
consider the evils which arise to a republic or a kingdom by ;
a change of prince or of government ; not by foreign interfer-
ence, but by civil discord (in which we may see how even
slight variations suffice to ruin the most powerful kingdoms or
states), we may then easily imagine how much Italy and the
other Roman provinces suffered, when they not only changed
their forms of government and their princes, but also their laws,
customs, modes of living, religion, language, and name. Any
one of such changes, by itself, without being united with
others, might, with thinking of it, to say nothing of the
seeing and suffering, infuse terror into the strongest minds.
From these causes proceeded the ruin as well as the origin
and extension of many cities. Among those which were |
ruined were Aquileia, Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and '
many others. The new cities were Venice, Siena, Ferrara,
Aquila, with many towns and castles which for brevity we
omit. Those which became extended were Florence, Genoa,
Pisa, Milan, Naples and Bologna; to all of which may be
added, the ruin and restoration of Rome, and of many other
cities not previously mentioned.
From this devastation and new population arose new
8 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i ch. 2. a.d-526.
languages, as we see in the different dialects of France,
Spain and Italy; which, partaking of the native idiom of
the new people and of the old Roman, formed a new manner
of discourse. Besides, not only were the names of provinces
changed, but also of lakes, rivers, seas, and men ; for France,
Spain, and Italy are full of fresh names, wholly different from
the ancient ; as, omitting many others, we see that the* Po, the
Garcia, the Archipelago, are names quite different from those
which the ancients used ; whilst instead of Caesar and Pompey
we have Peter, Matthew, John, &c.
Among so many variations, that of religion was not of
little importance ; for, whilst combating the customs of the
ancient faith with the miracles of the new, very serious
troubles and discords were created amongst men. And if
Christians had been united in one faith, fewer disorders would
have followed ; but the contentions amongst themselves, of
the churches of Rome, Greece, and Ravenna, joined to those
of the heretic sects with the catholics, served in many ways
to render the world miserable. Africa is a proof of this ;
having suffered more horrors from the Arian sect, whose doc-
trines were believed by the Vandals, than from any avarice or
natural cruelty of the people themselves. Living amid so many
persecutions, the countenances of men bore witness of the
terrible impressions upon their minds ; for besides the evils
they suffered from the disordered state of the world, they
scarcely could have recourse to the help of God, in whom
the unhappy hope for relief ; for the greater part of them,
being uncertain what divinity they ought to address, died
miserably, without help and without hope.
Having been the first who put a stop to so many evils,
Theodoric deserves the highest praise ; for during the thirty-
eight years he reigned in Italy, he brought the country to
such a state of greatness, that her previous sufferings were
no longer recognisable. But at his death, the kingdom de-
scending to Atalaric, son of Amalasontha his daughter, and
the malice of fortune not being yet exhausted, the old evils
soon returned ; for Atalaric died soon after his grandfather,
and the kingdom coming into the possession of his mother,
she was betrayed by Theodatus, whom she had called to assist
her in the government. He put her to death and made him-
self king ; and having thus become odious to the Ostrogoths,
B. i. ch. 2. a ,d. 546. TOTILA TAKES ROME. 9
the emperor Justinian entertained the hope of driving him
out of Italy. Justinian appointed Belisarius to the com-
mand of this expedition, as he had already conquered Africa,
expelled the Vandals, and reduced the country to the imperial
rule.
Belisarius took possession of Sicily, and from thence pass-
ing into Italy, occupied Naples and Rome. The Goths, see-
ing this, slew Theodatus their king, whom they considered
the cause of their misfortune, and elected Vitiges in his
stead, who, after some skirmishes, was besieged and taken by
Belisarius at Ravenna ; but before he had time to secure the
advantages of his victory, Belisarius was recalled by Justi-
nian, and Joannes and Vitalis were appointed in his place.
Their principles and practices were so different from those of
Belisarius, that the Goths took courage and created Ildovadus,
governor of Verona, their king. After Ildovadus, who was
slain, came Totila, who routed the imperial forces, took Tus-
cany and Naples, and recovered nearly the whole of what
Belisarius had taken from them. On this account Justinian
determined to send him into Italy again ; but, coming with
only a small force, he lost the reputation which his former
victories had won for him, in less time than he had taken
to acquire it. Totila being at Ostia with his forces, took
Rome before his eyes ; but being unable to hold or to leave the
city, he destroyed the greater part of it, drove out the citizens,
and took the senators away with him. Thinking little of
Belisarius, he led his people into Calabria, to attack the forces
which had been sent from Greece.
Belisarius, seeing the city abandoned, turned his mind to
the performance of an honourable work. Viewing the ruins
of Rome, he determined to rebuild her walls and recall her
inhabitants with as little delay as possible. But fortune was
opposed to this laudable enterprise ; for Justinian, being at
this time assailed by the Parthians, recalled him ; and his
duty to his sovereign compelled him to abandon Italy to
Totila, who again took Rome, but did not treat her with such
severity as upon the former occasion; for at the entreaty of
St. Benedict, who in those days had great reputation for
sanctity, he endeavoured to restore her. In the meantime,
Justinian having arranged matters with the Parthians, again
thought of sending a force to the relief of Italy ; but the Sclavi,
10 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 2. a.d. 568.
another northern people, having crossed the Danube and
attacked Illyria and Thrace, prevented him, so that Totila
held almost the whole country. Having conquered the
Sclavonians, Justinian sent Narses, a eunuch, a man of
great military talent, who, having arrived in Italy, routed and
slew Totila. The Goths who escaped sought refuge in Pavia,
where they created Teias their king. On the other hand,
Narses after the victory took Rome, and coming to an engage-
ment with Teias near Nocera, slew him and routed his army.
By this victory, the power of the Goths in Italy was quite
annihilated, after having existed for seventy years, from the
coming of Theodoric to the death of Teias.
No sooner was Italy delivered from the Goths than Justi-
nian died, and was succeeded by Justin, his son, who, at the
instigation of Sophia his wife, recalled Narses, and sent
Longinus in his stead. Like those who preceded him, he
made his abode at Ravenna, and besides this, gave a new
form to the government of Italy; for he did not appoint
governors of provinces, as the Goths had done, but in every
city and town of importance, placed a ruler whom he called
a duke. Neither in this arrangement did he respect Rome
more than the other cities ; for having set aside the consuls
and senate, names which up to this time had been preserved,
he placed her under a duke, who was sent every year from
Ravenna, and called her the duchy of Rome ; whilst to him
who remained at Ravenna, and governed the whole of Italy
for the emperor, was given the name of Exarch. This
division of the country facilitated the ruin of Italy, and
gave the Lombards an early occasion of occupying it. Narses
was greatly enraged with the emperor, for having recalled
him from the government of the province, which he had won
with his own valour and blood ; whilst Sophia, not content
with the injury done by withdrawing him, treated him in the
most offensive manner, saying she wished him to come back
that he might spin with the other eunuchs. Full of indigna-
tion, Narses persuaded Alboin, king of the Lombards, who
then reigned in Pannonia, to invade and take possession of
Italy.
The Lombards, as was said before, occupied those places
upon the Danube which had been vacated by the Eruli and
Turingi, when Odoacer their king led them into Italy ; where,
B. l. ch. 2. ad. 572. ALBOIN, SOVEREIGN OF PANNONIA. 11
having been established for some time, their dominions were
held by Alboin, a man ferocious and bold, under whom they
crossed the Danube, and coming to an engagement with Cuni-
mund, king of the Zepidi, who held Pannonia, conquered
and slew him. Alboin finding Rosamond, daughter of Cuni-
mund, amongst the captives, took her to wife, and made
himself sovereign of Pannonia ; and, moved by his savage
nature, caused the skull of Cunimund to be formed into a cup,
from which, in memory of the victory, he drank. Being invited
into Italy by Narses, with whom he had been in friendship
during the war with the Goths, he left Pannonia to the Huns,
who after the death of Attila had returned to their country.
Finding, on his arrival, the province divided into so many
parts, he presently occupied Pavia, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, the
whole of Tuscany, and the greater part of Flamminia, which
is now called Romagna. These great and rapid acquisi-
tions made him think the conquest of Italy already secured ;
he therefore gave a great feast at Verona, and having become
elevated with wine, ordered the skull of Cunimund to be
filled, and caused it to be presented to the queen Rosamond,
who sat opposite, saying loud enough for her to hear, that
upon occasion of such great joy she should drink with her
father. These words were like a dagger to the lady's bosom,
and she resolved to have revenge. Knowing that Helmichis,
a noble Lombard, was in love with one of her maids, she ar-
ranged with the young woman, that Helmichis, without being
acquainted with the fact, should sleep with her instead of his
mistress. Having effected her design, Rosamond discovered
herself to Helmichis, and gave him the choice either of killing
Alboin, and taking herself and the kingdom as his reward,
or of being put to death as the ravisher of the queen. Hel-
michis consented to destroy Alboin ; but after the murder,
finding they could not occupy the kingdom, and fearful that
the Lombards would put them to death for the love they bore
to Alboin, they seized the royal treasure, and fled with it to
Longinus, at Ravenna, who received them favourably.
During these troubles the emperor Justinus died, and was
succeeded by Tiberius, who, occupied in the wars with the
Parthians, could not attend to the affairs of Italy ; and this
seeming to Longinus to present an opportunity, by means of
Rosamond and her wealth, of becoming king of the Lombards
12 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 2. a.d. 575
and of the whole of Italy, he communicated his design to her,
persuaded her to destroy Helmichis, and so take him for her
husband. To this end, having prepared poisoned wine, she
with her own hand presented it to Helmichis, who complained
of thirst as he came from the bath. Having drunk half of it, he
suspected the truth, from the unusual sensation it occasioned,
and compelled her to drink the remainder ; so that in a few
hours both came to their end, and Longinus was deprived of
the hope of becoming king.
In the meantime the Lombards, having drawn themselves
together in Pavia, which was become the principal seat of
their empire, made Clefis their king. He rebuilt Imola, de-
stroyed by Narses, and occupied Rimini and almost every place
up to Rome ; but he died in the course of his victories.
Clefis was cruel to such a degree, not only towards strangers,
but to his own Lombards, that these people, sickened of royal
power, did not create another king, but appointed amongst
themselves thirty dukes to govern the rest. This prevented
the Lombards from occupying the whole of Italy, or of ex-
tending their dominion further than Benevento ; for, of the
cities of Rome, Ravenna, Cremona, Mantua, Padua, Monselice,
Parma, Bologna, Faenza, Forli, and Cesena, some defended
themselves for a time, and others never fell under their do-
minion ; since, not having a king, they became less prompt for
war, and when they afterwards appointed one, they were, by
living in freedom, become less obedient, and more apt to quarrel
amongst themselves; which from the first prevented a fortunate
issue of their military expeditions, and was the ultimate cause
of their being driven out of Italy. The affairs of the Lom-
bards being in the state just described, the Romans and
Longinus came to an agreement with them, that each should
lay down their arms and enjoy what they already possessed.
ch. 3. a.d 731. PONTIFFS OF ITALY. 13
CHAPTER III.
Beginning of the greatness of the pontiffs in Italy — Abuse of censures and
indulgences — The pope applies to Pepin, king of France, for assistance
— Donation of Pepin to the pontiff — Charlemagne — End of the kingdom
of the Lombards — The title of cardinal begins to be used — The empire
passes to the Germans — Berengarius, duke of Friuli, created king of
Italy — Pisa becomes great — Order and division of the states of Italy —
Electors of the emperor created.
In these times the popes began to acquire greater temporal
authority than they had previously possessed ; although the
immediate successors of St. Peter were more reverenced
for the holiness of their lives, and the miracles which they
performed ; and their example so greatly extended the Chris-
tian religion, that princes of other states embraced it, in order
to obviate the confusion which prevailed at that period. The
emperor having become a Christian and returned to Constan-
tinople, it followed, as was remarked at the commencement
of the book, that the Roman empire was the more easily ruined,
and the church more rapidly increased her authority. Neverthe-
less, the whole of Italy, being subject either to the emperors
or the kings till the coming of the Lombards, the popes never
acquired any greater authority than what reverence for their
habits and doctrine gave them. In other respects they obeyed
the emperors or kings ; officiated for them in their affairs, as
ministers or agents ; and were even sometimes put to death by
them. He who caused them to become of more importance
in the affairs of Italy, was Theodoric, king of the Goths,
when he established the seat of his empire at Ravenna ; for, 1
Rome being without a prince, the Romans found it necessary, for
their safety, to yield obedience to the pope ; his authority,
however, was not greatly increased thereby, the only advantage j
being, that the church of Rome was allowed to take precedence
of that of Ravenna. But the Lombards having taken posses-
sion, and Italy being divided into many parts, the pope had
an opportunity of greater exertion. Being as it were the head
of Rome, both the emperor of Constantinople and the Lom-
bards respected him; so that the Romans, by his means,
entered into league with the Lombards, and with Longinus,
not as subjects, but as equals. Thus the popes, at one time
14 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 3. a.d. 731-
friends of the Greeks, and at another of the Lombards, in-
creased their own power : but upon the ruin of the eastern
empire, which occurred during the time of Heraclius,
their influence was reduced; for the Sclavi, of whom we
6poke before, again assailed Illyria, and having occupied the
country, named it Sclavonia, after themselves ; and the other
parts were attacked by the Persians, then by the Saracens
under Mohammed, and lastly by the Turks, who took Syria,
Africa, and Egypt. These causes induced the reigning pope,
in his distress, to seek new friends, and he applied to the
king of France. Nearly all the wars which the northern bar-
barians carried on in Italy, it may be here remarked, were
occasioned by the pontiffs ; and the hordes, with which the
country was inundated, were generally called in by them. The
same mode of proceeding still continued, and kept Italy weak
and unsettled. And, therefore, in relating the events which
have taken place from those times to the present, the ruin of the
empire will be no longer illustrated, but only the increase of the
pontificate and of the other principalities which ruled Italy till
the coming of Charles VIII. It will be seen how the popes,
first with censures, and afterwards with these and arms, min-
gled with indulgences, became both terrible and venerable ; and
how, from having abused both, they ceased to possess any
influence, and were wholly dependent on the will of others
for assistance in their wars.
But to return to the order of our narration. Gregory III.
occupied the papacy, and the kingdom of the Lombards was
held by Astolphus, who, contrary to agreement, seized Ravenna,
and made war upon the pope. On this account, Gregory no
longer relying upon the emperor of Constantinople, since he, for
the reasons above given, was unable to assist him, and unwill-
ing to trust the Lombards, for they had frequently broken
their faith, had recourse to Pepin II., who, from being
lord of Austria and Brabant, had become king of France ;
not so much by his own valour as by that of Charles Martel
his father, and Pepin his grandfather ; for Charles Martel
being governor of the kingdom, effected the memorable defeat
of the Saracens near Tours, upon the Loire, in which two
hundred thousand of them are said to have been left dead
upon the field of battle. Hence, Pepin, by his father's
reputation and his own abilities, became afterwards king of
B. i. ch. 3. a.d. 800. DONATION TO THE POPE. 15
France. To him Pope Gregory, as we have said, applied for
assistance against the Lombards, which Pepin promised to
to grant, but desired first to see him and be honoured with his
presence. Gregory accordingly went to France, passing un-
injured through the country of his enemies, so great was the
respect they had for religion, and was treated honourably by
Pepin, who sent an army into Italy, and besieged the Lom-
bards in Pavia. King Astolphus, compelled by necessity, made
proposals of peace to the French, who agreed to them at the
entreaty of the pope — for he did not desire the death of his
enemy, but that he should be converted and live. In this
treaty, Astolphus promised to give to the church all the places
he had taken from her ; but the king's forces having returned
to France, he did not fulfil the agreement, and the pope
again had recourse to Pepin, who sent another army, con-
quered the Lombards, took Ravenna, and, contrary to the
wishes of the Greek emperor, gave it to the pope, with all
the places that belonged to the exarchate, and added to them
Urbino and the Marca. But Astolphus, whilst fulfilling the
terms of his agreement, died, and Desiderius, a Lombard, who
was duke of Tuscany, took arms to occupy the kingdom, and
demanded assistance of the pope, promising him his friend-
ship. The pope acceding to his request, the other princes
assented. Desiderius kept faith at first, and proceeded to
resign the districts to the pope, according to the agreement
made with Pepin, so that an exarch was no longer sent from
Constantinople to Ravenna, but it was governed according to
the will of the pope. Pepin soon after died, and was suc-
ceeded by his son Charles, the same who, on account of the
magnitude and success of his enterprises, was called Charle-
magne, or Charles the Great. Theodore I. now succeeded to the
papacy, and discord arising between him and Desiderius, the
latter besieged him in Rome. The pope requested assistance of
Charles, who, having crossed the Alps, besieged Desiderius in
Pavia, where he took both him and his children, and sent them
prisoners to France. He then went to visit the pontiff at
Rome, where he declared, that the pope, being vicar of God,
could not be judged by men. The pope and the people of
Rome made him emperor ; and thus Rome began to have
an emperor of the west. And whereas the popes used to be
established by the emperors, the latter now began to have
16 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 3. a.d. 814.
need of the popes at their elections ; the empire continued to
lose its powers, while the church acquired them ; and, by
these means, she constantly extended her authority over tem-
poral princes.
The Lombards, having now been two hundred and thirty-two
years in the country, were strangers only in name ; and Charles,
wishing to re-organise the states of Italy, consented that they
should occupy the places in which they had been brought up,
and call the province after their own name, Lombardy. That
they might be led to respect the Roman name, he ordered
all that part of Italy adjoining to them, which had been
under the exarchate of Ravenna, to be called Romagna. Be-
sides this, he created his son Pepin, king of Italy, whose
dominion extended to Benevento ; all the rest being possessed
by the Greek emperor, with whom Charles was in league.
About this time Pascal I. occupied the pontificate, and the
priests of the churches of Rome, from being near to the pope,
and attending the elections of the pontiff, began to dignify
their power with a title, by calling themselves cardinals, and
arrogated so great authority, that having excluded the people
of Rome from the election of pontiff, the appointment of
a new pope was scarcely ever made except from one of
their number : thus on the death of Pascal, the cardinal of
St. Sabina was created pope by the title of Eugenius II. Italy
having come into the hands of the French, a change of form
and order took place, the popes acquiring greater temporal
power, and the new authorities adopting the titles of count
and marquis, as that of duke had been introduced by Lon-
ginus, exarch of Ravenna. After the deaths of some pontiffs,
Osporco, a Roman, succeeded to the papacy; but on account
of his unseemly appellation, he took the name of Sergius, and
this was the origin of that change of names which the popes
adopt upon their election to the pontificate.
In the meantime, the emperor Charles died and was succeeded
by Lewis (the Pious), after whose death so many disputes arose
amongst his sons, that at the time of his grandchildren, the
house of France lost the empire, which then came to the
Germans ; the first German emperor being called Arnolfus.
Nor did the Carlovingian family lose the empire only ; their
discords also occasioned them the loss of Italy ; for the Lom-
bards, gathering strength, offended the pope and the Romans ;
B. I. ch. 3. a.d. 931. BERENGARIUS, KING OF ROME. 17
and Arnolfo, not knowing where to seek relief, was com-
pelled to create Berengarius, duke of Fruili, king of Italy.
These events induced the Huns, who occupied Pannonia, to
assail Italy : but, in an engagement with Berengarius, they
were compelled to return to Pannonia, which had from them
been named Hungary.
Romano was at this time emperor of Greece, having, whilst
prefect of the army, dethroned Constantine ; and as Pugl'a
and Calabria, which, as before observed, were parts of the
Greek empire, had revolted, he gave permission to the Sara-
cens to occupy them ; and they having taken possession of these
provinces, besieged Rome. The Romans, Berengarius being
then engaged in defending himself against the Huns, ap-
pointed Alberic, duke of Tuscany, their leader. By his
valour Rome was saved from the Saracens, who, withdrawing
from the siege, erected a fortress upon Mount Gargano, by
means of which they governed Puglia and Calabria, and
harassed the wliole country. Thus Italy was in those
times very grievously afflicted, being in constant warfare with
the Huns in the direction of the Alps, and, on the Neapolitan
side, suffering from the inroads of the Saracens. This state
of things continued many years, occupying the reigns of three
Berengarii, who succeeded each other ; and during this time
the pope and the church were greatly disturbed ; the impo-
tence of the eastern, and the disunion which prevailed
amongst the western princes, leaving them without defence.
The city of Genoa, with all her territory upon the rivers,
having been overrun by the Saracens, an impulse was thus
given to the rising greatness of Pisa, in which city multitudes
took refuge who had been driven out of their own country.
These events occurred in the year 931, when Otho, duke
of Saxony, the son of Henry and Matilda, a man of great
prudence and reputation, being made emperor, the pope
Agapito, begged that he would come into Italy and relieve
him from the tyranny of the Berengarii.
The States of Italy were governed in this manner : Lom-
bardy was under Berengarius III. and Alfred his son ; Tus-
cany and Romagna were governed by a deputy of the western
emperor ; Puglia and Calabria were partly under the Greek
emperor, and partly under the Saracens ; in Rome two con-
suls were annually chosen from the nobility, who governed
IB HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 3. a.d. 1040.
her according to ancient custom ; to these was added a pre-
fect, who dispensed justice among the people ; and there
was a council of twelve, who each year appointed rectors for
the places subject to them. The popes had more or less
authority in Rome and the rest of Italy, in proportion as
they were favourites of the emperor or of the most powerful
states. The emperor Otho came into Italy, took the kingdom
from the Berengarii, in which they had reigned fifty-five
years, and reinstated the pontiff in his dignity. He had a son
and a nephew, each named Otho, who, one after the other,
succeeded to the empire. In the reign of Otho III., Pope
Gregory V. was expelled by the Romans; whereupon the
emperor came into Italy and replaced him ; and the pope,
to revenge himself of the Romans, took from them the right
to create an emperor, and gave it to three princes and three
bishops of Germany ; the princes of Brandenburg, Palatine,
and Saxony, and the bishops of Magonza, Treveri, and Co-
lonia. This occurred in the year 1002. After the death of
Otho III., the electors created Henry, duke of Bavaria,
emperor, who at the end of twelve years was crowned by
Pope Stephen VIII. Henry and his wife Simeonda were
persons of very holy life, as is seen by the many temples
built and endowed by them, of which the church of St.
Miniato, near Florence, is one. Henry died in 1024, and was
succeeded by Conrad of Suabia ; and the latter by Henry
II., who came to Rome ; and as there was a schism in
the church of three popes, he set them all aside, and caused
the election of Clement II., by whom he was crowned em-
peror.
en. 1 ad. 1053. POPES — HOW ELECTED. 19
CHAPTER IV.
Nicholas II. commits the election of the pope to the cardinals — First ex-
ample of a prince deprived of his dominions by the pope — Guelpha and
Ghibellines — Establishment of the kingdom of Naples— Pope Urban i I.
goes to France — The first crusade— New orders of knighthood — S;v
takes from the Christians their possessions in the east — Death of the
Countess Matilda — Character of Frederick Barbarossa — Schism —
Frederick creates an anti-pope — Building of Alexandria in Puglia —
Disgraceful conditions imposed by the pope upon Henry, king of En .
— Reconciliation of Frederick with the pope — The kingdom of 'Naples
passes to the Germans— Orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis.
Italy was at this time governed partly by the people, some
districts by their own princes, and others by the deputies
of the emperor. The highest in authority, and to whom the
others referred, was called the chancellor. Of the princes,
the most powerful were Godfred and the Countess Matilda
his wife, who was daughter of Beatrice, the sister of Henry
II. She and her husband possessed Lucca, Parma, Reggio,
Mantua, and the whole of what is now called the Patrimony of
the Church. The ambition of the Roman people caused many
wars between them and the pontiffs, whose authority had pre-
viously been used to free them from the emperors ; but when
they had taken the government of the city to themselves, and
regulated it according to their own pleasure, they at once became
at enmity with the popes, who received far more injuries from
them than from any Christian potentate. And whilst the
popes caused all the west to tremble with their censures, the
people of Rome were in open rebellion against them; nor
had they or the popes any other purpose, but to deprive each
other of reputation and authority.
Nicholas II. now attained the papacy ; and as Gregory V.
had taken from the Romans the right to create an emperor,
he in the same manner determined to deprive them of their
share in the election of the pope ; and confined the creation
to the cardinals alone. Nor did this satisfy him ; for, having
agreed with the princes who governed Calabria and Puglia,
by methods which we shall presently relate, he compelled the
officers whom the Romans appointed to their different juris-
dictions, to render obedience to him ; and some of them he even
deprived of their offices. After the death of Nicholas, there
c 2
'20 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 4. A d. 1082.
was a schism in the church ; the clergy of Lombardy refused
obedience to Alexander II., created at Rome, and elected
Cadolo of Parma anti-pope ; and Henry, who hated the power
of the pontiffs, gave Alexander to understand that he must
renounce the pontificate, and ordered the cardinals to go into
Germany to appoint a new pope. He was the first who felt
the importance of spiritual weapons ; for the pope called a
council at Rome, and deprived Henry of both the empire
and the kingdom. Some of the people of Italy took the part
of the pope, others of Henry ; and hence arose the factions
of the Guelphs and the Ghibellines ; that Italy, relieved from the
inundations of barbarians, might be distracted with intestine
strife. Henry, being excommunicated, was compelled by his
people to come into Italy, and fall barefooted upon his knees
before the pope, and ask his pardon. This occurred in the
year 1082. Nevertheless, there shortly afterwards arose new
discords betwixt the pope and Henry ; upon which the pope
again excommunicated him, and the emperor sent his son,
also named Henry, with an army to Rome, and he, with the
assistance of the Romans, who hated the pope, besieged him
in the fortress. Robert Guiscard then came from Puglia to
his relief, but Henry had left before his arrival, and returned
to Germany. The Romans stood out alone, and the city was
sacked by Robert, and reduced to ruins. As from this
Robert sprung the establishment of the kingdom of Naples, it
seems not superfluous to relate particularly his actions and
origin.
Disunion having arisen among the descendants of Charle-
magne, occasion was given to another northern people, called
Normans, to assail France and occupy that portion of the
country which is now named Normandy. A part of these
people came into Italy at the time when the province was
infested with the Berengarii, the Saracens, and the Huns,
and occupied some places in Romagna, where, during the
wars of that period, they conducted themselves valiantly.
Tancred, one of these Norman princes, had many children ;
amongst the rest were William, surnamed Ferabac, and
Robert, called Guiscard. When the principality was governed
bv William, the troubles of Italy were in some measure
abated ; but the Saracens still held Sicily, and plundered the
coasts of Italy daily. On this account William arranged with the
B.i. ch.4. a.d.1088. ESTABLISHMENT OF NAPLES. 2l
princes oi' Capua and Salerno, and with Melorco, a Greek,
who governed Puglia and Calabria for the Greek emperor, to
attack Sicily ; and it was agreed that, if they were victorious,
each should have a fourth part of the booty and the territory.
They were fortunate in their enterprise, expelled the Saracens,
and took possession of the island ; but, after the victory,
Melorco secretly caused forces to be brought from Greece,
seized Sicily in the name of the emperor, and appropriated
the booty to himself and his followers. William was much
dissatisfied with this, but reserved the exhibition of his dis-
pleasure for a suitable opportunity, and left Sicily with the
princes of Salerno and Capua. But when they had parted
from him to return to their homes, instead of proceeding to
Romagna he led his people towards Puglia, and took Meln :
and from thence, in a short time, recovered from the Greek
emperor almost the whole of Puglia and Calabria, over which
provinces, in the time of pope Nicholas II. his brother Robert
Guiscard was sovereign. Robert having had many disputes
with his nephews for the inheritance of these states, requested
the influence of the pope to settle them ; which his holiness
was very willing to afford, being anxious to make a friend of
Robert, to defend himself against the emperor of Germany
and the insolence of the Roman people, which indeed shortly
followed, when, at the instance of Gregory, he drove Henry
from Rome, and subdued the people. Robert was succeeded
bv his sons Roger and William, to whose dominion not only was
Naples added, and all the places interjacent as far as Rome,
and afterwards Sicily, of which Roger became sovereign ;
but, upon William going to Constantinople, to marry
the daughter of the emperor, his dominions were wrested
from him by his brother Roger. Inflated with so great
an acquisition, Roger first took the title of king of Italy, but
afterwards contented himself with that of king of Puglia
and Sicily. He was the first who established and gave that
name to this kingdom, which still retains its ancient bound-
aries, although its sovereigns have been of many families and
countries. Upon the failure of the Normans, it came to the
Germans, after these to the French, then to the Arragonese.
and it is now held by the Flemish.
About this time Urban II. became pope, and excited the hatred
of the Romans. As he did not think himself safe even in
22 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 4. a.d. 1099.
Italy, on account of the disunion which prevailed, he directed
his thoughts to a generous enterprise. With his whole clergy
he went into France, and at Anvers, having drawn together
a vast multitude of people, delivered an oration against the
infidels, which so excited the minds of his audience, that they
determined to undertake the conquest of Asia from the
Saracens ; which enterprise, with all those of a similar
nature, were afterwards called crusades, because the people
who joined in them bore upon their armour and apparel the
figure of a cross. The leaders were Godfrey, Eustace,
and Baldwin of Bouillon, counts of Boulogne, and Peter, a
hermit celebrated for his prudence, and sanctity. Many
kings and people joined them, and contributed money;
and many private persons fought under them at their own
expense ; so great was the influence of religion in those
- upon the minds of men, excited by the example of those
who were its principal ministers. The proudest successes
Lded the beginning of this enterprise ; for the whole of
Minor. Syria, and part of Egypt, fell under the power
of the Christians. To commemorate these events the order of
the Knights of Jerusalem was created, which still continues,
and holds the island of Rhodes — the only obstacle to the
power of the Mohammedans. The same events gave rise to
the order of the Knights Templars, which, after a short time, on
account of their shameless practices, was dissolved. Various
fortune attended the crusaders in the course of their enter-
prises, and many nations and individuals became celebrated
accordingly. The kings of France and England joined
them, and, with the Venetians, Pisans, and Genoese, acquired
great reputation, till the time of Saladin, when, by whose talents,
and the disagreement of the Christians amongst themselves,
the crusaders were robbed of all that glory which they had at
first acquired ; and, after ninety years, were driven from those
places which they had so honourably and happily recovered.
After the death of Urban, Pascal II. became pope, and the
empire was under the dominion of Henry IV. who came to
Rome pretending friendship for the pontiff, but afterwards
put his holiness and all his clergy in prison ; nor did he
release them till it was conceded that he should dispose of
the churches of Germany according to his own pleasure.
About this time, the Countess Matilda died, and made the
B. i. ch. 4. a.d. 1152. CHARACTER OF FREDERICK I. 23
church heir to all her territories. After the deaths of Pascal
and Henry IV. many popes and emperors followed, till the
papacy was occupied by Alexander III. and the empire by
Frederick, surnamed Barbarossa. The popes during this period
had met with many difficulties from the people of Rome and
the emperors ; and in the time of Barbarossa they were much
increased. Frederick possessed military talent, but was so
full of pride that he would not submit to the pontiff. How-
ever, at his election to the empire he came to Rome to be
crowned, and returned peaceably to Germany, where he did not
long remain in the same mind, but came again into Italy to
subdue certain places in Lombardy, which did not obey him.
It happened at this time that the cardinal St. Clement, of a
Roman family, separated from Alexander, and was made
pope by some of the cardinals. The emperor Frederick,
being encamped at Crema. Alexander complained to him of
the anti-pope, and received for answer, that they were both to
go to him, and, having heard each side, he would determine
which was the true pope. This reply displeased Alexander ;
and, as he saw the emperor was inclined to favour the anti-
pope, he excommunicated him, and then fled to Philip, king of
France. Frederick, in the meantime, carrying on the war in
Lombardy, destroyed Milan ; which caused the union of Verona,
Padua, and Vicenza against him, for their common defence.
About the same period the anti-pope died, and Frederick set
up Guido of Cremona, in his stead.
The Romans, from the absence of the pope, and from the
emperor being in Lombardy, had re-acquired some authority
in Rome, and proceeded to recover the obedience of
those places which had been subject to them. And as the
people of Tusculum refused to submit to their authority,
they proceeded against them with their whole force ; but
these, being assisted by Frederick, routed the Roman army
with such dreadful slaughter, that Rome was never after
either so populous or so rich. Alexander now returned to
the city, thinking he could be safe there on account of the
enmity subsisting betwixt the Romans and the emperor, and
from the enemies which the latter had in Lombardy. But
Frederick, setting aside every other consideration, led his forces
and encamped before Rome ; and Alexander fled to William,
king of Puglia, who had become heir of that kingdom after the
/
24 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. t. ch. 4. a.d. 116C.
death of Roger. Frederick, however, withdrew from Rome
on account of the plague which then prevailed, and returned
to Germany. The cities of Lombardy in league against him,
in order to command Pavia and Tortona, which adhered to
the imperial party, built a city, to be their magazine in time
of war, and named it Alexandria, in honour of the pope and
in contempt of Frederick.
Guido the anti-pope died, and Giovanni of Fermo was
appointed in his stead, who, being favoured by the imperialists,
lived at Montefiascone. Pope Alexander being at Tusculum,
whither he had been called by the inhabitants, that with his
authority he might defend them from the Romans, ambassa-
dors came to him from Henry king of England, to signify
that he was not blameable for the death of Thomas a Becket,
archbishop of Canterbury, although public report had slan-
dered him with it. On this the pope sent two cardinals to
England, to inquire into the truth of the matter ; and
although they found no actual charge against the king,
still, on account of the infamy of the crime, and for not hav-
ing honoured the archbishop so much as he deserved, the
sentence against the king of England was, that having called
together the barons of his empire, he should upon oath
before them affirm his innocence ; that he should immediately
send two hundred soldiers to Jerusalem, paid for one year ;
that, before the end of three years, he should himself pro-
ceed thither with as large an army as he could draw together ;
that his subjects should have the power of appealing to Rome
when they thought proper ; and that he should annul what-
ever acts had been passed in his kingdom unfavourable to
ecclesiastical rule. These terms were all accepted by Henry ;
and thus a great king submitted to a sentence that in our
day a private person would have been ashamed of. But
whilst the pope exercised so great authority over distant
princes, he could not compel obedience from the Romans
themselves, or obtain their consent that he should remain in
Rome, even though he promised to intermeddle only with
ecclesiastical affairs.
About this time Frederick returned to Italy, and whilst he
was preparing to carry on new wars against the pope, his pre-
lates and barons declared they would abandon him unless he
reconciled himself with the church ; so that he was obliged to
B. i. en. 4. a.d. 1191. DEATH OF GIOVANNI. 25
go and submit to the pope at Venice, where a pacification was
e fleeted, but in which the pontiff deprived the emperor of all
authority over Rome, and named William, king of Sicily and
Puglia, a coadjutor with him. Frederick, unable to exist
without war, joined the crusaders in Asia, that he might exer-
cise that ambition against Mohammed, which he could not
gratify against the vicars of Christ. And being near the
river Cydnus, tempted by the clearness of its waters, bathed
therein, took cold, and died. Thus the river did a greater favour
to the Mohammedans, than the pope's excommunications had
done to the Christians ; for the latter only checked his pride,
while the former finished his career. Frederick being dead, the
pope had now only to suppress the contumacy of the Romans ;
and, after many disputes concerning the creation of consuls,
it was agreed that they should elect them as they had been
accustomed to do, but that these should not undertake the
office, till they had first sworn to be faithful to the church. •
This agreement being made, Giovanni the anti-pope took
refuge in Mount Albano, where he shortly afterwards died.
William, king of Naples, died about the same time, and the
pope intended to occupy that kingdom on the ground that the
king had left only a natural son named Tancred. But the
barons would not consent, and wished that Tancred should be
king. Celestine III., the then pope, anxious to snatch the king-
dom from the hands of Tancred, contrived that Henry, son of
Frederick should be elected emperor, and promised him the
kingdom on the condition that he should restore to the
church all the places that had belonged to her. To facilitate
this affair, he caused Gostanza, a daughter of William, who
had been placed in a monastery and was now old, to be
brought from her seclusion and become the wife of Henry.
Thus the kingdom of Naples passed from the Normans, who
had been the founders of it, to the Germans. As soon as the
affairs of Germany were arranged, the emperor Henry came
into Italy with Gostanza his wife, and a son about four years
of age named Frederick; and, as Tancred was now dead,
leaving only an infant named Roger, he took possession
of the kingdom without much difficulty. After some years,
Henry died in Sicily, and was succeeded in the kingdom by
Frederick, and in the empire by Otho duke of Saxony, who
was elected through the influence of Innocent III. But as
26 IIISTGBY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 5 a.d. 1218.
soon as he had taken the crown, contrary to the general ex-
pectation, he became an enemy of the pope, occupied Ro-
magna, and prepared to attack the kingdom. On this account
the pope excommunicated him ; he was abandoned by every
one, and the electors appointed Frederick, king of Naples,
emperor in his stead. Frederick came to Rome for his coro-
nation ; but the pope, being afraid of his power, would not
crown him, and endeavoured to withdraw him from Italy as
he had done Otho. Frederick returned to Germany in anger,
and, after many battles with Otho, at length conquered him.
Meanwhile, Innocent died, who, besides other excellent works,
built the hospital of the Holy Ghost at Rome. He was suc-
ceeded by Honorius III., in whose time the religious orders
of St. Dominic and St. Francis were founded, 1218. Hono-
rius crowned Frederick, to whom Giovanni, descended from
Baldwin king of Jerusalem, who commanded the remainder
of the Christian army in Asia and still held that title, gave a
da i^hter in marriage ; and, with her portion, conceded to him
the title to that kingdom : hence it is that every king of Naples
is called king of Jerusalem.
CHAPTER V.
The state of Italy — Beginning of the greatness of the house of Este —
Guelphs and Ghibellines — Death of the Emperor Frederick II. — Man-
fred takes possession of the kingdom of Naples— Movements of the
Guelphs and Ghibellines in Lombardy — Charles of Anjou invested by
tie pope with the kingdom of Naples and Sicily — Restless policy of the
popes — Ambitious views of pope Nicholas III. — Nephews of the popes —
Sicilian vespers — The Emperor Rodolph allows many cities to purchase
their independence — Institution of the jubilee — The popes at Avignon.
At this time the states of Italy were governed in the follow-
ing manner : the Romans no longer elected consuls, but in-
stead of them, and with the same powers, they appointed one
senator, and sometimes more. The league which the cities
of Lombardy had formed against Frederick Barbarossa still
continued, and comprehended Milan, Brescia, Mantua, and
the greater number of the cities of Romagna, together with
Verona, Vicenza. Padua, and Trevisa. Those which took part
B. i.ch.5. a.d. 1243. INNOCENT IV. POFE. 27
with the emperor, were Cremona, Bergamo, Parma, Reggio,
and Trento. The other cities and fortresses of Lombardy,
Romagna, and the march of Trevisa, favoured, according to
their necessities, sometimes one party, sometimes the other.
In the time of Otho III. there had come into Italy a man
called Ezelin, who, remaining in the country, had a son, and
he too had a son named Ezelin. This person, being rich and
powerful, took part with Frederick, who, as we have said,
was at enmity with the pope; Frederick, at the instigation
and with the assistance of Ezelin, took Verona and Mantua,
destroyed Vicenza, occupied Padua, routed the army of the
united cities, and then directed his course towards Tuscany.
Ezelin, in the meantime, had subdued the whole of the Trevisan
March, but could not prevail against Ferrara, which was de-
fended by Azone da Este and the forces which the pope had
in Lombardy ; and, as the enemy were compelled to with-
draw, the pope gave Ferrara in fee to this Azone, from
whom are descended those who now govern that city.
Frederick halted at Pisa, desirous of making himself lord
of Tuscany ; but, whilst endeavouring to discover what friends
and foes he had in that province, he scattered so many seeds of
discord as occasioned the ruin of Italy ; for the factions of the
Guelpfhs and Ghibellines multiplied, — those who supported the
church taking the name of Guelphs, while the followers of
the emperor were called Ghibellines, these names being
first heard at Pistoia. Frederick, marching from Pisa, as-
sailed and wasted the territories of the church in a variety of
ways ; so that the pope, having no other remedy, unfurled
against him the banner of the cross, as his predecessors had
done against the Saracens. Frederick, that he might not be
suddenly abandoned by his people, as Frederick Barbarossa
and others had been, took into his pay a number of Saracens ;
and to bind them to him, and establish in Italy a firm bul-
wark against the church, without fear of papal maledic-
tions, he gave them Nocera in the kingdom of Naples, that,
having a refuge of their own, they might be placed in greater
security. The pontificate was now occupied by Innocent IV.,
who, being in fear of Frederick, went to Genoa, and thence
to France, where he appointed a council to be held at Lyons,
which it was the intention of Frederick to attend, but he was
prevented by the rebellion of Parma : and, being repulsed,
28 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 5. a.d. 1265.
he went into Tuscany, and from thence to Sicily, where he
died, leaving his son Conrad in Suabia ; and in Puglia,
Manfred, whom he had created duke of Benevento, born
of a concubine. Conrad came to take possession of the
kingdom, and having arrived at Naples, died, leaving an
infant son named Corradino, who was then in Germany. On
this account Manfred occupied the state, first as guardian of
Corradino, but afterwards, causing a report to be circulated
that Corradino had died, made himself king, contrary to the
wishes of both the pope and the Neapolitans, who, however,
were obliged to submit.
"Whilst these things were occurring in the kingdom of
Naples, many movements took place in Lombardy betwixt
the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. The Guelphs were headed
by a legate of the pope ; and the Ghibelline party by Ezelin,
who possessed nearly the whole of Lombardy beyond the Po;
and, as in the course of the war Padua rebelled, he put to
death twelve thousand of its citizens. But before its close
he was himself slain, in the eightieth year of his age,
and all the places he had held became free. Manfred, king
of Naples, continued those enmities against the church which
had been begun by his ancestors, and kept the Pope, Urban
IV. in continual alarm ; so that, in order to subdue him, Ur-
ban summoned the crusaders, and went to Perugia to await
their arrival. Seeing them few and slow in their approach,
he found that more able assistance was necessary to conquer
Manfred. He therefore sought the favour of France ; created
Louis of Anjou, the king's brother, sovereign of Naples and
Sicily, and excited him to come into Italy to take possession of
that kingdom. But before Charles came to Rome the pope died,
and was succeeded by Clement IV., in whose time he arrived at
Ostia, with thirty galleys, and ordered that the rest of his
forces should come by land. During his abode at Rome, the
citizens, in order to attach him to them, made him their sena-
tor, and the pope invested him with the kingdom, on condi-
tion that he should pay annually to the church the sum of
fifty thousand ducats ; and it was decreed that, from thence-
forth, neither Charles nor any other person, who might be
king of Naples, should be emperor also. Charles marched
against Manfred, routed his army, and slew him near Bene-
vento, and then became sovereign of Sicily and Naples.
B r.cH.5. A.n 1277. AMBITION OF NICHOLAS III. 29
Corradino, to whom, by his father's will, the state belonged,
having collected a great force in Germany, marched into
Italy against Charles, with whom he came to an engagement
at Tagliacozzo, was taken prisoner whilst endeavouring to
escape, and being unknown, put to death.
Italy remained in repose till the pontificate of Adrian V.
Charles, being at Rome and governing the city by virtue of
his office of senator, the pope, unable to endure his power,
withdrew to Viterbo, and solicited the emperor Rodolph to
come into Italy and assist him. Thus the popes, sometimes
in zeal for religion, at others moved by their own ambition,
were continually calling in new parties and exciting new dis-
turbances. As soon as they had made a prince powerful,
they viewed him with jealousy and sought his ruin ; and
never allowed another to rule the country, which, from their
own imbecility, they were themselves unable to govern. J
Princes were in fear of them ; for, righting or running away,
the popes always obtained the advantage, unless it happened
they were entrapped by deceit, as occurred to Boniface VIII.,
and some others, who, under pretence of friendship, were en-
snared by the emperors. Rodolph did not come into Italy,
being detained by the war in which he was engaged with the
king of Bohemia. At this time Adrian died, and Nicholas
III., of the Orsini family, became pontiff. He was a bold,
ambitious man ; and being resolved at any event to dimi-
nish the power of Charles, induced the emperor Rodolph to
complain that he had a governor in Tuscany favourable to
the Guelphic faction, who after the death of Manfred had
been replaced by him. Charles yielded to the emperor and
withdrew his governor, and the pope sent one of his nephews,
a cardinal, as governor for the emperor, who, for the honour
done him, restored Romagna to the church, which had been
taken from her by his predecessors, and the pope made Ber-
toldo Orsino duke of Romagna. As Nicholas now thought
himself powerful enough to oppose Charles, he deprived him
of the office of senator, and made a decree that no one of
royal race should ever be a senator in Rome. It was his in-
tention to deprive Charles of Sicily, and to this end he en-
tered into a secret negotiation with Peter, king of Arragon,
which took effect in the following papacy. He also had the
design of creating two kings out of his family, the one in Lorn-
30 HISTORY OF FLOBEXCE. B. i. ch. 5. a.d. 1294.
barely, the other in Tuscany, whose power would defend the
church from the Germans who might design to come into
Italy, and from the French who were in the kingdom of
Naples and Sicily. But with these thoughts he died. He
was the first pope who openly exhibited his own ambition ;
and, under pretence of making the church great, conferred
honours and emolument upon his own family. Previously to
his time no mention is made of the nephews or families of
any pontiff, but future history is full of them ; nor is there
now anything left for them to attempt, except the effort to
make the papacy hereditary. True it is, the princes of their
creating have not long sustained their honours ; for the pon-
tiffs, being generally of very limited existence, did not get
their plants properly established.
To Nicholas succeeded Martin IV., of French origin, and
consequently favourable to the party of Charles, who sent
him assistance against the rebellion of Romagna ; and whilst
they were encamped at Furli, Guido Bonatto, an astrologer,
contrived that at an appointed moment the people should
assail the forces of the king, and the plan succeeding, all the
French were taken and slain. About this period was also car-
ried into effect the plot of Pope Nicholas and Peter, king of
Arragon, by which the Sicilians murdered all the French that
were in that island ; and Peter made himself sovereign of it,
saying, that it belonged to him in the right of his wife Gostanza,
daughter of Manfred. But Charles, whilst making warlike
preparations for the recovery of Sicily, died, leaving a son,
Charles II., who was made prisoner in Sicily, and to recover
his liberty promised to return to his prison, if within three
years he did not obtain the pope's consent, that the kings of
Arragon should be invested with the kingdom of Sicily.
The Emperor Rodolph, instead of coming into Italy, gave the
empire the advantage of having done so, by sending an
ambassador, with authority to make all those cities free which
would redeem themselves with money. Many purchased
their freedom, and with liberty changed their mode of living.
Adolf of Saxony succeeded to the empire ; and to the papacy,
Pietro del Murrone, who took the name of Celestino ; but,
being a hermit and full of sanctity, after six months renoun-
ced the pontificate, and Boniface VIII. was elected.
After a time the French and Germans left Italy, ami the
B. i. ch. 5. .v. o.l 305. THE JUBILEE. 31
country remained wholly in the hands of the Italians ; but
Providence ordained that the pope, when these enemies were
withdrawn, should neither establish nor enjoy his authority,
and raised two very powerful families in Rome, the Colonnesi
and the Orsini, who with their arms, and the proximity
of their abode, kept the pontificate weak. Boniface then
determined to destroy the Colonnesi, and, besides excommu-
nicating, endeavoured to direct the weapons of the church
against them. This, although it did them some injury,
proved more disastrous to the pope ; for those arms which
from attachment to the faith performed valiantly against its
enemies, as soon as they were directed against Christians for
private ambition, ceased to do the will of those who wished
to wield them. And thus the too eager desire to gratify I
themselves, caused the pontiffs by degrees to lose their mili- 1
tary power. Besides what is just related, the pope deprived
two cardinals of the Colonnesi family of their office ; and
Sciarra, the head of the house, escaping unknown, was taken
by corsairs of Catalonia and put to the oar ; but being after-
wards recognized at Marseilles, he was sent to Philip king of
France, who had been excommunicated and deprived of the
kingdom. Philip, considering that in a war against the pon-
tiff he would either be a loser or run great hazards, had
recourse to deception, and simulating a wish to come to
terms, secretly sent Sciarra into Italy, who, having arrived
at Anagnia, where his holiness then resided, assembled
a few friends, and in the night took him prisoner. And
although the people of Anagnia set him at liberty shortly
after, yet from grief at the injury he died mad. Boniface was
founder of the jubilee in 1300, and fixed that it should be
celebrated at each revolution of one hundred years. In those
times various troubles arose betwixt the Guelph and Ghibellme
factions ; and the emperors having abandoned Italy, many
places became free, and many were occupied by tyrants.
Pope Benedict restored the scarlet hat to the cardinals of the
Colonnesi family, and re-blessed Philip king of France. He
was succeeded by Clement V., who, being a Frenchman,
removed the papal court to Avignon in 1305.
32 HTST0UY OF FLORENCE B. ;. en. 6. a.d. 1315.
CHAPTER VI.
The emperor Henry comes into Italy — The Florentines take the part of the
pope — The Visconti originate the duchy of Milan — Artifice of MafFeo
Visconti against the family of la Torre— Giovanni Galeuzzo Visconti,
first duke of Milan — The emperor Louis hi Italy — John, king of Bohe»
mia, in Italy— League against the kin? of Bohemia and the pope's legate
> — Origin of Venice — Liherty of the Venetians confirmed by Pepin and
the Greek emperor — Greatness of Venice — Decline of Venice — Discord
betwixt the pope and the emperor — Giovanna queen of Naples— Rienzi
— The jubilee reduced to fifty years — Succession of the duke of Milan
i — Cardinal Egidio the pope's legate — War betwixt the Genoese and the
Venetians.
At this time, Charles II. of Naples died, and was succeeded
by his sou Robert Henry of I,uxemburg had been elected
to the empire, and came to Rome for his coronation, although
the pope was not there. His coming occasioned great excite-
ment in Lombardy ; for he sent all the banished to their
homes, whether they were Guelphs or Ghibellines: and in con-
sequence of this, one faction endeavouring to drive out the
other, the whole province was filled with war ; nor could the
emperor with all his endeavours abate its fury. Leaving
Lombardy by way of Genoa, he came to Pisa, where he en-
deavoured to take Tuscany from king Robert ; but not being
successful, he went to Rome, where he only remained a few
days, being driven away by the Orsini with the consent of
King Robert, and returned to Pisa ; and that he might more
securely make war upon Tuscany, and wrest the country from
the hands of the king, he caused it to be assailed by Frede-
rick monarch of Sicily. But when he was in hope of occupying
Tuscany and robbing the king of Naples of his dominions,
he died, and was succeeded by Louis of Bavaria. About the
same period, John XXII. attained the papacy, during whose
time the emperor still continued to persecute the Guelphs
and the church, but they were defended by Robert and the
Florentines. Many wars took place in Lombardy betwixt
the Visconti and the Guelphs, and in Tuscany betwixt
Castruccio of Lucca and the Florentines. As the family of
Visconti gave rise to the duchy of Milan, one of the five
principalities which afterwards governed Italy, I shall speak
of them from a rather earlier date.
B.r. en. 6. a.d. 1313. ARTIFICE OF MAFFEO. 33
Milan, upon recovering from the ruin into which she had
been thrown by Frederick Barbarossa, in revenge for her in-
juries, joined the league formed by the Lombard cities for
their common defence ; this restrained him, and for a
while preserved alive the interests of the church in
Lombardy. In the course of the wars which followed, the
family of La Torre became very potent in that city, and
their reputation increased so long as the emperor possessed
little authority in the province.' But Frederick II. coming
into Italy, and the Ghibelline party by the influence of Ezelin
having grown powerful, seeds of the same faction sprang up
in all the cities. In Milan were the Visconti, who expelled
the La Torres ; these, however, did not remain out, for by
agreement between the emperor and the pope they were re-
stored to their country. For when the pope and his court
removed to France, and the emperor Henry of Luxemburg
came into Italy, with the pretext of going to Rome for his
crown, he was received in Milan by Maffeo Visconti, and
Guido della Torre, who were then the heads of these fami-
lies. But Maffeo, designing to make use of the emperor for the
purpose of expelling Guido, and thinking the enterprize not
difficult, on account of the La Torre being of the contrary
faction to the imperial, took occasion, from the remarks which
the people made of the uncivil behaviour of the Germans,
to go craftily about and excite the populace to arm themselves
and throw off the yoke of these barbarians. AVhen a suit-
able moment arrived, he caused a person in whom he
confided to create a tumult, upon which the people took
arms against the Germans. But no sooner was the mischief
well on foot, than Maffeo, with his sons and their partisans,
ran to Henry, telling him that all the disturbance had
been occasioned by the La Torre family, who, not content to
remain peaceably in Milan, had taken the opportunity to
plunder him, that they might ingratiate themselves with the
Guelphs of Italy and become princes of the city ; they then
bade him be of good cheer, for they with their party, when-
ever he wished it, were ready to defend him with their lives.
Henry, believing all that Maffeo told him, joined his forces to
those of the Visconti, and attacking the La Torre who were
to various parts of the city endeavouring to quell the tumult,
slew all upon whom they could lay hands, and having plun-
D
J4 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 6. A.D. 1330.
aered the others of their property, sent them into exile. By
this artifice, Maffeo Visconti became a prince of Milan. Of
him remained Galeazzo and Azzo ; and after these, Luchino
and Giovanni. Giovanni became archbishop of Milan ;
and of Luchino, who died before him, were left Bernabo
and Galeazzo ; Galeazzo, dying soon after, left a son called the
count of Virtu, who after the death of the archbishop, con-
trived the murder of his uncle Bernabo, became prince of
Milan, and was the first who had the title of duke. The
duke left Filippo and Giovanmaria Angelo, the latter of whom
being slain by the people of Milan, the state fell to Filippo,
but he having no male heir, Milan passed from the family of
Visconti to that of Sforza, in the manner to be related here-
after.
But to return to the point from which we deviated. The
emperor Louis, to add to the importance of his party and to
receive the crown, came into Italy ; and being at Milan, as
an excuse for taking money of the Milanese, he pretended to
make them free and to put the Visconti in prison; but shortly
afterwards he released them, and, having gone to Rome, in
order to disturb Italy with less difficulty, he made Piero della
Corvara anti-pope, by whose influence, and the power of the
Visconti, he designed to weaken the opposite faction in Tus-
cany and Lombardy. But Castruccio died, and his death
caused the failure of the emperor's purposes ; for Pisa and
Lucca rebelled. The Pisans sent Piero della Corvara a
prisoner to the pope in France, and the emperor, despairing
of the affairs of Italy, returned to Germany. He had scarcely
loft, before John king of Bohemia came into the country, at the
request of the Ghibellines of Brescia, and made himself lord of
that city and of Bergamo. And as his entry was with the con-
sent of the pope, although he feigned the contrary, the legate
of Bologna favoured him, thinking by this means to prevent the
return of the emperor. This caused a change in the parties
of Italy ; for the Florentines and king Robert, rinding the
legate was favourable to the enterprises of the Ghibellines,
became foes of all those to whom the legate and the king of
Bohemia were friendly. Without, having regard for either
faction, whether Guelph or Ghibelline, many princes joined
them, of whom amongst others were the Visconti, the Delia
Scala, Filippo Gonzago of Mantua, the Carrara, and those of
fi. r. ch. 6. a.d. 1330. ORIGIN OF VENICE. 35
Este. Upon this the pope excommunicated them all. The
king, in fear of the league, went to collect forces in his own
country, and having returned with a large army, still found
his undertaking a difficult one ; so, seeing his error, he with-
drew to Bohemia, to the great displeasure of the legate, leav-
ing only Reggio and Modena guarded, and Parma in the care
of Marsilio and Piero de' Rossi, who were the most powerful
men in the city. The king of Bohemia being gone, Bologna
joined the league ; and the leaguers divided amongst them-
selves the four cities which remained of the church faction.
They agreed that Parma should pertain to the Delia Scala ;
Reggio to the Gonzaga ; Modena to the family of Este, and
Lucca to the Florentines. But in taking possession of these
cities, many disputes arose which were afterwards in a great
measure settled by the Venetians. Some, perhaps, will think
it a species of impropriety that we have so long deferred
speaking of the Venetians, theirs being a republic, which, both j
on account of its power and internal regulations, deserves to j
be celebrated above any principality of Italy. But that this \
surprise may cease when the cause is known, I shall speak of
their city from a more remote period ; that every one may un-
derstand what were their beginnings, and the causes which
so long withheld them from interfering in the affairs of Italy.
When Attila, king of the Huns, besieged Aquileia, the in-
habitants, after defending themselves a long time, began to
despair of effecting their safety, and fled for refuge to several
uninhabited rocks, situate at the point of the Adriatic Sea,
now called the Gulf of Venice, carrying with them whatever
moveable property they possessed. The people of Padua,
finding themselves in equal danger, and knowing that, having
become master of Aquileia, Attila would next attack them-
selves, also removed with their most valuable property to a
place on the same sea, called Rivo Alto, to which they brought
their women, children, and aged persons, leaving the youth
in Padua to assist in her defence. Besides these, the people
of Monselice, with the inhabitants of the surrounding hills,
driven by similar fears, fled to the same rocks. But after
Attila had taken Aquileia, and destroyed Padua, Monselice,
Vicenza, and Verona, the people of Padua and others who
were powerful, continued to inhabit the marshes about Rivo
Aito ; and in like manner all the people of the province an-
d 2
it
36 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 6. a.d. 1330.
ciently called Venetia, driven by the same events, became
collected in these marshes. Thus, under the pressure of ne-
cessity, they left an agreeable and fertile country to occupy one
sterile and unwholesome. However, in consequence of a great
number of people being drawn together into a comparatively
small space, in a short time they made those places not only
habitable, but delightful; and having established amongst
themselves laws and useful regulations, enjoyed themselves
in security amid the devastations of Italy, and soon increased
both in reputation and strength. For, besides the inhabitants
already mentioned, many fled to these places from the cities
of Lombardy, principally to escape from the cruelties of Clefis
king of the Lombards, which greatly tended to increase the
numbers of the new city ; and in the conventions which were
made betwixt Pepin, king of France, and the emperor of
Greece, when the former, at the entreaty of the pope, came to
drive the Lombards out of Italy, the duke of Benevento and
the Venetians did not render obedience to either the one or
the other, but alone enjoyed their liberty. As necessity had
led them to dwell on sterile rocks, they were compelled to
seek the means of subsistence elsewhere ; and voyaging
with their ships to every port of the ocean, their city became
a depository for the various products of the world, and was
itself filled with men of every nation.
For many years, the Venetians sought no other dominion
than that which tended to facilitate their commercial enter-
prises, and thus acquired many ports in Greece and Syria ;
and as the French had made frequent use of their ships in
voyages to Asia, the island of Candia was assigned to them,
in recompense for these services. Whilst they lived in this
manner, their name spread terror over the seas, and was held
in veneration throughout Italy. This was so completely
the case, that they were generally chosen to arbitrate in
controversies arising betwixt the states, as occurred in
the difference betwixt the Colleagues, on account of the
cities they had divided amongst themselves ; which being
referred to the Venetians, they awarded Brescia and Ber-
gamo to the Visconti. But when, in the course of time,
urged by their eagerness for dominion, they had made them-
selves masters of Padua, Vicenza, Trevisa, and afterwards of
Verona, Bergamo, and Brescia, with many cities in Romagna
B. L ch. 6. A-d. 1342. INTERNAL DISCORDS. 37
and the kingdom of Naples, other nations were impressed
with such an opinion of their power, that they were a terror,
not only to the princes of Italy, but to the ultramontane kings.
These states entered into an alliance against them, and in one
day wrested from them the provinces they had obtained with
so much labour and expense ; and although they have in lat-
ter times re-acquired some portions, still, possessing neither
power nor reputation, like all the other Italian powers, they
live at the mercy of others.
Benedict XII. having attained the pontificate and finding
Italy lost, fearing too that the emperor would assume the
sovereignty of the country, determined to make friends of all
who had usurped the government of those cities which had
been accustomed to obey the emperor ; that they might have
occasion to dread the latter, and unite with himself in the
defence of Italy. To this end, he issued a decree, confirming
to all the tyrants of Lombardy the places they had seized.
After making this concession the pope died, and was suc-
ceeded by Clement VI. The emperor, seeing with what a
liberal hand the pontiff had bestowed the dominions of the
empire, in order to be equally bountiful with the property of
others, gave to all who had assumed sovereignty over the
cities or territories of the church, the imperial authority to
retain possession of them. By this means Galeotto Malatesti
and his brothers became lords of Rimino, Pesaro, and Fano ;
Antonio da Montefeltro, of the Marca and Urbino ; Gentile da
Varano, of Camerino ; Guido di Polenta, of Ravenna ; Sini-
baldo Ordelafn, of Furli and Cesena ; Giovanni Manfredi, of
Faenza; Lodovico Alidossi, of Imola; and besides these,
many others in divers places. Thus, of all the cities, towns,
or fortresses of the church, few remained without a prince ;
for she did not recover herself till the time of Alexander VI.,
who, by the ruin of the descendants of these princes, restored
the authority of the church.
The emperor, when he made the concession before named,
being at Tarento, signified an intention of going into Italy. In
consequence of this, many battles were fought in Lombardy,
and the Visconti became lords of Parma. Robert, king of
Naples, now died, leaving only two grandchildren, the issue
of his son Charles who had died a considerable time before him.
He ordered that the elder of the two, whose name was Giovanna
38 HISTOEY OE FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 6. a.d.1350.
or Joan, should be heiress of the kingdom, and take for her
husband, Andrea, son of the king of Hungary, his grandson.
Andrea had not lived with her long, before she caused him to
be murdered, and married another cousin, Louis, prince of
Tarento. But Louis, king of Hungary, and brother of An-
drea, in order to avenge his death, brought forces into Italy,
and drove queen Joan and her husband out of the kingdom.
At this period a memorable circumstance took place at
Rome. Niccolo di Lorenzo, often called Rienzi or Cola di
Rienzi, who held the office of chancellor at Campidoglio,
drove the senators from Rome, and, under the title of tribune,
made himself the head of the Roman republic ; restoring it
to its ancient form, and with so great reputation of justice and
virtue, that not only the places adjacent, but the whole of
Italy sent ambassadors to him. The ancient provinces, seeing
Rome arise to new life, again raised their heads, and some
induced by hope, others by fear, honoured him as their
sovereign. But Niccolo, notwithstanding his great reputation,
lost all energy in the very beginning ' of his enterprise ; and
as if oppressed with the weight of so vast an undertaking,
without being driven away, secretly fled to Charles, king of
Bohemia, who, by the influence of the pope, and in contempt
of Louis of Bavaria, had been elected emperor. Charles, to
ingratiate himself with the pontiff, sent Niccolo to him, a pri-
soner. After some time, in imitation of Rienzi, Francesco
Baroncegli seized upon the tribunate of Rome, and expelled the
senators ; and the pope, as the most effectual means of repress-
ing him, drew Niccolo from his prison, sent him to Rome,
and restored to him the office of tribune ; so that he re-occu-
pied the state and put Francesco to death ; but the Colonnesi
becoming his enemies, he too, after a short time, shared the
same fate, and the senators were again restored to their office.
The king of Hungary, having driven out Queen Joan, returned
to his kingdom ; but the pope, who chose to have the queen
in the neighbourhood of Rome rather than the king, effected
her restoration to the sovereignty, on the condition that her
husband, contenting himself with the title of prince of Tarento,
should not be called king. Being the year 1350, the pope
thought that the jubilee, appointed by Boniface VIII. to take
place at the conclusion of each century, might be renewed at
the end of each fifty years ; and having issued a decree for
B i. ch. 6. a.d. 1381. WAR AT VENICE. 39
the establishment of it, the Romans, in acknowledgment of
the benefit, consented that he should send four cardinals to
reform the government of the city, and appoint senators ac-
cording to his own pleasure. The pope again declared Louis
of Tarento, king, and in gratitude for the benefit, Queen Joan
gave Avignon, her inheritance, to the church. About this
time Luchino Visconti died, and his brother the archbishop,
remaining lord of Milan, carried on many wars against Tus-
cany and his neighbours, and became very powerful. Bernabo
and Galeazzo, his nephews, succeeded him ; but Galeazzo soon
after died, leaving Giovan Galeazzo, who shared the state with
Bernabo. Charles, king of Bohemia, was then emperor, and
the pontificate was occupied by Innocent VI., who sent car-
dinal Egidio, a Spaniard, into Italy. He restored the repu-
tation of the church, not only in Rome and Romagna, but
throughout the whole of Italy ; he recovered Bologna from
the archbishop of Milan, and compelled the Romans to accept
a foreign senator appointed annually by the pope. He made
honourable terms with the Visconti, and routed and took pri-
soner, John Agut, an Englishman, who with four thousand
English had fought on the side of the Ghibellines in Tuscany.
Urban V., hearing of so many victories, resolved to visit Italy
and Rome, whither also the emperor came ; after remain-
ing a few months, he returned to the kingdom of Bohemia,
and the pope to Avignon. On the death of Urban, Gregory
XI. was created pope ; and, as the cardinal Egidio was dead,
Italy again re-commenced her ancient discords, occasioned by
the union of the other powers against the Visconti ; and
the pope, having first sent a legate with six thousand Bretons,
came in person and established the papal court at Rome in 1376,
after an absence of seventy-one years in France. To Gregory
XL, succeeded Urban VI. but shortly afterwards Clement
VI. was elected at Fondi by ten cardinals, who declared the
appointment of Urban irregular. At this time, the Genoese
threw off the yoke of the Visconti, under whom they had lived
many years ; and betwixt them and the Venetians several im-
portant battles were fought for the island of Tenedos. Al-
though the Genoese were for a time successful, and held
Venice in a state of siege during many months, the Venetians
were at length victorious ; and by the intervention of the pope,
peace was made in the year 1381. In these wars, artillery
was first used, having been recently invented by the Dutch.
40 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 7. a.d. 1400.
CHAPTER VII.
Schism in the church — Ambitious views of Giovan Galeazzo Visconti —
The pope and the Romans come to an agreement — Boniface IX. in-
troduces the practice of Annates — Disturbance in Lombardy — The
Venetians acquire dominion on terra firma— Differences betwixt the
pope and the people of Rome — Council of Pisa — Council of Constanco
— Filippo Visconti recovers his dominion — Giovanna II. of Naples —
Political condition of Italy.
A schism having thus arisen in the church, Queen Joan favoured
the schismatic pope, upon which Urban caused Charles of
Durazzo, descended from the kings of Naples, to undertake
the conquest of her dominions. Having succeeded in
his object, she fled to France, and he assumed the sove-
reignty. The king of France, being exasperated, sent Louis
of Anjou into Italy to recover the kingdom for the queen, to
expel Urban from Rome, and establish the anti-pope. But
in the midst of this enterprise Louis died, and his people
being routed returned to France. In this conjuncture the
pope went to Naples, where he put nine cardinals into prison
for having taken the part of France and the anti-pope. He
then became offended with the king, for having refused to
make his nephew prince of Capua ; and pretending not to
care about it, requested he would grant him Nocera for his
habitation, but, having fortified it, he prepared to deprive the
king of his dominions. Upon this the king pitched his camp
before the place, and the pope fled to Naples, where he put
to death the cardinals whom he had imprisoned. From
thence he proceeded to Rome, and, to acquire influence, created
twenty-nine cardinals. At this time Charles, king of Naples,
went to Hungary, where, having been made king, he was shortly
aftewards killed in battle, leaving a wife and two children at
Naples. About the same time Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti
murdered Bernabo his uncle and took the entire sovereignty
upon himself; and, not content with being duke of Milan
and sovereign of the whole of Lombardy, designed to make
himself master of Tuscany ; but whilst he was intent upon
occupying the province, with the ultimate view of making
himself king of Italy, he died. Boniface IX. succeeded
Urban VI. The anti-pope, Clement VI., also died, and
Benedict XIII. was appointed his successor.
B. i. CW. 7. a.d. 1400. POPE INNOCENT VII. 41
Many English. Germans, and Bretons served at this period
in the armies of Italy, commanded partly by those leaders
who had from time to time authority in the country, and
partly by such as the pontiffs sent, when they were at
Avignon. With these warriors the princes of Italy long
carried on their wars, till the coming of Lodovico da Cento, of
Romagna, who formed a body of Italian soldiery, called the
Company of St. George, whose valour and discipline soon
caused the foreign troops to fall into disrepute, and gave
reputation to the native forces of the country, of which the
princes afterwards availed themselves in their wars with
each other. The pope, Boniface IX., being at enmity with
the Romans, went to Scesi, where he remained till the
jubilee of 1400, when the Romans, to induce him to return
to the city, consented to receive another foreign senator of
his appointing, and also allowed him to fortify the castle of
Saint Angelo : having returned upon these conditions, in
order to enrich the church, he ordained that every one,
upon vacating a benefice, should pay a year's value of it to
the Apostolic Chamber.
After the death of Giovan Galeazzo, duke of Milan,
although he left two children, Giovanmaria and Filippo. the
state was divided into many parts, and in the troubles which
ensued, Giovanmaria was slain. Filippo remained some time
in the castle of Pavia, from which, through the fidelity and
virtue of the castellan, he escaped. Amongst others who
occupied cities possessed by his father, was Guglielmo
della Scala, who, being banished, fell into the hands of
Francesco da Carrera, lord of Padua, by whose means he
recovered the state of Verona, in which he only remained a
shoit time, for he was poisoned, by order of Francesco, and
the city taken from him. These things occasioned the people
of Vicenza, who had lived in security under the protection of
the Visconti, to dread the greatness of the lord of Padua, and
they placed themselves under the Venetians, who, engaging
in arms with him, first took Verona and then PaduaJ
At this time Pope Boniface died, and was succeeded by
Innocent VII. The people of Rome supplicated him to restore
to them their fortresses and their liberty ; but as he would
not consent to their petition, they called to their assistance
Ladislaus, king of Naples. Becoming reconciled to tho
42 HIST0EY OF "FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 7. a.d. 143&
people, the pope returned to Rome, and made his nephew
Lodovico count of La Marca. Innocent soon after died, and
Gregory XII. was created, upon the understanding to renounce
the papacy whenever the anti-pope would also renounce it.
By the advice of the cardinals, in order to attempt the
reunion of the church, Benedict, the antipope, came to Porto
Venere, and Gregory to Lucca, where they made many
endeavours, but effected nothing. Upon this, the cardinals
of both the popes abandoned them ; Benedict going to Spain,
and Gregory to Rimini. On the other hand, the cardinals,
with the favour of Balthazar Cossa, cardinal and legate of
Bologna, appointed a council at Pisa, where they created
Alexander V.", who immediately excommunicated King La-
dislaus, and invested Louis of Anjou with the kingdom ; this
prince, with the Florentines, Genoese, and Venetians, attacked
Ladislaus and drove him from Rome. In the heat of the
war Alexander died, and Balthazar Cossa succeeded him,
with the title of John XXIII. Leaving Bologna, where he
was elected, he went to Rome, and found there Louis of Anjou,
who had brought the armyfrOm Provence, and coming to an en-
gagement with Ladislaus, routed him. But by the mismanage-
ment of the leaders, they were unable to prosecute the victory,
so that the king in a short time gathered strength and retook
Rome. Louis fled to Provence, the pope to Bologna ; where
considering how he might diminish the power of Ladislaus,
he caused Sigismund king of Hungary, to be elected em-
peror and advised him to come into Italy. Having a personal
interview at Mantua, they agreed to call a general council, in
which the church should be united ; and having effected
this, the pope thought he should be fully enabled to oppose
the forces of his enemies.
At this time there were three popes, Gregory, Benedict,
and Giovanni, which kept the church weak and in disrepute.
The city of Constance, in Germany, was appointed for the
holding of the council, contrary to the expectation of Pope
John. And although the death of Ladislaus had removed
the cause which induced the pope to call the council, still,
having promised to attend, he could not refuse to go there.
In a few months after his arrival at Constance he discovered
his error, but it was too late; endeavouring to escape, he
was taken, put into prison, and compelled to renounce the
B. i. cu. 7. a.d. 1417. QUEEN GIOVANNA.II. 43
papacy. Gregory, one of the anti-popes, sent his renuncia-
tion, Benedict, the other, refusing to do the same, was con-
demned as an heretic; but, being abandoned by his cardinals,
he complied, and the council elected Oddo, of the Colonnesi
family, pope, by the title of Martin V. Thus the church was
united under one head, after having been divided by many
pontiffs.
Filippo Visconti was, as we have said, in the fortress of
Pavia. But Fazino Cane, who in the affairs of Lombardy
had become lord of Vercelli, Alessandria, Novara, and Tor-
tona, and had amassed great riches, finding his end approach,
and having no children, left his wife Beatrice heiress of his
estates, and arranged with his friends that a marriage should
be effected between her and Filippo. By this union Filippo
became powerful, and re-acquired Milan and the whole of
Lombardy. By way of being grateful for these numerous
favours, as princes commonly are, he accused Beatrice of
adultery and caused her to be put to death. Finding him-
self now possessed of greater power, he began to think of
warring with Tuscany and of prosecuting the designs of
Giovan Galeazzo his father.
Ladislaus king of Naples, at his death, left to his sister
Giovanna the kingdom and a large army, under the command
of the principal leaders of Italy, amongst the first of whom
was Sforza of Cotignuola, reputed by the soldiery of that
period a very valiant man. The queen, to shun the dis-
grace of having kept about her person a certain Pandolfello,
whom she had brought up, took for her husband Giacopo
della Marca, a Frenchman of the royal line, on the condition
that he should be content to be called prince of Tarento, and
leave to her the title and government of the kingdom. But
the soldiery, upon his arrival in Naples, proclaimed him
king ; so that betwixt the husband and the wife wars en-
sued ; and although they contended with various success, the
queen at length obtained the superiority, and became an
enemy of the pope. Upon this, in order to reduce her to
necessity, and that she might be compelled to throw herself
into his lap, Sforza suddenly withdrew from her service with-
out giving her any previous notice of his intention to do so.
She thus found herself at once unarmed, and not having any
other resource sought the assistance of Alfonzo king of Arra-
44 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. i. ch. 7. a.d. H23.
gon and Sicily, adopted him as her son, and engaged Brac-
cio of Montone as her captain, who was of equal reputation
in arms with Sforza, and inimical to the pope, on account of
his having taken possession of Perugia and some other places
belonging to the church. After this, peace was made between
the queen and the pontiff ; but king Alfonzo, expecting she
would treat him as she had done her husband, endeavoured
secretly to make himself master of the strongholds; but, pos-
sessing acute observation, she was beforehand with him, and
fortified herself in the castle of Naples. Suspicions increas-
ing between them, they had recourse to arms, and the queen,
with the assistance of Sforza, who again resumed her service,
drove Alfonzo out of Naples, deprived him of the succession,
and adopted Louis of Anjou in his stead. Hence arose new
contests between Braccio, who took the part of Alfonzo, and
Sforza, who defended the cause of the queen. In the
course of the war, Sforza was drowned in endeavouring to
pass the river Pescara ; the queen was thus again unarmed,
and would have been driven out of the kingdom, but for the
assistance of Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan, who compelled
Alfonzo to return to Arragon. Braccio, undaunted at the
departure of Alfonzo, continued the enterprise against the
queen, and besieged L' Aquilla ; but the pope, thinking the
greatness of Braccio injurious to the church, received into
his pay Francesco, the son of Sforza, who went in pursuit of
Braccio to L' Aquilla, where he routed and slew him. Of
Braccio remained Oddo his son, from whom the pope took
Perugia, and left him the state of Montone alone ; but he
was shortly afterwards slain in Romagna, in the service of
the Florentines ; so that of those who had fought under
Braccio, Niccolo Piccinino remained of greatest reputation.
Having continued our general narration nearly to the
period which we at first proposed to reach, what remains is
of little importance, except the war which the Florentines
and Venetians carried on against Filippo duke of Milan, of
which an account will be given when we speak particularly of
Florence. I shall therefore continue it no further, briefly ex-
plaining the condition of Italy in respect of her princes and her
arms, at the period to which we have now come. Joan II. held
Naples, La Marca, the Patrimony, and Romagna ; some of
these places obeyed the church, while others were held by
B. i. ch. 7. a.d. 1423. ITALY — ITS WARLIKE CONDITION. 45
vicars or tyrants, as Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio, by those
of the house of Este ; Faenza by the Manfredi ; Imola by
the Alidossi ; Furli by the Ordelaffi ; Rimini and Pesaro by
the Malatesti ; and Camerino by those of Varano. Part of
Lombardy was subject to the Duke Filippo, part to the
Venetians ; for all those who had held single states were set
aside, except the house of Gonzaga, which ruled in Mantua.
The greater part of Tuscany was subject to the Florentines.
Lucca and Sienna alone were governed by their own laws ;
Lucca was under the Guinigi ; Sienna was free. The Genoese,
being sometimes free, at others subject to the kings of France
or the Visconti, lived unrespected, and mav be enumerated
among the minor powers.
None of the principal states were armed with their own
proper forces. Duke Filippo kept himself shut up in his
apartments, and would not allow himself to be seen ; his
wars were managed by commissaries. The Venetians, when
they directed their attention to terra firma, threw off those
arms which had made them terrible upon the seas, and falling
into the customs of Italy, submitted their forces to the direc-
tion of others. The practice of arms being unsuitable to
priests or women, the pope and Queen Joan of Naples were
compelled by necessity to submit to the same system which
others practised from defect of judgment. The Florentines
also adopted the same custom, for, having, by their fre-
quent divisions, destroyed the nobility, and their republic being
wholly in the hands of men brought up to trade, they followed
the usages and example of others.
Thus the arms of Italy were either in the hands of the
lesser princes, or of men who possessed no state ; for the
minor princes did not adopt the practice of arms from any
desire of glory, but for the acquisition of either property or
safety. The others (those who possessed no state) being
bred to arms from their infancy, were acquainted with no
other art, and pursued war for emolument, or to confer honour
upon themselves. The most noticed amongst the latter were,
Carmignola, Francesco Sforza, Niccolo Piccinino the pupil of
Braccio, Angolo della Pergola, Lorenzo di Micheletto Atten-
duli, il Tartaglia, Giacopaccio, Cecolino da Perugia, Niccolo
da Tolentino, Guido Torello, Antonio dal Ponte ad Era, and
many others. With these, were those lords of whom I have
46 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 1. a.d. 14».
before spoken, to which may be added the barons of Rome,
the Colonnesi, and the Orsini, with other lords and gentlemen
of the kingdoms of Naples and Lombardy, who, being con-
stantly in arms, had such an understanding among themselves,
and so contrived to accommodate things to their own conve-
nience, that of those who were at war, most commonly both
sides were losers ; and they had made the practice of arm3
so totally ridiculous, that the most ordinary leader, possessed
of true valour, would have covered those men with disgrace,
whom, with so little prudence, Italy honoured.
With these idle princes and such contemptible arms, my
history must therefore be filled ; to which, before I descend,
it will be necessary, as was at first proposed, to speak of
the origin of Florence, that it may be clearly understood
what was the state of the city in those times, and by what
means, through the labours of a thousand years, she became
so imbecile.
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
The custom of ancient republics to plant colonies, and the advantage of it
— Increased population tends to make countries more healthy — Origin of
Florence — Aggrandisement of Florence — Origin of the name of Florence
— Destruction of Florence by Totila— The Florentines take Fiesole —
The first division in Florence, and the cause of it — Buondelmonti —
Buondelmonti slain — Guelphs and Ghibellines in Florence — Guelphic
families — Ghibelline families — The two factions come to terms.
Amongst the great and wonderful institutions of the re-
publics and principalities of antiquity that have now gone
into disuse, was tljat by means of which towns and cities
were from time to time established ; and there is nothing
more worthy the attention of a great prince, or of a well-
regulated republic, or that confers so many advantages upon
a province, as the settlment of new places, where men
are drawn together for mutual accommodation and defence.
B. ii. ch. 1. a.d. 1010. ADVANTAGES OF COLONIZATION. 47
This may easily be done, by sending people to reside in recently
acquired or uninhabited countries. Besides causing the
establishment of new cities, these removals render a con-
quered country more secure, and keep the inhabitants of a
province properly distributed. Thus, deriving the greatest
attainable comfort, the inhabitants increase rapidly, are more
prompt to attack others, and defend themselves with greater
assurance. This custom, by the unwise practice of princes
and republics, having gone into desuetude, the ruin and weak-
ness of territories has followed ; for this ordination is that
by which alone empires are made secure, and countries
become populated. Safety is the result of it ; because
the colony which a prince establishes in a newly ac-
quired country, is like a fortress and a guard, to keep the
inhabitants in fidelity and obedience. Neither can a province
be wholly occupied and preserve a proper distribution of
its inhabitants without this regulation ; for all districts are
not equally healthy, and hence some will abound to overflow-
ing, whilst others are void ; and if there be no method of with-
drawing them from places in which they increase too rapidly,
and planting them where they are too few, the country
would soon be wasted ; for one part would become a desert,
and the other a dense and wretched population. And, as
nature cannot repair this disorder, it is necessary that indus-
try should effect it ; for unhealthy localities become whole-
some when a numerous population is brought into them.
With cultivation the earth becomes fruitful, and the air is
purified with tires — remedies which nature cannot provide.
The city of Venice proves the correctness of these remarks.
Being placed in a marshy and unwholesome situation, it
became healthy only by the number of industrious individuals
who were drawn together. Pisa too, on account of its un-
wholesome air, was never filled with inhabitants, till the
Saracens, having destroyed Genoa and rendered her rivers
unnavigable, caused the Genoese to migrate thither in vast
numbers, and thus render her populous and powerful. Where
the use of colonies is not adopted, conquered countries are
held with great difficulty ; districts once uninhabited still
remain so, and those which populate quickly are not relieved.
Hence it is that many places in the world, and particularly in
It ily, in comparison of ancient times, have become deserts.
48 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 1. a.d. 1010.
This has wholly arisen and proceeded from the negligence of
princes, who have lost all appetite for true glory, and of re-
publics, which no longer possess institutions that deserve
praise. In ancient times, by means of colonies, new cities
frequently arose, and those already begun were enlarged, as
was the case with Florence, which had its beginning from
Fiesole, and its increase from colonies.
It is exceedingly probable, as Dante and Giovanni Villani
show, that the city of Fiesole, being situate upon the summit
of the mountain, in order that her markets might be more
frequented, and afford greater accommodation for those who
brought merchandise, would appoint the place in which to
hold them, not upon the hill, but in the plain, betwixt the
foot of the mountain and the river Arno. I imagine these
markets to have occasioned the first erections that were made
in those places, and to have induced merchants to wish for
commodious warehouses for the reception of their goods, and
which, in time, became substantial buildings. And afterwards,
when the Romans, having conquered the Carthaginians, ren-
dered Italy secure from foreign invasion, these buildings
would greatly increase ; for men never endure inconveniences
unless some powerful necessity compels them. Thus,
although the fear of war induces a willingness to occupy
places strong and difficult of access, as soon as the cause
of alarm is removed, men gladly resort to more convenient
and easily attainable localities. Hence, the security to which
the reputation of the Roman republic gave birth, caused
the habitations, having begun in the manner described, to
increase so much as to form a town, this was at first called
the Villa Arnina. After this occurred the civil wars between
Marius and Sylla ; then those of Caesar and Pompey ; and
next those of the murderers of Caesar, and the parties who
undertook to avenge his death. Therefore, first by Sylla,
and afterwards by the three Roman citizens, who, having
avenged the death of Caesar, divided the empire among them-
selves, colonies were sent to Fiesole, which, either in part or
in whole, fixed their habitations in the plain, near to the
then rising town. By this increase, the place became so filled
with dwellings, that it might with propriety be enumerated
amongst the cities of Italy.
There are various opinions concerning the derivation of
B. ii. ch. 1. a.d.1010. ORIGIN OF FLORENCE. 49
the word Florentia. Some suppose it to come from Florinus,
one of the principal persons of the colony ; others think it
was originally not Florentia, but Fluentia, and suppose the
word derived from fluente* or flowing of the Arno ; and in
support of their opinion, adduce a passage from Pliny, who
says, tk the Fluentini are near the flowing of the Arno." This,
however, may be incorrect, for Pliny speaks of the locality of
the Florentini, not of the name by which they were known.
And it seems as if the word Fluentini were a corruption,
because Frontinus and Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote at nearly
the same period as Pliny, call them Florentia and Florentini;
for, in the time of Tiberius, they were governed like the other
cities of Italy. Besides, Cornelius refers to the coming of
ambassadors from the Florentines, to beg of the emperor that
the waters of the Chiane might not be allowed to overflow
their country ; and it is not at all reasonable that the city
should have two names at the same time. Therefore I think '
that, however derived, the name was always Florentia, and
that whatever the origin might be, it occurred under the'
Roman empire, and began to be noticed by writers in the
times of the first emperors.
When the Roman empire was afflicted by the barbarians,
Florence was destroyed by Totila, king of the Ostrogoths ;
and after a period of two hundred and fifty years, rebuilt by
Charlemagne ; from whose time, till the year 1215, she parti-
cipated in the fortune of the rest of Italy ; and, during this
period, first the descendants of Charles, then the Berengarii,
and lastly the German emperors, governed her. as in our
general treatise we have shown. Nor could the Florentines,
during those ages, increase in numbers, or effect anything |
worthy of memory, on account of the influence of those to
whom they were subject. Nevertheless, in the year 1010,
upon the feast of St. Romolo, a solemn day with the Fiesolani,
they took and destroyed Fiesole, which must have been per-
formed either with consent of the emperors, or during the
interim from the death of one to the creation of his successor,
when all assumed a larger share of liberty. But when the
pontiffs acquired greater influence, and the authority of the
German emperors was in its wane, all the places of Italy
governed themselves with less respect for the prince ; so that,
in the time of Henry III. the mind of the country was
E
50 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 1. a.d. 1215.
divided between the emperor and the church. However, the
Florentines kept themselves united till the year 1215, ren-
dering obedience to the ruling power, and anxious only to
preserve their own safety. But, as the diseases w r hich attack
our bodies are more dangerous and mortal in proportion as
they are delayed, so Florence, though late to take part in
the sects of Italy, was afterwards the more afflicted by them.
The cause of her first division is well known, having been
recorded by Dante and many other writers ; I shall, however,
briefly notice it.
Amongst the most powerful families of Florence were the
Buondelmonti and the Uberti: next to these were the
Amidei and the Donati. Of the Donati family there was a
rich widow who had a daughter of exquisite beauty, for
whom, in her own mind, she had fixed upon Buondelmonti,
a young gentleman, the head of the Buondelmonti family,
as her husband; but either from negligence, or because
she thought it might be accomplished at any time, she had
not made known her intention, when it happened that the
cavalier betrothed himself to a maiden of the Amidei family.
This grieved the Donati widow exceedingly ; but she hoped,
with her daughter's beauty, to disturb the arrangement before
the celebration of the marriage ; and from an upper apart-
ment, seeing Buondelmonti approach her house alone,
she descended, and as he was passing she said to him, " I
am glad to learn you have chosen a wife, although I had
reserved my daughter for you ;" and, pushing the door open,
presented her to his view. The cavalier, seeing the beauty
of the girl, which was very uncommon, and considering the
nobility of her blood, and her portion not being inferior to
that of the lady whom he had chosen, became inflamed with
such an ardent desire to possess her, that, not thinking of the
promise given, or the injury he committed in breaking it, or of
the evils which his breach of faith might bring upon himself,
said, " Since you have reserved her for me, I should be very
ungrateful indeed to refuse her, being yet at liberty to
choose ;"' and without any delay married her. As soon as
the fact became known, the Amidei and the Uberti, whose
families were allied, were filled with rage, and having as-
sembled with many others, connexions of the parties, they
concluded that the injury could not be tolerated without
B. ii.ch. 1. a.d. 1212. GUELPHS AND GHIBELLINES. 51
disgrace, and that the only vengeance proportionate to
the enormity of the offence would be to put Buondel-
monti to death. And although some took into consideration
the evils that might ensue upon it, Mosca Lamberti said, that
those who talk of many things effect nothing, using that
trite and common adage, " Cosa fatta capo ha." Thereupon,
they appointed to the execution of the murder Mosca him-
self, Stiatti Uberti, Lambertuccio Amidei, and Oderigo
Fifanti, who, on the morning of Easter day, concealed them-
selves in a house of the Amidei, situate between the old
bridge and St. Stephen's, and as Buondelmonti was passing
upon a white horse, thinking it as easy a matter to
forget an injury as reject an alliance, he was attacked by
them at the foot of the bridge, and slain close by a statue of
Mars. This murder divided the whole city ; one party es-
pousing the cause of the Buondelmonti, the other that of the
Uberti ; and as these families possessed men and means of
defence, they contended with each other for many years,
without one being able to destroy the other.
Florence continued in these troubles till the time of
Frederick II., who, being king of Naples, endeavoured to
strengthen himself against the church ; and, to give greater
stability to his power in Tuscany, favoured the Uberti and
their followers, who, with his assistance, expelled the Buon-
delmonti ; thus our city, as all the rest of Italy had
long time been, became divided into Guelphs and Ghibellines ;
and as it will not be superfluous, I shall record the names of
the families which took part with each faction. Those who
adopted the cause of the Guelphs were the Buondelmonti,
Nerli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, Pulci, Gherardini,
Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri, Lucar-
desi, Chiaramontesi, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati,
Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Torna-
quinci, Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizi, Adimari,
Visdomini, Donati, Pazzi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Tedaldi,
Cerchi. Of the Ghibelline faction were the Uberti, Ma-
nelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infangati, Malespini, Scolari,
Guidi, Galli, Cappiardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Cipriani,
Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci, Cattani,
Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsacchi, Elisei, Abati, Tidaldini,
Giuochi, and Galigai. Besides the noble families on each
e 2
52 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 2. a.d. 1223
side above enumerated, each party was joined by many of
the higher ranks of the people, so that the whole city was
corrupted with this division. The Guelphs being expelled,
took refuge in the Upper Val d'Arno, where part of their
castles and strongholds were situated, and where they
strengthened and fortified themselves against the attacks of
their enemies. But, upon the death of Frederick, the most
unbiassed men, and those who had the greatest authority
with the people, considered that it would be better to effect
the re-union of the city, than, by keeping her divided, cause
her ruin. They therefore induced the Guelphs to forget their
injuries and return, and the Ghibellines to lay aside their
jealousies and receive them with cordiality.
CHAPTER II.
Now form of government in Florence — Military establishment* — The great-
ness of Florence — Movements of the Ghibellines — Ghibellines driven
out of the city — Guelphs routed by the forces of the king of Naples —
Florence in the power of the king of Naples — Project of the Ghibellines
to destroy Florence, opposed by Farinata degli Uberti — Adventures of
the Guelphs of Florence — The pope gives his standard to the Guelphs —
Fears of the Ghibellines and their preparations for the defence of their
power — Establishment of trades' companies, and their authority — Count
Guido Novello expelled — He goes to Prato — The Guelphs restored to
the city — The Ghibellines quit Florence — The Florentines reform the
government in favour of the Guelphs — The pope endeavours to restore
the Ghibellines and excommunicates Florence — Pope Nicholas III. en-
deavours to abate the power of Charles, king of Naples.
Being united, the Florentines thought the time favourable
for the ordination of a free government ; and that it would
be desirable to provide their means of defence before the
new emperor should acquire strength. They therefore divided
the city into six parts, and elected twelve citizens, two for
each sixth, to govern the whole. These were called Anziani,
and Avere elected annually. To remove the cause of those
enmities which had been observed to arise from judicial de-
cisions, they provided two judges from some other state, one
called captain of the people, the other podesta, or provost,
whose duty it was to decide in cases, whether civil or criminal,
which occurred amongst the people. And as order cannot
B. if. ch. 2. a.d. 1237. MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS. 53
be preserved without a sufficient force for the defence of it,
they appointed twenty banners in the city, and seventy-six in
the country, upon the rolls of which the names of all the
youth were entered ; and it was ordered that every one
should appear armed, under his banner, whenever summoned,
whether by the captain of the people or the Anziani. They
had ensigns according to the kind of arms they used, the
bowmen being under one ensign, and the swordsmen, or those
who carried a target, under another; and every year, upon the
day of Pentecost, ensigns were given with great pomp to the
new men, and new leaders were appointed for the whole es-
tablishment. To give importance to their armies, and to
serve as a point of refuge for those who were exhausted in the
fight, and from which, having become refreshed, they might
again make head against the enemy, they provided a large
car, drawn by two oxen, covered with red cloth, upon which
was an ensign of white and red. When they intended to
assemble the army, this car was brought into the New Market,
and delivered with pomp to the heads of the people.
To give solemnity to their enterprises, they had a bell
called Martinella, which was rung during a whole month be-
fore the forces left the city, in order that the enemy might
have time to provide for his defence ; so great was the virtue
then existing amongst men, and with so much generosity of
mind were they governed, that as it is now considered a brave
and prudent act to assail an unprovided enemy, in those
days it would have been thought disgraceful, and productive
of only a fallacious advantage. This bell was also taken
with the army, and served to regulate the keeping and re-
lief of guard, and other matters necessary in the practice of
war.
With these ordinations, civil and military, the Florentines
established their liberty. Nor is it possible to imagine the
power and authority Florence in a short time acquired. She
became not only the head of Tuscany, but was enumerated
amongst the first cities of Italy, and would have attained
greatness of the most exalted kind, had she not been afflicted
with the continual divisions of her citizens. They remained
under this government ten years, during which time they
compelled the people of Pistoia, Arezzo, and Sienna, to
enter into league with them ; and returning with the army
54 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 2. A. d. 1237.
from Sienna, they took Volterra, destroyed some castles, and
led the inhabitants to Florence. All these enterprises were
effected by the advice of the Guelphs, who were much more
powerful than the Ghibellines, for the latter were hated by the
people as well on account of their haughty bearing whilst in
power, during the time of Frederick, as because the church
party was in more favour than that of the emperor ; for with
the aid of the church they hoped to preserve their liberty,
but, with the emperor, they were apprehensive of losing it.
The Ghibellines, in the meantime, finding themselves di-
vested of authority, could not rest, but watched for an occa-
sion of re-possessing the government ; and they thought the
favourable moment come, when they found that Manfred,
son of Frederick, had made himself sovereign of Naples,
and reduced the power of the church. They, therefore,
secretly communicated with him, to resume the management
of the state, but could not prevent their proceedings from
coming to the knowledge of the Anziani, who immediately
summoned the Ubcrti to appear before them ; but instead of
obeying, they took arms and fortified themselves in their
houses. The people, enraged at this, armed themselves, and
with the assistance of the Guelphs, compelled them to quit
the city, and, with the whole Ghibelline party, withdraw to
Sienna. They then asked assistance of Manfred, king of
Naples, and by the able conduct of Farinata degii Uberti,
the Guelphs were routed by the king's forces upon the river
Arbia, with so great slaughter, that those who escaped,
thinking Florence lost, did not return thither, but sought
refuge at Lucca.
Manfred sent the Count Giordano, a man of considerable
reputation in arms, to command his forces. He, after the vic-
tory, went with the Ghibellines to Florence, and reduced the
city entirely to the king's authority, annulling the magistracies
and every other institution that retained any appearance of
freedom. This injury, committed with little prudence, ex-
cited the ardent animosity of the people, and their enmity
against the Ghibellines, whose ruin it eventually caused, was
increased to the highest pitch. The necessities of the king-
dom compelling the Count Giordano to return to Naples, he
left at Florence as regal vicar the Count Guido Novello, lord
of Casentino, who called a council of Ghibellines at Empoli,
B. ii.ch. 2. a. d. 1205. THE TOPE'S STANDARD. 55
where it was concluded, with only one dissenting voice, that
in order to preserve their power in Tuscany, it would be
necessary to destroy Florence, as the only means of compelling
the Guelphs to withdraw their support from the party of the
church. To this so cruel a sentence, given against such a noble
city, there was not a citizen who offered any opposition, except
Farinata degli Uberti, who openly defended her, saying he
had not encountered so many dangers and difficulties, but in
the hope of returning to his country ; that he still wished
for what he had so earnestly sought, nor would he refuse the
blessing which fortune now presented, even though by using
it, he were to become as much an enemy of those who thought
otherwise, as he had been of the Guelphs ; and that no one
need be afraid the city would occasion the ruin of their
country, for he hoped that the valour which had expelled
the Guelphs, would be sufficient to defend her. Farinata
was a man of undaunted resolution, and excelled greatly in
military affairs : being the head of the Ghibelline party, and
in high estimation with Manfred, his authority put a stop to
the discussion, and induced the rest to think of some other
means of preserving their power.
The Lucchese being threatened with the anger of the count,
for affording refuge to the Guelphs after the battle of the
Arbia, could allow them to remain no longer ; so leaving
Lucca, they went to Bologna, from whence they were called
by the Guelphs of Parma against the Ghibellines of that
city, where, having overcome the enemy, the possessions of
the latter were assigned to them ; so that having increased
in honours and riches, and learning that Pope Clement had
invited Charles of Anjou to take the kingdom from Manfred,
they sent ambassadors to the pope to offer him their services.
His holiness not only received them as friends, but gave
them a standard upon which his insignia were wrought.
It was ever after borne by the Guelphs in battle, and is
still used at Florence. Charles having taken the kingdom
from Manfred, and slain him, to which success the Guelphs
of Florence had contributed, their party became more
powerful, and that of the Ghibellines proportionably weaker.
In consequence of this, those who with Count Novello go-
verned the city, thought it would be advisable to attach
to themselves, with some concession, the people whom they
56 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. rr. ch. 2. a.d. 12C5.
had previously aggravated with every species of injury; but
these remedies which, if applied before the necessity came,
would have been beneficial, being offered when they were no
longer considered favours, not only failed of producing any be-
neficial result to the donors, but hastened their ruin. Thinking,
however, to win them to their interests, they restored some of
the honours of which they had deprived them. They elected
thirty-six citizens from the higher rank of the people, to
whom, with two cavalieri, knights or gentlemen, brought
from Bologna, the reformation of the government of the city
was confided. As soon as they met, they classed the whole
of the people according to their arts or trades, and over each
art appointed a magistrate, whose duty was to distribute
justice to those placed under him. They gave to each company
or trade a banner, under which every man was expected tc
appear armed, whenever the city required it. These arts
were at first twelve, seven major, and five minor. The minor
arts were afterwards increased to fourteen, so that the whole
made, as at present, twenty-one. The thirty-six reformers
also effected other changes for the common good.
Count Guido proposed to lay a tax upon the citizens for
the support of the soldiery ; but during the discussion found
so much difficulty, that he did not dare to use force to obtain
it ; and thinking he had now lost the government, called
together the leaders of the Ghibellines, and they determined
to wrest from the people those powers which they had with
so little prudence conceded. When they thought they had
sufficient force, the thirty-six being assembled, they caused a
tumult to be raised, which so alarmed them that they retired
to their houses, when suddenly the banners of the Arts were
unfurled, and many armed men drawn to them. These,
learning that Count Guido and his followers were at St.
John's, moved towards the Holy Trinity, and chose Giovanni
Soldanieri for their leader. The count, on the other hand,
being informed where the people were assembled, proceeded
in that direction ; nor did the people shun the fight, for,
meeting their enemies where now stands the residence of
the Tornaquinci, they put the count to flight, with the loss
of many of his followers. Terrified with this result,
he was afraid his enemies would attack him in the night, and
that his own party, finding themselves beaten, would murder
n it. ch. 2. a.d. 1271. GOVERNMENT REFORMED. 57
him. This impression took such hold of his mind that, with-
out attempting any other remedy, he sought his safety rather
in flight than in combat, and, contrary to the advice of the
rectors, went with all his people to Prato. But, on finding
himself in a place of safety, his fears fled ; perceiving his
error he wished to correct it, and on the following day, as soon
as light appeared, he returned with his people to Florence, to
enter the city by force which he had abandoned in cowardice.
But his design did not succeed ; for the people, who had had
difficulty in expelling him, kept him out with facility ; so that
with grief and shame he went to the Casentino, and the
Ghibellines withdrew to their villas.
The people, being victorious, by the advice of those who
loved the good of the republic, determined to re-unite the
city, and recall all the citizens as well Guelph as Ghibelline,
who yet remained without. The Guelphs returned, after
having been expelled six years ; the recent offences of the
Ghibellines were forgiven, and themselves restored to their
country. They were, however, most cordially hated, both by
the people and the Guelphs, for the latter could not forget
their exile, and the former but too well remembered their
tyranny when they were in power ; the result was, that the
minds of neither party became settled.
Whilst affairs were in this state at Florence, a report pre-
vailed that Corradino, nephew of Manfred, was coming with
a force from Germany, for the conquest of Naples ; this gave
the Ghibellines hope of recovering power, and the Guelphs,
considering how they should provide for their security, re-
quested assistance from Charles for their defence, in case of
the passage of Corradino. The coming of the forces of Charles
rendered the Guelphs insolent, and so alarmed the Ghibel-
lines that they fled the city, without being driven out, two
days before the arrival of the troops.
The Ghibellines having departed, the Florentines re-
organised the government of the city, and elected twelve men
who, as the supreme power, were to hold their magistracy two
months, and were not called Anziani or " ancients," but Buoni
Uomini or "good men." They also formed a council of eighty
citizens, which they called the Credenza. Besides these, from
each sixth, thirty citizens were chosen, who, with the Credenza
and the twelve Buoni Uornini, were called the General Council.
58 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. ix. ch. 2. a.d. 1277.
They also appointed another council of one hundred and
twenty citizens, elected from the people and the nobility, to
which all those things were finally referred that had under-
gone the consideration of the other councils, and which dis-
tributed the offices of the republic. Having formed this go-
vernment, they strengthened the Guelphic party by appoint-
ing its friends to the principal offices of state, and a variety of
other measures, that they might be enabled to defend them-
selves against the Ghibellines, whose property they divided
into three parts, one of which was applied to the public use,
another to the Capitani, and the third was assigned to the
Guelphs, in satisfaction of the injuries they had received.
The pope too, in order to keep Tuscany in the Guelphic in-
terest, made Charles imperial vicar over the province. Whilst
the Florentines, by virtue of the new government, preserved
their influence at home by laws, and abroad with arms, the
pope died, and after a dispute, which continued two years,
Gregory X. was elected, being then in Syria, where he had
long lived ; but not having witnessed the working of parties,
he did not estimate them in the manner his predecessors had
done, and passing through Florence on his way to France, he
thought it would be the office of a good pastor to unite the
city, and so far succeeded that the Florentines consented to
receive the Syndics of the Ghibellines in Florence to consider
the terms of their recall. They effected an agreement, but
the Ghibellines without were so terrified that they did not
venture to return. The pope laid the whole blame upon the
city, and being enraged excommunicated her, in which state
of contumacy she remained as long as the pontiff lived ; but
was re-blessed by his successor Innocent V.
The pontificate was afterwards occupied by Nicholas III. of
the Orsini family. It has to be remarked that it was invaria-
1 bly the custom of the popes to be jealous of those whose
power in Italy had become great, even when its growth had
been occasioned by the favours of the church ; and as they
always endeavoured to destroy it, frequent troubles and
changes were the result. Their fear of a powerful person
caused them to increase the influence of one previously weak ;
his becoming great caused him also to be feared, and his being
feared made them seek the means of destroying him. This
mode of thinking and operation occasioned the kingdom of
/*?
B. ir. ch. 3. a.d. 1282. POLITICAL CHANGES. 51
Naples to be taken from Manfred and given to Charles, but
as soon as the latter became powerful his ruin was resolved
upon. Actuated by these motives, Nicholas III. contrived
that, with the influence of the emperor, the government of
Tuscany should be taken from Charles, and Latino his legate
was therefore sent into the province in the name of the
empire.
CHAPTER III.
Changes in Florence — The Ghibellines recalled — New form of government
in Florence— The Signory created — Victor}' over the Aretins — The Gon-
falonier of Justice created — Ubaldo Ruffoli the first Gonfalonier — Giano
del la Bella— New reform by his advice — Giano della Bella becomes a
voluntary exile — Dissensions between the people and the nobility — The
tumults composed — Reform of government — Public buildings — The
prosperous state of the city.
Florence was at this time in a very unhappy condition ; for
the great Guelphic families had become insolent, and set aside
the authority of the magistrates ; so that murders and other
atrocities were daily committed, and the perpetrators escaped
unpunished^ under the protection of one or other of the
nobility. The leaders of the people, in order to restrain this
insolence, determined to recall those who had been expelled,
and thus give the legate an opportunity of uniting the city.
The Ghibellines returned, and, instead of twelve governors,
fourteen were appointed, seven for each party, who held
their office one year, and were to be chosen by the pope.
The Florentines lived under this government two years, till
the pontificate of Martin, who restored to Charles all the
authority which had been taken from him by Nicholas, so
that parties were again active in Tuscany ; for the Florentines
took arms against the emperor's governor, and to deprive the
Ghibellines of power, and restrain the nobility, established a
new form of government. This was in the year 1282, and
the companies of the Arts, since magistrates had been appointed
and colours given to them, had acquired so great influence,
that of their own authority they ordered that, instead of four-
teen citizens, three should be appointed and called Priors, to
60 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. D. n. en. 3. a.d. 1282.
hold the government of the republic two months, and chosen
from either the people or the nobility. After the expiration
of the first magistracy they were augmented to six, that one
might be chosen from each sixth of the city, and this number
was preserved till the year 1342, when the city was divided
into quarters, and the priors became eight, although upon
some occasions during the interim they weie twelve.
This government, as will be seen hereafter, occasioned the
ruin of the nobility; for the people by various causes excluded
them from all participation in it, and then trampled upon
them without respect. The nobles at first, owing to their
divisions amongst themselves, made no opposition ; and each
being anxious to rob the other of influence in the state, they
lost it altogether. To this government a palace was given, in
which they were to reside constantly, and all requisite officers
were appointed ; it having been previously the custom of
councils and magistrates to assemble in churches. At first
they were only called Priors, but to increase their distinction
the word Signori, or Lords, was soon afterwards adopted. The
Florentines remained for some time in domestic quiet, during
which they made war with the Aretins for having expelled
the Guelphs, and obtained a complete victory over them at
Campaldino. The city being increased in riches and
population, it was found expedient to extend the walls, the
circle of which was enlarged to the extent it at present re-
mains, although its diameter was previously only the space
between the old bridge and the church of St. Lorenzo.
Wars abroad and peace within the city had caused the
Guelph and Ghibelline factions to become almost extinct;
and the only party feeling which seemed occasionally to glow,
was that which naturally exists in all cities between the higher
classes and the people ; for the latter wishing to live in con-
formity with the laws, and the former to be themselves the
rulers of the people, it was not possible for them to abide in
perfect amity together. This ungenial disposition, whilst
their fear of the Ghibellines kept them in order, did not dis-
cover itself, but no sooner were they subdued than it broke
forth, and not a day passed without some of the populace being
injured, whilst the laws were insufficient to procure redress,
for every noble with his relations and friends defended him-
self against the forces of the Priors and the Capitano. To
B.ii.ch. 3. A.D. 1282. GIANO DELLA BELLA. 61
remedy this evil the leaders of the Arts' companies ordered that
every Signory at the time of entering upon the duties of office
should appoint a Gonfalonier of Justice, chosen from the people,
and place a thousand armed men at his disposal divided into
twenty companies of fifty men each, and that he with his gonfa-
lon or banner and his forces should be ready to enforce the ex-
ecution of the laws whenever called upon either by the Signors
themselves or the Capitano. The first elected to this high
office was Ubaldo Ruffoli. This man unfurled his gonfalon,
and destroyed the houses of the Galletti, on account of a mem-
ber of that family having slain one of the Florentine people
in France. The violent animosities amongst the nobility
enabled the companies of the Arts to establish this law with
facility; and the former no sooner saw the provision which
had been made against them than they felt the acrimonious
spirit with which it was enforced. At first it impressed them
with great terror; but they soon after returned to their accus-
tomed insolence, for one or more of their body always making
part of the Signory, gave them opportunities of impeding the
Gonfalonier, so that he could not perform the duties of his
office. Besides this, the accuser always required a witness of
the injury he had received, and no one dared to give evidence
against the nobility. Thus in a short time Florence agaiu
fell into the same disorders as before, and the tyranny exer-
cised against the people was as great as ever ; for the deci-
sions of justice were either prevented or delayed, and sen-
tences were not carried into execution.
In this unhappy state, the people not knowing what to do,
Giano della Bella, of a very noble family, and a lover of
liberty, encouraged the heads of the Arts to reform the con-
stitution of the city ; and by his advice it was ordered that
the Gonfalonier should reside with the Priors, and have four
thousand men at his command. They deprived the nobility
of the right to sit in the Signory. They condemned the
associates of a criminal to the same penalty as himself, and
ordered that public report should be taken as evidence. By
these laws, which were called the ordinations of justice, the
people acquired great influence, and Giano della Bella not a
small share of trouble ; for he was thoroughly hated by the
great, as the destroyer of their power, whilst the opulent
among the people envied him, for they thought he possessed
62 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. 11. ch. 3. a.d. 1282.
too great authority. This became very evident upon the
first occasion that presented itself.
It happened that a man from the class of the people was
killed during a riot, in which several of the nobility had
taken a part, and amongst the rest Corso Donati, to
whom, as the most forward of the party, the death was
attributed. He was therefore taken by the captain of the
people, and whether he was really innocent of the crime or
the Capitano was afraid of condemning him, he was acquitted.
This acquittal displeased the people so much, that, seizing
their arms, they ran to the house of Giano della Bella, to beg
that he would compel the execution of those laws which
he had himself made. Giano, who wished Corso to be
punished, did not insist upon their laying down their arms,
as many were of opinion he ought to have done, but advised
them to go to the Signory, complain of the fact, and beg that
they would take it into consideration. The people, full of
wrath, thinking themselves insulted by the Capitano and
abandoned by Giano della Bella, instead of going to the
Signory went to the palace of the Capitano, of which they
made themselves masters, and plundered it.
This outrage displeased the whole city, and those who
wished the ruin of Giano laid the entire blame upon him ;
and as in the succeeding Signory there was an enemy of his,
he was accused to the Capitano as the originator of the riot.
Whilst the case was being tried, the people took arms and,
proceeding to his house, offered to defend him against the
Signory and his enemies. Giano, however, did not wish to
put this burst of popular favour to the proof, or trust his life
to the magistrates, for he feared the malignity of the latter
and the instability of the former ; so, in order to remove an
occasion for his enemies to injure him or his friends to offend
the laws, he determined to withdraw, deliver his countrymen
from the fear they had of him, and, leaving the city which at
his own charge and peril he had delivered from the servitude
of the great, become a voluntary exile.
After the departure of Giano della Bella the nobility began
to entertain hopes of recovering their authority, and judging
their misfortune to have arisen from their divisions, they
sent two of their body to the Signory, which they thought
was favourable to them, to beg they would be pleased to
B. il ch. 3. a.d. 12S2. TUMULTS QUELLED. 63
moderate the severity of the laws made against them. As
soon as their demand became known, the minds of the
people were much excited ; for they were afraid the Signors
would submit to them ; and so, between the desire of the
nobility and the jealousy of the people, arms were resorted
to. The nobility were drawn together in three places, near
the church of St. John, in the New Market, and in the
Piazza of the Mozzi, under three leaders, Forese Adimari,
Vanni de Mozzi, and Geri Spini. The people assembled
in immense numbers, under their ensigns, before the palace
of the Signory, which at that time was situated near St.
Procolo ; and, as they suspected the integrity of the Signory,
they added six citizens to their number to take part in the
management of affairs.
Whilst both parties were preparing for the fight, some
individuals, as well of the people as of the nobility, ac-
companied with a few priests of respectable character,
mingled amongst them for the purpose of effecting a pacifica-
tion, reminding the nobility that their loss of power, and the
laws which were made against them, had been occasioned by
their haughty conduct, and the mischievous tendency of
their proceedings ; that resorting to arms to recover by
force what they had lost by illiberal measures and dis-
union, would tend to the destruction of their country and
increase the difficulties of their own position ; that they should
bear in mind, that the people, both in riches, numbers, and
hatred, were far stronger than they ; and that their nobility,
on account of which they assumed to be above others, did
not contribute to win battles, and would be found, when they
came to arms, to be but an empty name, and insufficient to
defend them against so many. On the other hand, they
reminded the people that it is not prudent to wish always to
have the last blow ; that it is an injudicious step to drive
men to desperation, for he who is without hope is also with-
out fear ; that they ought not to forget that in the wars the
nobility had always done honour to the country, and there-
fore it was neither wise nor just to pursue them with so
much bitterness ; and that although the nobility could bear
with patience the loss of the supreme magistracy, they
could not endure that, by the existing laws, it should be
in the power of every one to drive them from their country ;
64 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. if.cn. 3. a.d. 1292.
and therefore it would be well to qualify these laws, and,
in furtherance of so good a result, be better to lay down
their arms than, trusting to numbers, try the fortune of
a battle ; for it is often seen that the many are overcome by
the few. Variety of opinion was found amongst the people ;
many wished to decide the question by arms at once, for
they were assured it would have to be done some time, and
that it would be better to do so then than delay till the enemy
had acquired greater strength; and that if they thought a
mitigation of the laws would satisfy them, that then they
would be glad to comply, but that the pride of the nobility
was so great they would not submit unless they were com-
pelled. To many others, who were more peaceable and
better disposed, it appeared a less evil to qualify the laws a
little than to come to battle ; and their opinion prevailing, it
was provided that no accusation against the nobility could be
received unless supported with sufficient testimony.
Although arms were laid aside, both parties remained full
of suspicion, and each fortified itself with men and places of
strength. The people re-organized the government, and
lessened the number of its officers, to which measure they
were induced by finding that the Signors appointed from the
families, of which the following were the heads, had been
favourable to the nobility, viz., the Mancini, Magalotti,
Altoviti, Peruzzi, and Cerretani. Having settled the govern-
ment, for the greater magnificence and security of the Signory,
they laid the foundation of their palace ; and to make space
for the piazza, removed the houses that had belonged to the
Uberti ; they also at the same period commenced the public
prisons. These buildings were completed in a few years ;
nor did our city ever enjoy a state of greater prosperity than
in those times ; filled with men of great wealth and reputa-
tion ; possessing within her walls 30.000 men capable of
bearing arms, and in the country 70,000 ; whilst the whole
of Tuscany, either as subjects or friends, owed obedience to
Florence. And although there m ; ght be some indignation
and jealousy between the nobility and the people, they did
not produce any evil effect, but all lived together in unity
and peace. And if this peace had not been disturbed by
internal enmities there would have been no cause of appre-
hension whatever, for the city had nothing to fear either
!i i, . ri 4. a.d. 1292. THE CEECHI AND DONATI. 65
from the empire or from those citizens, whom political reasons
kept from their homes, and was in condition to meet all the
states of Italy with her own forces. The evil, however,
which external powers could not effect, was brought about
by those within.
CHAPTER IV.
The Cerchi and the Donati — Origin of the Bianca and Nera factions in
Pistoia — They come to Florence — Open enmity of the Donati and the
Cerchi — Their first conflict — The Cerchi head the Bianca faction — The
Donati take part with the Nera — The pope's legate at Florence increases
the confusion with an interdict — New affray betwixt the Cerchi and the
Donati — The Donati and others of the Nera faction banished by the
advice of Dante Alighieri — Charles of Valois sent by the pope to
Florence — The Florentines suspect him — Corso Donati and the rest of
the Nera party return to Florence — Veri Cerchi flies — The pope's
legate again in Florence — The city again interdicted— New distur-
bances — The Bianchi banished — Dante banished — Corso Donati ex-
cites fresh troubles— The pope's legate endeavours to restore the
emigrants but does not succeed — Great fire in Florence.
The Cerchi and the Donati were, for riches, nobility, and
the number and influence of their followers, perhaps the
two most distinguished families in Florence. Being neigh-
bours, both in the city and the country, there had arisen
between them some slight displeasure, which however had
not occasioned an open quarrel, and perhaps never would
have produced any serious effect if the malignant humours
had not been increased by new causes. Among the first
families of Pistoia was the Cancellieri. It happened that
Lore, son of Gulielmo, and Geri, son of Bertacca, both
of this family, playing together, and coming to words.
Geri was slightly wounded by Lore. This displeased
Gulielmo ; and, designing by a suitable apology to remove
all cause of further animosity, he ordered his son to
go to the house of the father of the youth whom he had
wounded, and ask pardon. Lore obeyed his father ; but this
act of virtue failed to softer, the cruel mind of Bertacca,
66 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 4. a.d. 1292.
and having caused Lore to be seized, in order to add
the greatest indignity to his brutal act, he ordered his ser-
vants to chop off the youth's hand upon a block used for
cutting meat upon, and then said to him, " Go to thy father,
and tell him that sword- wounds are cured with iron and not
with words."
The unfeeling barbarity of this act so greatly exaspe-
rated Gulielmo that he ordered his people to take arms
for his revenge. Bertacca prepared for his defence, and
not only that family, but the whole city of Pistoia, be-
came divided. And as the Cancellieri were descended
from a Cancelliere who had had two wives, of whom
one was called Bianca (white), one party was named by
those who were descended from her Bianca ; and the other,
by way of greater distinction, was called Nera (black).
Much and long-continued strife took place between the two,
attended with the death of many men and the destruction of
much property; and not being able to effect a union
amongst themselves, but weary of the evil, and anxious either
to bring it to an end or, by engaging others in their quarrel,
increase it, they came to Florence, where the Neri, on
account of their familiarity with the Donati, were favoured
by Corso, the head of that family; and on this account
the Bianchi, that they might have a powerful head to defend
them against the Donati, had recourse to Veri de Cerchi,
a man in no respect inferior to Corso.
This quarrel, and the parties in it, brought from Pistoia,
increased the old animosity between the Cerchi and the
Donati, and it was already so manifest, that the Priors and
all well-disposed men were in hourly apprehension of its
breaking out, and causing a division of the whole city. They
therefore applied to the pontiff, praying that he would inter-
pose his authority between these turbulent parties, and provide
the remedy which they found themselves unable to furnish.
The pope sent for Veri, and charged him to make peace
with the Donati, at which Veri exhibited great astonish-
ment, saying, that he had no enmity against them, and that
as pacification pre-supposes war, he did not know, there
being no war between them, how peace-making could be
necessary. Veri having returned from Rome without any
thing being effected, the rage of the parties increased to
B.n. ch. 4.A.D. 1294. FACTIOUS DISTURBANCES. GV
such a degree, that any trivial accident seemed sufficient to
make it burst forth, as indeed presently happened.
It was in the month of May, during which, and upon
holidays, it is the custom of Florence to hold festivals and
public rejoicings throughout the city. Some youths of the
Donati family, with their friends, upon horseback, were
standing near the church of the Holy Trinity to look at a
party of ladies who were dancing ; thither also came some
of the Cerchi, like the Donati, accompanied with many of the
nobility, and, not knowing that the Donati were before them,
pushed their horses and jostled them ; thereupon the Donati,
thinking themselves insulted, drew their swords, nor were
the Cerchi at all backward to do the same, and not till after
the interchange of many wounds, they separated. This
disturbance was the beginning of great evils ; for the whole
city became divided, the people as well as the nobility, and the
parties took the names of the Bianchi and the Neri. The
Cerchi were at the head of the Bianchi faction, to which
adhered the Adimari, the Abati, a part of the Tosinghi, of
the Bardi, of the Rossi, of the Frescobaldi, of the Nerli, and
of the Manelli ; all the Mozzi, the Scali, Gherardini, Caval-
canti, Malespini, Bostichi, Giandonati, Vecchietti, and Arri-
gucci. To these were joined many families of the people,
and all the Ghibellines then in Florence, so that their great
numbers gave them almost the entire government of the city.
The Donati, at the head of whom was Corso, joined
the Nera party, to which also adhered those members of
the above-named families who did not take part with the
Bianchi ; and besides these, the whole of the Pazzi, the Bis-
domini, Manieri, Bagnesi, Tornaquinci, Spini. Buondelmonti,
Gianfigliazzi, and the Brunelleschi. Nor did the evil con-
fine itself to the city alone, for the whole country was divided
upon it, so that the Captains of the Six Parts, and whoever
were attached to the Guelphic party or the well-being of the
republic, were very much afraid that this new division would
occasion the destruction of the city, and give new life to the
Ghibelline faction. They therefore sent again to Pope
Boniface, desiring that, unless he wished that city which had
always been the shield of the church should either be ruined
or become Ghibelline, he would consider of some means for
her relief. The pontiff thereupon sent to Florence, as his legate,
I 2
68 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 4. a.d. 1296.
Cardinal Matteo d'Acquasparta, a Portuguese, who, finding
the Bianchi, as the most powerful, the least in fear, not quite
submissive to him, he interdicted the city, and left it in
anger; so that greater confusion now prevailed than had
done previously to his coming.
The minds of men being in great excitement, it happened
that at a funeral which many of the Donati and the Cerchi
attended, they first came to words and then to arms, from
which however nothing but merely tumult resulted at the
moment. However, having each retired to their houses, the
Cerchi determined to attack the Donati, but, by the valour
of Corso, they were repulsed and great numbers of them
wounded. The city was in arms. The laws and the
Signory were set at nought by the rage of the nobility, and
the bent and wisest citizens were full of apprehension. The
Donati and their followers, being the least powerful, were in
the greatest fear, and to provide for their safety they called
together Corso, the Captains of the Parts, and the other
leaders of the Neri, and resolved to apply to the pope
to appoint some personage of royal blood, that he might
reform Florence ; thinking by this means to overcome the
Bianchi. Their meeting and determination became known to
the Priors, and the adverse party represented it as a con-
spiracy against the liberties of the republic. Both parties
being in arms, the Signory, one of whom at that time was
the poet Dante, took courage, and from his advice and pru-
dence, caused the people to rise for the preservation of order,
and being joined by many from the country, they compelled
the leaders of both parties to lay aside their arms, and
banished Corso, with many of the Neri. And as an evi-
dence of the impartiality of their motives, they also banished
many of the Bianchi, who, however, soon afterwards, under
pretence of some justifiable cause, returned.
Corso and his friends, thinking the pope favourable to
their party, went to Rome, and laid their grievances be-
fore him, having previously forwarded a statement of them
in writing. Charles of Valois, brother of the king of
France, was then at the papal court, having been called
into Italy by the king of Naples, to go over into Sicily.
The pope, therefore, at the earnest prayers of the banished
Florentines, consented to send Charles to Florence, till the
U :i. (H.4.A.P. 1297. C0RS0*S RETURN. 69
season suitable for his going to Sicily should arrive. He
therefore came, and although the Bianchi, who then governed,
were very apprehensive, still, as the head of the Guelphs,
and appointed by the pope, they did not dare to oppose
him ; and in order to secure his friendship, they gave him
authority to dispose of the city as he thought proper.
Thus authorized, Charles armed all his friends and follow-
ers, which step gave the people so strong a suspicion that he
designed to rob them of their liberty, that each took arms,
and kept at his own house, in order to be ready, if Charles
should make any such attempt. The Cerchi and the leaders
of the Bianchi faction had acquired universal hatred by hav-
ing, whilst at the head of the republic, conducted themselves
with unbecoming pride ; and this induced Corso and the
banished of the Neri party to return to Florence, knowing
well that Charles and the Captains of the Parts were favour-
able to them. And whilst the citizens, for fear of Charles,
kept themselves in arms, Corso, with all the banished,
and followed by many others, entered Florence without
the least impediment. And although Veri de Cerchi was
advised to oppose him, he refused to do so, saying that
he wished the people of Florence, against whom he came,
should punish him. However the contrary happened, for he
was welcomed, not punished by them ; and it behoved Veri
to save himself by flight.
Corso, having forced the Pinti Gate, assembled his party
at San Pietro Maggiore, near his own house, where, having
drawn together a great number of friends and people de-
sirous of change, he set at liberty all who had been im-
prisoned for offeoces, whether against the state or against
individuals. He compelled the existing Signory to withdraw
privately to their own houses, elected a new one from the
people of the Neri party, and for five days plundered the
leaders of the Bianchi. The Cerchi, and the other heads of
their faction, finding Charles opposed to them, and the greater
part of the people their enemies, withdrew from the city, and
retired to their strongholds. And although at first they
would not listen to the advice of the pope, they were now
compelled to turn to him for assistance, declaring that instead
of uniting the city, Charles had caused greater disunion
than before. The pope again sent Matteo d'Acquasparta,
70 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 4. a.d. 1307.
his legate, who made peace between the Cerchi and the
Donati, and strengthened it with marriages and new be-
trothals. But wishing that the Bianchi should participate in
the employments of the government, to which the Neri who
were then at the head of it would not consent, he withdrew,
with no more satisfaction nor less enraged than on the former
occasion, and left the city interdicted for disobedience.
Both parties remained in Florence, and equally discontented;
the Neri from seeing their enemies at hand, and apprehend-
ing the loss of their power, and the Bianchi from find-
ing themselves without either honour or authority ; and to
these natural causes of animosity new injuries were added.
Niccolo de' Cerchi, with many of his friends, went to his
estates, and being arrived at the bridge of Affrico, was
attacked by Simone, son of Corso Donati. The contest
was obstinate, and on each side had a sorrowful conclu-
sion ; for Niccolo was slain, and Simone was so severely
wounded, that he died on the following night.
This event again disturbed the entire city ; and although
the Neri were most to blame, they were defended by those
who were at the head of affairs ; and before sentence was
delivered, a conspiracy of the Bianchi with Piero Ferrante,
one of the barons who had accompanied Charles, was dis-
covered, by whose assistance they sought to be replaced
in the government. The matter became known from letters
addressed to him by the Cerchi, although some were of
opinion that they were not genuine, but written and pre-
tended to be found, by the Donati, to abate the infamy which
their party had acquired by the death of Niccolo. The
whole of the Cerchi were however banished, with their fol-
lowers of the Bianchi party, of whom was Dante the poet,
their property confiscated, and their houses pulled down.
They sought refuge, with a great number of Ghibellines who
had joined them, in many places ; seeking fresh fortunes
in new 7 undertakings. Charles, having effected the purpose
of his coming, left the city, and returned to the pope to
pursue his enterprise against Sicily, in which he was neither
wiser or more fortunate than he had been at Florence ; so that
with disgrace and the loss of many of his followers, he
withdrew to France.
After the departure of Charles, Florence remained quiet;
B. ii. ch. 4. a.d. 1299. CHARLES LEAVES FLORENCE. 71
Corso alone was restless, thinking he did not possess that sort
of authority in the city which was due to his rank ; for the
government being in the hands of the people, he saw the
offices of the republic administered by many inferior to him-
self. Moved by passions of this kind, he endeavoured, under
pretence of an honourable design, to justify his own dis-
honourable purposes, and accused many citizens who had the
management of the public money, of applying it to their
private uses, and recommended that they should be brought
to justice and punished. This opinion was adopted by many
who had the same views as himself; and many in igno-
rance joined them, thinking Corso actuated only by pure
patriotism. On the other hand, the accused citizens, enjoy-
ing the popular favour, defended themselves, and this differ-
ence arose to such a height, that, after civil means, they
had recourse to arms. Of the one party were Corso and
Lottieri, bishop of Florence, with many of the nobility and
some of the people ; on the other side were the Signory.
with the greater part of the people ; so that skirmishes took
place in many parts of the city. The Signory, seeing their
danger great, sent for aid to the Lucchese, and presently all
the people of Lucca were in Florence. "With their assistance
the disturbances were settled for the moment, and the people
retained the government and their liberty, without attempt-
ing by any other means to punish the movers of the disorder.
The pope had heard of the tumults at Florence, and
sent his legate, Niccolo da Prato, to settle them, who,
being in high reputation both for his quality, learning, and
mode of life, presently acquired so much of the people s
confidence, that authority was given him to establish such a
government as he should think proper. As he was of
Ghibelline origin, he determined to recall the banished ; but
designing first to gain the affections of the lower orders, he
renewed the ancient companies of the people, which increased
the popular power and reduced that of the nobility. The
legate, thinking the multitude on his side, now endeavoured
to recall the banished, and after attempting in many ways,
none of which succeeded, he fell so completely under the
suspicion of the government, that he was compelled to quit
the city, and returned to the pope in great wrath, leaving
Florence full of confusion and suffering under an interdict.
72 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 4. a.d. 1304,
Neither was the city disturbed with one division alone, but
by many ; first the enmity between the people and the nobility,
then that of the Ghibellines and the Guelphs, and lastly, of
the Bianchi and the Neri. All the citizens were therefore in
arms, for many were dissatisfied with the departure of the
legate, and wished for the return of the banished. The first
who set this disturbance on foot were the Medici and the
Guinigi, who, with the legate, had discovered themselves in
favour of the rebels ; and thus skirmishes took place in many
parts of the city.
In addition to these evils a fire occurred, which first broke
out at the garden of St. Michael, in the houses of the
Abati ; it thence extended to those of the Capoinsacchi, and
consumed them, with those of the Macci, Amieri, Toschi,
Cipriani, Lamberti, Cavalcanti, and the whole of the New
Market ; from thence it spread to the gate of St. Maria, and
burned it to the ground ; turning from the old bridge, it de-
stroyed the houses of the Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and
Lucardesi, and with these so many others, that the number
amounted to seventeen hundred. It was the opinion of many
that this fire occurred by accident during the heat of the dis-
turbances. Others affirm that it was begun wilfully by Neri
Abati, prior of St. Pietro Scarragio, a dissolute character,
fond of mischief, who, seeing the people occupied with the
combat, took the opportunity of committing a wicked act,
lor which the citizens, being thus employed, could offer no
remedy. And to ensure his success, he set fire to the house
of his own brotherhood, where he had the best opportunity
of doing it. This was in the year 1304, Florence be-
ing afflicted both with fire and the sword. Corso Donati
alone remained unarmed in so many tumults ; for he thought
he would more easily become the arbitrator between the
contending parties when, weary of strife, they should be
inclined to accommodation. They laid down their arms,
however, rather from satiety of evil than from any desire of
union; and the only consequence was, that the banished were
not recalled, and the party which favoured them remained
inferior.
n en 5. a.d 1305. RETURN OF EXILES. 73
CHAPTER V.
The emigrants attempt to re-enter Florence, but are not allowed to do so
— The companies of the people restored — Restless conduct of Corso
Donati — The ruin of Corso Donati — Corso Donati accused and con-
demned — Riot at the house of Corso — Death of Corso — His character
— Fruitless attempt of the emperor Henry against the Florentines —
The emigrants are restored to the city — The citizens place themselves
under the king of Naples for five years — War with Uguccione della
Faggiuola — The Florentines routed — Florence withdraws herself from
subjection to King Robert, and expels the Count Novello — Lando d'Agob-
bio — His tyranny — His departure.
The legate being returned to Rome, and hearing of the
new disturbance which had occurred, persuaded the pope
that if he wished to unite the Florentines, it would be neces-
sary to have twelve of the first citizens appear before him,
and having thus removed the principal causes of disunion,
he might easily put a stop to it. The pontiff took this ad-
vice, and the citizens, amongst whom was Corso Donati,
obeyed the summons. These having left the city, the
legate told the exiles that now, when the city was de-
prived of her leaders, was the time for them to return. They
therefore, having assembled, came to Florence, and entering
by a part of the wall not yet completed, proceeded to the
piazza of St. Giovanni. It is worthy of remark, that those
who a short time previously, when they came unarmed and
begged to be restored to their country, had fought for their
return, now, when they saw them in arms and resolved to
enter by force, took arms to oppose them (so much more was
the common good esteemed than private friendship), and
being joined by the rest of the citizens, compelled them to
return to the places from whence they had come. They
failed in their undertaking by having left part of their force
at Lastra, and by not having waited the arrival of Tolo-
setto Uberti, who had to come from Pistoia with three
hundred horse ; for they thought celerity rather than num-
bers would give them the victory; and it often happens,
in similar enterprises, that delay robs us of the occasion, and
too great anxiety to be forward prevents us of the power, or
makes us act before we are properly prepared.
74 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. b. ii. ch.5. a.d.1306.
The banished having retired, Florence again returned to
her old divisions ; and in order to deprive the Cavalcanti of
their authority, the people took from them the Stinche,
a castle situate in the Val di Greve, and anciently belonging
to the family. And as those who were taken in it were the
first who were put into the new prisons, the latter were, and
still continue, named after it, the Stinche. The leaders of
the republic also re-established the companies of the people,
and gave them the ensigns that were first used by the compa-
nies of the Arts ; the heads of which were called Gonfaloniers
of the companies and colleagues of the Signory ; and ordered,
that when any disturbance arose they should assist the
Signory with arms, and in peace with counsel. To the two
ancient rectors they added an executor, or sheriff, who, with
the Gonfaloniers, was to aid in repressing the insolence of
the nobility.
In the meantime the pope died. Corso, with the other
citizens, returned from Rome ; and all would have been well
if his restless mind had not occasioned new troubles.
It was his common practice to be of a contrary opinion
to the most powerful men in the city ; and whatever he
saw the people inclined to do, he exercised his utmost
influence to effect, in order to attach them to himself ; so
that he was a leader in all differences, at the head of every
new scheme, and whoever wished to obtain anything extra-
ordinary had recourse to him. This conduct caused him to
be hated by many of the highest distinction; and their
hatred increased to such a degree that the Neri faction to
which he belonged, became completely divided ; for Corso,
to attain his ends, had availed himself of private force
and authority, and of the enemies of the state. But so
great was the influence attached to his person, that every one
feared him. Nevertheless, in order to strip him of the
popular favour (which by this means may easily be done), a
report was set on foot that he intended to make himself
prince of the city ; and to the design his conduct gave great
appearance of probability, for his way of living quite ex-
ceeded all civil bounds ; and the opinion gained further
strength, upon his taking to wife a daughter of Uguccione
della Faggiuola, head of the Ghibelline and Bianchi faction,
and one of the most powerful men in Tuscany.
b. m. ch. 5. a.d. 1308. CORSOS DEFEAT 75
When this marriage became known it gave courage to his
adversaries, and they took arms against him ; for the same
reason the people ceased to defend him, and the greater part
of them joined the ranks of his enemies, the leaders of whom
were Rosso della Tosa, Pazino dei Pazzi, Geri Spini, and Berto
Brunelleschi. These with their followers, and the greater part
of the people, assembled before the palace of the Signory, by
whose command a charge was made before Piero Branca,
captain of the people, against Corso, of intending, with the
aid of Uguccione, to usurp the government. He was then
summoned, and for disobedience, declared a rebel ; nor did
two hours pass over between the accusation and the sentence.
The judgment being given, the Signory, with the companies
of the people under their ensigns, went in search of him,
who, although seeing himself abandoned by many of his
followers, aware of the sentence against him, the power of
the Signory, and the multitude of his enemies, remained un-
daunted, and fortified his houses, in the hope of defending
them till Uguccione, for whom he had sent, should come to
his relief. His residences, and the streets approaching them,
were barricaded and taken possession of by his partisans,
who defended them so bravely that the enemy, although in
great numbers, could not force them, and the battle became one
of the hottest, with wounds and death on all sides. But
the people, finding they could not drive them from their
ground, took possession of the adjoining houses, and by unob-
served passages obtained entry. Corso, thus finding himself
surrounded by his foes, no longer retaining any hope of
assistance from Uguccione, and without a chance of victory,
thought only of effecting his personal safety, and with
Gherardo Bordoni, and some of his bravest and most trusted
friends, fought a passage through the thickest of their
enemies, and effected their escape from the city by the Gate
of the Cross. They were, however, pursued by vast numbers,
and Gherardo was slain upon the bridge of Affrico by
Boccaccio Cavicciulli. Corso was overtaken and made
prisoner by a party of Catalan horse, in the service of the
Signory, at Rovezzano. But when approaching Florence,
that he might avoid being seen and torn to pieces by his
victorious enemies, he allowed himself to fall from horse-
back, and, being down, one of those who conducted him cut
75 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. b. ii. ch. 5. a.d. 1312.
his throat. The body was found by the monks of San Salvi,
and buried without any ceremony suitable to his rank. Such
was the end of Corso, to whom his country and the
Neri faction were indebted for much both of good and evil ;
and if he had possessed a cooler spirit he would have left
behind him a more happy memory. Nevertheless, he deserves
to be enumerated amongst the most distinguished men our
city has produced. True it is, that his restless conduct made
both his country and his party forgetful of their obligation to
him. The same cause also produced his miserable end, and
brought many troubles upon both his friends and his country.
Uguccione, coming to the assistance of his relative, learned at
Remoli, that Corso had been overcome by the people, and
finding that he could not render him any assistance, in order
to avoid bringing evil upon himself without occasion, he re-
turned home.
After the death of Corso, which occurred in the year
1308; the disturbances were appeased, and the people
lived quietly till it was reported that the Emperor Henry
was coming into Italy, and with him all the Florentine emi-
grants ; to whom he had promised restoration to their country.
The leaders of the government thought, that in order to lessen
the number of their enemies, it would be well to recall, of
their own will, all who had been expelled, excepting such as
the law had expressly forbidden to return. Of the number
not admitted, were the greater part of the Ghibellines, and
some of those of the Bianchi faction, amongst whom were
Dante Alighieri, the sons of Veri de' Cerchi and of Giano
della Bella. Besides this they sent for aid to Robert,
king of Naples, and not being able to obtain it of him as
friends, they gave their city to him for five years, that he
might defend them as his own people. The emperor entered
Italy by the way of Pisa, and proceeded by the marshes to
Rome, where he was crowned in the year 1312. Then,
having determined to subdue the Florentines, he approached
their city by the way of Perugia and Arezzo, and halted with
his army at the monastery of San Salvi, about a mile from
Florence, where he remained fifty days without effecting any-
thing. Despairing of success against Florence, he returned
to Pisa, where he entered into an agreement with Frederick,
king of Sicily, to undertake the conquest of Naples, and
B. n. ch. 5. a. d. 1313. THE FLORENTINES KOUTED. 77
proceeded with his people accordingly ; but whilst filled with
the hope of victory, and carrying dismay into the heart of
King Robert, having reached Buonconvento, he died.
Shortly after this, Uguccione della Faggiuola, having by
means of the Ghibelline party become lord of Pisa and of
Lucca, caused, with the assistance of these cities, very serious
annoyance to the neighbouring places. In order to effect
their relief the Florentines requested King Robert would
allow his brother Piero to take the command of their armies.
On the other hand, Uguccione continued to increase his power ;
and either by force or fraud obtained possession of many
castles in the Val d' Arno and the Val di Nievole ; and having
besieged Monte Catini, the Florentines found it would be
necessary to send to its relief, that they might not see him
burn and destroy their whole territory. Having drawn to-
gether a large army, they entered the Val di Nievole where
they came up with Uguccione, and were routed after a severe
battle in which Piero the king's brother and 2,000 men were
slain ; but the body of the prince was never found. Neither
was the victory a joyful one to Uguccione ; for one of his
sons, and many of the leaders of his army, fell in the strife.
The Florentines, after this defeat, fortified their territory,
and King Robert sent them, for commander of their forces,
the Count d'Andria, usually called Count Novello, by whose
deportment, or because it is natural to the Florentines to find
every state tedious, the city, notwithstanding the war with
Uguccione, became divided into friends and enemies of
the king. Simon della Tosa, the Magalotti, and certain
others of the people who had attained greater influence in
the government than the rest, were leaders of the party
against the king. By these means messengers were sent to
to France, and afterwards into Germany, to solicit leaders and
forces that they might drive out the count, whom the king
had appointed governor ; but they failed of obtaining any.
Nevertheless they did not abandon their undertaking, but
still desirous of one whom they might worship, after an un-
availing search in France and Germany, they discovered him
at Agobbio, and having expelled the Count Novello, caused
Lando d' Agobbio to be brought into the city as Bargello
(sheriff), and gave him the most unlimited power over the
citizens. This man was cruel and rapacious ; and going through
78 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 5. a.d 1313.
the country accompanied with an armed force, he put many to
death at the mere instigation of those who had endowed him
with authority. His insolence arose to such a height, that
he stamped base metal with the impression used upon the
money of the state, and no one had sufficient courage to
oppose him, so powerful had he become by the discords of
Florence. Great, certainly, but unhappy city ! which neither
the memory of past divisions, the fear of her enemies, nor a
king's authority, could unite for her own advantage ; so that
she found herself in a state of the utmost wretchedness,
harassed without by Uguccione, and plundered within by
Lando d'Agobbio.
The friends of the king and those who opposed Lando and
his followers, were either of noble families or the highest of
the people, and all Guelphs ; but their adversaries being in
power they could not discover their minds without incurring
the greatest danger. Being however determined to deliver
themselves from such disgraceful tyranny, they secretly
wrote to King Robert, requesting him to appoint for his vicar
in Florence Count Guido da Battifolle. The king complied ;
and the opposite party, although the Signory were opposed
to the king, on account of the good quality of the count, did
not dare to resist him. Still his authority was not great, be-
cause the Signory and Gonfaloniers of the companies were in
favour of Lando and his party.
During these troubles, the daughter of King Albert of
Bohemia passed through Florence, in search of her husband,
Charles the son of King Robert, and was received with the
greatest respect by the friends of the king, who complained
to her of the unhappy state of the city, and of the tyranny of
Lando and his partisans ; so that through her influence and the
exertion of the king's friends, the citizens were again united,
and before her departure, Lando was stripped of all authority
and sent back to Agobbio, laden with blood and plunder.
In reforming the government, the sovereignty of the city was
continued to the king for another three years ; and as there
were then in office sevea Signors of the party of Lando, six
more were appointed of the king's friends, and some magi-
stracies were composed of thirteen Signors ; but not long
afterwards, the number was reduced to seven, according to
ancient custom.
B. 11. en. 6. a.d. 1314. WAR WITH CASTRUCCIO. 79
CHAPTER VI.
War with Castruccio — Castruccio marches against Prato and retires with-
out making any attempt — The emigrants not being allowed to return,
endeavour to enter the city by force, and are repulsed — Change in the
mode of electing the great officers of state — The Squittini established —
The Florentines under Raymond of Cardona are routed by Castruccio
at Altopascio — Treacherous designs of Raymond — The Florentines give
the sovereignty of the city to Charles, duke of Calabria, who appoints
the duke of Athens for his vicar — The duke of Calabria comes to Flo-
rence — The Emperor Louis of Bavaria visits Italy — The excitement he
produces — Death of Castruccio and of Charles duke of Calabria-
Reform of government.
About the same time, Uguccione lost the sovereignty of
Lucca and of Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of
Lucca, became lord of them, who, being a young man, bold
and fierce, and fortunate in his enterprises, in a short time
became the head of the Ghibellines in Tuscany. On this
account the discords amongst the Florentines were laid aside
for some years, at first to abate the increasing power of Cas-
truccio, and afterwards to unite their means for mutual de-
fence against him. And in order to give increased strength
and efficacy to their counsels, the Signory appointed twelve
citizens whom they called Buonomini, or good men, without
whose advice and consent, nothing of any importance could
be carried into effect. The conclusion of the sovereignty of
King Robert being come, the citizens took the government
in their own hands, re-appointed the usual rectors and magi-
stracies, and were kept united by the dread of Castruccio
who, after many efforts against the lords of Lunigiano,
attacked Prato, to the relief of which the Florentines having
resolved to go, shut up their shops and houses, and proceeded
thither in a body, amounting to twenty thousand foot and one
thousand five hundred horse. And in order to reduce the
number of Castruccio' s friends and augment their own, the
Signory declared that every rebel of the Guelphic party who
should come to the relief of Prato would be restored to his coun-
try : they thus increased their army with an addition of four
thousand men. This great force being quickly brought to Prato,
alarmed Castruccio so much, that without trying the fortune
of battle, he retired towards Lucca. Upon this, disturbances
80 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. 11. ch. 6. A .u. 1314
arose in the Florentine camp between the nobility and the
people, the latter of whom wished to pursue the foe and de-
stroy him ; the former were for returning home, saying they
had done enough for Prato in hazarding the safety of Florence
on its account, which they did not regret under the necessity
of the circumstances, but now, that necessity no longer ex-
isting, the propriety of further risk ceased also ; a3 there was
little to be gained and much to lose. Not being able to
agree, the question was referred to the Signory, amongst
whom the difference of opinion was equally great ; and as
the matter spread throughout the city, the people drew to-
gether, and used such threatening language against the nobility
that they, being apprehensive for their safety, yielded; but the
resolution being adopted too late, and by many unwillingly,
gave the enemy time to withdraw in safety to Lucca.
This unfortunate circumstance made the people so indignant
against the great that the Signory refused to perform the pro-
mise made to the exiles, and the latter, anticipating the fact,
determined to be beforehand, and were at the gates of Florence
to gain admittance into the city, before the rest of the forces ;
but their design did not take effect, for their purpose being
foreseen, they were repulsed by those who had remained at
home. They then endeavoured to acquire by entreaty what
they had failed to obtain by force ; and sent eight men as
ambassadors to the Signory, to remind them of the promise
given, and of the dangers they had undergone, in hope
of the reward which had been held out to them. And al-
though the nobility, who felt the obligation on account of
their having particularly undertaken to fulfil the promise for
which the Signory had bound themselves, used their utmost
exertion in favour of the exiles, so great was the anger of the
multitude on account of their only partial success against
Castruccio, that they could not obtain their admission. This
occasioned cost and dishonour to the city ; for many of the
nobility, taking offence at this proceeding, endeavoured to
obtain by arms that which had been refused to their prayers,
and agreed with the exiles that they should come armed to
the city, and that those within would arm themselves in their
defence. But the affair was discovered before the appointed
day arrived, so that those without found the city in arms, and
prepared to resist them. So completely subdued were those
B. ii. ch. 6 a.d. 1352. SQUITTINI ESTABLISHED. 81
within, that none dared to take arms : and thus the under-
taking was abandoned, without any advantage having been
obtained by the party. After the departure of the exiles it
was determined to punish those who had been instrumental in
bringing them to the city ; but, although every one knew who
were the delinquents, none ventured to name and still less
to accuse them. It was therefore resolved that in order to
come at the truth, every one should write the names of those
he believed to be guilty, and present the writing secretly
to the Capitano. By this means, Amerigo Donati, Teghiajo,
Frescobaldi, and Lotteringo Gherardini were accused ; but,
the judges being more favourably disposed to them than
perhaps their misdeeds deserved, each escaped by paying a
fine.
The tumults which arose in Florence from the coming of
the rebels to the gates, showed that one leader was insufficient
for the companies of the people ; they therefore determined
that in future each should have three or four ; and to every
Gonfalonier two or three Pennonieri (pennon bearers) were
added, so that if the whole body were not drawn out, a part
might operate under one of them. And as happens, in re-
publics, after any disturbance, some old laws are annulled
and others renewed, so on this occasion, as it had been pre-
viously customary to appoint the Signory for a time only,
the then existing Signors and the colleagues, feeling themselves
possessed of sufficient power, assumed the authority to fix
upon the Signors that would have to sit during the next
forty months, by putting their names into a bag or purse, and
drawing them every two months. But, before the expiration of
the forty months, many citizens were jealous that their names
had not been deposited amongst the rest, and a new emborsa-
tion was made. From this beginning arose the custom of
emborsing or enclosing the names of all who should take office
in any of the magistracies for a long time to come, as well
those whose offices employed them within the city as those
abroad, although previously, the councils of the retiring
magistrates had elected those who were to succeed them
These emborsations were afterwards called Squittini, 01
pollings — and it was thought they would prevent much trou
ble to the city, and remove the cause of those tumults which,
G
82 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. en 6. a.d. 1326
every three or at most five years, took place upon the creation
of magistrates, from the number of candidates for office.
And not being able to adopt a better expedient, they made use
of this, but did not observe the defects which lay concealed
under such a trivial accommodation.
In 1325, Castruccio, having taken possession of Pistoia, be-
came so powerful that the Florentines, fearing his greatness,
resolved, before he should get himself firmly seated in his
new conquest, to attack him and withdraw it from his au-
thority. Of their citizens and friends they mustered an army
amounting 20,000 foot, and 3000 horse, and with this body
encamped before Altopascio, with the intention of taking the
place, and thus preventing it from relieving Pistoia. Being
successful in the first part of their design, they marched to-
wards Lucca, and laid the country waste in their pro-
gress ; but from the little prudence and less integrity of their
leader, Ramondo di Cardona, they made but small progress ;
for he, having observed them upon former occasions very
prodigal of their liberty, placing it sometimes in the hands of
a king, at others in those of a legate, or persons of even
inferior quality, thought, if he could bring them into some
difficulty, it might easily happen that they would make him
their prince. Nor did he fail frequently to mention these
matters, and required to have that authority in the city
which had been given him over the army, endeavouring to
show, that otherwise he could not enforce the obedience requi-
site to a leader. As the Florentines did not consent to this,
he wasted time, and allowed Castruccio to obtain the assistance
which the Visconti and other tyrants of Lombardy had
promised him, and thus become very strong. Ramondo,
having wilfully let the opportunity of victory pass away,
now found himself unable to escape ; for Castruccio coming
up with him at Altopascio, a great battle ensued in which
many citizens were slain and taken prisoners, and amongst
the former fell Ramondo, who received from fortune that
reward of bad faith and mischievous counsels, which he had
richly deserved from the Florentines. The injury they suf-
fered from Castruccio, after the battle, in plunder, prisoners,
destruction, and burning of property, is quite indescribable ;
for, without any opposition, during many months, he led his
B. n ch. 6. v.D. 1326. CHARLES, DUKE OF CALABEIA. 88
predatory forces wherever he thought proper, and it seemed
sufficient to the Florentines if, after such a terrible event, they
could save their city.
Still they were not so absolutely cast down as to prevent
them from raising great sums of money, hiring troops, and
sending to their friends for assistance ; but all they could do
was insufficient to restrain such a powerful enemy; so that
they were obliged to offer the sovereignty to Charles, duke of
Calabria, son of King Robert, if they could induce him to come
to their defence ; for these princes, being accustomed to rule
Florence, preferred her obedience to her friendship. But
Charles, being engaged in the wars of Sicily, and therefore
unable to undertake the sovereignty of the city* sent in his
stead Walter, by birth a Frenchman, and duke of Athens.
He, as viceroy, took possession of the city, and appointed the
magistracies according to his own pleasure ; but his mode of
proceeding was quite correct, and so completely contrary to
his real nature, that every one respected him.
The affairs of Sicily being composed, Charles came to
Florence with a thousand horse. He made his entry into the
city in July, 1326, and his coming, prevented further pil-
lage of the Florentine territory by Castruccio. However, the
influence which they acquired without the city was lost within
her walls, and the evils which they did not suffer from their
enemies, were brought upon them by their friends ; for the
Signory could not do anything without the consent of the
duke of Calabria, who, in the course of one year, drew from
the people 400,000 florins, although by the agreement entered
into with him, the sum was not to exceed 200,000 ; so great
were the burdens with which either himself or his father con-
stantly oppressed them.
To these troubles were added new jealousies and new ene-
mies ; for the Ghibellines of Lombardy became so alarmed
upon the arrival of Charles in Tuscany, that Galeazzo Visconti
and the other Lombard tyrants, by money and promises, in-
duced Louis of Bavaria, who had lately been elected emperor
contrary to the wish of the pope, to come into Italy. After
passing through Lombardy he entered Tuscany, and with the
assistance of Castruccio, made himself master of Pisa, from
whence, having been pacified with sums of money, he directed
his course towards Rome. This caused the duke of Calabria
g2
84 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. u. ch. 7. a d. 1326.
to be apprehensive for the safety of Naples ; he therefore
left Florence, and appointed as his viceroy, Filippo da Sag-
gineto.
After the departure of the emperor, Castruccio made him-
self master of Pisa, but the Florentines, by a treaty with Pis-
toia, withdrew her from obedience to him. Castruccio then
besieged Pistoia, and persevered with so much vigour and
resolution, that although the Florentines often attempted to
relieve her, by attacking first his army and then his country,
they were unable either by force or policy to remove him ; so
anxious was he to punish the Pistolesi and subdue the Flo-
rentines. At length the people of Pistoia were compelled to
receive him for their sovereign ; but this event, although
greatly to his glory, proved but little to his advantage, for,
upon his return to Lucca, he died. And as one event either of
good or evil seldom comes alone, at Naples also died Charles,
duke of Calabria and lord of Florence, so that in a short time,
beyond the expectation of their most sanguine hopes, the
Florentines found themselves delivered from the domination
of the one and the fear of the other. Being again free, they
set about the reformation of the city, annulled all the old
councils, and created two new ones, the one composed of 300
citizens from the class of the people, the other of 250 from
the nobility and the people.
The first was called the Council of the People, the other
the Council of the Commune.
CHAPTER VII.
The Emperor at Rome — The Florentines refuse to purchase Lucca, and
repent of it — Enterprises of the Florentines — Conspiracy of the Bardi
and the Frescobaldi — The conspiracy discovered and checked — Maffeo
da Marradi appeases the tumult — Lucca is purchased by the Florentines
and taken by the Pisans — The Duke of Athens at Florence — The nobi-
lity determine to make him prince of the city.
The emperor, being arrived at Rome, created an anti-pope,
did many things in opposition to the church, and attempted
many others, but without effect, so that at last he retired with
B. ii. ch. 7 a.d. 1333. THE ANTI-FOPE A PRISONER. 85
disgrace, and went to Pisa, where, either because they were
not paid, or from disaffection, about 800 German horse
mutinied, and fortified themselves at Montechiaro upon the
Ceruglio; and when the emperor had left Pisa to go into
Lombardy, they took possession of Lucca and drove out Fran-
cesco Castracani, whom he had left there. Designing to turn
their conquest to account, they offered it to the Florentines for
80,000 florins, which, by the advice of Simone della Tosa, was
refused. This resolution, if they had remained in it, would
have been of the greatest utility to the Florentines ; but as
they shortly afterwards changed their minds, it became most
pernicious ; for although at the time they might have obtained
peaceful possession of her for a small sum and would not,
they afterwards wished to have her and could not, even
for a much larger amount ; which caused many and most
hurtful charges to take place in Florence. Lucca, being
refused by the Florentines, was purchased by Gherardino
Spinoli, a Genoese, for 30,000 florins. And as men are often
less anxious to take what is in their power than desirous of
that which they cannot attain, as soon the purchase of
Gherardino became known, and for how small a sum it had
been bought, the people of Florence were seized with an ex-
treme desire to have it, blaming themselves and those by
whose advice they had been induced to reject the offer made
to them. And in order to obtain by force what they had re-
fused to purchase, they sent troops to plunder and overrun
the country of the Lucchese.
About this time the emperor left Italy. The anti-pope, by
means of the Pisans, became a prisoner in France ; and the
Florentines, from the death of Castruccio, which occurred in
1328, remained in domestic peace till 1340, and gave their
undivided attention to external affairs ; whilst many wars
were carried on in Lombardy, occasioned by the coming of
John, king of Bohemia, and in Tuscany, on account of Lucca.
During this period, Florence was ornamented with many new
buildings, and by the advice of Giotto, the most distinguished
painter of his time, they built the tower of Santa Reparata.
Besides this, the waters of the Arno having in 1333 risen
twelve feet above their ordinary level, destroyed some of the
bridges and many buildings, all which were restored with
great care and expense.
8G HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 7. a.d. 1319.
In the year 1340, new sources of disagreement arose. The
Great had two ways of increasing or preserving their power ;
the one, so to restrain the emborsation of magistrates, that
the lot always fell upon themselves or their friends; the
other, that having the election of the rectors, they were
always favourable to their party. This second mode they
considered of so great importance, that the ordinary rectors
not being sufficient for them, they on some occasions
elected a third, and at this time they had made an extraordi-
nary appointment, under the title of captain of the guard, of
Jacopo Gabrielli, of Agobbio, and endowed him with un-
limited authority over the citizens. This man, under the
sanction of those who governed, committed constant outrages ;
and among those whom he injured were Piero de' Bardi
and Bardo Frescobaldi. These being of the nobility, and
naturally proud, could not endure that a stranger, sup-
ported by a few powerful men, should without cause injure
them with impunity, and consequently entered into a con-
spiracy against him and those by whom he was supported.
They were joined by many noble families, and some of the
people, who were offended with the tyranny of those in power.
Their plan was, that each should bring into his house a
number of armed men, and on the morning after the day of
All Saints, when almost all would be in the temples praying
for their dead, they should take arms, kill the Capitano and
those who were at the head of affairs, and then, with a new
Signory and new ordinances, reform the government.
But, as the more a dangerous business is considered, the
less willingly it is undertaken, it commonly happens, when
there is any time allowed betwixt the determining upon a
perilous enterprise and its execution, that the conspiracy
by one means or other becomes known. Andrea de' Bardi
was one of the conspirators, and upon re-consideration of
the matter, the fear of the punishment operated more power-
fully upon him than the desire of revenge, and he disclosed
the affair to Jacopo Alberti, his brother-in-law. Jacopo
acquainted the Priors, and they informed the govern-
ment. And as the danger was near, All Saints' day being
just at hand, many citizens met together in the palace;
and thinking their peril increased by delay, they insisted
that the Signory should order the alarm to be rung, and
B. H.CH.7.A.D. 1340. A CONSPIRACY FRUSTRATED. 87
call the people together in arms. Taldo Valori was at this time
Gonfalonier, and Francesco Salviati one of the Signory, who,
being relatives of the Bardi, were unwilling to summon the
people with the bell, alleging as a reason that it is by no
means well to assemble them in arms upon every slight
occasion, for power put into the hands of an unrestrained mul-
titude was never beneficial ; that it is an easy matter to excite
them to violence, but a difficult thing to restrain them ; and
that therefore it would be taking a more prudent course if
they were to inquire into the truth of the affair, and punish
the delinquents by the civil authority, than to attempt, upon
a simple information, to correct it by such a tumultuous
means, and thus hazard the safety of the city. None would
listen to these remarks ; the Signory were assailed with
insolent behaviour and indecent expressions, and compelled
to sound the alarm, upon which the people presently assem-
bled in arms. On the other hand, the Bardi and the Fres-
cobaldi, finding themselves discovered, that they might con-
quer with glory or die without shame, armed themselves, in
the hope that they would be able to defend that part of the
city beyond the river, where their houses were situate ;
and they fortified the bridge in expectation of assistance,
which they expected from the nobles and their friends in
the country. Their design was frustrated by the people
who, in common with themselves, occupied this part of the
city ; for these took arms in favour of the Signory, so that,
6eeing themselves thus circumstanced, they abandoned the
bridges, and betook themselves to the street in which the
Bardi resided, as being a stronger situation than any other;
and this they defended with great bravery.
Jacopo d'Agobbio, knowing the whole conspiracy was
directed against himself, in fear of death, terrified and van-
quished, kept himself surrounded with his forces near the
palace of the Signory ; but the other rectors, who were much
less blameable, discovered greater courage, and especially
the podesta or provost, whose name was Maffeo da Mar-
radi. He presented himself amongst the combatants without
any fear, and passing the bridge of the Rubaconte amidst the
swords of the Bardi, made a sign that he wished to speak to
them. Upon this, their reverence for the man, his noble
demeanour, and the excellent qualities he was known to
88 HISTORY OF ELOKEXCE. B. 11. ch. 7. A.D. 1340.
possess, caused an immediate cessation of the combat, and
induced them to listen to him patiently. He very gravely,
but without the use of any bitter or aggravating expressions,
blamed their conspiracy, showed the danger they would incur
if they still contended against the popular feeling, gave them
reason to hope their complaints would be heard and mercifully
considered, and promised that he himself would use his endea-
vours in their behalf. He then returned to the Signory, and
implored them to spare the blood of the citizens, showing the
impropriety of judging them unheard, and at length induced
them to consent that the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, with
their friends, should leave the city, and without impediment
be allowed to retire to their castles. Upon their departure
the people being again disarmed, the Signory proceeded
against those only of the Bardi and Frescobaldi families who
had taken arms. To lessen their power, they bought of
the Bardi the castle of Mangona and that of Vernia; and
enacted a law which provided, that no citizen should be
allowed to possess a castle or fortified place, within twenty
miles of Florence.
After a few months, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and
many of his family banished. Those who governed, not
satisfied with having subdued the Bardi and the Frescobaldi,
as is most commonly the case, the more authority they posses-
sed the worse use they made of it and the more insolent they
became. As they had hitherto had one captain of the guard
who afnicted the city, they now appointed another for the
country, with unlimited authority, to the end that those whom
they suspected might abide neither within nor without.
And they excited them to such excesses against the whole of
the nobility, that these were driven to desperation, and ready
to sell both themselves and the city to obtain revenge. The
occasion at length came, and they did not fail to use it.
The troubles of Tuscany and Lombardy had brought the
city of Lucca under the rule of Mastino della Scala, lord of
Verona, who, though bound by contract to assign her to the
Florentines, had refused to do so ; for, being lord of Parma,
he thought he should be able to retain her, and did not trouble
himself about his breach of faith. Upon this the Florentines
joined the Venetians, and with their assistance brought
Mastino to the brink of ruin. They did not, however, derive
B. it. ch. 7. a.d.1 342. LOSS OF LUCCA. 89
any benefit from this beyond the slight satisfaction of having
conquered him ; for the Venetians, like all who enter into
league with less powerful states than themselves, having
acquired Trevigi and Vicenza, made peace with Mastino
without the least regard for the Florentines. Shortly after
this, the Visconti, lords of Milan, having taken Parma from
Mastino, he found himself unable to retain Lucca, and there-
fore determined to sell it. The competitors for the pur-
chase were the Florentines and the Pisans ; and in the course
of the treaty the Pisans, finding that the Florentines, being the
richer people, were about to obtain it, had recourse to arms,
and, with the assistance of the Visconti, marched against
Lucca. The Florentines did not, on that account, withdraw
from the purchase, but having agreed upon the terms with
Mastino, paid part of the money, gave security for the
remainder, and sent Naddo Rucellai, Giovanni di Bernardino
de' Medici, and Rosso di Ricciardo de' Ricci, to take posses-
sion, who entered Lucca by force, and Mastino' s people
delivered the city to them. Nevertheless the Pisans con-
tinued the siege, and the Florentines used their utmost
endeavours to relieve her; but after a long war, loss of
money, and accumulation of disgrace, they were compelled to
retire, and the Pisans became lords of Lucca.
The loss of this city, as in like cases commonly happens,
exasperated the people of Florence against the members of
the government ; at every street corner and public place they
were openly censured, and the entire misfortune was laid to
the charge of their greediness and mismanagement. At the
beginning of the war, twenty citizens had been appointed to
undertake the direction of it, who appointed Malatesta
da Rimini to the command of the forces. He having ex-
hibited little zeal and less prudence, they requested assist-
ance from Robert, king of Naples, and he sent them
Walter, duke of Athens, who, as Providence would have it, to
bring about the approaching evils, arrived at Florence just at
the moment when the undertaking against Lucca had entirely
failed. Upon this the Twenty, seeing the anger of the people,
thought to inspire them with fresh hopes by the appoint-
ment of a new leader, and thus remove, or at least abate,
the causes of calumny against themselves. As there was
much to be feared, and that the duke of Athens might have
90 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 7. a.d. 1342.
greater authority to defend them, they first chose him for
their coadjutor, and then appointed him to the command of
the army. The nobility, who were discontented from the
causes above mentioned, having many of them been acquainted
with Walter, when upon a former occasion he had governed
Florence for the duke of Calabria, thought they had now
an opportunity, though with the ruin of the city, of sub-
duing their enemies ; for there was no means of prevailing
against those who had oppressed them, but of submitting
to the authority of a prince who, being acquainted with
the worth of one party and the insolence of the other,
would restrain the latter and reward the former. To this
they added a hope of the benefits they might derive from
him when he had acquired the principality by their means.
They therefore took several occasions of being with him
secretly, and entreated he would take the command wholly
upon himself, offering him the utmost assistance in their
power. To their influence and entreaty were also added
those of some families of the people ; these were the Peruzzi,
Acciajuoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi, who, being over-
whelmed with debts, and without means of their own, wished
for those of others to liquidate them, and, by the slavery of
their country, to deliver themselves from their servitude to
their creditors. These demonstrations excited the ambitious
mind of the duke to greater desire of dominion, and in order
to gain himself the reputation of strict equity and justice,
and thus increase his favour with the plebeians, he prose-
cuted those who had conducted the war against Lucca, con-
demned many to pay fines, others to exile, and put to death
Giovanni de' Medici, Naddo Rucellai, and Guglielmo Altoviti.
a.d.1342. DUKE OF ATHENS. 91
CHAPTER VIII.
tke of Athens requires to be made prince of Florence — The Signory
address the duke upon the subject — The plebeians proclaim him prince
of Florence for life — Tyrannical proceedings of the duke — the city
disgusted with him — Conspiracies against the duke — The duke discovers
the conspiracies, and becomes terrified — The city rises against him — He
is besieged in the palace — Measures adopted by the citizens for reform
of the government — The duke is compelled to withdraw from the city —
Miserable deaths of Guglielmo da Scesi and his son — Departure of the
duke of Athens — His character.
These executions greatly terrified the middle class of citizens,
but gave satisfaction to the Great and to the plebeians ; — to
the latter, because it is their nature to delight in evil ; and to
the former, by thus seeing themselves avenged of the many
wrongs they had suffered from the people. When the duke
passed along the streets he was hailed with loud cheers, the
boldness of his proceedings was praised, and both parties
joined in open entreaties, that he would search out the
faults of the citizens, and punish them.
The office of the Twenty began to fall into disuse, whilst
the power of the duke became great, and the influence of
fear excessive ; so that every one, in order to appear
friendly to him, caused his arms to be painted over their
houses, and the name alone was all he needed to be abso-
lutely prince. Thinking himself upon such a footing that
he might safely attempt any thing, he gave the Signory to
understand that he judged it necessary for the good of the
city, that the sovereignty , should be freely given him, and
that as the rest of the citizens were willing that it should be
so, he desired they would also consent. The Signory, not-
withstanding many had foreseen the ruin of their country,
were much disturbed at this demand ; and although they
were aware of the dangerous position in which they stood,
that they might not be wanting in their duty, resolutely
refused to comply. The duke had, in order to assume a
greater appearance of religion and humanity, chosen for his
residence the convent of the Minor Canons of St. Croce,
and in order to carry his evil designs into effect, proclaimed
that all the people should on the following morning present
92 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. u. ch. 8. a.d. 1342.
themselves before him in the piazza of the convent. This
command alarmed the Signory much more than his discourse
to them had done, and they consulted with those citizens
whom they thought most attached to their country and to
liberty ; but they could not devise any better plan, know-
ing the power of which the duke was possessed, than to
endeavour by entreaty to induce him either to forego his
design or to make his government less intolerable. A party
of them was therefore appointed to wait upon him, one of
whom addressed him in the following manner : —
" We appear before you, my lord, induced first by the
demand which you have made, and then by the orders you
have given for a meeting of the people ; for it appears to us
very clearly, that it is your intention to effect by extraordinary
means the design from which we have hitherto withheld our
consent. It is not however, our intention to oppose you
with force, but only to show what a heavy charge you
take upon yourself, and the dangerous course you adopt ; to
the end that you may remember our advice and that of those
who, not by consideration of what is beneficial for you, but
for the gratification of their own unreasonable wishes, have
advised you differently. You are endeavouring to reduce to
slavery a city that has always existed in freedom ; for the
authority which we have at times conceded to the kings of
Naples was companionship and not servitude. Have you
considered the mighty things which the name of liberty
implies to such a city as this, and how delightful it is to
those who hear it ? It has a power which nothing can subdue,
time cannot wear away, nor can any degree of merit in a
prince countervail the loss of it. Consider, my lord, how
great the force must be that can keep a city like this in
subjection; no foreign aid would enable you to do it;
neither can you confide in those at home ; for they who are
at present your friends, and advise you to adopt the course
you now pursue, as soon as with your assistance they have
overcome their enemies, will at once turn their thoughts
towards effecting your destruction, and then take the govern-
ment upon themselves. The plebeians, in whom you confide,
will change upon any accident, however trivial ; so that in a
very short time you may expect to see the whole city opposed to
you, which will produce both their ruin and your own. Nor
m. 8. a.d. 1342. SPEECH OF THE SIGNORY. 93
will you be able to find any remedy for this ; for princes
who have but few enemies may make their government very
secure by the death or banishment of those who are op-
posed to them ; but when the hatred is universal, no security
whatever can be found, for you cannot tell from what
direction the evil may commence ; and he who has to appre-
hend every man his enemy cannot make himself assured
of any one. And if you should attempt to secure a friend or
two. you would only increase the dangers of your situation ;
for the hatred of the rest would be increased by your suc-
cess, and they would become more resolutely disposed to
vengeance.
u That time can neither destroy nor abate the desire for
freedom is most certain ; for it has been often observed, that
those have re-assumed their liberty who in their own persons
had never tasted of its charms, and love it only from remem-
brance of what they have heard their fathers relate ; and
therefore when recovered, have preserved it with indomitable
resolution and at every hazard. And even when their fathers
could not remember it, the public buildings, the halls of the
magistracy, and the insignia of free institutions, remind them
of it ; and these things cannot fail to be known and greatly
desired by every class of citizens.
" What is it you imagine you can do, that would be an
equivalent for the sweets of liberty, or make men lose the
desire of their present condition ? No ; if you were to join
the whole of Tuscany to the Florentine rule, if you were to
return to the city daily in triumph over her enemies, what
could it avail? The glory would not be ours, but yours.
We should not acquire fellow citizens, but partakers of our
bondage, who would serve to sink us still deeper in ignominy.
And if your conduct were in every respect upright, your de-
meanour amiable, and your judgments equitable, all these
would be insufficient to make you beloved. If you imagine
otherwise, you deceive yourself ; for, to one accustomed to the
enjoyment of liberty, the slightest chains feel heavy, and
every tie upon his free soul oppresses him. Besides, it is
impossible to find a violent people associated with a good
prince, for of necessity they must soon become alike, or their
difference produce the ruin of one of them. You may there-
fore be assured, that you will either have to hold this city
94 HISTORY OF FLORENCE, B. n.cn. 8. a.d. 1342.
by force, to effect which, guards, castles, and external aid
have oft been found insufficient, or be content with the
authority we have conferred ; and this we would advise,
reminding you that no dominion can be durable, to which
the governed do not consent ; and we have no wish to lead
you, blinded by ambition, to such a point that, unable either
to stand or advance, you must, to the great injury of both,
of necessity fall."
This discourse did not in the slightest degree soften the
obdurate mind of the duke, who replied, that it was not hi?
intention to rob the city of her liberty, but to restore it
to her ; for those cities alone are in slavery that are dis-
united, whilst the united are free. As Florence, by her
factions and ambition, had deprived herself of liberty, he
should restore, not take it from her ; and as he had been
induced to take this charge upon himself, not from his own
ambition, but at the entreaty of a great number of citizens,
they would do well to be satisfied with that which produced
contentment amongst the rest. With regard to the danger
he might incur, he thought nothing of it ; for it was not the
part of a good man to avoid doing good from his apprehen-
sion of evil, and it was the part of a coward to shun a
glorious undertaking because some uncertainty attended the
success of the attempt ; and he knew he should so conduct
himself, that they would soon see they had entertained great
apprehensions and been in little danger.
The Signory then agreed, finding they could not do better,
that on the following morning the people should be assembled
in their accustomed place of meeting, and with their consent
the Signory should confer upon the duke the sovereignty
of the city for one year, on the same conditions as it had
been entrusted to the duke of Calabria. It was upon the 8th
of September, 1342, when the duke, accompanied by Giovanni
della Tosa and all his confederates, with many other citizens,
came to the piazza or court of the palace, and having with
the Signory mounted upon the ringhiera, or rostrum, (as the
Florentines call those steps which lead to the palace,) the
agreement which had been entered into between the Signory
and himself was read. When they had come to the pas-
sage which gave the government to him for one year, the
people shouted, "for life." Upon tins, Francesco Rus-
R jr. ch. S.a.d. 1342. WALTER, DUKE OF ATHENS. 95
tichelli, one of the Signory, arose to speak, and endeavoured
to abate the tumult and procure a hearing ; but the mob, with
their hootings, prevented him from being heard by any one ;
so that with consent of the people the duke was elected, not
for one year merely, but for life. He was then borne through
the piazza by the crowd, shouting his name as they proceeded.
It is the custom that he who is appointed to the guard of
the palace shall, in the absence of the Signory, remain locked
within. This office was at that time held by Rinieri di
Giotto, who, bribed by the friends of the duke, without wait-
ing for any force, admitted him immediately. The Signory,
terrified and dishonoured, retired to their own houses ; the
palace was plundered by the followers of the duke, the Gon-
falon of the people torn to pieces, and the arms of the duke
placed over the palace. All this happened to the indescriba-
ble sorrow of good men, though to the satisfaction of those
who, either from ignorance or malignity, were consenting
parties.
The duke, having acquired the sovereignty of the city, in
order to strip those of all authority who had been defenders
of her liberty, forbade the Signory to assemble in the palace,
and appointed a private dwelling for their use. He took
their colours from the Gonfaloniers of the companies of the
people ; abolished the ordinances made for the restraint of the
Great ; set at liberty those who were imprisoned ; recalled the
Bardi and the Frescobaldi from exile, and forbade every one
from carrying arms about his person. In order the better to
defend himself against those within the city, he made friends of
all he could around it, and therefore conferred great benefits
upon the Aretini and other subjects of the Florentines.
He made peace with the Pisans, although raised to power in
order that he might carry on war against them ; ceased paying
interest to those merchants who, during the war against
Lucca, had lent money to the republic ; increased the old
taxes, levied new ones, and took from the Signory all autho-
rity. His rectors were Baglione da Perugia and Gugliel-
mo da Scesi, who, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were the per-
sons with whom he consulted on public affairs. He imposed
burdensome taxes upon the citizens ; his decisions between con-
tending parties were unjust ; and that precision and humanity
which he had at first assumed, became cruelty and pride ; so
96 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 8. a.d. 1342.
that many of the greatest citizens and noblest people were,
either by fines, death, or some new invention, grievously
oppressed. And in completing the same bad system, both with-
out the city and within, he appointed six rectors for the country,
who beat and plundered the inhabitants. He suspected the
Great, although he had been benefited by them, and had
restored many to their country ; for he felt assured that the
generous minds of the nobility, would not allow them, from
any motives, to submit contentedly to his authority. He also
began to confer benefits and advantages upon the lowest
orders, thinking that with their assistance, and the arms of
foreigners, he would be able to preserve the tyranny. The
month of May, during which feasts are held, being come, he
caused many companies to be formed of the plebeians and
very lowest of the people, and to these, dignified with splendid
titles, he gave colours and money ; and whilst one party went
in bacchanalian procession through the city, others were
stationed in different parts of it, to receive them as guests. As
the report of the duke's authority spread abroad, many of
French origin came to him, for all of whom he found offices
and emoluments, as if they had been the most trustworthy of
men ; so that in a short time Florence became not only sub-
ject to French dominion, but adopted their dresses and man-
ners ; for men and women, without regard to propriety or sense
of shame, imitated them. But that which disgusted the peo-
ple most completely was the violence which, without any
distinction of quality or rank, he and his followers committed
upon the women.
The people were filled with indignation, seeing the majesty
of the state overturned, its ordinances annihilated, its laws
annulled, and every decent regulation set at nought ; for men
unaccustomed to royal pomp, could not endure to see this man,
surrounded with his armed satellites on foot and on horse-
back; and having now a closer view of their disgrace, they
were compelled to honour him whom they in the highest
degree hated. To this hatred, was addded the terror occa-
sioned by the continual imposition of new taxes and frequent
shedding of blood, with which he impoverished and consumed
the city.
The duke was not unaware of these impressions existing
strongly in the people's minds, nor was he without fear of the
B ii. ch. 8. a.d. 1342. THE DUKES CRUELTY. 97
consequences ; but still pretended to think himself beloved ;
and when Matteo di Morozzo, either to acquire his favour or to
free himself from danger, gave information that the family of
the Medici and some others had entered into a conspiracy
against him, he not only did not inquire into the matter, but
caused the informer to be put to a cruel death. This mode
of proceeding restrained those who were disposed to acquaint
him of his danger, and gave additional courage to such as
sought his ruin. Bertone Cini, having ventured to speak
against the taxes with which the people were loaded, had his
tongue cut out with such barbarous cruelty as to cause his
death. This shocking act increased the people's rage, and
their hatred of the duke ; for those who were accustomed to
discourse and to act upon every occasion with the greatest
boldness, could not endure to live with their hands tied and
forbidden to speak.
This oppression increased to such a degree, that not merely
the Florentines, who though unable to preserve their
liberty cannot endure slavery, but the most servile people
on earth would have been roused to attempt the recovery of
freedom ; and consequently many citizens of all ranks re-
solved either to deliver themselves from this odious tyranny
or die in the attempt. Three distinct conspiracies were formed ;
one of the Great ; another of the people, and the third of the
working classes ; each of which, besides the general causes
which operated upon the whole, were excited by some other
particular grievance. The Great found themselves deprived
of all participation in the government ; the people had lost
the power they possessed, and the artificers saw themselves
deficient in the usual remuneration of their labour.
Agnolo Acciajuoli was at this time archbishop of Flo-
rence, and by his discourses had formerly greatly favoured
the duke, and procured him many followers amongst the
higher class of the people. But when he found him lord of
the city, and became acquainted with his tyrannical mode of
proceeding, it appeared to him that he had misled his country-
men ; and to correct the evil he had done, he saw no other
course, but to attempt the cure by the means which had caused
it. He therefore became the leader of the first and most
powerful conspiracy, and was joined by the Bardi, Rossi,
Frescobaldi, Scali Altoviti, Magalotti, Strozzi, and Mancini.
03 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 8. a.d. 134!
Of the second, the principals were Manno and Cors<
Donati, and with them the Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Ccrchi, am
Albizzi. Of the third, the first was Antonio Adimari, and wit]
him the Medici, Bordini, Rucellai, and Aldobrandini. It wa
the intention of these last, to slay him in the house of the Al
bizzi, whither he was expected to go on St. John's clay, to se>
the horses run, but he not having gone, their design did no
succeed. They then resolved to attack him as he rode througl
the city ; but they found this would be very difficult ; fo
he was always accompanied with a considerable armed force
and never took the same road twice together, so tha
they had no certainty of where to find him. They had i
design of slaying him in the council, although they knev
that if he were dead, they would be at the mercy of hi:
followers.
Whilst these matters were being considered by the con-
spirators, Antonio Adimari, in expectation of getting assist-
ance from them, disclosed the affair to some Siennese
his friends, naming certain of the conspirators, and as-
suring them that the whole city was ready to rise at once,
One of them communicated the matter to Francesco Brunel-
leschi, not with a design to injure the plot, but in the hope
that he would join them. Francesco, either from persona]
fear, or private hatred of some one, revealed the whole
to the duke ; whereupon, Pagolo del Mazecha and Simon da
Monterappoli were taken, who acquainted him with the
number and quality of the conspirators. This terrified him,
and he was advised to request their presence rather than to
take them prisoners, for if they fled, he might without dis-
grace, secure himself by banishment of the rest. He there-
fore sent for Antonio Adimari, who, confiding in his com-
panions, appeared immediately, and was detained. Fran-
cesco Brunelleschi and Uguccione Buondelmonti advised
the duke to take as many of the conspirators prisoners
as he could, and put them to death ; but he, thinking
his strength unequal to his foes, did not adopt this course,
but took another, which, had it succeeded, would have
freed him from his enemies and increased his power. It
was the custom of the duke to call the citizens together upon
some occasions and advise with them. He therefore having
first sent to collect forces from without, made a list of three
B. n. ch. 8. A.u. 1343. CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE DUKE. 99
hundred citizens, and gave it to his messengers, with orders
to assemble them under the pretence of public business ; and
having drawn them together, it was his intention either to
put them to death or imprison them.
The capture of Antonio Adimari and the sending for forces,
which could not be kept secret, alarmed the citizens, and
more particularly those who were in the plot, so that the
boldest of them refused to attend, and as each had read the
list, they sought each other, and resolved to rise at once and
die like men, with arms in their hands, rather than be led
like calves to the slaughter. In a very short time the chief
conspirators became known to each other, and resolved that
the next day, which was the 26th July, 1343, they would
raise a disturbance in the old market-place, then arm them-
selves and call the people to freedom.
The next morning being come, at nine o'clock, according
to agreement, they took arms, and at the call of liberty
assembled, each party in its own district, under the ensigns
and with the arms of the people, which had been secretly
provided by the conspirators. All the heads of families, as
well of the nobility as of the people, met together, and swore
to stand in each other's defence, and effect the death of the
duke ; except some of the Buondelmonti and of the Caval-
canti, with those four families of the people which had taken
so conspicuous a part in making him sovereign, and the
butchers, with others, the lowest of the plebeians, who met
armed in the piazza in his favour.
The duke immediately fortified the palace, and ordered
those of his people who were lodged in different parts of the
city to mount upon horseback and join those in the court ;
but, in their way thither, many were attacked and slain.
However, about three hundred horse assembled, and the
duke was in doubt whether he should come forth and
meet the enemy, or defend himself within. On the
other hand, the Medici, Cavicciulli, Rucellai, and other fami-
lies who had been most injured by him, fearful that if he
came forth, many of those who had taken arms against him
would discover themselves his partisans, in order to deprive
him of the occasion of attacking them and increasing the
number of his friends, took the lead and assailed the palace.
Upon this, those families of the people who had declared for
h 2
100 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. cn.8. a.d. 1343.
the duke, seeing themselves boldly attacked, changed
their minds, and all took part with the citizens, except
Uguccione Buondelmonti, who retired into the palace, and
Giannozzo Cavalcanti, who having withdrawn with some
of his followers to the new market, mounted upon a
bench, and begged that those who were going in arms
to the piazza, would take the part of the duke. In order
to terrify them, he exaggerated the number of his people,
and threatened all with death who should obstinately perse-
vere in their undertaking against their sovereign. But not
finding any one either to follow him, or to chastise his inso-
lence, and seeing his labour fruitless, he withdrew to his own
house.
In the meantime, the contest in the piazza between the
people and the forces of the duke was very great; but
although the place served them for defence, they were over-
come, some yielding to the enemy, and others, quitting their
horses, fled within the walls. Whilst this was going on,
Corso and Amerigo Donati, with a part of the people,
broke open the stinche, or prisons ; burnt the papers of the
provost and of the public chamber ; pillaged the houses
of the rectors, and slew all who had held offices under
the duke whom they could find. The duke, finding the
piazza in possession of his enemies, the city opposed to
him, and without any hope of assistance, endeavoured by
an act of clemency to recover the favour of the people.
Having caused those whom he had made prisoners to be
brought before him, with amiable and kindly expressions
he set them at liberty, and made Antonio Adimari a knight,
although quite against his will. He caused his own arms
to be taken down, and those of the people to be replaced
over the palace ; but these things coming out of season,
and forced by his necessities, did him little good. He re-
mained, notwithstanding all he did, besieged in the palace,
and saw that having aimed at too much he had lost all,
and would most likely, after a few days, die either of
hunger, or by the weapons of his enemies. The citizens
assembled in the church of Santa Reparata, to form the
new government, and appointed fourteen citizens, half from
the nobility and half from the people, who, with the arch-
bishop, were invested with full authority to remodel the state
a. ix. ch. 8. a.d. 1343. THE DUKE DEPARTS. 101
of Florence. They also elected six others to take upon them
the duties of provost, till he who should be finally chosen
took office, the duties of which were usually performed by a
subject of some neighbouring state.
Many had come to Florence in defence of the people :
amongst whom were a party from Sienna, with six ambassa-
dors, men of high consideration in their own country. These
endeavoured to bring the people and the duke to terms ; but
the former refused to listen to any whatever, unless Gugliel-
mo da Scesi and his son, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were first
given up to them. The duke would not consent to this ;
but being threatened by those who were shut up with him,
he was forced to comply. The rage of men is certainly
always found greater, and their revenge more furious upon
the recovery of liberty, than when it has only been defended.
Guglielmo and his son were placed amongst the thousands of
their enemies, and the latter was not yet eighteen years
old ; neither his beauty, his innocence, nor his youth, could
save him from the fury of the multitude ; but both were in-
instantly slain. Those who could not wound them whilst
alive, wounded them after they were dead ; and not satisfied
with tearing them to pieces, they hewed their bodies with
swords, tore them with their hands, and even with their teeth.
And that every sense might be satiated with vengeance,
having first heard their moans, seen their wounds, and touched
their lacerated bodies, they wished even the stomach to be
satisfied, that having glutted the external senses, the one within
might also have its share. This rabid fury, however hurtful
to the father and son, was favourable to Cerrettieri ; for the
multitude, wearied with their cruelty towards the former, quite
forgot him, so that he, not being asked for, remained in the
palace, and during night was conveyed safely away by his
friends.
The rage of the multitude being appeased by their blood,
an agreement was made that the duke and his people, with
whatever belonged to him, should quit the city in safety ;
that he should renounce all claim, of whatever kind, upon
Florence, and that upon his arrival in the Casentino he should
ratify his renunciation. On the sixth of August he set out,
accompanied by many citizens, and having arrived at the
Casentino he ratified the agreement, although unwillingly,
102 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch.9.a.d.1343.
and would not have kept his word if Count Simon had not
threatened to take him back to Florence. This duke, as his
proceedings testified, was cruel and avaricious, difficult to
speak with, and haughty in reply. He desired the service
of men, not the cultivation of their better feelings, and strove
rather to inspire them with fear than love. Nor was his
person less despicable than his manners ; he was short,
his complexion was black, and he had a long thin beard.
He was thus in every respect contemptible ; and at the end
of ten months, his misconduct deprived him of the sovereignty
which the evil counsel of others had given him.
CHAPTER IX.
Many cities and territories, subject to the Florentines, rebel — Prudent
conduct adopted upon this occasion — The city is divided into quarters —
Disputes betwixt the nobility and the people — The bishop endeavours to
reconcile them, but does not succeed — The government reformed by the
people— Riot of Andrea Strozzi — Serious disagreements between the
nobility and the people — They come to arms, and the nobility are sub-
dued — The plague in Florence of which Boccaccio speaks.
These events taking place in the city, induced all the depen-
dencies of the Florentine state to throw off their yoke ; so
that Arezzo, Castiglione, Pistoia, Volterra, Colle, and San
Gemigniano rebelled. Thus Florence found herself deprived of
both her tyrant and her dominions at the same moment, and in
recovering her liberty, taught her subjects how they might
become free. The duke being expelled, and the territories
lost, the fourteen citizens and the bishop thought, it would
be better to act kindly towards their subjects in peace, than
to make them enemies by war, and to show a desire
that their subjects should be free as well as themselves.
They therefore sent ambassadors to the people of Arezzo, to re-
nounce all dominion over that city, and to enter into a treaty
with them ; to the end that as they could not retain them
as subjects, they might make use of them as friends.
They also, in the best manner they were able, agreed with
the other places, that they should retain their freedom, and
that, being free, they might mutually assist each other in the
preservation of their liberties. This prudent course was
B. ii. ch. 9. a.d. 1343. DOMESTIC CHANGES. 103
attended with a most favourable result; for Arezzo, not
many years afterwards, returned to the Florentine rule, and
the other places in the course of a few months, returned*
to their former obedience. Thus it frequently occurs that we ! , zp* 1 ^
sooner attain our ends by a seeming indifference to them, than \
by more obstinate pursuit.
Having settled external affairs, they now turned to the
consideration of those within the city ; and after some alter-
cation between the nobility and the people, it was arranged
that the nobility should form one third of the Signory and
fill one half of the other offices. The city was, as we have
before shown, divided into sixths ; and hence there would be
six Signors, one for each sixth, except when, from some more
than ordinary cause, there had been twelve or thirteen created:
but when this had occurred they were again soon reduced to
six. It now seemed desirable to make an alteration in this
respect, as well because the sixths were not properly divided,
as that, wishing to give their proportion to the Great, it
became desirable to increase the number. They therefore
divided the city into quarters, and for each created three
Signors. They abolished the office of Gonfalonier of Justice,
and also the Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people ;
and instead of the twelve Buonuomini, or good men, created
eight counsellors, four from each party. The government
having been established in this manner, the city might have
been in repose if the Great had been content to live in that
moderation which civil society requires. But they produced
a contrary result, for those out of office would not conduct
themselves as citizens, and those who were in the government
wished to be lords, so that every day furnished some new
instance of their insolence and pride. These things were
very grievous to the people, and they began to regret that
for one tyrant put down, there had sprung up a thousand.
The arrogance of one party and the anger of the other, rose
to such a degree, that the heads of the people complained to
the bishop of the improper conduct of the nobility, and what
unfit associates they had become for the people ; and begged
he would endeavour to induce them to be content with their
share of administration in the other offices, and leave the
magistracy of the Signory wholly to themselves.
The bishop was naturally a well-meaning man, but his want
104 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. u. ch. 9. a.d. 1343.
of firmness rendered him easily influenced. Hence, at
the instance of his associates, he at first favoured the
duke of Athens, and afterwards, by the advice of other
citizens, conspired against him. At the reformation of
the government he had favoured the nobility, and now he
appeared to incline towards the people, moved by the reasons
which they had advanced. Thinking to find in others the
same instability of purpose, he endeavoured to effect an
amicable arrangement. With this design he called together
the fourteen who were yet in office, and in the best terms he
could imagine advised them to give up the Signory to the
people, in order to secure the peace of the city ; and assured
them, that if they refused ruin would most probably be the
result.
This discourse excited the anger of the nobility to the
highest pitch, and Ridolfo de' Bardi reproved him in un-
measured terms as a man of little faith ; reminding him
of his friendship for the duke, to prove the duplicity of his
present conduct, and saying, that in driving him away he had
acted the part of a traitor. He concluded by telling him, that
the honours they had acquired at their own peril, they would
at their own peril defend. They then left the bishop, and in
great wrath, informed their associates in the government, and
all the families of the nobility, of what had been done. The
people also expressed their thoughts to each other, and as
the nobility made preparations for the defence of their Signors,
they determined not to wait till they had perfected their
arrangements ; and therefore, being armed, hastened to the
palace, shouting, as they went along, that the nobility must
give up their share in the government.
The uproar and excitement were astonishing. The Signors
of the nobility found themselves abandoned ; for their friends,
seeing all the people in arms, did not dare to rise in their de-
fence, but each kept within his own house. The Signors of the
people endeavoured to abate the excitement of the multitude, by
affirming their associates to be good and moderate men ; but,
not succeeding in their attempt, to avoid a greatet evil, sent
them home to their houses, whither they were with difficulty
conducted. The nobility having left the palace, the office of
the four councillors was taken from their party, and conferred
upon twelve of the people. To the eight Signors who
B. ji. ch. 9. a.d. 1343. SCARCITY OF FOOD. 105
remained, a Gonfalonier of Justice was added, and sixteen
Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people ; and the council
was so reformed, that the government remained wholly in
the hands of the popular party.
At the time these events took place there was a great
scarcity in this city, and discontent prevailed both among
the highest and lowest classes ; in the latter for want of
food, and in the former from having lost their power in
the state. This circumstance induced Andrea Strozzi to
think of making himself sovereign of the city. Selling his
corn at a lower price than others did, a great many people
flocked to his house ; emboldened by the sight of these, he
one morning mounted his horse, and, followed by a consider-
able number, called the people to arms, and in a short time
drew together about 4000 men, with whom he proceeded to
the Signory, and demanded that the gates of the palace
should be opened. But the Signors, by threats and the
force which they retained in the palace, drove them from the
court : and then by proclamation so terrified them, that they
gradually dropped off and returned to their homes, and Andrea,
finding himself alone, with some difficulty escaped falling
into the hands of the magistrates.
This event, although an act of great temerity, and attended
with the result that usually follows such attempts, raised a
hope in the minds of the nobility of overcoming the people,
seeing that the lowest of the plebeians were at enmity
with them. And to profit by this circumstance, they
resolved to arm themselves, and with justifiable force recover
those rights of which they had been unjustly deprived.
Their minds acquired such an assurance of success, that
they openly provided themselves with arms, fortified their
houses, and even sent to their friends in Lombardy for as-
sistance. The people and the Signory made preparation
for their defence, and requested aid from Perugia and
Sienna, so that the city was filled with the armed fol-
lowers of either party. The nobility on this side of the
Arno divided themselves into three parts ; the one occu-
pied the houses of the Cavicciulli, near the church of St.
John ; another, the houses of the Pazzi and the Donati, near
the great church of St. Peter ; and the third, those of the
Cavalcanti in the New Market. Those beyond the river
106 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. n. ch. 9. a.d. 1343-
fortified the bridges and the streets in which their houses
stood ; the Nerli defended the bridge of the Carraja ; the
Frescobaldi and the Manelli, the church of the Holy Trinity ;
and the Rossi and the Bardi, the bridge of the Rubaconte and
the Old Bridge. The people were drawn together under the
Gonfalon of justice and the ensigns of the companies of the
artizans.
Both sides being thus arranged in order of battle, the
people thought it imprudent to defer the contest, and the attack
was commenced by the Medici and the Rondinelli, who
assailed the Cavicciulli, where the houses of the latter open
upon the piazza of St. John. Here both parties contended
with great obstinacy, and were mutually wounded, from the
towers by stones and other missiles, and from below by
arrows. They fought for three hours ; but the forces of the
people continuing to increase, and the Cavicciulli finding
themselves overcome by numbers, and hopeless of other
assistance, submitted themselves to the people, who saved
their houses and property ; and having disarmed them, ordered
them to disperse among their relatives and friends, and remain
unarmed. Being victorious in the first attack, they easily
overpowered the Pazzi and the Donati, whose numbers were
less than those they had subdued ; so that there only remained
on this side the Arno, the Cavalcanti, who were strong both in
respect of the post they had chosen and in their followers.
Nevertheless, seeing all the Gonfalons against them, and that
the others had been overcome by three Gonfalons alone, they
yielded without offering much resistance. Three parts of the
city were now in the hands of the people, and only one in
possession of the nobility ; but this was the strongest, as
well on account of those who held it, as from its situation,
being defended by the Arno ; hence it was first necessary
to force the bridges. The Old Bridge was first assailed and
offered a brave resistance ; for the towers were armed, the
streets barricaded, and the barricades defended by the most
resolute men ; so that the people were repulsed with great
loss. Finding their labour at this point fruitless, they en-
deavoured to force the Rubaconte Bridge, but no better success
resulting, they left four Gonfalons in charge of the two bridges,
and with the others attacked the bridge of the Carraja.
Here, although the Nerli defended themselves like brave
r. ii. ch. 9. a.d 1344. THE BAKDI DEFEATED. 107
men, they could not resist the fury of the people ; for this
bridge, having no towers, was weaker than the others, and
attacked by the Capponi, and many families of the
people who lived in that vicinity. Being thus assailed on
all sides, they abandoned the barricades and gave way to the
people, who then overcame the Eossi and the Frescobaldi; for
all those beyond the Arno took part with the conquerors.
There was now no resistance made except by the Bardi,
who remained undaunted, notwithstanding the failure of their
friends, the union of the people against them, and the little
chance of success which they seemed to have. They re-
solved to die fighting, and rather see their houses burnt and
plundered, than submit to the power of their enemies. They
defended themselves with such obstinacy, that many fruitless
attempts were made to overcome them, both at the Old
Bridge and the Rubaeonte ; but their foes were always re-
pulsed with loss. There had in former times been a street
which led between the houses of the Pitti, from the Roman
road to the walls upon Mount St. George. By this way the
people sent six Gonfalons, with orders to assail their houses
from behind. This attack overcame the resolution of the
Bardi, and decided the day in favour of the people ; for when
those who defended the barricades in the street learned
that their houses were being plundered, they left the princi-
pal fight and hastened to their defence. This caused the
Old Bridge to be lost ; the Bardi fled in all directions and
were received into the houses of the Quaratesi, Panzanesi,
and Mozzi. The people, especially the lower classes, greedy
for spoil, sacked and destroyed their houses, and pulled down
and burnt their towers and palaces with such outrageous fury,
that the most cruel enemy of the Florentine name would
have been ashamed of taking part in such wanton destruction.
The nobility being thus overcome, the people reformed the
government ; and as they were of three kinds, the higher,
the middle, and the lower class, it was ordered that the first
should appoint two Signors ; the two latter three each,
and that the Gonfalonier should be chosen alternately
from either party. Besides this, all the regulations for the
restraint of the nobility were renewed ; and in order to
weaken them still more, many were reduced to the grade of
the people. The ruin of the nobility was so complete, and
108 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. hi. ch. 1. A.D. 1343L
depressed them so much, that they never afterwards ventured
to take arms for the recovery of their power, but soon be-
came humbled and abject in the extreme. And thus Florence
lost the generosity of her character and her distinction in arms.
After these events the city remained in peace till the year
1353. In the course of this period occurred the memo-
rable plague, described with so much eloquence by Gio-
vanni Boccaccio, and by which Florence lost 96,000 souls.
In 1348, began the first war with the Visconti, occasioned by
the archbishop, then prince of Milan ; and when this was
concluded, dissensions again arose in the city ; for although
the nobility were destroyed, fortune did not fail to cause new
divisions and new troubles.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
Reflections upon the domestic discords of republics — A parallel between
the discords of Rome and those of Florence — Enmities between the
families of the Ricci and the Albizzi — Uguccione de' Ricci causes the
laws against the Ghibellines to be renewed in order to injure the Albizzi
— Piero degli Albizzi derives advantage from it — Origin of admonitions
and the troubles which result from them — Uguccione de' Ricci mode-
rates their injustice — Difficulties increase — A meeting of the citizens —
They address the Signory — The Siguory attempt to remedy the evils.
Those serious, though natural enmities, which occur between
the popular classes and the nobility, arising from the desire
of the latter to command, and the disinclination of the former
to obey, are the causes of most of the troubles which take
place in cities ; and from this diversity of purpose, all the
other evils which disturb republics derive their origin.
This kept Rome disunited ; and this, if it be allowable to com-
pare small things with great, held Florence in disunion ;
although in each city it produced a different result; for
animosities were only beginning when the people and nobility
of Rome contended, whilst ours were brought to a con-
B. in. ch. 1. ad, 1350. FLORENCE UNLIKE ROME. 109
elusion by the contentions of our citizens. A new law settled
the disputes of Rome ; those of Florence were only terminated
by the death and banishment of many of her best people.
Those of Rome increased her military virtue, whilst that of
Florence was quite extinguished by her divisions. The quarrels
of Rome established different ranks of society, those of
Florence abolished the distinctions which had previously
existed. This diversity of effects must have been occasioned
by the different purposes which the two people had in
view. Whilst the people of Rome endeavoured to associate
with the nobility in the supreme honours, those of Florence
strove to exclude the nobility from all participation in them :
as the desire of the Roman people was more reasonable, no
particular offence was given to the nobility ; they therefore
consented to it without having recourse to arms ; so that,
after some disputes concerning particular points, both parties
agreed to the enactment of a law which, while it satisfied the
people, preserved the nobility in the enjoyment of their
dignity.
On the other hand, the demands of the people of Florence
being insolent and unjust, the nobility, became desperate,
prepared for their defence with their utmost energy, and
thus bloodshed and the exile of citizens followed. The laws
which were afterwards made, did not provide for the common
good, but were framed wholly in favour of the conquerors.
This too must be observed, that from the acquisition of power
made by the people of Rome, their minds were very much
improved ; for all the offices of state being attainable as
well by the people as the nobility, the peculiar excellen-
cies of the latter exercised a most beneficial influence upon
the former ; and as the city increased in virtue she attained a
more exalted greatness.
But in Florence, the people being conquerors, the nobility
were deprived of all participation in the government ; and, in
order to regain a portion of it, it became necessary for
them not only to seem like the people, but to be like them in
behaviour, mind, and mode of living. Hence arose those
changes in armorial bearings, and in the titles of families,
which the nobility adopted, in order that they might seem to
be of the people ; military virtue and generosity of feeling
became extinguished in them ; the people not possessing
110 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.m. en. 1. a.d.1353.
these qualities, they could not appreciate them, and Florence
became by degrees more and more depressed and humiliated.
The virtue of the Roman nobility degenerating into pride,
the citizens soon found that the business of the state could
not be carried on without a prince. Florence had now come
to such a point, that with a comprehensive mind at the head
of affairs she would easily have been made to take any form
that he might have been disposed to give her ; as may be
partly observed by a perusal of the preceding book.
Having given an account of the origin of Florence, the
commencement of her liberty, with the causes of her divi-
sions, and shown how the factions of the nobility and the
people ceased with the tyranny of the duke of Athens, and
the ruin of the former, we have now to speak of the ani-
mosities between the citizens and the plebeians, and the
various circumstances which they produced.
The nobility being overcome, and the war with the arch-
bishop of Milan concluded, there did not appear any cause of
dissension in Florence. But the evil fortune of the city, and
the defective nature of her laws, gave rise to enmities between
the family of the Albizzi and that of the Ricci, which divided
her citizens as completely as those of the Buondelmonti and
the Uberti, or the Donati and the Cerchi had formerly done.
The pontiffs, who at this time resided in France, and the em-
perors, who abode in Germany, in order to maintain their
influence in Italy, sent amongst us multitudes of soldiers of
many countries, as English, Dutch, and Bretons. As these,
upon the conclusion of a war, were thrown out of pay, though
still in the country, they, under the standard of some soldier
of fortune, plundered such people as were least prepared to
defend themselves. In the year 1353 one of these companies
came into Tuscany under the command of Monsignor Reale,
of Provence, and his approach terrified all the cities of Italy.
The Florentines not only provided themselves forces, but
many citizens, amongst whom were the Albizzi and the Ricci,
armed themselves in their own defence. These families were
at the time full of hatred against each other, and each thought
to obtain the sovereignty of the republic by overcoming his
enemy. They had not yet proceeded to open violence, but
only contended in the magistracies and councils. The city
being all in arms, a quarrel arose in the Old Market Place ;
B.m.cn.l.A.n.1356. THE RTCCI AND ALBIZZI. Ill
and, as it frequently happens in similar cases, a great number
of people was drawn together. The disturbance spreading,
it was told the Ricci that the Albizzi had assailed their par-
tisans, and to the Albizzi that the Ricci were in quest of
them. Upon this the whole city arose, and it was all the
magistrates could do to restrain these families, and prevent
the actual occurrence of a disaster which, without being the
fault of either of them, had been wilfully though falsely re-
ported as having already taken place. This apparently
trifling circumstance served to inflame the minds of the
parties, and make each the more resolved to increase the
number of their followers. And as the citizens, since the
ruin of the nobility, were on such an equality that the ma-
gistrates were more respected now than they had previously
been, they designed to proceed towards the suppression of
this disorder with civil authority alone.
We have before related, that after the victory of Charles
I. the government was formed of the Guelphic party, and
that it thus acquired great authority over the Ghibellines.
But time, a variety of circumstances, and new divisions had
so contributed to sink this party feeling into oblivion, that
many of Ghibelline descent now filled the highest offices.
Observing this, Uguccione, the head of the family of . the
Ricci, contrived that the law against the Ghibellines should be
again brought into operation ; many imagining the Albizzi
to be of that faction, they having arisen in Arezzo, and come
long ago to Florence. Uguccione by this means hoped to
deprive the Albizzi of participation in the government, for all
of Ghibelline blood who were found to hold offices, would be
condemned in the penalties which this law provided. The
design of Uguccione was discovered to Piero son of Filippo
degli Albi/zi, and he resolved to favour it ; for he saw that
to oppose it would at once declare him a Ghibelline ; and
thus the law which was renewed by the ambition of the
for his destruction, instead of robbing Piero degli
Albizzi of reputation, contributed to increase his influence,
although it laid the foundation of many evils. Nor is it
possible for a republic to enact a law more pernicious than
one relating to matters which have long transpired. Piero
having favoured this law, which had been contrived by his
enemies for his stumbling-block, it became the stepping-stone
112 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.m. ch. 1. a c. 13C6L
to his greatness ; for, making himself the leader of this new
order of things, his authority went on increasing, and he was
in greater favour with the Guelphs than any other man.
As there could not be found a magistrate willing to seareh
out who were Ghibellines, and as this renewed enactment
against them was therefore of small value, it was provided that
authority should be given to the Capitani to find who were of
this faction ; and, having discovered, to signify and admonish
them that they were not to take upon themselves any office
of government ; to which admonitions, if they were disobe-
dient, they became condemned in the penalties. Hence, all
those who in Florence are deprived of the power to hold
offices are called ammonifi, or admonished.
The Capitani in time acquiring greater audacity, admonished
not only those to whom the admonition was applicable, but
any others at the suggestion of their own avarice or am-
bition ; and from 1356, when this law was made, to 1366,
there had been admonished above 200 citizens. The Captains
of the Parts and the sect of the Guelphs were thus become
powerful ; for every one honoured them for fear of being
admonished; and most particularly the leaders, who were
Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio, and Carlo
Strozzi. This insolent mode of proceeding was offensive to
many ; but none felt so particularly injured with it as the
Ricci ; for they knew themselves to have occasioned it, they
saw it involved the ruin of the republic, and their enemies, the
Albizzi, contrary to their intention, become great in consequence.
On this account Uguccione de' Ricci, being one of the
Signory, resolved to put an end to the evil which he and his
friends had originated, and with a new law provided that to
the six Captains of Parts an additional three should be ap-
pointed, of whom two should be chosen from the companies
of minor artificers, and that before any party could be con-
sidered Ghibelline, the declaration of the Capitani must be
confirmed by twenty-four Guelphic citizens, appointed for the
purpose. This provision tempered for the time the power of
the Capitani, so that the admonitions were greatly diminished,
if not wholly laid aside. Still the parties of the Albizzi and
the Ricci were continually on the alert to oppose each other's
laws, deliberations, and enterprises, not from a conviction of
their inexpediency, but from hatred of their promoters.
B tii. or. 1. a.d.1371. THE CITIZENS' ADDRESS. 113
In such distractions the time passed from 1366 to 1371,
when the Guelphs again regained the ascendant. There was
in the family of the Buondelmonti a gentleman named
Benchi, who, as an acknowledgment of his merit in a war
against the Pisans, though one of the nobility, had been
admitted amongst the people, and thus became eligible to
office amongst the Signory ; but w r hen about to take his seat
with them, a law was made that no nobleman who had be-
come of the popular class should be allowed to assume that
office. This gave great offence to Benchi, w'ho, in union with
Piero degli Albizzi, determined to depress the less powerful
of the popular party with admonitions, and obtain the govern-
ment for themselves. By the interest which Benchi
possessed with the ancient nobility, and that of Piero with
most of the influential citizens, the Guelphic party resumed
their ascendancy, and by new reforms among the Parts, so
remodelled the administration as to be able to dispose of the
offices of the captains and. the tw r enty-four citizens at plea-
sure. They then returned to the admonitions with greater
audacity than ever, and the house of the Albizzi became
powerful as the head of this faction.
On the other hand, the Bicci made the most strenuous
exertions against their designs ; so that anxiety universally
prevailed, .and ruin was apprehended alike from both parties.
In consequence of this a great number of citizens, out of love to
their country, assembled in the church of St. Piero Scarraggio,
and after a long consideration of the existing disorders, pre-
sented themselves before the signors, whom one of the prin-
cipal among them addressed in the following terms : —
4t Many of us, magnificent Signors ! were afraid of meeting
even for consideration of public business, without being
publicly called together, lest we should be noted as pre-
sumptuous or condemned as ambitious. But seeing that
many citizens daily assemble in the lodges and halls of the
palace, not for any public utility, but only for the gratifi-
cation of their own ambition, we have thought that as
those who assemble for the ruin of the republic are fearless,
so still less ought they to be apprehensive who meet
together only for its advantage ; nor ought we to be anxious
respecting the opinion they may form of our assembling,
since they are so utterly indifferent to the opinion of others.
114 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. ' B. in. ch. 1. a.d. 1371.
Our affection for our country, magnificent Signors ! caused
us to assemble first, and now brings us before you, to
speak of grievances already great and daily increasing in our
republic, and to offer our assistance for their removal ; and
we doubt not that, though a difficult undertaking, it will still
be attended with success, if you will lay aside all private
regards, and authoritatively use the public force.
" The common corruption of all the cities of Italy, mag-
nificent Signors ! has infested and still vitiates your own ; for
when this province had shaken off the imperial yoke, her
cities not being subject to any powerful influence that might
restrain them, administered affairs, not as free men do, but as
a factious populace ; and hence have arisen all the other evils
and disorders that have appeared. In the first place, there
cannot be found amongst the citizens either unity or friend-
ship, except with those whose common guilt, either against
their country or against private individuals, is a bond of
union. And as the knowledge of religion and the fear of
God seem to be alike extinct, oaths and promises have lost
their validity, and are kept as long as it is found expedient ;
they are adopted only as a means of deception, and he is
most applauded and respected whose cunning is most efficient
and secure. On this account bad men are received with the
approbation due to virtue, and good ones are regarded only
in the light of fools.
" And certainly in the cities of Italy all that is corruptible
and corrupting is assembled. The young are idle, the old
lascivious, and each sex and every age abounds with debasing
habits, which the good laws, by misapplication, have lost the
power to correct. Hence arises the avarice so observable
amongst the citizens, and that greediness, not for true glory,
but for unworthy honours ; from which follow hatred, ani-
mosities, quarrels, and factions ; resulting in deaths, banish-
ments, affliction to all good men, and the advancement of the
most unprincipled ; for the good, confiding in their innocence,
seek neither safety nor advancement by illegal methods as
the wicked do, and thus unhonoured and undefended they
sink into oblivion.
" From proceedings such as these, arise at once the attach-
ment for and influence of parties ; bad men follow them
through ambition and avarice, and necessity compels the
1 a.d.1371 THE CITIZENS' ADDRESS. 115
to pursue the same course. And most lamentable is it
to observe how the leaders and movers of parties sanctify
their base designs with words that are all piety and virtue ;
they have the name of liberty constantly in their mouths,
though their actions prove them her greatest enemies. The
reward which they desire from victory is not the glory of
having given liberty to the city, but the satisfaction of having
vanquished others, and of making themselves rulers ; and to
attain their end, there is nothing too unjust, too cruel, too
avaricious for them to attempt. Thus laws and ordinances,
peace, wars, and treaties are adopted and pursued, not for the
public good, not for the common glory of the state, but for
the convenience or advantage of a few individuals.
"And if other cities abound in these disorders, ours is
more than any infected with them ; for her laws, statutes, and
civil ordinances are not, nor have they ever been, established
for the benefit of men in a state of freedom, but accord-
ing to the wish of the faction that has been uppermost at the
time. Hence it follows, that when one party is expelled, or
faction extinguished, another immediately arises ; for, in a
city that is governed by parties rather than by laws, as soon
as one becomes dominant and unopposed, it must of necessity
soon divide against itself; for the private methods at first
adopted for its defence, will now no longer keep it united.
The truth of this, both the ancient and modern dissensions
of our city, prove. Every one thought that when the
Ghibellines were destroyed, the Guelphs would long continue
happy and honoured ; yet after a short time they divided
into Bianchi and Neri, the black faction and the white
When the Bianchi were overcome, the city was not long free
from factions ; for either, in favour of the emigrants, or on
account of the animosity between the nobility and the people,
we were still constantly at war. And as if resolved to give
up to others, what in mutual harmony we either would not or
were unable to retain, we confided the care of our precious
liberty first to King Robert, then to his brother, next to his
son, and at last to the duke of Athens. Still we have never
in any condition found repose, but seem like men who can
neither agree to live in freedom nor be content with slavery.
Nor did we hesitate (so greatly does the nature of our ordi-
nances dispose us to division), whilst yet under allegiance to
i 2
116 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B iil ch. 1. a.d. 1371.
the king, to substitute for his majesty, one of the vilest of
men born at Agobbio.
* k For the credit of the city, the name of the duke of Athens
ought to be consigned to oblivion. His cruel and tyrannical
disposition however, might have taught us wisdom and in-
structed us how to live ; but no sooner was he expelled than
we handled our arms, and fought with more hatred, and
greater fury than we had ever done on any former occasion ;
so that the ancient nobility were vanquished and the city was
left at the disposal of the people. It was generally supposed
that no further occcasion of quarrel or of party animosity
could arise, since those whose pride and insupportable
ambition had been regarded as the causes of them were de-
pressed ; however, experience proves how liable human judg-
ment is to error, and what false impresssions men imbibe,
even in regard to the things that most intimately concern
them ; for we find the pride and ambition of the nobility are
not extinct, but only transferred from them to the people who
;d this moment, according to the usual practice of ambitious
men, are endeavouring to render themselves masters of the
republic ; and knowing they have no chance of success but
what is offered by discord, they have again divided the city,
and the names of Guelph and Ghibelline, which were begin-
ning to be forgotten (and it would have been well if they had
never been heard among us), are repeated anew in our ears.
"It seems almost necessarily ordained, in order that in
human affairs there may be nothing either settled or perma-
nent, that in all republics there are what may be called fatal
families, born for the ruin of their country. Of this kind of
pest our city has produced a more copious brood than any
other ; for not one but many have disturbed and harassed her :
first the Buondelmonti and the Uberti ; then the Donati and
the Cerchi ; and now, oh ridiculous ! oh disgraceful thought !
the Ricci and the Albizzi have caused a division of her citizens.
" We have not dwelt upon our corrupt habits or our old
rnd continual dissensions to occasion you alarm, but to remind
you of their causes ; to show that as you doubtless are aware
of them, we also keep them in view, and to remind you that
their results ought not to make you diffident of your power to
repress the disorders of the present time. The ancient fami-
lies possessed so much influence, and were held in such high
B. ru.cH. 1. a.d. 1371. NEW REGULATIONS. 117
esteem, that civil force was insufficient to restrain them ; but
now. when the empire has lost its ascendancy, the pope
is no longer formidable, and the whole of Italy is reduced to
a state of the most complete equality, there can be no diffi-
culty. Our republic might more especially than any
other (although at first our former practices seem to pre-
sent a reason to the contrary), not only keep itself united but
be improved by good laws and civil regulations, if you, the
Signory, would once resolve to undertake the matter ; and
to this we, induced by no other motive than the love of our
country, would most strongly urge you. It is true the cor-
ruption of the country is great, and much discretion will be
requisite to correct it ; but do not impute the past disorders to
the nature of the men, but to the times, which, being changed,
give reasonable ground to hope that, with better government,
our city will be attended with better fortune ; for the malig-
nity of the people will be overcome by restraining the ambition
and annulling the ordinances of those who have encouraged
faction, and adopting in their stead only such principles as
are conformable to true civil liberty. And be assured, that
these desirable ends will be more certainly attained by the
benign influence of the laws, than by a delay which will
compel the people to effect them by force and arms."
The Signory, induced by the necessity of the case, of which
they were previously aware, and further encouraged by the
advice of those who now addressed them, gave authority to
fifty-six citizens to provide for the safety of the republic. It
is usually found that most men are better adapted to pursue a
good course already begun, than to discover one applicable to
immediate circumstances. These citizens thought rather of
extinguishing existing factions than of preventing the forma-
tion of new ones, and effected neither of these objects. The
facilities for the establishment of new parties were not removed ;
and out of those which they guarded against, another more
powerful arose, which brought the republic into still greater
danger. They, however, deprived three of the family of the
Albizzi, and three of that of the Ricci, of all the offices of
government, except those of the Guelphic party, for three
years ; and amongst the deprived were Piero degli Albizzi and
Uguccione de' Ricci. They forbade the citizens to assemble
in the palace, except during the sittings of the Signory. They
118 HISTOSY OF FLORENCE. B. in. ch. 2. a.d. 1372.
provided that if any one were beaten, or possession of his
property detained from him, he might bring his case before
the council and denounce the offender, even if he were one of
the nobility ; and that if it were proved, the accused should
be subject to the usual penalties. This provision abated the
boldness of the Ricci, and increased that of the Albizzi ; since,
although it applied equally to both, the Ricci suffered from
it by far the most ; for if Piero was excluded from the palace
of the Signory, the chamber of the Guelphs, in which he
possessed the greatest authority, remained open to him ; and
if he and his followers had previously been ready to admonish,
they became after this injury, doubly so. To this pre-dispo-
sition for evil, new excitements were added.
CHAPTER II.
The war of the Florentines against the pope's legate, and the causes of it —
League against the pope — The censures of the pope disregarded in
Florence — The city is divided into two factions, the one the Capitani
di Parte, the other of the eight commissioners of the war — Mea-
sures adopted by the Guelphic party against their adversaries — The
Guelphs endeavour to prevent Salvestro de Medici from being chosen
Gonfaloniere — Salvestro de Medici Gonfaloniere — His law against the
nobility, and in favour of the Ammoniti — The Collegi disapprove of the
law — Salvestro addresses the council in its favour — The law is passed —
Disturbances in Florence.
The papal chair was occupied by Gregory XL He, like his
predecessors, residing at Avignon, governed Italy by legates,
who, proud and avaricious, oppressed many of the cities.
One of these legates, then at Bologna, taking advantage of a
great scarcity of food at Florence, endeavoured to render
himself master of Tuscany, and not only withheld provisions
from the Florentines, but in order to frustrate their hopes of
the future harvest, upon the approach of spring, attacked
them with a large army, trusting, that being famished and
unarmed, he should find them an easy conquest. He might
perhaps have been successful, had not his forces been mer-
cenary and faithless, and, therefore, induced to abandon the
enterprise for the sum of 130,000 florins, which the Floren-
ti. cu. 2. a.d. 1375. WAR WITH. THE POPE. 119
;s paid them. People may go to war when they will, but
inot always withdraw when they like. This contest, com-
menced by the ambition of the legate, was continued by the
resentment of the Florentines, who, entering into a league
with Bernabo of Milan, and with the cities hostile to the
church, appointed eight citizens for the administration of
it, giving them authority to act without appeal, and to ex-
pend whatever sums they might judge expedient, without
rendering an account of the outlay.
This war against the pontiff, although Uguccione was now
dead, re-animated those who had followed the party of the
Ricci, who, in opposition to the Albizzi, had always favoured
Bernabo and opposed the church, and this, the rather,
because the eight commissioners of war were all enemies of
the Guelphs. This occasioned Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo
da Castiglionchio, Carlo Strozzi, and others, to unite them-
selves more closely in opposition to their adversaries.
The Eight carried on the war, and the others admonished
during three years, when the death of the pontiff put an end
to the hostilities, which had been carried on with so much
ability, and with such entire satisfaction to the people, that
at the end of each year the Eight were continued in office,
and were called Santi, or holy, although they had set ecclesi-
astical censures at defiance, plundered the churches of their
property, and compelled the priests to perform divine service.
So much did citizens at that time prefer the good of their
country to their ghostly consolations, and thus showed the
church, that if as her friends they had defended, they could
as enemies depress her ; for the whole of Romagna, the
Marches, and Perugia w r ere excited to rebellion.
Yet whilst this war was carried on against the pope, they
were unable to defend themselves against the Captains of the
Parts and their faction ; for the insolence of the Guelphs against
the Eight attained such a pitch, that they could not restrain
themselves from abusive behaviour, not merely against some
of the most distinguished citizens, but even against the Eight
themselves ; and the Captains of the Parts conducted themselves
with such arrogance, that they were feared more than the Sig-
nory. Those who had business with them treated them with
greater reverence, and their court was held in higher estimation ;
120 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. in. ni. 2. a.d. 137R
so that no ambassador came to Florence, without commis-
sion to the Captains.
Pope Gregory being dead, and the city freed from external
war, there still prevailed great confusion within ; for the
audacity of the Guelphs was insupportable, and as no
available mode of subduing them presented itself, it was
thought that recourse must be had to arms, to determine
which party was the strongest. With the Guelphs were all
the ancient nobility, and the greater part of the most powerful
popular leaders, of which number, as already remarked, were
Lapo, Piero, and Carlo. On the other side, were all the
lower orders, the leaders of whom were the eight com-
missioners of war, Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and
with them the Ricci, Alberti, and Medici. The rest of the
multitude, as most commonly happens, joined the discon-
tented party.
It appeared to the heads of the Guelphic faction that their
enemies would be greatly strengthened, and themselves in
considerable danger in case a hostile Signory should resolve
on their subjugation. Desirous, therefore, of being prepared
against this calamity, the leaders of the party assembled to take
into consideration the state of the city, and that of their own
friends in particular, and found the ammoniti so numerous and
so great a difficulty, that the whole city was excited against them
on this account. They could not devise any other remedy
than, that as their enemies had deprived them of all the offices
of honour, they should banish their opponents from the city,
take possession of the palace of the Signory, and bring over the
whole state to their own party ; in imitation of the Guelphs
of former times, who found no safety in the city, till they had
driven all their adversaries out of it. They were unanimous
upon the main point, but did not agree upon the time of carrying
it into execution. It was in the month of April, in the year
1378, when Lapo, thinking delay unadvisable, expressed
his opinion, that procastination was in the highest degree
perilous to themselves ; as in the next Signory, Salvestro de'
Medici would very probably be elected Gonfalonier, and they
all knew he was opposed to their party. Piero degli Albizzi,
on the other hand, thought it better to defer, since they would
require forces, which could not be assembled without ex-
B. in. on. 2 a.d. 137a SALVESTRO DE MEDICI. 121
citing observation, and if they were discovered, they would
incur great risk. He thereupon judged it preferable to wait
till the approaching feast of St. John, on which, being the
most solemn festival of the city, vast multitudes would be as-
sembled, amongst whom they might conceal whatever numbers
they pleased. To obviate their fears of Salvestro, he was to
be admo?iished 1 and if this did not appear likely to be
effectual, they would " admonish'" one of the Colleague of his
quarter, and upon re-drawing, as the ballot-boxes would
be nearly empty, chance would very likely occasion that
either he or some associate of his would be drawn, and he
would thus be rendered incapable of sitting as Gonfalonier.
They therefore came to the conclusion proposed by Piero,
though Lapo consented reluctantly, considering the delay
dangerous, and that, as no opportunity can be in all respects
suitable, he who waits for the concurrence of every advan-
tage, either never makes an attempt, or, if induced to do so,
is most frequently foiled. They "admonished" the Colleague,
but did not prevent the appointment of Salvestro, for the de-
sign was discovered by the Eight, who took care to render
all attempts upon the drawing futile.
Salvestro Alamanno de' Medici was therefore drawn Gon-
falonier, and, being of one of the noblest popular families,
he could not endure that the people should be oppressed
by a few powerful persons. Having resolved to put an
end to their insolence, and perceiving the middle classes
favourably disposed, and many of the highest of the people
on his side, he communicated his design to Benedetto Alberti,
Tommaso Strozzi, and Georgio Scali, who all promised
their assistance. They, therefore, secretly drew up a law
which had for its object to revive the restrictions upon the
nobility, to retrench the authority of the Capitani di Parte,
and recall the ammoniti to their dignity. In order to attempt
and obtain their ends, at one and the same time, having to
consult, first the Colleagues and then the Councils, Salvestro
being Provost (which office for the time makes its possessor
almost prince of the city), he called together the Colleagues and
the Council on the same morning, and the Colleagues being
apart, he proposed the law prepared by himself and his friends,
which, being a novelty, encountered in their small number so
much opposition, that he was unable to have it passed.
122 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. in. ch. 2. a.d 1370.
Salvcstro, seeing his first attempt likely to fail, pretended
to leave the room for a private reason, and, without being
perceived, went immediately to the Council, and taking a
lofty position from which he could be both seen and heard,
said : — " That considering himself invested with the office
of Gonfalonier, not so much to preside in private cases (for
which proper judges were appointed, who have their regular
sittings), as to guard the state, correct the insolence of the
powerful, and ameliorate those laws by the influence of which
the republic was being ruined, he had carefully attended to
both these duties, and to his utmost ability provided for
them, but found the perversity of some so much opposed to his
just designs as to deprive him of all opportunity of doing good,
and them not only of the means of assisting him with their
counsel, but even hearing him. Therefore finding he no
longer contributed either to the benefit of the republic or of
the people generally, he could not perceive any reason for
his longer holding the magistracy, of which he was either
undeserving, or others thought him so, and would therefore
retire to his house, that the people might appoint another
in his stead, who would either have greater virtue or better
fortune than himself." And having said this, he left the
room as if to return home.
Those of the council who were in the secret, and others
desirous of novelty, raised a tumult, at which the Signory
and the Colleagues came together, and finding the Gonfalo-
nier leaving them, entreatingly and authoritatively detained
him, and obliged him to return to the council-room, which
was now full of confusion. Many of the noble citizens were
threatened in opprobrious language ; and an artificer seized
Carlo Strozzi by the throat, and would undoubtedly have
murdered him, but was with difficulty prevented by those
around. He who made the greatest disturbance, and incited
the city to violence, was Benedetto degli Alberti, who, from
a window of -the palace, loudly called the people to arms ;
and presently the courtyards were filled with armed men,
and the Colleagues granted to threats, what they had refused
to entreaty. The Capitani di Parte had at the same time
drawn together a great number of citizens to their hall, to
consult upon the means of defending themselves against the
orders of the Signors ; iut when they heard the tumult that
ch.2. a.d. 1379- TUMULT OF THE ARTS. 123
raised, and were informed of the course the Councils had
)pted, each took refuge in his own house.
iCt no one, when raising popular commotions, imagine
he can afterwards control them at his pleasure, or restrain
them from proceeding to the commission of violence. Sal-
vestro intended to enact his law, and compose the city ;
but it happened otherwise ; for the feelings of all had become
so excited, that they shut up the shops ; the citizens fortified
themselves in their houses ; many conveyed their valuable
property into the churches and monasteries, and every one
seemed to apprehend something terrible at hand. The com-
panies of the Arts met, and each appointed an additional
officer or Syndic ; upon which the Priors summoned their
Colleagues and these Syndics, and consulted a whole day
how the city might be appeased with satisfaction to the
different parties ; but much difference of opinion prevailed,
and no conclusion was come to. On the following day the
Arts brought forth their banners, which the Signory under-
standing, and being apprehensive of evil, called the Council
together to consider what course to adopt. But scarcely
were they met, when the uproar re-commenced, and soon the
ensigns of the Arts, surrounded by vast numbers of armed
men, occupied the courts. Upon this the Council, to give
the Arts and the people hope of redress, and free themselves
as much as possible from the charge of causing the mischief,
gave a general power, which in Florence is called Balia, to
the Signors, the Colleagues, the Eight, the Capitani di Parte,
and to the Syndics of the Arts, to reform the government of
the city, for the common benefit of all. Whilst this was being
arranged, a few of the ensigns of the Arts and some of the
mob, desirous of avenging themselves for the recent injuries
they had received from the Guelphs, separated themselves
from the rest, and sacked and burnt the house of Lapo da
Castiglionchio, who, when he learned the proceedings of the
Signory against the Guelphs, and saw the people in arms,
having no other resource but concealment or flight, first took
refuge in Santa Croce, and afterwards, being disguised as a
monk, fled into the Casentino, where he was often heard to
blame himself for having consented to wait till St. John's
day, before they had made themselves sure of the govern-
ment. Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi hid themselves
124 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. m. ch. 3. a.d. 1379.
upon the first outbreak of the tumult, trusting that when it
was over, by the interest of their numerous friends and rela-
tions, they might remain safely in Florence.
The house of Lapo being burnt, as mischief begins with
difficulty but easily increases, many other houses, either
through public hatred, or private malice, shared the same
fate ; and the rioters, that they might have companions
more eager than themselves to assist them in their work of
plunder, broke open the public prisons, and then sacked the
monastery of the Agnoli and the convent of S. Spirito,
whither many citizens had taken their most valuable goods
for safety. Nor would the public chambers have escaped
these destroyers' hands, except out of reverence for one of
the Signors, who on horseback, and followed by many citizens
in arms, opposed the rage of the mob.
CHAPTER III.
Contrary measures adopted by the magistrates to effect a pacification —
Luigi Guicciardini the Gonfalonier entreats the magistrates of the Arts
to endeavour to pacify the people — Serious riot caused by the plebeians
— The woollen Art— the plebeians assemble — The speech of a seditious
plebeian — Their resolution thereupon — The Signory discover the designs
of the plebeians — Measures adopted to counteract them.
This popular fury being abated by the authority of the
Signors and the approach of night, on the following day,
the Balia relieved the admonished, on condition that they
should not for three years be capable of holding any magis-
tracy. They annulled the laws made by the Guelphs to the
prejudice of the citizens ; declared Lapo da Castiglionchio
and his companions, rebels, and with them many others, who
were the objects of universal detestation. After these reso-
lutions, the new Signory were drawn for, and Luigi Guicciar-
dini appointed Gonfalonier, which gave hope that the
tumults would soon be appeased ; for every one thought
them to be peaceable men and lovers of order. Still the
shops were not opened, nor did the citizens lay down their
arms, but continued to patrol the city in great numbers ; so
fc.lll.CH. 3. A.D. 1379. ADDRESS OF GUICCIAKDINI. 125
that the Signory did not assume the magistracy with the
usual pomp, but merely assembled within the palace, omitting
all ceremony.
This Signory, considering nothing more advisable in
the beginning of their magistracy than to restore peace,
caused a relinquishment of arms ; ordered the shops to
be opened, and the strangers who had been called to their
aid, to return to their homes. They appointed guards in
many parts of the city, so that if the admonished would only
have remained quiet, order would soon have been re-esta-
blished. But they were not satisfied to wait three years for
the recovery of their honours ; so that to gratify them the
Arts again met, and demanded of the Signory, that for the
benefit and quiet of the city, they would ordain that no
citizens should at any time, whether Signor, Colleague, Capitano
di Parte, or Consul of any art whatever, be admonished as a
Ghibelline ; and further, that new ballots of the Guelphic
party should be made, and the old ones burnt. These de-
mands were at once acceded to, not only by the Signors, but
by all the Councils ; and thus it was hoped the tumults newly
excited would be settled.
But since men are not satisfied with recovering what is
their own, but wish to possess the property of others and to
revenge themselves, those who were in hopes of benefiting
by these disorders persuaded the artificers that they would
never be safe, if several of their enemies were not expelled
from the city or destroyed. This terrible doctrine coming to
the knowledge of the Signory, they caused the magistrates of
the Arts and their Syndics to be brought before them, and
Luigi Guicciardini, the Gonfalonier, addressed them in the
following words. " If these Signors, and I with them, had
not long been acquainted with the fate of this city, that as
soon as external wars have ceased the internal commence,
we should have been more surprised, and our displeasure
would have been greater. But as evils to which we are
accustomed are less annoying, we have endured past dis-
turbances patiently, they having arisen for the most part
without our fault ; and we hoped that, like former troubles,
they would soon have an end, after the many and great con-
cessions we had made at your suggestion. But finding that
you are yet unsettled, that you contemplate the commission
126 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.m. ch. 3. a.d. 1379.
of new crimes against your fellow citizens, and are desirous
of making new exiles, our displeasure increases in proportion
to your misconduct. And certainly, could we have believed
that during our magistracy the city was to be ruined, whether
with or without your concurrence, we should certainly, either
by flight or exile, have avoided these horrors. But trusting
that we had to do with those who possessed some feelings of
humanity and some love of their country, we willingly ac-
cepted the magistracy, thinking that by our gentleness we
should overcome your ambition. But we perceive from
experience that the more humble our behaviour, the more
concessions we make, the prouder you become, and the more
exorbitant are your demands. And though we speak thus, it
is not in order to offend, but to amend you. Let others tell
you pleasing tales, our design is to communicate only what
is for your good. Now we would ask you, and have you
answer on your honour, What is there yet ungranted that
you can, with any appearance of propriety, require ? You
wished to have authority taken from the Capitani di Parte ;
and it is done. You wished that the ballotings should be
burnt, and a reformation of them take place ; and we consent.
You desired that the admonished should be restored to their
honours ; and it is permitted. At your entreaty we have
pardoned those who have burnt down houses and plundered
churches ; many honourable citizens have been exiled to
please you ; and at your suggestion new restraints have been
laid upon the Great. When, will there be an end of your
demands ? and how long will you continue- to abuse our
liberality ? Do you not observe with how much more modera-
tion we bear defeat than you your victory? To what end
will your divisions bring our city ? Have you forgotten that
when disunited Castruccio, a low citizen of Lucca, subdued
her ? or that a duke of Athens, your hired captain, did so
too ? But when the citizens were united in her defence, an
archbishop of Milan and a pope were unable to subdue it,
and, after many years of war, were compelled to retire with
disgrace.
"Then why would you, by your discords, reduce to slavery
in a time of peace, that city, which so many powerful enemies
have left free, even in war ? What can you expect from your
disunion but subjugation * or from the property of which
■ ii. 3.a.d. 1379. PLEBEIANS DISCONTENTED. 127
vou already have plundered, or may yet plunder us, but
poverty ? for this property is the means by which we furnish
occupation for the whole city, and if you take it from us, our
of finding that occupation is withdrawn. Besides,
those who take it will have difficulty in preserving what is
dishonestly acquired, and thus poverty and destitution are
brought upon the city. Now, I, and these Signors command,
and if it were consistent with propriety, we would entreat that
you allow your minds to be calmed ; be content, rest satisfied
with the provisions that have been made for you ; and if
you should be found to need anything further, make your
request with decency and order, and not with tumult ; for
when your demands are reasonable they will always be com-
plied with, and you will not give occasion to evil designing
men to ruin your country and cast the blame upon your-
selves." These words, conveying nothing but the truth,
produced a suitable effect upon the minds of the citizens,
who thanking the Gonfalonier for having acted towards them
the part of a kind Signor, and towards the city that of a
good citizen, offered their obedience in whatever might be
committed to them. And the Signors, to prove the sin-
cerity of their intentions, appointed two citizens for each
of the superior magistracies, who, with Syndics of the arts,
were to consider what could be done to restore quiet, and re-
port their resolutions to the Signors.
Whilst these things were in progress, a disturbance arose,
much more injurious to the republic than anything that had
hitherto occurred. The greatest part of the fires and rob-
beries which took place on the previous days were perpe-
trated by the very lowest of the people ; and those who had
been the most audacious, were afraid that when the greater
differences were composed, they would be punished for the
crimes they had committed ; and that as usual, they would be
abandoned by those who had instigated them to the commis-
sion of crime. To this may be added, the hatred of the
lower orders towards the rich citizens and the principals of
the Arts, because they did not think themselves remunerated
for their labour in a manner equal to their merits. For in the
time of Charles I., when the city was divided into Arts, a
head or governor was appointed to each, and it was provided
that the individuals of each art, should be judged in civil
128 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. in. tn. 3. a.d.1379.
matters by their own superiors. These arts, as we have be-
fore observed, were at first twelve ; in the course of time they
were increased to twenty-one, and attained so much power,
that in a few years they grasped the entire government of
the city ; and as some were in greater esteem than others,
they were divided into major and minor ; seven were called
u major," and fourteen, the " minor arts." From this divi-
sion, and from other causes which we have narrated above,
arose the arrogance of the Capitani di Parte ; for those citi-
zens who had formerly been Guelphs, and had the constant
disposal of that magistracy, favoured the followers of the
major and persecuted the minor arts and their patrons ; and
hence arose the many commotions already mentioned. When
the companies of the arts were first organized, many of those
trades, followed by the lowest of the people and the plebeians,
were not incorporated, but were ranged under those arts
most nearly allied to them ; and, hence, when they were not
properly remunerated for their labour, or their masters op-
pressed them, they had no one of whom to seek redress,
except the magistrate of the art to which theirs was subject ;
and of him they did not think justice always attainable. Of
the arts, that which always had, and now has, the greatest
number of these subordinates, is the woollen ; which being
both then, and still, the most powerful body, and first in
authority, supports the greater part of the plebeians and
lowest of the people.
The lower classes, then, the subordinates not only of the
woollen, but also of the other arts, were discontented, from
the causes just mentioned ; and their apprehension of punish-
ment for the burnings and robberies they had committed, did
not tend to compose them. Meetings took place in different
parts during night, to talk over the past, and to com-
municate the danger in which they were, when one of the
most daring and experienced, in order to animate the rest,
spoke thus : —
" If the question now were, whether we should take up
arms, rob and burn the houses of the citizens, and plunder
churches, I am one of those who would think it worthy of fur-
ther consideration, and should, perhaps, prefer poverty andsafe-
ty to the dangerous pursuit of an uncertain good. But as we
have already armed, and many offences have been committed,
I1.J&.CH.3.A.D. 1379- SPEECH 01" A PLEBEIAN. 129
it appwirs to me that we have to consider how to ny thorn
aside, and secure ourselves from the consequences of what is
already done. I certainly think, that if nothing else could
teach us, necessity might. You see the whole city full of
complaint and indignation against us ; the citizens are closely
united, and the Signors are constantly with the magistrates.
You may be sure they are contriving something against us ;
they are arranging some new plan to subdue us. We ought
therefore to keep two things in view, and have two points to
consider ; the one is, to escape with impunity for what has
been done during the last few days, and the other, to
live in greater comfort and security for the time to come.
We must, therefore, I think, in order to be pardoned for our
old faults, commit new ones ; redoubling the mischief, and mul-
tiplying fires and robberies ; and in doing this, endeavour to
have as many companions as we can ; for when many are in
fault, few are punished ; small crimes are chastised, but great
and serious ones rewarded. When many suffer, few seek
vengeance ; for general evils are endured more patiently than
private ones. To increase the number of misdeeds will, there-
fore, make forgiveness more easily attainable, and will open
the way to secure what we require for our own liberty. And it
appears evident that the gain is certain ; for our opponents are
disunited and rich ; their disunion will give us the victory,
and their riches, when they have become ours, will support
us. Be not deceived about that antiquity of blood by which
they exalt themselves above us ; for all men having had one
common origin, are all equally ancient, and nature has made
us all after one fashion. Strip us naked, and we shall all be
found alike. Dress us in their clothing, and they in ours,
we shall appear noble, they ignoble — for poverty and riches
make all the difference. It grieves me much to think that
some of you are sorry inwardly for what is done, and re-
solve to abstain from anything more of the kind. Certainly,
if it be so, you are not the men I took you for ; because
neither shame nor conscience ought to have any influence
with you. Conquerors, by what means soever, are never
considered aught but glorious. We have no business to
think about conscience ; for when, like us, men have to fear
hunger, and imprisonment, or death, the fear of hell neither
can or ou^ht to have any influence upon them. If you only
130 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.m. ch. 3. a d. ]37£
notice human proceedings, you may observe that all who at-
tain great power and riches, make use of either force 01
fraud ; and what they have acquired either by deceit or vio-
lence, in order to conceal the disgraceful methods of attain-
ment, they endeavour to sanctify with the false title of honesl
gains. Those who either from imprudence or want of saga-
city avoid doing so, are always overwhelmed with servitude
and poverty ; for faithful servants are always servants, and
honest men are always poor ; nor do any ever escape from
servitude but the bold and faithless, or from poverty, but the
rapacious and fraudulent. God and nature have thrown all
human fortunes into the midst of mankind ; and they are
thus attainable rather by rapine than by industry, by wicked
actions rather than by good. Hence it is that men feed upon
each other, and those who cannot defend themselves must
be worried. Therefore we must use force when the op-
portunity offers ; and fortune cannot present us one more
favourable than the present, when the citizens are still dis-
united, the Signory doubtful, and the magistrates terrified ;
for we may easily conquer them before they can come to any
settled arrangement. By this means we shall either obtain
the entire government of the city, or so large a share of it, as
to be forgiven past errors, and have sufficient authority to
threaten the city with a renewal of them at some future time.
I confess this course is bold and dangerous ; but when neces*
sity pr r sses, audacity becomes prudence, and in great affairs
the brave never think of dangers. The enterprises that are
begun with hazard always have a reward at last ; and no one
ever escaped from embarrassment without some peril. Be-
sides, it is easy see from all their preparations of prisons,
racks, and instruments of death, that there is more danger in
inaction than in endeavouring to secure ourselves ; for in the
first case the evils are certain, in the latter doubtful. How
often have I heard you complain of the avarice of your supe-
riors and the injustice of your magistrates. Now then is the
time, not only to liberate yourselves from them, but to be-
come so much superior, that they will have more causes of
grief and fear from you than you from them. The oppor-
tunity presented by circumstances passes away, and when
gone, it will be vain to think it can be recalled. You see
the preparations of our enemies ; let us anticipate them ;
B.iii.cH.4. a.d. 1379. EFFECT OF THE SPEECH. 131
and those who are first in arms will certainly be victors, to
the ruin of their enemies and their own exaltation ; and thus
honours will accrue to many of us, and security to all."
These arguments greatly inflamed minds already disposed
to mischief, so that they determined to take up arms as soon
as they had acquired a sufficient number of associates, and
bound themselves by oath to mutual defence, in case any of
them were subdued by the civil power, p
Whilst they were arranging to take"possession of the repub-
lic, their design became known to the Signory, who, having
taken a man named Simone, learned from him the particulars
of the conspiracy, and that the outbreak was to take place on
the following day. Finding the danger so pressing, they cal-
led together the Colleagues and those citizens who with the
Syndics of the arts were endeavouring to effect the union of
the city. It was then evening, and they advised the Signors
to assemble the consuls of the trades, who proposed that
whatever armed force was in Florence should be collected,
and with the Gonfaloniers of the people and their companies,
meet under arms in the piazza next morning. It happened
that whilst Simone was being tortured, a man named Niccolo
da San Friano was regulating the palace clock, and becoming
acquainted with what was going on, returned home and
spread the report of it in his neighbourhood, so that presently
the piazza of S. Spirito was occupied by above a thousand men.
This soon became known to the other conspirators, and St.
Pietro Maggiore and St. Lorenzo, their places of assembly,
tvere presently full of them, all under arms.)
CHAPTER IV.
Proceedings of the plebeians — The demand they make of the Signory —
They insist that the Signory leave the palace — The Signory leave the
palace— Michele di Lando Gonfalonier — Complaints and movement of
the plebeians against Michele di Lando — Michele di Lando proceed*
against the plebeians and reduces them to order — Character of Michele
di Lando.
At day-break on the 21st of July, there did not appear in
the piazza above eighty men in arms friendly to the Signorv,
x2
132 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. m. ch. 4. a.d. 137
and not one of the Gonfaloniers ; for knowing the whole cit
to be in a state of insurrection they were afraid to leave the:
homes. The first body of plebeians that made its appeal
ance was that which had assembled at San Pietro Maggiore
out the armed force did not venture to attack them. The
came the other multitudes, and finding no opposition, the
loudly demanded their prisoners from the Signory ; and bein
resolved to have them by force if they were not yielded t
their threats, they burnt the house of Luigi Guicciardini
and the Signory, for fear of greater mischief, set them at liberty
With this addition to their strength they took the Gonfalo]
of Justice from the bearer, and under the shadow of autho
rity which it gave them, burnt the houses of many citizens
selecting those whose owners had publicly or privately ex
cited their hatred. Many citizens, to avenge themselves fo]
private injuries, conducted them to the houses of their ene-
mies ; for it was quite sufficient to ensure its destruction, i;
a single voice from the mob called out, " To the house oJ
such a one," or if he who bore the Gonfalon took the road
towards it. All the documents belonging to the woollen trade
were burnt, and after the commission of much violence, by
way of associating it with something laudable, Salvestro de'
Medici and sixty-three other citizens were made knights,
amongst whom were Benedetto and Antonio degli Alberti,
Tommaso Strozzi and others similarly their friends; though
many received the honour against their wills. It was a
remarkable peculiarity of the riots, that many who had their
houses burnt, were on the same day, and by the same party
made knights ; so close were the kindness and the injury
together. This circumstance occurred to Luigi Guicciardini,
Gonfalonier of Justice.
In this tremendous uproar, the Signory, finding themselves
abandoned by their armed force, by the leaders of the arts,
and by the Gonfaloniers, became dismayed ; for none had
come to their assistance in obedience to orders ; and of the
sixteen Gonfalons, the ensign of the Golden Lion and of the
Vaio, under Giovenco della Stufa and Giovanni Cambi alone
appeared ; and these, not being joined by any other, soon
withdrew. Of the citizens, on the other hand, some, seeing
the fury of this unreasonable multitude and the palace aban-
doned, remained within doors ; others followed the armed
B. in. en. 4. a.d. 1379. CHANGES DEMANDED. 133
mob, in the hope that by being amongst them, they might
more easily protect their own houses or those of thsir friends.
The power of the plebeians was thus increased and that of
the Signory weakened. The tumult continued all day, and
at night the rioters halted near the palace of Stefano, behind
the church of St. Barnabas. Their number exceeded six
thousand, and before day-break they obtained by threats the
ensigns of the trades, with which and the Gonfalon of Justice,
when morning came, they proceeded to the palace of the
provost, who refusing to surrender it to them, they took
possession of it by force.
The Signory, desirous of a compromise, since they could
not restrain them by force, appointed four of the Colleagues to
proceed to the palace of the provost, and endeavour to learn
what was their intention. They found that the leaders of
the plebeians, with the Syndics of the trades and some citizens,
had resolved to signify their wishes to the Signory. They
therefore returned with four deputies of the plebeians, who
demanded that the woollen trade should not be allowed to
have a foreign judge ; that there should be formed three new
companies of the arts ; namely, one for the woolcombers and
dyers, one for the barbers, doublet-makers, tailors, and such
like, and the third for the lowest class of people. They re-
quired that the three new arts should furnish two Signers ;
the fourteen minor arts, three ; and that the Signory should
provide a suitable place of assembly for them. They also
made it a condition that no member of these companies should
be expected during two years to pay any debt that amounted
to less than fifty ducats ; that the bank should take no interest
on loans already contracted, and that only the principal sum
should be demanded ; that the condemned and the banished
should be forgiven, and the admonished should be restored
to participation in the honors of government. Besides these,
many other articles were stipulated in favour of their friends,
and a requisition made that many of their enemies should be
exiled and admonished. These demands, though grievous
and dishonourable to the republic, were for fear of further
violence granted, by the joint deliberation of the Signors,
Colleagues, and Council of "the people. But in order to give it
full effect, it was requisite that the Council of the Com-
mune should also give its consent; and, as they could not
134 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. m, ch. 4. a.d. 137!
assemble two councils during the same day, it was necessar
to defer it till the morrow. However the trades appearec
content, the plebeians satisfied ; and both promised, that thes<
laws being confirmed, every disturbance should cease.
On the following morning, whilst the council of the com-
mune were in consultation, the impatient and volatile mul-
titude entered the piazza, under their respective ensigns, witl
loud and fearful shouts, which struck terror into all the
Council and Signory ; and Guerrente Marignolli, one of the
latter, influenced more by fear than anything else, under pre-
tence of guarding the lower doors, left the chamber and flee
to his house. He was unable to conceal himself from
the multitude, who, however, took no notice, except that
upon seeing him, they insisted that all the Signors should
quit the palace, and declared that if they refused to comply,
their houses should be burned and their families put to death.
The law had now been passed ; the Signors were in their
own apartments ; the Council had descended from the chamber,
and without leaving the palace, hopeless of saving the city,
they remained in the lodges and courts below, overwhelmed
with grief at seeing such depravity in the multitude, and
such perversity or fear in those who might either have re-
strained or suppressed them. The Signory, too, were dis-
mayed and fearful for the safety of their country, finding
themselves abandoned by one of their associates, and without
any aid or even advice ; when, at this moment of uncertainty
as to what was about to happen, or what would be best to be
done, Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti, either from
motives of ambition (being desirous of remaining masters of
the palace), or because they thought it the most advisable
step, persuaded them to give way to the popular impulse,
and withdraw privately to their own homes. This advice,
given by those who had been the leaders of the tumult,
although the others yielded, filled Alamanno Acciajuoli and
Niccolo del Bene, two of the Signors, with anger ; and, re-
assuming a little vigour, they said, that if the others would
withdraw they could not help it, but they would remain as
long as they continued in office, if they did not in the mean
time lose their lives. These dissensions redoubled the fears
of the Signory and the rage of the people, so that the Gon-
falonier, disposed rather to conclude his magistracy in dis-
D : on. 4. ad. 1379. ItlCHHLE DT I.JLWDO. f 3i1
honour than in danger, recommended himself to the care of
Tommaso Strozzi, who withdrew him from the palace and
conducted him to his house. The other Signors were, one
after another, conveyed in the same manner, so that Alamanno
and Niccolo, not to appear more valiant than wise, seeing
themselves left alone, also retired, and the palace fell into the
hands of the plebeians and the Eight Commissioners of
War, who had not yet laid down their authority.
When the plebeians entered the palace, the standard of the
Gonfalonier of Justice was in the hands of Michele de Lando,
a woolcomber. This man, barefoot, with scarcely anything
upon him, and the rabble at his heels, ascended the staircase,
and, having entered the audience chamber of the Signory, he
stopped, and turning to the multitude said, " You see this
palace is now yours, and the city is in your power ; what do
you think ought to be done ?" To which they replied, they
would have him for their Gonfalonier and lord ; and that he
should govern them and the city as he thought best. Michael
accepted the command ; and, as he was a cool and sagacious
man, more favoured by nature than by fortune, he resolved
to compose the tumult, and restore peace to the city. To
occupy the minds of the people, and give himself time to
make some arrangement, he ordered that one Nuto, who had
been appointed bargello, or sheriff, by Lapo da Castiglionchio,
should be sought. The greater part of his followers went
to execute this commission ; and, to commence with justice
the government he had acquired by favour, he commanded
that no one should either burn or steal anything ; while, to
strike terror into all, he caused a gallows to be erected in the
court of the palace. He began the reform of government by
deposing the Syndics of the trades, and appointing new ones ;
he deprived the Signory and the Colleagues of their magistracy,
and burned the balloting purses containing the names of those
eligible to office under the former government.
In the meantime, Ser Nuto, being brought by the mob into
the court, was suspended from the gallows by one foot ; and
those around having torn him to pieces, in little more than a
moment nothing remained of him but the foot by which he
had been tied.
The Eight Commissioners of War, on the other hand,
thinking themselves, after the departure of the Signors, left
136 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. m. ch. 4. a.d. 1379.
sole masters of the city, had already formed a new Signory ;
but Michael, on learning this, sent them an order to quit the
palace immediately; for he wished to show that he could
govern Florence without their assistance. He then assembled
the Syndics of the trades, and created as a Signory, four from
the lowest plebeians ; two from the major, and two from the
minor trades. Besides this, he made a new selection of
names for the balloting purses, and divided the state into
three parts ; one composed of the new trades, another of the
minor, and the third of the major trades. He gave to Sal-
vestro de' Medici the revenue of the shops upon the Old
Bridge ; for himself he took the provostry of Empoli, and
conferred benefits upon many other citizens, friends of the
plebeians ; not so much for the purpose of rewarding their
labours, as that they might 'serve to screen him from envy.
It seemed to the plebeians that Michael, in his reformation
of the state, had too much favoured the higher ranks of the
people, and that themselves had not a sufficient share in
the government to enable them to preserve it ; and hence,
prompted by their usual audacity, they again took arms, and
coming tumultuously into the court of the palace, each body
under their particular ensigns, insisted that the Signory
should immediately descend and consider new means for ad-
vancing their well-being and security. Michael, observing
their arrogance, was unwilling to provoke them, but without
further yielding to their request, blamed the manner in which
it was made, advised them to lay down their arms, and pro-
mised that then would be conceded to them, what otherwise,
for the dignity of the state, must of necessity be withheld.
The multitude, enraged at this reply, withdrew to Santa
Maria Novella, where they appointed eight leaders for their
party, with officers, and other regulations to ensure influence
and respect ; so that the city possessed two governments,
and was under the direction of two distinct powers. These
new leaders determined that Eight, elected from their trades,
should constantly reside in the palace with the Signory, and
that whatever the Signory should determine must be con-
firmed by them before it became law. They took from
Salvestro de' Medici and Michael di Lando the whole of
what their former decrees had granted them, and distributed
to many of their party offices and emoluments to enable
B in. ch.4. a.d. 1379. MICHELE'S CHARACTER. 137
them to support their dignity. These resolutions being
passed, to render them valid they sent two of their body to
the Signory, to insist on their being confirmed by the Council,
with an inl imation, that if not granted they would be vindi-
cated by force. This deputation, with amazing audacity and
surpassing presumption, explained their commission to the
Signory, upbraided the Gonfalonier with the dignity they had
conferred upon him, the honour they had done him, and with
the ingratitude and want of respect he had shown towards
them. Coming to threats towards the end of their discourse,
Michael could not endure their arrogance, and sensible rather
of the dignity of the office he held than of the meanness of
his origin, determined by extraordinary means to punish
such extraordinary insolence, and drawing the sword with
which he was girt, seriously wounded, and caused them to
be seized and imprisoned.
When the fact became known, the multitude were filled
with rage, and thinking that "by their arms they might en-
sure what without them they had failed to effect, they seized
their weapons and with the utmost fury resolved to force the
Signory to consent to their wishes. Michael, suspecting what
would happen, determined to be prepared, for he knew his
credit rather required him to be first in the attack than to
wait the approach of the enemy, or, like his predecessors, dis-
honour both the palace and himself by flight. He therefore
drew together a good number of citizens (for many began to
see their error), mounted on horseback, and followed by crowds
of armed men, proceeded to Santa Maria Novella, to encoun-
ter his adversaries. The plebeians, who as before observed
were influenced by a similar desire, had set out about the
same time as Michael, and it happened that as each took a
different route, they did not meet in their way, and Michael,
upon his return, found the piazza in their possession. The
contest was now for the palace, and joining in the fight, he
soon vanquished them, drove part of them out of the city,
and compelled the rest to throw down their arms and escape
or conceal themselves, as well as they could. Having thus
gained the victory, the tumults were composed, solely by the
talents of the Gonfalonier, who in courage, prudence, and
generosity surpassed every other citizen of his time, and
deserves to be enumerated amongst the glorious few who have
138 HISTOET OF FLORENCE. B. in. ch. 5. a.d. 1371
greatly benefited their country ; for had he possessed either
malice or ambition, the republic would have been completely
ruined, and the city must have fallen under greater tyranny
than that of the duke of Athens. But his goodness never
allowed a thought to enter his mind opposed to the universal
welfare : his prudence enabled him to conduct affairs in such
a manner, that a great majority of his own faction reposed
the most entire confidence in him ; and he kept the rest in
awe by the influence of his authority. These qualities sub-
dued the plebeians, and opened the eyes of the superior arti-
ficers, who considered how great must be the folly of those,
who having overcome the pride of the nobility, could endure
to submit to the nauseous rule of the rabble.
CHAPTER V.
New regulations for the elections of the Signory — Confusion in the City —
Piero degli Albizzi and other citizens condemned to death — The Floren-
tines alarmed by the approach of Charles of Durazzo — The measures
adopted in consequence thereof — Insolent Conduct of Giorgio Scali —
Benedetto Alberti — Giorgio Scali beheaded.
By the time Michael di Lando had subdued the plebeians,
the new Signory was drawn, and amongst those who com-
posed it, were two persons of such base and mean condition,
that the desire increased in the minds of the people to
be freed from the ignominy into which they had fallen ;
and when, upon the first of September, the new Signory
entered office and the retiring members were still in the
palace, the piazza being full of armed men, a tumultuous
cry arose from the midst of them, that none of the lowest
of the people should hold office amongst the Signory.
The obnoxious two were withdrawn accordingly. The
name of one was II Tira, of the other Baroccio, and in
their stead were elected Giorgio Scali and Francesco di
Michele. The company of the lowest trade was also dissolved,
and its members deprived of office, except Michael di Lando,
Lorenzo di Puccio and a few others of better quality. The
honours of government were divided into two parts, one of
which was assigned to the superior trades, the other to the
inferior ; except that the latter were to furnish five Signors,
ch. 5. a.d. 1381. GIANOZZO DA SALERNO. 139
and the former only four. The Gonfalonier was to be chosen
alternately from each.
The government, thus composed, restored peace to the city
for the time ; but though the republic was rescued from the
power of the lowest plebeians, the inferior trades were still
more influential than the nobles of the people, who, however,
were obliged to submit for the gratification of the trades, of
whose favour they wished to deprive the plebeians. The
-tablishment was supported by all who wished the con-
tinued subjugation of those who, under the name of the Guel-
phic party, had practised such excessive violence against
the citizens. And as amongst others, thus disposed, were
Giorgio Scali, Benedetto Alberti, Salvestro de' Medici, and
Tommaso Strozzi, these four almost became princes of the
city. This state of the public mind strengthened the divi-
sions already commenced between the nobles of the people,
and the minor artificers, by the ambition of the Ricci and the
Albizzi ; from which, as at different times very serious effects
arose, and as they will hereafter be frequently mentioned, we
shall call the former the popular party, the latter the plebeian.
This condition of things continued three years, during which
many were exiled and put to death ; for the government
lived in constant apprehension, knowing that both within and
without the city many were dissatisfied with them. Those
within, either attempted or were suspected of attempting every
day some new project against them; and those without, being
under no restraint, were continually, by means of some
prince or republic, spreading reports tending to increase the
disaffection.
Gianozzo da Salerno was at this time in Bologna. He
held a command under Charles of Durazzo, a descendant of
the kings of Naples, who, designing to undertake the con-
quest of the dominions of Queen Giovanha, retained his
captain in that city, with the concurrence of Pope Urban,
who was at enmity with the queen. Many Florentine
emigrants were also at Bologna, in close correspondence
with him and Charles. This caused the rulers in Florence
to live in continual alarm, and induced them to lend a willing
ear to any calumnies against the suspected. Whilst in this
disturbed state of feeling, it was disclosed to the government
that Gianozzo da Salerno was about to march to Florence
140 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. m. ch. 5. a.d. 1381
with the emigrants, and that great numbers of those withir
were to rise in arms, and deliver the city to him. Upon this
information many were accused, the principal of whom were
Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi ; and after these,
Cipriano Mangione, Jacopo Sacchetti, Donato Barbadori,
Filippo Strozzi, and Giovanni Anselmi, the whole of whom,
except Carlo Strozzi, who fled, were made prisoners ; and
the Signory, to prevent any one from taking arms in their
favour, appointed Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti,
with a strong armed force, to guard the city. The arrested
citizens were examined, and although nothing was elicited
against them sufficient to induce the Capitano to find them
guilty, their enemies excited the minds of the populace to
such a degree of outrageous and overwhelming fury against
them, that they were condemned to death, as it were, by
force. Nor was the greatness of his family, or his former
reputation, of any service to Piero degli Albizzi, who had
once been, of all the citizens, the man most feared and
honoured. Some one, either as a friend to render him wise
in his prosperity, or an enemy to threaten h m with the
fickleness of fortune, had upon the occasion of his making a
feast for many citizens, sent him a silver bowl full of sweet-
meats, amongst which a large nail was found, and being
seen by many present, was taken for a hint to him to fix the
wheel of Fortune, which, having conveyed him to the top,
must, if the rotation continued, also bring him to the bottom.
This interpretation was verified, first by his ruin, and after-
wards by his death.
After this execution the city was full of consternation,
for both victors and vanquished were alike in fear ; but the
worst effects arose from the apprehensions of those possessing
the management of affairs ; for every accident, however trivial,
caused them to commit fresh outrages, either by condemna-
tions, admonitions, or banishment of citizens ; to which must
be added, as scarcely less pernicious, the frequent new laws
and regulations which were made for defence of the govern-
ment, all of which were put in execution to the injury of
those opposed to their faction. They appointed forty-six
persons, who, with the Signory, were to purge the republic of
all suspected by the government. They admonished thirty-
nine citizens, ennobled many of the people, and degraded
1). rii. ch. 5. a d.1381. JOHN IIAWKWOOD. 141
v nobles to the popular rank. To strengthen them-
3 against external foes, they took into their pay John
kwood, an Englishman of great military reputation, who
had long served the pope and others in Italy. Their fears
from without were increased by a report that several bodies
of men were being assembled by Charles of Durazzo for the
[iiest of Naples, and many Florentine emigrants were
said to have joined him. Against these dangers, in addition
to the forces which had been raised, large sums of • money
were provided ; and Charles, having arrived at Arezzo, ob-
tained from the Florentines 40,000 ducats, and promised he
would not molest them. His enterprise was immediately
prosecuted, and having occupied the kingdom of Naples, he
8ent Queen Giovanna a prisoner into Hungary. This victory
renewed the fears of those who managed the affairs of Flo-
rence, for they could not persuade themselves that their
money would have a greater influence on the king's mind
than the friendship which his house had long retained for
the Guelphs, whom they so grievously oppressed.
This suspicion increasing, multiplied oppressions ; which
again, instead of diminishing the suspicion, augmented it ; so
that most men lived in the utmost discontent. To this the
insolence of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi (who by
their popular influence overawed the magistrates) also con-
tributed, for the rulers were apprehensive that by the power
these men possessed with the plebeians, they could set them
at defiance ; and hence it is evident that not only to good
men, but even to the seditious, this government appeared
tyrannical and violent. To put a period to the outrageous
conduct of Giorgio, it happened that a servant of his accused
Giovanni di Cambio of practices against the state, but the
Capitano declared him innocent. Upon this, the judge de-
termined to punish the accuser with the same penalties that
the accused would have incurred had he been guilty, but
Giorgio Scali, unable to save him either by his authority or
entreaties, obtained the assistance of Tommaso Strozzi, and
with a multitude of armed men, set the informer at liberty
and plundered the palace of the Capitano, who was obliged
to save himself by flight. This act excited such great and
universal animosity against him, that his enemies began to
hope they would be able to effect his ruin, and also to rescue
142 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. in. ch. 5. A.D.138L
the city from the power of the plebeians, who for three years
had held her under their arrogant control.
To the realization of this design the Capitano greatly con-
tributed, for the tumult having subsided, he presented him-
self before the Signors, and said " He had cheerfully under-
taken the office to which they had appointed him, for he
thought he should serve upright men who would take arms
for the defence of justice, and not impede its progress. But
now that he had seen and had experience of the proceedings
of the city, and the manner in which affairs were conducted,
that dignity which he had voluntarily assumed with the
hope of acquiring honour and emolument, he now more
willingly resigned, to escape from the losses and danger to
which he found himself exposed." The complaint of the
Capitano was heard with the utmost attention by the Sig-
nory, who promising to remunerate him for the injury he
had suffered and provide for his future security, he was
satisfied. Some of them then obtained an interview with
certain citizens who were thought to be lovers of the com-
mon good, and least suspected by the state ; and in con-
junction with these, it was concluded that the present was a
favourable opportunity for rescuing the city from Giorgio
and the plebeians, the last outrage he had committed having
completely alienated the great body of the people from him.
They judged it best to profit by the occasion before the ex-
citement had abated, for they knew that the favour of the
mob is often gained or lost by the most trifling circumstance ;
and more certainly to ensure success, they determined, if
possible, to obtain the concurrence of Benedetto Alberti, for
without it they considered their enterprise to be dangerous.
Benedetto was one of the richest citizens, a man of un-
assuming manners, an ardent lover of the liberties of his
country, and one to whom tyrannical measures were in the
highest degree offensive ; so that he was easily induced to
concur in their views and consent to Giorgio"s ruin. His
enmity against the nobles of the people and the Guelphs, and
his friendship for the plebeians, were caused by the insolence
and tyrannical proceedings of the former; but rinding that the
plebeians had soon become quite as insolent, he quickly
separated himself from them ; and the injuries committed by
them against the citizens were done wholly without his con-
en. 0. a.d. 1381. GIORGIO SCALI BEHEADED. 143
sent. So that the same motives which made him join the
plebeians induced him to leave them.
Having gained Benedetto and the leaders of the trades
to their side, they provided themselves with arms and
made Giorgio prisoner. Tommaso fled. The next day
Giorgio was beheaded ; which struck so great a terror into
his party, that none ventured to express the slightest dis-
approbation, but each seemed anxious to be foremost in
defence of the measure. On being led to execution, in the pre-
sence of that people who only a short time before had idolized
him, Giorgio complained of his hard fortune, and the malig-
nity of those citizens who, having done him an undeserved
injury, had compelled him to honour and support a
mob, possessing neither faith nor gratitude. Observing
Benedetto Alberti amongst those who had armed themselves
for the preservation of order, he said, " Do you, too, consent,
Benedetto, that this injury shall be done to me? Were I in
your place and you in mine, I would take care that no one
should injure you. I tell you, however, this day is the end
of my troubles and the beginning of yours." He then
blamed himself for having confided too much in a people
who may be excited and inflamed by every word, motion,
and breath of suspicion. With these complaints he died in
the midst of his armed enemies, delighted at his fall. Some
of his most intimate associates were also put to death, and
their bodies dragged about by the mob.
CHAPTER VI.
Confusion and riots in the city — Reform of government in opposition to
the plebeians — Injuries done to those who favoured the plebeians —
Michael di Lando banished — Benedetto Alberti hated by the Si>mory —
Fears excited by the coming of Louis of Anjou — The Florentines pur-
chase Arezzo — Benedetto Alberti becomes suspected and is banished —
His discourse upon leaving the city — Other citizens banished and ad-
monished — War with Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan.
The death of Giorgio caused very great excitement ; many
took arms at the execution in favour of the Signory and the
Gapitano ; and many others, either for ambition or as a means
144 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. in. ch. 6. a. d. 13S2
for their own safety, did the same. The city was full of con-
flicting parties, who each had a particular end in view, and
wished to carry it into effect before they disarmed. The
ancient nobility, called the Great, could not bear to be de-
prived of public honours ; for the recovery of which they
used their utmost exertions, and earnestly desired that autho-
rity might be restored to the Capitani di Parte. The nobles
of the people and the major trades were discontented at the
share the minor trades and lowest of the people possessed in
the government ; whilst the minor trades were desirous of
increasing their influence, and the lowest people were appre-
hensive of losing the companies of their trades and the au-
thority which these conferred.
Such opposing views occasioned Florence, during a year,
to be disturbed by many riots. Sometimes the nobles of the
people took arms ; sometimes the major and sometimes the
minor trades and the lowest of the people ; and it often
happened that, though in different parts, all were at once in
insurrection. Hence many conflicts took place between the
different parties or with the forces of the palace ; for the
Signory sometimes yielding, and at other times resisting,
adopted such remedies as they could for these numerous
evils. At length, after two assemblies of the people, and
many Balias appointed for the reformation of the city ; after
much toil, labour, and imminent danger, a government was
appointed, by which all who had been banished since Sal-
vestro de' Medici was Gonfalonier were restored. They who
had acquired distinctions or emoluments by the Balia of
1378 were deprived of them. The honours of government
were restored to the Guelphic party ; the two new Com-
panies of the Trades were dissolved, and all who had been
subject to them assigned to their former companies. The
minor trades were not allowed to elect the Gonfalonier of
Justice, their share of honours was reduced from a half to a
third ; and those of the highest rank were withdrawn from
them altogether. Thus the nobles of. the people and the
Guelphs repossessed themselves of the government, which
was lost by the plebeians after it had been in their possession
from 1378 to 1381, when these changes took place.
The new establishment was not less injurious to the
citizens, or less troublesome at its commencement than that
cm. 6. a.d. 1382. LOUIS OF ANJOU. 145
of the plebeians had been ; for many of the nobles of the
. who had distinguished themselves as defenders of the
plebeians were banished, with a great number of the leaders
of the latter, amongst whom was Michele di Lando ; nor
could all the benefits conferred upon the city by his authority,
when in danger from the lawless mob, save him from the
rabid fury of the party that was now in power. His good
offices evidently excited little gratitude in his countrymen.
The neglect of their benefactors is an error into which
princes and republics frequently fall ; and hence mankind,
alarmed by such examples, as soon as they begin to perceive
the ingratitude of their rulers, set themselves against them.
As these banishments and executions had always been
offensive to Benedetto Alberti, they continued to disgust him,
;and he censured them both publicly and privately. The
leaders of the government began to fear him, for they con-
sidered him one of the most earnest friends of the plebeians,
•and thought he had not consented to the death of Giorgio
Scali from disapprobation of his proceedings, but that he
might be left himself without a rival in the government.
His discourse and his conduct alike served to increase their
suspicions, so that all the ruling party had their eyes upon
him, and eagerly sought an opportunity of crushing him.
During this state of things, external affairs were not of
serious importance, for some which ensued were productive
of apprehension rather than of injury. At this time Louis of
Anjou came into Italy, to recover the kingdom of Naples for
Queen Giovanna, and drive out Charles of Durazzo. His
coming terrified the Florentines; for Charles, according to
the custom of old friends, demanded their assistance, and
Louis, like those who seek new alliances, required their
neutrality. The Florentines, that they might seem to
comply with the request of Louis, and at the same time assist
Charles, discharged from their service Sir John Hawk wood,
and transferred him to that of Pope Urban, who was friendly
to Charles ; but this deceit was at once detected, and Louis
considered himself greatly injured by the Florentines. Whilst
the war was carried on between Louis and Charles in Puglia,
new forces were sent from France in aid of Louis, and on
arriving in Tuscany, were by the emigrants of Arezzo con-
ducted to that city, and took it from those who held posses-
L
146 HISTOKT t~»* I.LORENCE. B. m. ch. 6. AD. ill
sion for Charles. And when they were about to change th
government of Florence, as they had already done that c
Arezzo, Louis died, and the order of things in Puglia and i .
Tuscany was changed accordingly ; for Charles secured th
kingdom, which had been all but lost, and the Florentine*
who were apprehensive for their own city, purchased Arezz
from those who held it for Louis. Charles, having securer
Puglia, went to take possession of Hungary, to which he wa
heir, leaving, with his wife, his children Ladislaus ant
Giovanna, who were yet infants. He took possession o
Hungary, but was soon after slain there.
As great rejoicings were made in Florence on account o
this acquisition as ever took place in any city for a rea
victory, which served to exhibit the public and private wealtl
of the people, many families endeavouring to vie with tht
state itself in displays of magnificence. The Alberti sur
passed all others ; the tournaments and exhibitions madt
oy them were rather suitable for a sovereign prince than foi
any private individuals. These things increased the envj
with which the family was regarded, and being joined with
suspicions which the state entertained of Benedetto, were
the causes of his ruin. The rulers could not endure him,
for it appeared as if, at any moment, something might
occur, which, with the favour of his friends, would enable
him to recover his authority, and drive them out of the city.
Whilst in this state of suspicion and jealousy, it happened
that while he was Gonfalonier of the Companies, his son-in-
law, Filippo Magalotti, was drawn Gonfalonier of Justice;
and this circumstance increased the fears of the government,
for they thought it would strengthen Benedetto's influence,
and place the state in the greater peril. Anxious to provide
a remedy, without creating much disturbance, they induced
Bese Magalotti, his relative and enemy, to signify to the
Signory that Filippo, not having attained the age required
for the exercise of that office, neither could nor ought to hold
it.
The question was examined by the Signors, and part of
them out of hatred, others in order to avoid disunion amongst
themselves, declared Filippo ineligible to the dignity, and in
his stead was drawn Bardo Mancini, who was quite opposed
to the plebeian interests, and an inveterate foe of Benedetto.
h. 6. a.d.1383. BENEDETTO BANISHED. 147
This man, having entered upon the duties of his office, created
a Balia for the reformation of the state, which banished
Benedetto Alberti and admonished all the rest of his family
except Antonio. Before his departure, Benedetto called
them together, and observing their melancholy demeanour,
said, " You see, my fathers, and you the elders of our
house, how Fortune has ruined me and threatened you.
I am not surprised at this, neither ought you to be so, for
it always happens thus to those who amongst a multitude
of the wicked, wish to act rightly, and endeavour to sus-
tain, what the many seek to destroy. The love of my
country made me take part with Salvestro de' Medici and
afterwards separated me from Giorgio Scali. The same
cause compelled me to detest those who now govern, who
having none to punish them, will allow no one to reprove their
misdeeds. I am content that my banishment should deliver
them from the fears they entertain, not of me only, but of
all who they think perceives or is acquainted with their
tyrannical and wicked proceedings ; and they have aimed their
first blow at me, in order the more easily to oppress you. I
do not grieve on my own account ; for those honours which
my country bestowed upon me whilst free, she cannot in her
slavery take from me ; and the recollection of my past life
will always give me greater pleasure than the pain imparted
by the sorrows of exile. I deeply regret that my country is
left a prey to the greediness and pride of the few who keep
her in subjection. I grieve for you ; for I fear that the evils
which this day cease to affect me, and commence with you,
will pursue you with even greater malevolence than they
have me. Comfort, then, each other; resolve to bear up
against every misfortune, and conduct yourselves in such a
manner, that when disasters befall you (and there will be
many), every one may know they have come upon you
undeservedly." Not to give a worse impression of his
virtue abroad than he had done at home, he made a journey
to the sepulchre of Christ, and whilst upon his return, died
at Rhodes. His remains were brought to Florence, and in-
terred with all possible honours, by those who had persecuted
him, when alive, with every species of calumny and injustice.
The family of the Alberti was not the only injured part}
during these troubles of the city ; for many others were baii-
L 2
148 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. in. ch. 6. a.d. 138(
ished and admonished. Of the former were Piero Benini
Matteo Alderotti, Giovanni and Francesco del Bene, Gio
vanni Benci, Andrea Adimari, and with them many member:
of the minor trades. Of the admonished were the Covini
Benini, Rinucci, Formiconi, Corbizzi, Manelli, and Alderotti
It was customary to create the Balia for a limited time
and when the citizens elected had effected the purpose o:
their appointment, they resigned the office from motives o:
good feeling and decency, although the time allowed mighi
not have expired. In conformity with this laudable practice,
the Balia of that period, supposing they had accomplished all
that was expected of them, wished to retire ; but when the
multitude were acquainted with their intention, they rar
armed to the palace, and insisted, that before resigning their
power, many other persons should be banished and admon-
ished. This greatly displeased the Signors ; but without
disclosing the extent of their displeasure, they contrived to
amuse the multitude with promises, till they had assembled
a sufficient body of armed men, and then took such mea-
sures, that fear induced the people to lay aside the weapons
which madness had led them to take up. Nevertheless, in
some degree to gratify the fury of the mob, and to reduce the
authority of the plebeian trades, it was provided, that as the
latter had previously possessed a third of the honours, they
should in future only have a fourth. That there might
always be two of the Signors particularly devoted to the
government, they gave authority to the Gonfalonier of Justice,
and four others, to form a ballot-purse of select citizens,
from which, in every Signory, two should be drawn.
This government, from its establishment in 1381, till the
alterations now made, had continued six years ; and the in-
ternal peace of the city remained undisturbed until 1393.
During this time, Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti, usually called
the Count of Virtu, imprisoned his uncle Bernabo, and thus
became sovereign of the whole of Lombardy. As he had
become duke of Milan by fraud, he designed to make himself
king of Italy by force. In 1391 he commenced a spirited
attack upon the Florentines ; but such various changes oc-
curred in the course of the war, that he was frequently
in greater danger than the Florentines themselves, who,
though they made a brave and admirable defence, for a republic,
9. m. ch. 7. a.d. 1393. MASO DEGLI ALBIZZI. 149
j must have been ruined, if he had survived. As it was, the
result was attended with infinitely less evil than their fears of
powerful an enemy had led them to apprehend ; for the
duke having taken Bologna, Pisa, Perugia, and Sienna, and
prepared a diadem with which to be crowned king of Italy
at Florence, died before he had tasted the fruit of his vic-
tories, or the Florentines began to feel the effect of their
disasters.
CHAPTER VII.
llaso degli Albizzi — His violence excites the anger of the people— They
have recourse to Veri de' Medici — The modesty of Veri — He refuses to
assume the dignity of prince, and appeases the people — Discourse of
Veri to the Signory — The banished Florentines endeavour to return —
They secretly enter the city and raise a tumult — Some of them slain,
others taken in the church of St. Reparata — A conspiracy of exiles sup-
ported by the duke of Milan — The conspiracy discovered and the
parties punished — Various enterprises of the Florentines — Taking ot
Pisa — War with the king of Naples — Acquisition of Cortona.
During the war with the duke of Milan, the office of Gon-
falonier of Justice fell to Maso degli Albizzi, who by the
death of Piero in 1379, had become the inveterate enemy
of the Alberti; and as party feeling is incapable either
of repose or abatement, he determined, notwithstanding
Benedetto had died in exile, that before the expiration of his
magistracy, he would revenge himself on the remainder of
that family. He seized the opportunity afforded by a person,
who on being examined respecting correspondence main-
tained with the rebels, accused Andrea and Alberto degli
Alberti of such practices. They were immediately arrested,
which so greatly excited the people, that the Signory,
having provided themselves with an armed force, called the
citizens to a general assembly or parliament, and appointed
a Balia, by whose authority many were banished, and a
new ballot for the offices of government was made. Among
the banished were nearly all the Alberti ; many members of
the trades were admonished, and some put to death. Stung
by these numerous injuries, the trades and the lowest of the
150 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.m. ch.7. a.d. Vm.
people rose in arms, considering themselves despoiled botli of
honour and life. One body of them assembled in the piazza ;
another ran to the house of Veri de' Medici, who, after the
death of Salvestro, was head of the family. The Signory,
in order to appease those who came to the piazza or court of
the palace, gave them for leaders, with the ensigns of the
Guelphs and of the people in their hands, Rinaldo Gianfig-
liazzi and Donato Acciajuoli, both men of the popular class,
and more attached to the interests of the plebeians than any
other. Those who went to the house of Veri de' Medici,
begged that he would be pleased to undertake the govern-
ment, and free them from the tyranny of those citizens
who were destroying the peace and safety of the com-
monwealth.
It is agreed by all who have written concerning the
events of this period, that if Veri had had more ambition
than integrity he might without any impediment have be-
come prince of the city ; for the unfeeling treatment which,
whether right or wrong, had been inflicted upon the trades
and their friends, had so excited the minds of men to venge-
ance, that all they required was some one to be their leader.
Nor were there wanting those who could inform him of the
state of public feeling; for Antonio de' Medici with whom he
had for some time been upon terms of most intimate friend-
ship, endeavoured to persuade him to undertake the govern-
ment of the republic. To this Veri replied : " Thy menaces
when thou wert my enemy, never alarmed me ; nor shall thy
counsel, now when thou art my friend, do me any harm."
Then, turning towards the multitude, he bade them be of
good cheer ; for he would be their defender, if they Avould
allow themselves to be advised by him. He then went,
accompanied by a great number of citizens, to the piazza, and
proceeded directly to the audience chamber of the Signory,
whom he addressed to this effect : That he could not regret
having lived so as to gain the love of the Florentines ; but
he was sorry they had formed an opinion of him which his
past life had not warranted ; for never having done anything
that could be construed as either factious or ambitious, he
could not imagine how it had happened, that they should
think him willing to stir up strife as a discontented person, or
usurp the government of his country like an ambitious one.
..a.d. 1384. VERI DE MEDICI. 151
I therefore begged that the infatuation of the multitude
at not injure him in their estimation ; for, to the utmost
lis power, their authority should be restored. He then
mmended them to use good fortune with moderation ; for
ould be much better to enjoy an imperfect victory with
ty to the city, than a complete one with her ruin. The
uory applauded Veriis conduct; begged he would en-
Lvour to prevent recourse to arms, and promised that what
he and the other citizens might deem most advisable should
be done. Veri then returned to the piazza, where the people
who had followed him were joined by those led by Donato
and Rinaldo, and informed the united companies that he had
found the Signory most kindly disposed towards them ; that
many things had been taken into consideration, which the
shortness of the time, and the absence of the magistrates,
rendered incapable of being finished. He therefore begged
they would lay down their arms and obey the Signory ;
assuring them that humility would prevail rather than pride,
entreaties rather than threats ; and if they would take his
advice, their privileges and security would remain unimpaired.
He thus induced them to return peaceably to their homes.
The disturbance having subsided, the Signory armed the
piazza, enrolled 2,000 of the most trusty citizens, who were di-
vided equally by Gonfalons, and ordered to be in readiness to
give their assistance whenever required ; and they forbade the
use of arms to all who were not thus enrolled. Having adopted
these precautionary measures, they banished and put to
death many of those members of the trades who had shown
the greatest audacity in the late riots ; and to invest the
office of Gonfalonier of Justice with more authoritative
jesty, they ordered that no one should be eligible to it,
under ibrty-five years of age. Many other provisions for the
defence of the state were made, which apppeared intolerable
to tho*e against whom they were directed, and were odious
even to the friends of the Signory themselves, for they could
not believe a government to be either good or secure, which
needed so much violence for its defence, a violence exces-
sively offensive, not only to those of the Alberti who remained
in the city, and to the Medici, .who felt themselves injured by
these proceedings, but also to many others. The first who
attempted resistance was Donato, son of Jacopo Acciajuoli,
152 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. m. ch. 7. a.d. 139c
who though of great authority, and the superior rather thai
the equal of Maso degli Albizzi, (who on account of th<
events which took place whilst he was Gonfalonier of Justice
was almost at the head of the republic), could not enjoy re-
pose amid such general discontent, or, like many others
convert social evils to his own private advantage, and there-
fore resolved to attempt the restoration of the exiles to theii
country, or at least their offices to the admonished. He wen!
from one to another, disseminating his views, showing that
the people would not be satisfied, or the ferment of parties
subside, without the changes he proposed ; and declared that
if he were in the Signory, he would soon carry them into
effect. In human affairs, delay causes tedium, and haste
danger. To avoid what was tedious, Donato Acciajuoli re-
solved to attempt what involved danger. Michele Accia-
juoli his relative, and Niccolo Ricoveri his friend, were of the
Signory. This seemed to Donato a conjuncture of circum-
stances too favourable to be lost, and he requested they would
propose a law to the councils, which would include the resto-
ration of the citizens. They, at his entreaty, spoke about the
matter to their associates, who replied, that it was improper to
attempt any innovation in which the advantage was doubtful
and the danger certain. Upon this, Donato, having in vain
tried all other means he could think of, excited with anger,
gave them to understand that since they would not allow the
city to be governed with peaceful measures, he would try
what could be done with arms. These words gave so great
offence, that being communicated to the heads of the govern-
ment, Donato was summoned, and having appeared, the
truth was proved by those to whom he had entrusted the
message, and he was banished to Barletta. Alamanno and
Antonio de' Medici were also banished, and all those of that
family, who were descended from Alamanno, with many
who, although of the inferior artificers, possessed influence
with the plebeians. These events took place two years after
the reform of government effected by Maso degli Albizzi.
At this time many discontented citizens were at home, and
others banished in the adjoining states. Of the latter there
lived at Bologna Picchio Cavicciulli, Tommaso de' Ricci.
Antonio de' Medici, Benedetto degli Spini, Antonio Girolami,
Cristofano di Carlone, and two others of the lowest order, all
B. in. ch. 7. A. D. 1397. THE BANISHED RETURN. 153
bold young men, and resolved upon returning to their country
at any hazard. These were secretly told by Piggiello and
Baroccio Cavicciulli, who, being admonished, lived in
Florence, that if they came to the city they should be con-
cealed in their house ; from which they might afterwards
issue, slay Maso degli Albizzi, and call the people to
arms, who, full of discontent, would willingly arise, parti-
cularly as they would be supported by the Bicci, Adimari,
Medici, Manelli, and many other families. Excited with
these hopes, on the 4th of August, 1397, they came to
Florence, and having entered unobserved according to their
arrangement, they sent one of their party to watch Maso,
designing with his death to raise the people. Maso was ob-
served to leave his house and proceed to that of an apothe*
cary, near the church of San Pietro Maggiore, which he
entered. The man who went to watch him ran to give in-
formation to the other conspirators, who took their arms and
hastened to the house of the apothecary, but found that
Maso had gone. However, undaunted with the failure of
their first attempt, they proceeded to the Old Market, where
they slew one of the adverse party, and with loud cries of
I people, arms, liberty, and death to the tyrants," directed their
course towards the New Market, and at the end of the Cali-
mala slew another. Pursuing their course with the same
cries, and finding no one join them in arms, they stopped at
the Loggia Nighittosa, where, from an elevated situation,
being surrounded with a great multitude, assembled to look
on rather than assist them, they exhorted the men to take
arms and deliver themselves from the slavery which weighed
so heavily upon them ; declaring that the complaints of the
discontented in the city, rather than their own grievances,
had induced them to attempt their deliverance. They
had heard that many prayed to God for an opportunity of
avenging themselves, and vowed they would use it when-
ever they found any one to conduct them ; but now, when
the favourable circumstances occurred, and they found
those who were ready to lead them, they stared at each other
like men stupified, and would waft till those who were en-
deavouring to recover for them their liberty were slain, and
their own chains more strongly riveted upon them ; they
wondered that those who were wont to take arms upon slight
154 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. to. i/i. ch. 7. a.d.1397.
occasions, remained unmoved under the pressure of so many
and so great evils ; and that they could willingly suffer such
numbers of their fellow citizens to be banished, so many
admonished, when it was in their power to restore the
banished to their country, and the admonished to the honours
of the state. These words, although full of truth, produced no
effect upon those to whom they were addressed ; for they were
either restrained by their fears, or, on account of the two
murders that had been committed, disgusted with the parties.
Thus the movers of the tumult, finding that neither words or
deeds had force sufficient to stir any one, saw, when too late,
how dangerous a thing it is to attempt to set a people free
who are resolved to be slaves ; and, despairing of success,
they withdrew to the temple of Santa Reparata, where, not
to save their lives, but to defer the moment of their deaths,
they shut themselves up. Upon the first rumour of the
affair, the Signory being in fear, armed and secured the
palace ; but when the facts of the case were understood, the
parties known, and whither they had betaken themselves,
their fears subsided, and they sent the Capitano with a suffi-
cient body of armed men to secure them. The gates of the
temple were forced without much trouble ; part of the con-
spirators were slain defending themselves ; the remainder
were made prisoners and examined, but none were found
implicated in the affair except Baroccio and Piggiello Cavic-
ciulli, who were put to death with them.
Shortly after this event, another occurred of greater im-
portance. The Florentines were, as we have before remarked,
at war with the duke of Milan, who, finding that with merely
open force he could not overcome them, had recourse to
secret practices, and with the assistance of the exiles of whom
Lombardy was full, he formed a plot to which many in the
city were accessary. It was resolved by the conspirators,
that most of the emigrants capable of bearing arms, should
set out from the places nearest Florence, enter the city by the
river Arno, and with their friends hasten to the residences
of the chiefs of the government ; and having slain them,
reform the republic according to their own will. Of the
conspirators within the city, was one of the Ricci named
Samminiato ; and as it often happens in treacherous practices,
few are insufficient to effect the purposes of the plot, and
B. ui . en. 7. a.d. 1400. DEATH OF GALEAZZO. 155
among many secrecy cannot be preserved, so, whilst Sammi-
niato was in quest of associates, he found an accuser. He
confided the affair to Salvestro Cavicciulli, whose wrongs and
those of his friends were thought sufficient to make him
faithful ; but he, more influenced by immediate fear than the
hope of future vengeance, discovered the whole affair to the
Signory, who, having caused Samminiato to be taken, com-
pelled him to tell all the particulars of the matter. How-
ever, none of the conspirators were taken, except Tommaso
Davizi, who, coming from Bologna, and unaware of what had
occurred at Florence, was seized immediately upon his arrival.
All the others had fled immediately upon the apprehension of
Samminiato.
Samminiato and Tommaso having been punished according
to their deserts, a Balia was formed of many citizens,
which sought the delinquents, and took measures for the
security of the state. They declared six of the family of the
Ricci rebels ; also, six of the Alberti ; two of the Medici ;
three of the Scali ; two of the Strozzi ; Bindo Altoviti, Ber-
nardo Adimari, and many others of inferior quality. They
admonished all the family of the Alberti, the Ricci, and the
Medici for ten years, except a few individuals. Amongst the
Alberti, not admonished, was Antonio, who was thought to
be quiet and peaceable. It happened, however, before all
suspicion of the conspiracy had ceased, a monk was taken
who had been observed during its progress to pass frequently
between Bologna and Florence. He confessed that he had often
carried letters to Antonio, who was immediately seized, and,
though he denied all knowledge of the matter from the first,
the monk's accusation prevailed, and he was fined in a con-
siderable sum of money, and banished a distance of three
hundred miles from Florence. That the Alberti might not
constantly place the city in jeopardy, every member of the
family was banished whose age exceeded fifteen years.
These events took place in the year 1400, and two year*
afterwards, died Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, whose
death as we have said above, put an end to the war, which
had then continued twelve years. At this time, the govern-
ment having gained greater strength, and being without ene-
mies external or internal, undertook the conquest of Pisa,
and having gloriously completed it, the peace of the city re-
156 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. ni. ch. 7. a.d. 1420
mained undisturbed from 1400 to 1433, except that in
1412, the Alberti, having crossed the boundary they
were forbidden to pass, a Balia was formed which with new
provisions fortified the state and punished the offenders with
heavy fines. During this period also, the Florentines made
war with Ladislaus, king of Naples, who finding himself in
great danger ceded to them the city of Cortona of which he
was master ; but soon afterwards, recovering his power, he
renewed the war, which became far more disastrous to the
Florentines than before ; and had it not, in 1414, been termi-
nated by his death, as that of Lombardy had been by the
death of the duke of Milan, he, like the duke, would have
brought Florence into great danger of losing her liberty.
Nor was the war with the king concluded with less good
fortune than the former ; for when he had taken Rome,
Sienna, the whole of La Marca and Romagna, and had only
Florence itself to vanquish, he died. Thus death has always
been more favourable to the Florentines than any other
friend, and more potent to save them than their own valour.
From the time of the king's decease, peace was preserved
both at home and abroad for eight years, at the end of
which, with the wars of Filippo, duke of Milan, the spirit
of faction again broke out, and was only appeased by the
ruin of that government which continued from 1381 to
1434, had conducted with great gl^ory sjo many enterprises ;
acquired Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona, Leghorn, and Monte Pul-
ciano ; and would have accomplished more if the citizens had
lived in unity, and had not revived former factions ; as in
the following book will be particularly shown.
B. iv. en. 1. a.d. 1422. NATUBE OF REPUBLICANISM. 157
BOOK IV.
CHAPTER I.
Licence and Slavery peculiar defects in republican governments — Ap-
plication of this reflection to the state of Florence — Giovanni di Bicci
de' Medici re-establishes the authority of his family — Filippo Vis-
conti, duke of Milan, endeavours to make amicable arrangements
with the Florentines— Their jealousy of him — Precautionary measures
against him — War declared — The Florentines are routed by the ducal
forces.
Republican governments, more especially those imperfectly
organized, frequently change their rulers and the form of
their institutions ; not by the influence of liberty or subjec-
tion, as many suppose, but by that of slavery and licence ;
for with the nobility or the people, the ministers respectively
of slavery or licentiousness, only the name of liberty is in any
estimation, neither of them choosing to be subject either to
magistrates or laws. When, however, a good, wise, and 1
powerful citizen appears (which is but seldom), who establishes
ordinances capable of appeasing or restraining these contend-
ing dispositions, so as to prevent them from doing mischief,
then the government may be called free, and its institutions
firm and secure ; for having good laws for its basis, and good
regulations for carrying them into effect, it needs not, like
others, the virtue of one man for its maintenance. With
such excellent laws and institutions, many of those ancient
republics, which were of long duration, were endowed. But
these advantages are, and always have been, denied to those
which frequently change from tyranny to licence, or the
reverse ; because, from the powerful enemies which each con-
dition creates itself, they neither have, nor can possess any
stability ; for tyranny cannot please the good, and licence is
offensive to the wise : the former may easily be productive
of mischief, while the latter can scarcely be beneficial; in
the former, the insolent have too much authority, and in the
latter, the foolish ; so that each requires for their welfare
the virtue and the good fortune of some individual who
158 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. it. ch.1. a.d. 1422.
may be removed by death, or become unserviceable by mis-
fortune.
Hence, it appears, that the government which commenced
in Florence at the death of Giorgio Scali, in 1381, was first
sustained by the talents of Maso degli Albizzi, and then by
those of Niccolo da Uzzano. The city remained tranquil
from 1414 to 1422; for king Ladislaus was dead, and
Lombardy divided into several parts ; so that there was
nothing either internal or external to occasion uneasiness.
Next to Niccolo da Uzzano in authority, were Bartolomeo
Valori, Neroni di Nigi, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Neri di Gino,
and Lapo Niccolini. The factions that arose from the quar-
rels of the Albizzi and the Ricci, and which were afterwards
so unhappily revived by Salvestro de' Medici, were never
extinguished ; for though the party most favoured by the
rabble only continued three years, and in 1381 was put
down, still, as it comprehended the greatest numerical pro-
portion, it was never entirely extinct, though the frequent
Balias and persecutions of its leaders from 1381 to 1400,
reduced it almost to nothing. The first families that suf-
fered in this way were the Alberti, the Ricci, and the Me-
dici, which were frequently deprived both of men and
money ; and if any of them remained in the city, they were
deprived of the honours of government. These oft-repeated
acts of oppression humiliated the faction, and almost annihi-
lated it. Still, many retained the remembrance of the in-
juries they had received, and a desire of vengeance remained
pent in their bosoms, ungratified and unquenched. Those
nobles of the people, or new nobility, who peaceably go-
verned the city, committed two errors, which eventually
caused the ruin of their party ; the first was, that by long
continuance in power they became insolent ; the second, that
the envy they entertained towards each other, and their un-
interrupted possession of power, destroyed that vigilance over
those who might injure them, which they ought to have
exercised. Thus daily renewing the hatred of the mass of
the people by their sinister proceedings, and either negli-
gent of the threatened dangers, because rendered fearless
by prosperity, or encouraging them through mutual envy,
they gave an opportunity to the family of the Medici to
recover their influence. The first to do so was Giovanni di
B. iv. cu. 1. a.d. 1422. FILTPPO VISCONTI. 159
Bicci de' Medici, who having become one of the richest men,
and being of a humane and benevolent disposition, obtained
the supreme magistracy by consent of those in power.
This circumstance gave so much gratification to the mass of
the people (the multitude thinking they had now found a de-
fender), that not without occasion the judicious of the party
observed it with jealousy, for they perceived all the former
feelings of the city revived. Niccolo da Uzzano did not fail
to acquaint the other citizens with the matter, explaining
to them how dangerous it was to aggrandise one who pos-
sessed so much influence ; that it was easy to remedy an
evil at its commencement, but exceedingly difficult after
having allowed it to gather strength ; and that Giovanni
possessed several qualities far surpassing those of Salves-
tro. The associates of Niccolo were uninfluenced by his
remarks ; for they were jealous of his reputation, and de-
sired to exalt some person, by means of whom he might be
humbled.
This was the state of Florence, in which opposing feelings
began to be observable, when Filippo Visconti, second son
of Giovanni Galeazzo, having, by the death of his brother,
become master of all Lombardy, and thinking he might
undertake almost anything, greatly desired to recover Genoa,
which enjoyed freedom under the Dogiate of Tommaso da
Campo . Fregoso. He did not think it advisable to at-
tempt this, or any other enterprise, till he had renewed
amicable relations with the Florentines, and made his good
understanding with them known ; but with the aid of their
reputation he trusted he should attain his wishes. He
therefore sent ambassadors -to Florence to signify his desires.
Many citizens were opposed to his design, but did not wish
to interrupt the peace with Milan, which had now continued
for many years. They were fully aware of the advantages
he would derive from a war with Genoa, and the little use it
would be to Florence. Many others were inclined to accede
to it, but would set a limit to his proceedings, which, if he
were to exceed, all would perceive his base design, and thus
they might, when the treaty was broken, more justifiably
make war against him. The question having been strongly
debated, an amicable arrangement was at length effected, by
ICO HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. rr. ch. 1. a.d. 142:
which Filippo engaged not to interfere with anything on th
Florentine side of the rivers Magra and Panaro.
Soon after the treaty was concluded, the duke took pos
session of Brescia, and shortly afterwards of Genoa, contrar
to the expectation of those who had advocated peace ; fo
they thought Brescia would be defended by the Venetians
and Genoa would be able to defend herself. And as in the
treaty which Filippo made with the Doge of Genoa, he hac
acquired Serezana and other places situate on this side the
Magra, upon condition that, if he wished to alienate them
they should be given to the Genoese, it was quite palpable
that he had broken the treaty ; and he had, besides, entered
into another treaty with the legate of Bologna, in opposition
to his engagement respecting the Panaro. These things
disturbed the minds of the citizens, and made them, appre-
hensive of new troubles, consider the means to be adopted
for their defence.
The dissatisfaction of the Florentines coming to the know-
ledge of Filippo, he, either to justify himself, or to become
acquainted with their prevailing feelings, or to lull them to
repose, sent ambassadors to the city, to intimate that he was
greatly surprised at the suspicions they entertained, and
offer to revoke whatever he had done that could be
thought a ground of jealousy. This embassy produced no
other effect than that of dividing the citizens ; one party,
that in greatest reputation, judged it best to arm, and pre-
pare to frustrate the enemy's designs; and if he were to re-
main quiet, it would not be necessary to go to war with him,
but an endeavour might be made to preserve peace. Many
others, either envious of those in power, or fearing a rupture
with the duke, considered it unadvisable so lightly to enter-
tain suspicions of an ally, and thought his proceedings need
not have excited so much distrust ; that appointing the Ten
and hiring forces was in itself a manifest declaration of war.
which, if undertaken against so great a prince, would bring
certain ruin upon the city without the hope of any advantage :
for possession could never be retained of the conquests thai
might be made, because Romagna lay between, and the
vicinity of the church ought to prevent any attempt againsl
Romagna itself. However, the views of those who were ir
it. ch. I.a.d. 1422. WAR DISCUSSED. 161
.vour of war prevailed, the Council of Ten were appointed,
>rces were hired, and new taxes levied, which, as they were
ore burdensome upon the lower than the upper ranks, filled
ie city with complaints, and aH«*«Qndemned the ambition
id avarice of the great, declaring that^ to gratify themselves
id oppress the people, they would goMa war without any
.stifiable motive.
They had not yet come to an open rupture with the duke,
it everything tended to excite suspicion ; for Filippo had.
the request of the legate of Bologna (who was in fear of
ntonio Bentivogli, an emigrant of Bologna at Castel Bo-
gnese), sent forces to that city, which, being close upon the
lorentine territory, filled the citizens with apprehension ;
at what gave every one greater alarm, and offered sufficient
;casion for the declaration of war, was the expedition made
9 the duke against Furli. Giorgio Ordelaffi was lord of
iirli, who dying, left Tibaldo, his son, under the guardian-
ip of Filippo. The boy's mother, suspicious of his
lardian, sent him to Lodovico Alidossi, her father, who
as lord of Imola, but she was compelled by the people of
urli to obey the will of her deceased husband, to withdraw
*m from his natural guardian, and place him in the hands
the duke. Upon this Filippo, the better to conceal his
irpose, caused the Marquis of Ferrara to send Guido
:>rello as his agent, with forces, to seize the government of
arli, and thus the territory fell into the duke's hands.
r hen this was known at Florence, together with the arrival
forces at Bologna, the arguments in favour of war were
eatly strengthened, but there were still many opposed to
and amongst the rest Giovanni de' Medici, who publicly
ideavoured to show, that even if the ill designs of the duke
2re perfectly manifest, it would still be better to wait and
t him commence the attack, than to assail him ; for in the
rmer case they would be justified in the view of the princes
Italy as well as in their own ; but if they were to strike
e first blow at the duke, public opinion would be as favour-
ile to him as to themselves ; and besides, they could not
confidently demand assistance as assailants, as they might
> if assailed ; and that men always defend themselves
ore vigorously when they attack others. The advocates
war considered it improper to await the enemy in
n
162 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 1. A.D. 1-
their houses, and better to go and seek him ; that fortu
is always more favourable to assailants than to such
merely act on the defensive, and that it is less injurious, ev
when attended with greater immediate expense, to make 1
at another's door than at our own. These views pi
vailed, and it was resolved that the Ten should provide
the means in their power for rescuing Furli from the han
of the duke.
Filippo, finding the Florentines resolved to occupy I
places he had undertaken to defend, postponed all persoc
considerations, and sent Agnolo della Pergola with a stroi
force against Imola, that Ludovico, having to provide for t.
defence of his own possessions, might be unable to prote
the interests of his grandson. Agnolo approached Imo
whilst the forces of the Florentines were at Modigliana, ai -
an intense frost having rendered the ditches of the city pas ■
able, he crossed them during the night, captured the plac
and sent Lodovico a prisoner to Milan. The Florentin
finding Imola in the hands of the enemy, and the war pu
licly known, sent their forces to Furli and besieged it on i
sides. That the duke's people might not relieve it, the
hired Count Alberigo, who from Zagonara, his own domai
overran the country daily, up to the gates of Imola. Agno
della Pergola, finding the strong position which tl
Florentines had taken prevented him from relieving Fur]
determined to attempt the capture of Zagonara, thinkir
they would not allow that place to be lost, and that in ti
endeavour to relieve it they would be compelled to give u
their design against Furli, and come to an engagement unde
great disadvantage. Thus the duke's people compelle
Alberigo to sue for terms, which he obtained on condition (
giving up Zagonara, if the Florentines did not relieve hii
within fifteen days. This misfortune being known in tl:
Florentine camp and in the city, and all being anxious thj
the enemy should not obtain the expected advantage, the
enabled him to secure a greater ; for having abandoned tb
siege of Furli to go to the relief of Zagonara, on encounterin
the enemy they were soon routed, not so much by the bra
very of their adversaries as by the severity of the season
for, having marched many hours through deep mud and heav
rain, they found the enemy quite fresh, and were therefor
2. a.d. 1423. GENERAL DISCONTENT. 1C3
R vanquished. Nevertheless, in this great defeat, famous
ftout all Italy, no death occurred except those of
.odovico degli Obizi and two of his people, who having
from their horses were drowned in the morass.
CHAPTER II.
ae Florentines murmur against those who had been advocates of the
war — Rinaldo degli Albizzi encourages the citizens — Measures for the
■ prosecution of the war — Attempt of the higher classes to deprive thfc
plebeians of their share in the government — Rinaldo degli Albizzi ad-
dresses an assembly of citizens and advises the restoration of the Grandi
— Niccolo da Uzzano wishes to have Giovanni de' Medici on their side
— Giovanni disapproves of the advice of Rinaldo degli Albizzi.
he defeat at Zagonara spread consternation throughout
orence ; but none felt it so severely as the nobility, who
.d been in favour of the war ; for they perceived their
emies to be inspirited and themselves disarmed, without
ends, and opposed by the people, who at the corners of
•eets insulted them with sarcastic expressions, complaining
the heavy taxes, and the unnecessary war, and saying.
Oh ! they appointed the Ten to frighten the enemy. Have
3y relieved Furli, and rescued her from the hands of the
ke ? No ! but their designs have been discovered ; and
lat had they in view ? not the defence of liberty ; for they
not love her ; but to aggrandize their own power, which
»d has very justly abated. This is not the only enterprise
many a one with which they have oppressed the city ; for
i war against King Ladislaus was of a similar kind. To
om will they flee for assistance now ? to Pope Martin,
om they ridiculed before the face of Braccio ; or to Queen
)vanna, whom they abandoned, and compelled to throw
•self under the protection of the king of Arragon ?*' To
se reproaches was added all that might be expected from
enraged multitude.
Seeing the discontent so prevalent, the Signory resolved
assemble a few citizens, and with soft words endeavour
soothe the popular irritation. On this occasion, Rinaldo
^li Albizzi, the eldest son of Maso, who, by his own
M 2
164 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 2. a.d. 1423
talents and the respect he derived from the memory of hh
father, aspired to the first offices in the government, spoke a
great length ; showing that it is not right to judge of action.'
merely by their effects ; for it often happens that what ha;
been very maturely considered is attended with unfavourable
results : that if we are to applaud evil counsels because the^
are sometimes followed by fortunate events, we should onl;
encourage men in error which would bring great mischief upoi
the republic ; because evil counsel is not always attendee
with happy consequences. In the same way, it would b<
wrong to blame a wise resolution, because of its being at
tended with an unfavourable issue ; for by so doing, we shoulc
destroy the inclination of citizens to offer advice and speali
the truth. He then showed the propriety of undertaking th<
WM ; and that if it had not been commenced by the Floren
tines in Romagna the duke would have assailed them in Tus -
cany. But since it had pleased God, that the Florentine
people should be overcome, their loss would be still greater i I
they allowed themselves to be dejected; but if they set 1
bold front against adversity, and made good use of the mean
within their power, they would not be sensible of their los
or the duke of his victory. He assured them they ought no
to be alarmed by impending expenses and consequent taxa<
tion ; because the latter might be reduced, and the futur
expense would not be so great as the former had been ; fo
less preparation is necessary for those engaged in self-defenc
than for those who design to attack others. He advised then
to imitate the conduct of their forefathers, who, by courageou
conduct in adverse circumstances, had defended themselve
against all their enemies.
Thus encouraged, the citizens engaged Count Oddo the soi l
of Braccio, and united with him, for directing the operation
of the war, Niccolo Piccinino, a pupil of his father's, and on
of the most celebrated of all who had served under him. T
these they added other leaders, and remounted some of thos
who had lost their horses in the late defeat. They als
appointed twenty citizens to levy new taxes, who finding th
Great quite subdued by the recent loss, took courage an
drained them without mercy.
These burdens were very grievous to the nobility, who a
first, in order to conciliate, did not complain of their ow
B. iv. ch.2.a.d. 1423. E.INALDO DEGLI ALBIZZI. 165
particular hardships, but censured the tax generally as unjust,
md advised that something should be done in the way of
relief; but their advice was rejected in the Councils. There-
fore, to render the law as offensive as possible, and to make
all sensible of its injustice, they contrived that the taxes
should be levied with the utmost rigour, and made it lawful
to kill any that might resist the officers employed to collect
them. Hence followed many lamentable collisions, attended
-with the blood and death of citizens. It began to be the im-
pression of all, that arms would be resorted to, and all prudent
persons apprehended some approaching evil ; for the higher
ranks, accustomed to be treated with respect, could not en-
dure to be used like dogs ; and the rest were desirous that
the taxation should be equalized. In consequence of this
wtate of things, many of the first citizens met together, and it
was resolved that it had become necessary for their safety, that
■flome attempt should be made to recover the government ;
wince their want of vigilance had encouraged men to censure
public actions, and allowed those to interfere in affairs who
had hitherto been merely the leaders of the rabble. Having
repeatedly discussed the subject, they resolved to meet again
at an appointed hour, when upwards of seventy citizens
assembled in the church of St. Stephen, with the permission
of Lorenzo Ridolfi and Francesco Gianfigliazzi, both members
of the Signory. Giovanni de' Medici was not among them,
either because being under suspicion he was not invited.
or that entertaining different views he was unwilling to in-
terfere.
Rinaldo degli Albizzi addressed the assembly, describing
the condition of the city, and showing how by their own
negligence it had again fallen under the power of the ple-
beians, from whom it had been wrested by their fathers in
1381. He reminded them of the iniquity of the govern-
ment which was in power from 1378 to 1381, and that all
who were then present had to lament, some a father, others
a grandfather, put to death by its tyranny. He assured
them they were now in the same danger, and that the city
was sinking under the same disorders. The multitude had
already imposed a tax of its own authority ; and would soon,
if not restrained by greater force or better regulations, appoint
the magistrates, who, in this case, would occupy their places,
166 HISTORY Or FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 2.a.d 1423
and overturn the government which for forty-two yean
had ruled the city with so much glory ; the citizens would
then be subject to the will of the multitude, and live
disorderly and dangerous, or be under the command of some
individual who might make himself prince. For these reasons
he was of opinion, that whoever loved his country and his
honour must arouse himself, and call to mind the virtue ol
Bardo Mancini, who, by the ruin of the Alberti, rescued the
city from the dangers then impending ; and that the cause of
the audacity now assumed by the multitude was the extensive
Squittini or Pollings, which, by their negligence, were
allowed to be made; for thus the palace had become filled
with low men. He therefore concluded, that the only
means of remedying the evil was to restore the government
to the nobility, and diminish the authority of the minor
trades by reducing the companies from fourteen to seven,
which would give the plebeians less authority in the councils,
both by the reduction in their number and by increasing the
authority of the Great ; who, on account of former enmities,
would be disinclined to favour them. He added, that it is a
good thing to know how to avail themselves of men according
to the times ; and that as their fathers had used the ple-
beians to reduce the influence of the Great, that now, the
Great having been humbled, and the plebeians become inso-
lent, it was well to restrain the insolence of the latter by the
assistance of the former. To effect this they might proceed
either openly or otherwise, for some of them belonging to the
Council of Ten, forces might be led into the city without ex-
citing observation.
Rinaldo was much applauded, and his advice was approved
of by the whole assembly. Niccolo da Uzano, who, among
others, replied to it, said, " All that Rinaldo had advanced was
correct, and the remedies he proposed good and certain, if
they could be adopted without an absolute division of the
city ; and this he had no doubt would be effected if they
could induce Giovanni de' Medici to join them ; for with him
on their side, the multitude being deprived of their chief
and stay, would be unable to oppose them ; but that if he did
not concur -with them they could do nothing without arms,
and that with them they would incur the risk of being van-
quished, or of not being able to reap the fruit of victory."
B. iv. ch. 2. a.d. 1423. SPEECH OF GIOVANNI. 167
He then modestly reminded them of what he had said
upon a former occasion, and of their reluctance to remedy
the evil when it might easily have been done : that now
the same remedy could not be attempted without incurring
the danger of greater evils, and therefore there was nothing
left for them to do but to gain him over to their side, if prac-
ticable. Rinaldo was then commissioned to wait upon
Giovanni and try if he could induce him to join them.
He undertook this commission, and in the most prevailing
-words he could make use of endeavoured to induce him to
coincide with their views ; and begged that he would not, by
favouring an audacious mob, enable them to complete the
ruin both of the government and the city. To this Giovanni
replied, that he considered it the duty of a good and wise
citizen to avoid altering the institutions to which a city is
accustomed ; there being nothing so injurious to the people
as such a change ; for many are necessarily offended, and
where there are several discontented, some unpropitious
event may be constantly apprehended. He said it appeared
to him that their resolution would have two exceedingly
pernicious effects ; the one conferring honours on those who,
having never possessed them, esteemed them the less, and
therefore had the less occasion to grieve for their absence ;
the other taking them from those who being accustomed to
their possession would never be at rest till they were restored
to them. It would thus be evident that the injury done to
one party, was greater than the benefit they had conferred
upon the other ; so that whoever was the author of the pro-
position, he would gain few friends and make many enemies,
and that the latter would be more resolutely bent upon
injuring him than the former would be zealous for his
defence, for mankind are naturally more disposed to revenge
than to gratitude, as if the latter could only be exercised
with some inconvenience to themselves, whilst the former
brings alike gratification and profit. Then, directing his
discourse more particularly to Rinaldo, be said, " And you,
if you could call to mind past events, and knew how craftily
affairs are conducted in this city, would not be so eager in
this pursuit ; for he who advises it, when by your aid he has
wrested the power from the people, will, with the people's
assistance, who will have become your enemies, deprive you
168 HISTORT OJT FLORENCE. B. xv. cu. 3. a.d. 142J.
of it. And it will happen to you as to Benedetto AVberti,
who, at the persuasion of those who were not his friends,
consented to the ruin of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi,
and shortly afterwards was himself sent into exile by the
very same men." He therefore advised Rinaldo to think
more maturely of these things, and endeavour to imitate his
father, who, to obtain the benevolence of all, reduced the price
of salt, provided that whoever owed taxes under half a florin
should be at liberty to pay them or not, as he thought
proper, and that at the meeting of the Councils every one
should be free from the importunities of his creditors. He
concluded by saying, that as regarded himself, he was dis-
posed to let the government of the city remain as it was.
CHAPTER III.
Giovanni de' Medici acquires the favour of the people — Bravery of
Biaggio del Melano — Baseness of Zanobi del Pino — The Florentines
obtain the friendship of the lord of Faenza — League of the Florentines
with the Venetians— Origin of the Catasto— The rich citizens discon-
tented with it — Peace with the duke of Milan — New disturbances on
account of the Catasto.
These events, and the circumstances attending them, be-
coming known to the people, contributed greatly to increase
the reputation of Giovanni, and brought odium on those who
had made the proposals ; but he assumed an appearance of
indifference, in order to give less encouragement to those
who by his influence were desirous of change. In his dis-
course he intimated to every one that it is not advisable to
promote factions, but rather to extinguish them ; and that
whatever might be expected of him, he only sought the
union of the city. This, however, gave offence to many of
his party; for they would have rather seen him exhibit
greater activity. Amongst others so disposed, was Alaman-
no de' Medici, who being of a restless disposition, never
ceased exciting him to persecute enemies and favour friends ;
condemning his coldness and slow method of proceeding,
B. iv. en. 3. a.d. 1423. COURAGE OF. BIAGGIO. 169
which he said was the cause of his enemies' practising against
him, and that these practices would one day effect the ruin
of himself and his friends. He endeavoured to excite Cosmo,
his son, with similar discourses ; but Giovanni, for all that
was either disclosed or foretold him, remained unmoved,
although parties were now declared, and the city in manifest
disunion.
There were at the palace, in the service of the Signory,
two chancellors, Ser Martino and Ser Pagolo. The latter
favoured the party of Niccolo da Uzano, the former that of
Giovanni ; and Rinaldo, seeing Giovanni unwilling to join
them, thought it would be advisable to deprive Ser Martino
of his office, that he might have the palace more completely
under his control. The design becoming known to his
adversaries, Ser Martino was retained and Ser Pagolo dis-
charged, to the great injury and displeasure of Rinaldo and
his party. This circumstance would soon have produced
most mischievous effects, but for the war with which the city
was threatened, and the recent defeat suffered at Zagonara,
which served to check the audacity of the people ; for whilst
these events were in progress at Florence, Agnolo della
Pergola, with the forces of the duke, had taken all the towns
and cities possessed by the Florentines in Romagna, except
Castrocaro and Modigliano ; partly from the weakness of the
places themselves, and partly by the misconduct of those
who had the command of them. In the course of the cam-
paign, two instances occurred which served to show how
greatly courage is admired even in enemies, and how much
cowardice and pusillanimity are despised.
Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte
Petroso. Being surrounded by enemies, and seeing no
chance of saving the place, which was already in flames, he
cast clothes and straw from a part which was not yet on fire,
and upon these he threw his two little children, saying to the
enemy, " Take to yourselves those goods which fortune has
bestowed upon me, and of which you may deprive me ; but
those of the mind, in which my honour and glory consist, I will
not give up. neither can you wrest them from me." The be-
siegers ran to save the children, and placed for their father
ropes and ladders, by which to save himself, but he would
not use them, and rather chose to die in the flames than owe
170 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 3. a.d. 1423
his safety to the enemies of his country : an example worthy
of that much lauded antiquity, which offers nothing to sur-
pass it, and which we admire the more from the rarity of
any similar occurrence. Whatever could be recovered from
the ruins, was restored for the use of the children, and
carefully conveyed to their friends ; nor was the republic
less grateful ; for as long as they lived, they were supported 1
at her charge.
An example of an opposite character occurred at Galeata,
where Zanobi del Pino was governor ; he, without offering
the least resistance, gave up the fortress to the enemy ; and
besides this, advised Agnolo della Pergola to leave the Alps
of Romagna, and come among the smaller hills of Tuscany,
where he might carry on the war with less danger and greater
advantage. Agnolo could not endure the mean and base
spirit of this man, and delivered him to his own attendants,
who, after many reproaches, gave him nothing to eat but
paper painted with snakes, saying, that of a Guelph they
would make him a Ghibelline ; and thus fasting, he died in
a few days.
At this time Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered
the Val di Lamona, with the design of bringing the lord of
Faenza over to the Florentines, or at least inducing him to
restrain the incursions of Agnolo della Pergola into Romagna ;
but as this valley is naturally strong, and its inhabitants war-
like, Count Oddo was slain there, and Niccolo Piccinino sent
a prisoner to Faenza. Fortune, however, caused the Floren-
tines to obtain by their loss, what, perhaps, they would have
failed to acquire by victory ; for Niccolo so prevailed with
the lord of Faenza and his mother, that they became friends
of the Florentines. By this treaty, Niccolo Piccinino was set at
liberty, but did not take the advice he had given others ; for
whilst in treaty with the city, concerning the terms of his
engagement, either the conditions proposed were insufficient,
or he found better elsewhere ; for quite suddenly he left
Arezzo, where he had been staying, passed into Lombardy,
and entered the service of the duke.
The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance, and reduced
to despondency by their frequent losses, thought themselves
unable to sustain the war alone, and sent ambassadors to the
Venetians, to beg they would lend their aid to oppose the
IV it. 01. 3. A. D. 1423. TREATY WITH VENICE. 1 71
greatness of one who, if allowed to aggrandise himself,
would soon become as dangerous to them as to the Flo-
rentines themselves. The Venetians were advised to adopt
the same course by Francesco Carmignuola, one of the most
distinguished warriors of those times, who had been in the
service of the duke, and had afterwards quitted it ; but they
hesitated, not knowing how far to trust him ; for they thought
his enmity with the duke was only feigned. Whilst in this
suspense, it was found that the duke, by means of a servant
of Carmignuola, had caused poison to be given him in his
food, which, although it was not fatal, reduced him to ex-
tremity. The truth being discovered, the Venetians laid
aside their suspicion ; and as the Florentines still solicited
their assistance, a treaty was formed between the two powers,
by which they agreed to carry on the war at the common
expense of both : the conquests in Lombardy to be assigned
to the Venetians ; those in Romagna and Tuscany to the
Florentines ; and Carmignuola was appointed Captain- general
of the League. By this treaty the war was commenced in
Lombardy, where it was admirably conducted ; for in a few
months many places were taken from the duke, together with
the city of Brescia, the capture of which was in those days
considered a most brilliant exploit.
The war had continued from 1422 to 1427, and the
citizens of Florence were so wearied of the taxes that had
been imposed during that time, that it was resolved to revise
them, preparatory to their amelioration. That they might
be equalized according to the means of each citizen, it was
proposed that whoever possessed property of the value of
one hundred florins should pay half a florin of taxes. Indi-
vidual contribution would thus be determined by an inva-
riable rule, and not left to the discretion of parties ; and as it
was found that the new method would press heavily upon the
powerful classes, they used their utmost endeavours to pre-
vent it from becoming law. Giovanni de' Medici alone de-
clared himself in favour of it, and by his means it was passed.
In order to determine the amount each had to pay, it was
necessary to consider his property in the aggregate, which
the Florentines call accatastare, and which in this application
of it would signify to rate or value, and hence this tax re-
ceived the name of catasto. The new method of rating
172 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 3. a.d. 1427.
formed a powerful check to the tyranny of the Great, who
could no longer oppress the lower classes, or silence them
with threats in the council as they had formerly done, and it
therefore gave general satisfaction, though to the wealthy
classes it was in the highest degree offensive.] But as it is
found men are never satisfied, but that the possession of one
advantage only makes them desire more, the people, not
content with the equality of taxation which the new law pro-
duced, demanded that the same rule should be applied to
past years ; that an investigation should be made to deter-
mine how much, according to the Catasto, the rich had paid
less than their share, and that they should now pay up to an
equality with those who, in order to meet the demand un-
justly made, had been compelled to sell their possessions.
This proposal alarmed the Great more than the Catasto had
done ; and in self-defence they unceasingly decried it, declar-
ing it in the highest degree unjust in being laid not only
on immoveable but movable property, which people possess
to-day and lose to-morrow ; that many persons have hidden
wealth which the Catasto cannot reach ; that those who leave
their own affairs to manage those of the republic ought to
be less burdened by her, it being enough for them to
give their labour, and that it was unjust of the city to take
both their property and their time, whilst of others she only
took money. The advocates of the Catasto replied, that if
moveable property varies, the taxes would also vary, and fre-
quently rating it would remedy the evil to which it was sub-
ject ; that it was unnecessary to mention those who possessed
hidden property ; for it would be unreasonable to take taxes
for that which produced no interest, and that if it paid any-
thing, it could not fail to be discovered : that those who did
not like to labour for the republic might cease to do so ; for
no doubt she would find plenty of loving citizens who would
take pleasure in assisting her with both money and counsel :
that the advantages and honours of a participation in the
government are so great, that of themselves they are a suffi-
cient remuneration to those who thus employ themselves,
without wishing to be excused from paying their share of taxes.
But, they added, the real grievance had not been mentioned :
for those who were offended with the Catasto, regretted
they could no longer involve the city in all the difficulties of
a cm. 3. a. d. 1428. P£ACE CONCLUDED. 173
war without injury to themselves, now that they had to con-
tribute like the rest ; and that if this law had then been in
force they would not have gone to war with King Ladislaus,
or the Duke Filippo, both which enterprises had been com-
menced not through necessity, but to impoverish the citizens.
The excitement w r as appeased by Giovanni de' Medici who
said, " It is not well to go into things so long past, unless to
learn something for our present guidance ; and if in former
times the taxation has been unjust, we ought to be thankful,
that we have now discovered a method of making it equitable,
and hope that this will be the means of uniting the citizens,
not of dividing them; which would certainly be the case were
they to attempt the recovery of taxes for the past, and make
them equal to the present ; and that he who is content with
a moderate victory is always most successful ; for those who
who would more than conquer, commonly lose." With such
words as these he calmed the disturbance, and this retrospect-
ive equalization was no longer contemplated.
The war with the duke still continued ; but peace was at
length restored by means of a legate of the pope. The
duke, however, from the first disregarded the conditions, so
that the league again took arms, and meeting the enemy's
forces at Maclovio routed them. After this defeat the duke
again made proposals for peace, to which the Venetians and
Florentines both agreed ; the former from jealousy of the
Venetians, thinking they had spent quite enough money in
the aggrandisement of others ; the latter, because they found
Carmignuolo, after the defeat of the duke, proceed but
coldly in their cause ; so that they thought it no longer safe
to trust him. A treaty was therefore concluded in 1428,
by which the Florentines recovered the places they had
lost in Romagna ; and the Venetians kept Brescia, to which
the duke added Bergamo and the country around it. In this
war the Florentines expended three millions and a half of
ducats, extended the territory and power of the Venetians,
and brought poverty and disunion upon themselves.
Being at peace with their neighbours, domestic troubles
recommenced. The great citizens could not endure the
Catasto, and not knowing how to set it aside, they endea-
voured to raise up more numerous enemies to the measure,
and thus provide themselves with allies to assist them in
174 HISTOEY OF FLORENCE. B. iv.ch. 4. a.d Ui8.
annulling it. They therefore instructed the officers appointed
to levy the tax, that the law required them to extend the
Oatasto over the property of their nearest neighbours, to see
if Florentine wealth was concealed among it. The depend-
ent states were therefore ordered to present a schedule of
their property against a certain time. This was extremely
offensive to the people of Volterra, who sent to the Signory to
complain of it ; but the officers, in great wrath committed
eighteen of the complainants to prison. The Volterrani how-
ever, out of a regard for their fellow countrymen who were
arrested, did not proceed to any violence.
CHAPTER IV.
Death of Giovanni de' Medici — His character — Insurrection of Volterra —
Volterra returns to her allegiance — Niccolo Fortebraccio attacks the
Lucchese — Diversity of opinion upon the Lucchese war — War with
Lucca — Astorre Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi appointed commis-
saries — Violence of Astorre Gianni.
About this time Giovanni de' Medici was taken ill, and, find-
ing his end approach, called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to
him, to give them his last advice, and said, " I find I have
nearly reached the term which God and nature appointed at
my birth, and I die content, knowing that I leave you rich,
healthy, and of such standing in society, that if you pursue
the same course that I have, you will live respected in Flo-
rence, and in favour with every one. Nothing cheers me so
much at this moment, as the recollection that I have never
wilfully offended any one ; but have always used my utmost
endeavours to confer benefits upon all. I would have you do
so too. With regard to state affairs, if you would live in
security, take just such a share as the laws and your country-
men think proper to bestow, thus you will escape both danger
and envy ; for it is not what is given to any individual, but
what he has determined to possess, that occasions odium.
You will thus have a larger share than those who endeavour
to engross more than belongs to them ; for they thus usually
lose their own, and before they lose it, live in constant dis-
B. iv, ch. 4. a.d. 1428.
DEATH OF GIOVANNI.
175
quiet. By adopting this method, although amongst so many
enemies, and surrounded by so many conflicting interests, I
have not only maintained my reputation but increased my in-
fluence. If you pursue the same course, you will be attended
by the same good fortune ; if otherwise, you may be assured,
Br end will resemble that of those who in our own times have
ight ruin both upon themselves and their families." Soon
r this interview with his sons, Giovanni died, regretted
by every one, as his many excellences deserved. He was
compassionate ; not only bestowing alms on those who asked
them, but very frequently relieved the necessities of the poor,
without having been solicited so to do. He loved all ; praised
the good, and pitied the infirmities of the wicked. He never
sought the honours of government; yet enjoyed them all;
and never went to the palace unless by request. He loved
peace and shunned war ; relieved mankind in adversity, and
assisted them in prosperity ; never applied the public money
to his own uses, but contributed to the public wealth. He
was courteous in office ; not a man of great eloquence, but pos-
sessed of extraordinary prudence. His demeanour expressed
melancholy ; but after a short time his conversation became
pleasant and facetious. He died exceedingly rich in money,
but still more in good fame and the best wishes of man-
kind ; and the wealth and respect he left behind him were
not only preserved but increased by his son Cosmo.
The Volterran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison,
and to obtain their liberty, promised to comply with the com-
mands of the Florentines. Being set free and returned to
their city, the time arrived for their new Priors to enter upon
office, and among those who were drawn, was one named
Giusto, a plebeian, but possessing great influence with his
class, and one of those who had been imprisoned at Florence.
He, being inflamed with hatred against the Florentines on
account of his public as well as personal injuries, was fur-
ther stimulated by Giovanni di Contugi, a man of noble
family, and his colleague in office, to induce the people, by
the authority of the priors and his own influence, to with-
draw their country from the power of the Florentines, and
make himself prince. Prompted by these motives, Giusto
took arms, rode through the city, seized the Capitano, who
resided in it, on behalf of the Florentines, and with the
176 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 4 a.d. 1429.
consent of the people, became lord of Volterra. This cir-
cumstance greatly displeased the Florentines ; but having
just 'made peace with the duke, and the treaty being yet
uninfringed on either side, they thought themselves in a con-
dition to recover the place ; and that the opportunity might
not be lost, they immediately appointed Rinaldo degli Albizzi
and Palla Strozzi commissaries, and sent them upon the ex-
pedition. In the meantime, Giusto, who expected the Flo-
rentines would attack him, requested assistance of Lucca and
Sienna. The latter refused, alleging her alliance with Flo-
rence ; and Pagolo Guinigi, to regain the favour of the
Florentines, which he imagined he had lost in the war
with the duke and by his friendship for Filippo, not only
refused assistance to Giusto, but sent his messenger prisoner
to Florence.
The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares,
assembled their cavalry, and having raised a good body of
infantry in the Val d'Arno Inferiore, and the country about
Pisa, proceeded to Volterra. Although attacked by the
Florentine" and abandoned by his neighbours, Giusto did
not yield to fear ; but, trusting to the strength of the city
and the ruggedness of the country around it, prepared for
his defence.
There lived at Volterra one Arcolano, brother of that Gio-
vanni Contugi who had persuaded Giusto to assume the
command. He possessed influence among the nobility, and
having assembled a few of his most confidential friends, he
assured them that by this event, God had come to the relief
of their necessities ; for if they would only take arms, de-
prive Giusto of the Signory, and give up the city to the
Florentines, they might be sure of obtaining the principal
offices, and the place would retain all its ancient privileges.
Having gained them over, they went to the palace in
which Giusto resided ; and while part of them remained
below, Arcolano, with three others, proceeded to the chamber
above, where finding him with some citizens, they drew him
aside, as if desirous to communicate something of importance,
and conversing on different subjects, led him to the lower
apartment, and fell upon him with their swords. They, how-
ever, were not so quick as to prevent Giusto from making
use of his own weapon ; for with it he seriously wounded
B. iv. en. 4.A.D. 1429. WAR PROJECTED. 177
two of them ; but being unable to resist so many, he was at
last slain, and his body thrown into the street. Arcolano
and his party gave up the city to the Florentine commissaries,
who, being at hand with their forces, immediately took pos-
session ; but the condition of Volterra was worse than before ;
for among other things which operated to her disadvantage,
most of the adjoining country was separated from her, and
she was reduced to the rank of a vicariate.
Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the
same time, present circumstances afforded nothing of suffi-
:ient importance to occasion a new war, if ambition had not
igain provoked one. Niccolo Fortebraccio, the son of a
sister of Braccio da Perugia, had been in the service of the
Florentines during most of their wars with the duke. Upon
he restoration of peace he was discharged ; but when the
iffair of Volterra took place, being encamped with his people
it Fucecchio, the commissaries availed themselves both of
limself and his forces. Some thought that while Rinaldo
:onducted the expedition along with him, he persuaded him,
mder one pretext or another, to attack the Lucchese, assuring
lim, that if he did so, the Florentines would consent to
mdertake an expedition against them, and would appoint
urn to the command. When Volterra was recovered, and
Piccolo returned to his quarters at Fucecchio, he, either at
he persuasion of Rinaldo, or of his own accord, in November,
429, took possession of Ruoti and Compito, castles belong-
ng to the Lucchese, with three hundred cavalry and as many
nfantry, and then descending into the plain, plundered the
nhabitants to a vast amount. The news of this incursion
laving reached Florence, persons of all classes were seen
gathered in parties throughout the city discussing the matter,
nd nearly all were in favour of an expedition against Lucca.
)f the Grandees" thus disposed, were the Medici and their
►arty, and with them also Rinaldo, either because he thought
he enterprise beneficial to the republic, or induced by his
»wn ambition and the expectation of being appointed to the
ommand. Niccolo da Uzano and his party were opposed to
he war. It seems scarcely credible that s-i contrary
•pinions should prevail, though at different tines, in the
ame men and the same city, upon the subject of war ; for
he same citizens and people that, during the ten years of
178 HTSTORY OF FLORENCE, B. iv. ch. 4. a.d. 141
peace, had incessantly blamed the war undertaken again
Duke Filippo, in defence of liberty, now, after so much e:
pense and trouble, with their utmost energy, insisted on ho;
tilities against Lucca, which, if successful, would deprrs .
that city of her liberty ; while those who had been in favoi
of a war with the duke, were opposed to the present ; s
much more ready are the multitude to covet the possessior
of others than to preserve their own, and so much mon
easily are they led by the hope of acquisition than by the fej
of loss. The suggestions of the latter appear incredible ti
they are verified ; and the pleasing anticipations of the forme
are cherished as facts, even whilst the advantages are ver
problematical, or at best, remote. The people of Florenc I
were inspired with hope, by the acquisitions which Niccol
Fortebraccio had made, and by letters received from thel
rectors in the vicinity of Lucca ; for their deputies at Vic
and Pescia had written, that if permission were given t
them to receive the castles that offered to surrender, th j
whole country of Lucca would very soon be obtained. 1 1
must, however, be added, that an ambassador was sent M
the governor of Lucca to Florence, to complain of the attac
made by Niccolo, and to entreat that the Signory would nc I
make war against a neighbour, and a city that had alway
been friendly to them. The ambassador was Jacopo Vivi
ani, who, a short time previously had been imprisoned b
Pagolo Guinigi, governor of Lucca, for having conspirei
against him. Although he had been found guilty, his lif
was spared, and as Pagolo thought the forgiveness mutua]
he reposed confidence in him. Jacopo, more mindful of th
danger he had incurred than of the lenity exercised toward
him, on his arrival in Florence secretly instigated the citizen
to hostilities; and these instigations, added to other hopes
induced the Signory to call the Council together, at whicl
498 citizens assembled, before whom the principal men o
the city discussed the question.
Among the first who addressed the assembly in favour o
the expedition, was Rinaldo. He pointed out the advantage
that would accrue from the acquisition, and justified th<
enterprise from its being left open to them by the Venetian;
and the duke, and that as the pope was engaged in the
affairs of Naples, he could not interfere. He then remarkec
ch. 4. a.d. 1429. XICCOLO DA UZAXO. 179
upon the facility of the expedition, showing that Lucca, being
now in bondage to one of her own citizens, had lost her
natural vigour and former anxiety for the preservation of her
liberty, and would either be surrendered to them by the
people in order to expel the tyrant, or by the tyrant for fear
of the people. He recalled the remembrance of the injuries
done to the republic by the governor of Lucca ; his malevo-
lent disposition towards them ; and their embarrassing situa-
tion with regard to him, if the pope or the duke were to
make war upon them ; and concluded that no enterprise was
ever undertaken by the people of Florence with such perfect
facility, more positive advantage, or greater justice in its
favour.
In reply to this, Niccolo da Uzano stated that the city of
Florence never entered on a more unjust or more dangerous
the project, or one more pregnant with evil, than this. In
first place they were going to attack a Guelphic city, that
had always been friendly to the Florentine people, and had
frequently, at great hazard, received the Guelphs into her
bosom when they were expelled from their own country.
That in the history of the past there was not an instance,
whilst Lucca was free, of her having done an injury to the
Florentines ; and that if they had been injured by her en-
slavers, as formerly by Castruccio, and now by the present
governor, the fault was not in the city, but in her tyrant.
That if they could assail the latter without detriment to the
people, he should have less scruple, but as this was im-
possible, he could not consent that a city which had been
friendly to Florence should be plundered of her w r ealth.
However, as it was usual at present to pay little or no regard
either to equity or injustice, he would consider the matter
solely with reference to the advantage of Florence. He
thought that what could not easily be attended by pernicious
consequences might be esteemed useful, but he could not
imagine how an enterprise should be called advantageous in
which the evils were certain and the utility doubtful. The
certain evils were the expenses with which it would be
attended ; and these, he foresaw, would be sufficiently great
to alarm even a people that had long been in repose, much
more one wearied, as they were, by a tedious and expensive
war. The advantage that might be gained was the acquisi-
x 2
180 HISTORY OF "FLORENCE, B. iv. ch. 4. a n. 1429
tion of Lucca, which he acknowledged to be great ; but the
hazards were so enormous and immeasurable, as in his
opinion to render the conquest quite impossible. He could
not induce himself to believe that the Venetians, or Filippo,
would willingly allow them to make the acquisition ; for the I
former only consented in appearance, in order to avoid the
semblance of ingratitude, having so lately, with Florentine I
money, acquired such an extent of dominion. That as re-
garded the duke, it would greatly gratify him to see them
involved in new wars and expenses ; for, being exhausted and
defeated on all sides, he might again assail them ; and that
if, after having undertaken it, their enterprise against Lucca
were to prove successful, and offer them the fullest hope of
victory, the duke would not want an opportunity of frus-
trating their labours, either by assisting the Lucchese secretly
with money, or by apparently disbanding his own troops,
and then sending them, as if they were soldiers of fortune, to
their relief. He therefore advised that they should give up
the idea, and behave towards the tyrant in such a way as to
create him as many enemies as possible ; for there was no
better method of reducing Lucca than to let her live under
the tyrant, oppressed and exhausted by him ; for, if pru-
dently managed, that city would soon get into such a con-
dition that he could not retain it, and being ignorant or
unable to govern itself, it must of necessity fall into their
power. But he saw that his discourse did not please them,
and that his words were unheeded; he would, however,
predict this to them, that they were about to commence a
war in which they would expend vast sums, incur great
domestic dangers, and instead of becoming masters of Lucca,
they would deliver her from her tyrant, and of a friendly
city, feeble and oppressed, they would make one free and
hostile, and that in time she would become an obstacle to
the greatness of their own republic.
The question having been debated on both sides, they
proceeded to vote, as usual, and of the citizens present only
ninety-eight were against the enterprise. Thus determined
in favour of war, they appointed a Council of Ten for its
management, and hired forces, both horse and foot. Astorre
Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi were appointed commis-
saries, and Niccolo Fortebraccio, on agreeing to give up to
n. iv. en 5.A.D. 1429. VIOLENCE OF ASTORRE GIANNI. 181
the Florentines the places he had taken, was engaged to
conduct the enterprise as their captain. The commissaries
having arrived with the army in the country of the Lucchese,
divided their forces ; one part of which, under Astorre,
extended itself along the plain, towards Camaiore and Pietra-
santa, whilst Rinaldo, with the other division, took the
direction of the hills, presuming that when the citizens found
themselves deprived of the surrounding country, they would
easily submit. The proceedings of the commissaries were
unfortunate, not that they failed to occupy many places, but
from the complaints made againt them of mismanaging the
operations of the war ; and Astorre Gianni had certainly
given very sufficient cause for the charges against him.
There is a fertile and populous valley near Pietrasanta,
called Seravezza, whose inhabitants, on learning the arrival of
the commissary, presented themselves before him, and begged
he would receive them as faithful subjects of the Florentine
republic. Astorre pretended to accept their proposal, but
immediately ordered his forces to take possession of all the
passes and strong positions of the valley, assembled the men
in the principal church, took them all prisoners, and then
caused his people to plunder and destroy the whole country,
with the greatest avarice and cruelty, making no distinction
in favour of consecrated places, and violating the women,
both married and single. These things being known in
Florence, displeased not only the magistracy, but the whole
city.
CHAPTER V.
The inhabitants of Seravezza appeal to the Signory — Complaints against
Rinaldo degli Albizzi — The commissaries changed — Filippo Brunelleschi
proposes to submerge the country about Lucca — Pagolo Guinigi asks
mce of the duke of Milan — The duke sends Francesco Sforza —
Pagolo Guinigi expelled — The Florentines routed by the forces of the
duke — The acquisitions of the Lucchese after the victory — Conclusion
of the war.
A few of the inhabitants of the valley of Seravezza, having
escaped the hands of the commissary, came to Florence and
182 HISTORY OF FLOEEXCE. B. iv. ch. 5. A.D.142S
acquainted every one in the streets with their miserable situ-
ation ; and by the advise of those who, either through indig-
nation at his wickedness or from being of the opposite party
wished to punish the commissary, they went to the Council oJ
Ten, and requested an audience. This being granted, one oi
them spoke to the following effect : — " We feel assured,
magnificent lords, that we shall find credit and compassion
from the Signory, when you learn how your commissary has I
taken possession of our country, and in what manner he has I
treated us. Our valley, as the memorials of your ancient I
houses abundantly testify, was always Guelphic, and has
often proved a secure retreat to your citizens when persecuted
by the Ghibellines. Our forefathers, and ourselves too, have
always revered the name of this noble republic as the leader
and head of their party. Whilst the Lucchese were Guelphs
we willingly submitted to their government ; but when en-
slaved by the tyrant, who forsook his old friends to join the
Ghibelline faction, we have obeyed him more through force
than goodwill. And God knows how often we have prayed,
that we might have an opportunity of showing our attach-
ment to our ancient party. But how blind are mankind in
their wishes ! That which we desired for our safety has
proved our destruction. As soon as we learned that your
ensigns were approaching, we hastened to meet your com-
missary, not as an enemy, but as the representative of our
ancient lords ; placed our valley, our persons, and our fortunes
in his hands, and commended them to his good faith, be-
lieving him to possess the soul, if not of a Florentine, at
least of a man. Your lordships will forgive us ; for, unable
to support his cruelties, we are compelled to speak. Your
commissary has nothing of a man but the shape, nor of a
Florentine but the name ; a more deadly pest, a more savage
beast, a more horrid monster never was imagined in the
human mind ; for, having assembled us in our church, under
pretence of wishing to speak with us, he made us prisoners.
He then burnt and destroyed the whole valley, carried off our
property, ravaged every place, destroyed everything, violated
the women, dishonoured the virgins, and dragging them from
the arms of their mothers, gave them up to the brutality of
his soldiery. If by any injury to the Florentine people we
merited such treatment, or if he had vanquished us armed in
B. it.cr..'S.a.d. 1430. ArPEAL FROM SERA.VEZZA. 183
our defence, we should have less reason for complaint ; we
should have accused ourselves, and thought that either our
mismanagement or our arrogance had deservedly brought the
calamity upon us ; but after having freely presented ourselves
to him unarmed, to be robbed and plundered with such un-
feeling barbarity, is more than we can bear. And though we
might have filled Lombardy with complaints and charges
against this city, and spread the story of our misfortunes
over the whole of Italy, we did not wish to slander so just
and pious a republic, with the baseness and perfidy of one
wicked citizen, whose cruelty and avarice, had we known
them before our ruin was complete, we should have endea-
voured to satiate, (though indeed they are insatiable and
boundless,) and with one half of our property have saved the
rest. But the opportunity is past ; we are compelled to
have recourse to you, and beg that you will succour the dis-
tresses of your subjects, that others may not be deterred by
our example from submitting themselves to your authority.
And if our extreme distress cannot prevail with you to assist
us, be induced, by your fear of the wrath of God, who has
seen his temple plundered and burnt, and his people be-
trayed in his bosom." Having said this, they threw them-
selves on the ground, crying aloud, and praying that their
property and their country might be restored to them ; and
that if the Signory could not give them back their honour,
they would, at least, restore husbands to their wives, and
children to their fathers. The atrocity of the affair having
already been made known, and now by the living words of
the sufferers presented before them, excited the compassion
of the magistracy. They ordered the immediate return of
Astorre, who being tried, was found guilty, and admonished.
They sought the goods of the inhabitants of Seravezza;
all that could be recovered was restored to them, and as
time and circumstances gave opportunity, they were com-
pensated for the rest.
Complaints were made against Rinaldo degli Albizzi, that
he carried on the war, not for the advantage of the Floren-
tine people, but his own private emolument ; that as soon as
he was appointed commissary, he lost all desire to take Lucca,
for it was sufficient for him to plunder the country, fill his
estates with cattle, and his house with booty; and, not
184 HISTOHY OF FLOHEXCE. D. iv. ch. 5. a.d. 1431. ]
content with what his own satellites took, he purchased that
of the soldiery, so that instead of a commissary he had be-
come a merchant. These calumnies coming to his ears, dis-
turbed the temper of this proud but upright man, more than
quite became his dignity. He was so exasperated against
the citizens and magistracy, that without waiting for or ask-
ing permission, he returned to Florence, and, presenting
himself before the Council of Ten, he said, that he well knew
how difficult and dangerous a thing it was to serve an unruly
people and a divided city; for the one listens to every report,
the other pursues improper measures ; they neglect to reward
good conduct, and heap censure upon whatever appears
doubtful ; so that victory wins no applause, error is accused
by all, and if vanquished, universal condemnation is incurred ;
from one's own party through envy, and from enemies
through hatred, persecution results. He confessed that the
baseness of the present calumnies had conquered his patience
and changed the temper of his mind ; but he would say, he
had never, for fear of a false accusation, avoided doing what
appeared to him beneficial to the city. However, he trusted
the magistrates would in future be more ready to defend
their fellow citizens, so that the latter might continue anxious
to effect the prosperity of their country ; that as it was not
customary at Florence to award triumphs for success, they
ought at least to be protected from calumny ; and that be-
ing citizens themselves, and at any moment liable to false
accusations, they might easily conceive how painful it is to
an upright mind to be oppressed with slander. The Ten
endeavoured, as well as circumstances would admit, to soothe
the acerbity of his feelings, and confided the care of the
expedition to Neri di Gino and Alamanno Salviati, who, in-
stead of overrunning the country, advanced near to Lucca.
As the weather had become extremely cold, the forces esta-
blished themselves at Campannole, which seemed to the com-
misaries waste of time ; and wishing to draw nearer the place,
the soldiery refused to comply, although the Ten had insisted
they should pitch their camp before the city, and would not
hear of any excuse.
At that time there lived at Florence, a very distinguished
architect, named Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, of whose works
our city is full, and whose merit was so extraordinary, that
B. iv. CH.5.A.D. 1431. FILIPP0 BRTJNELLESCHI. 185
after his death, his statue in marble was erected in the prin-
cipal church, with an inscription underneath, which still
bears testimony, to those who read it, of his great talents.
This man pointed out, that in consequence of the relative
positions of the river Serchio and the city of Lucca, the
waters of the river might be made to inundate the sur-
rounding country, and place the city in a kind of lake. His
reasoning on this point appeared so clear, and the advan-
tage to the beseigers so obvious and inevitable, that the
Ten were induced to make the experiment. The result,
however, was quite contrary to their expectation, and pro-
duced the utmost disorder in the Florentine camp ; for the
Lucchese raised high embankments in the direction of the
ditch made by our people to conduct the waters of the Serchio,
and one night cut through the embankment of the ditch itself,
so that having first prevented the water from taking the course
designed by the architect, they now caused it to overflow the
plain, and compelled the Florentines, instead of approaching
the city as they wished, to take a more remote position.
This design having failed, the Council of Ten, who had
been re-elected, sent as commissary, Giovanni Guicciardini,
who encamped before Lucca, with all possible expedition.
Pagolo Guinigi finding himself thus closely pressed, by the
advice of Antonio del Rosso, then representative of the Sien-
nese at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and Leonardo Bonvisi
to Milan, to request assistance from the duke ; but finding
him indisposed to comply, they secretly engaged, on the part
of the people, to deliver their governor up to him and give
him possession of the place ; at the same time, intimating,
that if he did not immediately follow this advice, he would
not long have the opportunity, since it was the intention of
Pagolo to surrender the city to the Florentines, who were
very anxious to obtain it. The duke was so much alarmed
with this idea, that, setting aside all other considerations, he
caused Count Francesco Sforza, who was engaged in his
service, to make a public request for permission to go to
Naples ; and having obtained it, he proceeded with his
forces directly to Lucca, though the Florentines, aware of
the deception, and apprehensive of the consequences, had sent
to the count, Boccacino Alamanni, his friend, to frustrate this
186 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.iv.ch.5. a.d. 1432. 1
arrangement. Upon the arrival of the count at Lucca, the ]
Florentines removed their camp to Librafatta, and the count I
proceeded immediately to Pescia, where Pagolo Diacceto 1
was lieutenant-governor, who, prompted by fear rather than I
any better motive, fled to Pistoia, and if the place had not |
been defended by Giovanni Malavolti, to whom the command I
was entrusted, it would have been lost. The count failing in J
his attempt, went to Borgo a Buggiano, which he took, and
burned the castle of Stigliano, in the same neighbourhood.
The Florentines, being informed of these disasters, found
they must have recourse to those remedies which upon
former occasions had often proved useful. Knowing that
with mercenary soldiers, when force is insufficient, corruption
commonly prevails, they offered the count a large sum of
money on condition that he should quit the city, and give it
up to them. The count finding that no more money was to
be had from Lucca, resolved to take it of those who had it to
dispense, and agreed with the Florentines, not to give them
Lucca, which for decency he could not consent to, but to
withdraw his troops, and abandon it, on condition of re-
ceiving fifty thousand ducats ; and having made this agree-
ment, to induce the Lucchese to excuse him to the duke, he
consented that they should expel their tyrant.
Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Siennese
ambassador at Lucca, and with the authority of the count he
contrived the ruin of Pagolo Guinigi. The heads of the
conspiracy were Pierro Cennami and Giovanni da Chivizzano.
The count resided upon the Serchio, at a short distance from
the city, and with him was Lanzilao, the son of Pagolo.
The conspirators, about forty in number, went armed at
night in search of Pagolo, who, on hearing the noise they
made, came towards them quite astonished, and demanded
the cause of their visit ; to which Piero Cennami replied,
that they had long been governed by him, and led about
against the enemy, to die either by hunger or the sword, but
were resolved to govern themselves for the future, and
demanded the keys of the city and the treasure. Pagolo
said the treasure was consumed, but the keys and himself
were in their power ; he only begged that as his command
had begun and continued without bloodshed, it might con-
U. iv. • -h. .'. a.d. 1432. COSMO DE ? MEDICI. 187
elude in the same manner. Count Francesco conducted
1 1 and his son to the duke, and they afterwards died in
prison.
The departure of the count having delivered Lucca from
her tyrant, and the Florentines from their fear of his soldiery,
the former prepared for her defence, and the latter resumed
the siege. They appointed the count of Urbino to conduct
their forces, and he pressed the Lucchese so closely, that they
were again compelled to ask assistance of the duke, who dis-
patched Niccolo Piccinino, under the same pretence as he
previously sent Count Francesco. The Florentine forces me
him on his approach to Lucca, and at the passage of the
Serchio a battle ensued, in which they were routed, the
commissary with a few of his men escaping to Pisa. This
defeat filled the Florentines with dismay, and as the enter-
prise had been undertaken with the entire approbation of the
great body of the people, they did not know whom to find,
fault with, and therefore railed against those who had been
appointed to the management of the war, reviving the
charges made against Rinaldo. They were, however, more
severe against Giovanni Guicciardini than any other, de-
claring that if he had wished, he might have put a period
to the war at the departure of Count Francesco, but that
he had been bribed with money, for he had sent home a
large sum, naming the party who had been entrusted to
bring it, and the persons to whom it had been delivered.
These complaints and accusations were carried to so great a
length that the captain of the people, induced by the public
voice, and pressed by the party opposed to the war, sum-
moned him to trial. Giovanni appeared, though full of
indignation. However his friends, from regard to their own
character, adopted such a course with the Capitano as
induced him to abandon the inquiry.
After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the
places that had belonged to them, but occupied all the
country of Pisa except Bientina, Calcinaja, Livorno, and
Librafatta ; and, had not a conspiracy been discovered that
was formed in Pisa, they would have secured that city also.
The Florentines again prepared for battle, and appointed
Micheletto, a pupil of Sforza, to be their leader. The duke,
on the other hand, followed up this victory, and that he
Jr
188 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 6. a.d. 143?.
might bring a greater power against the Florentines, induced
the Genoese, the Siennese, and the governor of Piombino, to
enter into a league for the defence of Lucca, and to engage
Niccolo Piccinino to conduct their forces. Having by this
step declared his design, the Venetians and Florentines
renewed their league, and the war was carried on openly in
Tuscany and Lombardy, in each of which several battles
were fought with variety of fortune. At length, both sides
being wearied out, they came to terms for the cessation of
hostilities, in May 1433. By this arrangement the Floren-
tines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had each occupied many
fortresses belonging to the others, gave theln all up, and
each party resumed its original possessions.
CHAPTER VI.
Cosmo de' Medici, his character and mode of proceedings — The greatness
of Cosmo excites the jealousy of the citizens — The opinion of Niccolo
da Uzano — Scandalous divisions of the Florentines— Death of Niccolo
da Uzano — Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier, adopts measures against
Cosmo — Cosmo arrested in the palace — He is apprehensive of attempts
against his life.
During the war the malignant humours of the city were in
constant activity. Cosmo de' Medici, after the death of
Giovanni, engaged more earnestly in public affairs, and con-
ducted himself with more zeal and boldness in regard to his
friends than his father had done, so that those who rejoiced
at Giovanni's death, finding what the son was likely to
become, perceived they had no cause for exultation. Cosmo
was one of the most prudent of men ; of grave and court-
eous demeanour, extremely liberal and humane. He never
attempted anything against parties, or against rulers, but
was bountiful to all ; and, by the unwearied generosity of his
disposition, made himself partisans of all ranks of the
citizens. This mode of proceeding increased the difficulties
j of those who were in the government, and Cosmo himself
\ hoped that by its pursuit he might be able to live in Florence
B. iv. ch. 6. a.d. 1433. COSMO EXCITES JEALOUSY. 189
as much respected and as secure as any other citizen ; or if
the ambition of his adversaries compelled him to adopt a
different course, arms and the favour of his friends would
enable him to become more so. Averardo de' Medici and
Puccio Pucci were greatly instrumental in the establishment
of his power ; the former by his boldness, the latter by un-
usual prudence and sagacity, contributed to his aggrandise-
ment. Indeed the advice and wisdom of Puccio were so
highly esteemed, that Cosmo's party was rather distin-
guished by the name of Puccio than by his own.
By this divided city the enterprise against Lucca was un-
dertaken ; and the bitterness of party spirit, instead of being
abated, increased. Although the friends of Cosmo had been
in favour of it, many of the adverse faction were sent to
assist in the management, as being men of greater influence
in the state. Averardo de' Medici and the rest being unable
to prevent this, endeavoured with all their might to calum-
niate them ; and when any unfavourable circumstance occurred
(and there were many), fortune and the exertions of the
enemy were never supposed to be the causes, but solely the
want of capacity in the commissary. This disposition aggra-
vated the offences of Astorre Gianni ; this excited the indig-
nation of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, and made him resign hi6
commission without leave ; this, too, compelled the captain
of the people to require the appearance of Giovanni Guic-
ciardini, and from this arose all the other charges which were
made against the magistrates and the commissaries. Real
evils were magnified, unreal ones feigned, and the true and
the false were equally believed by the people, who were
almost universally their foes.
All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding
were perfectly known to Niccolo da Uzano and the other
leaders of the party ; and they had often consulted together
for the purpose of finding a remedy, but without effect ;
though they were aware of the danger of allowing them to
increase, and the great difficulty that would attend any at-
tempt to remove or abate them. Niccolo da Uzano was the
earliest to take offence ; and while the war was proceeding
without, and these troubles within, Niccolo Barbadoro,
desirous of inducing him to consent to the ruin of Cosmo,
waited upon him at his house ; and finding him alone in
190 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 6. a.d, 1*33.
his study, and very pensive, endeavoured, with the best
reasons he could adduce, to persuade him to agree with
Rinaldo on Cosmo's expulsion. Niccolo da Uzano replied as
follows : — " It would be better for thee and thy house, as
well as for our republic, if thou and those who follow thee in
this opinion had beards of silver instead of gold, as is said
of thee ; for advice proceeding from the hoary head of long
experience would be wiser and of greater service to all. It
appears to me, that those who talk of driving Cosmo out of
Florence would do well to consider what is their strength,
and what that of Cosmo. You have named one party, that
of the nobility, the other that of the plebeians. If the fact
corresponded with the name, the victory would still be most
uncertain ; and the example of the ancient nobility of this
city, who were destroyed by the plebeians, ought rather to
impress us with fear than with hope. We have, however,
still further cause for apprehension from the division of our
party, and the union of our adversaries. In the first place,
Neri di Gino and Nerone di Nigi, two of our principal
citizens, have never so fully declared their sentiments as to
enable us to determine whether they are most our friends
or those of our opponents. There are many families, even
many houses, divided ; many are opposed to us through
envy of brothers or relatives. I will recall to your recol-
lection two or three of the most important ; you may think
of the others at your leisure. Of the sons of Maso degli
Albizzi, Luca, from envy of Rinaldo, has thrown himself
into their hands. In the house of Guicciardini, of the sons
of Luigi, Piero is the enemy of Giovanni and in favour of
our adversaries. Tommaso and Niccolo Sodorini openly
oppose us on account of their hatred of their uncle Francesco.
So that if we consider well what we are, and what our
enemies, I cannot see why we should be called noble any
more than they. If it be because they are followed by the
plebeians, we are in a worse condition on that account, and
they in a better ; for were it to come either to arms or to
votes, we should not be able to resist them. True it is, we
still preserve our dignity, our precedence, the priority of our
position ; but this arises from the former reputation of the
government, which has now continued fifty years ; and when-
ever we come to the proof, or they discover our weakness,
ch.C.a.d.1433. ADVICE OF UZA.NO. 191
shall lose it. If you were to say, the justice of our cause
ought to augment our influence and dimmish theirs, I an-
swer, that this justice requires to be perceived and believed
by others as well as by ourselves, but this is not the case ;
for the justice of our cause is wholly founded upon our
suspicion that Cosmo designs to make himself prince of the
city. And although we entertain this suspicion, and suppose
it to be correct, others have it not ; but, what is worse, they
charge us with the very design of which we accuse him.
Those actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are,
that he lends money indiscriminately, and not to private
persons only, but to the public ; and not to Florentines only,
but to the condottieri, the soldiers of fortune. Besides, he
assists any citizen who requires magisterial aid ; and, by the
universal interest he possesses in the city, raises first one
friend and then another to higher grades of honour. There-
fore, to adduce our reasons for expelling him, would be to
say that he is kind, generous, liberal, and beloved by all.
Now tell me, what law is there which forbids, disapproves,
or condemns men for being pious, liberal, and benevolent?
And though they are all modes adopted by those who
aim at sovereignty, they are not believed to be such, nor
have we sufficient power to make them to be so esteemed ;
for our conduct has robbed us of confidence, and the city,
naturally partial and (having always lived in faction) corrupt,
cannot lend its attention to such charges. But even if we
were successful in an attempt to expel him (which might
easily happen under a favourable Signory), how could we
(being surrounded by his innumerable friends, who would
constantly reproach us, and ardently desire to see him again
in the city) prevent his return ? It would be impossible, for
they being so numerous, and having the good will of all
upon their side, we should never be secure from them. And
as many of his first discovered friends as you might expel, so
many enemies would you make, so that in a short time he
would return, and the result would be simply this, that we
had driven him out a good man, and he had returned to us
a bad one ; for his nature would be corrupted by those who
recalled him, and he, being under obligation, could not
oppose them. Or should you design to put him to death,
you could not attain your purpose with the magistrates, for
192 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 6.A.A.H33
his wealth, and the corruption of your minds, will always
save him. But let us suppose him put to death, or that,
being banished, he did not return, I cannot see how the con-
dition of our republic would be ameliorated ; for if we relieve
her from Cosmo, we at once make her subject to Rinaldo.
and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen may ever, in
power and authority, surpass the rest. But if one of these
must prevail, I know of no reason that should make me
prefer Rinaldo to Cosmo. I shall only say, may God pre-
serve the city from any of her citizens usurping the sove-
reignty, but if our sins have deserved this, in mercy save us
from Rinaldo. I pray thee, therefore, do not advise the.
adoption of a course on every account pernicious, nor imagine
that, in union with a few, you would be able to oj>pose the
will of the many ; for the citizens, some from ignorance and
others from malice, are ready to sell the republic at any time,
and fortune has so much favoured them, that they have
found a purchaser. Take my advice then ; endeavour to live
moderately ; and with regard to liberty, you will find as
much cause for suspicion in our party as in that of our
adversaries. And when troubles arise, being of neither side,
you will be agreeable to both, and you will thus provide for
your own comfort and do no injury to any."
These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro,
so that tranquillity prevailed during the war with Lucca.
But this being ended, and Niccolo da Uzano dead, the city
being at peace and under no restraint, unhealthy humours
increased with fearful rapidity. Rinaldo, considering himself
now the leader of the party, constantly entreated and urged
every citizen whom he thought likely to be Gonfalonier, to
take up arms and deliver the country from him who, from
the malevolence of a few and the ignorance of the multitude,
was inevitably reducing it to slavery. These practices of
Rinaldo, and those of the contrary side, kept the city full of
apprehension, so that whenever a magistracy was created,
the numbers of each party composing it were made publicly
known, and upon drawing for the Signory the whole city was
aroused. Every case brought before the magistrates, how-
ever trivial, was made a subject of contention among them.
Secrets were divulged, good and evil alike became objects
of favour and opposition, the benevolent and the wicked
a. vr. ch. 6 a.d. 1371. BERNARDO DRAWN GONFALONIER. 193
were .alike assailed, and no magistrate fulfilled the duties of
his office with integrity.
In this state of confusion, Rinaldo, anxious to abate the
power of Cosmo, and knowing that Bernardo Guadagni was
likely to become Gonfalonier, paid his arrears of taxes, that
he might not, by being indebted to the public, be inca-
pacitated for holding the office. The drawing soon after
took place, and fortune, opposed to our welfare, caused
Bernardo to be appointed for the months of September and
October. Rinaldo immediately waited upon him, and inti-
mated how much the party of the nobility, and all who
wished for repose, rejoiced to find he had attained that dig-
nity ; that it now rested with him to act in such a manner
ias to realise their pleasing expectations. He then enlarged
upon the danger of disunion, and endeavoured to show that
there was no means of attaining the blessing of unity but by
the destruction of Cosmo, for he alone, by the popularity
(acquired with his enormous wealth, kept them depressed ;
that he was already so powerful, that if not hindered, he
'"would soon become prince, and that it was the part of a good
citizen, in order to prevent such a calamity, to assemble the
people in the piazza, and restore liberty to his country.
Rinaldo then reminded the new Gonfalonier how Salvestro
de' Medici was able, though unjustly, to restrain the power
of the Guelphs, to whom, by the blood of their ancestors
shed in its cause, the government rightly belonged ; and
argued that what he was able unjustly to accomplish against
so many, might surely be easily performed with justice in its
favour against one ! He encouraged him with the assurance
that their friends would be ready in arms to support him ;
that he need not regard the plebeians, who adored Cosmo,
since their assistance would be of no greater avail than
Gii rgio Scalihad found it on a similar occasion; and that with
regard to his wealth, no apprehension was necessary, for
when he was under the power of the Signory, his riches
would be so too. In conclusion, he averred that this course
would unite and secure the republic, and crown the Gonfalo-
nier with glory. Bernardo briefly replied, that he thought it
necessary to act exactly as Rinaldo had advised, and that as
the time was suitable for action, he should provide himself
o
194 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 6. a.d. 143."
with forces, being assured from what Rinaldo had said, hi
would be supported by his colleagues.
Bernardo entered upon the duties of his office, prepare(
his followers, nnd having concerted with Rinaldo, summonec
Cosmo, who, though many friends dissuaded him from it
obeyed the call, trusting more to his own innocence than tc
the mercy of the Signory. As soon as he had entered the
palace he was arrested. Rinaldo, with a great number m
armed men, and accompanied by nearly the whole of his
party, proceeded to the piazza, when the Signory assembled
the people, and created a balia of two hundred persons for
the reformation of the city. With the least possible delay
they entered upon the consideration of reform, and of the
life or death of Cosmo. Many wished him to be banished,
others to be put to death, and several were silent, either from
compassion towards him or for fear of the rest, so that these
differences prevented them from coming to any conclusion.
There is an apartment in the tower of the palace which
occupies the whole of one floor, and is called the Al-
berghettino, in which Cosmo was confined, under the charge
of Federigo Malavolti. In this place, hearing the assembly
of the Councils, the noise of arms which proceeded from the
piazza, and the frequent ringing of the bell to assemble the
balia, he was greatly apprehensive for his safety, but still
more lest his private enemies should cause him to be put to
death in some unusual manner. He scarcely took any food,
so that in four days he ate only a small quantity of bread.
Federigo, observing his anxiety, said to him, " Cosmo, you
are afraid of being poisoned, and are evidently hastening
your end with hunger. You wrong me if you think I would
be a party to such an atrocious act. I do not imagine your
life to be in much danger, since you have so many friends
both within the palace and without; but if you should
eventually lose it, be assured they will use some other
medium than myself for that purpose, for I will never imbue
my hands in the blood of any, still less in your's, who never
injured me ; therefore cheer up, take some food, and preserve
your life for your friends and your country. And that you
may do so with greater assurance, I will partake of your
meals with you." These words were a great relief to
B. iv. ch. 7. a.d. 1433. COSMO BA^ISH^D. 195
Cosmo, who, with tears in his eyes, embraced and kissed
Federigo, earnestly thanking him for so kind and affection-
ate conduct, and promising, if ever the opportunity were
given him, he would not be ungrateful.
CHAPTER VII.
Cosmo is banished to Padua — Rinaldo degli Albizzi attempts to restore
the nobility — New disturbances occasioned by Rinaldo degli Albizzi —
Rinaldo takes arms against the Signory — His designs are disconcerted —
Pope Eugenius in Florence — He endeavours to reconcile the parties —
Cosmo is recalled — Rinaldo and his party banished— Glorious return of
Cosmo.
Cosmo in some degree recovered his spirits, and whilst
the citizens were disputing about him, Federigo, by way of
recreation, brought an acquaintance of the Gonfalonier to
take supper with him, an amusing and facetious person,
whose name was II Farnagaccio. The repast being nearly
over, Cosmo, who thought he might turn this visit to ad-
vantage, for he knew the man very intimately, gave a sign to
Federigo to leave the apartment, and he, guessing the cause,
under pretence of going for something that was wanted on
the table, left them together. Cosmo, after a few friendly
expressions addressed to II Farnagaccio, gave him a small
slip of paper, and desired him to go to the director of the
hospital of Santa Maria Nuova, for one thousand one hundred
ducats ; he was to take the hundred for himself, and carry
the thousand to the Gonfalonier, and beg that he would
take some suitable occasion of coming to see him. Far-
nagaccio undertook the commission, the money was paid,
Bernardo became more humane, and Cosmo was banished
to Padua, contrary to the wish of Rinaldo, who earnestly de-
sired his death. Averardo and many others of the house
of Medici were also banished, and with them Puccio and
Giovanni Pucci. To silence those who were dissatisfied
with the banishment of Cosmo, they endowed with the
power of a Balia, the Eight of War and the Capitano of
o 2
196 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.iv.ch. 7. a.d. 1433.
the People. After his sentence, Cosmo, on the 3rd of Octo-
ber, 1433, came before the Signory, by whom the boundary
1x3 which he was restricted was specified ; and they advised
him to avoid passing it, unless he wished them to proceed
with greater severity both against himself and his property.
Cosmo received his sentence with a cheerful look, assuring
the Signory that wherever they determined to send him, he
would willingly remain. He earnestly begged, that as they
had preserved his life they would protect it, for he knew there
were many in the piazza who were desirous to take it ; and
assured them, that wherever he might be, himself and his
means were entirely at the service of the city, the people,
and the Signory. He was respectfully attended by the
Gonfalonier, who retained him in the palace till night, then
conducted him to his own house to supper, and caused him
to be escorted by a strong armed force to his place of ba-
nishment. Wherever the cavalcade passed, Cosmo was
honourably received, and was publicly visited by the Vene-
tians, not as an exile, but with all the respect due to one in
the highest station.
Florence, widowed of so great a citizen, one so generally
beloved, seemed to be universally sunk in despondency ;
victors and the vanquished were alike in fear. Rinaldo, as
if inspired with a presage of his future calamities, in order
not to appear deficient to himself or his party, assembled
many citizens, his friends, and informed them that he fore-
saw their approaching ruin for having allowed themselves
to be overcome by the prayers, the tears, and the money of
their enemies ; and that they did not seem aware they would
soon themselves have to entreat and weep, when their prayers
would not be listened to, or their tears excite compassion ;
Aiid that of the money received, they would have to restore
the principal, and pay the interest in tortures, exile, and
death ; that it would have been much better for them to
have done nothing than to have left Cosmo alive, and his
friends in Florence ; for great offenders ought either to re-
main untouched, or be destroyed ; that there was now no
remedy but to strengthen themselves in the city, so that
upon the renewed attempts of their enemies, which would
soon take place, they might drive them out with arms, since
they had not sufficient civil authority to expel them. The
B. iv. ch. 7. a.d. 1434 ACCIAJUOLI EXILED. 197
remedy to be adopted, he said, was one that he had long be-
fore advocated, which was to regain the friendship of the
grandees, restoring and conceding to them all the honours of
the city, and thus make themselves strong with that party,
since their adversaries had joined the plebeians. That by
this means they would become the more powerful side, for
they would possess greater energy, more comprehensive
talent, and an augmented share of influence ; and that if
this last and only remedy were not adopted, he knew not
what other means could be made use of to preserve the go-
vernment amongst so many enemies, or prevent their own
ruin and that of the city.
Mariotto Baldovinetti, one of the assembly, was opposed to
this plan, on account of the pride and insupportable nature
of the nobility ; and said, that it would be folly to place
themselves again under such inevitable tyranny for the sake
of avoiding imaginary dangers from the plebeians. Rinal-
do, finding his advice unfavourably received, vexed at his
own misfortune and that of his party, imputed the whole to
heaven itself, which had resolved upon it, rather than to
human ignorance and blunders. In this juncture of affairs,
no remedial measure being attempted, a letter was found
written by Agnolo Acciajuoli to Cosmo, acquainting him
with the disposition of the city in his favour, and advising
him, if possible, to excite a war, and gain the friendship of
Neri di Gino ; for he imagined the city to be in want of
money, and as she would not find any one to serve her, the
remembrance of him w r ould be revived in the minds of the
citizens, and they would desire his return ; and that if Neri
were detached from Kinaldo, the party of the latter would be
so weakened, as to be unable to defend themselves. This
letter coming to the hands of the magistrates, Agnolo was
taken, put to the torture, and sent into exile. This example,
however, did not at all deter Cosmo's party.
It was now almost a year since Cosmo had been banished,
and the end of August, 1434, being come, Niccolo di Cocco
was drawn Gonfalonier for the two succeeding months, and
with him eight Signors, all partisans of Cosmo. This struck
terror into Ilinaldo and his party ; and as it is usual for
three days to elapse before the new Signory assume the ma-
gistracy and the old resign their authority, Rinaldo again called
198 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. iv. ch. 7. a.d. 1434.
together the heads of his party. He endeavoured to show them
their certain and immediate danger, and that their only-
remedy was to take arms, and cause Donato Velluti, who
was yet Gonfalonier, to assemble the people in the piazza
and create a balia. He would then deprive the new Signory
of the magistracy, appoint another, burn the present balloting
purses, and by means of a new Squittini, provide themselves
with friends. Many thought this course safe and requisite ;
others, that it was too violent, and likely to be attended with
great evil. Among those who disliked it was Palla Strozzi,
a peaceable, gentle, and humane person, better adapted for
literary pursuits than for restraining a party, or opposing
civil strife. He said that bold and crafty resolutions seem
promising at their commencement, but are afterwards found
difficult to execute, and generally pernicious at their conclu-
sion ; that he thought the fear of external wars (the duke's
forces being upon the confines of Romagna,) would occupy
the minds of the Signory more than internal dissensions ;
but, still, if any attempt should be made, and it could not
take place unnoticed, they would have sufficient time to take
arms, and adopt whatever measures might be found necessary
for the common good, which being done upon necessity,
would occasion less excitement among the people and less
danger to themselves. It was therefore concluded, that
the new Signory should come in; that their proceedings
should be watched, and if they were found attempting
anything against the party, each should take arms, and meet
in the piazza of San Pulinari, situated near the palace, and
whence they might proceed wherever it was found necessary.
Having come to this conclusion, Rinaldo's friends separated.
The new Signory entered upon their office, and the Gon-
falonier, in order to acquire reputation, and deter those who
might intend to oppose him, sent Donato Velluti, his pre-
decessor, to prison, upon the charge of having applied the
public money to his own use. He then endeavoured to
sound his colleagues with respect to Cosmo : seeing them
desirous of his return, he communicated with the lead-
ers of the Medici party, and, by their advice, summoned the
hostile chiefs, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, and
Niccolo Barbadoro. After this citation, Rinaldo thought
further delay would be dangerous ; he therefore left his house
B. it. ch. 7. a.d. 1434. RINALDO's OPPOSITION. 199
with a great number of armed men, and was soon joined by
Ilidolfo Peruzzi and Niccolo Barbadoro. The force accom-
panying them was composed of several citizens and a great
number of disbanded soldiers then in Florence ; and all
assembled according to appointment in the piazza of San
Pulinari. Palla Strozzi and Giovanni Guicciardini, though
each had assembled a large number of men, kept in their
houses ; and therefore Rinaldo sent a messenger to request
their attendance and to reprove their delay. Giovanni re-
plied, that he should lend sufficient aid against their enemies,
if by remaining at home he could prevent his brother Piero
from going to the defence of the palace. After many mes-
sages Palla came to San Pulinari on horseback, accompanied
by two of his people on foot, and unarmed. Rinaldo, on
meeting him, sharply reproved him for his negligence, declar-
ing that his refusal to come with the others arose either from
defect of principle or want of courage ; both which charges
should be avoided by all who wished to preserve such a cha-
racter as he had hitherto possessed; and that if he thought this
abominable conduct to his party would induce their enemies,
when victorious, to spare him from death or exile, he deceived
himself; but for himself (Rinaldo), whatever might happen, he
had the consolation of knowing, that previously to the crisis
he had never neglected his duty in council, and that when it
occurred he had used every possible exertion to repel it with
arms ; but that Palla and the others would experience aggra-
vated remorse when they considered they had upon three
occasions betrayed their country ; first when they saved
Cosmo ; next when they disregarded his advice ; and now the
third time by not coming armed in her defence according to
their engagement. To these reproaches Palla made no reply
audible to those around, but, muttering something as he left
them, returned to his house.
The Signory, knowing Rinaldo and his party had taken
arms, finding themselves abandoned, caused the palace to be
shut up, and having no one to consult they knew not what
course to adopt. However, Rinaldo, by delaying his coming
to the piazza, having waited in expectation of forces which
did not join him, lost the opportunity of victory, gave them
courage to provide for their defence, and allowed many others
to join them, who advised that means should be used to
200 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. rv. ch 7. ad. 1434.
induce their adversaries to lay down their arms. Thereupon,
some of the least suspected, went on the part of the Signory
to Rinaldo, and said, they did not know what occasion they
had given his friends for thus assembling in arms ; that they
never had any intention of offending him ; and if they had
spoken of Cosmo, they had no design of recalling him ;
so if their fears were thus occasioned they might at once be
dispelled, for that if they came to the palace, they would be
graciously received, and all their complaints attended to.
These words produced no change in Rinaldo' s purpose ; he
bade them provide for their safety by resigning their offices,
and said that then the government of the city would be re-
organized, for the mutual benefit of all.
It rarely happens, where authorities are equal and opinions
contrary, that any good resolution is adopted. Ridolfo
Peruzzi, moved by the discourse of the citizens, said, that all
he desired was to prevent the return of Cosmo, and this
being granted to them seemed a sufficient victory ; nor would
he, to obtain a greater, fill the city with blood ; he would
therefore obey the Signory ; and accordingly went with his
people to the palace, where he was received with a hearty
welcome. Thus Rinaldo's delay at San Pulinari, Palla's
want of courage, and Ridolfo' s desertion, deprived their party
of all chance of success ; whilst the ardour of the citizens
abated, and the pope's authority did not contribute to its
revival.
Pope Eugenius was at this time at Florence, having been
driven from Rome by the people. These disturbances coming
to his knowledge, be thought it a duty suitable to his pastoral
office to appease them, and sent the patriarch Giovanni
Vitelleschi, Rinaldo's most intimate friend, to entreat the
latter to come to an interview with him, as he trusted he had
sufficient influence with the Signory to ensure his safety and
satisfaction, without injury or bloodshed to the citizens. By
his friend's persuasion, Rinaldo proceeded with all his fol-
lowers to Santa Maria Nuova, where the pope resided.
Eugenius gave him to understand, that the Signory had em-
powered him to settle the differences between them, and that
all would be arranged to his satisfaction if he laid down his
arms. Rinaldo, having witnessed Palla's want of zeal, and
the fickleness of Ridolfo Peruzzi, and no better course being
B. it. ch. 7. a.d. 1434. BINALB0 BANISHED. 201
open to him, placed himself in the pope's hands, thinking
that at all events the authority of his holiness would ensure
his safety. Eugenius then sent word to Niccolo Barbadoro,
and the rest who remained without, that they were to lay
down their arms, for Rinaldo was remaining with the
pontiff, to arrange terms of agreement with the Signors ; '
upon which they immediately dispersed, and laid aside their
weapons.
The Signory, seeing their adversaries disarmed, continued
to negotiate an arrangement by means of the pope ; but at
the same time sent secretly to the mountains of Pistoia for
infantry, which, with what other forces they could collect,
were brought into Florence by night. Having taken posses-
sion of all the strong positions in the city, they assembled the
people in the piazza and created a new balia, which, without
delay, restored Cosmo and those who had been exiled with
him to their country ; and banished, of the opposite party,
Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Niccolo Barbadoro,
and Palla Strozzi, with so many other citizens, that there
were few places in Italy which did not contain some, and
many others beyond her limits were full of them. By this
and similar occurrences, Florence was deprived of men of
worth, and of much wealth and industry.
The pope, seeing such misfortunes befall those who by
his entreaties were induced to lay down their arms, was
greatly dissatisfied, and condoled with Rinaldo on the in-
juries he had received through his confidence in him, but
advised him to be patient, and hope for some favourable turn
of fortune. Rinaldo replied, " The want of confidence in
those who ought to have trusted me, and the great trust I
have reposed in you, have ruined both me and my party.
But I blame myself principally for having thought that you,
who were expelled from your own country, could preserve me
in mine. I have had sufficient experience of the freaks of
fortune ; and as I have never trusted greatly to prosperity, I
shall suffer less inconvenience from adversity ; and I know
that when she pleases she can become more favourable. But
if she should never change, I shall not be very desirous of
living in a city in which individuals are more powerful than
the laws ; for that country alone is desirable in which pro-
perty and friends may be safely enjoyed, not one where they
202 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 1. a.d. 1434.
may easily be taken from us, and where friends, from fear of
losing their property, are compelled to abandon each other in
their greatest need. Besides, it has always been less painful
to good men to hear of the misfortunes of their country than
to witness them ; and an honourable exile is always held in
greater esteem than slavery at home." He then left the
pope, and, full of indignation, blaming himself, his own mea-
sures, and the coldness of his friends, went into exile.
Cosmo, on the other hand, being informed of his recall,
returned to Florence ; and it has seldom occurred that any
citizen, coming home triumphant from victory, was received
by so vast a concourse of people, or such unqualified demon-
strations of regard as he was upon his return from banish-
ment ; for by universal consent he was hailed as the bene-
factor of the people, and the father of his country.
BOOK V.
CHAPTER I.
The vicissitudes of empires— The state of Italy — The military factions
of Sforza and Braccio — The Bracceschi and the Sforzeschi attack the
pope, who is expelled by the Romans — War between the pope and the
duke of Milan — The Florentines and the Venetians assist the pope —
Peace between the pope and the duke of Milan — Tyranny practised
by the party favourable to the Medici.
It may be observed, that provinces amid the vicissitudes to
which they are subject, pass from order into confusion, and
afterwards recur to a state of order again ; for the nature of
mundane affairs not allowing them to continue in an even
course, when they have arrived at their greatest perfection,
they soon begin to decline. In the same manner, having
been reduced by disorder, and sunk to their utmost state of
depression, unable to descend lower, they, of necessity,
re-ascend; and thus from good they gradually decline to
evil, and from evil again return to good. The reason is, that
B.v.ch.I.a.d. 1434. STATE OF ITALY. 203
valour produces peace ; peace, repose ; repose, disorder ; dis-
order, ruin ; so from disorder order springs ; from order vir-
tue, and from this, glory and good fortune. Hence, wise men
have observed, that the age of literary excellence is subse-
quent to that of distinction in arms ; and that in cities and
provinces, great warriors are produced before philosophers.
Arms having secured victory, and victory peace, the buoyant
vigour of the martial mind cannot be enfeebled by a more ex-
cusable indulgence than that of letters ; nor can indolence,
with any greater or more dangerous deceit, enter a well regu-
lated community. Cato was aware of this when the philo-
sophers, Diogenes and Carneades, were sent ambassadors to
the senate by the Athenians ; for, perceiving with what
earnest admiration the Roman youth began to follow them,
and knowing the evils that might result to his country from
this specious idleness, he enacted that no philosopher should
be allowed to enter Rome. Provinces by this means sink
to ruin, from which, men's sufferings having made them
wiser, they again recur to order, if they be not overwhelmed
by some extraordinary force. These causes made Italy, first
under the ancient Tuscans, and afterwards under the Ro-
mans, by turns happy and unhappy ; and although nothing
has subsequently arisen from the ruins of Rome at all cor-
responding to her ancient greatness (which under a well-
organized monarchy might have been gloriously effected),
still there was so much bravery and intelligence in some of
the new cities and governments that afterwards sprang up,
that although none ever acquired dominion over the rest,
they were, nevertheless, so balanced and regulated amongst
themselves, as to enable them to live in freedom, and defend
their country from the barbarians.
Among these governments, the Florentines, although they
possessed a smaller extent of territory, were not inferior to
any in power and authority ; for being situated in the mid-
dle of Italy, wealthy, and prepared for action, they either
defended themselves against such as thought proper to assail
them, or decided victory in favour of those to whom they
became allies. From the valour, therefore, of these new
governments, if no seasons occurred of long-continued peace,
neither were any exposed to the calamities of war ; for that
cannot be called peace in which states frequently assail each
204 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 1. a.d. 1434
other with arms, nor can those be considered wars in which
no men are slain, cities plundered, or sovereignties overthrown;
for the practice of arms fell into such a state of decay, that
wars were commenced without fear, continued without
danger, and concluded without loss. Thus the military
energy which is in other countries exhausted by a long
peace, was wasted in Italy by the contemptible manner in
which hostilities were carried on, as will be clearly seen in
the events to be described from 1434 to 1494, from which it
will appear how the barbarians were again admitted into
Italy, and she again sunk under subjection to them. Although
the transactions of our princes at home and abroad will not
be viewed with admiration of their virtue and greatness like
those of the ancients, perhaps they may on other accounts
be regarded with no less interest, seeing what masses of
high spirited people were kept in restraint by such weak
and disorderly forces. And if, in detailing the events which
took place in this wasted world, we shall not have to record
the bravery of the soldier, the prudence of the general, or the
patriotism of the citizen, it will be seen with what artifice, de-
ceit, and cunning, princes, warriors, and leaders of republics
conducted themsslves, to support a reputation they never
deserved. This, perhaps, will not be less useful than a know-
ledge of ancient history ; for, if the latter excites the liberal
mind to imitation, the former will show what ought to be
avoided and decried.
Italy was reduced to such a condition by her rulers, that
when, by consent of her princes, peace was restored, it
w'as soon disturbed by those who retained their armies, so
that glory was not gained by war nor repose by peace.
Thus when the league and the duke of Milan agreed to
lay aside their arms in 1433, the soldiers, resolved upon
war, directed their efforts against the church. There were
at this time two factions or armed parties in Italy, the Brac-
cesca and the Sforzesca. The leader of the former was the
Count Francesco, the son of Sforza, and of the latter, Xic-
colo Piccinino and Niccolo Fortebraccio. Under the banner
of one or other of these parties almost all the forces of
Italy were assembled. Of the two, the Sforzesca w r as in
greatest repute, as well from the bravery of the count him-
self, as from the promise which the duke of Milan had made
..
ch. 1. a.d. 1434. EXPULSION OF THE POPE.
him of his natural daughter, Madonna Bianca, the pros-
pect of which alliance greatly strengthened his influence.
After the peace of Lombardy, these forces, from various
causes, attacked Pope Eugenius. Niccolo Fortebraccio was
instigated by the ancient emnity which Braccio had always
entertained against the church ; the count was induced by
ambition ; so that Niccolo assailed Rome, and the count took
possession of La Marca.
The Romans, in order to avoid the war, drove Pope Euge-
nius from their city ; and he, having with difficulty escaped,
came to Florence, where seeing the imminent danger of his
situation, being abandoned by the princes (for they were un-
willing again to take up arms in his cause, after having
been so anxious to lay them aside), he came to terms with
the count, and ceded to him the sovereignty of La Marca,
although, to the injury of having occupied it, he had added
insult ; for in signing the place, from which he addressed
letters to his agents, he said in Latin, according to the Italian
custom, Ex Girfalco nostro Firmiano, invito Petro et Paulo.
Neither was he satisfied with this concession, but insisted
upon being appointed Gonfalonier of the church, which was
also granted ; so much more was Eugenius alarmed at the
prospect of a dangerous war than of an ignominious peace.
The count, having thus been reconciled to the pontiff, attacked
Niccolo Fortebraccio, and during many months various en-
counters took place between them, from all which greater
injury resulted to the pope and his subjects, than to either of
the belligerents. At length, by the intervention of the duke
of Milan, an arrangement, by way of a truce, was made,
by which both became princes in the territories of the
church.
The war thus extinguished at Rome was rekindled in
Romagna by Batista da Canneto, who at Bologna slew some
of the family of the Grifoni, and expelled from the city the
governor who resided there for the pope, along with others
who were opposed to him. To enable himself to retain the
government, he applied for assistance to Filippo, and the
pope, to avenge himself for the injury, sought the aid of the
Venetians and Florentines. Both parties obtained assistance,
so that very soon two large armies were on foot in Romagna.
Niccolo Piccinino commanded for the duke, Gattamelata and
206 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 1. a.d. 1434.
Niccolo da Tolentino for the Venetians and Florentines.
They met near Imola, where a battle ensued, in which the
Florentines and Venetians were routed, and Niccolo da
Tolentino was sent prisoner to Milan, where, either through
grief for his loss or by some unfair means, he died in a few
days.
The duke, on this victory, either being exhausted by the
late wars, or thinking the League after their defeat would not
be in haste to resume hostilities, did not pursue his good
fortune, and thus gave the pope and his colleagues time to
recover themselves. They therefore appointed the Count
Francesco for their leader, and undertook to drive Niccolo
Fortebraccio from the territories of the church, and thus
terminate the war which had been commenced in favour of
the pontiff. The Romans, finding the pope supported by so
large an army, sought a reconciliation with him, and being
successful, admitted his commissary into the city. Among
the places possessed by Niccolo Fortebraccio, were Tivoli,
Montefiascone, Citta di Castello, and Ascesi, to the last of
which, not being able to keep the field, he fled, and the
count besieged him there. Niccolo' s brave defence making
it probable that the war would be of considerable duration,
the duke deemed it necessary to prevent the League from
obtaining the victory, and said that if this were not effected
he would very soon have to look to the defence of his own
territories. Resolving to divert the count from the siege, he
commanded Niccolo Piccinino to pass into Tuscany by way
of Romagna ; and the League, thinking it more important to
defend Tuscany than to occupy Ascesi, ordered the count to
prevent the passage of Niccolo, who was already, with his
army, at Furli. The count accordingly moved with his
forces, and came to Cesena, having left the war of La Marca
and the care of his own territories to his brother Lione ; and
while Niccolo Piccinino was endeavouring to pass by, and
the count to prevent him, Fortebraccio attacked Lione with
great bravery, made him prisoner, routed his forces, and
pursuing the advantage of his victory, at once possessed
himself of many places in La Marca. This circumstance
greatly perplexed the count, who thought he had lost all his
territories ; so, leaving part of his force to check Piccinino,
with the remainder he pursued Fortebraccio, whom he
B. v. ch. 1. a. d. 1434. PRISONERS BEHEADED. 207
attacked and conquered. Fortebraccio was taken prisoner
in the battle, and soon after died of his wounds. This
victory restored to the pontiff all the places that had been
taken from him by Fortebraccio, and compelled the duke of
Milan to sue for peace, which was concluded by the inter-
cession of Niccolo da Este, marquis of Ferrara ; the duke
restoring to the church the places he had taken from her,
and his forces retiring into Lombardy. Battista da Can-
neto, as is the case with all who retain authority only
by the consent and forces of another, when the duke's people
had quitted Romagna, unable with his own power to keep
possession of Bologna, fled, and Antonio Bentivogli, the
head of the opposite party, returned to his country.
All this took place during the exile of Cosmo, after whose
return, those who had restored him, and a great number of
persons injured by the opposite party, resolved at all events
to make themselves sure of the government ; and the Signory
for the months of November and December, not content with
what their predecessors had done in favour of their party,
extended the term and changed the residences of several who
were banished, and increased the number of exiles. In
addition to these evils, it was observed that citizens were
more annoyed on account of their wealth, their family con-
nexions or private animosities, than for the sake of the party to
which they adhered, so that if these proscriptions had been
accompanied with bloodshed, they would have resembled
those of Octavius and Sylla, though in reality they were not
without some stains ; for Antonio di Bernardo Guadagni was
beheaded, and four other citizens, amongst whom were
Zanobi dei Belfratelli and Cosmo Barbadori, passing the
confines to which they were limited, proceeded to Venice,
when the Venetians, valuing the friendship of Cosmo de'''
Medici more than their own honour, sent them prisoners to
him, and they were basely put to death. This circumstance
greatly increased the influence of that party, and struck their
enemies with terror, rinding that such a powerful republic
would so humble itself to the Florentines. This, however,
was supposed to have been done, not so much out of kindness
to Cosmo, as to excite dissensions in Florence, and by means
of bloodshed make greater certainty of division amongst
the citizens, for the Venetians knew there was no other
208 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 1. a.d. 1435.
obstacle to their ambition so great as the union of her
people.
The city being cleared of the enemies, or suspected enemies
of the state, those in possession of the government now
began to strengthen their party by conferring benefits upon
such as were in a condition to serve them, and the family of
the Alberti, with all who had been banished by the former
government, were recalled. All the nobility, with few ex-
ceptions, were reduced to the ranks of the people, and the
possessions of the exiles were divided amongst themselves,
upon each paying a small acknowledgment. They then
fortified themselves with new laws and provisos, made new
Squittini, withdrawing the names of their adversaries from
the purses, and filling them with those of their friends.
Taking advice from the ruin of their enemies, they con-
sidered that to allow the great offices to be filled by mere
chance of drawing, did not afford the government sufficient
security, they therefore resolved that the magistrates pos-
se-sin^ the power of life and death should always be chosen
from amongst the leaders of their own party, and therefore
that the Accoppiatori, or persons selected for the imborsation
of the new Squittini, with the Signory who had to retire
from office, should make the new appointments. They gave
to eight of the guard authority to proceed capitally, and pro-
vided that the exiles, when their term of banishment was
complete, should not be allowed to return, unless from the
Signory and Colleagues, which were thirty-seven in number,
the consent of thirty-four were obtained. It was made
unlawful to write to or to receive letters from them ; every
word, sign, or action that gave offence to the ruling party
was punished with the utmost rigour ; and if there was
still in Florence any suspected person whom these regula-
tions did not reach, he was oppressed with taxes imposed
for the occasion. Thus in a short time, having expelled or
impoverished the whole of the adverse party, they established
themselves firmly in the government. Not to be destitute of
external assistance, and to deprive others of it, who might
use it against themselves, they entered into a league,
offensive and defensive, with the pope, the Venetians, and
the duke of Milan.
BLt.oh. 2. a.d. 1435. DEATH OF GIOVANNA II.
209
CHAPTER II.
Death of Giovanna II. — Rene of Anjou and Alfonzo of Arragon aspire to
the kingdom — Alfonzo is routed and taken by the Genoese — Alfonzo
being a prisoner of the duke of Milan, obtains his friendship — The
Genoese disgusted with the duke of Milan — Divisions amongst the
Genoese — The Genoese, by means of Francesco Spinola, expel the
duke's governor — League against the duke of Milan— Rinaldo degli
Albizzi advises the duke to make war against the Florentines — His dis-
■ to the duke — The duke adopts measures injurious to the Flo-
rentines— Niccolo Piccinino appointed to command the duke's forces —
Preparations of the Florentines — Piccinino routed before Barga.
The affairs of Florence being in this condition, Giovanna,
queen of Naples, died, and by her will appointed Rene of
Anjou to be her successor. Alfonso, king of Arragon, was
at this time in Sicily, and having obtained the concurrence of
many barons, prepared to take possession of the kingdom.
The Neapolitans, with whom a great number of barons were
also associated, favoured Rene. The pope was unwilling that
either of them should obtain it ; but desired the affairs of
Naples to be administered by a governor of his own ap-
pointing.
In the meantime Alfonzo entered the kingdom, and was
received by the duke of Sessa ; he brought with him some
princes, whom he had engaged in his service, with the design
(already possessing Capua, which the prince of Taranto held
in his name) of subduing the Neapolitans, and sent his fleet
to attack Gaeta, which had declared itself in their favour.
They therefore demanded assistance of the duke of Milan,
who persuaded the Genoese to undertake their defence ; and
they, to satisfy the duke their sovereign, and protect the mer-
chandize they possessed, both at Naples and Gaeta, armed a
powerful fleet. Alfonso hearing of this, augmented his own
naval force, went in person to meet the Genoese, and coming
up with them near the island of Ponzio, an engagement en-
sued, in which the Arragonese were defeated, and Alfonso,
with many of the princes of his suit, made prisoners, and
sent by the Genoese to Filippo.
This victory terrified the princes of Italy, who, being
jealous of the duke's ■power, thought it would give him a
p
210 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 2. a.d. UM
groat opportunity of becoming sovereign of the whole
country. But so contrary are the views of men, that he
took a directly opposite course. Alfonso was a man of greal
sagacity, and as soon as an opportunity presented itself oJ
communicating with Filippo, he proved to him how com-
pletely he contravened his own interests, by favouring Rene
and opposing himself; for it would be the business of the
former, on becoming king of Naples, to introduce the French
into Milan ; that in an emergency he might have assistance
at hand, without the necessity of having to solicit a passage
for his friends. But he could not possibly secure this ad-
vantage without effecting the ruin of the duke, and making
his dominions a French province ; and that the contrary oi
all this would result from himself becoming lord of Naples ;
for having only the French to fear, he would be compelled to
love and caress, nay even to obey, those who had it in their
power to open a passage for his enemies. That thus the title
of king of Naples would be with himself (Alfonso), but the
power and authority with Filippo ; so that it was much more
the duke's business than his own to consider the danger of
one course and the advantage of the other ; unless he rather
wished to gratify his private prejudices, than to give security
to his dominions. In the one case he would be a free prince,
in the other, placed between two powerful sovereigns, he
would either be robbed of his territories or live in constant
fear, and have to obey them like a slave. These arguments
so greatly influenced the duke, that, changing his design,
he set Alfonso at liberty, sent him honourably to Genoa and
then to Naples. From thence the king went to Gaeta, which,
as soon as his liberation had become known, was taken pos-
session of by some nobles of his party.
The Genoese, seeing that the duke, without the least regard
for them, had liberated the king, and gained credit to himself
through the dangers and expense which they had incurred ;
that he enjoyed all the honour of the liberation, and they
were themselves exposed to the odium of the capture, and
the injuries consequent upon the king's defeat, were greatly
exasperated. In the city of Genoa, while in the enjoyment
of her liberty, a magistrate is created with the consent of the
people, whom they call the Doge ; not that he is absolutely
a prince, or that he alone has the power of determining
2. ad. 1435. AFFAIRS OF GENOA. 211
matters of government ; but that, as the head of the state, he
I proposes those questions or subjects which have to be con-
sidered and determined by the magistrates and the councils.
In that city are many noble families so powerful, that they are
with great difficulty induced to submit to the authority of the
law. Of these, the most powerful are the Fregosa and the
Adorna, from whom arise the dissensions of the city, and
the impotence of her civil regulations ; for the possession of
this high office being contested by means inadmissible in
well-regulated communities, and most commonly with arms
I in their hands, it always occurs that one party is oppressed
!. and the other triumphant ; and sometimes those who fail in
.the pursuit have recourse to the arms of strangers, and the
country they are not allowed to rule they subject to foreign
! authority. Hence it happens, that those who govern in Lom-
»bardy most commonly command in Genoa, as occurred at
I the time Alfonso of Arragon was made prisoner. Among
jithe leading Genoese who had been instrumental in subjecting
the republic to Filippo, was Francesco Spinola, who, soon
j ifter he had reduced his country to bondage, as always
[lappens in such cases, became suspected by the duke. In-
dignant at this, he withdrew to a sort of voluntary exile at
[Gaeta, and being there when the naval expedition was in
preparation, and having conducted himself with great bravery
in the action, he thought he had again merited so mUch of
Jae duke's confidence as would obtain for him permission to
remain undisturbed at Genoa. But the duke still retained
lis suspicions ; for he could not believe that a vacillating
defender of his own country's liberty would be faithful to
limself ; and Francesco Spinola resolved again to try his
'ortune, and if possible restore freedom to his country, and
nonourable safety to himself ; for he saw there was no pro-
lability of regaining the forfeited affection of his fellow
itizcns, but by resolving at his own peril to remedy the mis-
fortunes which he had been so instrumental in producing.
Finding the indignation against the duke universal, on ac-
30unt of the liberation of the king, he thought the moment
iropitious for the execution of his design. He communicated
us ideas to some whom he knew to be similarly inclined,
ind his arguments ensured their co-operation.
The great festival of St. John the Baptist being come,
p 2
212 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. en. 2. a.d. 143
when Arismeno, the new governor sent by the duke, was t
enter Genoa, and he being already arrived, accompanied b
Opicino, the former governor, and many Genoese citizens
Francesco Spinola thought further delay improper ; anc
issuing from his house with those acquainted with his desigr
all armed, they raised the cry of liberty. It was wonderft
to see how eagerly the citizens and people assembled at th
word ; so that those who for any reason might be favourable
to Filippo, not only had no time to arm, but scarcely to
consider the means of escape. Arismeno, with some Genoese
fled to the fortress which was held for the duke. Opicino
thinking that if he could reach the palace, where two thousam-
men were in arms, and at his command, he might be abL
either to effect his own safety, or induce his friends to defenc
themselves, took that direction ; but before he arrived at th(
piazza he was slain, his body divided into many pieces anc
scattered about the city. The Genoese having placed the
government in the hands of free magistrates, in a few days
recovered the castle, and the other strongholds possessed bj
the duke, and delivered themselves entirely from his yoke.
These transactions, though at first they had alarmed the
princes of Italy with the apprehension that the duke would
become too powerful, now gave them hope, seeing the turn
they had taken, of being able to restrain him ; and. notwith-
standing the recent league, the Florentines and Venetians
entered into alliance with the Genoese. Rinaldo degli
Albizzi and the other leading Florentine exiles, observing
the altered aspect of affairs, conceived hopes of being able
to induce the duke to make war against Florence, and
having arrived at Milan, Rinaldo addressed him in the fol-
lowing manner : — " If we, who were once your enemies,
come now confidently to supplicate your assistance to enable
us to return to our country, neither you, nor any one, who
considers the course and vicissitudes of human affairs, can be
at all be surprised ; for of our past conduct towards yourself
and our present intentions towards our country, we can adduce
palpable and abundant reasons. No good man will ever
reproach another who endeavours to defend his country,
whatever be his mode of doing so ; neither have we had
any design of injuring you, but only to preserve our
country from detriment ; and we appeal to yourself, whether,
B v CM.2. a.d. 1435. RIXALDO'S ADTICE. 213
during the greatest victories of our league, when you were
really desirous of peace, we were not even more anxious for
it than yourself; so that we do not think we have done aught
to make us despair altogether of favour from you. Nor can our
country itself complain, that we now exhort you to use those
arms against her, from which we have so pertinaciously de-
fended her ; for that state alone merits the love of all her
citizens, which cares with equal affection for all ; not one
that favours a few, and casts from her the great mass of her
children. Nor are the arms that men use against their coun-
try to be universally condemned ; for communities, although
composed of many, resemble individual bodies; and as
in these, many infirmities arise which cannot be cured with-
out the application of fire or of steel, so in the former, there
often occur such numerous and great evils, that a good and
merciful citizen, when there is a necessity for the sword,
would be much more to blame in leaving her uncured,
than by using this remedy for her preservation. What
greater disease can afflict a republic than slavery ? and what
remedy is more desirable for adoption than the one by
which alone it can be effectually removed? No wars are
just but those that are necessary ; and force is merciful when
it presents the only hope of relief. I know not what neces-
sity can be greater than ours, or what compassion can ex-
ceed that which rescues our country from slavery. Our cause
is therefore just, and our purpose merciful, as both yourself
and we may be easily convinced. The amplest justice is on your
side ; for the Florentines have not hesitated, after a peace
concluded with so much solemnity, to enter into league with
those -who have rebelled against you ; so that if our cause is
insufficient to excite you against them, let your own just in-
dignation do so ; and the more so, seeing the facility of the
undertaking. You need be under no apprehension from the
memory of the past, in which you may have observed the
power of that people, and their pertinacity in self-defence ;
though these might reasonably excite fear, if they were still
animated by the valour of former times. But now, all is
entirely the reverse ; for what power can be expected in a
city that has recently expelled the greatest part of her
wealth and industry ? What indomitable resolution need be
apprehended from the people whom so many and such recent
214 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 2. A. d. 14*
enmities have disunited ? The disunion which still prevail
will prevent wealthy citizens advancing money as they usee
to do on former occasions ; for though men willingly contri .
bute according to their means, when they see their own credit
glory, and private advantage dependent upon it, or whei
there is a hope of regaining in peace what has been spen
in war, but not when equally oppressed under all circum-
stances, — when in war they suffer the injuries of the enemy
and in peace, the insolence of those who govern them. Besides
this, the people feel more deeply the avarice of their rulers.
than the rapacity of the enemy; for there is hope of being
ultimately relieved from the latter evil, but none from the
former. Thus, in the last war, you had to contend with the
whole city ; but now with only a small portion. You at-
tempted to take the government from many good citizens ;
but now you oppose only a few bad ones. You then endea
voured to deprive a city of her liberty, now you come to
restore it. As it is unreasonable to suppose that under
such disparity of circumstances, the result should be the
same, you have now every reason to anticipate an easy vic-
tory ; and how much it will strengthen your own govern-
ment, you may easily judge ; having Tuscany friendly, and
bound by so powerful an obligation, in your enterprises, she
will be even of more service to you than Milan. And, although,
on former occasions, such an acquisition might be looked
upon as ambitious and unwarrantable, it will now be con-
sidered merciful and just. Then do not let this opportunity
escape, and be assured, that although your other attempts
against the city have been attended with difficulty, expense,
and disgrace, this will with facility procure you incalculable
advantage and an honourable renown."
Many words were not requisite to induce the duke to hos-
tilities against the Florentines, for he was incited to it by
hereditary hatred and blind ambition, and still more, by the
fresh injuries which the league with the Genoese involved ;
yet his past expenses, the dangerous measures necessary, the
remembrance of his recent losses, and the vain hopes of the
exiles, alarmed him. As soon as he had learned the revolt
of Genoa, he ordered Niccolo Piccinino to proceed thither
with all his cavalry and whatever infantry he could raise,
for the purpose of recovering her, before the citizens had
n v , H . 2. a. d. 1436. NICCOLO PICCININO. 215
time to become settled and establish a government ; for he
trusted greatly in the fortress within the city, which was held
for him. And although Niccolo drove the Genoese from the
mountains, took from them the valley of Pozeveri, where
they had entrenched themselves, and obliged them to seek
refuge within the walls of the city, he still found such an in-
surmountable obstacle in the resolute defence of the citizens,
that he was compelled to withdraw. On this, at the sugges-
tion of the Florentine exiles, he commanded Niccolo to attack
them on the eastern side, upon the confines of Pisa in the
Genoese territory, and to push the war with his utmost
vigour, thinking this plan would manifest and develop the
course best to be adopted. Niccolo therefore besieged and
took Serezana, and having committed great ravages, by way of
further alarming the Florentines he proceeded to Lucca, spread-
ing a report that it was his intention to go to Naples to render
assistance to the king of Arragon. Upon these new events Pope
Eugenius left Florence and proceeded to Bologna, where he
endeavoured to effect an amicable arrangement between the
league and the duke, intimating to the latter, that if he would
not consent to some treaty, the pontiff must send Francesco
Sforza to assist the league, for the latter was now his confede-
rate, and served in his pay. Although the pope greatly exerted
himself in this affair, his endeavours were unavailing ; for the
duke would not listen to any proposal that did not leave him
the possession of Genoa, and the league had resolved that
she should remain free ; and, therefore, each party, having
no other resource, prepared to continue the war.
In the meantime Niccolo Piccinino arrived at Lucca, and
the Florentines, being doubtful what course to adopt, ordered
Neri di Gino to lead their forces into the Pisan territory,
induced the pontiff to allow Count Francesco to join him,
and with their forces they halted at San Gonda. Piccinino
then demanded admission into the kingdom of Naples, and
this being refused, he threatened to force a passage. The
armies were equal, both in regard of numbers and the
capacity of their leaders, and unwilling to tempt fortune
during the bad weather, it being the month of December,
they remained several days without attacking each other.
The first movement was made by Niccolo Piccinino, who being
informed that if he attacked Vico Pisano by night, he could
216 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.v.ch.2. a.d. Ii3ft
easily take possession of the place, made the attempt, and
having failed, ravaged the surrounding country, and then
burned and plundered the town of San Giovanni alia Vena.
This enterprise, though of little consequence, excited him
to make further attempts, the more so from being assured
that the count and Neri were yet in their quarters, and he
attacked Santa Maria in Castello and Filetto, both which
places he took. Still the Florentine forces would not stir ;
not that the count entertained any fear, but because, out of
regard to the pope, who still laboured to effect an accommo-
dation, the government of Florence had deferred giving their
final consent to the war. This course, which the Florentines
adopted from prudence, was considered by the enemy to be
only the result of timidity, and with increased boldness they
led their forces up to Barga, which they resolved to besiege.
This new attack made the Florentines set aside all other
considerations, and resolve not only to relieve Barga, but to
invade the Lucchese territory. Accordingly the count pro-
ceeded in pursuit of Niccolo, and coming up with him before
Barga, an engagement took place, in which Piccinino was
overcome, and compelled to raise the siege.
The Venetians, considering the duke to have broken the
peace, sent Giovan Francesco da Gonzaga, their captain, to
Ghiaradadda, who, by severely wasting the duke's territories,
induced him to recall Niccolo Piccinino from Tuscany. This
circumstance, together with the victory obtained over Niccolo,
emboldened the Florentines to attempt the recovery of
Lucca, since the duke, whom alone they feared, was engaged
with the Venetians, and the Lucchese having received the
enemy into their city, and allowed him to attack them, would
have no ground of complaint.
B. v.cu.3. a.d.1437. WAR WITH LUCCA. 217
CHAPTER III.
The Florentines go to war with Lucca — Discourse of a citizen of Lucca to
animate the plebeians against the Florentines — The Lucchese resolve to
defend themselves — They are assisted by the duke of Milan — Treaty
between the Florentines and the Venetians —Francesco Sforza, cap-
tain of the league, refuses to cross the Po in the service of the Ve-
netians and returns to Tuscany — The bad faith of the Venetians to-
wards the Florentines — Cosmo de' Medici at Venice — Peace between
the Florentines and the Lucchese — The Florentines effect a reconcili-
ation between the pope and the Count di Poppi — The pope consecrates
the church of Santa Reparata — Council of Florence.
The count commenced operations against Lucca in April,
1437, and the Florentines, desirous of recovering what they
had themselves lost before they attacked others, retook
Santa Maria in Castello, and all the places which Piccinino
had occupied. Then, entering the Lucchese territory, they
besieged Camaiore, the inhabitants of which, although faith-
ful to their rulers, being influenced more by immediate
danger than by attachment to their distant friends, surren-
dered. In the same manner, they obtained Massa and Sere-
zana. Towards the end of May they proceeded in the
direction of Lucca, burning the towns, destroying the grow-
ing crops, grain, trees, and vines, driving away the cattle, and
leaving nothing undone to injure the enemy. The Lucchese,
finding themselves abandoned by the duke, and hopeless of
defending the open country, forsook it ; entrenched and
fortified the city, which they doubted not, being well garri-
soned, they would be able to defend for a time, and that, in
the interim, some event would occur for their relief, as had
been the case during the former wars which the Florentines
had carried on against them. Their only apprehension arose
from the fickle minds of the plebeians, who, becoming weary of
the siege, would have more consideration of their own danger
than of others' liberty, and would thus compel them to
submit to some disgraceful and ruinous capitulation. In
order to animate them to defence, they were assembled in
the public piazza, and one of the eldest and most esteemed of
the citizens addressed them in the following terms : — " You
218 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v.ch. 3. a.d. 1437-
are doubtless aware that what is done from necessity involves
neither censure nor applause ; therefore, if you should accuse
us of having caused the present war, by receiving the ducal
forces into the city, and allowing them to commit hostilities
against the Florentines, you are greatly mistaken. You are
well acquainted with the ancient enmity of the Florentines
against you, which is not occasioned by any injuries you have
done them, or by fear on their part, but by our weakness and
their own ambition ; for the one gives them hope of being able
to oppress us, and the other incites them to attempt it. It
is then vain to imagine that any merit of yours can ex-
tinguish that desire in them, or that any offence you can
commit, can provoke them to greater animosity. They en-
deavour to deprive you of your liberty ; you must resolve to
defend it ; and whatever they may undertake against us for
that purpose, although we may lament, we need not won-
der. "We may well grieve, therefore, that they attack us,
take possession of our towns, burn our houses, and waste
our country. But who is so simple as to be surprised at
it ? for were it in our power, we should do just the same
to them, or even worse. They declare war against us now,
they say, for having received Niccolo ; but if we had not
received him, they would have done the same and assigned
some other ground for it ; and if the evil had been delayed, it
would most probably have been greater. Therefore, you
must not imagine it to be occasioned by his arrival, but rather
by your own ill fortune and their ambition ; for we could not
have refused admission to the duke's forces, and, being
come, we could not prevent their aggressions. You know,
that without the aid of some powerful ally we are incapable
of self-defence, and that none can render us this service more
powerfully or faithfully than the duke. He restored our
liberty ; it is reasonable to expect he will defend it. He has
always been the greatest foe of our inveterate enemies ; if,
therefore, to avoid incensing the Florentines we had excited
his anger, we should have lost our best friend, and rendered our
enemy more powerful and more disposed to oppress us ; so that
it is far preferable to have this war upon our hands, and enjoy
the favour of the duke, than to be in peace without it. Besides,
we are justified in expecting that he will rescue us from the
dangers into which we are brought on his account, if we only
B v. cn.3. A.n.1437. DEFENCE OF LUCCA. 2!9
do not abandon our own cause. You all know hew fiercely
the Florentines have frequently assailed us, and with what
glory we have maintained our defence. We have often been
deprived of every hope, except in God and the casualties
which time might produce, and both have proved our friends.
And as they have delivered us formerly, why should they not
continue to do so. Then we were forsaken by the whole of
Italy ; now we have the duke in our favour ; besides, we
have a right to suppose that the Venetians will not hastily
attack us ; for they will not willingly see the power of
Florence increased. On a former occasion, the Florentines
were more at liberty ; they had greater hope of assistance,
and were more powerful in themselves, whilst we were in
every respect weaker ; for then a tyrant governed us, now we
defend ourselves ; then the glory of our defence was an-
other's, now it is our own ; then they were in harmony, now
they are disunited, all Italy being filled with their banished
citizens. But were we without the hope which these favour-
able circumstances present, our extreme necessity should
make us firmly resolved on our defence. It is reasonable to
fear every enemy, for all seek their own glory and your ruin ;
above all others, you have to dread the Florentines, for
they would not be satisfied by submission and tribute, or the
dominion of our city, but they would possess our entire sub-
stance and persons, that they might satiate their cruelty with
our blood, and their avarice with our property, so that all
ranks ought to dread them. Therefore do not be troubled at
seeing our crops destroyed, our towns burned, our fortresses
occupied ; for if we preserve the city, the rest will be saved
as matter of course ; if we lose her, all else would be of no
advantage to us ; for while retaining our liberty, the enemy
can hold them only with the greatest difficulty, whilst losing
it they would be preserved in vain. Arm, therefore ; and
when in the fight, remember that the reward of victory will
be safety, not only to your country, but to your homes, your
wives, and your children." The speaker's last words were
received with the utmost enthusiasm by the people, who pro-
mised one and all to die rather than abandon their cause, or
submit to any terms that could violate their liberty. They
then made arrangements for the defence of the city.
In the meantime, the Florentine forces were not idle ; and
220 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B v. ch. 3. a.d. 1437.
after innumerable mischiefs done to the country, took Monte
Carlo by capitulation. They then besieged Uzano, in order
that the Lucchese, being pressed on all sides, might despair
of assistance, and be compelled to submission by famine.
The fortress was very strong, and defended by a numerous
garrison, so that its capture would be by no means an easy
undertaking. The Lucchese, as might be expected, seeing
the imminent peril of their situation, had recourse to the
duke, and employed prayers and remonstrances to induce him
to render them aid. They enlarged upon their own merits
and the offences of the Florentines ; and showed how greatly
it would attach the duke's friends to him to find they were
defended, and how much disaffection it would spread among
them, if they were left to be overwhelmed by the enemy ;
that if they lost their liberties and their lives, he would lose his
honour and his friends, and forfeit the confidence of all who
from affection might be induced to incur dangers in hia
behalf; and added tears to entreaties, so that if he were un-
moved by gratitude to them, he might be induced to their
defence by motives of compassion. The duke, influenced
by his inveterate animosity against the Florentines, his new
new obligation to the Lucchese, and, above all, by his desire
to prevent so great an acquisition from falling into the hands
of his ancient enemies, determined either to send a strong
force into Tuscany, or vigorously to assail the Venetians, so
as to compel the Florentines to give up their enterprise and
go to their relief.
It was soon known in Florence that the duke was pre-
paring to send forces into Tuscany. This made the Flo-
rentines apprehensive for the success of their enterprise ;
and in order to retain the duke in Lombardy, they requested
the Venetians to press him with their utmost strength. But
they also were alarmed, the marquis of Mantua having aban-
doned them and gone over to the duke ; and thus, finding
themselves almost defenceless, they replied, " that instead of
increasing their responsibilities, they should be unable to per-
form their part in the war, unless the Count Francesco were
sent to them to take the command of the army, and with the
special understanding that he should engage to cross the Po
in person. They declined to fulfil their former engage-
ments unless he were bound to do so ; for they could not
I!, v en. 3. a.d. 1437. FRANCESCO SFOKZA.. 221
carry on the war without a leader, or repose confidence
in any except the count ; and that he himself would
be useless to them, unless he came under an obligation
to carry on the war whenever they might think needful."
The Florentines thought the war ought to be pushed vigor-
ously in Lombardy ; but they saw that if they lost the count
their enterprise against Lucca was ruined ; and they knew
well that the demand of the Venetians arose less from any
need they had of the count, than from their desire to frustrate
this expedition. The count, on the other hand, was ready to
pass into Lombardy whenever the league might require him,
but would not alter the tenor of his engagement ; for he was
unwilling to sacrifice the hope of the alliance promised to
him by the duke.
The Florentines were thus embarrassed by two contrary
impulses, the wish to possess Lucca, and the dread of a war
with Milan. As commonly happens, fear was the most
powerful, and they consented, after the capture of Uzano,
that the count should go into Lombardy. There still re-
mained another difficulty, which, depending on circumstances
beyond the reach of their influence, created more doubts and
uneasiness than the former ; the count would not consent to
pass the Po, and the Venetians refused to accept him on any
other condition. Seeing no other method of arrangement,
than that each should make liberal concessions, the Floren-
tines induced the count to engage to cross the river by a
letter addressed to the Signory of Florence, intimating that
this private promise did not invalidate any public engage-
ment, and that he might still refrain from crossing ; hence it
resulted that the Venetians, having commenced the war, would
be compelled to proceed, and that the evil apprehended by
the Florentines would be averted. To the Venetians, on
the other hand, they averred that this private letter was
sufficiently binding, and therefore they ought to be content ;
for if they could save the count from breaking with his
father-in-law, it was well to do so, and that it could be of no
advantage either to themselves or the Venetians to publish
it without some manifest necessity. It was thus determined
that the count should pass into Lombardy ; and having taken
Uzano, and raised bastions about Lucca to restrain in her
inhabitants, placed the management of the siege in the hands
222 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 3. a.d. 1437
of the commissaries, crossed the Appennines, and proceeded
to Reggio, when the Venetians, alarmed at his progress, and
in order to discover his intentions, insisted upon his imme-
diately crossing the Po, and joining the other forces. The
count refused compliance, and many mutual recriminations
took place between him and Andrea Mauroceno, their mes-
senger on this occasion, each charging the other with
arrogance and treachery : after many protestations, the one
of being under no obligation to perform that service, and
the other of not being bound to any payment, they parted,
the count to return to Tuscany, the other to Venice.
The Florentines had sent the count to encamp in the
Pisan territory, and were in hopes of inducing him to renew
the war against the Lucchese, but found him indisposed to
do so, for the duke, having been informed that out of regard
to him he had refused to cross the Po, thought that by his
means he might also save the Lucchese, and begged the
count to endeavour to effect an accommodation between the
Florentines and the Lucchese, including himself in it, if he
were able, declaring, at the same time, the promised mar-
riage should be solemnized whenever he thought proper.
The prospect of this connexion had great influence with the
count, for, as the duke had no sons, it gave him hope of be-
coming sovereign of Milan. For this reason he gradually
abated his exertions in the war, declared he would not pro-
ceed unless the Venetians fulfilled their engagement as to
the payment, and also retained him in the command ; that
the discharge of the debt would not alone be sufficient, for
desiring to live peaceably in his own dominions, he needed
some alliance other than that of the Florentines, and that he
must regard his own interests, shrewdly hinting that if
abandoned by the Venetians, he would come to terms with
the duke.
These indirect and crafty methods of procedure were
highly offensive to the Florentines, for they found their ex-
pedition against Lucca frustrated, and trembled for the safety
of their own territories if ever the count and the duke should
enter into a mutual alliance. To induce the Venetians to
retain the count in the command, Cosmo de' Medici went to
Venice, hoping his influence would prevail with them, and
discussed the subject at great length before the senate,
B t. ch. 3. a.d. 1438. COSMO AT VENICE. 223
pointing out the condition of the Italian states, the disposi-
tion of their armies, and the great preponderance possessed
by the duke. He concluded by saying, that if the count and
the duke were to unite their forces, they (the Venetians)
might return to the sea, and the Florentines would have to
fight for their liberty. To this the Venetians replied, that
they were acquainted with their own strength and that of the
Italians, and thought themselves able at all events to provide
for their own defence ; that it was not their custom to pay
soldiers for serving others ; that as the Florentines had used
the count's services, they must pay him themselves ; with
respect to the security of their own states, it was rather
desirable to check the count's pride, than to pay him, for the
ambition of men is boundless, and that if he were now paid
without serving, he would soon make some other demand,
still more unreasonable and dangerous. It therefore seemed
necessary to curb his insolence, and not allow it to increase
till it became incorrigible ; and that if the Florentines, from
fear or any other motive, wished to preserve his friendship,
they must pay him themselves. Cosmo returned without
having effected any part of his object.
The Florentines used the weightiest arguments they could
adopt to prevent the count from quitting the service of the
League, a course he was himself reluctant to follow, but his
desire to conclude the marriage so embarrassed him, that any
trivial accident would have been sufficient to determine his
course, as indeed shortly happened. The count nad left his
territories in La Marca to the care of II Furlano, one of his
principal condottieri, who was so far influenced by the duke
as to take command under him, and quit the count's service.
This circumstance caused the latter to lay aside every idea
but that of his own safety, and to come to agreement with
the duke ; among the terms of which compact was one that
he should not be expected to interfere in the affairs of
Romagna and Tuscany. The count then urged the Floren-
tines to come to terms with the Lucchese, and so convinced
them of the necessity of this, that seeing no better course to
adopt, they complied in April, 1438, by which treaty the
Lucchese retained their liberty, and the Florentines Monte
Carlo and a few other fortresses. After this, being full of
exasperation, they despatched letters to every part of Italy,
22 i HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v ch 3. a.d. 1138.
overcharged with complaints, affecting to show that since
God and men were averse to the Lucchese coming under
their dominion, they had made peace with them. And it
seldom happens that any suffer so much for the loss of their
own lawful property as they did because they could not
obtain the possessions of others.
Though the Florentines had now so many affairs in hand,
they did not allow the proceedings of their neighbours to
pass unnoticed, or neglect the decoration of their city. As
before observed, Niccolo Fortebraccio was dead. He had
married a daughter of the Count di Poppi, who, at the
decease of his son-in-law, held the Borgo San Sepolcro, and
other fortresses of that district, and whilst Niccolo lived,
governed them in his name. Claiming them as his daughter's
portion, he refused to give them up to the pope, who de-
manded them as property held of the church, and who, upon
his refusal, sent the patriarch with forces to take possession
of them. The count, finding himself unable to sustain the
attack, offered them to the Florentines, who declined them ;
but the pope having returned to Florence, they interceded
with him in the count's behalf. Difficulties arising, the
patriarch attacked the Casentino, took Prato Vecchio, and
Romena, and offered them also to the Florentines, who
refused them likewise, unless the pope would consent they
should restore them to the count, to which, after much hesi-
tation, he acceded, on condition that the Florentines should
prevail with the Count di Poppi to restore the Borgo to him.
The pope was thus satisfied, and the Florentines having so
far completed the building of their cathedral church of Santa
Rejmrata, which had been commenced long ago, as to enable
them to perform divine service in it, requested his holiness to
consecrate it. To this the pontiff willingly agreed, and the
Florentines, to exhibit the wealth of the city and the splendour
of the edifice, and do greater honour to the pope, erected
a platform from Santa Maria Novella, where he resided, to
the cathedral he was about to consecrate, six feet in height
and twelve feet wide, covered with rich drapery, for the
accommodation of the pontiff and his court, upon which they
proceeded to the building, accompanied by those civic magis-
trates and other officers who were appointed to take part in
the procession. The usual ceremonies of consecration having
B. v. en. 4. a.d. 1438. COUNCIL OF FLORENCE. 225
been completed, the pope, to show his affection for the city,
conferred the honour of knighthood upon Giuliano Davan-
zati, their Gonfalonier of Justice, and a citizen of the highest
reputation ; and the Signory, not to appear less gracious than
the pope, granted to the new created knight the government
of Pisa for one year.
There were at that time certain differences between the
Roman and the Greek churches, which prevented perfect con-
formity in divine service ; and at the last council of Bale, the
prelates of the Western church having spoken at great
length upon the subject, it was resolved that efforts should
be made to bring the emperor and the Greek prelates to the
council at Bale, to endeavour to reconcile the Greek church
with the Roman. Though this resolution was derogatory to
the majesty of the Greek empire, and offensive to its clergy,
iyet, being then oppressed by the Turk$, and fearing their in-
ability for defence, in order to have a better ground for
•requesting assistance, they submitted ; and therefore, the em-
peror, the patriarch, with other prelates and barons of Greece,
to comply with the resolution of the council assembled at'
Bale, came to Venice ; but being terrified by the plague then
prevailing, it was resolved to terminate their differences at
Florence. The Roman and Greek prelates having held a
conference during several days, in which many long discus-
sions took place, the Greeks yielded, and agreed to adopt the
ritual of the church of Rome.
CHAPTER IV.
Sfew wars in Italy — Niccolo Piccinino, in concert with the duke of Milan,
deceives the pope, and takes many places from the church — Niccolo
attacks the Venetians — Fears and precautions of the Florentines — The
Venetians request assistance of the Florentines and of Sforza — League
against the duke of Milan — The Florentines resolve to send the count to
assist the Venetians — Neri di Gino Capponi at Venice — His discourse to
the senate — Extreme joy of the Venetians.
3 eace being restored between the Lucchese and Floren-
ces, and the duke and the count having become friends,
topes were entertained that the arms of Italy would be laid
Q
226 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 4. a.d. 143£
aside, although those in the kingdom of Naples, between Ren
of Anjou and Alfonso of Arragon, could find repose only by th
ruin of one party or the other. And though the pope wa
dissatisfied with the loss of so large a portion of his terri
tories, and the ambition of the duke and the Venetians wa
obvious, still it was thought that the pontiff, from neces
sity, and the others from weariness, would be advocates o
peace. However, a different state of feeling prevailed, fo:
neither the duke nor the Venetians were satisfied with thei
condition ; so that hostilities were resumed, and Lombard;
and Tuscany were again harassed by the horrors of war
The proud mind of the duke could not endure that the Vene
tians should possess Bergamo and Brescia, and he was stil
further annoyed, by hearing, that they were constantly ii
arms, and in the daily practice of annoying some portion o
his territories. He thought, however, that he should not onb
be able to restrain them, but to recover the places he ha(
lost, if the pope, the Florentines, and the count could be in
duced to forego the Venetian alliance. He therefore resolvec
to take Romagna from the pontiff, imagining that his holi-
ness could not injure him, and that the Florentines, finding
the conflagration so near, either for their own sake would re
frain from interference, or if they did not, could not conve
niently attack him. The duke was also aware of the resent-
ment of the Florentines against the Venetians, on account o;
the affair of Lucca, and he therefore judged they would b(
the less eager to take arms against him on their behalf. Wit!
regard to the Count Francesco, he trusted that their ne^
friendship, and the hope of his alliance would keep hin
quiet. To give as little colour as possible for complaint, anc
to lull suspicion, particularly, because in consequence of hit
treaty with the count, the latter could not attack Romagna.
he ordered Niccolo Piccinino, as if instigated by his owr
ambition to do so.
When the agreement between the duke and the count was
concluded, Niccolo was in Romagna, and in pursuance of his
instructions from the duke, affected to be highly incensed,
that a connexion had been established between him and the
count, his inveterate enemy. He therefore withdrew himselJ
and his forces to Camurata, a place between Furli and Raven-
na, which he fortified, as if designing to remain there some
B. v. oh. 4. a.d. 1438. THE TOPE DECEIVED. 227
time, or till a new enterprise should present itself. The re-
port of his resentment being diffused, Niccolo gave the pope
to understand how much the duke was under obligation
to him, and how ungrateful he proved ; and he was per-
suaded, that, possessing nearly all the arms of Italy, under the
two principal generals, he could render himself sole ruler ;
but if his holiness pleased, of the two principal generals
whom he fancied he possessed, one would become his enemy,
and the other be rendered useless ; for, if money were pro-
vided him, and he were kept in pay, he would attack the
territories held of the church by the count, who being com-
pelled to look to his own interests, could not subserve the
ambition of Filippo. The pope giving entire credence to
this representation, on account of its apparent reasonableness,
sent Niccolo five thousand ducats, and loaded him with
promises of states for himself and his children. And though
many informed him of the deception, he could not give
credit to them, nor would he endure the conversation of any
who seemed to doubt the integrity of Niccolo's professions.
The city of Ravenna was held for the church by Ostasio da
Polenta. Niccolo finding further delay would be detrimental,
since his son Francesco had, to the pope's great dishonour,
pillaged Spoleto, determined to attack Ravenna, either be-
cause he judged the enterprise easy, or because he had a
secret understanding with Ostasio, for in a few days after the
attack, the place capitulated. He then took Bologna, Imola,
and Furli ; and (what is worthy of remark) of twenty for-
tresses held in that country for the pope, not one escaped
falling into his hands. Not satisfied with these injuries in-
flicted on the pontiff, he resolved to banter him by his words
as well as ridicule him by his deeds, and wrote, that he had only •
done as his holiness deserved, for having unblushingly at-
tempted to divide two such attached friends as the duke and
himself, and for having dispersed over Italy letters intimat-
ing that he had quitted the duke to take part with the Vene-
tians. Having taken possession of Ramagna, Niccolo left it
under the charge of his son, Francesco, and with the greater
part of his troops, went into Lombardy, where joining the
remainder of the duke's forces, he attacked the country about
Brescia, and having soon completely conquered it, besieged
the city itself.
Q 2
228 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 4. a.d. 1438.
The duke, who desired the Venetians to be left defenceless,
excused himself to the pope, the Florentines, and the count,
saying, that if the doings of Niccolo were contrary to the
terms of the treaty, they were equally contrary to his wishes,
and by secret messengers, assured them that when an occa-
sion presented itself, he would give them a convincing proof
that they had been performed in disobedience to his instruc-
tions. Neither the count nor the Florentines believed him,
but thought, with reason, that these enterprises had been
carried on to keep them at bay, till he had subdued the Ve-
netians, who, being full of pride, and thinking themselves
able alone to resist the duke, had not deigned to ask for any
assistance, but carried on the war under their captain, Gat-
tamelata.
Count Francesco would have wished, with the consent
of the Florentines, to go to the assistance of king Rene, if
the events of Romagna and Lombardy had not hindered
him ; and the Florentines would willingly have consented,
from their ancient friendship to the French dynasty, but the
duke was entirely in favour of Alfonso. Each being engaged
in w r ars near home, refrained from distant undertakings.
The Florentines, finding Romagna occupied with the duke's
forces, and the Venetians defeated, as if foreseeing their own
ruin in that of others, entreated the count to come into Tus-
cany, where they might consider what should be done to
resist Filippo's power, which was now greater than it had
ever before been ; assuring him that if his insolence were not
in some way curbed, all the powers of Italy would soon have
to submit to him. The count felt the force of the fears en-
tertained by the Florentines, but his desire to secure the
duke's alliance kept him in suspense ; and the duke, aware of
this desire, gave him the greatest assurance that his hopes
would be realized as shortly as possible, if he abstained from
nostilities against him. As the lady was now of marriage-
able age, the duke had frequently made all suitable prepa-
rations for the celebration of the ceremony, but on one pre-
text or another they had always been wholly set aside. He
now, to give the count greater confidence, added deeds to his
words, and sent him thirty thousand florins, which, by the
terms of the marriage contract, he had engaged to pay.
Still the war in Lombardy proceeded with greater vehe-
B.v.<h.4. a.d. 1438. TREATY WITH VENICE. 229
mence than ever; the Venetians constantly suffered fresh
of territory, and the fleets they equipped upon the
rivers were taken by the duke's forces ; the country around
Verona and Brescia was entirely occupied, and the two cities
themselves so pressed, that their speedy fall was generally
anticipated. The marquis of Mantua, who for many years
had led the forces of their republic, quite unexpectedly re-
signed his command, and went over to the duke's service.
Thus the course which pride prevented them from adopting
at the commencement of the war, fear compelled them to
take during its progress ; for knowing there was no help for
them but in the friendship of the Florentines and the count,
they began to make overtures to obtain it, though with shame
and apprehension ; for they were afraid of receiving a reply
similar to that which they had given the Florentines, when
the latter applied for assistance in the enterprise against
Lucca and the count's affairs. However, they found the
Florentines more easily induced to render aid than they ex-
pected, or their conduct deserved ; so much more were the
former swayed by hatred of their ancient enemy, than by
resentment of the ingratitude of their old and habitual
friends. Having foreseen the necessity into which the
Venetians must come, they had informed the count that their
ruin must involve his own ; that he was deceived if he thought
the duke, while fortunate, would esteem him more than if he
were in adversity ; that the duke was induced to promise him
his daughter by the fear he entertained of him ; that what
necessity occasions to be promised, it also causes to be per-
formed ; and it was therefore desirable to keep the duke in
that necessity, which could not be done without supporting
the power of the Venetians. Therefore he might perceive,
that if the Venetians were compelled to abandon their inland
territories, he would not only lose the advantages derivable
from them, but also those to be obtained from such as feared
them ; and that if he considered well the powers of Italy, he
would see that some were poor, and others hostile ; that the
Florentines alone were not, as he had often said, sufficient for
his support ; so that on every account it was best to keep the
Venetians powerful by land. These arguments, conjoined
with the hatred which the count had conceived against
Filippo, by supposing himself duped with regard to the pro-
230 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 4. a.d. 1438.
mised alliance, induced him to consent to a new treaty ; but
still he would not consent to cross the Po. The agreement
was concluded in February, 1438 ; the Venetians agreeing to
pay two-thirds of the expense of the war, the Florentines
one-third, and each engaging to defend the states which the
count possessed in La Marca. Nor were these the only
forces of the league, for the lord of Faenza, the sons of
Pandolfo Malatesti da Rimino and Pietro Giampagolo Orsini
also joined them. They endeavoured, by very liberal offers,
to gain over the marquis of Mantua, but could not prevail
against the friendship and stipend of the duke ; and the lord
of Faenza, after having entered into compact with the league,
being tempted by more advantageous terms, went over to
him. This made them despair of being able to effect an
early settlement of the troubles of Romagna.
The affairs of Lombardy were in this condition : — Brescia
was so closely besieged by the duke's forces, that constant ap-
prehensions were entertained of her being compelled by famine
to a surrender ; whilst Verona was so pressed, that a similar
fate was expected to await her, and if one of these cities were
lost, all the other preparations for the war might be con-
sidered useless, and the expenses already incurred as com-
pletely wasted. For this there was no remedy, but to send
the count into Lombardy ; and to this measure three obstacles
presented themselves. The first was, to induce him to cross
the Po, and prosecute the war in whatever locality might be
found most advisable ; the second, that the count being at a
distance, the Florentines would be left almost at the mercy
of the duke, who, issuing from any of his fortresses, might
with part of his troops keep the count at bay, and with
the rest introduce into Tuscany the Florentine exiles, whom
the existing government greatly dreaded ; the third was, to
determine what rout the count should take to arrive safely
in the Paduan territory, and join the Venetian forces. Of
these three difficulties, the second, which particularly re-
garded the Florentines, was the most serious ; but, knowing
the necessity of the case, and wearied out by the Venetians,
who with unceasing importunity demanded the count, inti-
mating that without him they should abandon all hope, they
resolved to relieve their allies rather than listen to the sug-
gestions of their own fears. There still remained the question
h 4. a.d. 1439. CArPONI AT VENICE. 231
about the route to be taken, for the safety of which they
determined the Venetians should provide; and as they had
sent Neri Capponi to treat with the count, and induce him to
cross the Po, they determined that the same person should
also proceed to Venice, in order to make the benefit the more
acceptable to the Signory, and see that all possible security
were given to the passage of the forces.
Neri embarked at Cesena and went to Venice ; nor was
any prince ever received with so much honour as he was ;
for upon his arrival, and the matters which his intervention
was to decide and determine, the safety of the republic
6eemed to depend. Being introduced to the senate, and in
presence of the Doge, he said, " The Signory of Florence,
most serene prince, has always perceived in the duke's great-
ness the source of ruin both to this republic and our own,
and that the safety of both states depends upon their separate
strength and mutual confidence. If such had been the
opinion of this illustrious Signory, we should ourselves have
been in better condition, and your republic would have been
free from the dangers that now threaten it. But as at the
proper crisis you withheld from us confidence and aid, we
could not come to the relief of your distress, nor could you,
being conscious of this, freely ask us ; for neither in your
prosperity nor adversity have you clearly perceived our
motives. You have not observed, that those whose deeds
have once incurred our hatred, can never become entitled to
our regard ; nor can those who have once merited our affec-
tion ever after absolutely cancel their claim. Our attachment
to your most serene Signory is well known to you all, for
you have often seen Lombardy filled with our forces and our
money for your assistance. Our hereditary enmity to Filippo
and his house is universally known, and it is impossible that
love or hatred, strengthened by the growth of years, can
be eradicated from our minds by any recent act either of
kindness or neglect. We have always thought, and are
still of the same opinion, that we might now remain
neutral, greatly to the duke's satisfaction, and with little
hazard to ourselves ; for if by your ruin he were to become
lord of Lombardy, we should still have sufficient influence
in Italy to free us from any apprehension on our own
account ; for every increase of power and territory augments
232 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 4. a.d. 1438
that animosity and envy, from which arise wars and the dis-
memberment of states. We are also aware what heavy ex-
penses and imminent perils we should avoid, by declining to
involve ourselves in these disputes ; and how easily the field
of battle may be transferred from Lombardy to Tuscany, by
our interference in your behalf. Yet all these apprehensions
are at once overborne by our ancient affection for the senate
and people of Venice, and we have resolved to come to your
relief, with the same zeal with which we should have armed
in our own defence, had we been attacked. Therefore, the
senate of Florence, judging it primarily necessary to relieve
Verona and Brescia, and thinking this impossible without the
count, have sent me, in the first instance, to persuade him to
pass into Lombardy, and carry on the war wherever it may
be most needful ; for you are aware he is under no obliga-
tion to cross the Po. To induce him so to do, I have ad-
vanced such arguments as are suggested by the circumstances
themselves, and which would prevail with us, He, being in-
vincible in arms, cannot be surpassed in courtesy, and the
liberality he sees the Florentines exercise towards you, he
has resolved to outdo ; for he is well aware to what dangers
Tuscany will be exposed after his departure, and since we
have made your affairs our primary consideration, he has
also resolved to make his own subservient to yours. I
come, therefore, to tender his services, with seven thousand
cavalry and two thousand infantry, ready at once to march
against the enemy, wherever he may be. And I beg of you,
so do my lords at Florence and the count, that as his
forces exceed the number he has engaged to furnish, you, out
of your liberality, would remunerate him, that he may not
repent of having come to your assistance, nor we, that we
have prevailed with him to do so." This discourse of Neri to
the senate was listened to with that profound attention which
an oracle might be imagined to command ; and his audience
were so moved by it, that they could not restrain themselves,
till the prince had replied, as strict decorum upon such oc-
casions required, but rising from their seats, with uplifted
hands, and most of them with tears in their eyes, they
thanked the Florentines for their generous conduct, and the
ambassador for his unusual despatch ; and promised that
time should never cancel the remembrance of such good-
S. a.d. 1439. VERONA RELIEVED. 233
ness, either in their own hearts, or their children's ; and
that their country, thenceforth, should be common to the
Florentines with themselves.
CHAPTER V.
Francesco Sforza marches to assist the Venetians, and relieves Verona —
He attempts to relieve Brescia but fails — The Venetians routed by Pic-
cinino upon the Lake of Garda — Piccinino routed by Sforza; the
method of his escape — Piccinino surprises Verona — Description of
Verona — Recovered by Sforza — The duke of Milan makes war against
the Florentines — Apprehensions of the Florentines — Cardinal Vitelles-
chi theix enemy.
When their demonstrations of gratitude had subsided, the
Venetian senate, by the aid of Neri di Gino, began to consider
the route the count ought to take, and how to provide him
with necessaries. There were four several roads ; one by
Ravenna, along the beach, which on account of its being in
many places interrupted by the sea and by marshes, was
not approved. The next was the most direct, but rendered
inconvenient, by a tower called the Uccellino, which being
held for the duke, it would be necessary to capture ; and to
do this, would occupy more time than could be spared with
safety to Verona and Brescia. The third was by the brink of
the lake ; but as the Po had overflown its banks, to pass
in this direction was impossible. The fourth was by the
way of Bologna to Ponte Puledrano, Cento, and Pieve ;
then between the Bondeno and the Finale to Ferrara, and
thence they might by land or water enter the Paduan terri-
tory, and join the Venetian forces. This route, though at-
tended with many difficulties, and in some parts liable to be
disputed by the enemy, was chosen as the least objectionable.
The count having received his instructions, commenced his
march, and by exerting the utmost celerity, reached the
Paduan territory on the 20th of June. The arrival of this
distinguished commander in Lombardy filled Venice and all
her dependencies with hope ; for the Venetians, who only an
234 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 5. a.d. 1439
instant before had been in fear for their very existence, be-
gan to contemplate new conquests.
The count, before he made any other attempt, hastened to
the relief of Verona ; and to counteract his design, Niccolo
led his forces to Soave, a castle situated between the Vincen-
tino and the Veronese, and entrenched himself by a ditch
that extended from Soave to the marshes of the Adige.
The count, finding his passage by the plain cut off, resolved
to proceed by the mountains, and thus reach Verona, think-
ing Niccolo would imagine this way to be so rugged and ele-
vated as to be impracticable ; or if he thought otherwise, he
would not be in time to prevent him ; so, with provisions
for eight days, he took the mountain path, and with his
forces, arrived in the plain, below Soave. Niccolo had, even
upon this route, erected some bastions for the purpose of
preventing him, but they were insufficient for the purpose ;
and finding the enemy had, contrary to, his expectations,
effected a passage, to avoid a disadvantageous engagement
he crossed to the opposite side of the Adige, and the count
entered Verona without opposition.
Having happily succeeded in his first object, that of re-
lieving Verona, the count now endeavoured to render a
similar service to Brescia. This city is situated so close to
the Lake of Garda, that although besieged by land, provisions
may always be sent into it by water. On this account the
duke had assembled a large force in the immediate vicinity
of the lake, and at the commencement of his victories occu-
pied all the places which by its means might relieve Brescia.
The Venetians also had galleys upon the lake, but they were
unequal to a contest with those of the duke. The count
therefore deemed it advisable to aid the Venetian fleet with
his land forces, by which means he hoped to obtain without
much difficulty those places which kept Brescia in blockade.
He therefore encamped before Bardolino, a fortress situated
upon the lake, trusting that after it was taken the others
would surrender. But fortune opposed this design, for a
great part of his troops fell sick ; so, giving up the enterprise,
he went to Zevio, a Veronese castle, in a healthy and plenti-
ful situation. Niccolo, upon the count's retreat, not to let
slip an opportunity of making himself master of the lake, leit
his camp at Vegasio, and with a body of picked men took the
B. v. ch. 5. a.p. 1439. NICCOLO'S ESCAPE. 235
way thither, attacked the Venetian fleet with the utmost
impetuosity, and took nearly the whole of it. By this
victory almost all the fortresses upon the lake fell into his
hands.
The Venetians, alarmed at this loss, and fearing that in
consequence of it Brescia would surrender, solicited the
count, by letters and messengers, to go to its relief ; and he,
perceiving that all hope of rendering assistance from the
lake was cut of, and that to attempt an approach by land, on
account of the ditches, bastions, and other defences erected by
Niccolo, was marching to certain destruction, determined that
as the passage by the mountains had enabled him to relieve
Verona, it should also contribute to the preservation of
Brescia. Having taken this resolution, the count left Zevio,
and by way of the Val d' Acri went to the Lake of St
Andrea, and thence to Torboli and Peneda, upon the Lake
of Garda. He then proceeded to Tenna, and besieged the
fortress, which it was necessary to occupy before he could
reach Brescia.
Niccolo, on being acquainted with the count's design, led
his army to Peschiera. He then, with the marquis of
Mantua and a chosen body of men, went to meet him, and
coming to an engagement, was routed, his people dispersed,
and many of them taken, whilst others fled to the fleet, and
some to the main body of his army. It was now nightfall,
and Niccolo had escaped to Tenna, but he knew that if he
were to remain there till morning, he must inevitably fall
into the enemy's hands ; therefore, to avoid a catastrophe
which might be regarded as almost fatal, he resolved to make
a dangerous experiment. Of all his attendants he had only
with him a single servant, a Dutchman, of great personal
strength, and who had always been devotedly attached to
him. Niccolo induced this man to take him upon his
shoulders in a sack, as if he had been carrying property of
his master's, and to bear him to a place of security. The
enemy's lines surrounded Tenna, but on account of the pre-
vious day's victory, all was in disorder, and no guard was
kept, so that the Dutchman, disguised as a trooper, passed
through them without any opposition, and brought his master
in safety to his own troops.
Had this victory been as carefully improved as it was for-
236 H [STORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 5. a.d. 1433
tunately obtained, Brescia would have derived from it greater
relief and the Venetians more permanent advantage ; but
they, having thoughtlessly let it slip, the rejoicings were
soon over, and Brescia remained in her former difficulties.
Niccolo, having returned to his forces, resolved by some
extraordinary exertion to cancel the impression of his defeat,
and deprive the Venetians of the chance of relieving Brescia.
He was acquainted with the topography of the citadel of
Verona, and had learned from prisoners whom he had taken,
that it was badly guarded, and might be very easily recovered.
He perceived at once that fortune presented him with an
opportunity of regaining the laurels he had lately lost, and
of changing the joy of the enemy for their recent victory into
sorrow for a succeeding disaster. The city of Verona is
situated in Lombardy, at the foot of the mountains which
divide Italy from Germany, so that it occupies part both of
hill and plain. The river Adige rises in the valley of Trento,
and entering Italy, does not immediately traverse the country,
but winding to the left, along the base of the hills, enters
Verona, and crosses the city, which it divides unequally,
giving much the larger portion to the plain. On the moun-
tain side of the river are two fortresses, formidable rather
from their situation than from their actual strength, for being
very elevated they command the whole place. One is called
San Piero, the other San Felice. On the opposite side of
the Adige, upon the plain, with their backs against the city
walls, are two other fortresses, about a mile distant from
each other, one called the Old the other the New Citadel,
and a wall extends between them that may be compared to a
bow-string, of which the city wall is the arc. The space
comprehended within this segment is very populous, and is
called the Borgo of St. Zeno. Niccolo Piccinino designed to
capture these fortresses and the Borgo, and he hoped to
succeed without much difficulty, as well on account of the
ordinary negligence of the guard, which their recent suc-
cesses would probably increase, as because in war no enter-
prise is more likely to be successful than one which by the
enemy is deemed impossible. With a body of picked men,
and accompanied by the marquis of Mantua, he proceeded
by night to Verona, silently scaled the walls, and took the
New Citadel ; then entering the place with his troops, he
B. r. ch. 5. a.d. 1439. YERONA ATTACKED. 287
forced the gate of S. Antonio, and introduced the whole of
his cavalry. The Venetian garrison of the Old Citadel hear-
ing an uproar, when the guards of the New were slaughtered,
and again when the gate was forced, being now aware of the
presence of enemies, raised an alarm, and called the people to
arms. The citizens awaking in the utmost confusion, some
of the boldest armed and hastened to the rectors' piazza. In
the meantime, Niccolo's forces had pillaged the Borgo of
San Zeno ; and proceeding onwards were ascertained by the
people to be the duke's forces, but being defenceless they
advised the Venetian rectors to take refuge in the fortresses,
and thus save themselves and the place ; as it was more ad-
visable to preserve their lives and so rich a city for better
fortune, than, by endeavouring to repel the present evil, en-
counter certain death, and incur universal pillage. Upon
this the rectors, and all the Venetian party, fled to the fortress
of San Felice. Some of the first citizens, anxious to avoid
being plundered by the troops, presented themselves before
Niccolo and the marquis of Mantua, and begged they would
rather take possession of a rich city, with honour to them-
selves, than of a poor one to their own disgrace ; particularly
as they had not induced either the favour of its former pos-
sessors, or the animosity of its present masters, by self-
defence. The marquis and Niccolo encouraged them, and
protected their property to the utmost of their power during
such a state of military licence. As they felt sure the count
would endeavour to recover the city, they made every possible
exertion to gain possession of the fortresses, and those they
could not seize they cut off from the rest of the place by
ditches and barricades, so that the enemy might be shut out.
The count Francesco was with his army at Tenna ; and
when the report was first brought to him he refused to credit
it ; but being assured of the fact by parties whom it would
have been ridiculous to doubt, he resolved, by the exertion of
uncommon celerity, to repair the evil negligence had occa-
sioned ; and though all his officers advised the abandonment
of Verona and Brescia, and a march to Vicenza, lest he might
be besieged by the enemy in his present situation, he refused,
but resolved to attempt the recovery of Verona. During the
consultation, he turned to the Venetian commissaries and to
Bernardo de' Medici, who was there as commissary for the
238 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 5. ad. 1139
Florentines, and promised them the recovery of the place
if one of the fortresses should hold out. Having collected
his forces, he proceeded with the utmost speed to Verona.
Observing his approach, Niccolo thought he designed, ac-
cording to the advice he had received, to go to Vicenza, but
finding him continue to draw near, and taking the direc-
tion of San Felice, he prepared for its defence — though too
late ; for the barricades were not completed ; his men were
dispersed in quest of plunder, or extorting money from
the inhabitants by way of ransom ; and he could not collect
them in time to prevent the count's troops from entering the
fortress. They then descended into the city, which they
happily recovered, to Niccolo's disgrace, and with the loss of
great numbers of his men. He himself, with the marquis of
Mantua, first took refuge in the citadel, and thence escaping
into the country, fled to Mantua, where, having assembled
the relics of their army, they hastened to join those who
were at the siege of Brescia. Thus in four days Verona was
lost and again recovered from the duke. The count, after
this victory, it being now winter, and the weather very severe,
having first with considerable difficulty thrown provisions
into Brescia, went into quarters at Verona, and ordered, that
during the cold season, galleys should be provided at Torboli,
that upon the return of spring, they might be in a condition
to proceed vigorously to effect the permanent relief of
Brescia.
The duke, finding the war suspended for a time, the hope
he had entertained of occupying Brescia and Verona annihi-
lated, and the money and counsels of the Florentines the
cause of this, and seeing that neither the injuries they had
received from the Venetians could alienate them, nor all
the promises he had made attach them to himself, he deter-
mined, in order to make them feel more closely the effects
of the course they had adopted, to attack Tuscany ; to
which he was strenuously advised by the Florentine exiles
and Niccolo. The latter advocated this from his desire to
recover the states of Braccio, and expel the count from La
Marca ; the former, from their wish to return home, and each
by suitable arguments endeavoured to induce the duke to
follow the plan congenial to their own views. Niccolo argued
that he might be sent into Tuscany, and continue the siege
B v. ch. 5. a.d 1439. GIOVANNI VITELLESCHI. 239
of Brescia; for lie was master of the lake, the fortresses
were well provided, and their officers were qualified to oppose
the count should he undertake any fresh enterprise ; which it
was not likely he would do without first relieving Brescia, a
thing impossible ; and thus the duke might carry on the war
in Tuscany, without giving up his attempts in Lombardy ;
intimating that the Florentines would be compelled, as soon
as he entered Tuscany, to recall the count to avoid complete
ruin ; and whatever course they took, victory to the duke
must be the result. The exiles affirmed, that if Niccolo with
bis army were to approach Florence, the people, oppressed
with taxes, and wearied out by the insolence of the great,
would most assuredly not oppose him, and pointed out the
facility of reaching Florence ; for the way by the Casentino
would be open to them, through the friendship of Rinaldo
and the Count di Poppi ; and thus the duke, who was pre-
viously inclined to the attempt, was induced by their joint
persuasions to make it. The Venetians, on the other hand,
though the winter was severe, incessantly urged the count to
relieve Brescia, with all his forces. The count questioned
the possibility of so doing, and advised them to wait the
return of spring, in the meantime strengthening their fleet as
much as possible, and then assist it both by land and water.
This rendered the Venetians dissatisfied ; they were dilatory
in furnishing provisions, and consequently many deserted
from their army.
The Florentines, being informed of these transactions,
became alarmed, perceiving the war threatening themselves,
and the little progress made in Lombardy. Nor did the sus-
picion entertained by them of the troops of the church give
them less uneasiness ; not that the pope was their enemy,
but because they saw those forces more under the sway of
the patriarch, who was their greatest foe. Giovanni Vitel-
leschi of Corneto was at first apostolic notary, then bishop of
Recanati, and afterwards patriarch of Alexandria ; but at
last, becoming a cardinal, he was called Cardinal of Florence.
He was bold and cunning ; and, having obtained great in-
fluence, was appointed to command the forces of the church,
and conduct all the enterprises of the pontiff, whether in
Tuscany, Romagna, the kingdom of Naples, or in Rome.
Hence he acquired so much power over the pontiff, and the
240 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v.ch.6. a.d. 1439.
papal troops, that the former was afraid of commanding him,
and the latter obeyed no one else. The cardinal's presence
at Rome, when the report came of Niccolo's design to march
into Tuscany, redoubled the fear of the Florentines ; for,
since Rinaldo was expelled, he had become an enemy of the
republic, from finding that the arrangements made by his
means were not only disregarded, but converted to Rinaldo' s
prejudice, and caused the laying down of arms, which had given
his enemies an opportunity of banishing him. In consequence
of this, the government thought it would be advisable to restore
and indemnify Rinaldo, in case Niccolo came into Tuscany
and were joined by him. Their apprehensions were in-
creased by their being unable to account for Niccolo's de-
parture from Lombardy, and his leaving one enterprise almost
completed, to undertake another so entirely doubtful ; which
they could not reconcile with their ideas of consistency,
except by supposing some new design had been adopted, or
some hidden treachery intended. They communicated their
fears to the pope, who was now sensible of his error in having
endowed the cardinal with too much authority.
CHAPTER VI.
The pope imprisons the cardinal and assists the Florentines — Difference of
opinion between the count and the Venetians respecting the manage-
ment of the war. The Florentines reconcile them — The count wishes
to go into Tuscany to oppose Piccinino, but is prevented by the Vene-
tians — Niccolo Piccinino in Tuscany — He takes Marradi, and plunders
the neighbourhood of Florence — Description of Marradi — Cowardice of
Bartolomeo Orlandini — Brave resistance of Castel San Niccolo — San
Niccolo surrenders — Piccinino attempts to take Cortona, but fails.
Whilst the Florentines were thus anxious, fortune dis-
closed the means of securing themselves against the patri-
arch's malevolence. The republic everywhere exercised the
very closest espionage over epistolary communication, in
order to discover if any persons were plotting against the
state. It happened that letters were intercepted at Monte
Pulciano, which had been written by the patriarch to Niccolo
without the pope's knowledge; and although they were
, Gad. 1439. TirE CARDINAL TAKEN PRISONER. 241
written in an unusual character, and the sense so involved
that no distinct idea could be extracted, the obscurity itself,
and the whole aspect of the matter so alarmed the pontiff,
that he resolved to seize the person of the cardinal, a duty
he committed to Antonio Rido, of Padua, who had the com-
mand of the castle of St. Angelo, and who, after receiving
his instructions, soon found an opportunity of carrying them
into effect. The patriarch, having determined to go into
Tuscany, prepared to leave Rome on the following day, and
ordered the castellan to be upon the drawbridge of the for-
tress in the morning, for he wished to speak with him as he
passed. Antonio perceived this to be the favourable moment,
informed his people what they were to do, and awaited the
arrival of the patriarch upon the bridge, which adjoined the
building, and might for the purpose of security be raised or
lowered as occasion required. The appointed time found
him punctual ; and Antonio, having drawn him, as if for con-
venience of conversation, on to the bridge, gave a signal to
his men, who immediately raised it, and in a moment the
cardinal, from being a commander of armies, found himself a
prisoner of the castellan. The patriarch's followers at first
began to use threats, but being informed of the pope's direc-
tions they were appeased. The castellan comforting him
with kind words, he replied, that " the great do not make
each other prisoners to let them go again ; and that those
whom it is proper to take, it is not well to set free." He
shortly afterwards died in prison. The pope appointed
Lodovico, patriarch of Aquileia, to command his troops ;
and, though previously unwilling to interfere in the wars of
the league and the duke, he was now content to take part in
them, and engaged to furnish four thousand horse and two
thousand foot for the defence of Tuscany.
The Florentines, freed from this cause for anxiety, were
still apprehensive of Niccolo, and feared confusion in the
affairs of Lombardy, from the differences of opinion that
existed between the count and the Venetians. In order the
better to become acquainted with the intentions of the parties,
they sent Neri di Gino Capponi and Giuliano Davanzati to
Venice, with instructions to assist in the arrangement of the
approaching campaign ; and ordered that Neri, having dis-
covered how the Venetians were disposed, should proceed to
R
242 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v.ch.G. a.d. 1430
the count, learn his designs, and induce him to adopt the
course that would be most advantageous to the league. The
-.mbassadors had only reached Ferrara, when they were told
that Niccolo Piccinino had crossed the Po with six thousand
horse. This made them travel with increased speed ; and,
having arrived at Venice, they found the Signory fully re-
solved that Brescia should be relieved without waiting for
the return of spring ; for they said that " the city would be
unable to hold out so long, the fleet could not be in readiness,
and that seeing no more immediate relief, she would submit
to the enemy ; which would render the duke universally
victorious, and cause them to lose the whole of their inland
possessions." Neri then proceeded to Verona to ascertain
the count's opinion, who argued, for many reasons, that to
march to Brescia before the return of spring would be quite
useless, or even worse ; for the situation of Brescia, being
considered in conjunction with the season, nothing could be
expected to result but disorder and fruitless toil to the troops ;
so that, when the suitable period should arrive, he would be
compelled to return to Verona with his army, to recover from
the injuries sustained in the winter, and provide necessaries
for the summer; and thus the time available for the war
would be wasted in marching and countermarching. Orsatto
Justiniani and Giovanni Pisani were deputed on the part of
Venice to the count at Verona, having been sent to consider
these affairs, and with them it was agreed that the Venetians
should pay the count ninety thousand ducats for the coming
year, and to each of the soldiers forty ducats ; that he should
set out immediately with the whole army and attack the
duke, in or ler to compel him, for his own preservation, to
recall Niccolo into Lombardy. After this agreement the am-
bassadors returned to Venice ; and the Venetians, having so
large an amount of money to raise, were very remiss with
their commissariat.
In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino pursued his route, and
arrived in Romagna, where he prevailed upon the sons of
Pandolfo Malatesti to desert the Venetians and enter the
duke's service. This circumstance occasioned much uneasi-
ness at Venice, and still more at Florence ; for they thought
that with the aid of the Malatesti they might resist Niccolo ;
but finding them gone over to the enemy, they were in fear
n v. en. Gad. 1139. THE COUNT AND THE DOGE. 243
Itet their captain, Piero Giampagolo Orsini, who was in the
territories of the Malatesti, should be disarmed and rendered
powerless. The count also felt alarmed, for, through
Niccolo's presence in Tuscany, he was afraid of losing La
: and, urged by a desire to look after his own affairs,
he hastened to Venice, and being introduced to the Doge,
informed him that the interests of the league required his
presence in Tuscany ; for the war ought to be carried on
where the leader and forces of the enemy were, and not
where his garrisons and towns were situated ; for when the
army is vanquished the war is finished ; but to take towns
and leave the armament entire, usually allowed the war to
break out again with greater virulence ; that Tuscany and
La Marca would be lost if Niccolo were not vigorously re-
sisted ; and that, if lost, there would be no possibility of the
preservation of Lombardy. But supposing the danger to
Lombardy not so imminent, he did not intend to abandon his
own subjects and friends, and that having come into Lom-
bardy as a prince, he did intend to return a mere condottiere.
To this the Doge replied, it was quite manifest that, if he
left Lombardy, or even re-crossed the Po, all their inland
territories would be lost ; in that case they were unwilling to
spend any more money in their defence. For it would be
folly to attempt defending a place which must, after all, inevi-
tably be lost ; and that it is less disgraceful and less injurious
to lose dominions only, than to lose both territory and
money. That if the loss of their inland possessions should
actually result, it would then be seen how highly important
to the preservation of Romagna and Tuscany the reputation
of the Venetians had been. On these accounts they were
of quite a different opinion from the count; for they saw
that whoever was victor in Lombardy would be so every-
where else ; that conquest would be easily attainable now,
when the territories of the duke were left almost defenceless
by the departure of Niccolo, and that he would be ruined
before he could order Niccolo's recall, or provide himself with
any other remedy ; that whoever attentively considered these
things would see, that the duke had sent Niccolo into Tus-
cany for no other reason than to withdraw the count from
his enterprise, and cause the war, which was now at his own
door, to be removed to a greater distance. That if the count
24 1 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 6. a.d. U30.
were to follow Niccolo, unless at the instigation of some
very pressing necessity, he would find his plan successful,
and rejoice in the adoption of it ; but if he were to remain
in Lombardy, and allow Tuscany to shift for herself, the duke
would, when too late, see the imprudence of his conduct,
and find that he had lost his territories in Lombardy and
gained nothing in Tuscany. Each party having spoken, it
was determined to wait a few days to see what would result
from the agreement of the Malatesti with Niccolo ; whether
the Florentines could avail themselves of Piero Giampagolo,
and whether the pope intended to join the league with all
the earnestness he had promised. Not many days after these
resolutions were adopted, it was ascertained that the Mala-
testi had made the agreement more from fear than any ill
will towards the league; that Piero Giampagolo had pro-
ceeded with his force towards Tuscany, and that the pope
was more disposed than ever to assist them. This favour-
able intelligence dissipated the count's fears, and he consented
to remain in Lombardy, and that Neri Capponi should return
to Florence with a thousand of his own horse, and five
hundred from the other parties. It was further agreed, that
if the affairs of Tuscany should require the count's presence,
Neri should write to him, and he would proceed thither to
the exclusion of every other consideration. Neri arrived at
Florence with his forces in April, and Giampagolo joined
them the same day.
In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino, the affairs of Ro-
magna being settled, purposed making a descent into Tuscany,
and designing to go by the mountain passes of San Benedetto
and the valley of Montone, found them so well guarded by
the contrivance of Niccolo da Pisa, that his utmost exertions
would be useless in that direction. As the Florentines, upon
this sudden attack, were unprovided with troops and officers,
they had sent into the defiles of these hills many of their
citizens, with infantry raised upon the emergency to guard
them, amongst whom was Bartolomeo Orlandini, a cavaliere,
to whom was entrusted the defence of the castle of Marradi
and the adjacent passes. Niccolo Piccinino, finding the route
by San Benedetto impracticable, on account of the bravery
of its commander, thought the cowardice of the officer who
defended that of Marradi would render the passage easy.
'.'.. v. en. G. a.d. 1439. MARRADI. 245
Tadi is a castle situated at the foot of the mountains
which separate Tuscany from Romagna ; and, though des-
titute of walls, the river, the mountains, and the inhabitants,
make it a place of great strength ; for the peasantry are war-
like and faithful, and the rapid current undermining the
banks has left them of such tremendous height that it is im-
possible to approach it from the valley if a small bridge over
the stream be defended ; whilst on the mountain side the
precipices are so steep and perpendicular as to render it
almost impregnable. In spite of these advantages, the
pusillanimity of Bartolomeo Orlandini rendered the men
cowardly and the fortress untenable ; for as soon as he heard
of the enemy's approach he abandoned the place, fled with
all his forces, and did not stop till he reached the town of
San Lorenzo. Niccolo, entering the deserted fortress, won-
dered it had not been defended, and, rejoicing over his ac-
quisition, descended into the valley of the Mugello, where he
took some castles, and halted with his army at Pulicciano.
Thence he overran the country as far as the mountains of
Fiesole ; and his audacity so increased that he crossed the
Arno, plundering and destroying everything to within three
miles of Florence.
The Florentines, however, were not dismayed. Their first
concern was to give security to the government, for which
they had no cause for apprehension, so universal was the
good will of the people towards Cosmo ; and, besides this,
they had restricted the principal offices to a few citizens of
the highest class, who with their vigilance would have kept
the populace in order, even if they had been discontented or
desirous of change. They also knew by the compact made
in Lombardy what forces Neri would bring with him, and
expected the troops of the pope. These prospects sustained
their courage till the arrival of Neri di Gino, who, on account
of the disorders and fears of the city, determined to set out
immediately and check Niccolo. With the cavalry he pos-
sessed, and a body of infantry raised entirely from the people,
he recovered Remole from the hands of the enemy, where,
having encamped, he put a stop to all further depredations,
and gave the inhabitants hopes of repelling the enemy from
the neighbourhood. Niccolo finding that, although the Flo-
rentines were without troops, no disturbance had arisen, and
246 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. en. 0. ,v.n. 1139.
learning what entire composure prevailed in the city, thought
he was wasting time, and resolved to undertake some other
enterprise to induce them to send forces after him, and give
him a chance of coming to an engagement, by means of
which, if victorious, he trusted everything would succeed to
his wishes.
Francesco, Count di Poppi, was in the army of Niccolo,
having deserted the Florentines, with whom he was in league,
when the enemy entered the Mugello ; and though with the
intention of securing him as soon as they had an idea of his
design, they increased his appointments, and made him com-
missary over all the places in his vicinity ; still, so powerful
is the attachment to party, that no benefit or fear could
eradicate the affection he bore towards Rinaldo and the
late government ; so that as soon as he knew Niccolo was
at hand he joined him, and with the utmost solicitude
entreated him to leave the city and pass into the Casentino,
pointing out to him the strength of the country, and how
easily he might thence harass his enemies. Niccolo followed
his advice, and arriving in the Casentino, took Romena and
Bibbiena, and then pitched his camp before Castel San Nic-
colo. This fortress is situated at the foot of the mountains
which divide the Casentino from the Val d' Arno ; and being
in an elevated situation, and well garrisoned, it was difficult
to take, though Niccolo, with catapults and other engines,
assailed it without intermission. The siege had continued
more than twenty days, during which the Florentines had
collected all their forces, having assembled under several
leaders, three thousand horse, at Fegghine, commanded by
Piero Giampagolo Orsini, their captain, and Neri Capponi
and Bernardo de' Medici, commissaries. Four messengers,
from Castel San Niccolo, were sent to them to entreat suc-
cour. The commissaries having examined the site, found it
could not be relieved, except from the Alpine regions, in the
direction of the Val d' Arno, the summit of which was more
easily attainable by the enemy than by themselves, on account
of their greater proximity, and because the Florentines could
not approach without observation ; so that it would be mak-
ing a desperate attempt, and might occasion the destruction
of the forces. The commissaries, therefore, commended their
fidelity, and ordered that when they could hold out no
H. v. mi. G.a.d. 1439. ATTEMPT ON CORTONA. 247
longer, they should surrender. Niccolo took the fortress
after a siege of thirty-two days ; and the loss of so much
time, for the attainment of so small an advantage, was the
principal cause of the failure of his expedition ; for had he
remained with his forces near Florence, he would have almost
deprived the government of all power to compel the citi-
zens to furnish money: nor would they so easily have as-
sembled forces and taken other precautions, if the enemy
had been close upon them, as they did while he was at
a distance. Besides this, many would have been disposed
to quiet their apprehensions of Niccolo, by concluding a
peace ; particularly, as the contest was likely to be of
some duration. The desire of the Count di Poppi to avenge
himself on the inhabitants of San Niccolo, long his enemies,
occasioned his advice to Piccinino, who adopted it for the
purpose of pleasing him ; and this caused the ruin of both.
It seldom happens, that the gratification of private feelings,
fails to be injurious to the general convenience.
Niccolo, pursuing his good fortune, took Rassina and
Chiusi. The Count di Poppi advised him to halt in these
parts, arguing that he might divide his people between Chiusi,
Caprese, and the Pieve, render himself master of this branch
of the Appennines, and descend at pleasure, into the Casen-
tino, the Val d' Arno, the Val di Chiane, or the Val di Tavere,
as well as be prepared for every movement of the enemy.
But Niccolo, considering the sterility of these places, told him,
" his horses could not eat stones," and went to the Borgo
San Sepolcro, where he was amicably received, but found
that the people of Citta di Castello, who were friendly to the
Florentines, could not be induced to yield to his overtures.
Wishing to have Perugia at his disposal, he proceeded thither
with forty horse, and being one of her citizens, met with a
kind reception. But in a few days he became suspected,
and having attempted unsuccessfully to tamper with the
legate and people of Perugia, he took eight thousand
ducats from them, and returned to his army. He then set
on foot secret measures, to seduce Cortona from the Floren-
tines, but the affair being discovered, hi- attempts were fruit-
less. Among the principal citizens was Bartolomeo di
Senso, who being appointed to the evening watch of one
of the gates, a countryman, his friend, told him, that if he
218 HISTORY OF FLOREXCE. B. v. ch. 7. a.i>. 1430
went he would be slain. Bartolomeo, requesting to know
what was meant, he became acquainted with the whole affaii,
and revealed it to the governor of the place, who, having se-
cured the leaders of the conspiracy, and doubled the guards
at the gates, waited till the time appointed for the coming of
Niccolo, who finding his purpose discovered, returned to his
encampment.
CHAPTER VII.
Brescia relieved by Sforza — His other victories — Piccinino is recalled into
Lombardy — He endeavours to bring the Florentines to an engagement —
He is routed before Anghiari — Serious disorders in the camp of the
Florentines after the victory — Death of Rinaldo degli Albizzi — His
character — Neri Capponi goes to recover the Casentino — The Count di
1'oppi surrenders — His discourse upon quitting his possessions.
Whilst these events were taking place in Tuscany, so little
to the advantage of the duke, his affairs in Lombardy were
in a still worse condition. The Count Francesco, as soon as
the season would permit, took the field with his army, and
the Venetians having again covered the lake with their gal-
leys, he determined first of all to drive the duke from the
water ; judging, that this once effected, his remaining task
would be easy. He, therefore, with the Venetian fleet, at-
tacked that of the duke, and destroyed it. His land forces
took the castles held for Filippo, and the ducal troops who
were besieging Brescia, being informed of these transactions,
withdrew ; and thus, the city, after standing a three years'
siege, was at length relieved. The count then went in quest
of the enemy, whose forces were encamped before Soncino,
a fortress situated upon the River Oglio ; these he dislodged
and compelled to retreat to Cremona, where the duke again
collected his forces, and prepared for his defence. But the
count constantly pressing him more closely, he became appre-
hensive of losing either the whole, or the greater part, of his
territories ; and perceiving the unfortunate step he had taken,
in sending Xiccolo into Tuscany, in order to correct his error,
B. v. jh. 7 . a.d. 1439. BATTLE AT ANGHIARI. 249
ho wrote to acquaint him with what had transpired, desiring
him, with all possible despatch, to leave Tuscany and return
to Lombardy.
In the meantime, the Florentines, under their commissaries,
had drawn together their forces, and being joined by those
of the pope, halted at Anghiari, a castle placed at the foot of
the mountains that divide the Val di Tavere from the Val di
Chiane, distant four miles from the Borgo San Sepolcro, on a
level road, and in a country suitable for the evolutions of
cavalry or a battlefield. As the Signory had heard of the count's
victory and the recall of Niccolo, they imagined that without
again drawing a sword or disturbing the dust under their
horses' feet, the victory was their own and the war at an end,
they wrote to the commissaries, desiring them to avoid an
engagement, as Niccolo could not remain much longer in
Tuscany. These instructions coming to the knowledge of
Piccinino, and perceiving the necessity of his speedy return,
to leave nothing unattempted, he determined to engage the
enemy, expecting to find them unprepared, and not disposed
for battle. In this determination he was confirmed by Rinaldo,
the Count di Poppi, and other Florentine exiles, who saw their
inevitable ruin in the departure of Niccolo, and hoped, that
if he engaged the enemy, they would either be victorious, or
vanquished without dishonour. This resolution being adopted,
Niccolo led his army, unperceived by the enemy, from Citta
di Castello to the Borgo, where he enlisted two thousand
men, who, trusting in the general's talents and promises, fol-
lowed him in hope of plunder. Niccolo then led his forces
in battle array towards Anghiari, and had arrived within two
miles of the place, when Micheletto Attendulo observed
great clouds of dust, and conjecturing at once, that »it must
be occasioned by the enemy's approach, immediately called
the troops to arms. Great confusion prevailed in the Floren-
tine camp, for the ordinary negligence and want of discipline
were now increased by their presuming the enemy to be at a
distance, and they were more disposed to flight than to
battle ; so that every one was unarmed, and some wandering
from the camp, either led by their desire to avoid the excessive
heat, or in pursuit of amusement. So great was the diligence
of the commisaries and of the captain, that before the enemy's
arrival, the men were mounted and prepared to resist their
250 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. vu. 7. a.d. 1430
attack ; and as Miclieletto was the first to observe their ap-
proach, he was also first armed and ready to meet them, and
with his troops hastened to the bridge which crosses the river
at a short distance from Anghiari. Pietro Giampagolo hav-
ing, previously to the surprise, filled up the ditches on either
side of the road, and levelled the ground between the bridge
and Anghiari, and Micheletto having taken his position in
front of the former, the legate and Simoncino, who led the
troops of the church, took post on the right, and the commis-
saries of the Florentines, with Pietro Giampagolo, their cap-
tain, on the left ; the infantry being drawn up along the banks
of the river. Thus, the only course the enemy could take,
was the direct one over the bridge ; nor had the Florentines
any other field for their exertions, excepting that their infan-
try were ordered, in case their cavalry were attacked in flank
by the hostile infantry, to assail them with their cross bows,
and prevent them from wounding the flanks of the horses
crossing the bridge. Micheletto bravely withstood the
enemy's charge upon the bridge ; but Astorre and Fran-
ceso Piccinino coming up, with a picked body of men, at-
tacked him so vigorously, that he was compelled to give
way, and was pushed as far as the foot of the hill which
rises towards the Borgo d' Anghiari ; but they were in turn
repulsed and driven over the bridge, by the troops that took
them in flank. The battle continued two hours, during which
each side had frequent possession of the bridge, and their
attempts upon it were attended with equal success ; but on
both sides of the river, the disadvantage of Niccolo was mani-
fest ; for when his people crossed the bridge, they found the
enemy unbroken, and the ground being levelled, they could
manoeuvre without difficulty, and the weary be relieved by such
as were fresh. But when the Florentines crossed, Niccolo
could not relieve those that were harassed, on account of the
hindrance interposed by the ditches and embankments on
each side of the road ; thus whenever his troops got posses-
sion of the bridge, they were soon repulsed by the fresh
forces of the Florentines ; but when the bridge was taken
by the Florentines, and they passed over and proceeded upon
the road, Niccolo having no opportunity to reinforce his
troops, being prevented by the impetuosity of the enemy and
the inconvenience of the ground, the rear-guard became
a.d. 1430. NTCCOLO DEFEATED. 251
mingled with (he van, and occasioned the utmost confusion
and disorder ; they were forced to flee, and hastened at
full speed towards the Borgo. The Florentine troops fell
upon the plunder, which was very valuable in horses, pri-
soners, and military stores, for not more than a thousand of
the enemy's cavalry reached the town. The people of the
Borgo, who had followed Niccolo in the hope of plunder, be-
came booty themselves, all of them being taken, and obliged
to pay a ransom. The colours and carriages were also cap-
tured. This victory was much more advantageous to the
Florentines than injurious to the duke ; for, had they been
conquered, Tuscany would have been his own ; but he, by
his defeat, only lost the horses and accoutrements of his
army, which could be re-placed without any very serious ex-
pense. Nor was there ever an instance of wars being carried
on in an enemy's country with less injury to the assailants
than at this ; for in so great a defeat, and in a battle which
continued four hours, only one man died, and he, not from
wounds inflicted by hostile weapons, or any honourable
means, but, having fallen from his horse, was trampled to
death. Combatants then engaged with little danger ; being
nearly all mounted, covered with armour, and preserved from
death whenever they chose to surrender, there was no neces-
sity for risking their lives ; while fighting, their armour de-
fended them, and when they could resist no longer, they
yielded and were safe.
This battle, from the circumstances which attended and
followed it, presents a striking example of the wretched state
of military discipline in those times. The enemy's forces
being defeated and driven into the Borgo, the commissaries
desired to pursue them, in order to make the victory com-
plete, but not a single condottiere or soldier would obey,
alleging, as a sufficient reason for their refusal, that they
must take care of the booty and attend to their wounded ;
and, what is still more surprising, the next day, without per-
mission from the commissaries, or the least regard for their
commanders, they went to Arezzo, and, having secured their
plunder, returned to Anghiari ; a thing so contrary to military
order and all subordination, that the merest shadow of a
regular army would easily and most justly have wrested from
them the victory they had so undeservedly obtained. Added
252 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. v. ch. 7. a.d. 1439.
to this, the men-at-arms, or heavy-armed horse, who had
been taken prisoners, whom the commissaries wished to be
detained that they might not rejoin the enemy, were set at
liberty, contrary to their orders. It is astonishing, that an
army so constructed should have sufficient energy to obtain
the victory, or that any should be found so imbecile as
to allow such a disorderly rabble to vanquish them. The
time occupied by the Florentine forces in going and returning
from Arezzo, gave Niccolo opportunity of escaping from the
Borgo, and proceeding towards Romagna. Along with him
also fled the Florentine exiles, who, finding no hope of their
return home, took up their abodes in various parts of Italy,
each according to his own convenience. Rinaldo made choice
of Ancona ; and, to gain admission to the celestial country,
having lost the terrestrial, he performed a pilgrimage to the
holy sepulchre ; whence having returned, he died suddenly
whilst at table at the celebration of the marriage of one of
his daughters ; an instance of fortune's favour, in removing
him from the troubles of this world upon the least sorrowful
day of his exile. Rinaldo d'Albizzi appeared respectable
under every change of condition ; and would have been more
so had he lived in a united city, for many qualities were in-
jurious to him in a factious community, which in an har-
monious one would have done him honour.
When the forces returned from Arezzo, Niccolo being then
gone, the commissaries presented themselves at the Borgo,
the people of which were willing to submit to the Floren-
tines ; but their offer was declined, and whilst negotiations
were pending, the pope's legate imagined the commissaries
designed to take it from the church. Hard words were ex-
changed, and hostilities might have ensued between the
Florentine and ecclesiastical forces, if the misunderstanding
had continued much longer ; but as it was brought to the
conclusion desired by the legate, peace was restored.
Whilst the affair of the Borgo San Sepolcro was in pro-
gress, Niccolo Piccinino was supposed to have marched to-
wards Rome ; other accounts said La Marca, and hence the
legate and the count's forces moved towards Perugia to
relieve La Marca or Rome, as the case might be, and Ber-
nardo de' Medici accompanied them. Neri led the Floren-
tine forces to recover the Casentino, and pitched his camp
u. v. ch. 7. a.d. 1439. POPPI SURRENDERS. 253
before Rassina, which he took, together with Bibblena, Prato
Yecchio, and Romena. From thence he proceeded to Poppi
and invested it on two sides with his forces, in one direction
towards the plain of Certomondo, in the other upon the hill
extending to Fronzole. The count finding himself abandoned
to his fate, had shut himself up in Poppi, not with any hope
of assistance, but with a view to make the best terms he
could. Neri pressing him, he offered to capitulate, and ob-
d reasonable conditions, namely, security for himself and
family, with leave to take whatever he could carry away,
on condition of ceding his territories and government to the
Florentines. When he perceived the full extent of his mis-
fortune, standing upon the bridge which crosses the Arno,
close to Poppi, he turned to Neri in great distress, and
said, " Had I well considered my own position and the
power of the Florentines, I should now have been a friend
of the republic and congratulating you on your victory,
not an enemy compelled to supplicate some alleviation of
my woe. The recent events which to you bring glory and
joy, to me are full of wretchedness and sorrow. Once I
possessed horses, arms, subjects, grandeur, and wealth : can
it be surprising that I part with them reluctantly ? But
as you possess both the power and the inclination to com-
mand the whole of Tuscany, we must of necessity obey
you ; and had I not committed this error, my misfortune
would not have occurred, and your liberality could not
have been exercised ; so, that if you were to rescue me from
entire ruin, you would give the world a lasting proof of
your clemency. Therefore, let your pity pass by my fault,
and allow me to retain this single house to leave to the
descendants of those from whom your fathers have received
innumerable benefits." To this Neri replied : " That his
having expected great results from men who were capable
of doing only very little, had led him to commit so great a
fault against the republic of Florence ; that, every circum-
stance considered, he must surrender all those places to the
Florentines, as an enemy, which he was unwilling to hold as a
friend : that he had set such an example, as it would be most
highly impolitic to encourage ; for, upon a change of fortune, it
might injure the republic, and it was not himself they feared,
but his power whilst lord of the Casentino. If, however, he
254 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. rr. ch. I.a.d.1439.
could live as a prince in Germany, the citizens would be very
much gratified ; and out of love to those ancestors of whom
he had spoken, they would be glad to assist him." To
this, the count, in great anger, replied : " He wished the
Florentines at a much greater distance." Attempting no
longer to preserve the least urbanity of demeanour, he ceded
the place and all his dependencies to the Florentines, and
with his treasure, wife, and children, took his departure,
mourning the loss of a territory which his forefathers had
held during four hundred years. When all these victories
were known at Florence, the government and people were
transported with joy. Benedetto de' Medici, finding the re-
port of Niccolo having proceeded either to Rome or to La
Marca, incorrect, returned with his forces to Neri, and they
proceeded together to Florence, where the highest honours
were decreed to them which it was customary with the city to
bestow upon her victorious citizens, and they were received
by the Signory, the Capitani di Parte, and the whole city, in
triumphal pomp.
BOOK VI.
CHAPTER I.
Reflections on the object of war and the use of victory — Niccolo reinforces
his army — The duke of Milan endeavours to recover the services of Count
Francesco Sforza — Suspicions of theVenetians — They acquire Ravenna —
The Florentines purchase the Borgo San Sepolcro of the pope — Piccinino
makes an excursion during the winter — The count besieged in his camp
before Martinen.o — The insolence of Niccolo Piccinini — The duke in
revenge makes peace with the league — Sforza assisted by the Floren-
tines.
Those who make war have always and very naturally de-
signed to enrich themselves and impoverish the enemy ;
neither is victory sought or conquest desirable, excepting to
strengthen themselves and weaken the enemy. Hence it
b. vr. ch. 1. a.d. 1430. REFLECTIONS ON WAR. 25-5
follows, that those who are impoverished by victory or debi-
litated by conquest, must either have gone beyond, or fallen
short of, the end for which wars are made. A republic or a
prince is enriched by the victories he obtains, when the
enemy is crushed and possession is retained of the plunder
and ransom. Victory is injurious when the foe escapes,
or when the soldiers appropriate the booty and ransom.
In such a case, losses are unfortunate, and conquests still
more so ; for the vanquished sutlers the injuries inflicted by the
enemy, and the victor those occasioned by his friends, which
being less justifiable, must cause the greater pain, particu-
larly from a consideration of his being thus compelled to
oppress his people by an increased burden of taxation. A
ruler possessing any degree of humanity, cannot rejoice in a
victory that afflicts his subjects. The victories of the ancient
and well organized republics, enabled them to fill their treasu-
ries with gold and silver won from their enemies, to dis-
tribute gratuities to the people, reduce taxation, and by games
and solemn festivals, disseminate universal joy. But the
victories obtained in the times of which we speak, first
emptied the treasury, and then impoverished the people,
without giving the victorious party security from the enemy.
This arose entirely from the disorders inherent in their mode
of warfare ; for the vanquished soldiery, divesting them-
selves of their accoutrements, and being neither slain nor
detained prisoners, only deferred a renewed attack on the
conqueror, till their leader had furnished them with arms and
horses. Besides this, both ransom and booty being appro-
priated by the troops, the victorious princes could not make
use of them for raising fresh forces, but were compelled to
draw the necessary means from their subjects' purses, and
this was the only result of victory experienced by the people,
except that it diminished the ruler's reluctance to such a
course, and made him less particular about his mode of op-
pressing them. To such a state had the practice of war been
brought by the sort of soldiery then on foot, that the victor
and the vanquished, when desirous of their services, alike
needed fresh supplies of money ; for the one had to re-
equip them, and the other to bribe them ; the vanquished
could not tight without being re-mounted, and the conquerors
would not take the field without a new gratuity. Hence it
256 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 1. a.d. 143a
followed, that the one derived little advantage from the vic-
tory, and the other was the less injured by defeat ; for the
routed party had to be re-equipped, and the victorious could
not pursue his advantage.
From this disorderly and perverse method of procedure,
it arose, that before Niccolo's defeat became known through-
out Italy, he had again re-organized his forces, and harassed
the enemy with greater vigour than before. Hence, also, it
happened, that after his disaster atTenna, he so soon occupied
Verona ; that being deprived of his army at Verona, he was
shortly able to appear with a large force in Tuscany ; that
being completely defeated at Anghiari, before he reached
Tuscany, he was more powerful in the field than ever. He
was thus enabled to give the duke of Milan hopes of defend-
ing Lombardy, which by his absence appeared to be lost ;
for whilst Niccolo spread consternation throughout Tuscany,
disasters in the former province so alarmed the duke, that he
was afraid his utter ruin would ensue before Niccolo, whom
he had recalled, could come to his relief, and check the im-
petuous progress of the count. Under these impressions,
the duke, to ensure by policy that success which he could
not command by arms, had recourse to remedies, which on
similar occasions had frequently served his turn. He sent
Niccolo da Esti, prince of Ferrara, to the count who was
then at Peschiera, to persuade him, " That this war was not
to his advantage ; for if the duke became so ruined as to be
unable to maintain his position amongst the states of Italy,
the count would be the first to suffer ; for he would cease to
be of any importance either with the Venetians or the Flo-
rentines ; and to prove the sincerity of his wish for peace,
he offered to fulfil the engagement he had entered into with
regard to his daughter, and send her to Ferrara ; so that as
soon as peace was established, the union might take place."
The count replied, " That if the duke really wished for
peace, he might easily be gratified, as the Florentines and
the Venetians were equally anxious for it. True, it was, he
could with difficulty credit him, knowing that he had never
made peace but from necessity, and when this no longer
pressed him, again desired war. Neither could he give
credence to what he had said concerning the marriage, hav-
ing been so repeatedly deceived ; yet, when peace was con-
B. vr. ch. 1. a.d. 1439. THE VENETIANS JEALOUS. 257
eluded, he would take the advice of his friends upon that
subject."
The Venetians, who were sometimes needlessly jealous of
their soldiery, became greatly alarmed at these proceedings ;
and not without reason. The count was aware of this, and
wishing to remove their apprehensions, pursued the war with
unusual vigour ; but his mind had become so unsettled, by
ambition, and the Venetians' by jealousy, that little further
progress was made during the remainder of the summer, and
upon the return of Niccolo into Lombardy, winter having
already commenced, the armies withdrew into quarters, the
count to Verona, the Florentine forces to Tuscany, the duke's
to Cremona, and those of the pope to Romagna. The latter,
after having been victorious at Anghiari, made an unsuc-
cessful attack upon Furli and Bologna, with a view to wrest
them from Niccolo Piccinino ; but they were gallantly de-
fended by his son Francesco. However, the arrival of the
papal forces so alarmed the people of Ravenna with the fear
of becoming subject to the church, that, by consent of
Ostasio di Polenta their lord, they placed themselves under
the power of the Venetians ; who, in return for the territory,
and that Ostasio might never retake by force what he had
imprudently given them, sent him and his son to Candia,
where they died. In the course of these affairs, the pope,
notwithstanding the victory at Anghiari, became so in want
of money, that he sold the fortress of Borgo San Sepolcro to
the Florentines for 25,000 ducats.
Affairs being thus situated, each party supposed winter
would protect them from the evils of war, and thought no
more of peace. This was particularly the case with the
duke, who, being rendered doubly secure by the season and
by the presence of Niccolo, broke off all attempts to effect
an accommodation with the count, re-organized Niccolo's
forces, and made every requisite preparation for the future
struggle. The count being informed of this, went to Venice
to consult with the senate on the course to be pursued during
the next year. Niccolo, on the other hand, being quite pre-
pared, and seeing the enemy unprovided, did not await the
return of spring, but crossed the Adda during severe weather,
occupied the whole Brescian territory, except Oddula and
Acri, and made prisoners two thousand horse belonging to
258 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 1. a.d. 1440.
Francesco's forces, who had no apprehension of an attack.
But the greatest source of anxiety to the count, and alarm
to the Venetians, was the desertion of his service by Ciar-
pellone, one of his principal officers. Francesco, on learning
these matters, immediately left Venice, and, arriving at
Brescia, found that Niccolo, after doing all the mischief
he could, had retired to his quarters ; and therefore, find-
ing the war concluded for the present, was not disposed to
re-kindle it, but rather to use the opportunity afforded by the
season and his enemies, of re-organizing his forces, so as
to be able, when spring arrived, to avenge himself for former
injuries. To this end he induced the Venetians to recall the
forces they had in Tuscany, in the Florentine service, and to
order that to succeed Gattamelata, who was dead, Micheletto
Attendulo should take the command.
On the approach of spring, Niccolo Piccinino was the first
to take the field, and encamped before Cignano, a fortress
twelve miles from Brescia ; the count marched to its relief,
and the war between them was conducted in the usual man-
ner. The count, apprehensive for the city of Bergamo, be-
sieged Martinengo, a castle so situated that the possession of
it would enable him to relieve the former, which was closely
pressed by Niccolo, who, having foreseen that the enemy
could impede him only from the direction of Martinengo, had
put the castle into a complete state of defence, so that the
count was obliged to lend his whole force to the siege. Upon
this, Niccolo placed his troops in a situation calculated to
intercept the count's provisions, and fortified himself with
trenches and bastions in such a manner that he could not be
attacked without the most manifest hazard to his assailant.
Hence the besiegers were more distressed than the people of
Martinengo whom they besieged. The count could not hold
his position for want of food, nor quit it without imminent
danger ; so that the duke's victory appeared certain, and
defeat equally inevitable to the count and the Venetians.
But fortune, never destitute of means to assist her fa-
vourites, or to injure others, caused the hope of victory to
operate so powerfully upon Niccolo Piccinino, and made him
assume such a tone of unbounded insolence, that, losing all
respect for himself and the duke, he sent him word that,
having served under his ensign so long, without obtaining
B. vi. ch. 1. a.d. 1441. PEACE CONCLUDED. 259
sufficient land to serve him for a grave, he wished to know
from himself what was to be the reward of his labours ; for
it was in his power to make him master of Lombardy, and
place all his enemies in his power ; and, as a certain vic-
tory ought to be attended by a sure remuneration, he de-
sired the duke to concede to him the city of Piacenza, that
when weary with his lengthened services he might at last
betake himself to repose. Nor did he hesitate, in con-
clusion", to threaten, if his request were not granted, to
abandon the enterprise. This injurious and most insolent
mode of proceeding highly offended the duke, and, on
further consideration, he determined rather to let the expe-
dition altogether fail, than consent to his general's demand.
Thus, what all the dangers he had incurred, and the threats
of his enemies, could not draw from him, the insolent beha-
viour of his friends made him willing to propose. He re-
solved to come to terms with the count, and sent Antonio
Guido Buono of Tortona, to offer his daughter and conditions
of peace, which were accepted with great pleasure by the
count, and also by the colleagues as far as themselves were
concerned. The terms being secretly arranged, the duke
sent to command Niccolo to make a truce with the count for
one year ; intimating, that being exhausted with the expense,
he could not forego a certain peace for a doubtful victory.
Niccolo was utterly astonished at this resolution, and could
not imagine what had induced the duke to lose such a glorious
opportunity ; nor could he surmise that, to avoid reward-
ing his friends, he would save his enemies, and therefore
to the utmost of his power he opposed this resolution ;
and the duke was obliged, in order to induce his compliance,
to threaten that if he did not obey he would give him up to
his soldiers and his enemies. Niccolo submitted, but with
the feelings of one compelled to leave country and friends,
complaining of his hard fate, that fortune and the duke were
robbing him of the victory over his enemies. The truce
being arranged, the marriage of the duke's daughter, Bianca.
to the count was solemnized, the duke giving Cremona
for her portion. This being over, peace was concluded
in November, 1441, at which Francesco Barbadico and
Pagolo Trono were present for the Venetians, and for the
Florentines Agnolo Acciajuoli. Peschiera, Asola, and
260 HISTORY t)F TLOKE-NCE. B. vi. ch. 1. a.d. 1441.
Lonato, castles in the Mantuan territory, were assigned to
the Venetians.
The war in Lombardy was concluded ; but the dissensions
in the kingdom of Naples continued, and the inability to
compose them occasioned the resumption of those arms
which had been so recently laid aside. Alfonso, of Arragon,
had, during these wars, taken from Rene the whole king-
dom except Naples ; so that, thinking he had the victory
in his power, he resolved during the siege of Naples to take
Benevento, and his other possessions in that neighbourhood,
from the count ; and thought he might easily accomplish
this while the latter was engaged in the wars of Lombardy.
Having heard of the conclusion of peace, Alfonso feared
the count would not only come for the purpose of recovering
his territories, but also to favour Rene ; and Rene himself
had hope of his assistance for the same reason. The latter,
therefore, sent to the count, begging he would come to the
relief of a friend, and avenge himself of an enemy. On
the other hand, Alfonso entreated Filippo, for the sake of
the friendship which subsisted between them, to find the
count some other occupation, that, being engaged in greater
affairs, he might not have an opportunity of interfering
between them. Filippo complied with this request, with-
out seeming to be aware that he violated the peace recently
made, so greatly to his disadvantage. He therefore signified
to pope Eugenius, that the present was a favourable opportu-
nity for recovering the territories which the count had taken
from the church ; and, that he might be in a condition to use
it, offered him the services of Niccolo Piccinino, and engaged
to pay him during the war ; who, since the peace of Lombardy,
had remained with his forces in Romagna. Eugenius eagerly
took the advice, induced by his hatred of the count, and his
desire to recover his lost possessions ; feeling assured that,
although on a former occasion he had been duped by Niccolo,
it would be improper, now that the duke interfered, to suspect
any deceit ; and, joining his forces to those of Niccolo, he
assailed La Marca. The count, astonished at such an unex-
pected attack, assembled his troops, and went to meet the
enemy. In the meantime, King Alfonso took possession of
Naples, so that the whole kingdom, except Castelnuova, was
in his power. Leaving a strong guard at Castelnuova, Rene
B. vt. ch. 1. a.d. 1442. KING ALFONSO. 261
set out and came to Florence, where he was most honourably
received ; and having remained a few days, finding he could
not continue the war, he withdrew to Marseilles.
In the meantime, Alfonso took Castelnuova, and the count
found himself assailed in the Marca Inferiore, both by the
pope and Niccolo. He applied to the Venetians and the
Florentines for assistance, in men and money, assuring them
that if they did not determine to restrain the pope and
king, during his life, they would soon afterwards find their
very existence endangered, for both would join Filippo and
divide Italy among them. The Florentines and Venetians
hesitated for a time, both to consider the propriety of drawing
upon themselves the enmity of the pope and the king, and
because they were then engaged in the affairs of the Bolog-
nese. Annibale Bentivoglio had driven Francesco Piccinino
from Bologna, and for defence against the duke, who favoured
Francesco, he demanded and received assistance of the
Venetians and Florentines ; so that, being occupied with
these matters, they could not resolve to assist the count, but
Annibale, having routed Francesco Piccinino, and those
affairs seeming to be settled, they resolved to support him.
Designing, however, to make sure of the duke, they offered
to renew the league with him, to which he was not averse ;
for, although he consented that war should be made against
the count, whilst King Rene was in arms, yet finding him now
conquered, and deprived of the whole kingdom, he was not
willing that the count should be despoiled of his territories ;
and therefore, not only consented that assistance should be
given him, but wrote to Alfonso to be good enough to retire
to his kingdom, and discontinue hostilities against the count ;
and although reluctantly, yet in acknowledgment of his obli-
gations to the duke, Alfonso determined to satisfy him, and
withdrew with his forces beyond the Tronto.
262 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 2. A.r>. 1442.
CHAPTER II.
Discords of Florence — Jealousy excited against Neri di Gino Capponi —
Baldaccio d'Anghiari murdered — Reform of government in favour of
the Medici — Enterprises of Sforza and Piccinino — Death of Niccolo
Piccinino — End of the war — Disturbances in Bologna — Annibale Ben-
tivoglio slain by Battista Canneschi, and the latter by the people —
Santi, supposed to be the son of Ercole Bentivoglio, is called to govern
the city of Bologna — Discourse of Cosmo de' Medici to him — Per-
fidious designs of the duke of Milan against Sforza — General war in
Italy — Losses of the duke of Milan — The duke has recourse to the
count, who makes peace with him — Offers of the duke and the Venetians
to the count — The Venetians furtively deprive the count of Cremona.
Whilst the affairs of Romagna proceeded thus, the city of
Florence was not tranquil. Among the citizens of highest
reputation in the government, was Neri di Gino Capponi, of
whose influence Cosmo de' Medici had more apprehension
than any other ; for to the great authority which he pos-
sessed in the city was added his influence with the sol-
diery. Having been often leader of the Florentine forces
he had won their affection by his courage and talents ; and
the remembrance of his own and his father's victories (the
latter having taken Pisa, and he himself having overcome
Niccolo Piccinino at Anghiari) caused him to be beloved by
many, and feared by those who were averse to having asso-
ciates in the government. Among the leaders of the Flo-
rentine army was Baldaccio d'Anghiari, an excellent soldier,
for in those times there was not one in Italy surpassed him in
vigour either of body or mind ; and possessing so much influ-
ence with the infantry, whose leader he had always been, many
thought they would follow him wherever he chose to lead them.
Baldaccio was the intimate friend of Neri, who loved him for
his talents, of which he had been a constant witness. This
excited great suspicion in the other citizens, who, thinking it
alike dangerous either to discharge or retain him in their
service, determined to destroy him, and fortune seemed to
favour their design. Bartolommeo Orlandini was Gonfalonier
of Justice ; the same person who was sent to the defence of
Marradi, when Niccolo Piccinino came into Tuscany, as we
have related above, and so basely abandoned the pass, which
by its nature was almost impregnable. So flagrant an in-
fi.vi.cn. 2. A.n. 1443. MURDER OF BALDACCIO. 263
stance of cowardice was very offensive to Baldaccio, who,
on many occasions, both by words and letters, had contri-
buted to make the disgraceful fact known to all. The
shame and vexation of Bartolommeo were extreme, so that
of all things he wished to avenge himself, thinking, with the
death of his accuser, to efface the stain upon his character.
This feeling of Bartolommeo Orlandini was known to
other citizens, so that they easily persuaded him to put
Baldaccio to death, and at once avenge himself, and de-
liver his country from a man whom they must either re-
tain at great peril, or discharge to their greater confusion.
Bartolommeo having therefore resolved to murder him, con-
cealed in his own apartment at the palace several young
men, all armed ; and Baldaccio, entering the piazza, whither
it was his daily custom to come, to confer with the magis-
trates concerning his command, the Gonfalonier sent for him,
and he, without any suspicion, obeyed. Meeting him in the
corridor, which leads to the chambers of the Signory, they
took a few turns together discoursing of his office, when,
being close to the door of the apartment in which the assassins
were concealed, Bartolommeo gave them the signal, upon
which they rushed out, and finding Baldaccio alone and un-
armed, they slew him, and threw the body out of the window
which looks from the palace towards the dogano, or custom-
house. It was thence carried into the piazza, where the
head being severed, it remained the whole day exposed to
the gaze of the people. Baldaccio was married, and had
only one child, a boy, who survived him but a short time ;
and his wife, Annalena, thus deprived of both husband
and offspring, rejected every proposal for a second union.
She converted her house into a monastery, to which she with-
drew, and, being joined by many noble ladies, lived in holy
seclusion to the end of her days. The convent she founded,
and which is named from her, preserves her story in per-
petual remembrance.
This circumstance served to weaken Neri's power, and
made him to lose both influence and friends. Nor did this
satisfy the citizens who held the reins of government ; for it
being ten years since their acquisition of power, and the
authority of the Balia expired, many began to exhibit more
boldness, both in words and deeds, than seemed consistent
264 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 2. a.i>. 1444,
with their safety ; and the leaders of the party judged, that
if they wished to preserve their influence, some means must
be adopted to increase it. To this end, in 1444 the councils
created a new Balia, which reformed the government, gave
authority to a limited number to create the Signory, re-es-
tablished the Chancery of Reformations, depriving Filippo
Peruzzi of his office of president in it, and appointing another
wholly under their influence. They prolonged the term of
exile to those who were banished ; put Giovanni di Simone
Vespucci in prison ; deprived the Accoppiatori of their
enemies of the honours of government, and with them the
sons of Piero Baroncelli, the whole of the Seragli, Barto-
lommeo Fortini, Francesco Castellani, and many others. By
these means they strengthened their authority and influence,
and humbled their enemies, or those whom they suspected of
being so.
Having thus recovered and confirmed their government,
they then turned their attention to external affairs. As ob-
served above, Niccolo Piccinino was abandoned by King
Alfonso, and the count having been aggrandized by the
assistance of the Florentines, attacked and routed him near
Fermo, where, after losing nearly the whole of his troops,
Niccolo fled to Montecchio, which he fortified in such a
manner that in a short time he had again assembled so large
an army as enabled him to make head against the count ; par-
ticularly as the season was now come for them to withdraw
into quarters. His principal endeavour during the winter
was to collect troops, and in this he was assisted both by the
pope and Alfonso ; so that, upon the approach of spring,
both leaders took the field, and Niccolo, being the strongest,
reduced the count to extreme necessity, and would have con-
quered him if the duke had not contrived to frustrate his
designs. Filippo sent to beg he would come to him with all
speed, for he wished to have a personal interview, that he
might communicate matters of the highest importance.
Niccolo, anxious to hear them, abandoned a certain victory
for a very doubtful advantage ; and leaving his son Francesco
to command the army, hastened to Milan. The count being
informed of the circumstance, would not let slip the oppor-
tunity of fighting in the absence of Niccolo ; and, coming to
an engagement near the castle of Monte Loro, routed the
B. vi ch. 2. a.d 1445. DEATH OF PICCOLO. 265
father's forces and took the son prisoner. Niccolo having
arrived at Milan saw that the duke had duped him, and
learning the defeat of his army and the capture of his son,
he died of grief in 1445, at the age of sixty-four, having been
a brave rather than a fortunate leader. He left two sons,
Francesco and Jacopo, who, possessing less talent than their
father, were still more unfortunate ; so that the arms of the
family became almost annihilated, whilst those of Sforza,
being favoured by fortune, attained augmented glory. The
pope, seeing Niccolo's army defeated and himself dead,
having little hope of assistance from Arragon, sought peace
with the count, and, by the intervention of the Florentines,
succeeded. Of La Marca, the pope only retained Osimo,
Fabriano, and Recanati ; all the rest remained in the count's
possession.
Peace being restored to La Marca, the whole of Italy
would have obtained repose had it not been disturbed by the
Bolognese. There were in Bologna two very powerful
families, the Canneschi and the Bentivogli. Of the latter,
Annibale was the head ; of the former, Battista, who, as a
means of confirming their mutual confidence, had contracted
family alliances ; but amongst men who have the same objects' (^w^ 31
of ambition in view, it is easy to form connexions, but diffi-
cult to establish friendship. The Bolognese were in a league \
with the Venetians and Florentines, which had been effected by
the influence of Annibale, after they had driven out Francesco
Piccinino ; and Battista, knowing how earnestly the duke
desired to have the city favourable to him, proposed to assas-
sinate Annibale, and put Bologna into his power. This being
agreed upon, on the 25th June, 1445, he attacked Annibale
with his men, and slew him ; and then, with shouts of " the
duke, the duke," rode through the city. The Venetian and
Florentine commissaries were in Bologna at the time, and at
first kept themselves within doors ; but finding that the
people, instead of favouring the murderers, assembled in the
piazza, armed and in great numbers, mourning the death of
Annibale, they joined them ; and, assembling what forces
they could, attacked the Canneschi, soon overpowered them,
slew part, and drove the remainder out of the city. Battista,
unable to effect his escape, or his enemies his capture, took
refuge in a vault of his house, used for storing grain. The
266 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 2. A D. 1445.
friends of the Bentivogli, having sought him ail day, and
knowing he had not left the city, so terrified his servants,
that one of them, a groom, disclosed the place of his con-
cealment, and being drawn forth in complete armour he was
slain, his body dragged about the streets, and afterwards
burnt. Thus the duke's authority was sufficient to prompt
the enterprise, but his force was not at hand to support it.
The tumults being settled by the death of Battista, and
the flight of the Canneschi, Bologna still remained in the
greatest confusion. There not being one of the house of
Bentivogli of age to govern, Annibale having left but one
son, whose name was Giovanni, only six years old, it was
apprehended that disunion would ensue amongst the Benti-
vogli, and cause the return of the Canneschi, and the ruin
both of their own country and party. Whilst in this state
of apprehension, Francesco, sometime Count di Poppi, being
at Bologna, informed the rulers of the city, that if they
wished to be governed by one of the blood of Annibale, he
could tell them of one ; and related that about twenty years
ago, Ercole, cousin of Annibale, being at Poppi, became
acquainted with a girl of the castle, of whom was born
a son named Santi, whom Ercole, on many occasions, ac-
knowledged to be his own, nor could he deny it, for who-
ever knew him and saw the boy, could not fail to observe
the strongest resemblance. The citizens gave credit to the
tale, and immediately sent to Florence to see the young man,
and procure of Cosmo and Neri permission to return with
him to Bologna. The reputed father of Santi was dead, and
he lived under the protection of his uncle, whose name was
Antonio da Cascese. Antonio was rich, childless, and a friend
of Neri, to whom the matter becoming known, he thought
it ought neither to be despised nor too hastily accepted ;
and that it would be best for Santi and those who had been
sent from Bologna, to confer in the presence of Cosmo.
They were accordingly introduced, and Santi was not merely
honoured but adored by them, so greatly were they influ-
enced by the spirit of party. However, nothing was done at
the time, except that Cosmo, taking Santi apart, spoke to
him thus : " No one can better advise you in this matter than
yourself; for you have to take that course to which your
own mind prompts you. If you be the son of Ercole Ben-
B.vi CH.2.A.D. 1445. WA& BfJNEWED. 267
tivoglio, you will naturally aspire to those pursuits which are
proper to your family and worthy of your father ; but if you
be the son of Agnolo da Cascese, you will remain in Florence,
and basely spend the remainder of your days in some branch
of the woollen trade." These words greatly influenced the
youth, who, though he had at first almost refused to adopt
such a course, said, he would submit himself wholly to what
Cosmo and Neri should determine. They, assenting to the
request of the Bolognese, provided suitable apparel, horses,
and servants ; and in a few days he was escorted by a
numerous cavalcade to Bologna, where the guardianship of
Annibale's son and of the city were placed in his hands.
He conducted himself so prudently, that although all his
ancestors had been slain by their enemies, he lived in peace
and died respected by every one.
After the death of Niccolo Piccinino and the peace of La
Marca, Filippo wishing to procure a leader of his forces,
secretly negotiated with Ciarpellone, one of the principal
captains of Count Francesco, and arrangements having
been made, Ciarpellone asked permission to go to Milan to
take possession of certain cables which had been given him
by Filippo during the late wars. The count suspecting what
was in progress, in order to prevent the duke from ac-
commodating himself at his expense, caused Ciarpellone to
be arrested, and soon afterwards put to doath ; alleging that
he had been detected plotting against him. Filippo was
highly annoyed and indignant, which the Venetians and the
Florentines were glad to observe, for their greatest fear was,
that the duke and the count should become friends.
The duke's anger caused the renewal of war in La Marca.
Gismondo Malatesti, lord of Rimino, being son-in-law of the
count, expected to obtain Pesaro ; but the count, having
obtained possession, gave it to his brother, Alessandro.
Gismondo, offended at this, was still further exasperated by
finding that Federigo di Montefeltro, his enemy, by the
count's assistance, gained possession of Urbino. He there-
fore joined the duke, and solicited the pope and the king to
make war against the count, who, to give Gismondo a taste
of the war he so much desired, resolved to take the initi-
ative, and attacked him immediately. Thus Romagna and
La Marca were again in complete confusion, for Filippo, the
268 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 2. a.d. 1445.
king, and the pope, sent powerful assistance to Gismondo,
whilst the Florentines and Venetians supplied the count with
money, though not with men. Nor was Filippo satisfied
with the war in Romagna, but also desired to take Cremona
and Pontremoli from the count; but Pontremoli was de-
fended by the Florentines, and Cremona by the Venetians.
Thus the war was renewed in Lombardy, and after several
engagements in the Cremonese, Francesco Piccinino, the
leader of the duke's forces, was routed at Casale, by Michel-
etto and the Venetian troops. This victory gave the Vene-
tians hope of obtaining the duke's dominions. They sent a
commissary to Cremona, attacked the Ghiaradadda, and took
the whole of it, except Crema. Then crossing the Adda,
they overran the country as far as Milan. Upon this the
duke had recourse to Alfonso, and entreated his assistance,
pointing out the danger his kingdom would incur if Lom-
bardy were to fall into the hands of the Venetians. Al-
fonso promised to send him troops, but apprised him of the
difficulties which would attend their passage, without the
permission of the count.
Filippo, driven to extremity, then had recourse to Fran-
cesco, and begged he would not abandon his father-in-law,
now that he had become old and blind. The count was
offended with the duke for making war against him ; but he
was jealous of the increasing greatness of the Venetians, and
he himself began- to be in want of money, for the league
supplied him sparingly. The Florentines, being no longer in
fear of the duke, ceased to stand in need of the count, and
the Venetians desired his ruin ; for they thought Lombardy
could not be taken from them, except by his means : yet while
Filippo sought to gain him over, and offered him the entire
command of his forces, on condition that he should restore
La Marca to the pope and quit the Venetian alliance, ambas-
sadors were sent to him by that republic, promising him
Milan, if they took it, and the perpetual command of their
forces, if he would push the war in La Marca, and prevent
Alfonso from sending troops into Lombardy. The offers of
the Venetians were great, as also were their claims upon him,
having begun the war in order to save him from losing Cre-
mona; whilst the injuries received from the duke were fresh
in his memory, and his promises had lost all influence, still
JB. vt. ch. 3.A.D. 1447. DEATH OF Pl.iPPO. 269
the count hesitated; for, on the one hand, were to be con-
sidered, his obligations to the league, his pledged faith, their
recent services, and his hopes of the future, all which had their
influence with him ; on the other, were the entreaties of his
father-in-law, and above all, the bane which he feared would
be concealed under the specious offers of the Venetians,
for he doubted not, that both with regard to Milan and
their other promises, if they were victorious, he would be at
their mercy, to which no prudent man would ever submit if
he could avoid it. These difficulties in the way of his forming
a determination, were obviated by the ambition of the Vene-
tians, who seeing a chance of occupying Cremona, from
secret intelligence with that city, under a different pretext,
sent troops into its neighbourhood ; but the affair was dis-
covered by those who commanded Cremona for the count,
and measures were adopted which prevented its success.
Thus without obtaining Cremona, they lost the count's friend-
ship, who now being free from all other considerations,
joined the duke.
CHAPTER III.
Death of Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan — The Milanese appoint Sforza
their captain — Milan becomes a republic — The pope endeavours to re-
store peace to Italy— The Venetians oppose this design — Alfonso attacks
the Florentines — The neighbourhood of Piombino becomes the princi-
pal theatre of war — Scarcity in the Florentine camp — Disorders occur
in the Neapolitan and Florentine armies — Alfonso sues for peace and is
compelled to retreat — Pavia surrenders to the count — Displeasure of the
Milanese — The count besieges Caravaggio — The Venetians endeavour to
relieve the place — They are routed by the count before Caravaggio.
Pope Eugenitjs being dead, was succeeded by Nicholas V.
The count had his whole army at Cotignola, ready to pass
into Lombardy, when intelligence was brought him of the
death of Filippo, which happened on the last day of August,
1447. This event greatly afflicted him, for he doubted
whether his troops were in readiness, on account of their
arrears of pay; he feared the Venetians, who were his armed
270 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vr. ch. 3. a.d. 1447.
enemies, he having recently forsaken them and taken part
with the duke ; he was in apprehension from Alfonso, his
inveterate foe ; he had no hope from the pontiff or the Floren-
tines ; for the latter were allies of the Venetians, and he had
seized the territories of the former. However, he resolved
to face his fortune and be guided by circumstances ; for it
often happens, that when engaged in business valuable ideas
are suggested, which in a state of inaction would never have
occurred. He had great hopes, that if the Milanese were
disposed to defend themselves against the ambition of the
Venetians, they could make use of no other power but his.
Therefore, he proceeded confidently into the Bolognese ter-
ritory, thence to Modena and Reggio, halted with his forces
upon the Lenza, and sent to offer his services at Milan. On
the death of the duke, part of the Milanese were inclined to
establish a republic ; others wished to choose a prince, and
of these, one part favoured the count, and another Alfonzo.
However, the majority being in favour of freedom, they pre-
vailed over the rest, and organized a republic, to which many
cities of the Duchy refused obedience ; for they, too, desired
to live in the enjoyment of their liberty, and even those who
did not embrace such views, refused to submit to the sove-
reignty of the Milanese. Lodi and Piacenza surrendered
themselves to the Venetians ; Pavia and Parma became free.
This confused state of things being known to the count, he
proceeded to Cremona, where his ambassadors and those of
the Milanese arranged for him to command the forces of the
new republic, with the same remuneration he had received
from the duke at the time of his decease. To this they
added the possession of Brescia, until Verona was recovered,
when he should have that city and restore Brescia to the
Milanese.
Before the duke's death, Pope Nicholas, after his assump-
tion of the pontificate, sought to restore peace amongst the
princes of Italy, and with this object, endeavoured, in con-
junction with the ambassadors sent by the Florentines to
congratulate him upon his accession, to appoint a diet at
Ferrara, to attempt either the arrangement of a long truce,
or the establishment of peace. A congress was accordingly
held in that city, of the pope's legate and the Venetian, ducal,
and Florentine representatives. King Alfonso had no en-
B. vi. ch. 3. a.d. 1447. MILAN A REPUBLIC. 271
voy there. He was at Tivoli with a great body of horse
and foot, and favourable to the duke ; both having resolved,
that having gained the count over to their side, they would
openly attack the Florentines and Venetians, and, till the ar-
rival of the count in Lombardy, take part in the treaty for
peace at Ferrara, at which, though the king did not appear,
he engaged to concur in whatever course the duke should
adopt. The conference lasted several days, and after many
debates, resolved on either a truce for five years, or a per-
manent peace, whichsoever the duke should approve ; and
the ducal ambassadors having returned to Milan to learn his
decision, found him dead. Notwithstanding this, the Mil-
anese were disposed to adopt the resolutions of the assem-
bly, but the Venetians refused, indulging great hopes o
becoming masters of Lombardy, particularly as Lodi and
Piacenza, immediately after the duke's death, had submitted
to them. They trusted that either by force or by treaty the}
could strip Milan of her power ; and then so press her, as
to compel her also to surrender before any assistance could
arrive ; and they were the more confident of this from seeing
the Florentines involved in war with King Alfonso.
The king being at Tivoli, and designing to pursue his en-
terprise against Tuscany, as had been arranged between
himself and Filippo, judging that the war now commenced
in Lombardy would give him both time and opportunity,
and wishing to have a footing in the Florentine state before
he openly commenced hostilities, opened a secret under-
standing with the fortress of Cennina, in the Val d'Arno
Superiore, and took possession of it. The Florentines, sur-
prised with this unexpected event, perceiving the king
already in action, and resolved to do them all the injury
in his power, hired forces, created a council of ten for man-
agement of the war, and prepared for the conflict in their
usual manner. The king was already in the Siennese, and
used his utmost endeavours to reduce the city ; but the in-
habitants of Sienna were firm in their attachment to the
Florentines, and refused to receive him within their walls or
into any of their territories. They furnished him with pro-
visions, alleging in excuse, the enemy's power and their ina-
bility to resist. The king, finding he could not enter by the
Val d'Arno, as he had first intended, both because Cennina
272 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 3. a.d. 1447.
had been already re-taken, and because the Florentines were
now in some measure prepared for their defence, turned towards
Volterra, and occupied many fortresses in that territory.
Thence he proceeded towards Pisa, and with the assistance
of Fazio and Arrigo de' Conti, of the Gherardesca, took some
castles, and issuing from them, assailed Campiglia, but could
not take it, the place being defended by the Florentines, and
it being now in the depth of winter. Upon this the king,
leaving garrisons in the places he had taken to harass the
surrounding country, withdrew with the remainder of his
army to quarters in the Siennese. The Florentines, aided by
the season, used the most active exertions to provide them-
selves troops, whose captains were Federigo, lord of Urbino,
and Gismondo Malatesti da Rimino, who, though mutual
foes, were kept so united by the prudence of the commis-
saries, Neri di Gino and Bernardetto de' Medici, that they
broke up their quarters whilst the weather was still very
severe, and recovered not only the places that had been
taken in the territory of Pisa, but also the Pomerancie
he neighbourhood of Volterra, and so checked the king's
troops, who at first had overrun the Maremma, that they
could scarcely retain the places they had been left to
garrison.
Upon the return of the spring, the commissaries halted
with their whole force, consisting of five thousand horse and
two thousand foot, at the Spedaletto. The king approached
with his army, amounting to fifteen thousand men, within
three miles of Campiglia, but when it was expected he would
attack the place he fell upon Piombino, hoping, as it was
insufficiently provided, to take it with very little trouble,
and thus acquire a very important position, the loss of
which would be severely felt by the Florentines ; for from it
he would be able to exhaust them with a long war, obtain
his own provision by sea, and harass the whole territory of
Pisa. They were greatly alarmed at this attack, and, con-
sidering what was the most advisable course, concluded that
if they could remain with their army amongst the woods of
Campiglia, the king would be compelled to retire either in
defeat or disgrace. "With this view they equipped four
galleys at Livorno, and having succeeded in throwing three
hundred infantry into Piombino, took up their own posi-
B. vi. ch. 3. a.d. 1445. OVERTURES OF PEACE. 273
tion at the Caldane, a place where it would be difficult to
attack them ; and they thought it would be dangerous to
encamp amongst the thickets of the plain.
The Florentine army depended for provisions on the sur-
rounding places, which, being poor and thinly inhabited,
had difficulty in supplying them. Consequently the troops
suffered, particularly from want of wane, for none being
produced in that vicinity, and unable to procure it from
more distant places, it was impossible to obtain a sufficient
quantity. But the king, though closely pressed by the Flo-
rentines, was well provided except in forage, for he obtained
everything else by sea. The Florentines, desirous to supply
themselves in the same manner, loaded four vessels with pro-
visions, but, upon their approach, they were attacked by seven
of the king's galleys, which took two of them and put the
rest to flight. This disaster made them despair of procuring
provisions, so that two hundred men of a foraging party,
principally for want of wine, deserted to the king, and the
rest complained that they could not live without it, in a
situation where the heat was so excessive and the water bad.
The commissaries therefore determined to quit the place, and
endeavour to recover those castles which still remained in the
enemy's power ; who, on his part, though not suffering from
want of provisions, and greatly superior in numbers, found his
enterprise a failure, from the ravages made in his army by those
diseases which the hot season produces in marshy localities ;
and which prevailed to such an extent that many died daily,
and nearly all were affected. These circumstances occasioned
overtures of peace. The king demanded fifty thousand florins,
and the possession of Piombino. When the terms were
under consideration, many citizens, desirous of peace, would
have accepted them, declaring there was no hope of bringing to
a favourable conclusion a war which required so much money
to carry it on. But Neri Capponi going to Florence, placed the
matter in a more correct light, and it was then unanimously
determined to reject the proposal, and take the lord of Piom-
bino under their protection, with an alliance offensive and
defensive, provided he did not abandon them, but assist in
their defence as hitherto. The king being informed of this
resolution, saw that, with his reduced army, he could not
gain the place, and withdrew in the same condition as if
T
274 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi.ch. 3. a.d. 1445.
completely routed, leaving behind him two thousand dead.
With the remainder of his sick troops he retired to the
Siennese territory, and thence to his kingdom, incensed against
the Florentines, and threatening them with new wars upon
the return of spring.
Whilst these events were proceeding in Tuscany the Count
Sforza, having become leader of the Milanese forces, strenu-
ously endeavoured to secure the friendship of Francesco
Piccinino, who was also in their service, that he might sup-
port him in his enterprises, or be less disposed to do him
injury. He then took the field with his army, upon which
the people of Pavia, conscious of their inability to resist
him, and unwilling to obey the Milanese, offered to submit
themselves to his authority, on condition that he should not
subject them to the power of Milan. The count desired the
possession of Pavia, and considered the circumstance a happy
omen, as it would enable him to give a colour to his designs.
He was not restrained from treachery either by fear or shame ;
for great men consider failure disgraceful, — a fraudulent
success the contrary. But he w r as apprehensive that his pos-
ion of the city would excite the animosity of the Milanese,
and perhaps induce them to throw themselves under the
power of the Venetians. If he refused to accept the offer,
he would have occasion to fear the duke of Savoy, to
whom many citizens were inclined to submit themselves ;
and either alternative would deprive him of the sovereignty
of Lombardy. Concluding there was less danger in taking
possession of the city than in allowing another to have it, he
determined to accept the proposal of the people of Pavia.
trusting he would be able to satisfy the Milanese, to whom
he pointed out the danger they must have incurred had he
not complied with it ; for her citizens w r ould have surrendered
themselves to the Venetians or to the duke of Savoy ; so that
in either case they would have been deprived of the govern-
ment, and therefore they ought to be more willing to have him-
self as their neighbour and friend, than a hostile power such
as either of the others, and their enemy. The Milanese were
upon this occasion greatly perplexed, imagining they had
discovered the count's ambition, and the end he had in view;
but they thought it desirable to conceal their fears, for they
did not know, if the count were to desert them, to whom
B. VI.CH.3.A.D.1445. SIEGE OF CAKAVAGGIO. 275
they could have recourse except the Venetians, whose pride
and tyranny they naturally dreaded. They therefore resolved
not to break with the count, but by his assistance remedy the
evils with which they were threatened, hoping that when
freed from them they might rescue themselves from him also ;
for at that time they were assailed not only by the Venetians
but by the Genoese and the duke of Savoy, in the name of
Charles of Orleans, the son of a sister of Filippo, but whom
the count easily vanquished. Thus their only remaining
enemies were the Venetians, who, with a powerful army,
determined to occupy their territories, and had already taken
possession of Lodi and Piacenza, before which latter place
the count encamped ; and, after a long siege, took and pil-
laged the city. Winter being set in, he led his forces into
quarters, and then Avithdrew to Cremona, where, during the
cold season, he remained in repose with his wife.
In the spring, the Venetian and Milanese armies again
took the field. It was the design of the Milanese, first to
recover Lodi and then to come to terms with the Venetians ;
for the expenses of the war had become very great, and they
were doubtful of their general's sincerity, so that they were
anxious alike for the repose of peace, and for security against
the count. They therefore resolved that the army should
march to the siege of Caravaggio, hoping that Lodi would
surrender, on that fortress being wrested from the enemy's
hands. The count obeyed, though he would have preferred
crossing the Adda and attacking the Brescian territory.
Having encamped before Caravaggio, he so strongly en-
trenched himself, that if the enemy attempted to relieve
the place, they would have to attack him at great disad-
vantage. The Venetian army, led by Micheletto, approached
within two bowshots of the count's camp, and many skir-
mishes ensued. The count continued to press the fortress,
and reduced it to the very last extremity, which greatly
distressed the Venetians, since they knew the loss of it would
involve the total failure of their expedition. Very different
views were entertained by their military officers respecting
the best mode of relieving the place, but they saw no course
open except to attack the enemy in his trenches, in spite of
all obstacles. The castle was, however, considered of such
paramount importance, that the Venetian senate, though
T 2
27G HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch.3. a.d. 1445
naturally timid, and averse to all hazardous undertakings,
chose rather to risk everything than allow it to fall into the
hands of the enemy.
They therefore resolved to attack the count at all events,
and early the next morning commenced their assault upon
a point which was least defended. At the first charge, as
commonly happens in a surprise, Francesco's whole army was
thrown into dismay. Order, however, was soon so com-
pletely restored by the count, that the enemy, after various
efforts to gain the outworks, were repulsed and put to flight ;
and so entirely routed, that of twelve thousand horse only
one thousand escaped the hands of the Milanese, who took
possession of all the carriages and military stores ; nor had
the Venetians ever before suffered such a thorough rout and
overthrow. Among the plunder and prisoners, crouching
down, as if to escape observation, was found a Venetian
commissary, who, in the course of the war and before the
. had spoken contemptuously of the count, calling him
u bastard," and " base-born." Being made prisoner, he
remembered his faults, and fearing punishment, being taken
before the count, was agonized with terror ; and, as is usual
with mean minds (in prosperity insolent, in adversity abject
and cringing), prostrated himself, weeping and begging
pardon for the offences he had committed. The count,
taking him by the arm, raised him up, and encouraged him to
hope for the best. He then said he wondered how a man
so prudent and respectable as himself, could so far err as to
speak disparagingly of those who did not merit it ; and as
regarded the insinuations which he had made against him, he
really did not know how Sforza his father, and Madonna
Lucia his mother, had proceeded together, not having been
there, and having no opportunity of interfering in the matter,
so that he was not liable either to blame or praise. How-
ever, he knew very well, that in regard to his own actions he
had conducted himself so that no one could blame him;
and in proof of it he would refer both the Venetian senate
and himself to what had happened that day. He then advised
him in future to be more respectful in speaking of others, and
more cautious in regard to his own proceedings.
13. vi. en. 4. a d. 1447. Til B COUNTS SUCCESS.
CHAPTER IV.
The count's successes — The Venetians come to terms with him — Views of
the Venetians — Indignation of the Milanese against the count — Their
ambassador's address to him — The count's moderation and reply — The
count and the Milanese prepare for war — Milanese ambassadors at
Venice — League of the Venetians and Milanese — The count dupes the
Venetians and Milanese — He applies for assistance to the Florentines —
Diversity of opinions in Florence on the subject — Neri di Gino Capponi
averse to assisting the count — Cosmo de' Medici disposed to do so — The
Florentines send ambassadors to the count.
After this victory, the count marched into the Brescian
territory, occupied the whole country, and then pitched his
camp within two miles of the city. The Venetians, having
well-grounded fears that Brescia would be next attacked,
provided the best defence in their power. They then col-
lected the relics of their army, and, by virtue of the treaty.
demanded assistance of the Florentines ; who, being relieved
from the war with Alfonso, sent them one thousand foot and
two thousand horse, by whose aid the Venetians were in a
condition to treat for peace. At one time it seemed the fate
of their republic to lose by war and win by negotiation ; for
what was taken from them in battle was frequently restored
twofold on the restoration of peace. They knew the Milanese
were jealous of the count, and that he wished to be not their
captain merely, but their sovereign ; and as it was in their
power to make peace with either of the two (the one desiring
it from ambition, the other from fear), they determined to
make choice of the count, and offer him assistance to effect
his design; persuading themselves, that as the Milanese
would perceive they had been duped by him, they would in
revenge place themselves in the power of any one rather than
in his ; and that, becoming unable either to defend them-
selves or trust the count, they would be compelled, having no
other resource, to fall into their hands. Having taken this
resolution, they sounded the count, and found him quite dis-
posed for peace, evidently desirous that the honour and ad-
vantage of the victory at Caravaggio should be his own, and
not accrue to the Milanese. The parties therefore entered
into an agreement, in which the Venetians undertook to
278 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B vr. ch. 4. a.d. 1447.
pay the count thirteen thousand florins per month, till he
should obtain Milan, and to furnish him, during the con-
tinuance of the war, four thousand horse and two thousand
foot. The count engaged to restore to the Venetians the
towns, prisoners, and whatever else had been taken by him
during the late campaigns, and content himself with those
territories which the duke possessed at the time of his death.
When this treaty became known at Milan, it grieved the
citizens more than the victory at Caravaggio had exhilarated
them. The rulers of the city mourned, the people com-
plained, women and children wept, and all exclaimed against
the count as false and perfidious. Although they could not
hope that either prayers or promises would divert him from
his ungrateful design, they sent ambassadors to see with
what kind of colour he would invest his unprincipled pro-
ceedings, and being admitted to his presence, one of them
spoke to the following effect : — " It is customary with those
who wish to obtain a favour, to make use either of prayers,
presents, or threats, that pity, convenience, or fear, may in-
duce a compliance with their requests. But as with cruel,
avaricious, or, in their own conceit, powerful men, these ar-
guments have no weight, it is ^ain to hope, either to soften
them by prayers, win them by presents, or alarm them by
menaces. We, therefore, being now, though late, aware of
thy pride, cruelty, and ambition, come hither, not to ask
aught, nor with the hope, even if we were so disposed, of
obtaining it, but to remind thee of the benefits thou hast
received from the people of Milan, and to prove with what
heartless ingratitude thou has repaid them, that at least, under
the many evils oppressing us, we may derive some gratifica-
tion from telling thee how and by whom they have been
produced. Thou canst not have forgotten thy wretched
condition at the death of the duke Filippo ; the king
and the pope were both thine enemies ; thou hadst aban-
doned the Florentines and the Venetians, who, on account
of their just indignation, and because they stood in no fur-
ther need of thee, were almost become thy declared ene-
mies. Thou wert exhausted by thy wars against the church :
with few followers, no friends, or any money; hopeless
of being able to preserve either thy territories or thy re-
putation. From these circumstances thy ruin must have
B.iv. ch. Ia.d. 1417. THE MILANESE ADDRESS. 279
ensued, but for our simplicity ; we received thee to our
home, actuated by reverence for the happy memory of
our duke, with whom, being connected by marriage and
renewed alliance, we believed thy affection would descend
to those who had inherited his authority, and that, if
to the benefits he had conferred on thee, our own were
added, the friendship we sought to establish would not only
be firm, but inseparable ; with this impression, we added Ve-
rona or Brescia to thy previous appointments. What more
could we either give or promise thee ? What else couldst
thou, not from us merely, but from any others, have either
had or expected ? Thou receivedst from us an unhoped-for
benefit, and we, in return, an unmerited wrong. Neither
hast thou deferred until now the manifestation of thy base
designs ; for no sooner wert thou appointed to command our
armies, than, contrary to every dictate of propriety, thou didst
accept Pavia, which plainly showed what was to be the result
of thy friendship ; but we bore with the injury, in hope
that the greatness of the advantage would satisfy thy am-
bition. Alas ! those who grasp at all cannot be satisfied
with a part. Thou didst promise that we should possess the
conquests which thou might afterwards make ; for thou wert
well aware that what was given at many times might be with-
drawn at once, as was the case after the victory at Cara-
vaggio, purchased by our money and blood, and followed by
our ruin. Oh ! unhappy states, which have to guard against
their oppressor ; but much more wretched those who have
to trust to mercenary and faithless arms like thine ! May
our example instruct posterity, since that of Thebes and
Philip of Macedon, who, after victory over her enemies,
from being her captain became her foe and her prince, could
not avail us.
" The only fault of which we are conscious, is, our over-
weening confidence in one whom we ought not to have
trusted ; for thy past life, thy restless mind, incapable of re-
pose, ought to have put us on our guard ; neither ought we
to have confided in one who betrayed the lord of Lucca, set
a fine upon the Florentines and the Venetians, defied the
duke, despised the king, and, besides all this, persecuted the
church of God, and the Divinity himself with innumerable
atrocities. We ought not to have fancied that so many
280 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 4. a.d. 1447.
potentates possessed less influence over the mind of Francesco
Sforza, than the Milanese ; or that he would preserve un-
blemished that faith towards us which he had on so many
occasions broken with them. Still this want of caution in
us does not excuse the perfidy in thee ; nor can it obliterate
the infamy with which our just complaints will blacken thy
character throughout the world, or prevent the remorse of
thy conscience, when our arms are used for our own destruc-
tion : for thou wilt see that the sufferings due to parricides
are fully deserved by thee. And though ambition should
blind thine eyes, the whole world, witness to thine iniquity,
will compel thee to open them ; God himself will unclose
them, if perjuries, if violated faith, if treacheries displease
him, and if, as ever, he is still the enemy of the wicked. Do
not, therefore, promise thyself any certainty of victory ; for
the just wrath of the Almighty will weigh heavily upon thee;
and we are resolved to lose our liberty only with our lives ;
but if we found we could not ultimately defend it, we w r ould
submit ourselves to any one rather than to thee. And if our
sins be so great, that in spite of our utmost resolution, we
should still fall into thy hands, be quite assured, that the
sovereignty which is commenced in deceit and villainy, will
terminate either in thyself or thy children, with ignominy
and blood."
The count, though not insensible to the just reproaches of
the Milanese, did not exhibit either by words or gesture, any
unusual excitement, and replied, that " He willingly attri-
buted to their angry feelings all the serious charges of their
indiscreet harangue ; and he would reply to them in de-
tail, were he in the presence of any one who could decide
their differences ; for it would be evident that he had not
injured the Milanese, but only taken care that they should
not injure him. They well knew how they had proceeded
after the victory of Caravaggio ; for, instead of rewarding
him with either Verona or Brescia, they sought peace with
the Venetians, that all the blame of the quarrel might rest
on him, themselves obtaining the fruit of victory, the credit
of peace, and all the advantages that could be derived
from the war. It would thus be manifest they had no
right to complain, w r hen he had effected the arrangements
which they first attempted to make ; and that if he had
R. vi . ch. 4. A.D.M47. THE VENETIANS TAKE CREMA. 281
deferred to do so a little longer, he would have had reason
to accuse them of the ingratitude with which they were now
charging him. Whether the charge were true or false, that
God whom they had invoked to avenge their injuries, would
show, at the conclusion of the war, and would demonstrate
which was most his friend, and who had most justice on
their side."
Upon the departure of the ambassadors, the count deter-
mined to attack the Milanese, who prepared for their defence,
and appointed Francesco and Jacopo Piccinino (attached to
their cause, on account of the ancient feud of the families of
Braccio and Sforza) to conduct their forces in support of
liberty ; at least till they could deprive the count of the aid
of the Venetians, who they did not think would long be
either friendly or faithful to him. On the other hand, the
count, perfectly aware of this, thought it not imprudent, sup-
posing the obligation of the treaty insufficient, to bind them
by the ties of interest ; and, therefore, in assigning to each
their portion of the enterprise, he consented that the Vene-
tians should attack Crema, and himself, with the other forces,
assail the remainder of the territory. The advantage of this
arrangement kept the Venetians so long in alliance with the
count, that he was enabled to conquer the whole of the Mi-
lanese territory, and to press the city so closely, that the in-
habitants could not provide themselves with necessaries :
despairing of success, they sent envoys to the Venetians to
beg they would compassionate their distress, and, as ought to be
the case between republics, assist them in defence of their li-
berty against a tyrant, whom, if once master of their city, they
would be unable to restrain ; neither did they think he
would be content with the boundaries assigned him by the
treaty, but would expect all the dependencies of Milan.
The Venetians had not yet taken Crema, and wishing, be-
fore they changed sides, to effect this point, they publicly an-
swered the envoys, that their engagements with the count
prevented them from defending the Milanese ; but secretly,
gave them every assurance of their wish so to do.
The count had approached so near Milan with his forces,
that he was disputing the suburbs with the inhabitants, when
the Venetians having taken Crema, thought they need no
longer hesitate to declare in favour of the Milanese, with
282 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 4. a.d. 1448.
whom they made peace and entered into alliance ; amongst
the terms of which was the defence of their liberty unim-
paired. Having come to this agreement, they ordered their
forces to withdraw from the count's camp and to return to the
Venetian territory. They informed him of the peace made
with the Milanese, and gave him twenty days to consider
what course he would adopt. He was not surprised at the
step taken by the Venetians, for he had long foreseen it, and
expected its occurrence daily ; but when it actually took
place, he could not help feeling regret and displeasure simi-
lar to what the Milanese had experienced when he abandoned
them. He took two days to consider the reply he would
make to the ambassadors whom the Venetians had sent to
inform him of the treaty, and during this time he determined
to dupe the Venetians, and not abandon his enterprise ; there-
fore, appearing openly to accept the proposal for peace, he
sent his ambassadors to Venice with full credentials to effect
the ratification, but gave them secret orders not to do so,
and with pretexts or cavilling put it off. To give the Vene-
tians greater assurance of his sincerity, he made a truce with
the Milanese for a month, withdrew from Milan and divided
his forces among the places he had taken. This course was
the occasion of his victory and the ruin of the Milanese; for
the Venetians, confident of peace, were slow in preparing for
war, and the Milanese finding the truce concluded, the
enemy withdrawn, and the Venetians their friends, felt as-
sured that the count had determined to abandon his design.
This idea injured them in two ways ; one, by neglecting to
provide for their defence; the next, that, being seed-time,
they sowed a large quantity of grain in the country which the
enemy had evacuated, and thus brought famine upon them-
selves. On the other hand, all that was injurious to his ene-
mies favoured the count, and the time gave him opportunity
to take breath and provide himself with assistance.
The Florentines during the war of Lombardy had not
declared in favour of either party, or assisted the count
either in defence of the Milanese or since ; for he never
having been in need had not pressingly requested it ; and
they only sent assistance to the Venetians after the rout
at Caravaggio, in pursuance of the treaty. Count Fran-
cesco, standing now alone, and not knowing to whom else
B. Tf CH. 4. A.D. 1U8. COSMO de' medici. 283
he could apply, was compelled to request immediate aid
of the Florentines, publicly from the state, and privately
from friends, particularly from Cosmo de' Medici, with whom
he had always maintained a steady friendship, and by whom
he had constantly been faithfully advised and liberally sup-
ported. Nor did Cosmo abandon him in his extreme ne-
cessity, but supplied him generously from his own resources,
and encouraged him to prosecute his design. He also
wished the city publicly to assist him, but there were diffi-
culties in the way. Neri di Gino Capponi, one of the most
powerful citizens of Florence, thought it not to the advan-
tage of the city, that the count should obtain Milan ; and
was of opinion that it would be more to the safety of Italy
for him to ratify the peace than pursue the war. In the
first place, he apprehended that the Milanese, through their
anger against the count, would surrender themselves en-
tirely to the Venetians, which would occasion the ruin of all.
Supposing he should occupy Milan, it appeared to him that
so great military superiority, combined with such an extent
of territory, would be dangerous to themselves, and that if
as count he was intolerable, he would become doubly so
as duke. He therefore considered it better for the re-
public of Florence and for Italy, that the count should be
content with his military reputation, and that Lombardy
should be divided into two republics, which could never
unite to injure others, and separately are unable to do so.
To attain this he saw no better means than to refrain
from aiding the count, and continuing in the former league
with the Venetians. These reasonings were not satis-
factory to Cosmo's friends, for they imagined that Neri
had argued thus, not from a conviction of its advantage to
the republic, but to prevent the count, as a friend of Cosmo,
from becoming duke, apprehending that Cosmo would, in
consequence of this, become too powerful.
Cosmo, in reply, pointed out, that to lend assistance to the
count would be highly beneficial both to Italy and the re-
public ; for it was unwise to imagine the Milanese could
preserve their own liberty ; for the nature of their commu-
nity, their mode of life, and their hereditary feuds were
opposed to every kind of civil government, so that it was
necessary, either that the count should become duke of
284 HISTOBY OF FLORENCE. B. vr. ch. 5. a.d. 1449.
Milan, or the Venetians her lords. And surely under such
circumstances, no one could doubt which would be most to
their advantage, to have for their neighbour a powerful friend
or a far more powerful foe. Neither need it be apprehended
that the Milanese, while at war with the count, would submit
to the Venetians ; for the count had a strong party in the
city, and the Venetians had not, so that whenever they were
unable to defend themselves as freemen, they would be more
inclined to obey the count than the Venetians.
These diverse views kept the city long in suspense ; but
at length it was resolved to send ambassadors to the count
to settle the terms of agreement, with instructions, that if
they found him in such a condition as to give hopes of his
ultimate success, they were to close with him, but, if other-
wise, they were to draw out the time in diplomacy.
CHAPTER V.
Prosecution of the war between the count and the Milanese — The Milanese
reduced to extremity — The people rise against the magistrates — Milan
surrenders to the count — League between the new duke of Milan and
the Florentines, and between the king of Naples and the Venetians —
Venetian and Neapolitan ambassadors at Florence — Answer of Cosmo
de' Medici to the Venetian ambassador — 1 'reparations of the Venetians
and the king of Naples for the war — The Venetians excite disturb-
ances in Bologna — Florence prepares for war — The emperor, Frede-
rick III. at Florence — War in Lombardy between the duke of Milan
and the Venetians — Ferrando, son of the king of Naples, marches into
Tuscany against the Florentines.
The ambassadors were at Reggio when they heard that the
count had become lord of Milan ; for as soon as the truce
had expired, he approached the city with his forces, hoping
quickly to get possession of it in spite of the Venetians, who
could bring no relief except from the side of the Adda,
which route he could easily obstruct, and therefore had no
apprehension (being then winter) of their arrival, and he
trusted that, before the return of spring, he would be vic-
torious, particularly, as by the death of Francesco Picci-
nino, there remained only Jacopo his brother, to command
B.vi. ch. 5.A.D.1449. RIOT AT MILAN. 285
the Milanese. The Venetians had sent an ambassador to
Milan to confirm the citizens in their resolution of defence,
promising them powerful and immediate aid. During the
winter a few slight skirmishes had taken place between the
count and the Venetians ; but on the approach of milder
weather, the latter, under Pandolfo Malatesti, halted with
their army upon the Adda, and considering whether, in
order to succour the Milanese, they ought to risk a battle,
Pandolfo, their general, aware of the count's abilities, and
the courage of his army, said it would be unadvisable to
do so, and that, under the circumstances, it was needless,
for the count, being in great want of forage, could not
keep the field, and must soon retire. He therefore advised
them to remain encamped, to keep the Milanese in hope,
and prevent them from surrendering. This advice was ap-
proved by the Venetians, both as being safe, and because,
by keeping the Milanese in this necessity, they might be the
sooner compelled to submit to their dominion ; for they felt
quite sure that the injuries they had received would always
prevent their submission to the count.
In the meantime, the Milanese were reduced to the utmost
misery ; and as the city usually abounded with poor, many
died of hunger in the streets ; hence arose complaints and
disturbances in several parts, which alarmed the magistrates,
and compelled them to use their utmost exertions to prevent
popular meetings. The multitude are always slow to resolve
on commotion ; but, the resolution once formed, any trivial
circumstance excites it to action. Two men in humble life,
talking together near the Porta Nuova of the calamities of
the city, their own misery, and the means that might be
adopted for their relief, others beginning to congregate, there
was soon collected a large crowd ; in consequence of it a
report was spread that the neighbourhood of Porta Nuova
had risen against the government. Upon this, all the lower
orders, who only waited for an example, assembled in arms,
and chose Gasparre da Vicomercato to be their leader. They
then proceeded to the place where the magistrates were as-
sembled, and attacked them so impetuously that all who did
not escape by flight were slain: among the number, as
being considered a principal cause of the famine, and gratified
at their distress, fell Lionardo Veniero, the Venetian ambas-
286 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.vi.ch. 6. a.d. liSO
sador. Having thus almost become masters of the city, they
considered what course was next to be adopted to escape
from the horrors surrounding them, and to procure peace. A
feeling universally prevailed, that as they could not preserve
their own liberty, they ought to submit to a prince who could
defend them. Some proposed King Alfonso, some the duke
of Savoy, and others the king of France, but none mentioned
the count, so great was the general indignation against
him. However, disagreeing with the rest, Gasparre da
Vicomercato proposed him, and explained in detail that if
they desired relief from war, no other plan was open, since
the people of Milan required a certain and immediate peace,
and not a distant hope of succour. He apologised for the
count's proceedings, accused the Venetians, and all the
powers of Italy, of which some from ambition and others
from avarice were averse to their possessing freedom. Hav-
ing to dispose of their liberty, it would be preferable, he
said, to obey one who knew and could defend them ; so
that, by their servitude they might obtain peace, and not
bring upon themselves greater evils and more dangerous wars.
He was listened to with the most profound attention ; and,
having concluded his harangue, it was unanimously resolved
by the assembly, that the count should be called in, and
Gasparre was appointed to wait upon him and signify their
desire. By the people's command he conveyed the pleasing
and happy intelligence to the count, who heard it with the
utmost satisfaction, and entered Milan as prince on the 26th
February, 1450, where he was received with the greatest
possible joy by those who, only a short time previously, had
heaped on him all the slanders that hatred could inspire.
The news of this event reaching Florence, orders were im-
mediately sent to the envoys who were upon the way to
Milan, that instead of treating for his alliance with the count,
they should congratulate the duke upon his victory ; they,
arranging accordingly, had a most honourable reception, and
were treated with all possible respect ; for the duke well
knew that in all Italy he could not find braver or more faithful
friends, to defend him against the power of the Venetians,
than the Florentines, who, being no longer in fear of the
house of Visconti, found themselves opposed by the Arra-
gonese and Venetians ; for the Arragonese princes of Naples
B vr. m. 5. a.d.1450. AMBASSADORS AT FLORENCE. 287
were jealous of the friendship which the Florentines had
always evinced for the family of France ; and the Venetians,
seeing the ancient enmity of the Florentines against the
Yisconti transferred to themselves, resolved to injure them as
much as possible ; for they knew how pertinaciously and
invariably they had persecuted the Lombard princes. These
considerations caused the new duke willingly to join the Flo-
rentines, and united the Venetians and King Alfonso against
their common enemies ; impelling them at the same time to
hostilities, the king against the Florentines, and the Venetians
against the duke, who, being fresh in the government, would,
they imagined, be unable to resist them, even with all the aid
he could obtain.
But as the league between the Florentines and the Vene -
tians still continued, and as the king, after the war of Piom-
bino, had made peace with the former, it seemed indecent to
commence an open rupture until some plausible reason could
be assigned in justification of offensive measures. On this
account each sent ambassadors to Florence, who, on the part
of their sovereigns, signified that the league formed between
them was made not for injury to any, but solely for the mutual
defence of their states. The Venetian ambassador then com-
plained, that the Florentines had allowed Alessandro, the
duke's brother, to pass into Lombardy with his forces ; and
besides this, had assisted and advised in the treaty made
between the duke and the marquis of Mantua ; matters which
he declared to be injurious to the Venetians, and inconsistent
with the friendship hitherto subsisting between the two go-
vernments ; amicably reminding them, that one who inflicts
unmerited injury, gives others just ground of hostility,
and that those who break a peace may expect war. The
Signory appointed Cosmo de' Medici to reply to what had
been said by the Venetian ambassador, and in a long and ex-
cellent speech he recounted the numerous advantages con-
ferred by the city on the Venetian republic ; showed what an
extent of dominion they had acquired by the money, forces,
and counsel of the Florentines, and reminded him that,
although the friendship had originated with the Florentines,
they had never given occasion of enmity ; and as they desired
peace, they greatly rejoiced that the treaty was made, if it
had been entered into for the sake of peace, and not of war.
288 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 5. a.d. 1450.
True it was, he wondered much at the remarks which had been
made, seeing that such light and trivial matters could give
offence to so great a republic; but if they were worthy of
notice he must have it universally understood, that the Flo-
rentines wished their country to be free and open to all ; and
that the duke's character was such, that if he desired the
friendship of the marquis of Mantua, he had no need of any
one's favour or advice. He therefore feared that these
cavils were produced by some latent motive, which it was not
thought proper to disclose. Be this as it might, they would
freely declare to all, that in the same proportion as the friend-
ship of the Florentines was beneficial their enmity could be
destructive.
The matter was hushed up ; and the ambassadors, on their
departure, appeared perfectly satisfied. But the league
between the king and the Venetians made the Florentines
and the duke rather apprehend war than hope for a long con-
tinuance of peace. They therefore entered into an alliance,
and at the same time the enmity of the Venetians transpired
by a treaty with the Siennese, and the expulsion of all Flo-
rentine subjects from their city and territories. Shortly after
this, Alfonso did the same, without any consideration of the
peace made the year previously, and not having even the shadow
of an excuse. The Venetians attempted to take Bologna,
and having armed the emigrants, and united to them a con-
siderable force, introduced them into the city by night through
one of the common sewers. No sooner had they entered,
than they raised a cry, by which Santi Bentivogli, being
awakened, was told that the whole city was in possession of
the rebels. But though many advised him to escape, saying
that he could not save the city by his stay, he determined to
confront the danger, and taking arms encouraged his followers,
assembled a few friends, attacked and routed part of the
rebels, slew many more, and drove the remainder out of
the city. By this act of bravery all agreed he had fully
proved himself a genuine scion of the house of the Ben-
tivoglij
These events and demonstrations gave the Florentines an
earnest of approaching war ; they consequently followed their
usual practice on similar occasions, and created the council of
ten. They engaged new condottieri, sent ambassadors to
B. vi . CH. 5. a.d. 1451. FREDERICK III. CROWNED. 289
Rome, Naples, Venice, Milan, and Sienna, to demand as-
nice from their friends, gain information about those
they suspected, decide such as were wavering, and discover
the designs of the foe. From the pope they obtained only
general expressions of an amicable disposition and admoni-
tions to peace ; from the king, empty excuses for having ex-
pelled the Florentines, and offers of safe conduct for whoever
should demand it ; and although he endeavoured, as much as
possible, to conceal every indication of his hostile designs,
the ambassadors felt convinced of his unfriendly disposition,
and observed many preparations tending to the injury of the
republic. The league with the duke was strengthened by
mutual obligations, and through his means they became friends
with the Genoese, the old differences with them respecting
reprisals, and other small matters of dispute, being composed,
although the Venetians used every possible means to prevent
it, and entreated the emperor of Constantinople to expel all
Florentines from his dominions ; so fierce was the animosity
with which they entered on this war, and so powerful their
lust of dominion, that without the least hesitation they
sought the destruction of those who had been the occasion of
their own power. The emperor, however, refused to listen
to them. The Venetian senate forbade the Florentine am-
bassadors to enter their territories, alleging, that being in
league with the king, they could not entertain them without
his concurrence. The Siennese received the ambassadors
with fair words, fearing their own ruin before the league
could assist them, and therefore endeavoured to appease the
powers whose attack they were unable to resist. The Vene-
tians and the king (as was then conjectured) were disposed
to send ambassadors to Florence to justify the war. But the
Venetian envoy was not allowed to enter the Florentine
dominions, and the king's ambassador, being unwilling to
perform his office alone, the embassy was not completed ;
and thus the Venetians learned, that however little they might
esteem the Florentines, the latter had still less respect for
them.
In the midst of these fears, the emperor, Frederick III.
came into Italy to be crowned. On the 30th January, 1451,
he entered Florence with fifteen hundred horse, and was
most honourably received by the Signory. He remained in
u
290 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. en. 5. a.d. 1452.
the city till the 6th of February, and then proceeded to
Rome for his coronation, where, having been solemnly con-
secrated, and his marriage celebrated with the empress, who
had come to Rome by sea, he returned to Germany, and
again passed through Florence in May, with the same hon-
ours as upon his arrival. On his return, having derived
some benefits from the marquis of Mantua, he conceded
to him Modena and Reggio. In the meantime, the Flo-
rentines did not fail to prepare themselves for immediate war ;
and to augment their influence, and strike the enemy with
terror, they, in conjunction with the duke, entered into
alliance with the king of France for the mutual defence of
their states. This treaty was published with great pomp
throughout all Italy.
The month of May, 1452, having arrived, the Venetians
thought it not desirable to defer any longer their attack
upon the duke, and with sixteen thousand horse and six
thousand foot assailed his territories in the direction of Lodi,
whilst the marquis of Montferrat, instigated either by his
own ambition or the entreaties of the Venetians, did the
same on the side of Alexandria. The duke assembled a
force of eighteen thousand cavalry and three thousand in-
fantry, garrisoned Alexandria and Lodi, and all the other
places where the enemy might annoy them. He then at-
tacked the Brescian territory, and greatly harassed the Vene-
tians ; while both parties alike plundered the country and
ravaged the smaller towns. Having defeated the marquis of
Montferrat at Alexandria, the duke was able to unite his
whole force against the Venetians and invade their territory.
Whilst the war in Lombardy proceeded thus, giving rise to
various trifling incidents unworthy of recital, King Alfonso
and the Florentines carried on hostilities in Tuscany, but in a
similarly inefficient manner, evincing no greater talent, and
incurring no greater danger. Ferrando, the illegitimate son
of Alfonso, entered the country with twelve thousand troops,
under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino. Their
first attempt was to attack Fojano, in the Val di Chiane ; for,
having the Siennese in their favour, they entered the Flo-
rentine territory in that direction. The walls of the castle
were weak, and it was small, and consequently poorly manned ;
but the garrison were, amongst the soldiers of that period,
r, vi. ch.o. a.d. 1452. SIEGE OF CASTELLINA. 291
considered brave and faithful. Two hundred infantry were
also sent by the Signory for its defence. Before this castle,
thus provided, Ferrando sat down, and either from the valour
of its defenders or his own deficiencies, thirty-six days
elapsed before he took it. This interval enabled the city to
make better provision for places of greater importance, to
collect forces and conclude more effective arrangements than
had hitherto been made. The enemy next proceeded into the
district of Chiane, w r here they attacked two small towns, the
property of private citizens, but could not capture them.
They then encamped before the Castellina, a fortress upon
the borders of the Chianti, within ten miles of Sienna, weak
from its defective construction, and still more so by its situ-
ation ; but, notwithstanding these defects, the assailants was
compelled to retire in disgrace, after having lain before it
forty-four days. So formidable were those armies, and so
perilous those wars, that places now abandoned as untenable
were then defended as impregnable.
Whilst Ferrando was encamped in the Chianti he made
many incursions, and took considerable booty from the Flo-
rentine territories, extending his depredations within six
miles of the city, to the great alarm and injury of the people,
who at this time having sent their forces to the number of
eight thousand soldiers under Astorre da Faenza and Gis-
mondo Malatesti towards Castel di Colle, kept them at a dis-
tance from the enemy, lest they should be compelled to an
engagement ; for they considered that so long as they were
not beaten in a pitched battle, they could not be vanquished
in the war generally ; for small castles, when lost, were re-
covered at the peace, and larger places were in no danger,
because the enemy would not venture to attack them. The
king had also a fleet of about twenty vessels, comprising
galleys, and smaller craft, which lay off Pisa, and during the
siege of Castellina were moored near the Rocca di Vada,
which, from the negligence of the governor, he took, and then
harassed the surrounding country. However, this annoyance
was easily removed by a few soldiers sent by the Florentines
to Campiglia, and who confined the enemy to the coast.
u2
292 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi.ch.6. a.d. 1452.
CHAPTER VI.
Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the papal government — The con-
spirators discovered and punished — The Florentines recover the places
they had lost— Gherardo Gamhacorti, lord of Val di Bagno, endeavours
to transfer his territories to the king of Naples — Gallant conduct of
Antonio Gualandi, who counteracts the design of Gamhacorti — Rene
of Anjou is called into Italy by the Florentines — Ren6 returns to France
— The pope endeavours to restore peace — Peace proclaimed — Jacopo
Piccinino attacks the Siennese.
The pontiff did not interfere in these affairs further than to
endeavour to bring the parties to a mutual accommodation ;
hut while he refrained from external wars he incurred the
danger of more serious troubles at home. Stefano Porcari
was a Roman citizen, equally distinguished for nobility of
birth and extent of learning, but still more by the excellence
of his character. Like all who are in pursuit of glory, he
resolved either to perform or attempt something worthy of
memory, and thought he could not do better than deliver his
country from the hands of the prelates, aud restore the an-
cient form of government ; hoping, in the event of success,
to be considered a new founder or second father of the city.
The dissolute manners of the priesthood, and the discontent
of the Roman barons and people, encouraged him to look
for a happy termination of his enterprise ; but he derived his
greatest confidence from those verses of Petrarch in the
canzone which begins, " Spirto gentil che quelle membra
reggi," where he says, —
* Sopra il Monte Tarpejo canzon vedrai
Un cavalier, ch' Italia tutta onora,
Pensoso piu d'altrui, che di se stesso."
Stefano, believing poets are sometimes endowed with a divine
and prophetic spirit, thought the event must take place which
Petrarch in this canzone seemed to foretell, and that he was
destined to effect the glorious task ; considering himself in
learning, eloquence, friends, and influence, superior to any
other citizen of Rome. Having taken these impressions,
he had not sufficient prudence to avoid discovering his design
by his discourse, demeanour, and mode of living ; so that
B. vi. CM 8. a.d 14J3. STEFAXO POECARI. ' 293
the pope becoming acquainted with it, in order to prevent
the commission of some rash act, banished him to Bologna,
and charged the governor of the city to compel his appear-
ance before him once every day. Stefano was not daunted
by this first check, but with even greater earnestness prose-
cuted his undertaking, and, by such means as were available,
more cautiously corresponded with his friends, and often
went and returned from Rome with such celerity as to be in
time to present himself before the governor within the limit
allowed for his appearance. Having acquired a sufficient
number of partizans, he determined to make the attempt
without further delay, and arranged with his friends at Rome
to provide an evening banquet, to which all the conspirators
were invited, with orders that each should bring with him
his most trust-worthy friends, and himself promised to be
with them before the entertainment was served. Everything
was done according to his orders, and Stefano Porcari arrived
at the place appointed. Supper being brought in, he entered
the apartment dressed in cloth of gold, with rich ornaments
about his neck, to give him a dignified appearance and com-
manding aspect. Having embraced the company, he deli-
vered a long oration to dispose their minds to the glorious
undertaking. He then arranged the measures to be adopted,
ordering that one part of them should, on the following
morning, take possession of the pontiff's palace, and that the
other should call the people of Rome to arms. The affair
came to the knowledge of the pope the same night, some say-
by treachery among the conspirators, and others that hi
knew of Porcari's presence at Rome. Be this as it may,
on the night of the supper Stefano, and the greater part of
his associates, were arrested, and afterwards expiated their
crime by death. Thus ended his enterprise ; and though
some may applaud his intentions, he must stand chargeable
with deficiency of understanding ; for such undertaking,
though possessing some slight appearance of glory, are almost
always attended with ruin.
The war in Tuscany had continued about a year, and in
the spring of 1453 the armies again took the field. Ales-
sandro Sforza, the duke's brother, came with two thousand
horse to the assistance of the Florentines, who, with this in-
crease of force, attcmrrted the recovery of the places they
294- HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 6. a.d. 1453.
had lost, and obtained some of them without much trouble.
They then besieged Fojano, which, through the negligence of
the commissaries, was pillaged, and the inhabitants being
dispersed, could only be induced to return, by granting them
various exemptions and immunities, and even then, with dif-
ficulty. The Rocca di Vada was also recovered ; for the
enemy finding they could not retain possession, first burnt,
and then abandoned it. Whilst these exploits were being
effected by the Florentine army, the Arragonese forces, not
having dared to approach the enemy, established themselves
near Sienna, and made many incursions upon the Florentine
territory, where the tumults and robberies they committed,
spread great alarm. Nor did the king fail to attempt in other
\va\s to injure his enemies, divide their forces, and weaken
them by indirect attacks.
Gherardo Gambacorti was lord of Val di Bagno, and his
ancestors as well as himself had always been in the pay or
under the protection of the Florentines. Alfonso endeavoured
to induce him to exchange his territory for another in the
kingdom of Naples. This became known to the Signory,
who, in order to ascertain his designs, sent an ambassador to
Gambacorti, to remind him of the obligations of his ances-
tors and himself to their republic, and induce him to con-
tinue faithful to them. Gherardo affected the greatest
astonishment, assured the ambassador with solemn oaths
that no such treacherous thought had ever entered his
mind, and that he would gladly go to Florence and pledge
himself for the truth of his assertions ; but being unable,
from indisposition, he would send his son as an host-
age. These assurances, and the proposal with which they
were accompanied, induced the Florentines to think Gher-
ardo had been slandered, and that his accuser must be
alike weak and treacherous. Gherardo, however, hastened
his negotiation with redoubled zeal, and having arranged
the terms, Alfonso sent Frate Puccio, a knight of Jeru-
salem, with a strong body of men to the Val di Bagno, to
take possession of the fortresses and towns, the people of
which being attached to the Florentine republic, submitted
unwillingly.
Frate Puccio had already taken possession of nearly the
whole territory, except the fortress of Corzano. Gambacorti
B. vi. ch. 6. ad. 1453. TREACHERY OF GIIERARDO. 295
was accompanied, whilst transferring his dominions, by
a young Pisan of great courage and address, named An-
tonio Gualandi, who, considering the whole affair, the
strength of the place, the well known bravery of the garri-
son, their evident reluctance to give it up, and the baseness
of Gambacorti, at once resolved to make an effort to prevent
the fulfilment of his design ; and Gherardo being at the en-
trance, for the purpose of introducing the Arragonese, he
pushed him out with both his hands, and commanded the
guards to shut the gate upon such a scoundrel, and hold the
fortress for the Florentine republic. When this circumstance
became known in Bagno and the neighbouring places, the
inhabitants took up arms against the king's forces, and, rais-
ing the Florentine standard, drove them out. The Floren-
tines learning these events, imprisoned Gherardo's son, and
sent troops to Bagno for the defence of the territory, which
having hitherto been governed by its own prince, now be-
came a vicariate. The traitor Gherardo escaped with diffi-
culty, leaving his wife, family, and all his property, in the
hands of those whom he had endeavoured to betray. This
affair was considered by the Florentines of great importance;
for had the king succeeded in securing the territory, he
might have overrun the Val di Tavere and the Casentino at
his pleasure, and would have caused so much annoyance,
that they could no longer have allowed their whole force to
act against the army of the Arragonese at Sienna.
In addition to the preparations made by the Florentines in
Italy to resist the hostile league, they sent as ambassador,
Agnolo Acciajuoli, to request the king of France would allow
Rene of Anjou to enter Italy in favour of the duke and
themselves, and also, that by his presence in the country, he
might defend his friends and attempt the recovery of the
kingdom of Naples ; for which purpose they offered him as-
sistance in men and money. Whilst the war was proceeding
in Lombardy and Tuscany, the ambassador effected an ar-
rangement with King Rene, who promised to come into Italy
during the month of June, the league engaging to pay him
thirty thousand florins upon his arrival at Alexandria, and
ten thousand per month during the continuance of the war.
In pursuance of this treaty, King Rene commenced his march
into Italy, but was stopped by the duke of Savoy and the
296 HISTOEY OF FLORENCE. B. vr. ch. 6. A.n. 1453.
marquis of Montferrat, who, being in alliance with the Vene-
tians, would not allow him to pass. The Florentine ambas-
sador advised, that in order to uphold the influence of his
his friends, he should return to Provence, and conduct part
of his forces into Italy by sea, and, in the meantime, en-
deavour, by the authority of the king of France, to obtain a
passage for the remainder through the territories of the duke.
This plan was completely successful; for Rene came into
Italy by sea, and his forces, by the mediation of the king of
France, were allowed a passage through Savoy. King Rene
was most honourably received by Duke Francesco, ancyoining
his French with the Italian forces, they attacked the Vene-
tians with so much impetuosity, that they shortly recovered
all the places which had been taken in the Cremonese. Not
content with this, they occupied nearly the whole Brescian
territory ; so that the Venetians, unable to keep the field,
withdrew close to the walls of Brescia.
Winter coming on, the duke deemed it advisable to re-
tire into quarters, and appointed Piacenza for the forces of
Rene, where, having passed the whole of the cold season of
14o3, without attempting anything, the duke thought of
taking the field, on the approach of spring, and stripping
the Venetians of the remainder of their possessions by land,
but was informed by the king, that he was obliged of neces-
sity to return to France. This determination was quite new
and unexpected to the duke, and caused him the utmost
concern ; but though he immediately went to dissuade
Rene from carrying it into effect, he was unable either by
promises or entreaties to divert him from his purpose. He
engaged, however, to leave part of his forces, and send his
son for the service of the league. The Florentines were
not displeased at this ; for having recovered their territories
and castles, they were no longer in fear of Alfonso, and on
the other hand, they did not wish the duke to obtain any
part of Lombardy but what belonged to him. Rene took
his departure, and sent his son John into Italy, according to
his promise, who did not remain in Lombardy, but came
direct to Florence, where he was received with the highest
respect.
The king's departure made the duke desirous of peace.
The Venetians, Alfonso, and the Florentines, being all weary
U vi. CH. G. a.o. 1454. CONSTANTINOPLE TAKEN. 297
of the war, were similarly disposed ; and the pope continued
to wish it as much as ever ; for during this year the Turkish
emperor, Mohammed, had taken Constantinople and subdued
the whole of Greece. This conquest alarmed the Christians,
more especially the Venetians and the pope, who already
began to fancy the Mohammedans at their doors. The pope
therefore begged the Italian potentates to send ambassadors
to himself, with authority to negotiate a general peace, with
which all complied ; but when the particular circumstances
of each case came to be considered, many difficulties were
found in the way of effecting it. King Alfonso required the
Florentines to reimburse the expenses he had incurred in
the war, and the Florentines demanded some compensation
from him. The Venetians thought themselves entitled to
Cremona from the duke ; whilst he insisted upon the res-
toration of Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema ; so that it seemed
impossible to reconcile such conflicting claims. But what
could not be effected by a number at Rome was easily man-
aged at Milan and Venice by two ; for while the matter was un-
der discussion at Rome, the duke and the Venetians came to
an arrangement, on the 9th of April, 1454, by virtue of which,
each party resumed what they possessed before the war,
the duke being allowed to recover from the princes of Mont-
ferrat and Savoy the places they had taken. To the other
Italian powers a month was allowed to ratify the treaty.
The pope and the Florentines, and with them the Siennese
and other minor powers acceded to it within the time. Be-
sides this, the Florentines, the Venetians, and the duke con-
cluded a treaty of peace for twenty-five years. King Alfonso
alone exhibited dissatisfaction at what had taken place,
thinking he had not been sufficiently considered, that he
stood, not on the footing of a principal, but only ranked as
an auxiliary, and therefore kept aloof, and would not disclose
his intentions. However, after receiving a legate from the
pope, and many solemn embassies from other powers, he
allowed himself to be persuaded, principally by means of
the pontiff, and with his son joined the league for thirty
years. The duke and the king also contracted a twofold
relationship and double marriage, each giving a daughter
to a son of the other. Notwithstanding this, that Italy
might still retain the seeds of Avar, Alfonso would not
298 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vr. ch. 6. a.d. 1455.
consent to the peace, unless the league would allow him,
without injury to themselves, to make war upon the Ge-
noese, Gismondo Malatesti, and Astorre, prince of Faenza.
This being conceded, his son Ferrando, who was at Sienna,
returned to the kingdom, having by his coming into Tus-
cany acquired no dominion and lost a great number of his
men.
Upon the establishment of a general peace, the only ap-
prehension entertained was, that it would be disturbed by
the animosity of Alfonso against the Genoese ; yet it hap-
pened otherwise. The king, indeed, did not openly in-
fringe the peace, but, it was frequently broken by the
ambition of the mercenary troops. The Venetians, as usual
on the conclusion of a war, had discharged Jacopo Picci-
nino, who with some other unemployed condottieri, marched
into Romagna, thence into the Siennese, and halting in the
country, took possession of many places. At the com-
mencement of these disturbances, and the beginning of the
year 1455, Pope Nicholas died, and was succeeded by Ca-
lixtus III., who, to put a stop to the war newly broken
out so near home, immediately sent Giovanni Ventimiglia,
his general, with what forces he could furnish. These being
joined by the troops of the Florentines and the duke of
Milan, both of whom furnished assistance, attacked Jacopo,
near Bolsena, and though Ventimiglia was taken prisoner,
yet Jacopo was worsted, and retreated in disorder to Casti-
glione della Pescaia, where, had he not been assisted by
Alfonso, his force would have been completely annihilated.
This made it evident that Jacopo's movement had been
made by order of Alfonso, and the latter, as if palpably
detected, to conciliate his allies, after having almost alien-
ated them with this unimportant w r ar, ordered Jacopo to
restore to the Siennese the places he had taken, and they
gave him twenty thousand florins by way of ransom, after
which he and his forces were received into the kingdom of
Naples.
B. vr. cir. 7. a.d. 1455. PROGRESS OF THE TURKS. 299
CHAPTER VII.
Christendom alarmed by the progress of the Turks — The Turks routed
before Belgrade — Description of a remarkable hurricane — War against
the Genoese and Gismondo Malatesti — Genoa submits to the king of
France — Death of Alfonso king of Naples — Succeeded by his son
Ferrando — The pope designs to give the kingdom of Naples to his
nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia — Eulogy of Pius II. — Disturbances in
Genoa between John of Anjou and the Fregosi — The Fregosi subdued —
John attacks the kingdom of Naples — Ferrando king of Naples routed
— Ferrando re-instated — The Geneose cast off the French yoke — John
of Anjou routed in the kingdom of Naples.
The Pope, though anxious to restrain Jacopo Piccinino, did
not neglect to make provision for the defence of Christen-
dom, which seemed in danger from the Turks. He sent
ambassadors and preachers into every Christian country, to
exhort princes and people to arm in defence of their re-
ligion, and with their persons and property to contribute to
the enterprise against the common enemy. In Florence,
large sums were raised, and many citizens bore the mark of
a red cross upon their dress to intimate their readiness to
become soldiers of the faith. Solemn processions were made,
and nothing was neglected either in public or private, to
show their willingness to be among the most forward to assist
the enterprise with money, counsel, or men. But the eager-
ness for this crusade was somewhat abated, by learning that
the Turkish army, being at the siege of Belgrade, a strong
city and fortress in Hungary, upon the banks of the Danube,
had been routed and the emperor wounded; so that the
alarm felt by the pope and all Christendom, on the loss of
Constantinople, having ceased to operate, they proceeded
more deliberately with their preparations for war ; and in
Hungary their zeal was cooled through the death of Giovanni
Corvino the \Vai\vode, who commanded the Hungarian forces
on that memorable occasion, and fell in the battle.
To return to the affairs of Italy. In the year 1456, the dis-
turbances occasioned by Jacopo Piccinino having subsided,
and human weapons laid aside, the heavens seemed to make
war against the earth ; dreadful tempestuous winds then
300 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 7. a.d, 145ft.
occurring, which produced effects unprecedented in Tuscany,
and which to posterity will appear marvellous and unaccount-
able. On the 24th of August, about an hour before day-break,
there arose from the Adriatic near Ancona, a whirlwind,
which crossing Italy from east to west, again reached the sea
near Pisa, accompanied by thick clouds, and the most in-
tense and impenetrable darkness, covering a breadth of
about two miles in the direction of its course. Under
some natural or supernatural influence., this vast and over-
charged volume of condensed vapour burst ; its fragments
contended with indiscribable fury, and huge bodies sometimes
ascending towards heaven, and sometimes precipitated upon
the earth, struggled, as it were, in mutual conflict, whirling
in circles with intense velocity, and accompanied by winds,
impetuous beyond all conception ; whilst flashes of aw-
ful brilliancy, and murky, lurid flames incessantly broke
forth. From these confused clouds, furious winds, and
momentary fires, sounds issued, of which no earthquake or
thunder ever heard could afford the least idea ; striking such
awe into all, that it was thought the end of the world had
arrived, that the earth, waters, heavens, and entire universe,
mingling together, were being resolved into their ancient
chaos. Wherever this awful tempest passed, it produced un-
precedented and marvellous effects ; but these were more
especially experienced near the castle of St. Casciano, about
eight miles from Florence, upon the hill which separates the
valleys of Pisa and Grieve. Between this castle and the
Borgo St. Andrea, upon the same hill, the tempest passed
without touching the latter, and in the former, only threw
down some of the battlements and the chimneys of a few
houses ; but in the space between them, it levelled many
buildings quite to the ground. The roofs of the churches of
St. Martin, at Bagnolo, and Santa Maria della Pace, were
carried more than a mile, unbroken as when upon their respec-
tive edifices. A muleteer and his beasts were driven from
the road into the adjoining valley, and found dead. All the
large oaks and lofty trees which could not bend beneath its
influence, were not only stripped of their branches but borne
to a great distance from the places where they grew, and
when the tempest had passed over and daylight made the
desolation visible, the inhabitants were transfixed with' dis-
B. vr. en. 7. a n. 1458. HUBBICAXE IX TUSCANY. 301
may. The country had lost all its habitable character ;
churches and dwellings were laid in heaps ; nothing was
heard but the lamentations of those whose possessions had
perished, or whose cattle or friends were hurried beneath
the ruins ; and all who witnessed the scene were filled with
anguish or compassion. It was doubtless the design of the
Omnipotent, rather to threaten Tuscany than to chastise her ;
for had the hurricane been directed over the city, filled
with houses and inhabitants, instead of proceeding among
oaks and elms, or small and thinly scattered dwellings, it
would have been such a scourge as the mind, with all its
ideas of horror, could not have conceived. But the Almighty
desired that this slight example should suffice to recall
the minds of men to a knowledge of himself and of his
power.
To return to our history. King Alfonso was dissatisfied
with the peace, and as the war which he had unnecessarily
caused Jacopo Piccinino to make against the Siennese, had
produced no important result, he resolved to try what could
be done against those whom the conditions of the league
permitted him to attack. He therefore, in the year 1456,
assailed the Genoese, both by sea and by land, designing to
deprive the Fregosi of the government and restore the Ad-
orni. At the same time, he ordered Jacopo Piccinino to
cross the Tronto, and attack Gismondo Malatesti, who, hav-
ing fortified his territories, did not concern himself, and
this part of the king's enterprise produced no effect ; but
his proceedings against Genoa occasioned more wars against
himself and his kingdom than he could have wished. Piero
Fregoso was then doge of Genoa, and doubting his ability to
sustain the attack of the king, he determined to give what
he could not hold, to some one who might defend it against
his enemies, in hope, that at a future period, he should obtain
a return for the benefit conferred. He therefore sent ambas-
sadors to Charles VII., of France, and offered him the go-
vernment of Genoa. Charles accepted the offer, and sent
John of Anjou, the son of King Rene, who had a short time
previously left Florence and returned to France, to take pos-
session, with the idea, that he, having learned the manners
and customs of Italy, would be able to govern the city ; and
also that this might give him an opportunity of undertaking
302 1IISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. ch. 7. a.d. 1457.
the conquest of Naples, of which Rene, John's father, had
been deprived by Alfonso. John, therefore, proceeded to Ge-
noa, where he was received as prince, and the fortresses, both
of the city and the government, given up to him. This
annoyed Alfonso, with the fear that he had brought upon
himself too powerful an enemy. He was not, however, dis-
mayed ; but pursued his enterprise vigorously, and had led
his fleet to Porto, below Villamarina, when he died after a
sudden illness, and thus John and the Genoese were relieved
from the war. Ferrando, who succeeded to the kingdom
of his father Alfonso, became alarmed at having so powerful
an enemy in Italy, and was doubtful of the disposition of
many of his barons, who being desirous of change, he feared
would take part with the French. He was also apprehen-
sive of the pope, whose ambition he well knew, and who,
seeing him new in the government, might design to take it
from him. He had no hope except from the duke of Milan,
who entertained no less anxiety concerning the affairs of the
kingdom than Ferrando ; for he feared that if the French
were to obtain it, they would endeavour to annex his own
dominions ; which he knew they considered to be rightfully
their own. He, therefore, soon after the death of Alfonso,
sent letters and forces to Ferrando ; the latter to give him
aid and influence, the former to encourage him with an in-
timation, that he would not, under any circumstances, forsake
him. The pontiff intended, after the death of Alfonso, to
give the kingdom of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico
Borgia, and, to furnish a decent pretext for his design and
obtain the concurrence of the powers of Italy in its favour,
he signified a wish to restore that realm to the dominion of
the church of Rome ; and therefore persuaded the duke not
to assist Ferrando. But in the midst of these views and
opening enterprises, Calixtus died, and Pius II. of Siennese
origin, of the family of the Piccolomini, and by nameiEneas,
succeeded to the pontificate. This pontiff, free from the ties
of private interest, having no object but to benefit Christen-
dom and honour the church, at the duke's entreaty crowned
Ferrando king of Naples ; judging it easier to establish
peace if the kingdom remained in the hands which at present
held it, than if he were to favour the views of the French,
or, as Calixtus purposed, take it for himself. Ferrando, in
B. vt. ch. 7. a.d. 1459, PIETRINO FREGOSI SLAIN. 303
acknowledgment of the benefit, created Antonio, one of the
pope's nephews, prince of Main, gave him an illegitimate
daughter of his own in marriage, and restored Benevento
and Terracina to the church.
It thus appeared that the internal dissensions of Italy
might be quelled, and the pontiff prepared to induce the
powers of Christendom to unite in an enterprise against the
Turks (as Calixtus had previously designed), when differences
arose between the Fregosi and John of Anjou, the lord of
Genoa, which occasioned greater and more important wars
than those recently concluded. Pietrino Fregoso was at his
castle of Riviera, and thought he had not been rewarded by
John in proportion to his family's merits ; for it was by their
means the latter had become prince of the city. This im-
pression drove the parties into open enmity ; a circumstance
gratifying to Ferrando, who saw in it relief from his troubles,
and the sole means of procuring his safety : he there-
fore assisted Pietrino with money and men, trusting to
drive John out of the Genoese territory. The latter being
aware of his design, sent for aid to France ; and, on obtaining
it, attacked Pietrino, who, through his numerous friends, en-
tertained the strongest assurance of success ; so that John
was compelled to keep within the city, into which Pietrino
having entered by night, took possession of some parts of it ;
but upon the return of day, his people were all either slain
or made prisoners by John's troops, and he himself was found
among the dead.
This victory gave John hopes of recovering the kingdom ;
and in October, 1459, he sailed thither from Genoa, with a
powerful fleet, and landed at Baia ; whence he proceeded to
Sessa, by the duke of which place he was favourably received.
The prince of Taranto, the Aquilani, with several cities and
other princes, also joined him ; so that a great part of the
kingdom fell into his hands. On this, Ferrando applied for
assistance to the pope and the duke of Milan; and, to
diminish the number of his enemies, made peace with Gis-
mondo Malatesti, which gave so much offence to Jacopo
Piccinino, the hereditary enemy of Gismondo, that he re-
signed his command under Ferrando, and joined his rival.
Ferrando also sent money to Federigo, lord of Urbino, and
collected with all possible speed what was in those times con-
304 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vi. en. 7. a.d. HC2.
sidered a tolerable army ; which, meeting the enemy upon
the river Sarni, an engagement ensued in which Ferrando was
routed, and many of his principal officers taken. After this
defeat the city of Naples alone, with a few smaller places
and princes of inferior note, adhered to Ferrando, the greater
part having submitted to John. Jacopo Piccinino, alter the
victory, advised an immediate march upon Naples ; but John
declined this, saying, he would first reduce the remainder of
the kingdom, and then attack the seat of government. This
resolution occasioned the failure of his enterprise ; for he
did not consider how much more easily the members follow
the head than the head the members.
After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, whither
the scattered remnants of his people followed him ; and by
soliciting his friends, he obtained money and a small force.
He sent again for assistance to the pope and the duke, by
both of whom he was supplied more liberally and speedily
than before ; for they began to entertain most serious appre-
hensions of his losing the kingdom. His hopes were thus
revived ; and, marching from Naples, he regained his repu-
tation in his dominions, and soon obtained the places of
which he had been deprived. While the war was proceeding
in the kingdom, a circumstance occurred by which John of
Anjou lost his influence, and all chance of success in the
enterprise. The Genoese had become so weary of the
haughty and avaricious dominion of the French, that they
took arms against the viceroy, and compelled him to seek
refuge in the castelletto ; the Fregosi and the Adorni united
in the enterprise against him, and were assisted with money
and troops by the duke of Milan, both for the recovery and
preservation of the government. At the same time, King
Rene coming with a fleet to the assistance of his son, and
hoping to recover Genoa by means of the castelletto, upon
landing his forces was so completely routed, that he was
compelled to return in disgrace to Provence. When the
news of his father"s defeat reached Naples, John was greatly
alarmed, but continued the war for a time by the assist-
ance of those barons who, being rebels, knew they would
obtain no terms from Ferrando. At length, after various
trifling occurrences, the two royal armies came to an engage-
ment, in which John was routed near Troia, in the year 1463.
n. vii. ch. 1. a.d. 1453. DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. 305
lie was, however, less injured by his defeat than by the
desertion of Jacopo Piccinino, who joined Ferrando ; and,
being abandoned by his troops, he was compelled to take
refuge in Istria, and thence withdrew to France. This war
continued four years. John's failure was attributable to neg-
ligence ; for victory was often within his grasp, but he did
not take proper means to secure it. The Florentines took no
decisive part in this war. John, king of Arragon, who suc-
ceeded upon the death of Alfonso, sent ambassadors to
request their assistance for his nephew Ferrando, in com-
pliance with the terms of the treaty recently made with his
father Alfonso. The Florentines replied, that they were
under no obligation ; that they did not think proper to assist
the son in a war commenced by the father with his own
forces ; and that as it was begun without either their counsel
or knowledge, it must be continued and concluded without
their help. The ambassadors affirmed the engagement to be
binding on the Florentines, and themselves to be answerable
for the event of the war ; and then in great anger left the
city.
Thus with regard of external affairs, the Florentines con-
tinued tranquil during this war ; but the case was otherwise
with their domestic concerns, as will be particularly shown in
the following book.
BOOK VII.
CHAPTER I.
Connexion of the other Italian governments with the history of Florence —
Republics always disunited — Some differences are injurious ; others not
so — The kind of dissensions prevailing at Florence — Cosmo de' Medici
and Neri Capponi become powerful by dissimilar means — Reform in the
election of magistrates favourable to Cosmo — Complaints of the prin-
cipal citizens against the reform in elections — Luca Pitti, gonfalonier of
justice, restrains the imborsations by force — Tyranny and pride of Lucca
Pitti and his party — Palace of the Pitti — Death of Cosmo de' Medici
— His liberality and magnificence — His modesty — His prudence —
Sayings of Cosmo.
It will perhaps appear to the readers of the preceding book
that, professing only to write of the affairs of Florence, I
306 HISTORY OF FLORENCE.
have -dilated too much in speaking of those which occurred
in Lombardy and Naples. But as I have not already avoided,
so it is not my intention in future to forbear similar digres-
sions. For although we have not engaged to give an account
of the affairs of Italy, still it would be improper to neglect
noticing the most remarkable of them. If they were
wholly omitted, our history would not be so well understood,
neither would it be so instructive or agreeable ; since,
from the proceedings of the other princes and states of Italy,
have most commonly arisen those wars in which the Flo-
rentines were compelled to take part. Thus, from the war
between John of Anjou and King Ferrando, originated those
serious enmities and hatred which ensued between Ferrando
and the Florentines, particularly the house of Medici. The
king complained of a want of assistance during the war, and
of the aid afforded to his enemy ; and from his anger
originated the greatest evils, as will be hereafter seen.
Having, in speaking of external affairs, come down to the
year 1463, it will be necessary, in order to make our narrative
of the contemporaneous domestic transactions clearly under-
stood, to revert to a period several years back. But first,
according to custom, I would offer a few remarks referring
to the events about to be narrated, and observe, that those who
think a republic may be kept in perfect unity of purpose are
greatly deceived. True it is, that some divisions injure re-
publics, whilst others are beneficial to them. When accom-
panied by factions and parties they are injurious ; but when
maintained without them they contribute to their prosperity.
The legislator of a republic, since it is impossible to prevent
the existence of dissensions, must at least take care to pre-
vent the growth of faction. It may therefore be observed,
that citizens acquire reputation and power in two ways ; the
one public the other private. Influence is acquired publicly
by winning a battle, taking possession of a territory, ful-
filling the duties of an embassy with care and prudence, or
by giving wise counsel attended by a happy result. Private
methods are, conferring benefits upon individuals, defend-
ing them against the magistrates, supporting them with
money, and raising them to undeserved honours ; or with
public games and entertainments gaining the affection of
the populace. This mode of procedure produces parties and
B. vii. ch. 1. A.i>. 1455. COSMO AND NERI. 307
cliques ; and in proportion as influence thus acquired is in-
jurious, so is the former beneficial, if quite free from party
spirit ; because it is founded upon the public good, and not
upon private advantage. And though it is impossible to
prevent the existence of inveterate feuds, still if they be
without partisans to support them for their own individual
benefit, they do not injure a republic, but contribute to its
welfare ; since none can attain distinction but as he con-
tributes to her good, and each party prevents the other from
infringing her liberties. The dissensions of Florence were
always accompanied by factions, and were therefore always
pernicious ; and the dominant party only remained united so
long as its enemies held it in check. As soon as the strength
of the opposition was annihilated, the government, deprived
of the restraining influence of its adversaries, and being
subject to no law, fell to pieces. The party of Cosmo de'
Medici gained the ascendant in 1434; but the depressed
party being very numerous, and composed of several very
influential persons, fear kept the former united, and restrained
their proceedings within the bounds of moderation, so that
no violence was committed by them, nor anything done cal-
culated to excite popular dislike. Consequently, whenever
this government required the citizens' aid to recover or
strengthen its influence, the latter were always willing to
gratify its wishes ; so that from 1434 to 1455, during a
period of twenty-one years, the authority of a balia was
granted to it six times.
There were in Florence, as we have frequently observed,
two principally powerful citizens, Cosmo de' Medici and Neri
Capponi. Neri acquired his influence by public services ; so
that he had many friends but few partisans. Cosmo, being
able to avail himself both of public and private means, had
many partisans as well as friends. While both lived, having
always been united, they obtained from the people whatever
they required ; for in them popularity and power were
united. But in the year 1455, Neri being dead, and the
opposition party extinct, the government found a difficulty in
resuming its authority ; and this was occasioned, remarkably
enough, by Cosmo's private friends, and the most influential
men in the state ; for, not fearing the opposite party, they
became anxious to abate his power. This inconsistency was
x 2
308 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vir. ch. 1. a.d. 143P.
the beginning of the evils which took place in 1456 ; so that
those in power were openly advised in the deliberative
councils not to renew the power of the balia, but to close
the balloting purses, and appoint the magistrates by drawing
from the pollings or squittini previously made. To restrain
this disposition, Cosmo had the choice of two alternatives,
either forcibly to assume the government, with the partisans
he possessed, and drive out the others, or to allow the matter
to take it course, and let his friends see they were not de-
priving him of power, but rather themselves. He chose
the latter ; for he well knew that at all events the purses
being filled with the names of his own friends, he incurred
no risk, and could take the government into his own hands
whenever he found occasion. The chief offices of state
being again filled by lot, the mass of the people began to
think they had recovered their liberty, and that the decisions
of the magistrates were according to their own judgments,
unbiassed by the influence of the great. At the same time,
the friends of different grandees were humbled ; and many
who had commonly seen their houses filled with suitors and
presents, found themselves destitute of both. Those who
who had previously been very powerful were reduced to an
equality with men whom they had been accustomed to con-
sider inferior ; and those formerly far beneath them were
now become their equals. No respect or deference was paid
to them ; they were often ridiculed and derided ; and fre-
quently heard themselves and the republic mentioned in the
open streets without the least deference ; thus they found
it was not Cosmo but themselves that had lost the govern-
ment. Cosmo appeared not to notice these matters ; and
whenever any subject was proposed in favour of the people
he was the first to support it. But the greatest cause of
alarm to the higher classes, and his most favourable oppor-
tunity of retaliation, was the revival of the catasto, or pro-
perty-tax of 1427, so that individual contributions were
determined by statute, and not by a set of persons appointed
for its regulation.
This law being re-established, and a magistracy created to
carry it into effect, the nobility assembled, and went to Cosmo
to beg he would rescue them and himself from the power
of the plebeians, and restore to the government the reputation
R. vu. ch. 1. a.d. 1458. LUCA PITTI. 309
which had made himself powerful and them respected. He
replied, he was willing to comply with their request, but wished
the law to be obtained in the regular manner, by consent of
the people, and not by force, of which he would not hear on
any account. They then endeavoured in the councils to
establish a new balia, but did not succeed. On this the
grandees again came to Cosmo, and most humbly begged he
would assemble the people in a general council or parliament ;
but this he refused, for he wished to make them sensible of
their great mistake ; and when Donato Cocchi, being gon-
falonier of justice, proposed to assemble them without his
consent, the Signors who were of Cosmo's party ridiculed
the idea so unmercifully, that the man's mind actually
became deranged, and he had to retire from office in conse-
quence. '^However, since it is undesirable to allow matters
to proceed beyond recovery, the gonfalon of justice being
in the hands of Luca Pitti, a bold-spirited man, Cosmo
determined to let him adopt what course he thought
proper, that if any trouble should arise it might be imputed
to Luca and not to himself. Luca, therefore, in the begin-
ning of his magistracy,, several times proposed to the people
the appointment of a new balia ; and, not succeeding, he
threatened the members of the councils with injurious
and arrogant expressions, which were shortly followed
by corresponding conduct; for in the month of August,
1458, on the eve of Saint Lorenzo, having filled the palace
with armed men, he assembled the people in the piazza, and
and compelled them to assent to a measure to which he knew
them to be averse. Having recovered power, created a new
balia, and filled the principal offices according to the pleasure
of a few individuals, in order to commence that government
with terror which they had obtained by force, they banished
Girolamo Machiavelli, with some others, and deprived many
of the honours of government. Girolamo, having trans-
gressed the confines to which he was limited, was declared a
rebel. Travelling about Italy, with the design of exciting
the princes against his country, he was betrayed whilst at
Lunigiana, and, being brought to Florence, was put to death
in prison.
This government, during the eight years it continued was
violent and insupportable ; for Cosmo, being now old, and
310 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vii.ch.1. a.d.1462.
tlirough ill health unable to attend to public affairs as formerly,
Florence became a prey to a small number of her own citizens.
Luca Pitti, in return for the services he had performed for the
republic, was made a knight, and to be no less grateful than
those who had conferred the dignity upon him, he ordered that
the priors, who had hitherto been called priors of the trades,
should also have a name to which they had no kind of claim,
and therefore called them priors of liberty. He also ordered,
that as it had been customary for the gonfalonier to sit upon
the right hand of the rectors, he should in future take his
seat in the midst of them. And that the Deity might ap-
pear to participate in what had been done, public processions
were made and solemn services performed, to thank Him for
the recovery of the government. The Signory and Cosmo
made Luca Pitti rich presents, and all the citizens were
emulous in imitation of them ; so that the money given
amounted to no less a sum than twenty thousand ducats.
He thus attained such influence, that not Cosmo but himself
now governed the city ; and his pride so increased, that he
commenced two superb buildings, one in Florence, the other
at Ruciano, about a mile distant, both in a style of royal
magnificence ; that in the city, being larger than any hitherto
built by a private person. To complete them, he had
recourse to the most extraordinary means ; for not only citi-
zens and private individuals made him presents and supplied
materials, but the mass of people, of every grade, also contri-
buted. Besides this, any exiles who had committed murders,
thefts, or other crimes which made them amenable to the
laws, found a safe refuge within their walls, if they were able
to contribute towards their decoration or completion. The
other citizens, though they did not build like him, were no
less violent or rapacious, so that if Florence were not ha-
rassed by external wars, she was ruined by the wickedness of
her own children. During this period the wars of Naples
took place. The pope also commenced hostilities in Ro-
magna against the Malatesti, from whom he wished to take
Rimino and Cesena, held by them. In these designs, and
his intentions of a crusade against the Turks, was passed the
pontificate of Pius II.
Florence continued in disunion and disturbance. The dis-
sensions commenced among the party of Cosmo, in 1455,
H. vir. cii.1. a.d. 1464.
DEATH OF COSMO.
311
from the causes already related, which by his prudence, as we
have also before remarked, he was enabled to tranquillize ; but
in the year 1464, his illness increased, and he died. Friends and
enemies alike grieved for his loss ; for his political opponents,
perceiving the rapacity of the citizens, even during the life
of him who alone restrained them and made their tyranny
supportable, were afraid, lest after his decease, nothing but
ruin would ensue. Nor had they much hope of his son Piero,
who though a very good man, was of infirm health, and new
in the government, and they thought he would be compelled
to give way ; so that, being unrestrained, their rapacity would
pass all bounds. On these accounts, the regret was univer-
sal. Of all who have left memorials behind them, and who
were not of the military profession, Cosmo was the most illus-
trious and the most renowned. He not only surpassed all
his cotemporaries in wealth and authority, but also in gene-
rosity and prudence ; and among the qualities which contri-
buted to make him prince in his own country, was his
surpassing all others in magnificence and generosity. His
liberality became more obvious after his death, when Piero,
his son, wishing to know what he possessed, it appeared
there was no citizen of any consequence to whom Cosmo had
not lent a large sum of money ; and often, when informed of
some nobleman being in distress, he relieved him unasked.
His magnificence is evident from the number of public edi-
fices he erected ; for in Florence are the convents and
churches of St. Marco and St. Lorenzo, and the monastery of
Santa Verdiana ; in the mountains of Fiesole, the church
and abbey of St. Girolamo ; and in the Mugello, he not
only restored, but rebuilt from its foundation, a monastery of
the Frati Minori, or Minims. Besides these, in the church
of Santa Croce, the Servi, the Agnoli, and in San Miniato,
he erected splendid chapels and altars ; and besides building
the churches and chapels we have mentioned, he provided
them with all the ornaments, furniture, and utensils suitable
for the performance of divine service. To these sacred edi-
fices are to be added, his private dwellings, one in Florence,
of extent and elegance adapted to so great a citizen, and four
others, situate at Careggi, Fiesole, Cafaggiuolo, and Trebbio,
each, for size and grandeur, equal to royal palaces. And, as
if it were not sufficient to be distinguished for magnificence
312 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.vn. ch. 1. A.D. 1464
of buildings in Italy alone, he erected an hospital at Jerusa-
lem, for the reception of poor and infirm pilgrims. Although
his habitations, like all his other works and actions, were
quite of a regal character, and he alone was prince in Flo-
rence, still everything was so tempered with his prudence,
that he never transgressed the decent moderation of civil
life ; in his conversation, his servants, his travelling, his
mode of living, and the relationships he formed, the modest
demeanour of the citizen was always evident ; for he was
aware that a constant exhibition of pomp brings more envy upon
its possessor than greater realities borne without ostentation.
Thus in selecting consorts for his sons, he did not seek the
alliance of princes, but for Giovanni chose Corneglia degli
Alessandri, and for Piero, Lucrezia de' Tornabuoni. He
gave his grand-daughters, the children of Piero, Bianca to
Guglielmo de' Pazzi, and Nannina to Bernardo Ruccellai.
No one of his time possessed such an intimate knowledge
of government and state affairs as himself ; and hence amid
such a variety of fortune, in a city so given to change, and
amongst a people of such extreme inconstancy, he retained
possession of the government thirty-one years ; for being en-
dowed with the utmost prudence, he foresaw evils at a dis-
tance, and therefore had an opportunity either of averting
them, or preventing their injurious results. He thus not
only vanquished domestic and civil ambition, but humbled
the pride of many princes with so much fidelity and address,
that whatever powers were in league with himself and his
country, either overcame their adversaries, or remained un-
injured by his alliance ; and whoever were opposed to him,
lost either their time, money, or territory. Of this the Ve-
netians afford a sufficient proof, who, whilst in league with
him against Duke Filippo were always victorious, but apart
from him were always conquered ; first by Filippo and then
by Francesco. When they joined Alfonso against the Flo-
rentine republic, Cosmo, by his commercial credit, so drained
Naples and Venice of money, that they were glad to obtain
peace upon any terms it was thought proper to grant
Whatever difficulties he had to contend with, whether with-
in the city or without, he brought to a happy issue, at once
glorious to himself and destructive to his enemies ; so that
civil discord strengthened his government in Florence, and
B. vn. en. 1. a.d. 14G4- SATIXGS OF COSMO. 313
war increased his power and reputation abroad. He added
to the Florentine dominions, the Borgo of St. Sepolcro, Mon-
tedoglio, the Casentino and Val di Bagno. His virtue and
good fortune overcame all his enemies and exalted his friends.
He was born in the year 1389, on the day of the saints
Cosmo and Damiano. His earlier years were full of trouble,
as his exile, captivity, and personal danger fully testify ; and
having gone to the council of Constance, with pope John,
in order to save his life, after the ruin of the latter, he was
obliged to escape in disguise. But after the age of forty, he
enjoyed the greatest felicity; and not only those who as-
sisted him in public business, but his agents who conducted
his commercial speculations throughout Europe, participated
in his prosperity. Hence many enormous fortunes took
their origin in different families of Florence, as in that of
the Tornabuoni, the Benci, the Portinari, and the Sassetti.
Besides these, all who depended upon his advice and patron-
age became rich; and, though he was constantly expend-
ing money in building churches, and in charitable pur-
poses, he sometimes complained to his friends that he had
never been able to lay out so much in the service of God as
to find the balance in his own favour, intimating that all he
had done or could do, was still unequal to what the Almighty
had done for him. He was of middle stature, olive complexion,
and venerable aspect ; not learned but exceedingly eloquent,
endowed with great natural capacity, generous to his friends,
kind to the poor, comprehensive in discourse, cautious in
advising, and in his speeches and replies, grave and witty.
When Rinaldo degli Albizzi, at the beginning of his exile,
sent to him to say, "the hen had laid," he replied, "she
did ill to lay so far from the nest." Some other of the rebels
gave him to understand, they were " not dreaming." He
said, " he believed it, for he had robbed them of their sleep."
When Pope Pius was endeavouring to induce the different
governments to join in an expedition against the Turks, he
said, " he was an old man, and had undertaken the enterprise
of a young one." To the Venetian ambassadors who came
to Florence with those of King Alfonso, to complain of the
republic, he uncovered his head, and asked them what colour
it was ; they said, "white:" he replied, " it is so; and it ^viU
not be long before your senators have heads as white as
314 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vir. ch. 1. a.d. 1464.
mine." A few hours before his deoth, his wife asked him
why he kept his eyes shut, and he said, " to get them in the
way of it." Some citizens saying to him, after his return from
exile, that he injured the city, and that it was offensive to
God to drive so many religious persons out of it ; he re-
plied, that, " it was better to injure the city, than to ruin it ;
that two yards of rose-coloured cloth would make a gentle-
man, and that it required something more to direct a govern-
ment than to play with a string of beads." These words
gave occasion to his enemies to slander him, as a man who
loved himself more than his country, and was more attached
to this world than to the next. Many others of his say-
ings might be adduced, but we shall omit them as un-
necessary. Cosmo was a friend and patron of learned
men. He brought Argiripolo, a Greek by birth, and one of
the most erudite of his time, to Florence, to instruct the
youth in Hellenic literature. He entertained Marsilio Fi-
cino, the reviver of the Platonic philosophy, in his own
house ; and being much attached to him, gave him a re-
sidence near his palace at Careggi, that he might pursue
the study of letters with greater convenience, and himself
have an opportunity of enjoying his company. His prudence,
his great wealth, the uses to which he applied it, and his splen-
did style of living, caused him to be beloved and respected
in Florence, and obtained for him the highest considera-
tion, not only among the princes and governments of Italy,
but throughout all Europe. He thus laid a foundation for
his descendants, which enabled them to equal him in vir-
tue, and greatly surpass him in fortune ; while the autho-
rity they possessed in Florence and throughout Christen-
dom was not obtained without being merited. Towards
the close of his life he suffered great affliction ; for, of his
two sons, Piero and Giovanni, the latter, of whom he enter-
tained his greatest hopes, died ; and the former was so
sickly as to be unable to attend either to public or private
business. On being carried from one apartment to another,
after Giovanni's death, he remarked to his attendants, with a
sigh, " This is too large a house for so small a family." His
great mind also felt distressed at the idea that he had not ex-
tended the Florentine dominions by any valuable acquisition ;
and he regretted it the more, from imagining he had been
B. rn. ch. 2. a.d. 1464. FUNERAL OF COSMO. 315
deceived by Francesco Sforza, who, whilst count, had pro-
mised, that if he became lord of Milan, he would under-
take the conquest of Lucca for the Florentines, a design,
however, that was never realized ; for the count's ideas
changed upon his becoming duke ; he resolved to enjoy
in peace, the power he had acquired by war, and would
not again encounter its fatigues and dangers, unless the
welfare of his own dominions required it. This was a
source of much annoyance to Cosmo, who felt he had in-
curred great expense and trouble for an ungrateful and
perfidious friend. His bodily infirmities prevented him from
attending either to public or private affairs, as he had been
accustomed, and he consequently witnessed both going to
decay; for Florence was ruined by her own citizens, and
his fortune by his agents and children. He died, however,
at the zenith of his glory, and in the enjoyment of the
highest renown. The city, and all the Christian princes,
condoled with his son Piero for his loss. His funeral was
conducted with the utmost pomp and solemnity, the whole
city following his corpse to the tomb in the church of St.
Lorenzo, on which, by public decree, he was inscribed,
" Father of his Country." If, in speaking of Cos-
mo's actions, I have rather imitated the biographies of
princes than general history, it need not occasion wonder ;
for of so extraordinary an individual I was compelled to speak
with unusual praise.
CHAPTER II.
The duke of Milan becomes lord of Genoa — The king of Naples and the
duke of Milan endeavour to secure their dominions to their heirs — Ja-
copo Piccinino honourably received at Milan, and shortly afterwards
murdered at Naples— Fruitless endeavours of Pius II. to excite Chris-
tendom against the Turks— Death of Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan
— Perfidious counsel given to Piero de' Medici by Diotisalvi Neroni—
Conspiracy of Diotisalvi and others against Piero — Futile attempts to
appease the disorders — Public spectacles — Projects of the conspirators
against Piero de' Medici — Niccolo Fedini discloses to Piero the plots of
his enemies.
Whilst Florence and Italy were in this condition, Louis
XL of France was involved in very serious troubles with
316 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vn. en. 2 a.d. 1464.
his barons, who, with the assistance of Francis duke of Brit-
tany and Charles duke of Burgundy, were in arms against
him. This attack was so serious, that he was unable to
render further assistance to John of Anjou in his enterprise
against Genoa and Naples ; and, standing in need of all the
forces he could raise, he gave over Savona (which still re-
mained in the power of the French) to the duke of Milan,
and also intimated, that if he wished, he had his permission
to undertake the conquest of Genoa. Francesco accepted
the proposal, and with the influence afforded by the king's
friendship, and the assistance of the Adorni, he became lord
of Genoa. In acknowledgment of this benefit, he sent fifteen
hundred horse into France for the king's service, under the
command of Galeazzo, his eldest son. Thus Ferrando of
Arragon and Francesco Sforza became, the latter duke of
Lombardy and prince of Genoa, and the former sovereign of
the whole kingdom of Naples. Their families being allied
by marriage, they thought they might so confirm their
power as to secure to themselves its enjoyment during life,
and at their deaths, its unencumbered reversion to their
heirs. To attain this end, they considered it necessary that
the king should remove all ground of apprehension from those
barons who had offended him in the war of John of Anjou,
and that the duke should extirpate the adherents of the
Bracceschi, the natural enemies of his family, who, under
Jacopo Piccinino, had attained the highest reputation. The
latter was now the first general in Italy, and possessing no
territory, he naturally excited the apprehension of all who
had dominions, and especially of the duke, who, conscious
of what he had himself done, thought he could neither enjoy
his own estate in safety, nor leave them with any degree of
security to his son during Jacopo's lifetime. The king,
therefore, strenuously endeavoured to come to terms with his
barons, and using his utmost ingenuity to secure them, suc-
ceeded in his object ; for they perceived their ruin to be in-
evitable if they continued at war with their sovereign, though
from submission and confidence in him, they would still have
reason for apprehension. Mankind are always most eager
to avoid a certain evil ; and hence inferior powers are easily
deceived by princes. The barons, conscious of the danger of
continuing the war, trusted the king's promises, and having
B.vrr. rsi. 2. a.d. 1465. DEATH OF JACOPO AND FRANCESCO. 317
placed themselves in his hands they were soon after destroyed
in various ways, and under a variety of pretexts. This
alarmed Jacopo Piccinino, who was with his forces at Sul-
mona ; and to deprive the king of the opportunity of treat-
ing him similarly, he endeavoured, by the mediation of his
friends, to be reconciled with the duke, who, by the most
liberal offers, induced Jacopo to visit him at Milan, accompa-
nied by only a hundred horse.
Jacopo had served many years with his father and brother,
first under Duke Filippo, and afterwards under the Milanese re-
public, so that by frequent intercourse with the citizens he had
acquired many friends and universal popularity, which present
circumstances tended to increase ; for the prosperity and
newly acquired power of the Sforzeschi had occasioned envy,
whilst Jacopo's misfortunes and long absence had given rise
to compassion and a great desire to see him. These various
feelings were displayed upon his arrival ; for nearly all the
nobility went to meet him ; the streets through which he
passed were filled with citizens, anxious to catch a glimpse of
him, while shouts of " The Bracceschi ! the Bracceschi !"
resounded on all sides. These honours accelerated his ruin ;
for the duke's apprehensions increased his desire of destroy-
ing him ; and to effect this with the least possible suspicion,
Jacopo's marriage with Drusiana, the duke's natural daughter,
who had been promised to him long before, was now cele-
brated. The duke then arranged with Ferrando to take him
into pay, with the title of captain of his forces, and give him
100,000 florins for his maintenance. After this agreement,
Jacopo, accompanied by a ducal ambassador and his wife
Drusiana, proceeded to Naples, where he was honourably
and joyfully received, and for many days entertained with
every kind of festivity ; but having asked permission to go to
Sulmona, %vhere his forces were, the king invited him to a
banquet in the castle, at the conclusion of which he and his
son Francesco were imprisoned, and shortly afterwards put
to death. It was thus our Italian princes, fearing those
virtues in others which they themselves did not possess, ex-
tirpated them ; and hence the country became a prey to the
efforts of those by whom it was not long afterwards oppressed
and ruined.
At this time, Pope Pius II. having settled the affairs of
318 HISTORY OF FLOliENCE. B. vn. ch.2. a.d. 14G5.
Romagna, and witnessing a universal peace, thought it a
suitable opportunity to lead the Christians against the Turks,
and adopted measures similar to those which his predecessors
had used. All the princes promised assistance either in men
or money ; whilst Matthias, king of Hungary, and Charles,
duke of Burgundy, intimated their intention of joining the
enterprise in person, and were by the pope appointed leaders
of the expedition. The pontiff was so full of expectation,
that he left Rome and proceeded to Ancona, where it had
been arranged that the whole army should be assembled, and
the Venetians engaged to send ships thither to convey the
forces to Sclavonia. Upon the arrival of the pope in that
city, there was soon such a concourse of people, that in a
few days all the provisions it contained, or that could be pro-
cured from the neighbourhood, were consumed, and famine
began to impend. Besides this, there was no money to pro-
vide those who were in want of it, nor arms to furnish such
as were without them. Neither Matthias or Charles made
their appearance. The Venetians sent a captain with some
galleys, but rather for ostentation and the sake of keeping
their word, than for the purpose of conveying troops. During
this position of affairs, the pope, being old and infirm, died,
and the assembled troops returned to their homes. The
death of the pontiff occurred in 1465, and Paul II. of Vene-
tian origin, was chosen to succeed him ; and that nearly all
the principalities of Italy might change their rulers about
the same period, in the following year Francesco Sforza,
duke of Milan, also died, having occupied the dukedom
sixteen years, and Galeazzo, his son, succeeded him.
The death of this prince infused redoubled energy into
the Florentine dissensions, and caused them to produce more
prompt effects than they would otherwise have done. Upon
the demise of Cosmo, his son Piero, being heir to the wealth
and government of his father, called to his assistance Dio-
tisalvi Neroni, a man of great influence and the highest
reputation, in whom Cosmo reposed so much confidence that
just before his death he recommended Piero to be wholly
guided by him, both with regard to the government of the
city and the management of his fortune. Piero acquainted
Diotisalvi with the opinion Cosmo entertained of him, and
said that as he wished to obey his father, though now no
B. nr. ch. 2.a.d. 1465. PERFIDY OF DIOTISALVI. 319
more, as he always had whilst alive, he should consult
him concerning both his patrimony and the city. Be-
ginning with his private affairs, he caused an account of
all his property, liabilities, and assets, to be placed in Dio-
tisalvi's hands, that, with an entire acquaintance with the
state of his affairs, he might be able to afford suitable advice ;
and the latter promised to use the utmost care. Upon exa-
mination of these accounts the affairs were found to be in
great disorder, and Diotisalvi, instigated rather by his own
ambition than by attachment to Piero or gratitude to Cosmo,
thought he might without difficulty deprive him of both the
reputation and the splendour which his father had left him
as his inheritance. In order to realise his views, he waited
upon Piero, and advised him to adopt a measure which,
whilst it appeared quite correct in itself, and suitable to ex-
isting circumstances, involved a consequence destructive
to his authority. He explained the disorder of his affairs,
and the large amount of money it would be necessary to
provide, if he wished to preserve his influence in the state
and his reputation of wealth ; and said there was no other
means of remedying these disorders so just and available as
to call in the sums which his father had lent to an infinite
number of persons, both foreigners and citizens ; for Cosmo,
to acquire partisans in Florence and friends abroad, was ex-
tremely liberal of his money, and the amount of loans due
to him was enormous. Piero thought the advice good, be-
cause he was only desirous to repossess his own property to
meet the demands to which he was liable ; but as soon as he
had ordered those amounts to be recalled, the citizens, as if
he had asked for something to which he had no kind of
claim, took great offence, loaded him with opprobrious ex-
pressions, and accused him of being avaricious and un-
grateful.
Diotisalvi, noticing the popular excitement against Piero,
occasioned by his own advice, obtained an interview with
Luca Pitti, Agnolo Acciajuoli, and Niccolo Soderini, and
they resolved to unite their efforts to deprive him both of
the government and his influence. Each was actuated
by a different motive ; Luca Pitti wished to take the position
Cosmo had occupied, for he was now become so great,
that he disdained to submit to Piero; Diotisalvi Neroni,
320 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.vn. ch. 2. a.d. 14C5.
-who knew Luca unfit to be at the head of a government,
thought that of necessity on Piero's removal, the whole au-
thority of the state would devolve upon himself; Niccolo
Soderini desired the city to enjoy greater liberty, and for the
laws to be equally binding upon all. Agnolo Acciajuoli was
greatly incensed against the Medici, for the following reasons :
his son, Raffaello, had some time before married Alessandra
de* Bardi, and received with her a large dowry. She, either
by her own fault or the misconduct of others, suffered much
ill-treatment both from her father-in-law and her husband,
and in consequence Lorenzo d' Ilarione, her kinsman, out
of pity for the girl, being accompanied by several armed
men, took her away from Agnolo' s house. The Acciajuoli
complained of the injury done them by the Bardi, and the
matter was referred to Cosmo, who decided that the Accia-
juoli should restore to Alessandra her fortune, and then leave
it to her choice either to return to her husband or not.
Agnolo thought Cosmo had not, in this instance, treated him
as a friend ; and having been unable to avenge himself on the
father, he now resolved to do his utmost to ruin the son.
These conspirators, although each was influenced by a dif-
ferent motive from the rest, affected to have only one object
in view, which was that the city should be governed by the
magistrates, and not be subjected to the counsels of a few
individuals. The odium against Piero, and opportunities of
injuring him, were increased by the number of merchants who
failed about this time ; for it was reported that he, in having,
quite unexpectedly to all, resolved to call in his debts, had,
to the disgrace and ruin of the city, caused them to become
insolvent. To this was added, his endeavour to obtain
Clarice degli Orsini as wife of Lorenzo, his eldest son ; and
hence his enemies took occasion to say, it was quite clear,
that as he despised a Florentine alliance, he no longer con-
sidered himself one of the people, and was preparing to
make himself prince ; for he who refuses his fellow citizens
as relatives, desires to make them slaves, and therefore
cannot expect to have them as friends. The leaders of the
sedition thought they had the victory in their power ; for the
greater part of the citizens followed them, deceived by the
name of liberty which they, to give their purpose a graceful
covering, adopted upon their ensigns.
B. vn. ch. 2. a.d. 1465. FESTIVALS AT FLORENCE. 321
In this agitated state of the city, some, to whom civil dis-
cord was extremely offensive, thought it would be well to
endeavour to engage men's minds with some new occupation,
because when unemployed they are commonly led by whoever
chooses to excite them. To divert their attention from matters
of government, it being now a year since the death of Cosmo,
it was resolved to celebrate two festivals, similar to the most
solemn observed in the city. At one of them was repre-
sented the arrival of the three kings from the east, led by
the star which announced the nativity of Christ ; which was
conducted with such pomp and magnificence, that the prepa-
rations for it kept the whole city occupied many months.
The other was a tournament (for so they call the exhibition
of equestrian combats), in which the sons of the first fami-
lies in the city took part with the most celebrated cavaliers
of Italy. Among the most distinguished of the Floren-
tine youth was Lorenzo, eldest son of Piero, who, not by
favour, but by his own personal valour, obtained the prin-
cipal prize. When these festivals were over, the citizens
reverted to the same thoughts which had previously occupied
them, and each pursued his ideas with greater earnestness
than ever. Serious differences and troubles Were the result ;
and these were greatly increased by two circumstances : one
of which was, that the authority of the balia had expired ;
the other, that upon the death of Duke Francesco, Galeazzo
the new duke sent ambassadors to Florence, to renew the
engagements of his father with the city, which, among other
things, provided that every year a certain sum of money
should be paid to the duke. The principal opponents of the
Medici took occasion, from this demand, to make public re-
sistance in the councils, on pretence that the alliance was
made with Francesco and not with Galeazzo ; so that Fran-
cesco being dead, the obligation had ceased ; nor was there
any necessity to revive it, because Galeazzo did not possess
his father's talents, and consequently they neither could nor
ought to expect the same benefits from him ; that if they had
derived little advantage from Francesco, they would obtain
still less from Galeazzo ; and that if any citizen wished to
hire him for his own purposes, it was contrary to civil rule,
and inconsistent with the public liberty. Piero, on the con-
trary, argued that it would be very impolitic to lose such an
Y
322 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.rn. ch. 2. a.d. 14C5.
alliance from mere avarice, and that there was nothing so im-
portant to the republic, and to the whole of Italy, as their
alliance with the duke ; that the Venetians, while they
were united, could not hope either by feigned friendship or
open war to injure the duchy; but as soon as they per-
ceived the Florentines alienated from him they would prepare
for hostilities, and, finding him young, new in the govern-
ment, and without friends, they would, either by force or
fraud, compel him to join them ; in which case the ruin of
the republic would be inevitable.
The arguments of Piero were without effect, and the ani-
mosity of the parties began to be openly manifested in their
nocturnal assemblies ; the friends of the Medici meeting in
the Crocetta, and their adversaries in the Pieta. The latter
being anxious for Piero" s ruin, had induced many citizens to
subscribe their names as favourable to the undertaking. Upon
one occasion, particularly when considering the course to be
adopted, although all agreed that the power of the Medici
ought to be reduced, different opinions were given concerning
the means by which it should be effected ; one party, the
most temperate and reasonable, held that as the authority
of the balia had ceased, they must take care to prevent its
renewal ; it would then be found to be the universal wish
that the magistrates and councils should govern the city, and
in a short time Piero' s power would be visibly diminished,
and, as a consequence of his loss of influence in the govern-
ment, his commercial credit would also fail ; for his affairs
were in such a state, that if they could prevent him from
using the public money his ruin must ensue. They would
thus be in no further danger from him, and would succeed in
the recovery of their liberty, without the death or exile of
any individual ; but if they attempted violence they would
incur great dangers : for mankind are willing to allow one
who falls of himself to meet his fate, but if pushed down they
would hasten to his relief ; so that if they adopted no extra-
ordinary measures against him, he will have no reason for
defence or aid ; and if he were to seek them it would be
greatly to his own injury, by creating such a general sus-
picion as would accelerate his ruin, and justify whatever
course they might think proper to adopt. Many of the
assembly were dissatisfied with this tardy method of pro
B.m. ch. 3. a.d. 1465. PLOT* AGAINST PIERO. 323
ceeding ; they thought delay would be favourable to him and
injurious to themselves ; for if they allowed matters to take
their ordinary course, Piero would be in no danger whatever,
whilst they themselves would incur many; for the magis-
trates who were opposed to him would allow him to rule
the city, and his friends would make him a prince, and their
own ruin would be inevitable, as happened in 1458 ; and
though the advice they had just heard might be most con-
sistent with good feeling, the present would be found to be
the safest. That it would therefore be best, whilst the minds
of men were yet excited against him, to effect his destruc-
tion. It must be their plan to arm themselves, and engage
the assistance of the marquis of Ferrara, that they might not
be destitute of troops ; and if a favourable Signory were
drawn, they would be in condition to make use of them.
They therefore determined to wait the formation of the new
Signory, and be governed by circumstances.
Among the conspirators was Niccolo Fedini, who had
acted as president of their assemblies. He, being induced
by most certain hopes, disclosed the whole affair to Piero.
and gave him a list of those who had subscribed then-
names, and also of the conspirators. Piero was alarmed on
discovering the number and quality of those who were op-
posed to him ; and by the advice of his friends he resolved
to take the signatures of those who were inclined to fav-
our him. Having employed one of his most trusty confi-
dants to carry this design into effect, he found so great a
disposition to change and instability, that many who had
previously set down their names among the number of his
enemies, now subscribed them in his favour.
CHAPTER III.
Niccolo Soderini drawn Gonfalonier of Justice — Great hopes excited in
eonscquence — The two parties take arms — The fears of the Signory —
Their conduct with regard to Piero — Piero's reply to the Signory —
Reform of government in favour of Piero de' Medici — Dispersion of
his enemies — Fall of Luca Pitti — Letter of Agnolo Acciajuoli to Piero
de' Medici — Piero's answer — Designs of the Florentine exiles — They
induce the Venetians to make war on Florence.
In the midst of these events, the time arrived for the re-
newal of the supreme magistracy; and Niccolo Soderuv
Y 2
324 HISTORY Of FLORENCE. JB.vn. ch.3.a.d. 146&
was drawn Gonfalonier of Justice. It was surprising to see
by what a concourse, not only of distinguished citizens, but
also of the populace, he was accompanied to the palace ; and
while on the way thither an olive wreath was placed upon his
head, to signify that upon him depended the safety and
liberty of the city. This, among many similar instances,
serves to prove how undesirable it is to enter upon office or
power exciting inordinate expectations ; for, being unable to
fulfil them (many looking for more than it is possible to
perform), shame and disappointment are the ordinary results.
Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini were brothers. Niccolo was
the more ardent and spirited, Tommaso the wiser man ; who,
being very much the friend of Piero, and knowing that his
brother desired nothing but the liberty of the city, and the
stability of the republic, without injury to any, advised him
to make new Squittini, by which means the election purses
might be filled with the names of those favourable to his
design. Niccolo took his brother's advice, and thus wasted
the period of his magistracy in vain hopes, which his friends,
the leading conspirators, allowed him to do from motives of
envy ; for they were unwilling that the government should
be reformed by the authority of Niccolo, and thought they
would be in time enough to effect their purpose under another
gonfalonier. Thus the magistracy of Niccolo expired ; and
having commenced many things without completing aught,
he retired from office with much less credit than he had en-
tered upon it.
This circumstance caused the aggrandisement of Piero's
party, whose friends entertained stronger hopes, while those
who had been neutral or wavering became his adherents ;
so that both sides being balanced, many months elapsed
without any open demonstration of their particular designs.
Piero's party continuing to gather strength, his enemies'
indignation increased in proportion ; and they now de-
termined to effect by force what they either could not ac-
complish, or were unwilling to attempt by the medium
of the magistrates, which was the assassination of Piero,
who lay sick at Careggi, and to this end order the mar-
quis of Ferrara nearer to the city with his forces,
that after Piero's death he might lead them into the
piazza, and thus compel the Signory to form a government
B. vii.ch.Ia.d. 14G(5. PIERO TAKES ARMS. 325
according to their own wishes ; for though all might not be
friendly, they trusted they would be able to induce those
to submit by fear who might be opposed to them from
principle.
Diotisalvi, the better to conceal his design, frequently visited
Piero, conversed with him respecting the union of the city,
and advised him to effect it. The conspirators' designs had
already been fully disclosed to Piero ; besides this, Dome-
nico Martelli had informed him, that Francesco Neroni, the
brother of Diotisalvi, had endeavoured to induce him to join
them, assuring him the victory was certain, and their object
all but attained. Upon this, Piero resolved to take advan-
tage of his enemies' tampering with the marquis of Ferrara,
and be first in arms. He therefore intimated that he had
received a letter from Giovanni Bentivogli, prince of Bologna,
which informed him that the marquis of Ferrara was upon
the river Albo, at the head of a considerable force, with the
avowed intention of leading it to Florence ; that upon this
advice he had taken up arms ; after which, in the midst of a
strong force, he came to the city, when all who were dis-
posed to support him, armed themselves also. The adverse
party did the same, but not in such good order, being unpre-
pared. The residence of Diotisalvi being near that of Piero,
he did not think himself safe in it, but first went to the
palace and begged the Signory would endeavour to induce
Piero to lay down his arms, and thence to Luca Pitti, to keep
him faithful in their cause. Niccolo Soderini displayed the
most activity ; for taking arms, and being followed by nearly
all the plebeians in his vicinity, he proceeded to the house of
Luca, and begged that he would mount his horse, and come
to the piazza in support of the Signory, who were, he said,
favourable, and that the victory would, undoubtedly, be on
their side ; that he should not stay in the house to be basely
slain by their armed enemies, or ignominiously deceived by
those who were unarmed ; for, in that case, he would soon
repent of having neglected an opportunity irrecoverably lost ;
that if he desired the forcible ruin of Piero, he might easily
effect it ; and that if he were anxious for peace, it would be
far better to be in a condition to propose terms than to be
compelled to accept any that might be offered. These words
produced no effect upon Luca, whose mind was now quite
326 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. fit ch. 3. a.d. 1466-
made up ; he had been induced to desert his party by new
conditions and promises of alliance from Pierc ; for one of
his nieces had been married to Giovanni Tornabuoni. He,
therefore, advised Niccolo to dismiss his followers and return
home, telling him he ought to be satisfied, if the city were
governed by the magistrates, which would certainly be the
case, and that all ought to lay aside their weapons ; for the
Signory, most of whom were friendly, would decide their
differences. Niccolo, finding him impracticable, returned
home ; but before he left, he said, " I can do the city no
good alone, but I can easily foresee the. evils that will befall
her. This resolution of yours will rob our country of her
liberty ; you will lose the government, I shall lose my pro-
perty, and the rest will be exiled."
During this disturbance, the Signory closed the palace, and
kept their magistrates about them, without showing favour
to either party. The citizens, especially those who had fol-
lowed Lucca Pitti, finding Piero fully prepared and his ad-
versaries unarmed, began to consider, not how they might
injure him, but how, with least observation, glide into the
ranks of his friends. The principal citizens, the leaders
of both factions, assembled in the palace in the presence of
the Signory, and spoke respecting the state of the city and
the reconciliation of parties ; and as the infirmities of Piero
prevented him from being present, they, with one exception,
unanimously determined to wait upon him at his house.
Niccolo Soderini having first placed his children and his
effects under the care of his brother Tommaso, withdrew
to his villa, there to await the event, but apprehended
misfortune to himself and ruin to his country. The other
citizens coming into Piero's presence, one of them who had
been appointed spokesman, complained of the disturbances
that had arisen in the city, and endeavoured to show, that
those must be most to blame who had been first to take up
arms ; and not knowing what Piero (who was evidently the
first to do so) intended, they had come in order to be informed
of his design, and if it had in view the welfare of the city,
they were desirous of supporting it. Piero replied, that not
those who first take arms are the most to blame, but those
who give the first occasion for it, and if they would reflect a
little on their mode of proceeding towards himself, they
B. vn. ch. 3. a.d. 1466. REFORM OP GOTEBNMENT. 327
would cease to wonder at what he had done ; for they could
not fail to perceive, that nocturnal assemblies, the enrolment
of partisans, and attempts to deprive him both of his autho-
rity and his life, had caused him to take arms ; and they
might further observe, that as his forces had not quitted his
own house, his design was evidently only to defend himself
and not to injure others. He neither sought nor desired
anything but safety and repose ; neither had his conduct
ever manifested a desire for aught else ; for when the autho-
rity of the Balia expired, he never made any attempt to re-
new it, and was very glad the magistrates had governed the
city and been content. They might also remember, that
Cosmo and his sons could live respected in Florence, either
with the Balia or without it, and that in 1458, it was not his
family, but themselves, who had renewed it. That if they
did not wish for it at present, neither did he ; but this did
not satisfy them ; for he perceived they thought it impossi-
ble to remain in Florence while he was there. It was entirely
beyond all his anticipations that his own or his father's
friends should think themselves unsafe with him in Flo-
rence, having always shown himself quiet and peaceable.
He then addressed himself to Diotisalvi and his brothers,
who were present, reminding them with grave indigna-
tion, of the benefits they had received from Cosmo, the
confidence he had reposed in them and their subsequent
ingratitude ; and his words so strongly excited some pre-
sent, that had he not interfered, they would certainly have
torn the Neroni to pieces on the spot. He concluded by saying,
that he should approve of any determination of themselves
and the Signory ; and that for his own part, he only desired
peace and safety. After this, many things were discussed,
but nothing determined, excepting generally, that it was neces-
sary to reform the administration of the city and government.
The Gonfalon of Justice was then in the hands of Ber-
nardo Lotti, a man not in the confidence of Piero, who was
therefore disinclined to attempt aught whilst he was in office ;
but no inconvenience would result from the delay, as his ma-
gistracy was on the point of expiring. Upon the election of
Signors for the months of September and October, 1466,
Roberto Lioni was appointed to the supreme magistracy, and
328 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vii. ch. 3. a.d. 1466.
as soon as he assumed its duties, every requisite arrange-
ment having been previously made, the people were called to
the piazza, and a new Balia created, wholly in favour of
Piero, who soon afterwards filled all the offices of govern-
ment according to his own pleasure. These transactions
alarmed the leaders of the opposite faction, and Agnolo Ac-
ciajuoli fled to Naples, Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Sode-
rini to Venice. Luca Pitti remained in Florence, trusting to
his new relationship and the promises of Piero. The refu-
gees were declared rebels, and all the family of the Neroni
were dispersed. Giovanni di Neroni, then archbishop of
Florence, to avoid a greater evil, became a voluntary exile at
Rome ; and to many other citizens who fled, various places
of banishment were appointed. Nor was this considered
sufficient ; for it was ordered that the citizens should go in
solemn procession to thank God for the preservation of the
government and the re-union of the city, during the perform
ance of which, some were taken and tortured, and part oi
them afterwards put to death and exiled. In this great
vicissitude of affairs, there was not a more remarkable in-
stance of the uncertainty of fortune than Luca Pitti, who
soon found the difference between victory and defeat, honour
and disgrace. His house now presented only a vast solitude,
where previously crowds of citizens had assembled. In the
streets, his friends and relatives, instead of accompanying,
were afraid even to salute him. Some of them were deprived
of the honours of government, others of their property, and
all alike threatened. The superb edifices he had commenced
were abandoned by the builders ; the benefits that had been
conferred upon him, were now exchanged for injuries, the
honours for disgrace. Hence many of those who had pre-
sented him with articles of value now demanded them back
again, as being only lent ; and those who had been in the
habit of extolling him as a man of surpassing excellence,
now termed him violent and ungrateful. So that, when too
late, he regretted not having taken the advice of Niccolo
Soderini, and preferred an honourable death in battle, than
to a life of ignominy amongst his victorious enemies.
The exiles now began to consider various means of re-
covering that citizenship which they had not been able to
B. vii. ch. 3. a.d. 1468. AGNOLO'S LETTEH. 329
preserve. However, Agnolo Acciajuoli being at Naples,
before he attempted anything else, resolved to sound Piero,
and try if he could effect a reconciliation. For this pur-
pose, he wrote to him in the following terms : — " I cannot
help laughing at the freaks of fortune, perceiving how, at
her pleasure, she converts friends into enemies, and ene-
mies into friends. You may remember that during your
father's exile, regarding more the injury done to him than
my own misfortunes, I was banished, and in danger of
death, and never during Cosmo's life failed to honour and
support your family; neither have I since his death ever
entertained a wish to injure you. True, it is, that your own
sickness, and the tender years of your sons, so alarmed me,
that I judged it desirable to give such a form to the govern-
ment, that after your death our country might not be ruined ;
and hence, the proceedings, which not against you, but for
the safety of the state, have been adopted, which, if mis-
taken, will surely obtain forgiveness, both for the good de-
sign in view, and on account of my former services. Neither
can I apprehend, that your house, having found me so
long faithful, should now prove unmerciful, or that you
could cancel the impression of so much merit for so small a
fault." Piero replied : — " Your laughing in your present
abode is the cause why I do not weep, for were you to laugh
in Florence, I should have to weep at Naples. I confess
you were well disposed towards my father, and you ought to
confess you were well paid for it ; and the obligation is so
much the greater on your part than on ours, as deeds are of
greater value than words. Having been recompensed for your
good wishes, it ought not to surprise you that you now receive
the due reward of your bad ones. Neither will a pretence
of your patriotism excuse you, for none will think the city
less beloved or benefited by the Medici, than by the Acci-
ajuoli. It, therefore, seems but just, that you should remain
in dishonour at Naples, since you knew not how to live with
honour at home."
Agnolo, hopeless of obtaining pardon, went to Rome,
where, joining the archbishop and other refugees, they used
every available means to injure the commercial credit of the
Medici in that city. Their attempts greatly annoyed Piero ;
but by Ids friends' assistance, he was enabled to render them
330 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vn. ch. 3. a.d. 145>5.
abortive. Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Soderini strenu-
ously urged the Venetian senate to make war upon their
country, calculating, that in case of an attack, the govern-
ment being new and unpopular, would be unable to resist.
At this time there resided at Ferrara, Giovanni Francesco,
son of Palla Strozzi, who, with his father, was banished from
Florence in the changes of 1434. He possessed great influ-
ence, and was considered one of the richest merchants. The
newly banished pointed out to Giovanni Francesco how easily
they might return to their country, if the Venetians were to
undertake the enterprise, and that it was most probable they
would do so, if they had pecuniary assistance, but that other-
wise it would be doubtful. Giovanni Francesco, wishing to
avenge his own injuries, at once fell in with their ideas, and
promised to contribute to the success of the attempt all the
means in his power. On this they went to the Doge, and
complained of the exile they were compelled to endure, for
no other reason, they said, than for having wished their coun-
try should be subject to equal laws, and that the magistrates
should govern, not a few private individuals ; that Piero de'
Medici with his adherents, who were accustomed to act
tyrannically, had secretly taken up arms, deceitfully induced
them to lay their own aside, and thus, by fraud, expelled
them from their country ; that, not content with this, they
made the Almighty himself a means of , oppression to
several, who, trusting to their promises, had remained in
the city and were there betrayed ; for, during public wor-
ship and solemn supplications, that the Deity might seem
to participate in their treachery, many citizens had been
seized, imprisoned, tortured, and put to death ; thus afford-
ing to the world a horrible and impious precedent. To
avenge themselves for these injuries, they knew not where
to turn with so much hope of success as to the senate, which,
having always enjoyed their liberty, ought to compassionate
those who had lost it. They therefore called upon them as
free men to assist them against tyrants ; as pious, against the
wicked ; and would remind the Venetians, that it was the
family of the Medici who had robbed them of their domi-
nions in Lombardy, contrary to the wish of the other citizens,
and who, in opposition to the interests of the senate, had
favoured and supported Francesco, so, that if the exiles' dis-
B.vn.CH.4. a.d. 1467. WAR RENEWED. 331
tresses could not induce them to undertake the war, the just
indignation of the people of Venice, and their desire of venge-
ance ought to prevail. J
CHAPTER IV.
War between the Venetians and the Florentines — Peace re-established —
Death of Niccolo Soderini — His character — Excesses in Florence —
Various external events from 1468 to 1471 — Accession of SixtusIV. —
His character — Grief of Piero de' Medici for the violence committed in
Florence — His speech to the principal citizens — Plans of Piero de'
Medici for the restoration of order — His death and character — Tommaso
Soderini, a citizen of great reputation, declares himself in favour of the
Medici — Disturbances at Prato occasioned by Bernardo Nardi.
The concluding words of the Florentine exiles produced the
utmost excitement among the Venetian senators, and they re-
solved to send Bernardo Coglione, their general, to attack
the Florentine territory. The troops were assembled,, and
joined by Ercole da Esti, who had been sent by Borgo,
marquis of Ferrara. At the commencement of hostili-
ties, the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies
burnt the Borgo of Dovadola, and plundered the surrounding
country. But having expelled the enemies of Piero, re-
newed their league with Galeazzo, duke of Milan, and
Ferrando, king of Naples, they appointed to the command
of their forces Federigo, count of Urbino ; and being thus
on good terms with their friends, their enemies occasioned
them less anxiety. Ferrando sent Alfonso, his eldest son, to
their aid, and Galeazzo came in person, each at the head of a
suitable force, and all assembled at Castrocaro, a fortress
belonging to the Florentines, and situated among the roots
of the Appennines which descend from Tuscany to Ro-
magna. In the meantime, the enemy withdrew towards
Imola. A few slight skirmishes took place between the
armies ; yet, in accordance with the custom of the times,
neither of them acted on the offensive, besieged any town,
or gave the other an opportunity of coming to a general
engagement ; but each kept within their tents, and conducted
themselves w'.th most remarkable cowardice. This occa-
832 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vu. oh. 4. a.d. 1407.
sioned general dissatisfaction among the Florentines; for
they found themselves involved in an expensive war, from
which no advantage could be derived. The magistrates com-
plained of these spiritless proceedings to those who had been
appointed commissaries to the expedition ; but they replied,
that the entire evil was chargeable upon the Duke Galeazzo,
who, possessing great authority and little experience, was
unable to suggest useful measures, and unwilling to take the
advice of those who were more capable ; and therefore any
demonstration of courage or energy would be impracticable
so long as he remained with the army. Hereupon the Flo-
rentines intimated to the duke, that his presence with the
forces was in many ways advantageous and beneficial, and of
itself sufficient to alarm the enemy ; but they considered his
his own safety, and that of his dominions, much more im-
portant than their own immediate convenience ; because so
long as the former were safe the Florentines had nothing
to fear, and all would go well ; but if his dominions were to
suffer, they might then apprehend all kinds of misfortune
They assured him they did not think it prudent for him to be
absent so long from Milan, having recently succeeded to the
government, and being surrounded by many powerful enemies
and suspected neighbours ; while any who were desirous of
plotting against him, had an opportunity of doing so with
impunity. They would, therefore, advise him to return to
his territories, leaving part of his troops with them for the
use of the expedition. This advice pleased Galeazzo, who,
in consequence, immediately withdrew to Milan. The Flo-
rentine generals being now left without any hindrance, to
show that the cause assigned for their inaction was the true
one, pressed the enemy more closely, so that they came to a
regular engagement, which continued half a day, without
either party yielding. Some horses were wounded, and
prisoners taken, but no death occurred. Winter having
arrived, and with it the usual time for armies to retire into
quarters, Bartolommeo Coglione withdrew to Ravenna, the
Florentine forces into Tuscany, and those of the king and
duke, each to the territories of their sovereign. As this
attempt had not occasioned any tumult in Florence, contrary
to the rebels' expectation, and the troops they had hired were
in want of pay, terms of peace were proposed, and easily
B. vir. c-h. 4. a a 1468. PEACE REST0EED. 333
arranged. The revolted Florentines, thus deprived of hope,
dispersed themselves in various places. Diotisalvi Neroni
withdrew to Ferrara, where he was received and entertained
by the Marquis Borso. Niccolo Soderini went to Ravenna,
where, upon a small pension allowed him by the Venetians,
he grew old and died. He was considered a just and brave
man, but over cautious and slow to determine, a circumstance
which occasioned him, when Gonfalonier of Justice, to lose
the opportunity of victory which he would have gladly reco-
vered when too late.
Upon the restoration of peace, those who remained vic-
torious in Florence, as if unable to convince themselves they
had conquered, unless they oppressed not merely their ene-
mies, but all whom they suspected, prevailed upon Bardo
Altoviti, then Gonfalonier of Justice, to deprive many of
the honours of government, and to banish several more.
They exercised their power so inconsiderately, and conducted
themselves in such an arbitrary manner, that it seemed as
if fortune and the Almighty had given the city up to them
for a prey. Piero knew little of these things, and was un-
able to remedy even the little he knew, on account of his in-
firmities ; his body being so contracted that he could use no
faculty but that of speech. All he could do was to ad-
monish the leading men, and beg they would conduct them-
selves with greater moderation, and not by their violence
effect their country's ruin. In order to divert the city, he
resolved to celebrate the marriage of his son Lorenzo with
Clarice degli Orsini, with great splendour ; and it was accord-
ingly solemnized with all the display suitable to the exalted
rank of the parties. Feasts, dancing, and antique represent-
ations occupied many days ; at the conclusion of which, to
exhibit the grandeur of the house of Medici and of the go-
vernment, two military spectacles were presented, one per-
formed by men on horseback, who went through the evolutions
of a field engagement, and the other representing the storm-
ing of a town ; everything being conducted with admirable
order and the greatest imaginable brilliancy.
During these transactions in Florence, the rest of Italy,
though at peace, was filled with apprehension of the power of
the Turks, who continued to attack the Christians, and had
taken Negropont, to the great disgrace and injury of the
334 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.vn. en. 4. a.d. 1468.
Christian name. About this time died Borso, marquis of
Ferrara, who was succeeded by his brother Ercole. Gis-
mondo da Rimini, the inveterate enemy of the church also
expired, and his natural brother Roberto, who was afterwards
one of the best generals of Italy, succeeded him. Pope
Paul died, and was succeeded by Sixtus IV. previously
called Francesco da Savona, a man of the very lowest origin,
who by his talents had become general of the order of St.
Francis, and afterwards cardinal. He was the first who began
to show how far a pope might go, and how much that which
was previously regarded as sinful lost its iniquity when com-
mitted by a pontiff. Among others of his family were Piero
and Girolamo, who, according to universal belief, were his
sons, though he designated them by terms reflecting less
scandal on his character. Piero being a priest, was ad-
vanced to the dignity of cardinal, with the title of St. Sixtus.
To Girolamo he gave the city of Furli, taken from Antonio
Ordelaffi, whose ancestors had held that territory for many
generations. This ambitious method of procedure made him
more regarded by the princes of Italy, and all sought to
obtain his friendship. The duke of Milan gave his natural
daughter Caterina to Girolamo, with the city of Imola, which
he had taken from Taddeo degli Alidossi, as her portion.
New matrimonial alliances were formed between the duke
and king Ferrando ; Elisabetta, daughter of Alfonso, the
king's eldest son, being united to Giovan-Galeazzo, the eldest
son of the duke.
Italy being at peace, the principal employment of her
princes was to watch each other, and strengthen their own
influence by new alliances, leagues, or friendships. But
in the midst of this repose, Florence endured great op-
pression from her principal citizens, and the infirmities of
Piero incapacitated him from restraining their ambition.
However, to relieve his conscience, and, if possible, to make
them ashamed of their conduct, he sent for them to his
house, and addressed them in the following words : — " 1
never thought a time would come when the behaviour of my
friends would compel me to esteem and desire the society of
my enemies, and wish that I had been defeated rather than
victorious ; for I believed myself to be associated with those
who would set some bounds to their avarice, and who, after
B vn. ch.4. a.d. 14CS. DEATH OF PIERO. 335
having avenged themselves on their enemies, and lived in
their country with security and honour, would be satisfied.
But now I find myself greatly deceived, unacquainted with
the ambition of mankind, and least of all with yours ; for,
not satisfied with being masters of so great a city, and pos-
g amongst yourselves those honours, dignities, and
emoluments which used to be divided among many citizens ;
not contented with having shared among a few the property
of your enemies, or with being able to oppress all others
with public burdens, while you yourselves are exempt from
them, and enjoy all the public offices of profit, you must still
further load every one with ill usage. You plunder your
neighbours of their wealth ; you sell justice ; you evade the
law ; you oppress the timid and exalt the insolent. Nor is
there, throughout all Italy, so many and such shocking ex-
amples of violence and avarice as in this city. Has our
country fostered us only to be her destroyer ? Have we been
victorious only to effect her ruin ? Has she honoured us that
we may overwhelm her with disgrace ? Now, by that faith
which is binding upon all good men, I promise you, that if
you still conduct yourselves so as to make me regret my
victory, I will adopt such measures as shall cause you bitterly
to repent of having misused it." The reply of the citizens
accorded with the time and circumstances, but they did not
forego their evil practices ; so that, in consequence, Piero
sent for Agnolo Acciajuoli to come secretly to Cafaggiolo,
and discussed with him at great length the condition of the
city ; and doubtless, had he not been prevented by death, he
would have called home the exiles as a check upon the rapine
of the opposite party. But these honourable designs were
frustrated ; for, sinking under bodily infirmities and mental
anguish, he expired in the fifty-third year of his age. His
goodness and virtue were not duly appreciated by his country,
principally from his having, until almost the close of his life,
been associated with Cosmo, and the few years he survived
being spent in civil discord and constant debility. Piero was
buried in the church of St. Lorenzo, near his father, and his
obsequies were performed with all the pomp and solemnity
due to his exalted station. He left two sons, Lorenzo and
Giuliano, whose extreme youth excited alarm in the minds of
thinking men, though each gave hopes of future usefulness
to the republic.
336 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vii. ch. 4. ad. 14G9
Among the principal citizens in the government of Flo-
rence, and very superior to the rest, was Tommaso Soderini,
whose prudence and authority were well known not only
at home, but throughout Italy. After Piero's death, the
whole city looked up to him ; many citizens waited upon
him at his own house, as the head of the government, and
several princes addressed him by letter; but he, impar-
tially estimating his own fortune and that of the house of
Medici, made no reply to the princes' communications, and
told the citizens, it was not his house but that of the Me-
dici they ought to visit. To demonstrate by his actions
the sincerity and integrity of his advice, he assembled all
the heads of noble families in the convent of St. Antonio,
whither he also brought Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici,
and in a long and serious speech upon the state of the city,
the condition of Italy, and the views of her princes, he as-
sured them, that that if they wished to live in peace and
unity in Florence, free both from internal dissensions and
foreign wars, it would be necessary to respect the sons of
Piero and support the reputation of their house ; for men
never regret their continuance in a course sanctioned by
custom, whilst new methods are soon adopted and as speedily
set aside ; and it has always been found easier to maintain a
jiower which by its continuance has outlived envy, than to
raise a new one, which innumerable unforeseen causes may
overthrow. When Tommaso had concluded, Lorenzo spoke,
and, though young, with such modesty and discretion that
all present felt a presentiment of his becoming what he af-
terwards proved to be ; and before the citizens departed they
swore to regard the youths as their sons, and the brothers
promised to look upon them as their parents. After this,
Lorenzo and Giuliano were honoured as princes, and resolved
to be guided by the advice of Tommaso Soderini.
"While profound tranquillity prevailed both at home and
abroad, no wars disturbing the general repose, there arose an
unexpected disturbance, which came like a presage of future
evils. Among the ruined families of the party of Luca
Pitti, was that of the Nardi ; for Salvestro and his brothers,
the heads of the house, were banished and afterwards de-
clared rebels for having taken part in the war under Barto-
lommeo Coglione. Bernardo, the brother of Salvestro,
was young, prompt, and bold, and on account of his poverty,
b. vir. ch. 4. a.d. 1469. Bernardo's disaffection. 337
being unable to alleviate the sorrows of exile, while the peace
extinguished all hopes of his return to the city, he determined
to attempt some means of re-kindling the war ; for a trifling
commencement often produces great results, and men more
readily prosecute what is already begun than originate new
enterprises. Bernardo had many acquaintances at Prato,
and still more in the district of Pistoia, particularly among
the Palandra, a family which, though rustic, was very nu-
merous, and, like the rest of the Pistolesi, brought up to
slaughter and war. These he knew to be discontented, on
account of the Florentine magistrates having endeavoured,
perhaps too severely, to check their partiality for inveterate
feuds and consequent bloodshed. He was also aware that
the people of Prato considered themselves injured by the
pride and avarice of their governors, and that some were ill-
disposed towards Florence ; therefore all things considered,
he hoped to be able to kindle a fire in Tuscany (should Prato
rebel) which would be fostered by so many, that those who
might wish to extinguish it would fail in the attempt. He
communicated his ideas to Diotisalvi Neroni, and asked him,
in case they should succeed in taking possession of Prato,
what assistance might be expected from the princes of Italy,
by his means ? Diotisalvi considered the enterprise as im-
minently dangerous, and almost impracticable ; but since it
presented a fresh chance of attaining his object, at the risk
of others, he advised him to proceed, and promised certain
assistance from Bologna and Ferrara, if he could retain Prato
not less than fifteen days. Bernardo, whom this promise
inspired with a lively hope of success, proceeded secretly to
Prato, and communicated with those most disposed to favour
him, among whom were the Palandra ; and having arranged
the time and plan, informed Diotisalvi of what had been
done.
33S HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vn. ch. 5. a.d. 1471.
CHAPTER V.
Bernardo takes possession of Prato, but is not assisted by the inhabitants —
He is taken, and the tumult appeased — Corruption of Florence — The
duke of Milan in Florence — The church of Santo Spirito destroyed by
fire — The rebellion of Volterra, and the cause of it — Volterra reduced
to obedience by force, in accordance with the advice of Lorenzo de' Me-
dici — Volterra pillaged.
Cesare Petrucci held the office of Provost of Prato for the
Florentine people, at this period. It is customary with gover-
nors of towns, similarly situated, to keep the keys of the
gates near their persons ; and whenever, in peaceful times,
they are required by any of the inhabitants, for entrance or
exit, they are usually allowed to be taken. Bernardo was
aware of this custom, and about daybreak, presented him-
self at the gate which looks towards Pistoia, accompanied
by the Palandra and about one hundred persons, all armed.
Their confederates within the town also armed themselves, and
one of them asked the governor for the keys, alleging, as a
pretext, that some one from the country wished to enter.
The governor not entertaining the slightest suspicion, sent
a servant with them. When at a convenient distance,
they were taken by the conspirators, who, opening the
gates, introduced Bernardo and his followers. They divided
themselves into two parties, one of which, led by Salvestro,
an inhabitant of Prato, took possession of the citadel ; the
other following Bernardo, seized the palace, and placed Ce-
sare with all his family in the custody of some of their num-
ber. They then raised the cry of liberty, and proceeded
through the town. It was now day, and many of the inha-
bitants hearing the disturbance, ran to the piazza where,
learning that the fortress and the palace were taken and
the governor with all his people made prisoners, they
were utterly astonished, and could not imagine how it
had occurred. The eight citizens, possessing the supreme
authority, assembled in their palace to consider what was
best to be done. In the meantime, Bernardo and his fol-
B vii. en. 5 A.r.. 1471. BERNARDO ENTERS PRATO. 330
lowers, on going round the town, found no encouragement,
and being told that the Eight had assembled, went and
declared the nature of their enterprise, which he said was to
deliver the country from slavery, reminding them how
glorious it would be for those who took arms to effect such
an honourable object, for they would thus obtain perma-
nent repose and everlasting fame. He called to recollection
their ancient liberty and present condition, and assured
them of certain assistance, if they would only, for a few
days, aid in resisting the forces the Florentines might send
against them. He said he had friends in Florence who
would join them as soon as they found the inhabitants re-
solved to support him. His speech did not produce the
desired effect upon the Eight, who replied that they knew
not whether Florence was free or enslaved, for that was
a matter which they were not called upon to decide ; but this
they knew very well, that for their own part, they desired
no other liberty than to obey the magistrates who governed
Florence, from whom they had never received any injury
sufficient to make them desire a change. They therefore
advised him to set the governor at liberty, clear the place of
his people, and, as quickly as possible, withdraw from the
danger he had so rashly incurred. Bernardo was not
daunted by these words, but determined to try whether fear
could influence the people of Prato since entreaties produced
so little effect. In order to terrify them, he determined to
put Cesare to death, and having brought him out of prison,
ordered him to be hanged at the windows of the palace.
He was already led to the spot with a halter around his neck,
when seeing Bernardo giving directions to hasten his end,
he turned to him, and said, " Bernardo, you put me to death,
thinking that the people of Prato will follow you ; but the
direct contrary will result ; for the respect they have for the
rectors which the Florentine people send here is so great,
that as soon as they witness the injury inflicted upon me,
they will conceive such a disgust against you, as will inevi-
tably effect your ruin. Therefore, it is not by my death, but
by the preservation of my life, that you can attain the object
you have in view ; for if I deliver your commands, they will
be much more readily obeyed, and following your directions,
we shall soon attain the completion of your design." Ber-
z 2
340 HISTORY OF FLOKENCE. B.vir. ch. 5. a.d. 1471.
nardo, whose mind was not fertile in expedients, thought the
advice good, and commanded Cesare, on being conducted to
a veranda which looked upon the piazza, to order the people
of Prato to obey him, and having done which, Cesare was
led back to prison.
The weakness of the conspirators was obvious ; and
many Florentines residing in the town, assembled together,
amongst whom, Giorgio Ginori, a knight of Rhodes, took
arms first against them, and attacked Bernardo, who tra-
versed the piazza, alternately entreating and threatening
those who refused to obey him, and being surrounded by
Giorgio's followers, he was wounded and made prisoner.
This being done, it was easy to set the governor at liberty
and subdue the rest, who being few, and divided into several
parties, were nearly all either secured or slain. An exagger-
ated report of these transactions reached Florence, it being
told there that Prato was taken, the governor and his friends
put to death, and the place filled with the enemy ; and that
Pistoia was also in arms, and most of the citizens in the con-
spiracy. In consequence of this alarming account, the
palace was quickly filled with citizens, who consulted with
the Signory what course ought to be adopted. At this time,
Roberto da San Severino, one of the most distinguished
generals of this period, was at Florence, and it was there-
fore determined to send him, with what forces could be col-
lected, to Prato, with orders, that he should approach the
place, particularly observe what was going on, and provide
such remedies as the necessity of the case and his own pru-
dence should suggest. Roberto had scarcely passed the for-
tress of Campi, when he was met by a messenger from the
governor, who informed him that Bernardo was taken, his fol-
lowers either dispersed or slain, and everything restored to
order. He consequently returned to Florence, whither Ber-
nardo was shortly after conveyed, and when questioned by
the magistracy concerning the real motives of such a weak
conspiracy, he said, he had undertaken it, because, having
resolved to die in Florence rather than live in exile, he wished
his death to be accompanied by some memorable action.
This disturbance having been raised and quelled almost at
the same time, the citizens returned to their accustomed
mode of life, hoping to enjoy, without anxiety, the state they
B. vn. ch. 5. a d. 1 474. YOLTERRA REBELS. 341
had now established and confirmed. Hence arose many of
those evils which, usually result from peace ; for the youth hav-
ing become more dissolute than before, more extravagant in
dress, feasting, and other licentiousness, and being without
employment, wasted their time and means on gaming and
women ; their principal study being how to appear splendid
in apparel, and attain a crafty shrewdness in discourse ; he
who could make the most poignant remark being considered
the wisest, and being most respected. These manners de-
rived additional encouragement from the followers of the
duke of Milan, who, with his duchess and the whole ducal
court, as it was said, to fulfil a vow, came to Florence, where
he was received with all the pomp and respect due to so
great a prince, and one so intimately connected with the
Florentine people. Upon this occasion the city witnessed an
unprecedented exhibition ; for, during Lent, when the church
commands us to abstain from animal food, the Milanese,
without respect for either God or his church, ate of it daily.
Many spectacles were exhibited in honour of the duke, and
amongst others, in the temple of Santo Spirito, was repre-
sented the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the apostles ;
and in consequence of the numerous fires used upon the oc-
casion, some of the wood-work became ignited, and the
church was completely destroyed by the flames. Many
thought that the Almighty being offended at our miscon-
duct, took this method of signifying his displeasure. If,
therefore, the duke found the city full of courtly delicacies,
and customs unsuitable to well-regulated conduct, he left it
in a much worse state. Hence the good citizens thought it
necessary to restrain these improprieties, and made a law to
put a stop to extravagance in dress, feasts, and funerals.
In the midst of this universal peace, a new and unexpected
disturbance arose in Tuscany. Certain citizens of Volterra
had discovered an alum-mine in their district, and being
aware of the profit derivable from it, in order to obtain the
means of working and securing it, they applied to some
Florentines, and allowed them to share in the profits. This,
as is frequently the case with new undertakings, at first ex-
cited little attention from the people of Volterra ; but in
time, finding the profits derived from it had become consider-
able, they fruitlessly endeavoured to effect what at first
342 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. m. ch. 5. a.d.1474.
might have been easily accomplished. They began by agi-
tating the question in their councils, declaring it grossly
improper that a source of wealth discovered in the public
lands should be converted to the emolument of private indi-
viduals. They next sent advocates to Florence, and the
question was referred to the consideration of certain citizens,
who, either through being bribed by the party in possession,
or from a sincere conviction, declared the aim of the people
of Volterra to be unjust in desiring to deprive their citizens
of the fruit of their labour ; and decided that the alum-pit
was the rightful property of those who had hitherto wrought
it ; but, at the same time, recommended them to pay an
annual sum by way of acknowledgement to the city. This
answer instead of abating, served only to increase the ani-
mosities and tumult in Volterra, and absorbed entire atten-
tion both in the councils and throughout the city ; the people
demanding the restitution of what they considered their due,
and the proprietors insisting upon their right to retain what
they had originally acquired, and what had subsequently been
confirmed to them by the decision of the Florentines. In
the midst of these disturbances, a respectable citizen, named
II Pecorino, was killed, together with several others, who had
embraced the same side, whose houses were also plundered
and burnt ; and the fury of the mob rose to such a height,
that they were with difficulty restrained from putting the
Florentine rectors to death.
After the first outrage, the Volterrani immediately de-
termined to send ambassadors to Florence, who intimated,
that if the Signory would allow them their ancient privileges,
the city would remain subject to them as formerly. Many
and various were the opinions concerning the reply to be
made. Tommaso Soderini advised that they should accept
the submission of the people of Volterra, upon any conditions
with which they were disposed to make it ; for he considered
it unseasonable and unwise to kindle a flame so near home that
it might burn their own dwelling ; he suspected the pope's
ambition, and was apprehensive of the power of the king ;
nor could he confide in the friendship either of the duke or
the Venetians, having no assurance of the sincerity of
the latter, or the valour of the former. He concluded by
quoting that trite proverb, " Meglio un magro accordo che
B. vii.cu. 5.A.D. 1474. PILLAGE OF VOLTERRA. 343
una grassa vittoria."* On the other hand, Lorenzo de'
Medici, thinking this an opportunity for exhibiting his pru-
dence and wisdom, and being strenuously supported by those
who envied the influence of Tommaso Soderini, resolved to
march against them, and punish the arrogance of the people
of Volterra with arms ; declaring that if they were not made a
a striking example, others would, without the least fear or
respect, upon every slight occasion, adopt a similar course.
The enterprise being resolved on, the Volterrani were told
that they could not demand the observance of conditions
which they themselves had broken, and therefore must either
submit to the discretion of the Signory or expect war. With
this answer they returned to their city, and prepared for its
defence ; fortifying the place, and sending to all the princes
of Italy to request assistance, none of whom listened to them,
except the Siennese and the lord of Piombino, who gave
them some hope of aid. The Florentines, on the other
hand, thinking success dependent principally upon celerity,
assembled ten thousand foot and two thousand horse, who,
under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino, marched
into the country of Volterra, and quickly took entire pos-
session of it. They then encamped before the city, which,
being in a lofty situation, and precipitous on all sides, could
only be approached by a narrow pass near the church of St.
Alessandro. The Volterrani had engaged for their defence
about one thousand mercenaries, who, perceiving the great
superiority of the Florentines, found the place untenable, and
were tardy in their defensive operations, but indefatigable
in the constant injuries they committed upon the people of
the place. Thus these poor citizens were harassed by the
enemy without, and by their own soldiery within ; so, des-
pairing of their safety, they began to think of a capitulation ;
and, being unable to obtain better terms, submitted to the
discretion of the Florentine commissaries, who ordered the
gates to be opened, and. introduced the greater part of their
forces. They then proceeded to the palace, and commanded
the priors to retire to their homes ; and, on the way thither,
one of them was in derision stripped by the soldiers. From
this beginning (so much more easily are men predisposed to
* A lean peace is better than a fat victory.
3 J 4 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. rn. ch. 6. ad. 1474.
evil tlian to good; originated the pillage and destruction of
the city ; which for a whole day suffered the greatest horrors,
neither women nor sacred places being spared ; and the
soldiery, those engaged for its defence as well as its assail-
ants, plundered all that came within their reach. The news
of this victory was received with great joy at Florence, and
as the expedition had been undertaken wholly by the advice
of Lorenzo, he acquired great reputation. Upon which one
of the intimate friends of Tommaso Soderini, reminding him
of the advice he had given, asked him what he thought of
the taking of Volterra ; to which he replied, " To me the
place seems rather lost than won ; for had it been received
on equitable terms, advantage and security would have been
the result ; but having to retain it by force, it will in critical
junctures occasion weakness and anxiety, and in times of
peace, injury and expense."
CHAPTER VI.
Origin of the animosity between Sixtus IV. and Lorenzo de' Medici —
Carlo di Braccio da Perugia attacks the Siennese — Carlo retires by
desire of the Florentines — Conspiracy against Galeazzo, duke of Milan —
His vices — He is slain by the conspirators — Their deaths.
The pope, anxious to retain the territories of the church in
obedience, had caused Spoleto to be sacked for having, through
internal factions, fallen into rebellion. Citta di Castello being
in the same state of contumacy, he besieged that place ; and
Niccolo Vitelli its prince, being on intimate terms with Lo-
renzo de' Medici, obtained assistance from him, which, though
inadequate, was quite enough to originate that enmity between
Sixtus IV. and the Medici afterwards productive of such
unhappy results. Nor would this have been so long in de-
velopment had not the death of Frate Piero, cardinal of St.
Sixtus, taken place ; who, after having travelled over Italy
and visited Venice and Milan (under the pretence of doing
honour to the marriage of Ercole, marquis of Ferrara), went
about sounding the minds of the princes, to learn how they
B.vn. ch. 6. a.d.1475. POPE SIXTUS IV. 345
were disposed towards the Florentines. Bat upon his return
he died, not without suspicion of having been poisoned by
the Venetians, who found they would have reason to fear
Sixtus if he were allowed to avail himself of the talents and
exertions of Frate Piero. Although of very low extraction,
and meanly brought up within the walls of a convent, he
had no sooner attained the distinction of the scarlet hat, than
he exhibited such inordinate pride and ambition, that the ponti-
ficate seemed too little for him, and he gave a feast in Rome
which would have seemed extraordinary even for a king, the
expense exceeding twenty thousand florins. Deprived of
this minister, the designs of Sixtus proceeded with less
promptitude. The Florentines, the duke, and the Venetians
having renewed their league, and allowed the pope and the
king to join them if they thought proper, the two latter
also entered into a league, reserving an opening for the others
if they were desirous to become parties to it. Italy was
thus divided in two factions ; for circumstances daily arose
which occasioned ill feeling between the two leagues ; as
occurred with respect to the island of Cyprus, to which
Ferrando laid claim, and the Venetians occupied. Thus the
pope and the king became more closely united. Federigo,
prince of Urbino, was at this time one of the first generals of
Italy ; and had long served the Florentines. In order, if pos-
sible, to deprive the hostile league of their captain, the pope
advised, and the king requested him to pay a visit to them.
To the surprise and displeasure of the Florentines, Federigo
complied ; for they thought the same fate awaited him as had
befallen Niccolo Piccinino. However, the result was quite
different ; for he returned from Naples and Rome greatly
honoured, and with the appointment of general to their
forces. They also endeavoured to gain over to their interests
the lords of Romagna and the Siennese, that they might
more easily injure the Florentines, who, becoming aware of
these things, used their utmost endeavours to defend them-
selves against the ambition of their enemies ; and having
lost Federigo d' Urbino, they engaged Roberto da Rimino in
his place, renewed the league with the Perugini and formed
one with the prince of Faenza. The pope and the king as-
signed, as the reasons of their animosity against the Flo-
rentines, that they wished to withdraw them from the Vcne-
346 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.yii. ch. 6. a.d. 1476.
tian alliance, and associate them with their own league ; for
the pope did not think the church could maintain her repu-
tation, nor the Count Girolamo retain the states of Romagna,
whilst the Florentines and the Venetians remained united.
The Florentines conjectured their design was to set them
at enmity with the Venetians, not so much for the sake
of gaining their friendship as to be able the more easily to
injure them. Two years passed away in these jealousies
and discontents before any disturbance broke out ; but
the first which occurred, and that but trivial, took place in
Tuscany.
Braccio of Perugia, whom we have frequently mentioned
as one of the most distinguished warriors of Italy, left two
sons, Oddo and Carlo ; the latter was of tender years ; the
former, as above related, was slain by the people of Val di
Lamona ; but Carlo, when he came to mature age, was by
the Venetians, out of respect for the memory of his father,
and the hopes they entertained from himself, received amongst
the condottieri of their republic. The term of his engage-
ment having expired, he did not design to renew it imme-
diately, but resolved to try if, by his own influence and his
father's reputation, he could recover possession of Perugia.
To this the Venetians willingly consented, for they usually
extended their dominion by any changes that occurred, in the
neighbouring states. Carlo consequently came into Tuscany,
but found more difficulties in his attempt upon Perugia than
he had anticipated, on account of its being allied with the
Florentines ; and desirous of doing something worthy of
memory, he made war upon the Siennese, alleging them to be
indebted to him for services performed by his father in the
affairs of that republic, and attacked them with such im-
petuosity as to threaten the total overthrow of their dominion.
The Siennese, ever ready to suspect the Florentines, per-
suaded themselves that this outrage had been committed with
their cognizance, and made heavy complaints to the pope and
the king against them. They also sent ambassadors to
Florence, to complain of the injuries they had suffered, and
adroitly intimated, that if Carlo had not been secretly sup-
ported he could not have made war upon them with such
perfect security. The Florentines denied all participation in
the proceedings of Carlo, expressed their most earnest wish
B.r .1. ch. 6.A.D. 1476. CONSPIRACY IN MILAN. 347
to do everything in their power to put a stop to them,
and allowed the ambassadors to use whatever terms they
pleased in the name of the Signory, to command him to
desist. Carlo complained that the Florentines, by their un-
willingness to support him, had deprived themselves of a
most valuable acquisition and him of great glory ; for he
could have ensured them the possession of the whole
territory in a short time, from the want of courage in the
people, and the ineffectual provision they had made for their
defence. He then withdrew to his engagement under the
Venetians ; but the Siennese, although delivered from such
imminent peril by the Florentines, were still very indignant
against them; considering themselves under no obligation to
those who had delivered them from an evil to which they
had first exposed them.
Whilst the transactions between the king and the pope
were in progress, and those in Tuscany in the manner we have
related, an event of greater importance occurred in Lombardy.
Cola Montano, a learned and ambitious man, taught the
Latin language to the youth of the principal families in Milan.
Either out of hatred to the character and manners of the
duke, or from some other cause, he constantly deprecated the
condition of those who live under a bad prince ; calling those
glorious and happy who had the good fortune to be born and
live in a republic. He endeavoured to show that the most
celebrated men had been produced in republics, and not reared
under princes ; that the former cherish virtue, whilst the
latter destroy it ; the one deriving advantage from virtuous
men, whilst the latter naturally fear them. The youths with
whom he was most intimate were Giovanni Andrea Lampog-
nano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Olgiato. He frequently
discussed with them the faults of their prince, and the
wretched condition of those who were subject to him ; and
by constantly inculcating his principles, acquired such an
ascendancy over their minds as to induce them to bind them-
selves by oath to effect the duke's destruction, as soon as
they became old enough to attempt it. Their minds being
fully occupied with this design, which grew with their years,
the duke's conduct and their own private injuries served to
hasten its execution. Galeazzo was licentious and cruel, of
both which vices he had given such repeated proofs, that he
348 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vir. ch. 6. A r>. 1476.
became odious to all. Not content with corrupting the
wives of the nobility, he also took pleasure in making it
notorious ; nor was he satisfied with murdering individuals
unless he effected their deaths by some unusual cruelty. He
was suspected of having destroyed his own mother; for,
not considering himself prince whilst she was present, he
conducted himself in such a manner as induced her to
withdraw from his court, and, travelling towards Cre-
mona, which she obtained as part of her marriage portion,
she was seized with a sudden illness, and died upon the road ;
which made many think her son had caused her death. The
duke had dishonoured both Carlo and Girolamo in respect to
their wives or other female relatives, and had refused to
concede to Giovanandrea possession of the monastery of
Miramondo, of which he had obtained a grant from the pope
for a near relative. These private injuries increased the
young men's desire for vengeance, and the deliverance of their
country from so many evils ; trusting that whenever they
should succeed in destroying the duke, many of the nobility
and all the people would rise in their defence. Being re-
solved upon their undertaking, they were often together,
which, on account of their long intimacy, did not excite any
suspicion. They frequently discussed the subject ; and in order
to familiarise their minds with the deed itself, they practised
striking each other in the breast and in the side with the
sheathed daggers intended to be used for the purpose. On
considering the most suitable time and place, the castle
seemed insecure ; during^ the chase, uncertain and dan-
gerous ; whilst going about the city for his own amuse-
ment, difficult if not impracticable ; and, at a banquet, of
doubtful result. They, therefore, determined to kill him
upon the occasion of some procession or public festivity when
there would be no doubt of his presence, and where they
might, under various pretexts, assemble their friends. It was
also resolved, that if one of their number were prevented
from attending, on any account whatever, the rest should put
him to death in the midst of their armed enemies.
It was now the close of the year 1476, near Christmas, and
as it was customary for the duke to go upon St. Stephen's
day, in great solemnity, to the church of that martyr, they
considered this the most suitable opportunity for the execu-
B. vii. ch. G. a.d. 1476. CONSPIRACY IN MILAN. 349
tion of their design. Upon the morning of that day they
ordered some of their most trusty friends and servants to
arm, telling them they wished to go to the assistance of Gio-
vanandrea, who, contrary to the wish of some of his neigh-
bours, intended to turn a watercourse into his estate ; but
that before they went they wished to take leave of the prince.
They also assembled, under various pretences, other friends
and relatives, trusting that when the deed was accomplished,
every one would join them in the completion of their enter-
prise. It was their intention, after the duke's death, to col-
lect their followers together and proceed to those parts of
the city where they imagined the plebeians would be most
disposed to take arms against the duchess and the principal
ministers of state, and they thought the people, on account
of the famine which then prevailed, would easily be induced
to follow them ; for it was their design to give up the
houses of Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco
Lucani, all leading men in the government, to be plundered,
and by this means gain over the populace and restore liberty
to the community. With these ideas, and with minds re-
solved upon their execution, Giovanandrea, together with
the rest, were early at the church, and heard mass together ;
after which, Giovanandrea, turning to a statue of St. Am-
brose, said, *' patron of our city ! thou knowest our intention,
and the end we would attain, by so many dangers ; favour
our enterprise, and prove, by protecting the oppressed, that
tyranny is offensive to thee." To the duke, on the other
hand, when intending to go to the church, many omens oc-
curred of his approaching death ; for in the morning, having
put on a cuirass, as was his frequent custom, he immediately
took it off again, either because it inconvenienced him, or
that he did not like its appearance. He then wished to hear
mass in the castle, and found that the priest who officiated in
the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's, and had taken with
him the sacred utensils. On this he desired the service to be
performed by the bishop of Como, who acquainted him with
preventing circumstances. Thus, almost compelled, he de-
termined to go to the church ; but before his departure,
caused his sons, Giovan Galeazzo and Ernies, to be brought
to him, whom he embraced and kissed several times, seeming
reluctant to part with them. He then left the castle, and,
350 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vn. ch C. a.d. 147S.
with the ambassadors of Ferrara and Mantua on either hand,
proceeded to St. Stephen's. The conspirators, to avoid ex-
citing suspicion, and to escape the cold, which was very severe,
had withdrawn to an apartment of the archpriest, who was a
friend of theirs ; but hearing the duke's approach, they came
into the church, Giovanandrea and Girolamo placing them-
selves upon the right hand of the entrance, and Carlo on the
left. Those who led the procession had already entered, and
were followed by the duke, surrounded by such a multitude
as is usual on similar occasions. The first attack was made
by Lampognano and Girolamo, who, pretending to clear the
way for the prince, came close to him, and grasping their
daggers, which, being short and sharp, were concealed in the
sleeves of their vests, struck at him. Lampognano gave him
two wounds, one in the belly, the other in the throat. Giro-
lamo struck him in the throat and breast. Carlo Visconti.
being nearer the door, and the duke having passed, could
could not wound him in front ; but with two strokes, trans-
pierced his shoulder and spine. These six wounds were in-
flicted so instantaneously, that the duke had fallen before
any one was aware of what had happened, and he expired,
having only once ejaculated the name of the Virgin, as if im-
ploring her assistance. A great tumult immediately ensued,
several swords were drawn, and, as often happens in sudden
emergencies, some fled from the church, and others, ran to-
wards the scene of tumult, both without any definite motive
or knowledge of what had occurred. Those, however, who
were nearest the duke and had seen him slain, recognizing
the murderers, pursued them. Giovanandrea, endeavouring
to make his way out of the church, proceeded amongst the
women, who being numerous, and according to their custom,
seated upon the ground, was prevented in his progress by their
apparel, and being overtaken, he was killed by a Moor, one
of the duke's footmen. Carlo was slain by those who were
immediately around him. Girolama Olgiato passed through
the crowd, and got out of the church ; but seeing his com-
panions dead, and not knowing where else to go, he pro-
ceeded home, where his father and brothers refused to
receive him ; his mother only, having compassion on her
son recommended him to a priest, an old friend of the fa-
mily, who, disguising him in his own apparel, led him to
B. nt. ch. 6. a.d. 147G. DUKE GALEAZZO SLAIN. 351
his house. Here lie remained two days, not without hope
that some disturbance might arise in Milan which would con-
tribute to his safety. This not occurring, and apprehensive
that his hiding-place would be discovered, he endeavoured to
escape in disguise, but being observed, he was given over to
justice, and disclosed all the particulars of the conspiracy.
Girolamo was 23 years of age, and exhibited no less com-
posure at his death than resolution in his previous conduct ;
for being stripped of his apparel, and in the hands of the
executioner, who stood by with the sword unsheathed, ready
to deprive him of life, he repeated the following words, in
the Latin tongue, in which he was well versed ; " Mors acer-
ba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti."
The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was con-
ducted with secrecy and executed with resolution ; and they
failed for want of the support of those whom they expected
would rise in their defence. Let princes therefore learn to
live, so as to render themselves beloved and respected by
their subjects, that none may have hope of safety after having
destroyed them ; and let others see how vain is the expecta-
tion which induces them to trust so much to the multitude, as
to believe, that even when discontented, they will either em-
brace or ward off their dangers. This event spread conster-
nation all over Italy ; but those which shortly afterwards
occurred in Florence caused much more alarm, and termi-
nated a peace of twelve years' continuance, as will be shown
in the following book ; which, having commenced with blood
and horror, will have a melancholy and tearful conclusion.
352 HISTORY OF FLOFwENCE. B.vux.ch.1. j „473
BOOK VIII.
CHAPTER I.
State of the family of the Medici at Florence — Enmity of Sixtus IV.
towards Florence — Differences between the family of the Pazzi and that
of the Medici— Beginning of the conspiracy of the Pazzi — Arrangements
to effect the design of the conspiracy — Giovan Batista da Montesecco is
sent to Florence — The pope joins the conspiracy — The king of Naples
becomes a party to it — Names of the conspirators — The conspirators
make many ineffectual attempts to kill Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici
— Their final arrangement — Order of the conspiracy.
This book commencing between two conspiracies, the one
at Milan already narrated, the other yet to be recorded, it
would seem appropriate, and in accordance with our usual
custom, were we to treat of the nature and importance of
these terrible demonstrations. This we should willingly do
had we not discussed the matter elsewhere, or could it be
comprised in few words. But requiring much consider-
ation, and being already noticed in another place, it will
be omitted, and Ave shall proceed with our narrative. The
government of the Medici having subdued all its avowed
enemies in order to obtain for that family undivided au-
thority, and distinguish them from other citizens in their
relation to the rest, found it necessary to subdue those
who secretly plotted against them. Whilst Medici contended
with other families their equals in authority and reputation,
those who envied their power were able to oppose them
openly without danger of being suppressed at the first
demonstration of hostility ; for the magistrates being free,
neither party had occasion to fear, till one or other of them
was overcome. But after the victory of 1466, the govern-
ment became so entirely centred in the Medici, and they
acquired so much authority, that discontented spirits
were obliged either to suffer in silence, or, if desirous to
destroy them, to attempt it in secrecy, and by clandestine
means ; which plots rarely succeed, and most commonly
B. Tin. en. 1. ad. 1477. FACTIONS IN ITALY. 353
involve the ruin of those concerned in them, while they fre-
quently contribute to the aggrandisement of those against
whom they are directed. Thus the prince of a city attacked
by a conspiracy, if not slain like the duke of Milan (which
seldom happens), almost always attains to a greater degree of
power, and very often has his good disposition perverted to
evil. The proceedings of his enemies give him cause for fear ;
fear suggests the necessity of providing for his own safety,
which involves the injury of others ; and hence arise animo-
sities, and not unfrequently his ruin. Thus these conspiracies
quickly occasion the destruction of their contrivers, and, in
time, inevitably injure their primary object.
Italy, as we have seen above, was divided into two factions ;
the pope and the king on one side ; on the other, the Vene-
tians, the duke, and the Florentines. Although the flames
of war had not yet broken out, every day gave rise to some
new occasion for rekindling them ; and the pope, in particular,
in all his plans endeavoured to annoy the Florentine govern-
ment. Thus Filippo de' Medici, archbishop of Pisa, being
dead, Francesco Salviati, a declared enemy of the Medici,
was appointed his successor, contrary to the wish of the Sig-
nory of Florence, who being unwilling to give him posses-
sion, there arose between them and the pope many fresh
grounds of offence, before the matter was settled. Besides
this, he conferred, at Rome, many favours upon the family
of the Pazzi, and opposed that of the Medici, whenever
an opportunity offered. The Pazzi were at this time,
both on account of nobility of birth and their great wealth,
the most brilliant in Florence. The head of this family was
Jacopo, whom the people, on account of his distinguished
pre-eminence, had made a knight. He had no children,
except one natural daughter, but many nephews, sons of his
brothers Piero and Antonio, the first of whom were Gug-
lielmo, Francesco, Rinato, Giovanni, and then, Andrea, Nic-
colo, and Galeotto. Cosmo de' Medici, noticing the riches and
rank of this family, had given his grand-daughter, Bianca,
to Guglielmo, hoping by this marriage to unite the houses,
and obviate those enmities and dissensions so frequently
occasioned by jealousy. However (so uncertain and falla-
cious are our expectations), very different feelings were
thus originated; for Lorenzo's advisers pointed out to him
354 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.vm. ch. 1. a.d. 1477.
how dangerous it was, and how injurious to his autho-
rity, to unite in the same individuals so much wealth and
power. In consequence, neither Jacopo nor his nephews
obtained those degrees of honour, which in the opinion of
other citizens were their due. This gave rise to anger in
the Pazzi, and fear on the part of the Medici ; as the former
of these increased, so did the latter ; and upon all occasions,
when the Pazzi came in competition with other citizens,
their claims to distinction, however strong, were set aside by
the magistracy. Francesco de' Pazzi, being at Rome, the
Council of Eight, upon some trivial occasion, compelled him
to return, without treating him with the respect usually ob-
served towards great citizens, so that the Pazzi everywhere
bitterly complained of the ill usage thay experienced, and
thus excited suspicion in others, and brought down greater
evils upon themselves. Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the
daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a very wealthy man, whose
riches, on his decease, without other children, came to his
daughter. His nephew, Carlo, however, took possession of
part, and the question being litigated, a law was passed, by
virtue of which the wife of Giovanni de' Pazzi was rob-
bed of her inheritance, and it was given to Carlo. In this
piece of injustice, the Pazzi at once recognised the influ-
ence of the Medici. Giuliano de' Medici often complained
to his brother Lorenzo of the affair, saying, he was afraid,
that by grasping at too much they would lose all.
Lorenzo, flushed with youth and power, would assume the di-
rection of everything, and resolved that all transactions should
bear an impress of his influence. The Pazzi, with their nobility
and wealth unable to endure so many affronts, began to devise
some means of vengeance. The first who spoke of any attempt
against the Medici, was Francesco, who, being more sensitive
and resolute than the others, determined either to obtain what
was withheld from him, or lose what he still possessed. As
the government of Florence gave him great offence, he
resided almost constantly at Rome, where, like other Floren-
tine merchants, he conducted extensive commercial oper-
ations ; and being a most intimate friend of Count Giro-
A amo, they frequently complained to each other of the
conduct of the Medici. After a while they began to think,
that for the count to retain his estates, or the Pazzi their
B. vm. ch. 1. a.d. 1477. CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE MEDICT. 355
rights in the city, it would be necessary to change the
government of Florence ; and this they considered could
not be done without the death of Giuliano and Loren-
zo. They imagined the pope and the king would be
easily induced to consent, because each could be convinced
of the facility of the enterprise. Having acquired these
ideas, they communicated them to Francesco Salviati, arch-
bishop of Pisa, who, being ambitious, and recently of-
fended by the Medici, willingly adopted their views. Con-
sidering their next step, they resolved, in order to facili-
tate the design, to obtain the consent of Jacopo de' Pazzi,
without whose concurrence they feared it would be imprac-
ticable. With this view, it was resolved that Francesco de'
Pazzi should go to Florence, whilst the archbishop and the
count were to remain at Rome, to be ready to communicate
with the pope when a suitable opportunity occurred. Fran-
cesco found Jacopo de' Pazzi more cautious and difficult to
persuade than he could have wished, and on imparting this
to his friends at Rome, it was thought he desired the sanc-
tion of some greater authority to induce him to adopt their
views. Upon this, the archbishop and the count communi-
cated the whole affair to Giovanni Batista da Montesecco,
a leader of the papal forces, possessing military reputation,
and under obligations to the pope and the count. To him
the affair seemed difficult and dangerous, while the arch-
bishop endeavoured to obviate his objections by showing how
much assistance the pope and the king would lend to the
enterprise ; the hatred of the Florentines towards the Medici,
the numerous friends the Salviati and the Pazzi would bring
with them, the readiness with which the young men might be
slain, on account of their going about the city unaccompanied
and without suspicion, and the facility with which the govern-
ment might then be changed. These things Giovanbatista
did not in reality believe, for he had heard from many Floren-
tines quite contrary statements.
Whilst occupied with these deliberations, Carlo, lord of
Faenza, was taken ill, and fears were entertained for his life.
This circumstance seemed to the archbishop and the count to
offer an opportunity for sending Giovanbatista to Florence,
and thence to Romagna, under pretence of recovering certain
territories belonging to the latter, of which the lord of Faenza
A A 2
356 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.vm. ch. 1. a.d. 1477.
had taken possession. The count therefore commissioned
Giovanbatista to have an interview with Lorenzo de' Medici,
and on his part request his advice how to proceed with respect
to the affair of Romagna ; that he should then see Francesco
de' Pazzi, and in conjunction with him endeavour to induce
his uncle Jacopo to adopt their ideas. To render the pope's
authority available in their behalf, Giovanbatista was ordered,
before his departure, to communicate with the pontiff, who
offered every means at his disposal in favour of their enter-
prise. Giovanbatista, having arrived at Florence, obtained an
interview with Lorenzo, by whom he was most graciously
received ; and with regard to the advice he was commissioned
to ask, obtained a wise and friendly answer ; so that he
was astonished at finding him quite a different character from
what he had been represented, and considered him to possess
great sagacity, an affectionate heart, and most amicably dis-
posed towards the count. He found Francesco de' Pazzi
had gone to Lucca, and spoke to Jacopo, who was at first
quite opposed to their design, but before they parted the
pope's authority seemed to have influenced him ; for he told
Giovani Batista, that he might go to Romagna, and that
before his return Francesco would be with him, and they
would then consult more particularly upon the subject.
Giovanbatista proceeded to Romagna, and soon returned
to Florence. After a pretended consultation with Lo-
renzo, upon the count's affairs, he obtained an interview
with Francesco and Jacopo de' Pazzi, when the latter gave
his consent to their enterprise. They then discussed the
means of carrying it into effect. Jacopo de' Pazzi was of
opinion that it could not be effected whilst both the bro-
thers remained at Florence ; and therefore it would be
better to wait till Lorenzo went to Rome, whither it was re-
ported he had an intention of going ; for then their object
would be more easily attained. Francesco de' Pazzi had no
objection to Lorenzo being at Rome, but if he were to forego
the journey, he thought that both the brothers might be
slain, either at a marriage, or at a play, or in a church.
With regard to foreign assistance, he supposed the pope
might assemble forces for the conquest of the fortress of Mon-
tone, being justified in taking it from Count Carlo, who had
caused the tumults already spoken of in Sienna and Perueria.
B.vm. ch. 1. a.d. 1476. INCREASE OF CONSPIRATORS. 357
Still no definite arrangement was made ; but it was resolved
that Giovanbatista and Francesco de' Pazzi should go to
Rome and settle everything with the pontiff. The matter was
again debated at Rome ; and at length it was concluded, that
besides an expedition against Montone, Giovan Francesco da
Tolentino, a leader of the papal troops, should go into Ro-
magna, and Lorenzo da Castello to the Val di Tavere ;
that each, with the forces of the country, should hold him-
self in readiness to perform the commands of the archbishop
de' Salviati and Francesco de' Pazzi, both of whom were to
come to Florence, and provide for the execution of their de-
sign, with the assistance of Giovanbatista da Montesecco. King
Ferrando promised, by his ambassador, to contribute all in
his power to the success of their undertaking. Francesco de'
Pazzi and the archbishop having arrived at Florence, pre-
vailed upon Jacopo di Poggio, a well educated youth, but
ambitious and very desirous of change, to join them, and two
others, each of the name of Jacopo Salviati, one a brother,
the other a kinsman, of the archbishop. They also gained
over Bernardo Bandini and Napoleone Franzesi, two bold
young men, under great obligations to the family of the
Pazzi. Besides those already mentioned, they were joined
by Antonio da Volterra and a priest named Stefano, who taught
Latin to the daughter of Jacopo de' Pazzi. Rinato de' Pazzi, a
grave and prudent man, being quite aware of the evils re-
sulting from such undertakings, refused all participation in
the conspiracy ; he held it in abhorrence, and, as much as
possible, without betraying his kinsmen, endeavoured to
counteract it.
The pope had sent RafFaello di Riario, a nephew of Count
Girolamo, to the college of Pisa, to study canon law, and
whilst there, had advanced him to the dignity of a car-
dinal. The conspirators determined to bring this cardinal
to Florence, as they would thus be better able to conceal
their design, since any persons requisite to be introduced into
the city might easily be made to appear as a part of his reti-
nue, and his arrival might facilitate the completion of their
enterprise. The cardinal came, and was received by Jacopo
de" Pazzi at his villa of Montughi, near Florence. By his
means it was also intended to bring together Giuliano and
Lorenzo, and whenever this happened,, to put them both to
358 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B.vm. ch. 1. a.d. 1478.
death. They therefore invited them to meet the cardinal at
their villa of Fiesole ; but Giuliano, either intentionally or
through some preventing cause, did not attend ; and this de-
sign having failed, they thought, that if asked to an enter-
tainment at Florence, both brothers would certainly be
present. With this intention they appointed Sunday, the
26th April, 1478, to give a great feast; and, resolving to
assassinate them at table, the conspirators met on the Sa-
turday evening, to arrange all proceedings for the follow-
ing day. In the morning, it was intimated to Francesco,
that Giuliano would be absent ; on which the conspira-
tors again assembled, and finding they could no longer
defer the execution of their design, since it would be im-
possible among so many to preserve secrecy, they deter-
mined to complete it in the cathedral church of Santa
Reparata, where the cardinal attending, the two brothers
would be present as usual. They wished Giovan Batista da
Montesecco to undertake the murder of Lorenzo, whilst that
of Giuliano was assigned to Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo
Bandini. Giovan Batista refused, either because his famili-
arity with Lorenzo had created feelings in his favour, or
from some other reason, saying he should not have resolu-
tion sufficient to commit such a deed in a church, and thus
add sacrilege to treachery. This caused the failure of
their undertaking; for time pressing, they were compelled
to substitute Antonio da Volterra and Stefano, the priest,
two men, who, from nature and habit, were the most unsuit-
able of any ; for if firmness and resolution joined with ex-
perience in bloodshed be necessary upon any occasion, it is
on such as these ; and it often happens that those who are
expert in arms, and have faced death in all forms on the field
of battle, still fail in an affair like this. Having now de-
cided upon the time, they resolved that the signal for the
attack should be the moment when the priest who cele-
brated high mass should partake of the sacrament, and that,
in the meantime, the Archbishop de' Salvati, with his fol-
lowers, and Jacopo di Poggio, should take possession of
the palace, in order that the Signory, after the young men's
death, should voluntarily, or by force, contribute to their as-
sistance.
B. tmi.ch. 2.A.D. 1478. GIULIANO ASSASSINATED. 359
CHAPTER II.
Giuliano de' Medici slain — Lorenzo escapes— The archbishop Salviati en-
deavours to seize the palace of the Signory — He is taken and hanged —
The enterprise of the conspirators entirely fails — Manifestations of the
Florentines in favour of Lorenzo de' Medici — The conspirators punished
— The funeral of Giuliano — The pope and the king of Naples make war
upon the Florentines— Florence excommunicated — Speech of Lorenzo
de' Medici to the citizens of Florence.
The conspirators proceeded to Santa Reparata, where the
cardinal and Lorenzo had already arrived. The church was
crowded, and divine service commenced before Giuliano's
arrival. Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, who
were appointed to be his murderers, went to his house, and
finding him, they, by earnest entreaties, prevailed on him to
accompany them. It is surprising that such intense hatred,
and designs so full of horror as those of Francesco and Ber-
nardo, could be so perfectly concealed ; for whilst conduct-
ing him to the church, and after they had reached it, they
amuced him with jests and playful discourse. Nor did
Francesco forget, under pretence of endearment, to press
him in his arms, so as to ascertain whether under his ap-
parel he wore a cuirass or other means of defence. Giuli-
ano and Lorenzo were both aware of the animosity of the
Pazzi, and their desire to deprive them of the govern-
ment; but they felt assured that any design would be at-
tempted openly, and in conjunction with the civil authority.
Thus being free from apprehension for their personal safety,
both affected to be on friendly terms with them. The mur-
derers being ready, each in his appointed station, which they
could retain without any suspicion, on • account of the vast
numbers assembled in the church, the preconcerted moment
arrived, and Bernardo Bandini, with a short dagger provided
for the purpose, struck Giuliano in the breast, who, after a
few steps, fell to the earth. Francesco de* Pazzi threw him-
self upon the body and covered him with wounds ; whilst, as if
blinded by rage, he inflicted a deep incision upon his own leg.
Antonio andStefano the priest attacked Lorenzo, and after deal-
ing many blows, effected only a slight incision in the throat ; for
360 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. viii.ch.2. a.d. 1478.
either their want of resolution, the activity of Lorenzo, who, find-
ing himself attacked, used his arms in his own defence, or the
assistance of those by whom he was surrounded, rendered all
attempts futile. They fled and concealed themselves, but
being subsequently discovered, were put to death in the
most ignominious manner, and their bodies dragged about the
city. Lorenzo, with the friends he had about him, took re-
fuge in the sacristy of the church. Bernardo Bandini, after
Giuliano's death, also slew Francesco Nori, a most intimate
friend of the Medici, either from some previous hatred or
for having endeavoured to render assistance to Giuliano ; and
not content with these murders, he ran in pursuit of Lorenzo,
intending, by his own promptitude, to make up for the weak-
ness and inefficiency of the others ; but finding he had taken
refuge in the vestry, he was prevented.
In the midst of these violent and fearful deeds, during
which the uproar was so terrible, that it seemed almost suf-
ficient to bring the church down upon its inmates, the car-
dinal Riario remained close to the altar, where he was with
difficulty kept in safety by the priests, until the Signory,
upon the abatement of the disturbance, could conduct him
to their palace, where he remained in the utmost terror till
he was set at liberty.
There were at this time in Florence some people of Pe-
rugia, whom party feuds had compelled to leave their homes ;
and the Pazzi, by promising to restore them to their coun-
try, obtained their assistance. The Archbishop de' Salviati
going to seize the palace, together with Jacopo di Poggio,
and the Salviati his friends, took these Perugini with him,
Having arrived, he left part of his people below, with
orders, that when they heard a noise they should make them-
selves masters of the entrance, while himself, with the greater
part of the Perugini, proceeded above, and finding the Signory
at dinner (for it was now late), was admitted after a short delay,
by Cesare Petrucci, the gonfalonier of justice. He entered
with only a few of his followers, the greater part of them
being shut up in the cancelleria into which they had gone,
whose doors were so contrived, that upon closing they
oould not be opened from either side, without the key. The
archbishop being with the gonfalonier, under pretence of
having something to communicate on the part of the pope,
B.viri. ch.2. a.d. 147S. THE CONSPIRACY FAILS. 361
addressed him in such an incoherent and hesitating manner,
and with so many changes of countenance, that the gonfalo-
nier at once suspected him, and rushing out of the chamber
to call assistance, found Jacopo di Poggio, whom he seized
by the hair of the head, and gave into the custody of his
attendants. The Signory hearing the tumult, snatched such
arms as they could at the moment obtain, and all who had
gone up with the archbishop, part of them being shut up,
and part overcome with terror, were immediately slain or
thrown alive out of the windows of the palace, at which the
archbishop, the two Jacopi Salviati, and Jacopo di Poggio
were hanged. Those whom the archbishop left below, hav-
ing mastered the guard and taken possession of the entrance,
occupied all the lower floors, so that the citizens, who in the
uproar hastened to the palace, were unable to give either ad-
vice or assistance to the Signory.
Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, perceiving
Lorenzo's escape, and the principal agent in the enterprise
seriously wounded, became immediately conscious of the
imminent peril of their position. Bernardo, using the same
energy in his own behalf that had served him against the
Medici, finding all lost, saved himself by flight. Francesco,
wounded as he was, got to his house, and endeavoured to get
on horseback, for it had been arranged they should ride
through the city and call the people to arms and liberty ;
but he found himself unable, from the nature of his wound
and the effusion of blood. He then took off his clothes, and,
throwing himself naked upon his bed, begged Jacopo de'
Pazzi to perform the part for which he was himself incapa-
citated. Jacopo, though old and unaccustomed to such busi-
ness, by way of making a last effort, mounted his horse, and,
with about a hundred armed followers, collected without pre-
vious preparation, hastened to the piazza of the palace, and
endeavoured to assemble adherents by cries of " people,"
and " liberty ;" but the former, having been rendered deaf
by the fortune and liberality of the Medici, the latter was
unknown in Florence, and he found no followers. The
signors, who held the upper part of the palace, saluted
him with stones and threats. Jacopo, while hesitating, was
met by Giovanni Seristori, his brother-in-law, who upbraided
him with the troubles he had occasioned, and then advised
362 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. vin. ch. 2. a.j>. 1478.
him to go nome, for the people and liberty were as dear to
other citizens as to himself. Thus deprived of every hope,
Lorenzo being alive, Francesco seriously wounded, and none
disposed to follow him, not knowing what to do, he resolved,
if possible, to escape by flight ; and, accompanied by those
whom he had led into the piazza, left Florence with the in-
tention of going into Romagna.
In the meantime, the whole city was roused to arms, and
Lorenzo de' Medici, accompanied by a numerous escort, re-
turned to his house. The palace was recovered from its
assailants, all of whom were either slain or made prisoners.
The name of the Medici echoed everywhere, and portions of
dead bodies were seen borne on spears and scattered through
the streets ; whilst every one was transported with rage
against the Pazzi, and pursued them with relentless
cruelty. The people took possession of their houses, and
Francesco, naked as they found him, was led to the palace,
and hanged beside the archbishop and the rest. He could
not be induced, by any injurious words or deeds, either upon
the way thither or afterwards, to utter a syllable, but regarding
those around with a steady look, he silently sighed. Gug-
lielmo de' Pazzi, brother-in-law to Lorenzo, fled to the latter's
house, and by his innocence and the intercession of his wife,
Bianca, he escaped death. There was not a citizen of any
rank whatever who did not, upon this occasion, wait upon
Lorenzo with an offer of his services ; so great were the
popularity and good fortune which this family had acquired
by their liberality and prudence. Rinato de 1 Pazzi was at
his villa when the event took place, and on being informed of
it, he endeavoured to escape in disguise, but was arrested
upon the road and brought to Florence. Jacopo de' Pazzi
was taken whilst crossing the mountains of Romagna, for
the inhabitants of these parts having heard what had oc-
curred, and seeing him in flight, attacked and brought him
back to the city ; nor could he, though he frequently endea-
voured, prevail with them to put him to death upon the road.
Jacopo and Rinato were condemned within four days after
the murder of Giuliano. And though so many deaths had
been inflicted that the roads were covered with fragments of
human bodies, not one excited a feeling of regret except that
of Rinato ; for he was considered a wise and good man, and
B. Tin. ch. 2. a.d.1478. FLORENCE EXCOMMUNICATED. 363
possessed none of the pride for which the rest of his family
were notorious. As if to mark the event by some extraor-
dinary circumstance, Jacopo de' Pazzi, after having been
buried in the tomb of his ancestors, was disinterred like an
excommunicated person, and thrown into a hole at the out-
side of the city walls ; from this grave he was taken, and
with the halter in which he had been hanged, his body
was dragged naked through the city, and, as if unfit for
sepulture on earth, thrown by the populace into the Arno,
whose waters were then very high. It was an awful in-
stance of the instability of fortune, to see so wealthy a man,
possessing the utmost earthly felicity, brought down to such
a depth of misery, such utter ruin and extreme degradation.
It is said he had vices, amongst which were gaming and pro-
fane swearing, to which he was very much addicted ; but
these seem more than balanced by his numerous charities, for
he relieved many in distress, and bestowed much money for
pious uses. It may also be recorded in his favour, that upon
the Saturday preceding the death of Giuliano, in order that
none might suffer from his misfortunes, he discharged all his
debts ; and whatever property he possessed belonging to others,
either in his own house or his places of business, he was
particularly careful to return to its owners. Giovanni Batista
da Montesecco, after a long examination, was beheaded ;
Napoleone Franzesi escaped punishment by flight ; Giulielmo
de' Pazzi was banished, and such of his cousins as remained
alive were imprisoned in the fortress of Volterra. The dis-
turbances being over, and the conspirators punished, the
funeral obsequies of Giuliano were performed amid universal
lamentation ; for he possessed all the liberality and humanity
that could be wished for in one of his high station. He left
a natural son, born some months after his death, named
Giulio, who was endowed with that virtue and felicity with
which the whole world is now acquainted ; and of which we
shall speak at length when we come to our own times, if God
spare us. The people who had assembled in favour of the
Pazzi under Lorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere, and
under Giovan Francesco da Tolentino in Romagna, approached
Florence, but having heard of the failure of the conspiracy,
they returned home.
The changes desired by the pope and the king, in the go-
364 HISTORY OF FLORENCE. B. viu.ch.2. a.d. 1479.
vernment of Florence, not having taken place, they deter-
mined to effect by war what they had failed to accomplish by
treachery ; and both assembled forces with all speed to attack
the Florentine states ; publicly declaring, that they only
wished the citizens to remove Lorenzo de' Medici, who alone
of all the Florentines was their enemy. The king's forces
had already passed the Tronto, and the pope's were in
Perugia ; and that the citizens might feel the effect of spi-
ritual as well as temporal weapons, the pontiff excommu-
nicated and anathematized them. Finding themselves at-
tacked by so many armies, the Florentines prepared for their
defence with the utmost care. Lorenzo de' Medici, as the
enemy's operations were said to be directed against himself
alone, resolved first of all to assemble the Signory, and the
most influential citizens, in the palace, to whom, being above
three hundred in number, he spoke as follows : — " Most ex-
cellent signors, and you, magnificent citizens, I know not
whether I have more occasion to weep witli you for the events
which have recently occurred, or to rejoice in the circum-
stances with which they have been attended. Certainly, when
I think with what virulence of united deceit and hatred I
have been attacked, and my brother murdered, I cannot but
mourn and grieve from my heart, from my very soul. Yet
when I consider with what promptitude, anxiety, love, and
unanimity of the whole city my brother has been avenged
and myself defended, I am not only compelled to rejoice,
but feel myself honoured and exalted ; for if experience has
shown me that I had more enemies than I apprehended, it
has also proved that I possess more warm and resolute friends
than I could ever have hoped for. I must therefore grieve
with you for the injuries others have suffered, and rejoice in
the attachment you have exhibited towards myself; but I
feel more aggrieved by the injuries committed, since they are
so unusual, so unexampled, and (as I trust you believe) so
undeserved on our part. Think, magnificent citizens, to
what a dreadful point ill fortune has reduced our family, when
amongst friends, amidst our own relatives, nay, in God's
holy temple, we have found our greatest foes. Those who
are in danger turn to their friends for assistance ; they call
upon their relatives for aid ; but we found ours armed, and
resolved on our destruction. Those who are persecuted.
B. vm.cH. 2.A.D. 1475, SPEECH OF LOKENZO. 365
either from public or private motives, flee for refuge to the
altars ; but where others are safe, we are assassinated ; where
parricides and assassins are secure, the Medici find their mur-
derers. But God, who has not hitherto abandoned our house,
again saved us, and has undertaken the defence of our
just cause. ^What injury have we done to justify so in-
tense desire of our destruction ? Certainly those who have
shown themselves so much our enemies, never received any
private wrong from us ; for, had we wished to injure them,
they would not have had an opportunity of injuring us. If
they attribute public grievances to ourselves (supposing any
had been done to them) they do the greater injustice to you,
to this palace, to the majesty of this government, by assuming
that on our account you would act unfairly to any of your
citizens ; and such a supposition, as we all know, is contra-
dicted by every view of the circumstances ; for we, had we
been able, and you, had we wished it, would never have
contributed to so abominable a design. Whoever inquires
into the truth of these matters, will find that our family has
always been exalted by you, and from this sole cause, that
we have endeavoured by kindness, liberality, and beneficence,
to do good to all ; and if we have honoured strangers, when
did we ever injure our relatives ? If our enemies' conduct
has been adopted, to gratify their desire of power (as would
seem to be the case from their having taken possession of the
palace and brought an armed force into the piazza) the in-
famous, ambitious, and detestable motive is at once disclosed.
If they were actuated by envy and hatred of our authority,
they offend you rather than us ; for from you we have de-
rived all the influence we possess. Certainly usurped
power deserves to be detested ; but not distinctions conceded
for acts of kindness, generosity, and magnificence. And you
all know that our family never attained any rank to which
this palace and your united consent did not raise it. Cosmo,
my grandfather, did not return from exile with arms and
violence, but by your unanimous desire and approbation. It
was not my father, old and infirm, who defended the govern-
ment against so many enemies, but yourselves by your autho-
rity and benevolence defended him ; neither could I, after
his death, being then a boy, have maintained the position of
my house except by your favour and advice. Nor should we
366 HTSTOJRY OF FLORENCE. B. vm. ch. 2. a.d. 1479.
ever be able to conduct the affairs of this republic, if you
did not contribute to our support. Therefore, I know not
the reason of their hatred towards us, or what just cause
they have of envy. Let them direct their enmity against
their own ancestors, who, by their pride and avarice, lost the
reputation which ours, by very opposite conduct, were enabled
to acquire. But let it be granted we have greatly injured
them, and that they are justified in seeking our ruin ; why
do they come and take possession of the palace ? Why enter
into league with the pope and the king, against the liberties
of this republic ? Why break the long- continued peace of
Italy ? They have no excuse for this ; they ought to conf