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From tlie original painting, made in 17^16, by Gilbert Stuart (1755-1828), known 
as the "Athena-um I'ortrait," now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 


History of tl)e ^orlti 


^e\jetttj> Centuries 

of tf^t %ift of i^anfeinb 














Illustrated by over one hundred and fifty reproductions of famous historical 
paintings and portraits in black and white, and colors 

3fn iFtbe Solame0 

Volume IV 
Pages 895-1170 


110-112 West Fortieth Street, New York City 





Revised, Enlarged and Up-to-date Edition specially prepared by 

C. A. NICHOLS COMPANY , Springfield, Mass. 

Publishers of Larned's "History for Ready Reference" and subscripticni 

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(1658 TO 1715) 

England: Restored monarchy. — Ignoble reign of Charles II. — ^Protestant 
hostility to James II. — Monmouth's rebellion. — Revolution of 1688. — Reign 
of William of Orange and Mary. — Reign of Queen Anne. — Rise of ministerial 
government. — Literature of the reign. — National union of England and 
Scotland. The Dutch Netherlands: William of Orange, etadtholder. — His 
organization of resistance to Louis XIV. France: Reign of Louis XIV. — His 
perfidious conquests and wanton aggressions.— His revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes. — Leagues formed against him by William of Orange. — War of the 
Spanish Succession. — State of France as left by Lonis XIV. Oermany: 
Depressed condition of the petty states. — Rise of Prussia to the rank of a 
kingdom. Russia: Advent of Peter the Great. Sweden: Extraordinaiy 
carter of Charles XII. Italy: The duke of Savoy made king of Sardinia. 
America: Founding of the Carolinas. — English conquest of New Netherland. 
— Penn and Pennsylvania. — Political character of the English colonies. — 
Designs against them by the restored English monarchy. — The Massachusetts 
charter annulled. — Rule of Andros.— Effects of the English revolution. — The 
Franco-English wars in America. — Growth of antagonism between the 
colonies and the home government. India: First footing of the English East 
India Company obtained. China: Reign of Kanghi. 

Seemingly, the attempt in England to curb an 
oppressive monarchy and secure constitutional 
government had resulted in nothing but a fatal 
discouragement of political hopes, there and 
abroad. Triumphant absolutism appeared to 
have been fortified in all its citadels by a new J^^ 

J temporary 

buttress of hard fact. In France and in Germany triumphs o^ 

t ^ r .1 e absolutism • 

It rose rampant and defiant, to an insolence of 
spirit that had never been manifested since the 
worst days of imperial Rome; and everywhere, 
for nearly a generation, the prospects of constitu- 
tional government, protective of popular rights 
and interests, seemed newly cast down. But, 
happily, the reaction was not lasting. It ended 



Charles II., 

History of 
I : ch. ii-iii 

Airy, The 
Revolution I 
and Louis 



From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

in the generation on which it fell, and a fresh 
culture of democratic ideas and aspirations was 
soon thriving in most parts of the civilized world. 

Restored monarchy in England 

When, in May, 1660, the English nation 
restored its ancient monarchy, and welcomed 
Charles II. to the throne from which his father 
had been cast down, it was tired of a military 
despotism; tired of Puritan austerity; tired of 
revolution and political uncertainty; — so tired 
that it threw itself down at the feet of the most 
worthless member of the most worthless royal 
family in its history, and gave itself up to him 
without a condition or a guarantee. For twenty- 
ilve years it endured both oppression and disgrace 
at his hands. It suffered him to make a brothel 
of his court; to empty the national purse into the 
pockets of his shameless mistresses and debauched 
companions; to revive the ecclesiastical tyranny 
of Laud; to make a crime of the religious creeds 
and the worship of more than half his subjects; 
to sell himself and sell the honor of England to 
the king of France for a secret pension, and to be 
in every possible way as ignoble and despicable 
as his father had been arrogant and false. 

With the king, the king's party came back to 
power, took control of parliament, and reveled in 
works of ignoble revenge. Fourteen of the 
prominent Roundheads — mostly "regicides," as 
the judges of the late king were called — were put 
to death, and those already dead were pursued 

The Stuart Restoration in England 897 

shamefully in their graves. The body of Crom- 
well was dragged from its tomb in Westminster 
Abbey to be hanged, and the bodies of Pym, 
Blake, and others, were disinterred and flung into 
pits. The spirit of vengeance was nowhere else „ 

. , , , T, r Persecution 

so rampant as m the church. Jsy one act 01 of non- 
parliament, in 1662, every clergyman and teacher ^°"^°'"'°'^'^* 
was required to give an "unfeigned assent and 
consent" to everything contained in the prayer- 
book of the established church, and 2,000 "Non- 
conformists" who could not do so were driven 
from their pulpits and chairs. By another act, no 
Nonconformist minister was permitted to come 
within five miles of a town or place in which he 
had preached or taught. By still another, 
attendance at any religious meeting of more than 
five persons, conducted otherwise than according 
to the forms of the church of England, was made 
a crime, punishable by imprisonment or trans- 

The king, who was secretly a Catholic, and 
who wished to give freedom to Catholic rites, CaThoiic- 
claimed authority to relax or dispense with such j^.™ °^ ^^^ 
intolerant laws, by a royal "declaration of indul- 
gence," and hoped to receive support from the 
Nonconformists, if he extended that favor in 
common to them and to the members of the 
church of Rome. But the persecuted Protestants 
were not at all willing to share a royal "indul- 
gence" with the Romanists, whose persecution 
they approved. 

The fact that the king's brother, and probable 


From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

ism ©f his 

The Gduii- 
try party 







successor, the duke of York, was avowedly a 
Catholic, and that the king himself was believed 
to be the same In his secret belief, so far as he had 
any religious belief, was a cause of great anxiety 
of feeling, as the reign went on. That anxiety 
became alarm when it was discovered that 
Charles, In 1670, had entered Into a secret treaty 
with Louis XIV., of France, preparatory to a 
public profession of the Roman Catholic religion. 
The treaty pledged large yearly payments of 
money to him, and the help of French troops, In 
case his subjects should rebel; In return for 
which he was to assist the king of France In a 
projected subjugation of the Dutch. This dis- 
covery gave a quick Impetus to the growth of a 
party In parliament, called the Country party, 
which had been gathering numbers for some time, 
in opposition to the king and court. 

Unfortunately, the better alms of the Country 
party, led by Algernon Sidney and Lord Russell, 
became mixed with the lower ones of a movement 
of popular agitation against the king that was set 
on foot by the earl of Shaftesbury, the most 
scheming and adroit politician of the age. Still 
more unfortunately, a wretch named Titus Oates 
came on the scene. In 1678, with stories of a pre- 
tended "popish plot," which excited the Protes- 
tant alarm In the country to a panic pitch. On 
the perjured testimony of Oates and other 
creatures who confirmed his tales, some two 
thousand Catholics, accused of complicity in a 
gigantic conspiracy with foreigners against the 

Reaction in 

The Ignoble Charles II of England 899 

English constitution and the Protestant faith, 
were imprisoned, and seventeen were put to 

When the frenzy was spent, and the falsity of 
the stories that gave rise to it became apparent, a 
great reaction of public feeling occurred, which 
broke the strength of the opposition to the king, 
and made him all-pov/erful for the brief remainder 
of his reign. Attempts to exclude the duke of 
York from the succession to the crown lost pubik" 
popular support; Shaftesbury had to fly to feeling 
Holland; London, his stronghold, was deprived 
of its charter, and several other cities fared the ^ 

' ^ Execution 

same. Not long afterward, Sidney and Russell, of Sidney 
accused of some shadowy implication In a project Russell, 
(known as the Rye House Plot) for the seizure ^^^3 
and possible murder of the king and the duke of 
York, were brought to the block. 

It was in this period that the supporters of the Tories and 
king and court began to be called Tories and their ^^'°* 
opponents styled Whigs. Both names were 
meaningless in their political application, the 
word "tory," coming from Ireland, signifying an 
outlaw, while "whig" was a Scottish word, 
meaning sour whey. 

Before the Whigs lost control of parliament, The 
they passed, in 1679, the famous Habeas Corpus 
Act, which established, finally, an old principle of Act, 1679 
the English common law, that untried prisoners History for 
must be brought on demand before a iudge, for ^'"/^ 

° J o 7 Rejerence 

investigation of the grounds on which they are (Full text) 



From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

An ignoble 

The plague 
and the 
great fire, 

of Scotland 

of the 

The ignoble reign of Charles II, left this one 
important gift of good to England; there is 
hardly another to be found. It Is a reign marked 
in the English annals by many pollutions, and 
many shames, Including the shame of the king 
who took pay from a foreign sovereign for dis- 
honorable services, and the shame of a war with 
Holland, in which the navy, that Blake and 
Cromwell left invincible, had so suffered from 
royal wastefulness and official corruption that it 
could not defend the Thames from a Dutch inva- 
sion and London from some days of blockade. 
It is marked, likewise, by two dire calamities: the 
plague of 1665 and the great fire which half 
destroyed London, in 1666. Its quarter century 
of evil memory came to an end in February, 1685, 
when Charles died, leaving no legitimate child. 

Scotland suffered more than England In this 
mean reign. Presbyterianism was abolished and 
an episcopal church system set up; but certain 
presbyterian ministers who obtained an "indul- 
gence" were permitted to preach. The strict 
Scottish "Covenanters" would not listen to these 
"indulged" preachers, and persisted in resorting 
to secret meetings, in the mountains and on the 
moors. For years there was no other rebellion on 
their part than the endeavor to meet their chosen 
pastors and unite in prayers and psalms; but 
they were hunted by wild Highlanders, shot, 
hanged, imprisoned and tortured, till they took 
arms In their own defense. Under the direction 
of the earl of Lauderdale, one of King Charles's 

" The Reign of James II in England 901 

favorite ministers, the most energetic and merci- 
less persecutor of the Covenanters was John 
Graham of Claverhouse, Viscount Dundee, who 
won an evil fame in the work. Claverhouse houir* 
suffered a sharp defeat at the hands of the 
maddened Covenanters at Drumclog, in May, 
1669. In the last years of the persecution it was 
directed by the duke of York, who was put at the 
head of the Scottish government in 168 1. 

The prospects of neither England nor Scotland 
were improved in 1685 by the accession of the 
duke of York to the two thrones, on one of which {g^^Jsg 
he was James 11. , on the other James VII. 
James had more honesty than his brother or his 
father; but the narrowness and the meanness of ^j^""'^/' 
the Stuart race were in his blood. His religion England, 
was dull bigotry, and he opposed it to the Protes- 
tantism of the kingdom with an aggressiveness 
that showed he had learned nothing from his 
father's fate. In the first year of his reign there 
was a rebellion undertaken, in the interest of a 
bastard son of Charles II., called duke of Mon- 1^^ . 

' Monmouth 

mouth; but it was put down savagely, first by rebellion, 
force of arms, at Sedgemoor, and afterward by ^ ^ 
the "bloody assizes" of the ruthless Judge 
Jeffreys, of evil fame. Encouraged by this 
success against his enemies, James began to 
ignore the "Test Act," which excluded Catholics 
from office, and to surround himself by men of his 
own religion. The Test Act was an unrighteous Dedara- 
law, and the "Declaration of Indulgence" which tionof 
James issued, for the toleration of Catholics and 1687 

902 From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

Dissenters, was just in principle, according to the 
ideas of later times; but the action of the king 
with respect to both was, nevertheless, a gross 
and threatening violation of law. England had 
submitted to worse conduct from Charles 11. , 
but its Protestant temper was now roused, and 
r^^ the loyalty of the subject was consumed by the 

revolution, fiercencss of the churchman's wrath. James's 
King^° daughter, Mary, and her husband, William, 
janies,i688 pnncc of Orange, were invited from Holland to 
come over and displace the obnoxious father from 
his throne. They accepted the invitation, 
November, 1688; the nation rose to welcome 
them; James fled, — and the great Revolution, 
which ended arbitrary monarchy in England 
forever, and established constitutional govern- 
ment on clearly defined and lasting bases, was 
accomplished without the shedding of a drop of 
armrfor" Ireland was not submissive to the English 
King revolution. King James had put the Catholics of 

that island in power, giving them a few years of 
opportunity to oppress, as they had been op- 
pressed. They rose against the new English 
government, not so much for King James as for 
themselves, to improve what seemed to be a 
favorable time for revolt. The fugitive king came 
from France to their help, in the spring of 1689, 
with an extensive equipment of ships, arms, 
officers and money, supplied to him by his good 
Siege of friend, Louis XIV., and there were two years and 
der"ryri'689 morc of Irish War. The important incidents of 

King William III and Queen Mary II 903 

the war were the siege of the Protestant city of 
Londonderry, which held out for three months, 
with resolute endurance of starvation and disease; ?u^'^b^°^ 

' the Boyne, 

the decisive battle of the Boyne, fought on the 1690 
1st of July, 1690, and won by King William, in 
personal command, against the Irish and French 
army of James; and the reduction of Limerick, Treaty of 
in October, 1691, which ended the war. By a Limerick. 
treaty then signed at Limerick, the Catholic 
Irish were promised a small measure of religious 
freedom, and were assured that submission should 
save them from a confiscation of estates. But, no 
sooner was a Protestant parliament reseated at 
Dublin than it brushed the treaty of Limerick 
aside, and proceeded, with infamous perfidy, to Ireland'^ 
the most malignant measures of oppression that crushed 
the long suffering island had yet known. Catho- 
lic Ireland was crushed. Says Macaulay : "There 
was peace. The domination of the colonists [that 
is, the Protestant colonists of the 'plantation of 
Ulster' and the 'Cromwellian settlement'] was 
absolute. The native population was tranquil 
with the ghastly tranquillity of despair. There 
were indeed outrages, robberies, fire-raisings, 
assassinations. But more than a century passed 
away without one general insurrection. . . . 
Nor was this submission the eflPect of content, m^my'li 
but of mere stupefaction and brokenness of England, 

. ,, ch. xvii 

heart. ' 

By an act of parliament, passed in February, vviiiiam 

1689, William and Mary were declared to be ni- and 

jointly king and queen; but full regal power was 1689-1702 


History of 
ch. xi-xxv 

The Bill of 
History for 
(Full text) 

of super- 

La rned. 
History of 

From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

conferred on the former, to be exercised in the 
name of both. "Thus the ancient right of the 
English people to regulate the hereditary succes- 
sion of royal-born persons in their monarchy was 
exercised once more, and established for all time. 
At the same time, in the same instrument, a broad 
declaration of the principles of constitutional 
government, which the late kings had violated 
obstinately, was made by Parliament and 
accepted by the new sovereigns, 'so that the right 
of the king to his crown and of the people to their 
liberties might rest upon one and the same title- 
deed.' " In the following October, parliament 
embodied the Declaration in a Bill of Rights, 
which takes its place with Magna Carta and the 
Petition of Right in forming what has been called 
" the legal constitutional code" of English govern- 
ment. It named the queen's sister. Princess 
Anne, as the successor to King William and 
Queen Mary, if the latter should leave no chil- 
dren, and it excluded from the throne every 
person belonging to the Roman church, or 
married to one in that church. 

"The immense importance, however, of the 
political revolution of 1688 is not found in the 
enactments of constitutional law to which it led, 
so much as in the changed state of mind that it 
forced upon the people. That obstinate and 
fatal superstition of loyalty which had looked 
upon a king as a sacred personage, divinely 
gifted with an authority that none could resist 
without sin, had no root left in the English mind. 

The Petition of Right and Act of Settlement 905 

The church, which planted that superstition, had 
now helped to tear it away." 

The succession to the crown after Princess 
Anne was determined by a later act of parliament 
(the "Act of Settlement"), which positively seuie- 
barred the return of James II. or his descendants ™^"'^' ^7oi 
to the throne. Queen Mary was then dead, with- 
out offspring, and the last of the children of Anne 
had died in the previous year. By the provisions 
of the Act of Settlement, one of the children of 
Elizabeth (called queen of Bohemia), daughter of 
James L, was made the next heir to the crown 
after Anne. This granddaughter of the first king 
James, named Sophia, married to the elector of 
Hanover, was the only remaining Protestant 
(excepting Anne) in the Stuart family, and she 
and her descendants were appointed for that 
reason to be the future occupants of the English 

Queen Mary died in 1604, and King William in P^aths of 

^ ^ . ''^' r 1 • • ^^^^Y and 

1702. The more important events of their reign William, 
are connected with the European combinations ' ^'*' '''°^ 
against Louis XIV., of France, in which King 
William bore the leading part, and which involved 
England in wars, especially affecting her colonies 
in the New World. These will be told of in 
another place. 

With no open opposition, Queen Anne received Queen 
the English crown on the death of King William, 1702-1714 
as the Act of Settlement had prescribed, and her 
reign of twelve years was made remarkably im- Moms, 
portant by the mere fact that her character had Am' 


9o6 From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

little force. She fell naturally into the back- 
ground of English politics; the executive func- 
tions of government became attached to her 
ministers more positively and conspicuously than 
had ever been possible before. For other reasons, 
as we shall see, the next two f ccessors of Queen 
Rise of the Anne Were Subjected to a sim ar eclipse by their 
system of miuisters; and the peculiar ''.nglish system of 

ministerial .... . 'in 

mmisterial government, in uch all executive 


activity and responsibility e taken from the 
nominal sovereign, was give half a century of 
favoring circumstances in w' i to be shaped and 
fixed in its existing form. 

In the same importan' period, the political 
parties which provide a needed mechanism for the 
system of ministerial government were acquiring, 
for the first time, a distinctly organized form. 
Down to the later years of the sixtysenth century 
there were no political parties in England. There 
were factions that supported great personages or 

The genesis -.,..,. i • > t i i • • 

of English lamihes in their ambitious striies, but nothing in 
political ^i^g nature of a spontaneous division of people by 

parties ^ tr tr j 

differing opinions, on matters connected with 
public affairs. The beginning of such divisions 
appeared first in the reign of Elizabeth, and they 
were deepened very fast in the time of the first 
Stuarts and the Cromwellian years; but the 
animus of parties through all that period was 
religious far more than political. The strictly 
political parties date from the reign of Charles 
IL, when Whigs and Tories were lined up in an 
opposing array that has kept the field in English 

Union of England and Scotland 907 

politics, through many changes of aim and name, 
to the present day. In Anne's reign the structure 
of the parties became definite and distinct, and 
that of the Whigs was solidified to a strength that 
kept control of the government for nearly fifty 

y^3.TS. ^ ^ Literature 

The reign of Anne is one of the shining epochs of Queen 
in English literature, and a singular characteristic reign 
of the great writers of that age is the political 
inspiration of so much of their work. At 
no other time has so high an order of literary 
genius been enlisted in party warfare; and 
never have such masterpieces of literary art 
been produced in party disputes as were 
contributed then to enduring literature by 
Swift, Addison, Steele, Defoe, Arbuthnot, and 

One event of great historical Importance 
occurred in the reign of Queen Anne. For a cen- 
tury the crowns of England and Scotland had 
been united, but the political distinctness of the 
two kingdoms had been maintained, except dur- 
ing six years of the Cromwellian regime. Now, 
1707, a complete union of the English and Scot- England 
tish peoples in one nation, to be styled the King- ^"^'[j^i^^^l,^ 
dom of Great Britain, was brought about. The "Kingdom 
English parliament became a British parliament, BHtdn," 
with forty-five Scottish members added to its '707 
house of commons, and sixteen elected Scottish 
peers brought into its house of lords; while the 
crosses of St. George and St. Andrew were con- 
joined in a British flag. 


The stadt- 

John De 


by Louis 
XIV., 1672 

of the 
De Witts 

From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

The House of Orange and the Dutch Republic 

William of Orange, to whom the English people 
had given a place in the line of their kings, was 
holding at the same time the nearly regal office of 
stadtholder in Holland, as the United Provinces 
were called more commonly than by their proper 
name. After a suspension of twenty-one years, 
that office had been restored, under tragical cir- 
cumstances, in 1672. During the period of the 
suspension, the government of the confederacy, 
administered by the grand pensionary of the 
Holland province, John de Witt, and controlled 
by the wealthy commercial class, was successful 
in promoting the general prosperity of the prov- 
inces, and in advancing their maritime impor- 
tance and power. It conducted two wars with 
England — one with the commonwealth and one 
with the restored monarchy — and could claim at 
least an equal share of the naval glory won in 
each. But it neglected the land defense of the 
country, and was found unprepared in 1672, 
when the Provinces were attacked by a villainous 
combination, formed between Louis XIV., of 
France, and his English pensioner, Charles II. 
The republic, humbled and distressed by the 
rushing conquests of the French, fixed its hopes 
upon the young prince of Orange, heir to the 
prestige of a great historic name, and turned its 
wrath against the party of De Witt. The prince 
was made stadtholder, despite the opposition of 
John De Witt, and the latter, with his brother 
Cornelius, was murdered by a mob at Amsterdam. 

William of Orange Against Louis XIV 909 

William of Orange proved both wise and heroic 
as a leader, and the people were roused to a new 
energy of resistance by his appeals and his 
example. They cut their dykes and flooded the 
land, subjecting themselves to unmeasured dis- 
tress and loss, but stopping the French advance, 
until time was gained for awakening public feeling 
in Europe against the aggressions of the un- 
scrupulous French king. Then William of 
Orange began that which was to be his great and 
important mission In life, — the organizing of 
resistance to Louis XIV. The revolution of 1688- William of 
9 in England, which gave the crown of that king- against 
dom to William and his wife Mary, contributed Lo"isXiv. 
greatly to his success, and was an event almost 
as important in European politics at large as It 
was in the constitutional history of Great Britain. 

France under Louis XIV. 

From 1661 until 171 5, Louis XIV. was the 
absolute ruler of France, and during that long 
period, of more than half a century, his unscrupu- 
lous ambition gave little opportunity for western 
and central Europe to make any other history 
than that of struggle and battle, invasion and 
devastation, intrigue and faithless diplomacy, 
shifting of political landmarks and traffic in 
border populations, as though they were pastured 
cattle and sheep. 

When Philip IV., of Spain, died, in 1665, Louis Jj''^[^^'^^ 
began promptly to put forward the claims which xiv. 
he had pledged himself not to make. He de- 

9IO From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

manded part of the Netherlands, and Franche 
Comte — the old county (not the duchy) of Bur- 
gundy — as belonging to his queen. It was his 
good fortune to be served by some of the greatest 
generals, military engineers and administrators 
-,. - of the day, — by Turenne, Conde, Vauban, 

His first . . 

exploit of Louvois, and others, — and when he sent his 
i667^i^T' armies of invasion into Flanders and Franche 
Comte they carried all before them, Holland 
took alarm at these aggressions, which came so 
near to her, and formed an alliance with England 
and Sweden to assist Spain. But the unprincipled 
English king, Charles II., was bribed to betray 
his ally; Sweden was bought over; Spain sub- 
mitted to a treaty which gave the Burgundian 
county back to her, and surrendered an important 
part of the Spanish Netherlands to France. 
Louis' first exploit of national brigandage had 
thus been a glorious success, as glory is defined in 

X nc spoil 

and the the vocabulary of sovereigns of his class. He had 
Ticums stolen several valuable towns, killed some thou- 
sands of people, carried misery into the lives of 
some thousands more, and provoked the Dutch 
to a challenge of war that seemed promising of 
more glory of like kind. 

In 1672 he prepared himself to chastise the 

Dutch, and his English pensioner, Charles II., 

with several German princes, joined him in the 

war. It was this war, as related already, which 

. brought about the fall and the death of John de 

His attack 

on Holland, Witt, grand pensionary of Holland; which raised 
1672-1678 \yiiji^jn of Orange to the restored stadtholder- 

Perfidy and Aggressions of Louis XIV 911 

ship, and which gave him a certain leadership of 
influence in Europe, as against the French king. 
It was this war, likewise, which gave the Hohen- 
zollerns their first great battle triumph, in the 
defeat of the Swedes, the allies of the French, at „ 

' . . , ' Battle of 

Fehrbellin. For Frederick William, the "great Fehrbeiiin, 
elector," had joined the emperor Leopold and the * ^^ 
king of Spain in another league with Holland, to 
resist the aggressions of France; while Sweden 
now took sides with Louis. 

England was soon withdrawn from the contest, 
by the determined action of parliament, which 
forced its king to make peace. Otherwise the 
war became general in western Europe and was 
frightful in the death and misery it cost. Gener- 
ally the French had the most success. Turenne 
was killed in 1675 ^^^ Conde retired the same of "the 
year; but able commanders were found, in ^o^frch" 
Luxemburg and Crequi, to succeed them. In 
opposition to William of Orange, the Dutch made 
peace at Nimeguen, in 1678, and Spain was 
forced to give up Franche Comte, with another 
fraction of her Netherland territories; but Hol- 
land lost nothing. Again Louis XIV. had beaten 
and robbed his neighbors with success, and was 
at the pinnacle of his glory. France, it is true, 
was oppressed and exhausted, but her king was a 
"grand monarch," and she must needs be con- 

For a few years the grand monarch contented 
himself with small filchings of territory, which 
kept his conscience supple and gave practice to 

912 From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

his sleight-of-hand. On one pretext and another 
he seized town after town in Alsace, and, at last, 
in 1681, surprised and captured the imperial free 
aggleLions city of Strasburg, in a time of entire peace. He 
of^Louis bombarded Genoa, took Avignon from the pope, 
bullied and abused feeble Spain, made large 
claims on the Palatinate in the name of his sister- 
in-law, but against her will, and did nearly what 
he was pleased to do, without any effective resist- 
ance, until after William of Orange had been 
called to the English throne. That completed a 
great change in the European situation. 

The change had been more than half brought 
about already, by a foul and foolish measure 
which Louis had adopted In his domestic admin- 
istration. Cursed with a tyrant's impatience at 
the idea of free thought and free opinion among 
his subjects, he had been persuaded by zealots 
near his person to revoke the Edict of Nantes and 
Revocation ^^vivc persccutlou of the Huguenots. This was 
of the Edict done in 1685. The fatal effects within France 
1685 ' resembled those which followed the persecution 
of the Moriscoes of Spain. The Huguenots 
formed a large proportion of the best middle class 
of the kingdom, — its manufacturers, Its mer- 
chants, its skilled and thrifty artisans. Violent 
efforts were made to detain them in the country, 
Exodus of ^^^ there force them to apostasy or hold them 
Huguenots Under punishment If they withstood. But there 
was not power enough In the monarchy, with all 
its absolutism, to inclose France in such a wall. 
Vast numbers escaped — half a million, it is 

Revived Persecution of Huguenots 913 

thought — carrying their skill, their knowledge, P°.°ie, 
their industry and their energy into Holland, oj the 
England, Switzerland, all parts of Protestant ^f,|"""°^' 
Germany, and across the ocean to America. Dispersion 
France was half ruined by the loss. 

At the same time, the Protestant allies in Ger- 
many and the north, whom Louis had held in 
subserviency to himself so long, were angered and 
alarmed by his act. They joined a new defensive 
league against him, formed at Augsburg, in 1686, 
which embraced the emperor, Spain, Holland and League of 
Sweden, at first, and afterward took in Savoy and fgg^'.'j^JJ 
other Italian states, along with Germany, almost 
entire. But the league was miserably unprepared Macauiay, 
for war, and hardly hindered the march of Louis' History of 
armies when he suddenly moved them into the ch. xi, xk- 
Rhenish electorates in 1688. For the second ^^" 
time in his reign, and under his orders, the 
Palatinate was devastated horribly with fire and History of 
sword. But this attack on Germany, occupying ^^"l'"' ' 
the arms of France, gave William of Orange his century, 

-r-.il 1 1 5 : bk. 20, 

oppo. tunity to enter Jingland unopposed and ch. i 
take the English crown. That accomplished, he 
brought England Into the league, enlarging it to a 
"grand alliance" of all western Europe against 
the dangerous monarch of France. 

France had now to deal with enemies on every 
side. They swarmed on all her frontiers, and she 
met them with amazing valor and strength. For 
three years the French more than held their own, France 
not only in land fighting, but on the sea, where against 


they seemed likely, for a time, to dispute the Europe 


Treaty of 

War of the 

War of the 

History of 
ch. r 

From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

supremacy of the English and the Dutch with 
success. But the frightful draft made on the 
resources of the nation, and the strain on its 
spirit, were more than could be kept up. The 
obstinacy of the king, and his indifference to the 
sufferings of his people, prolonged the war until 
1697, but with steady loss- to the French of the 
advantages with which they began. Two years 
before the end, Louis had bought over the duke 
of Savoy, by giving back to him all that France 
had taken from his Italian territories since 
Richelieu's time. When the final peace was 
settled, at Ryswick, like surrenders had to be 
made in the Netherlands, Lorraine, and beyond 
the Rhine; but Alsace, with Strasburg, was kept, 
to be a German graft on France, until the sharp 
Prussian pruning knife, in our own time, cut it 

There were five years of peace after the treaty 
of Ryswick, and then a new war — longer, more 
bitter, and more destructive than those before it 
— arose out of questions connected with tb , suc- 
cession to the crown of Spain. Charles II., last of 
the Austro-Spanish or Spanish-Hapsburg kings, 
died in 1700, leaving no heir. The nearest of his 
relatives to the throne were the descendants of his 
two sisters, one of whom had married Louis XIV. 
and the other the emperor Leopold of the Aus- 
trian house. Louis XIV., as we know, had 
renounced all the Spanish rights of his queen and 
her issue; but that renunciation had been shown 
already to be wasted paper. Leopold had 

War of the Spanish Succession 915 

renounced nothing; but he had required a 
renunciation of her Spanish claims from the one 
daughter, Maria, of his Spanish wife, and he put 
forward claims to the Spanish succession, on his 
own behalf, because his mother had been a 
princess of that nation, as well as his wife. He 
was willing, however, to transfer his own rights 
to a younger son, fruit of a second marriage, the 
archduke Charles. 

The question of the Spanish succession was one 
of European interest and Importance, and 
attempts had been made to settle it two years 
before the death of the Spanish king, in 1698, by partition of 
a treaty, or agreement, between France, England treaty,'i698 
and Holland. By that treaty these outside 
powers (not consulting Spain) undertook a parti- 
tion of the Spanish monarchy. In what they 
assumed to be the Interest of the European 
balance of power. In Spain, this proceeding was 
resented, naturally, by both people and king, and 
the latter was persuaded to set against it a will, 
bequeathing all that he ruled to the younger 
grandson of Louis XIV., Philip of Anjou, on 
condition that the latter renounce for himself and The 
for his heirs all claims to the crown of France. ^?ng"s*^;n 
The Inducement to this bequest was the power 
which the king of France possessed to enforce It, 
and so to preserve the unity of the Spanish realm. 
That the argument and the persuasion came from 
Louis' own agents, while other agents amused 
England, Holland and Austria with treaties of 
partition, is tolerably clear. 


A French 
prince on 



Death of 

of war, 

From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

Near the end of the year 1700, the king of 
Spain died; his will was disclosed; the treaties 
were as coolly ignored as the prior renunciation 
had been, and the young French prince was sent 
pompously into Spain to accept the proifered 
crown. For a time, there was indignation in 
Europe, but no more. William of Orange could 
persuade neither England nor Holland to war, 
and Austria could not venture hostilities without 
their help. But that submissiveness only drew 
from the grand monarch fresh displays of his 
dishonesty and his insolence. The government 
of Spain was guided from Paris like that of a 
dependency of France. Dutch and English com- 
merce was injured by hostile measures. Move- 
ments alarming to Holland were made on the 
frontiers of the Spanish Netherlands. Finally, 
when the fugitive ex-king of England, James H., 
died at St. Germains, in September, 1701, Louis 
acknowledged James's son, called "the pre- 
tender," as king of England. This insult roused 
the war spirit in England which King William 
had striven so hard to evoke. He had arranged 
the terms of a new defensive grand alliance with 
Holland, Austria, and most of the German states; 
there was no difficulty now in making it an 
offensive league. 

But William, always weak In health, and worn 
by many cares and harassing troubles, died In 
March, 1702, before the war that he desired had 
broken out. His death made no pause in the 
movement of events. Able statesmen, under 

The Humbling of the "Grand Monarch" 917 

Queen Anne, his successor, carried forward his 
policy, and a great soldier was found, In the 
person of John Churchill, duke of Marlborough, 
to command the armies of England and the boroJgh 
Dutch. Another commander, of remarkable ^""^ Prince 
genius. Prince Eugene of Savoy, took service with 
the emperor, and these two, acting cordially 
together, humbled the overweening pride of 
Louis XIV. In the later years of his reign. He 
had worn out France by his long exactions. His 
strong ministers, Colbert, Louvois, and others, 
were dead, and he did not find successors equal to 
their work. He had able generals, but none equal 
to Turenne, Conde or Luxemburg, — none to cope 
with Marlborough and Prince Eugene. The war spread 
was widespread, on a stupendous scale, and it ^^'^ 
lasted for twelve years. Its campaigns were 
fought in the Low Countries, In Germany, In 
Italy, and in Spain. It glorified the reign of Anne, 
in English history, by the shining victories of 
Blenheim, Ramllles, Oudenarde and Malplaquet, 
and by the capture of Gibraltar, the padlock of 
the Mediterranean Sea. The misery to which ^^iserycaf 

r r ranee 

France was reduced m the later years of the war 
was probably the greatest that the much suffering 
nation ever knew. 

Louis sought peace, and was willing to go far in 
surrenders to obtain It. But the allies pressed 
him too hard in their demands. They would have 
him not only abandon the Bourbon dynasty that 
he had set up in Spain, but join them in over- 
throwing it. He refused to negotiate on such 


From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

Treaties of 





The Peace 
•/ Utrecht 

Losses of 
Spain and 
France by 
the war 

terms, and Fortune approved his resolution, by 
giving decisive victories to his arms in Spain, 
while dealing out disaster and defeat in every 
other field. England grew weary of the war when 
it came to appear endless, and Marlborough and 
the Whigs, who had carried it on, were ousted 
from power. The Tories, under Harley and Bol- 
ingbroke, came into office and negotiated the 
famous Peace of Utrecht, In which all of the 
belligerents except the emperor were joined. The 
emperor yielded to a supplementary treaty, 
signed at Rastadt the next year. 

These treaties left the Bourbon king of Spain, 
Philip v., on his throne, but bound him, by fresh 
renunciations, not to be likewise king of France. 
They gave to England Gibraltar and Minorca, at 
the expense of Spain, and Nova Scotia, New- 
foundland and Hudson's Bay, at the expense of 
France. They took much more from Spain. They 
took Sicily, which they gave to the duke of Savoy, 
with the title of king; they took Naples, Milan, 
Mantua and Sardinia, which they gave to Aus- 
tria, or, more strictly^ speaking, to the emperor; 
and they took the Spanish Netherlands, which 
they gave to Austria in the main, with some 
barrier towns to the Dutch. They took from 
France her conquests on the right bank of the 
Rhine; but they left her in possession of Alsace, 
with Strasburg and Landau. The great victim of 
the war was Spain. 

Louis XIV. was near the end of his reign when 
this last of the fearful wars which he caused was 

The Treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt 919 

France at 
the deatlt 

brought to a close. He died in September, 171 5, France at 

leaving a kingdom that had reasons to curse his of Louis 
memory in every particular of its state. He had ^ "' ''''^ 
foiled the exertions of as wise a minister, Jean 
Colbert, as ever strove to do good to France. He 
had dried the sources of national life as with a 
searching and monstrous sponge. He had 
repressed everything which he could not absorb 
in his flaunting court, in his destroying armies, 
and in himself. He had dealt with France as with 
a dumb beast that had been given him to bestride; 
to display himself upon, before the gaze of an 
envious world; to be bridled, and spurred at his 
pleasure, and whipped; to toil for him and bear 
burdens as he willed; to tread upon his enemies The dumb 
and trample his neighbors' fields. It was he, feature 

r o tl^at went 

more than all others before or after, who made mad 
France that dumb creature which suffered and 
was still for a little longer time, and then began 
thinking and went mad. 

Germany after the Thirty Years War 

In a natural order of things, Germany should 
have supplied the main resistance to Louis XIV. 
and held his unscrupulous ambition in check. 
But Germany had fallen to its lowest state of 
political demoralization and disorder. The very 
idea of nationality had disappeared. The 
empire, even reduced to a frame and a form, had 
almost vanished from practical affairs. The 
numerous petty states which divided the German 
people stood apart from one another, in sub- 



aping the 
court of 

of Austria 

Rise and 
anion of 
burg and 

From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

stantial independence, and were sundered by 
small jealousies and distrusts. Little absolute 
principalities they were, each having its little 
court, which aped, in a little way, the grand court 
of the grand monarch of France — central object 
of the admiration and the envy of all small souls 
in its time. Half of them were ready to bow 
down to the splendid being at Versailles, and to 
be his creatures, if he condescended to bestow a 
nod of patronage and attention ufX)n them. 

More and more distinctly the emperor drew 
apart in his immediate dominions as an Austrian 
sovereign; and more and more completely Aus- 
trian interests and Austrian policy became 
removed and estranged from the interests of the 
Germanic people. The ambitions and the cares 
of the house of Hapsburg were increasingly in 
directions most opposite to the German side of its 
relations, tending towards Italy and the south- 
east; while, at the same time, the church influ- 
ence which depressed the Austrian states widened 
a hopeless intellectual difference between them 
and the Germans of the north. 

The most notable movements in dull German 
affairs, after the Peace of Westphalia, were those 
which connected themselves with the settling and 
centering in Brandenburg of a nucleus of growing 
power, around which the nationalizing of Ger- 
many has been a crystallizing process ever since. 
The Mark of Brandenburg was one of the earliest 
conquests (tenth century) of the Germans from 
the Wends. Prussia, afterward united with 

Rise of Brandenburg and Prussia 921 

Brandenburg, was a later conquest (thirteenth Cariyie, 
century) from Wendish or Slavonic and other Friedrich 
pagan Inhabitants, and Its subjugation was a ^fj'^'^^ 
missionary enterprise, accomplished by the cru- 
sading order of Teutonic Knights, under the 
authority and direction of the pope. The order, 
which held the country for more than two cen- 
turies, and ruled it badly, became degenerate, 
and, about the middle of the fifteenth century, it 
was overcome in war by Casimir IV. of Poland, 
who took away from it the western part of its 
territory, and forced It to do homage to him for 
the eastern part, as a fief of the Polish crown. 

Sixty years later, the Reformation movement 
in Germany brought about the extinguishment 
of the Teutonic order as a political power. The 
grand master of the order at that time was 
Albert, a Hohenzollern prince, belonging to a Aggrand- 

' -^ ' . izement of 

younger branch of the Brandenburg family. He the Hohen- 
became a Lutheran, and succeeded in persuading 
the Polish king, SIgismund I., to transfer the 
sovereignty of the east Prussian fief to him, per- 
sonally, as a duchy. He transmitted it to his 
descendants, who held it for a few generations; 
but the line became extinct In 1618, and the 
duchy of Prussia then passed to the elder branch 
of the family and was united with the electorate 
of Brandenburg, which the Hohenzollern family 
had acquired in 1417. 

The superior weight of the Brandenburg 
electors in northern Germany may be dated from 
their acquisition of the important duchy of 


"The great 
1 640- 1 688 

Memoirs of 
the House of 
burg, I : ch. 

becomes a 

From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

Prussia; but they made no mark on affairs until 
the time of Frederick William I., called "the 
great elector," who succeeded to the electorate in 
1640, near the close of the Thirty Years War. 
In the arrangements of the Peace of Westphalia 
he secured east Pomerania and other considerable 
additions of territory. In 1657 he made his duchy 
of Prussia independent of Poland, by treaty with 
the Polish king. In 1672 and 1674 he had the 
courage and independence to join the allies 
against Louis XIV., Vnd when the Swedes, in 
alliance with Louis, invaded his dominions, he 
defeated and humbled them at Fehrbellin, and 
took from them the greater part of their Pomer- 
anian territory. When the great elector died, in 
1688, Brandenburg was the commanding North- 
German power,andtheHohen2ollernfamilyhad en- 
tered fully on the great career it has since pursued. 
Frederick William's son Frederick, with none 
of his father's talent, had a pushing but shallow 
ambition. He aspired to be a king, and circum- 
stances made his friendship so important to the 
emperor Leopold I. that the latter, exercising the 
theoretical super-sovereignty of the Caesars, 
endowed him with the regal title. He was made 
king of Prussia, not of Brandenburg, because 
Brandenburg stood in vassalage to the empire, 
while Prussia was an independent state. 


In Poland, the political demoralizatioii had 
become complete. The elections of Pol»k kings 

John Sobieski in Poland 923 

were prize contests in which all Europe took part. "^^ T°^^^^ 

■*■ ■*■■*■ elections 

Every court set up its candidate for the paltry 
titular place; every candidate emptied his purse 
into the Polish capital, and bribed, intrigued, 
corrupted, to the best of his ability. Once, at 
least, when the game was on, a sudden breeze of 
patriotic feeling swept the traffickers out of the 
diet, and inspired the election of a national hero, 
John Sobieski, to whom Europe owes much; for Sobieski, 
it was he who drove back the Turks, In 1683, ^ '''^"^^ 
when their last bold push into central Europe was 
made, and when they were storming at the gates 
of Vienna. But when Sobieski died, in 1696, the 
old scandalous vendue of a crown was reopened, 
and the elector of Saxony was the buyer. During 
most of the last two centuries of Its history, 
Poland sold Its throne to one alien after another, 
and allowed foreign states to mix and meddle 
with its affairs. Of real nationality there was not 
much left to extinguish when the time of extinc- 
tion came. There were patriots, and very noble 
patriots, among the Poles, at all periods of their 
history; but it seems to have been the very hope- p^i-'j^il"^ 
lessness of the state into which their country had patriotism 
drifted which intensified their patriotic feeling. 


Russia had acquired magnitude and strength 
as^a barbaric power, in the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries; but it was not until the reign of 
Peter the Great, which opened In 1682, that the Great 
great Slavonic empire began to take on a Euro- 


PeUr the 

of Siberia 


From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

pean character, with European Interests and 
influences, and to assimilate the civilization of 
the west. Peter may be said to have knotted 
Russia to Europe at both extremities, by pushing 
his dominions to the Baltic on the north and to 
the Black Sea on the south, and by putting his 
own ships afloat in both. The Russian conquest 
of Siberia, begun by a Cossack adventurer, 
Yermac Timoseef, about 1578, became practically 
complete in Peter's reign, or shortly before. 
From his day, Russia has been steadily gathering 
weight in each of the two continents over which 
her vast bulk of empire Is stretched, and moving 
to a mysterious great destiny In time to come. 


Just at the close of the century, while the 
powers of western Europe were wrestling in the 
great war of the Spanish succession, these nations 
of the east and their near neighbors In the north 
were Involved in a furious conflict, provoked by a 
wanton attack from Russia, Poland and Den- 
mark on the possessions of the Swedes. In the 
past century Sweden had made extensive con- 
quests, and her territories, outside of the Scan- 
dinavian peninsula, were thrust provoklngly Into 
the sides of all these three neighbors. There had 
been three Charleses on the Swedish throne in 
succession, following Christina, the daughter of 
Gustavus Adolphus. Queen Christina, an eccen- 
tric character, had abdicated In 1654, in order to 
join the Catholic church, and had been succeeded 

Charles XII of Sweden 925 

by her cousin, Charles X. The six years reign of v^^arswith 
this Charles was one of constant war with the Danes and 


Danes and the Poles, and he was the aggressor in 
almost every case. His son and successor, 
Charles XL, suffered the great defeat at Fehr- 
bellln which gave prestige to Brandenburg; but 
he was shielded, by the puissant arm of Louis 
XIV., his ally, and lost no territory. More suc- 
cessful in his domestic policy than in his wars, he, 
both practically and formally, established abso- The 
lutism in the Swedish realm. Inheriting from his Swedish 

^ ^ _ absolute 

father that absolute power, while inheriting at monarchy 
the same time the ruthless ambition of his grand- 
father, Charles XII. came to the throne in 1697. 

In the first two years of his reign, this extra- Charles 
ordinary young autocrat showed so little of his xii., 
character that his royal neighbors thought him a 
weakling, and Peter the Great, of Russia, con- Voltaire, 
spired with Augustus of Poland and Frederick chlnls 
IV. of Denmark to strip him of those parts of his ^^i- 
dominion which they severally craved. The 
result was like the rousing of a lion by hunters 
who went forth to pursue a hare. The young xhe 
Swede, dropping, instantly and forever, all coalition 
frivolities, sprang at his assailants before they Charles, 
dreamed of finding him awake, and the game was ^^°° 
suddenly reversed. The hunters became the 
hunted, and they had no rest for nine years from 
the implacable pursuit of them which Charles 
kept up. He defeated the Danes and the Russians 
in the first year of the war. In 1702 he invaded its fate 
Poland and occupied Warsaw; in 1704 he forced 

926 From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

the deposition of the Saxon king of Poland, 
Augustus, and the election of Stanislaus Lec- 
zinski. Not yet satisfied, he followed Augustus 
into his electorate of Saxony, and compelled him 
there to renounce the Russian alliance and the 
Polish crown. 
Charles ^^ 1 7^8, Charles invaded Russia, marching on 

XII. in Moscow, but turning aside to meet an expected 
ally, Mazeppa the Cossack. It was the mistake 
which Napoleon repeated a century later. The 
Swedes exhausted themselves in the march, and 
the Russians bided their time. Peter, the tzar, 
had devoted eight years, since Charles defeated 
him at Narva, to making soldiers, well trained, 
out of the mob which that fight scattered. When 
Charles had worn his army down to a slender and 
disheartened force, Peter struck and destroyed it 
at Pultowa. Charles escaped from the wreck and 
His five took refuge, with a few hundreds of his guards, in 
years in the Turkish province of Bessarabia, at Bender. 
1709-1714 In that shelter, which the Ottomans hospitably 
accorded to him, he remained for five years, 
intriguing to bring the Porte into war with his 
Muscovite enemy, while all the fruits of his nine 
years of conquest in the north were stripped from 
him by the old league, revived. Augustus 
returned to Poland and recovered his crown. 
Peter took possession of Livonia, Ingria, and a 
great part of Finland. Frederick IV., of Den- 
mark, attacked Sweden itself. The kingless 
kingdom made a valiant defense against the 
crowd of eager enemies; but Charles had used the 

Swedish Losses 927 

best of its energies and its resources, and it was 
not strong. 

Near the end of 1710, Charles succeeded in 
pushing the sultan into war with the tzar, and the 
latter, advancing into Moldavia, rashly placed 
himself in a position of great peril, where the 
Turks had him really at their mercy. But 
Catherine, the tzarina, who was present, found 
means to bribe the Turkish vizier in command, 
and Peter escaped with no loss more serious than 
the surrender of Azov. That ended the war, and 
the hopes of the Swedish king. But still the 
stubborn Charles wearied the Porte with his 
importunities, until he was commanded to quit 
the country. 

Even then he refused to depart, — resisted 
when force was used to expel him, and did not 
take his leave until late in November, 1714, when 
he received intelligence that his subjects were chariesto 
preparing to appoint his sister regent of the king- j^^^'^''"* 
dom and to make peace with the tzar. That news 
hurried him homeward; but only for continued 
war. He was about to make terms with Russia, 
and to secure her alliance against Denmark, 
Poland and Hanover, when he was killed during 
an invasion of Norway, in the siege of Fredriks- 

•^ ' ° r n J ^'* death, 

hald, December, 171 8. The crown ot J^weden 1718 
was then conferred upon his sister, but shorn of 
absolute powers, and practically dependent upon 
the nobles. All the wars in which Charles XH. 
had involved his kingdom were brought to an end 
by great sacrifices, and Russia rose to the place of 

928 From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

Sweden as the chief power in the north. The 
Sw^edjsh Swedes paid heavily for the career of their 
"Northern Alexander." 

Spain and Italy 

Before the belligerents in the north had 

quieted themselves, those of the west were again 

in arms. Spain had fallen under the influence of 

HbtJ^'of two eager and restless ambitions, that of the 

Evgiayid, queen, Elizabeth of Parma, and an Italian minis- 

ch.viii-x ' ter. Cardinal Alberoni; and the schemes into 

which these two drew the Bourbon king, Philip 

alliance V., soon rupturcd the close relations with France 

against which Louis XIV. had ruined his kingdom to 

Spam, 1717 , , ° . 

bring about. To check them, a triple alliance 
was formed between France, England and Hol- 
land, — enlarged the next year to a quadruple 
alliance by the adhesion of Austria. 

At the outset of the war, Spain made a con- 
quest of Sardinia, and almost accomplished the 
same in Sicily; but the English crushed her navy 
and her rising commerce, while the French 
crossed the Pyrenees with an army which the 
Spaniards could not resist. A vast combination 
which Alberoni was weaving, and which took in 
Charles XII., Peter the Great, the Stuart pre- 
tender, the English Jacobites, and the opponents 
of the regency in France, fell to pieces when the 
Swedish king fell. Alberoni was driven from 
king'dom of Spain and all his plans were given up. The 
the Two Spanish king withdrew from Sicily and sur- 
1720 ' rendered Sardinia. The emperor and the duke of 

Europe Against Spain 929 

Savoy exchanged islands, and the former (holding 
Naples already) revived the old kingdom of the 
Two Sicilies, while the latter became king of 

Of Italy at large, in the seventeenth'century, 
lying prostrate under the heavy hand of Spain, 
there is no history to claim attention in so brief a 
sketch as this. One sovereign family in the north- 
west, long balanced on the Alps, in uncertainty 
between a cis-AIpine and a trans-Alpine destiny, 
but now clearly committed to Italian fortunes, 
had begun to win its footing among the noticeable 
smaller powers of the day by sheer dexterity of 
trimming and shifting sides in the conflicts of the Rise of the 
time. This was the house of Savoy, whose first house of 
possessions, gathered in the crumbling of the old 
kingdom of Burgundy, lay on both slopes of the Freeman, 
Alps, commanding important passes. On the ^J^rafif 
western and northern side, the counts, afterward oj Europe, 
dukes, of Savoy had to contend, as time went on, sect. 7' 
with the expanding kingdom of France and with 
the Swiss, falling back before both. 

At one period, in the fifteenth century, their 
dominion had stretched to the Sa6ne, and to the city of 
lake of Neufchatel, on both sides of it, surround- ^^"^^^ 
ing the free city of Geneva, which they were 
never able to overcome. After that time, the 
Savoyards gradually lost territory on the Gallic The duke ' 
side and won compensations on the Italian side, blimey 
in Piedmont, and at the expense of Genoa and the king of 
duchy of Milan. The duke Victor Amadeus II. 1720'"'^' 
was the most successful winner for his house, and 


From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

he made his gains by remarkable manoeuvering on 
both sides of the wars of Louis XIV. One of his 
acquisitions was the island kingdom of Sicily, 
which gave him a royal title. A few years later 
he exchanged it with Austria for the island king- 
dom of Sardinia — a realm more desirable to him 
for geographical reasons alone. The dukes of 
Savoy and princes of Piedmont thus became 
kings of Sardinia, and the name of the kingdom 
was often applied to their whole dominion, down 
to the recent time when the house of Savoy 
attained the grander kingship of united Italy. 


of the 



The English colonies in America were increased 
in number much more than in prosperity, during 
the reigns of the last two Stuart kings. The first 
to be added bore the name of the Province of 
Carolina, and was created in 1663 by a palatine 
charter from the king to a company of influential 
courtiers, endowing them with the same sover- 
eignty in their province that was enjoyed by Lord 
Baltimore in his. Their grant of territory gave 
them, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the whole 
country between the parallels of thirty-one and 
thirty-six degrees. The province contained 
already two small settlements on Albemarle 
Sound, and another on Cape Fear River. In 
1 67 1, a place near the site of the present city of 
Charleston was occupied by a fourth company of 
settlers, who transferred their homes a few years 
later to the ground on which Charleston stands. 

Founding of the Carolinas 931 

This and the Albemarle settlements became the 
nuclei of the two finally distinct Carolina 
colonies, North and South. The two sections of 
the province drew apart from an early day, under 
the inefficient government which the proprietary 
company maintained. A singular constitution, , , , 
prepared for it by the eminent philosopher, John constitu- 
Locke, contemplating the creation of an heredi- 
tary nobility and a feudal land system, with both 
serfdom and slavery at the base of the social 
system, proved utterly unworkable, and, after 
being a cause of disturbance and depression to the 
province for thirty years, was cast aside. 

The next addition to the English colonies was 
made in 1664, by conquest of New Netherland conquest 
from the Dutch. England had never abandoned of New 

... , . . , Netherland 

her claim to that important territory, between 1664 
the two groups of her colonies; but circumstances 
had been unfavorable to an enforcement of the Dutch and 
claim. At length, for other reasons, a war with ^"f^^f 

, Colonies, 

Holland had become desirable, to the king, and ch.ix-xi 
to England at large. The king desired it for the 
purpose of assisting his nephew, the prince of 
Orange, to recover the stadtholdership of the 
United Provinces; and the country wanted it as 
a means of. checking the too successful rivalry 
of the Dutch in trade. The desired war was 
opened meanly, with no previous declaration, by 
a secret expedition against the New Netherland 
colony, taking It by surprise. Stuyvesant, the 
sturdy Dutch governor, surrendered to superior 
force, and Colonel Richard NIcolls, commis- 


From Cromwell to Louis XIV 


New York 

Grant to 

the duke of 

Sale of 
New Jersey 




Grant of 

vania to 
Penn, i68l 

Dutch and 
ch. xii 

sioned as English" governor, took possession, 
changing the names oi the province and its 
principal settlement — New Netherland and New 
Amsterdam — to New York. 

In advance of the conquest, the king had 
granted the whole province to his brother, the 
duke of York, and the duke had sold, to Lord 
Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, the part of It 
lying between the Hudson and Delaware rivers, 
from Cape May to a line drawn from 41° of north 
latitude on the Hudson to 41° 40' on the Dela- 
ware. The name New Jersey was given to this 
latter tract. The grant to the duke of York 
included Long Island, and extended eastward to 
the Connecticut River, which encroached on the 
territory given to Massachusetts, as well as on a 
new grant just made to Connecticut. This gave 
rise to long disputes. The powers of government 
conveyed to the duke of York were not of the 
palatine order, like those of Lord Baltimore, but 
were limited otherwise by nothing save con- 
formity to English law. The purchasers of New 
Jersey received the same political powers from 
the duke. 

The last of the colonies founded under the 
Stuarts was Pennsylvania, the great province 
granted to William Penn, in 1681. Penn, the 
most notable of Quakers, excepting only the 
founder of the sect, was the son of an English 
admiral. Sir William Penn, from whom he in- 
herited an ample fortune, together with a claim 
on the king for £16,000. The father had basked 

Penn and Pennsylvania 93| 

in royal friendship and favor, and these were 
extended to the son. When the latter proposed 
to the king that his claim should be canceled by a 
grant of the territory between New York, New 
Jersey and Maryland, his suggestion was ap- 
proved, and a patent was issued which invested 
the plain Quaker with the attributes of a prince. 
It made him the proprietor of a princely province, 
and endowed him with substantially the same 
governing authority that was given to the ducal 
proprietor of New York. 

As the territory conveyed to Penn by the royal p^^^,^ 
grant did not touch the sea, he purchased the Deiawam 
claim of the duke of York to a strip on the ^""'^ ^^ 
western shore of Delaware Bay, which Lord 
Baltimore claimed, also, as being covered by his 
older grant. This, and other questions concerning 
bounds, involved the proprietors of Maryland 
and Pennsylvania in disputes that lasted until 
1767, when the southern boundary of Pennsyl- 
vania was fixed by two surveyors, Mason and 
Dixon, who gave their names to the famous ^ 
"Mason and Dixon's Line" of later American and 
history. In the district on Delaware Bay, ob- Jf^^^r',^^ 
tained from the duke of York, Penn had merely 
ownership, with no political jurisdiction. In 
consequence, though that section was annexed at 
first to Pennsylvania, with the assent of its 
inhabitants, it broke away from the union a few Origin of 

, , . • 1 • J J the state of 

years later and assumed a practical mdependence, £>eig 
which gave being in the end to the colony and 
state of Delaware. 



From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

of New 

of Philadel- 
phia, 1682 


Before he acquired his great Pennsylvania 
grant, Penn had taken part in Quaker purchases 
of New Jersey — first of West Jersey from Lord 
Berkeley, and then of East Jersey from Sir George 
Carteret — and interested himself in settlements 
there by people of his much persecuted sect. 
Now he applied his rare energy and ability to the 
colonizing of his own province, with such success 
that not less than 3,000 settlers are believed to 
have been brought to the Delaware in 1682, and 
Pennsylvania reckoned a population of 8,000 by 
the end of its fourth year. No other American 
colony had risen so rapidly nor prospered quite so 
well. Philadelphia, laid out and founded by 
Penn personally In 1682, became at once an 
important town. During the first visit of the 
proprietor to his province he instituted an 
assembly of the "freemen," which adopted a 
"frame of government," submitted by him, and 
passed a full body of laws. Those recognized as 
freemen, entitled to vote and hold office, were all 
who bought or rented certain holdings of land, or 
who paid certain taxes, and were believers in the 
divinity of Jesus Christ. Freedom of worship 
was conceded to all believers In one God; but 
only Christians, in the strictest sense, could enjoy 
political rights. The working of the "frame of 
government" was not successful; it underwent 
frequent changes in subsequent years, without 
producing content. Though Penn, who was an 
eminently wise and just man, made large conces- 
sions, he failed to satisfy his colonial subjects; 

Delaware — New Jersey — New York 935 

nor did the province become anything but a 
burden to his estate and a trouble to his mind 
while he lived. 

The English colonies in America now lacked 
but one of the final tally, of thirteen; though the 
two Carolinas were not yet separated distinctly, 
nor Delaware parted fully from Pennsylvania. 
At this time one only — Virginia — was a royal or 
crown colony, subject in its government directly ^ , 

11/^1' The three 

to the king. Maryland and the Carolmas were classes of 

proprietary colonies, so-called, of the palatine f^biiM 

order, the territory embraced in them being 

granted, in one case to an individual proprietor, 

in the other case to a proprietary company, on 

such terms that the sovereignty claimed by the 

king of England was transferred almost wholly 

to the proprietors, and he retained no more than 

the rights of a feudal suzerain, or over-lord. New 

York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania (Including 

Delaware) were proprietary provinces over which 

the proprietors exercised an immediate authority 

of government, but nothing of the ultimate 

sovereignty of the king. Massachusetts (In 

which the small settlement at Plymouth would 

soon be absorbed), Connecticut (for which a Distinctive 

" character 

charter annexing the New Haven settlements had of the New- 
been won from King Charles II., by the address f^^f^^'^ 
of its governor, John Winthrop, the younger, In 
1662), and Rhode Island, were colonial creations 
of an entirely different kind. The proprietorship 
of their territory, and the political authority 
exercised in it under the sovereignty of the king 



The funda- 

History of 
the United 

local gov- 


tnenl in the 
•h. ii-ir 

From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

of England, were held by the whole body of their 
citizens, Incorporated directly, as bodies politic, 
by charters from the crown. The three classes of 
the colonies, and the differences in their political 
structure, are facts of interest in the history of 
the origin of the American States. 

"Under the wide differences in their political 
construction there was a fundamental likeness 
between these colonies, in the fact that the people 
In all of them had what the Virginia company 
described as 'a hand in the government of them- 
selves.' There was a representative legislature In 
every one; having more Independence In some 
than in others, but exercising everywhere a large 
measure of democratic power, and striving Inces- 
santly against all outside restraints. This was 
because they were English colonies, of English 
creation, peopled mainly by Englishmen, who 
brought from home the expectation of being 
listened to by their government, and of being 
represented in the making of their laws and the 
levying of the taxes they paid. There was no 
such thing In French or Spanish colonies, or even 
In those planted by the Dutch." 

The Institutions of local government which 
English colonists brought from home were even 
more Important, in some respects, to the future 
of the communities they formed, than the repre- 
sentative assemblies in which they made, or took 
part In the making, of their general laws. In New 
England the colonists gave vigorous new life to 
an ancient English organization of townships and 

Political Institutions of the English Colonies 937 

town-meetings, for the democratic management 
of neighborhood affairs. Among Englishmen at 
home the town-meeting had suffered decay; but 
the New Englishmen of Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut, organizing towns and churches on , 
identical lines, re-developed town-meetings from Engiaad 
church-meetings, with powerful democratic ^^^'^ 
effects. "The whole structure of government in 
New England was built up from the groundwork 
of these democratic towns. Their representatives 
composed the 'general courts;' they were the 
units of all political organization — the primaries 
of all action In public affairs." From New Eng- 
land and from New York, where a system some- 
what similar grew up, the town-meeting was 
carried widely, in later times, to new communities 
In the west. In Virginia and Maryland, the pre- 
vailing tobacco culture, on large estates, with 
servile labor, made towns, town-meetings, and a 

emocratic state ot society, quite impossible, gj^ja 
The county, in one, and the old English district county 
called the "hundred," in the other, were the Maryland 
smallest territorial divisions in which the political "^""'^■"^<^" 
action of the people could be organized. 

After the restoration of the monarchy In Eng- 
land the Puritan colonies could expect nothing 
from the English government but ill will. In the 
case of Massachusetts, that ill will was worked 
upon with diligence by complaining sufferers from 
persecution, received at the hands of the intoler- 
ant "Governor and Company," — whose worst 
deed had just been committed when Charles II. 


of Quakers 
at Boston, 

The Quaker 
Invasion of 

in New 
1 664- 1 666 

ham. Rise 
of the 

From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

came to the throne. Three men and one woman, 
of the sect of Friends, or Quakers, were hanged at 
Boston, in 1659 and 1660, for no crime but their 
persistence in entering the town to preach, after 
the passage of a law that forbade their coming, on 
pain of death. At this period, the Quakers, most 
gently pertinacious of all religious people in 
declaring their simple Christian creed, were 
undergoing persecution almost everywhere, by 
imprisonment and whipping; but Massachusetts 
was alone in putting the dreadful halter of the 
hangman on their necks. The age of so venomous 
an intolerance was past, and what Boston had 
done to the Quakers was abhorrent to a general 
feeling, in England, at least. It is probable that 
strong measures against the independence of 
Massachusetts might then have been taken, with 
common approval and support. But the govern- 
ment of Charles II. could do nothing in a strong 
way, and the bold Puritans of the Bay colony 
were not to be daunted by anything less than a 
resolute exercise of English power. 

Early in the new reign, plans for curbing all the 
northern colonies were formed, and the fleet which 
seized New Netherland, in 1664, took out three 
commissioners, appointed to "visit the several 
colonies of New England, and to examine and 
determine all complaints and appeals in all 
causes, as well military as criminal and civil, and 
to proceed In all things for settling the peace and 
security of that country." Connecticut, Plym- 
outh and Rhode Island submitted readily to the 

Massachusetts and the King's Commissioners 939 

authority of the commissioners, but Massachu- 
setts refused absolutely to permit them to hear 
any appeals from the action of its government or 
the decision of its courts, claiming to be exempted 
from such royal interference by its charter from 
Charles I. At the end of a long controversy the 
king's commissioners had to give up their 
attempt. They failed equally in undertaking to 
decide an important boundary dispute, against Rggig^gn^-g 
the construction which the Massachusetts to them in 

1 . . , 1 . 1 • . • • 1 ^ Massachu- 

authorities had put upon their territorial grant, sg^^s 
As the '* Governor and Company" preferred to 
understand their charter, the northern boundary 
of Massachusetts ran three miles north of the 
headwaters of the Merrimac, which took in a large 
part of what is now New Hampshire and Maine, 
both of which were claimed by other grantees. 
The king's commissioners decided, on the con- boundary 
trary, that the line must run from three miles '^'^p"^^ 
north of the Merrimac at its mouth; and, accord- 
ingly, they removed the Massachusetts officials 
from Maine. Massachusetts, on the first oppor- 
tunity, restored its officials, and did so in defiance 
of a direct command from the king, "that the 
government of the province of Maine continue as 
the commissioners have left it." The attitude of 
the Bay colony in all these proceedings appears 
astonishingly independent and bold, contrasting 
with the ineffectiveness of action on the king's 

The colony held its ground and made good Its 
chartered "liberties," according to Its own claims, 








History of 
the United 
States, 1 01 

Death of 
Charles II., 

Andros in 

From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

until the last year of the reign of Charles II. 
Then, in June, 1684, after circumstances in Eng- 
land had broken down the party opposed to the 
king, and royal influence was all potent, a decree 
of the English court of chancery annulled the 
cherished charter of "The Governor and Com- 
pany of Massachusetts Bay." "The ruin to the 
Massachusetts colonists which this decree in- 
volved was limited by nothing but the mercy of 
the king. It left them with no rights. Their 
charter was their title-deed for everything they 
owned; it was their warrant for everything 
they had done; it was the ground of everything 
in their colonial life. To declare it void was to 
declare that the king had never surrendered 
ownership of the soil on which they stood; that 
they were trespassers on his property, and might 
be dealt with as he pleased; that they had never 
been empowered to organize a colonial govern- 
ment; that all the acts of their colonial govern- 
ment were invalid and all their laws annulled." 

What King Charles's treatment of the stricken 
colony would be had not been decided when his 
sudden death occurred, in February, 1685. The 
brother who succeeded him took early steps 
toward making the most of the power that the 
court of chancery had put into his hands; and, 
apparently, he planned to reduce the other 
colonies to the same helpless state. Sir Edmund 
Andros, whose hardness and harshness had been 
proved already in New York, was sent out in 
1686, as "Captain-general and governor of his 

The English Colonies Under Capt.-Gen. Andros 941 

majesty's territory and dominion in New Eng- 
land," "and the high-spirited colonists of the 
Bay writhed under his absolute authority for the 
next three years. Their general court was 
abolished; their town-meetings were stripped of 
the control of local taxes; their press was gagged; 
the writ of habeas corpus was suspended; all 
public records were seized and brought to Boston; 
arbitrary taxes were levied, and property owners 
paid extortions called 'quit-rent' to save the 
title to their lands." 

When Andros demanded a surrender of the 
Connecticut charter it was spirited away and 
hidden in the hollow trunk of the famous "charter 
oak;" but he assumed the government of that <^onnecti- 
colony, as well as of New Hampshire and Maine, "charter 
and both New York and New Jersey were added 
to his jurisdiction in 1688. A suit to break the New York 
charter of Lord Baltimore, in Maryland, was V^f^^^"^ 
begun; and there seemed to be a settled plan for under 

A J 

crushing all the American colonies Into one i688-°689 
"territory and dominion" of the crown, subject 
in government to the unrestricted will of the king. 
But, whatever the intent, it was frustrated by the 
revolution in England which drove James II. 
from the throne. Massachusetts promptly imi- Je^pt^d 
tated the English proceeding, deposing Andros '^^9 
and shipping him to London, to be dealt with by 
the new king and queen. Virginia 

Notwithstanding the intense loyalty and fa'lfd^lX 
Cavalier spirit of Virginia, that colony and Mary- the last 
land suffered more than New England under the ]^ng^ 


From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

Effect of 
the naviga- 
tion acts 




last Stuart kings. Tobacco culture, the one 
support of their prosperity, was stricken sorely 
by an early measure of the restored royal govern- 
ment — the Navigation Act of 1660. The act was 
in pursuance of a policy begun by the government 
of the commonwealth, in 1651, when the first of 
the English navigation acts was passed; but it 
struck the southern colonies a much harder blow 
than they had felt before. The original object of 
these acts was to stop the employment of Dutch 
ships in English trade; but successive enactments 
went farther in purpose, toward the keeping of all 
colonial trade in English hands, conducted for- 
cibly through English ports. The effect was to 
shut the tobacco planters out of all save English 
markets, depressing prices ruinously and leaving 
unsalable crops on the planters' hands. Against 
the New Englanders, who had an abundance of 
their own shipping, the navigation acts could 
never be much enforced; but the Virginians, 
especially after they lost the help of Dutch 
smugglers from Manhattan Island, were nearly 
helpless victims of those oppressive laws. 

Politically, too, Virginia had hard experiences 
under the Stuart regime. Her old Cavalier gov- 
ernor, Sir William Berkeley, restored to place, 
established a complete despotism in the colony for 
fifteen years. In the first outburst of their feeling, 
after the restoration, the colonists elected an 
assembly so much to the governor's liking that 
he would not allow it to be dissolved, for any new 
election, in all that time. Great scandals In the 

I : 319-352 

Virginia and Governor Berkeley 943 

government arose and increased, until the dis- 
content broke at last into open revolt. The im- 
mediate occasion of the outbreak, in 1676, was an 
Indian rising, which the governor would not deal 
with as a large body of the planters desired. „ 

. , I- , Bacon s 

Under the lead of a resolute young man, rebellion in 
Nathaniel Bacon, they took the matter into their ^5^!""^' 
own hands, and were declared to be rebels, with 
final consequences of a state of civil war. Appar- 
ently, Governor Berkeley was having the worst ^°j'^' 
of the conflict, until a sudden death took Bacon English in 
from the field and his party collapsed. The gov- 
ernor recovered full power and used it so savagely 
that twenty-two of the insurgents were put to 
death. He was recalled to England the next 

The outbreak of Indians in Virginia had come 
closely after one in New England, which opened 
the most serious of the early Indian wars. The 
leading tribe in the latter case was that of the 
Wampanoags or Pokanokets, nearest neighbors 
to the Plymouth colony, with which they had 
always, till this time, been at peace. Angered by phiiip's" 
the execution of three members of the tribe for a Indian war 

in JNew 

murder committed on one of their own race, they England, 
rose in June, 1675, under the lead of their chief, ^ ''^'^ '' 
Metacom, called King Philip by the whites. 
Other tribes joined them, and the war was not 


ended wholly until 1678; but its most dreadful Beginnings 
incidents were in the first year. Twelve towns £„^^^ 
were destroyed by the savages; no less than a 211-241 
thousand white men, with a large number of 

944 From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

women and children, are believed to have 
perished, while more of the latter were carried 
into barbarous captivity. Not many males of the 
hostile Indian tribes survived, and most of the 
few who did were sold in the West Indies as 
slaves. * 

The revolution of 1688, in England, driving 
James II. from the throne, had tragical conse- 
quences in New York. The militia train-bands of 
that town, under the lead of a well-meaning but 
ignorant German citizen, Jacob Leisler, deposed 
the lieutenant-governor of the province, and 
The Leisler LcIslcr Undertook the management of affairs, 
tragedy in When officIals appointed by the new king in 
1689-1691 England arrived, Leisler was so misguided as to 
resist them, because they brought him no direct 
order from the king. It seems to be clear that he 
intended no treason; but he and his son-in-law 
were condemned and hanged. They were the 
victims of a passionate strife between aristocratic 
and democratic factions, which raged long in the 
province of New York. 

The change of government in England raised 

high hopes in Massachusetts, and persevering 

charter to cfforts to rccovcr the old charter were made, in 

^.?^^,<^"r" vain. The outcome was a new charter, Issued in 

setts, 1691 _ ' 

1 69 1, which lowered the self-governing indepen- 
dence of the colony to a serious extent, reducing 
it to the status of a royal province, under gov- 
ernors of the king's appointment, and subjecting 
its acts to veto by the governor or the crown. 
Qualification of the suffrage by church member- 


Indian Wars in America 945 

ship was abolished, and ownership of property 
prescribed instead. 

Penn was a sufferer by the English revolution, 
having enjoyed so much favor under the late 
reigns that he was regarded by the new court with 
distrust. His political authority in Pennsylvania 
was taken away from him In 1693, and the prov- 
ince was placed under the jurisdiction of the 
governor of New York; but the next year, on a 
better understanding of his character, his powers 
were all restored. 

Lord Baltimore fared worse. The government 
of Maryland was taken out of his hands, In 1691, 
and not restored during his life. When he died, 
in 171 q, it was given back to his son, who had left . ^ , , 

'-".*' . Maryland 

the Catholic church. In the Interval, the tolera- toleration 
tlon acts had been swept away. Catholic forms of a^ay^^^^ 
worship forbidden, and the church of England 
established by law. 

The English wars with France brought serious 
suffering to the colonists on the northern frontiers 
of New England and New York, against whose 
outlying settlements the French in Canada did 
not scruple to employ the tomahawks and scalp- ..j^j^^ 
ing knives of their savage allies. In the first of William's 
the conflicts (called "King William's War" by i69c>-i697] 
the colonists), a hideous massacre, of some sixty 
men, women and children, was committed at 
Schenectady, then a village on the borders of the 
wilderness. The worst horrors of the next «Queen 
encounter ("Queen Anne's War") were experl- Anne's 
enced on the New England frontier, at Deerfield, 1702-1714 

cessions to 

946 From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

Lancaster, Saco, Casco and Wells. Retaliating 
expeditions were sent, in both wars, against Port 
Royal (now Annapolis), in Acadia, and against 
Quebec and Montreal, with no success except the 
capture of the Acadian port. On the European 
side of Queen Anne's War the result was so 
heavily against France, as we have seen, that her 
humbled king was compelled to cede Acadia 
French (then rc-uamcd Nova Scotia), Newfoundland 
and Hudson Bay, to England, and to acknowledge 
that the Five Nations of the Iroquois were 
"subject to the dominion of Great Britain." 

Nocwithstanding these surrenders of territory, 
the French were still claimants of the greater part 
of North America, and had done much, in a 
certain way, to make the claim good. Their 
settlements were so few and slight that the total 
white population of New France in 168-? is 

The French , , , , , , 

footing in thought to have been no more than 10,000; but 
America they had explored and mapped the Interior of the 
continent with great energy, established military, 
missionary and trading posts, cultivated the 
friendship of the Indians, and acquired an impor- 
tant prestige, as being, apparently, the dominant 
white race in the land. As early as 1640, Jean 
Nicolet had gone beyond Lake Huron to Lake 
Michigan. Jesuit missions had been established 
at Sault Ste. Marie and Green Bay in 1669. 
exploration Father Marquette and Louis Joliet had reached 
of the west -j-j^g Mississippi from Green Bay, and gone down 
that stream to the Illinois, in 1673. In 1679, ^he 
indomitable explorer. La Salle, building a vessel 

French and English Wars in America 947 

on the Niagara River, had navigated the Great ^^''^"If"' 

r T 1 T\ T* 1 • 1 Salle 

Lakes to the foot of Lake Michigan, and pro- and the 
ceeded thence to the IlHnois, where he built a of"£Z7eat 
fort. Three years later, after traversing the same ff^^st 
route for the third time, La Salle had descended 
the Illinois to the Mississippi, and the Mississippi 
to the Gulf, taking formal possession of the whole 
valley of the great river in the name of the king of 
France. Practically, this claim was contested by 
nobody except the Five Nations of the confed- 
eracy of the Iroquois, whose conquest of other 
tribes had reached far into the west. 

After the English revolution of 1688, a rapid 
growth of antagonistic feeling between the 
American colonies and the home government of anuIon°sm 
England becomes plainly marked. This sprang between 

r 1 11-r 1 England 

from several causes, but chief among them were and her 
the political ideas which that revolution had '^°^°^^^^ 
planted in the colonial mind. It had established, ^'■°'^h'"g- 

t^ ^ ^ ' ham, 

for Englishmen, the fundamental principle in Rise of th^ 
government, that a representative legislature is lot^zr 
the seat of supreme authority and the sole source 
of law. Naturally, the colonists took the principle 
home to themselves, applied it to their own 
affairs, and shaped upon it a strictly English con- 
ception of their own rights. They were looking at 
this time to no political independence, but they 
felt themselves to be entitled, as Englishmen in 
America, to all those rights of control over the 
purse-strings and the domestic regulations of 
their government that Englishmen in Great 
Britain had secured. On the other hand, two 


From Cromwell to Louis XIV 


influences were working in England which dis- 
inclined the ruling classes there to concede an 
application of their own political principles to 
English communities on the other side of the sea. 
One came from the shipping and commercial 
British interests, that were growing to high importance 
commercial in thcsc timcs, and demanding a consideration in 
English politics never given to them before. 
According to the economic notions of the age, a 
colony could not be made profitable to Its parent 
country in any other way than by depriving it of 
all freedom to produce, or buy, or sell with refer- 
ence to interests or wishes of its own. The 
insistence of English shipowners, manufacturers 
and merchants, that the rigor of this doctrine 
should be applied to the American settlements of 
their countrymen, opened a cleavage between the 
colonies and the home government which their 
navigation laws and other dictatorial "acts of 
trade" widened steadily from year to year. 

The second influence, more strictly political, 
grew out of the experience of the wars with 
France, on their American side. That experi- 
ence had shown the need of some union among 
the colonies and some general organization of 
their military strength. As to the need of the 
union, there was little disagreement, if any, 
between colonial and British statesmen, but very 
wide disagreement as to the nature of the union 
that should be formed. Union under one vice- 
royal governor and one supreme crown-appointed 
council, which the latter desired, would mean a 

desires for 

Great Britain and her Colonies 949 

tightening of the Imperial rule and a deepening of 
colonial subjection. It would mean taxation of 
the colonies without their consent, and expendi- 
ture beyond their control. But union by federa- 
tion, with its bond in a representative federal 
assembly, would mean the domestic self-govern- 
ment which the colonists believed to be their 
English birthright. It might mean, also, in their 
view, the least possible contribution of their own 
to the cost of defending English interests in 
America against the French, and the greatest 
possible draft on the British purse; for they 
exposed themselves to this latter suspicion by the 
scantiness of their military grants. Their attitude Coiomai 

/ '-' , parsimony 

in the matter of expenditure for colonial defense 
had much to do with the slow hardening of an 
opposition in opinion and feeling between the 
Englishmen in America and the Englishmen in 
the parent isle. 

\ The early years of the new century brought 
such signs of social progress in the colonies as the 
founding of Yale College at New Haven, in 1701, social 
the appearance of the first American newspaper, p''^^'"^^ 
at Boston, in 1704, and the organizing of a regular 
postal system, under an act of parliament, passed 
in 1710. 

But a mark of very different significance had 
been left on one of the last years of the preceding g^j^^ 
century, by the frenzied witchcraft delusion at witchcraft, 
Salem, Massachusetts, in 1692. Ten harmless 
men and women, malignantly accused of having Upham, 
sold their souls to Satan, and so purchased super- wiuhcraft \ 


of the 
East India 


From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

natural powers of mischief and evil, were put to 
death. Eight more Were condemned to death and 
a hundred and fifty were waiting trial, when the 
season of madness passed. 

The English in India 

Akbar, the real founder of the so-called Moghul 
empire in India, was still reigning when the small 
first fleet of the English East India Company 
reached the port of Surat, in his dominions, and 
obtained privileges of trade. A few years later 
(161 5) an English ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe, 
was sent to the court of Akbar's son and succes- 
sor, Jahangir, who received him with dis- 
tinguished favor, and, at his solicitation, gave the 
English company permission to establish a fac- 
tory, or agency, at Surat. This, for some years, 
was the seat of the company's trade, carried on in 
active rivalry with the Portuguese. In 1640 it 
acquired ground on the eastern coast of Hindo- 
stan, in the Carnatic region, within the dominions 
of a Hindu prince, who gave it permission to 
build a fort. The fort was named St. George, and 
became the nucleus of a town, which grew 
quickly into the city of Madras. Twenty years 
or more afterward. King Charles II., of England, 
obtained the Portuguese island of Bombay, as 
part of the dowry of his Portuguese wife, and 
made it over to the company, which established 
another prosperous station there. A third footing 
of importance, on the Hooghly, one of the chan- 
nels of the Ganges, was established in 1698 by the 

The English in India 951 

building of a fort, named Fort William, on ground Calcutta 
granted by the emperor Aurungzebe. The great 
city of Calcutta grew under the shelter of this fort. 
These were the three roots of that astonishing 
growth of power, in a mere corporation of mer- 
chants, which finally took to itself, and then 
transferred to the crown and parliament of Eng- 
land, the whole empire of Hindostan. "Before 
the accession of the house of Hanover these three 
main stations, — Fort William, Fort St. George, 
and Bombay, — had been erected into presiden- pre^sideJT 
cies, or central posts of government; not, how- "es 
ever, . . . subject to one supreme authority, 
but each independent of the rest. Each was 
governed by a president and a council of nine or 
twelve members, appointed by the court of 
directors in England. Each was surrounded with 
fortifications, and guarded by a small force, 
partly European and partly native, in the 
service of the company. The Europeans were 
either recruits enlisted in England or strollers and 
deserters from other services in India. . . . The 
natives, as yet ill-armed and ill-trained, were 
known by the name of sepoys, — a corruption 
from the Indian word 'sipahi,' a soldier. But the ^^ , 

x- T 1 J J r Mahon, 

territory of the English scarcely extended out ot History of 
sight of their towns." These were the beginnings f^/j!"/^^ 
of the dominion of the East India Company. 4 : ch.xxxix 

China under the Manchus 

Shunchih, the first Manchu emperor of China, 
was a child during most of the eighteen years of 








and ency- 

From Cromwell to Louis XIV 

his reign. The second emperor, Kanghi, who 
occupied the throne for sixty-one years, holds a 
place of distinction in Chinese history, as one of 
the ablest and best of the sovereigns that the 
great empire has known. His intelligence, his 
vigor, his uprightness, are equally praised. He 
dealt successfully with many rebellions, and left 
the authority of the new dynasty well established 
when he died. Appreciating the scientific knowl- 
edge of the Jesuit missionaries, he showed them 
much favor, employing one of them to correct 
errors in the Chinese calendar and placing him, 
for that purpose, at the head of the astronomical 
board. This angered the native literati, and 
became an Important cause of hostile feeling, 
which the missionaries had to face in after years. 
Another ground of prejudice against the mission- 
aries was furnished by their own factious rivalries 
and quarrels, between Jesuits, on one side, and 
Franciscans and Doniinicans on the other. 
Though Kanghi sustained the Jesuits against 
their opponents, his respect for Christianity as a 
religion seems to have been considerably shaken 
by what he saw of its working in these contentious 

Kanghi was a noble patron of learning, and the 
two most splendid and enduring memorials of his 
reign are the great dictionary and the stupendous 
encyclopedia that he caused to be compiled, one 
in thirty-six volumes, the other in five thousand 
and twenty. Both are standard works of refer- 
ence in China to-day. 

China Under the Manchus 953 

It was In the reign of Kanghl that the Russians, 
in their conquest of Siberia, reached the Amur i^"ssians 
and began attempts to establish themselves on Its Amur 
southern and eastern banks. The vigorous 
emperor attacked them promptly, captured the 
forces they had pushed Into his territory, and 
settled them in Peking, where their descendants, 
it is said, can still be found. 



(1715 TO 1775) 

Momentoiia conaequences from the wars of the period. Great Britain: The 
first Hanoverian kings. — Walpole. — Evolution of premier and cabinet. — The 
Mississippi and South Sea bubbles. — Jacobite risings. France: Louis XV. 
and the Regency. — Bourbon "family compact." War of the Austrian Succes- 
sion: The "pragmatic sanction" of Charles VI. — Frederick the Great and 
other spoils-hunters. — Results of the war. The Seven Years War in Europe: 
Combination against Frederick the Great. — His great defensive campaigns. 
The War in America: The French in the Ohio Valley. — Washington's entrance 
into history. — Braddock's defeat. — Dispersion of the Acadians. — Pitt's infu- 
sion of new spirit into the war. — Wolfe's capture of Quebec. — Retirement of 
France from America. — Pontiac's war. The War in India: French and 
English struggle for supremacy. — Clive's career. — The "black hole of Cal- 
cutta." — Subjugation of Bengal. — Expulsion of the French. Russia: "The 
four tzarinas. — Catherine II. Great Britain and her colonies: George III. — 
The "king's friends." — Their colonial policy. — The "stamp act" and its 
repeal. — Patrick Henry .-^Samuel Adams. — The tea question and "the 
Boston tea party." — Punishment of Boston and Massachusetts. — The first 
"continental congress." — Lexington and Concord. — The colonies in arms. — 
Washington appointed to chief command. 

The sixty years to be surveyed in this chapter 
were filled with a succession of hateful wars, not 
one of which can be said to have had a reasonable, 
just cause. With almost no exception, they had 
their ultimate origin in the greedy ambition of 
uncontrolled princes, who coveted bigger domin- 

Wsrs of 

ambitious ious to boast of and more subjects to oppress. 

monarchs ^hcy wcrc wars that added heavily to the score 
against arbitrary monarchies which history was 
making up, and which an increasing multitude of 
people was learning to reckon. 


Influences of the Period 955 

Incidentally or directly, however, these wars 
had three consequences of far-reaching and 
tremendous Influence on the subsequent history of 
the world: (i) undisputed domination of the immedfltf 
English race In North America: (2) acquisition «=°"^«- 

, 1 r 1 1 1 • • 1 r 1 quences 

by the same race 01 leadership m the tar east and 
supremacy at sea; (3) the rise of Prussia to the 
footing of a contestant with Austria for rank and 
lead among the Germanic states. Springing from 
the first of those primary consequences came, 
successively, the political separation of the Eng- 
lish in America from their motherland, the InstI- . 

r 1 • • • 11- Their 

tution 01 their great experiment in repubhcan ultimate 
government, the re-awakening thereby of demo- q°"^jfjes 
cratic aspirations in oppressed communities, and 
the kindling of a revolutionary spirit, with its 
awful outburst in France. From the second came 
a wealth and a power to the English people which 
made them dominant in the activities of the 
world, and planted their language, their law, their 
institutions, in every part of the globe. Out of 
the third has come the unity of Germany and its 
entrance upon a really national career. 

England under the first Hanoverians 

By good management on the part of the Eng- 
lish Whig leaders, the arrangements of their Act 
of Settlement were carried out when Queen Anne 
died, in 1714, and the elector George, of Hanover, 
son of the late electress, Sophia, was placed on the George I., 
throne without disturbance; though a strong 
body of the Stuart partisans (Jacobites) had 


ne8s oi the 
new king 

A helpless 
royal figure 

Sir Robert 




History of 
I : ch. iii 

From Louis XIV to Washington 

determined that the son of James II., called "the 
pretender," should be brought in. This Hano- 
verian king was so extremely an alien that he 
could not even speak or understand the language 
of his new subjects. He knew nothing of Eng- 
land, and cared for it very little as compared with 
his Germanic dominion. His interests, ideas, 
tastes, habits, were all those of a German prince. 
Of English politics he comprehended only that 
the Whigs were his supporters, and that he must 
stand by them, with all the prerogatives of the 
crown they had placed on his head. Necessarily, 
he was an almost helpless royal figure in the hands 
of his ministers, whose councils he could not even 
attend, and necessarily, too, he was regarded by 
his subjects with a great lowering of reverence for 
the crowned head. Thus accidents of circum- 
stance in English history had helped once more to 
weaken the prestige of kingship, and give nerve 
to the people in their exercise of self-governing 

By good fortune, a leadership in King George's 
ministry was won soon by a man, Sir Robert 
Walpole, who was singularly fitted to make the 
best of the conditions of the time. He saw that 
nothing but peace and prosperity in England 
would establish the new dynasty, prevent a 
Jacobite revolution, and keep the government on 
the parliamentary lines that were laid down for it 
in the great Bill of Rights. He held his party and 
his colleagues to that programme of peace for 
nearly twenty years, during which England was 

Walpole, the First British Prime Minister 957 

preserved carefully from disturbances and agita- 
tions of any serious kind, — too thriving and con- 
tented for Jacobite plotters to work up a mis- 
chievous revolt. They had attempted a feeble 
rising in Scotland for "the pretender," in 171 5, 
the year after the death of the queen Anne, but it jacobi»e 
received little English support. """^' ^^"^ 

Walpole's domination in the ministries of 
George I. and George II. (who succeeded his 
father in 1727) made him the first of actual 
"prime ministers" in the government of Eng- 
land, and the ministry subordinate to him Eyoj^iQ, 
became the first English "cabinet," in the later of the 
sense of the term, — a council, that is, of executive premier 
chiefs, headed and directed by an authoritative andcabmet 
"premier." The parliament of the period, and 
long afterward, was not representative of the 
people in any degree. A majority of the members 
of the house of commons were proteges, or agents, 
or servants, of a few great landlords, and their 
votes were controlled by influences more or less 
corrupt. Walpole used such influences notori- 
ously, as ministers before him and after him had „ ,. 

. Panianei- 

done and would do, and parliament was sub- tary 
servient to his will. We are just to him if we say *^°'''^p***^ 
that he was scrupulously patriotic and admirably 
wise in the use of power which he secured by 
unscrupulous means. 

Before Walpole's ascendancy was acquired, he 
had opposed a reckless measure of government 
which plunged the country into mad speculations, 
ending in a ruinous collapse. A Scotch adven- 

9S8 From Louis XIV to Washington 

turer named John Law had started the specula- 
tive frenzy in France, first hy the founding of a 
stupendous national bank, which issued illim- 
Miisis^fpTi^ itable quantities of paper money, and then, in 
scheme In 1717 by Organizing a monster corporation, con- 


1717-1720 nected with the bank, which planned to "engross 

all the trade of the kingdom and all the revenues 

The^'^' of the crown." Law's company was formed 

Mississippi under the name of The Company of the West, 

Bubble , , , 

and the first basis of its operations was a monop- 
oly of trade in that vast American territory 
claimed by France in the valley of the Mississippi 
River. This gave his project the name of "the 
Mississippi scheme." An unexampled excitement 
of speculation in the shares of the company was 
created, by extravagant accounts of gold mines 
„ , J and riches of every description in the regions that 
speculation its present and future monopolies would take in. 
Very soon it absorbed the French East India 
Company; then swallowed an African trading 
company; then acquired control of the tobacco 
duties and the management of the mint; and 
every fresh privilege was followed by a larger 
issue of shares and fresh inflations of their market 
price. At the climax of this Mississippi madness 
the shares of 500 francs were sold for 10,000. 

The French frenzy spread to England and pro- 
duced similar consequences there. A South Sea 
Company, holding special privileges of trade in 
SeTcom^ Spanish America, Imitated Law's projects, and 
panyin the government. In 1719, was induced to make 
1719-1720 some kind of delusive bargain with it for paying 

Opening of a New Period of Wars 959 

off the national debt. A wild scramble for shares ^ahon, 
in the company ensued, exactly like the scramble England, 
in Paris for Law's shares, and prices were carried l^f^h.xi^' 
to ten times the nominal value of the company's 
stock. At the same time, a thousand other sense- 
less projects were floated, and nothing was too 
foolish to win investments of the money which 
rich and poor seemed insanely eager to threw 
away. In France the bubble broke in May, 1720; 
in England the collapse came a few months later, g^g^^^ ^^ 
In both countries the ruin and the misery pro- the bubbles 
duced are not easily described. 

Walpole's supremacy in the government was 
broken in 1738 by a burst of public wrath against 
Spain, provoked by the roughness of her dealings 
with English smugglers, who swarmed around her 
colonies, carrying on a forbidden trade. Much 
was made of the case of one Jenkins, whose ear 
had been torn off, and the war into which Wal- 
pole's opponents succeeded in dragging the 
country, despite his pacific endeavors, got the "^"°! 
name of "the War of Jenkins's Ear." He re- Ear" 
tained office until 1742, but his power was gone. 
He then accepted the title of earl of Orford and ^^^ ^^^,^ 
retired. A period of weak government followed, loss of 
corruptly controlled by an incapable nobleman, ''^^^ 
the duke of Newcastle, and his family, the Pel- 
hams; but the seeds of a better force were being 
cultivated in the house of commons by a few 
young men, under the lead of William Pitt. 

1 he war with bpam was merged soon m a great Austrian 
European conflict, the War of the Austrian Sue- mi-ms 

960 From Louis XIV to Washington 

(Seepages cession, which lasted until 1748, and out of which 
962-s) . . T 

Great Britain brought nothing to show for its 

heavy cost in money and human life. In the 
midst of that war the Jacobites made a last 
attempt to bring the Stuarts back to their lost 
throne. "The pretender's" son, Charles Edward, 
called "the young pretender," appeared in Scot- 
land in the summer of 1745, rallied a few thousand 
Highlanders, took possession of Edinburgh, 
defeated a small English force at Preston Pans, 
and marched into England as far as Derby. 
Jacobite Finding no encouragement to proceed, he drew 
nsmg, i74i ^^^]^ jj^^^ Scotlaud, whcrc his faithful Highland 

followers held their ground in the north until 
April of the next year. They were broken and 
scattered then, at Culloden, by an army of 
British and Hanoverian troops, under the duke of 
Cumberland, one of the king's sons, who earned 
the name of "The Butcher" by the ferocity with 
which he hunted them down. Through many 
romantic adventures, in which Flora Macdonald, 
a young woman of the Hebrides, bore a heroine's 
part, Charles Edward escaped to France. 

France under Louis XV. 

France was less fortunate than Great Britain 
in the change of sovereigns that occurred in the 
two kingdoms at nearly the same time. Queen 
Anne dying in 17 14 and Louis XIV. in the follow- 
ing year. The successor to the latter was his 
great-grandson, a five-year-old child, and the 
regency regent, Philippe, duke of Orleans, who reigned for 

Louis XV. 

France Under Louis XV 961 

years In the child-king's name, was a reckless and 
shameless debauchee, who sank the French court 
and Parisian society to the lowest deeps of 
frivolity and vice. That the young king, Louis 
XV., was corrupted when he came to manhood, 
and lived the vile palace life of his great-grand- 
father and the regent, and reigned as they 
reigned, with selfish indifference to the people of 
France, is not to be thought strange. 

France had a shorter period than England of 
rest from war, and was benefited less. The next 
quarrel that engaged her was one peculiar to the 
eighteenth century, growing out of the election of 
a Polish king, to succeed Augustus IL As usual, po^i^h 
the neighboring nations formed a betting ring of Succession, 
onlookers, so to speak, "backing" their several 
candidates. The deposed and exiled king, Stan- 
islaus Leczinski, who received his crown from 
Charles XIL, and lost it after Pultowa, was the 
French candidate; for he had married his 
daughter to Louis XV. Frederick Augustus, of 
Saxony, son of the late king Augustus, was the 
Russian and Austrian candidate. The contest 
resulted in a double election, and out of that came 
war. Spain and Sardinia joined France, and the 
emperor had no allies. Hence the house of Aus- 
tria suffered greatly in the war, losing the Two 
Sicilies, which went to Spain, and were conferred 
on a younger son of the king, creating a third 
Bourbon monarchy. Part of the duchy of Milan Bourboji 
was also yielded by Austria to the king of Sar- """^^^hy 
dinia: and the duke of Lorraine, husband of the 



From Louis XIV to Washington 

emperor's daughter, Maria Theresa, gave up his 
duchy to Stanislaus, who renounced therefor his 
claim on the crown of Poland. The duke of 
Lorraine received as compensation a right of suc- 
cession to the grand duchy of Tuscany, where the 
Medicean house was about to expire. 

These were the principal consequences, humili- 
ating to Austria, of what is known as the First 
Family Compact of the French and Spanish 
Bourbons. That alliance between the two courts 
gave encouragement to hostile demonstrations in 
the Spanish colonies against English traders, who 
were accused of extensive smuggling, and the 
outcome was the petty war, already mentioned, 
between England and Spain, called "the War of 
Jenkins's Ear," which opened in 1739. 

History of 

I : ch. iii 

Memoirs of 
the House of 
burg, bk. 4, 
ch. iv-bk.9, 
ch. ii 



War of the Austrian Succession 

Before these hostilities were ended, another 
"war of succession," more wicked than any 
before it, was brought upon Europe. The em- 
peror, Charles VL, died in 1740, leaving no son, 
but transmitting his hereditary dominions to his 
eldest daughter, the celebrated Maria Theresa, 
married to the ex-duke of Lorraine. Years before 
his death he had sought to provide against any 
possible disputing of the succession, by an instru- 
ment known as the Pragmatic Sanction, to which 
he obtained, first, the assent of the estates of all 
the provinces and kingdoms of the Austrian 
realm, and, secondly, the guaranty by solemn 
treaty of almost every European power. He 

War of the Austrian Succession 963 

died In the belief that he had established his 
daughter securely, and left her to the enjoyment 
of a peaceful reign. It was a pitiful illusion. He 
was scarcely in his grave before half the guaran- 
tors of the Pragmatic Sanction were putting for- 
ward claims to this part and that part of the 
Austrian territories. The elector of Bavaria, the 
elector of Saxony (in his wife's name) and the p^j^j^i^^^ 
king of Spain, claimed the whole succession; the nessof the 
two first mentioned on grounds of collateral 8"^''^"'^°''* 
lineage, the latter (a Bourbon cuckoo in the 
Spanlsh-Hapsburg nest) as being the heir of the 
Hapsburgs of Spain. 

While these larger pretensions were still jostling 
each other In the diplomatic stage, a minor 
claimant, who said little but acted powerfully, 
sent his demands to the court of Vienna with an 
army following close at their heels. This was 
Frederick II., known later as Frederick the fheCreij. 
Great, who came to the throne of Prussia in 1740, oi Prussia 
being the third Prussian king. Frederick resus- 
citated an obsolete claim on Silesia and took pos- 
session of the province, without waiting for 
debate. If, anywhere, there had been virtuous 
hesitations before, his bold stroke ended them. 
France could not see her old Austrian rival dis- 
membered without hastening to grasp a share. 
She contracted with the Spanish king and the 
elector of Bavaria to enforce the latter's claims, The royal 
and to take the Austrian Netherlands in pros- hunters 
pect for compensation, while Spain should 
find indemnity in the Austro-Itallan states. 


and the 

out of the 
war and in 

From Louis XIV to Washington 

Frederick of Prussia, having Silesia In hand, 
offered to join Maria Theresa In defense of her 
remaining dominions; but his proposals were 
refused, and he entered the league against her. 
Saxony did the same. England and Sardinia 
were alone in befriending Austria, and England 
was only strong at sea. 

Maria Theresa found her heartiest support In 
Hungary, where she made a personal appeal to 
her subjects, and enlarged their constitutional 
privileges. In 1742 the elector of Bavaria was 
elected emperor, as Charles VII. In the same 
year, Maria Theresa, acting under pressure from 
England, gave up the greater part of Silesia to 
Frederick, by treaty, as a price paid, not for the 
help he had offered at first, but barely for his 
neutrality. He abandoned his allies and with- 
drew from the war. His retirement produced an 
Immense difference in the conditions of the con- 
test. Saxony made peace at the same time, and 
became an active ally on the Austrian side. So 
rapidly did the latter then recover their ground, 
and the French slip back, that Frederick, after 
two years of neutrality, became alarmed, and 
found a pretext to take up arms again, In alliance 
with France. 

The Austrians held their ground against this 
new combination of enemies (though English 
help was withdrawn), until Frederick, near the 
end of 1745, had crushed Saxony, their one 
effective ally. Then Maria Theresa, having the 
Spaniards and the French still to fight in Italy 

Results of the War 965 

and the Netherlands, could do nothing but make 
terms with the terrible Prussian king. The 
treaty, signed at Dresden on Christmas day, 1745, 
repeated the cession of Silesia to Frederick, Dresden, 
together with Glatz, and restored Saxony to the ^745 
humbled elector. 

France and Spain, deserted the second time by 
their faithless Prussian ally, continued the war 
until 1748, when the influence of England and Treaty of 
Holland brought about a treaty of peace signed Aix-ia- 

» . 1 ^1 11 T^ ' ^ 1 • r Chapelle, 

at Aix-la-Chapelle. Jt" ranee gamed nothmg from 1748 
the war, but had suffered a serious loss of prestige. 
Austria, besides giving up Silesia to Frederick of 
Prussia, was required to surrender a bit of ^hg^^-ar" 
Lombardy to the king of Sardinia, and to make 
over Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla to Don 
Philip of Spain, for an hereditary principality. 
In the circumstances, the result to Maria Theresa 
was a notable triumph, and she shared with her 
enemy, Frederick, the fruitage of fame harvested 
in the war. But antagonism between these two, 
and between the interests and ambitions which 
they represented, respectively, — dynastic on one 
side and national on the other, — was settled and 
irreconcilable henceforth, and could leave in 
Germany no durable peace. 

The Seven Years War in Europe 

The peace was broken, not for Germany alone, Cariyie. 
but for Europe and for almost the world at large, "i-'fllf 
in six years after the signing of the treaty of Aix- //., bk. 
la-Chapelle. The rupture occurred first very far ^^'^° 


From Louis XIV to Washington 

the Great 
and the 
Years War 


in America 
and India 


the Great 

The great 

tion against 

from Europe — on the other sides of the globe, In 
America and Hindostan, where the rival ambi- 
tions of Great Britain and France had brought 
them to a final and decisive clash of arms. Of 
those remote conflicts, in the western and eastern 
worlds, we shall speak later on. Their connection 
with the hateful war about to distress Europe 
again is in the fact that they fired the train, so to 
speak, which caused a great explosion of hos- 
tilities that might otherwise have been suppressed 
for a longer time. 

If the English crown had not been worn by a 
German king, having a German principality to 
defend, the French and English might have 
fought out their quarrel on the ocean, and in the 
wilderness of America, or on the plains of the 
Carnatic, without disturbing their continental 
neighbors. But the anxiety of George II. to 
strengthen his electorate of Hanover against 
attacks from France led him into an alliance with 
Frederick of Prussia, which broke the long- 
standing alliance of England with Austria. This 
drove Austria to join fortunes with her ancient 
Bourbon enemy, in order to be helped to the 
revenge which Maria Theresa now promised her- 
self the pleasure of executing upon the Prussian 
king. As the combination shaped itself finally on 
the French side, it embraced France, Austria, 
Russia, Sweden, Poland, Saxony, and the Palati- 
nate, and Its Inspiring purpose was to break 
Prussia down and partition her territories, rather 
than to support France against England. The 



The Seven Years War in Europe i 967 

agreements to this end were made In secret; but 
Frederick obtained knowledge of them, and 
learned that papers in proof of the conspiracy 
against him were in the archives of the Saxon 
government, at Dresden. His action was decided 
with that promptitude which so often discon- 
certed his enemies. He did not wait to be 
attacked by the tremendous league formed 
against him, nor waste time in efforts to dissolve 
it, but defiantly struck the first blow. He poured 
his army into Saxony, seized Dresden by surprise, 
captured the documents he desired, and published 
them to the world, in vindication of his summary 
precipitation of war. Then, blockading the 
Saxon army in Pirna, he pressed rapidly into ^'^ ^'^^^ 

, . campaign, 

Bohemia, defeated the Austrians at Lowositz, and 1756 
returned as rapidly, to receive the surrender of the 
Saxons and to enlist most of them In his own 
ranks. This was the European opening of the Years war. 
Seven Years War, which raged, first and last, in 
all quarters of the globe. 

In the second year of the war, Frederick gained 
an important victory at Prague and suffered a 
serious reverse at Kolin, which threw most of 
Silesia into the hands of the Austrians. Close 
following that defeat came crushing news from 
Hanover, where the incompetent duke of Cum- 
berland, commanding for his father, the English 
king George, had allowed the French to force him 
to an agreement which disbanded his army, and 
left Prussia alone in the terrific fight. Frederick's 
position seemed desperate; but his energy re- 


of 1757- 

of I7S9- 

of the com- 

From Louis XIV to Washington 

trieved it. He fought and defeated the French at 
Rossbach, near Liitzen, on the 5th of November^ 
and the Austrians, at Leuthen, near Breslau, 
exactly one month later. In the campaigns of 
1758, he encountered the Russians at Zorndorf, 
winning a bloody triumph, and he sustained a 
defeat at Hochkirk, in battle with the Austrians. 

But England had repudiated Cumberland's 
convention and recalled him; English and 
Hanoverian forces were again put into the field, 
under the capable command of Prince Ferdinand 
of Brunswick, who turned the tide in that quarter 
against the French, and the results of the year 
were favorable to Frederick. In 1759, the Hano- 
verian army, under Prince Ferdinand, improved 
the situation on that side; but the prospects of 
the king of Prussia were clouded by heavy disas- 
ters. Attempting to push a victory over the 
Russians too far, at Kunersdorf, he was terribly 
beaten. He lost Dresden, and a great part of 
Saxony. In the next year he recovered all but 
Dresden, which he wantonly and inhumanly bom- 

The war was now carried on with great diffi- 
culty by all the combatants. Prussia, France and 
Austria were suffering almost equally from 
exhaustion; the misery among their people was 
too great to be ignored; the armies of each had 
dwindled. The opponents of Pitt's war policy in 
England overcame him, in October, 1761, where- 
upon he resigned, and the English subsidy to 
Frederick was withdrawn. But that was soon 

The Seven Years War in America 969 

made up to him by the withdrawal of Russia from 
the war, at the beginning of 1762, when Peter of 
Holstein, who admired Frederick, became tzar. 
Sweden made peace a little later. The remainder 
of the worn and wearied fighters went on striking 
at each other until near the end of the year. 

Meantime, on the colonial and East Indian 
side of it, this prodigious Seven Years War, as a 
great struggle for world-empire between England 
and France, had been adding conquest to con- 
quest and triumph to triumph for the British 


The Seven Years War in America 

In the preceding War of the Austrian Succes- 
sion the New Englanders, who named it "King 
George's War," had exchanged some hard blows 
with their French neighbors, and had accom- 
plished a glorious capture of the fortified naval 
station of France at Louisbourg, on the island of 
Cape Breton. Their exertions and successes were drcum- 
useless, however, for the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle ^^^"'^^ 
restored Louisbourg to the enemy, and left all of 
the old disputes concerning boundaries of French 
and English territory in America to breed fresh 
quarrels, and an early renewal of war. That con- 
sequence was hastened by the vigorous proceed- 
ings of the French in the west. Having begun 
colonization on the lower Mississippi (Louisiana) 
as early as 1699, founding New Orleans in 1718, TheFrench 
and having established their military posts along possefsion 
the Great Lakes and on the Wabash and Illinois of the Ohio 

, , . , . (■ valley, 

nvers, they began, m 1749, to take possession of 1749-1753 


From Louis XIV to Washington 


Century of 
Conflict, i: 
ch. xvii 

ton into 

with the 

the upper tributaries of the Ohio, crossing Lake 
Erie near its eastern extremity, and entering the 
western part of the province granted to Penn. 
Four years later they built forts on one of the 
branches of the Allegheny, known since as French 
Creek. This brought them very close to the 
mountain borders of settlement in Pennsylvania; 
but that pacific Quaker colony was heedless of the 
encroachment, and left remonstrance to Virginia, 
which claimed the invaded territory, by virtue of 
the interpretation it had given to its charter of 

It was then that George Washington made his 
entrance into history. He had barely reached 
manhood, but was adjutant-general of the militia 
of Virginia, and was chosen by Governor Din- 
widdle to convey a warning to the intrusive 
French commander, that he had trespassed on 
English soil. Washington, with a guide, and a 
small escort, made his way through the wilderness 
to Fort Le Boeuf and delivered his message, 
which, of course, had no effect. On his return he 
was appointed to command a force of two hun- 
dred men, for the support of a working party that 
was sent out, in the spring of 1754, to build a fort 
at the junction of the Allegheny and the Monon- 
gahela, where Pittsburgh now stands. The work- 
ing party reached the chosen ground In advance 
of Its military support, and was driven off by the 
French, who proceeded to build a fort of their 
own, which they called Fort Duquesne. When 
Washington and his men approached the place 


From the original painting by Jean Baptiste Greuze (1725-1805), now in the Public 

Library, Boston 

The Colonial Congress at Albany 97 i*^ 

they came into collision with a French scouting 
party, and that encounter opened the conflict 
that was decisive of the destiny of the American 
world. Falling back to Great Meadows, the 
young Virginian built a small fort, which he 
called Fort Necessity, and attempted to hold his 
ground; but the French brought such numbers 
of their Indian allies against him that he made 
terms with them and was allowed to withdraw 
his men. 

Most of the colonies — New York and Penn- 
sylvania especially — showed a singular indiffer- 
ence to these French encroachments; but the 
British government saw the seriousness of the Colonial 

" . , . , . congress at 

move. It called a congress of colonial commis- Albany, 
sloners, at Albany, in June, 1754, which arranged ^'^^'^ 
a firmer alliance with the Six Nations, and which 
proceeded then to consider the important subject 
of colonial union. Benjamin Franklin, one of the 
commissioners from Pennsylvania, submitted a 
plan of union which the congress adopted, with 
some amendments, and recommended to the 
provincial assemblies and to the authorities at 
home. The scheme contemplated a general 
government for the provinces, under a president- ^o,°2^ °^ 
general, to be appointed by the crown, and a union 
grand council of representatives, chosen by the 
several colonial assemblies. Neither the colonists 
nor the home government were satisfied with this 
plan. As Franklin, In his autobiography, de- 
scribes their reception of it, "the assemblies did 
not adopt it, as they all thought there was too 


From Louis XIV to Washington 


Opening of 
the war in 


and IVolfe, 
2 : ch. vii-x 

July 19, 

much prerogative in it, and in England it was 
judged to have too much of the democratic." 
The EngHsh board of trade, which had charge of 
colonial affairs, prepared another scheme, 
"whereby," says Franklin, "the governors of the 
provinces, with some members of their respective 
councils, were to meet and order the raising of 
troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the 
treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which 
was afterward to be refunded by an act of parlia- 
ment, laying a tax on America." Thus, in Eng- 
land, the determination to tax the colonies by 
authority of parliament for the cost of their 
defense was becoming fixed, and the final conflict 
with France was undertaken with that in view. 

Early in 1755 considerable forces were sent to 
America from both England and France, General 
Braddock commanding the English and Baron 
Dieskau those of the French. At a conference in 
Virginia, where Braddock and his army were 
landed, four movements against the French were 
planned. The main expedition, directed against 
Fort Duquesne, was led by Braddock, who knew 
nothing of wilderness warfare with savages, and 
who would take no advice. The consequence was 
that dreadful disaster which is familiar to every 
reader as "Braddock's defeat." Ambushed in the 
forest, near Fort Duquesne, by hidden foes, who 
fired from behind trees, he scorned to let his men 
defend themselves In the same backwoods 
fashion, but held them In battle order till they 
broke and fled wildly, leaving their wounded to be 

English Expeditions Against the French 973 

tomahawked and scalped. Braddock was 
wounded mortally, and 800 of the 2,200 in his 
command are believed to have been lost. Wash- 
ington had taken a place on the staff of the 
unfortunate British general, and performed 
heroic service in collecting and saving the fugitive 
remnant of the army; but the whole Pennsyl- 
vania frontier was abandoned to the merciless 
savages for some months. 

Of the other expeditions concerted with Gen- 
eral Braddock, one, intended for the capture of other 
Fort Niagara, at the outlet of the Niagara River, expeditions 
went no farther than Oswego. Another, against 
Crown Point, commanded by Colonel William 
Johnson, superintendent of Indian affairs in New 
York (afterward Sir William Johnson), won an 
important victory, near the head of Lake George, 
wounding and capturing Baron Dieskau; but the 
object of its undertaking was not gained. The 
remaining movement, planned for the expulsion 
of the French from the Bay of Fundy and its 
neighborhood, where they kept up intrigues with 
the Acadian French of Nova Scotia, had complete 

Since Nova Scotia was ceded to Great Britain ^^ 
by the treaty of Utrecht, in 171 3, its French scotia 
inhabitants had stubbornly maintained their 
allegiance to France, encouraged to do so, 
apparently, by intriguing French priests. Until 
1749 they formed practically the total population 
of the province, and the king of England was said 
to have not one truly loyal subject in the Acadian 


From Louis XIV to Washington 

of Halifax, 

of the 


Marquis de 


of British 

peninsula, outside of the fort at Annapolis. In 
that year the situation was changed somewhat 
by the sending out of twenty-five hundred British 
settlers, at government expense, to found a colony 
where the city of Halifax now stands. This had 
strengthened the English footing in that region; 
but the irreconcilable attitude of the Acadians 
caused troubles which provoked a cruel measure. 
In 1755 they were taken by force from their 
homes, in large numbers, and shipped to different 
points in the English colonies, whence many of 
them made their way to the Louisiana settlements 
of the French. From the incidents of this harsh 
measure, Longfellow wove the pathetic tale in his 
poem of "Evangeline." 

Baron Dieskau was succeeded by the marquis 
de Montcalm, while Braddock was replaced by 
Lord Loudon; and these appointments proved 
greatly to the advantage of the French. Things 
went badly with the British for the next two 
years. Then came an astonishing change. In 
1758, when William Pitt, afterward earl of Chat- 
ham, rose to power In the English ministry, and 
infused his high spirit and his surpassing energy 
into every arm of the government and every 
movement of the war. Loulsbourg was taken 
again that year; the French were driven from 
Fort Duquesne, and Fort Frontenac, on the north 
shore of Lake Ontario, was destroyed. One 
dreadful disaster was sustained, at Fort Ticon- 
deroga, on the outlet from Lake George into Lake 
Champlain, where a blundering assault on the 

British Conquest of Canada 975 

works was repulsed with awful slaughter. Lord 
Howe, the capable second officer in command, 
who might have prevented the useless carnage, 
had been killed in a chance encounter, a few days 

The crowning British victory was won in the British 
next year (September 13, 1759), when Quebec, the qSIV 
citadel of Canada, was taken by General Wolfe, ^7S9 
who died on the battlefield, while Montcalm, his 
antagonist, received a mortal wound. Crown 
Point, Ticonderoga, Niagara, and Duquesne had 
been surrendered or abandoned before the fall of 
Quebec. In other quarters the French forces 
continued a hopeless struggle until September, 
1760, when the surrender of Montreal carried of Canada 
with it the surrender throughout Canada and the l^^J^ ^^^ 
west of all the French forces in arms. 

Forgetting the rights of the native occupants of 
the country, the English deemed this a sufficient 
acquisition by conquest, and took possession 
without seeking the assent of the Indian tribes, 
whose friendship had been cultivated carefully by 
the French. The consequence was a great com- 
bination formed against them by Pontiac, an 
Ottawa chief, and a nearly simultaneous attack 
on all their western posts. In May and June, 1763. 
Generally their garrisons were taken by surprise, 1763-1764 
and were overcome almost everywhere, except „ , 
at Detroit and Fort Pitt. The siege of Detroit, Conspiracy 
by Pontiac in person, was maintained for six °^ ""'''^ 
months, the garrison holding out till relieved. At 
last, In 1764, Pontlac's league was broken up and 


976 From Louis XIV to Washington 

terms of peace were arranged with most of the 


The French 
in the 

Decay of 
the Moehul 

The Seven Years War in India 

In India, as well as in America, the ambitions of 
France suffered defeat. She had acquired a 
slender footing in that country about 1674, by the 
purchase of ground and the founding of a small 
settlement at Pondicherry, on the Carnatic coast. 
Until the time of the outbreak of the War of the 
Austrian Succession, this little French colony had 
seemed too unimportant to arouse jealousy on the 
part of the English, or the least alarm. But 
when, in that war, Madras was taken from them 
(though restored at the end), and they failed in a 
retaliating attack on Pondicherry, they began to 
realize that the French, as neighbors in Hindo- 
stan, must be taken into account. A new con- 
ception, too, of the opportunities of the Indian 
field was awakened in French minds. An 
energetic governor at Pondicherry, Dupleix by 
name, saw what advantages might be gained by 
interfering in the perpetual native wars that were 
ruining India more and more. He disciplined a 
body of native troops, brought it to a state of 
great efficiency, and began using it in alliances 
which decided many neighboring conflicts, with 
an immense promotion of French influence and 

The Moghul empire was now far gone in a 
decline that began in Aurungzebe's time. That 
monarch had to strive with incessant revolts, 

The Seven Years War in India 977 

particularly in the southern part of India, known 
as the Deccan. In the central and western sec- 
tions of that region the Hindu population was 
persistent in insurrections until, under the name 
of Mahrattas, it established a formidable inde- Mahrattasi 
pendent power. The ruin of the empire was 
hastened by an Invasion, in 1739, from Persia, 
where a famous soldier of fortune. Nadir Shah, 

. Nadir 

had won the throne. Nadir took Delhi, butchered shah's 
many thousands of its inhabitants, stripped it of j"^g'°"' 
all the wealth he could remove and returned to 
his own country, leaving a nominal "great 
moghul" on the throne, but one whose sover- 
eignty was almost destroyed. "The different 
provinces and viceroyalties went their own 
natural way; they were parcelled out in a scuffle 
among revolted governors, rebellious chiefs, 
leaders of insurgent tribes or sects, religious 
revivalists, or captains of mercenary bands. The 
Indian people were becoming a masterless mul- ^f^ If the 
titude swaying to and fro in the political storm, British 

, , . . , Dominion 

and chngmg to any power, natural or super- ,„ india, 
natural, that seemed likely to protect them." c!i- 'v., sect. 
The opportunity for a strong European race to 
make itself that protecting and masterful power 
had been prepared to perfection, and Duplelx, the 
French governor at Pondicherry, was, appar- 
ently, the iirst to discern the fact. 

Among the native princes who had established 
themselves, with substantial independence, in 
different parts of the Deccan, the most important 
was the Nizam-ul-mulk, or imperial viceroy, as The Nizam 


The nawab 
of the 

Advent of 




Lord Clive 

Capture of 
Arcot, 1751 

From Louis XIV to Washington 

he was contented with being styled, whose seat 
of government was at Hyderabad. In 1748 the 
throne of that important princlpahty became 
vacant, and was claimed by rival pretenders, one 
of whom triumphed and slew his opponent by 
means of help received from Dupleix. The 
English, in their neighboring presidency of 
Madras, lost prestige and influence among the 
^natives by permitting the French to assume such 
control of this important affair. They were 
anxious to lend aid to a son of the defeated prince, 
who held one city, Trichlnopoly, where he was 
besieged by the nawab (nabob) of the Carnatic, 
one of the vassals of the Nizam; but they had not 
prepared themselves to cope with the trained 
sepoy army of Dupleix. Their situation was 
discouraging in the last degree. Good fortune, 
however, had brought into their employ a young 
man, Robert Clive, who was capable of putting a 
new face on affairs if they gave him the chance, 
which they did. Clive, originally a clerk in the 
counting-rooms of the East India Company, had 
got himself transferred to the more congenial 
military branch of its service, and was now a 
commissary of the little force at Madras. He 
offered to draw the nawab of the Carnatic away 
from Trichlnopoly, by attacking Arcot, his 
capital, and the Madras authorities allowed him 
to make the attempt. With 200 British soldiers 
and 300 sepoys he took Arcot (September, 1751), 
and held it against 10,000 of the nawab's forces, 
through a trying siege of fifty days. From this 

French and English Rivalry in India 979 

time the prestige and influence of the English 
went up and that of the French went down, until 
poor Dupleix was called home in disgrace the next 
year. Give, too, went home to England to repair 
the health which his prodigious exertions had 
broken, and to receive honors, well earned. 

In lyqi: Clive returned to India, a commis- _,. 
sioned lieutenant-colonel in the British army and emorof 
governor of Fort St. David, one of the possessions ^'^^-^^^^^^ 
of the Company a little south of Pondicherry. 
Very soon he was called upon to rescue Calcutta 
from a situation far worse than the one he had 
redeemed at Madras. In 1756 the viceroy alty of 
Bengal, — practically an independent principality, 
like other viceroyalties in the empire, — descended 
to an ignorant, vicious youth, Surajah Dowlah, s^^ajah 
who was seized at once with a desire to plunder Dowlah 
the English settlement at Calcutta, which he 
imagined to be full of wealth. Fort William, 
unprepared to resist the great army he led against 
it, was taken with ease, and the captive English, 
one hundred and forty-six in number, were 
driven, on a night of fierce heat, into the garrison 
prison-cell, a room only twenty feet square, 
known since by the dreadfully famous name of 
"the Black Hole of Calcutta." "Nothing in "The Black 

° Hole of 

history or fiction," says Lord Macaulay, "not Calcutta" 
even the story which Ugolino told in the sea of 
everlasting ice, after he had wiped his bloody lips 
on the scalp of his murderer, approaches the 
horrors which were recounted by the few sur- 
vivors of that night." The survivors were only 


From Louis XIV to Washington 


ment of 

The battle 
of Plassey, 



twenty-three, "ghastly figures, such as their own 
mothers would not have known," who staggered 
from the charnel-house in the morning, when the 
door was opened by the pitiless guards. 

Clive was the man chosen at Madras to chas- 
tise the perpetrator of his hideous crime. With 
900 British troops and 1,500 sepoys, he drove the 
Bengalee forces from Calcutta and its neighbor- 
hood, and then was persuaded by the mercantile 
representatives of the East India Company to 
accept terms which the offending nawab was 
willing to make. But Surajah Dowlah soon gave 
occasion for distrust, by intriguing with the 
French, and a conspiracy was entered into with 
his general, Meer Jaffier, who wished to supplant 
him on the vice-regal throne. On the strength of 
Meer Jaffier's promises, Clive, with 1,000 English 
and 2,000 sepoys, marched boldly against Moor- 
shedabad, Surajah Dowlah's capital, and was 
confronted at the village of Plassey by a native 
army of 60,000, including 15,000 mounted men. 
Meer Jaffier showed no sign of the treachery he 
had promised; but Clive determined, neverthe- 
less, to give battle, and his audacity won the day. 
The nawab's hosts were routed, and he fled, even 
abandoning his capital, in disguise. Meer 
Jaffier, though tardy In joining the English, was 
enthroned at Moorshedabad, with a formal 
patent of Investiture obtained from the "great 
moghul," and Surajah Dowlah was put to death. 
By shameful treachery on the part of Clive, an 
influential Hindu, Omichund, who arranged the 

British Supremacy in India 981 

plot with Meer Jaffier, was cheated of the large 
reward he had stipulated to be paid. 

Historians In general treat the British Empire 
in India as dating from the battle of Plassey, 
fought on the 23d of June, 1757. From that time 
British authority was supreme In Bengal. The g . . , 
nawab of that great province was a puppet supremacy 
moved by English hands; and very soon the '"^^"sai 
"great moghul" himself was nothing more. 

The French In the Carnatic had now been rein- 
forced heavily, and under a vigorous new com- 
mander, Count de Lally, became formidable 
again. They captured Fort St. David and laid 
siege to Madras; but were driven off by the 
timely arrival of a British fleet, while their opera- ^^"g^'^"^ 
tlons In other quarters were checked by a force French in 
which Cllve sent against them, under Colonel lyj^ijeo 
Ford. In 1759 the command at Madras was 
taken by Colonel Coote, afterward Sir Eyre 
Coote, and, within the next two years, that 
brilliant soldier extinguished the hope of a French 
dominion in HIndostan. He struck the decisive „, , 


blow In a battle at Wandewash, and finished his wash, 1760 
work by capturing Pondlcherry in the following 

In that year, 1761, the English demonstrated 
their actual sovereignty In Bengal by deposing 
Meer Jaffier and seating his son-in-law In his 
place. The latter failed to understand that he 
was a puppet, and attempted to break the strings 
which pulled him; whereupon he was driven out 
and took refuge with the nawab of Oudh. That 


Final sub- 
jection of 
the "great 

empire in 

Treaties of 
Paris and 
burg, 1763 

From Louis XIV to Washington 

prince, and the reigning emperor, Shah Aulum, or 
Alam, adopted his cause, and united their forces, 
challenging war. To complicate the situation a 
sepoy mutiny broke out. The mutiny was quelled 
with a stern hand, by Major Munro, afterward 
Sir Hector Munro, and the same officer shattered 
the united armies of the "great moghul" and his 
vassal of Oudh, at Baxar, in 1764. From that 
time the imperial figure at Delhi claims little 
attention in East Indian history, though it 
remains as a decoration of the stage for almost a 
century more. 

Ck)nquests of England 

The British triumph in the east, as well as in 
the west, went almost beyond belief. To use the 
language of Macaulay, "conquests equalling in 
rapidity and far surpassing in magnitude those of 

Cortes and Pizarro, had been achieved. 

In the 

space of three years the English had founded a 
mighty empire. The French had been defeated 
in every part of India." "Throughout Bengal, 
Bahar, Orissa, and the Carnatic, the authority of 
the East India Company was more absolute than 
that of Acbar or Aurungzebe had ever been." 

In February, 1763, two treaties of peace were 
concluded, one at Paris, on the loth, between 
England, France and Spain (the latter power 
having joined France in the war as late as Janu- 
ary, 1762); the other at Hubertsburg, on the 
15th, between Prussia and Austria. France gave 
up to England all her possessions in North 

British Exploration of the Pacific 983 

America, except Louisiana (which passed to Territorial 

' ^ ^ '■ cessions oi 

Spain), and yielded Minorca. She surrendered, France 
moreover, considerable interests in the West 
Indies and in Africa. The colonial aspirations 
of the French were cast down by a blow that 
was lasting in Its effect. Spain ceded Florida 
and all territory east of the Mississippi to Great 
Britain, but recovered Havana, which the 
British had taken in 1762. 

British exploration of the Pacific 

It was now, when the Imperial ambitions of the 
British government were excited by Its first great 
expansions of exterior dominion, that It began to 
send out official expeditions for the exploration of 
the vast uncharted expanses of the Pacific. 
Commodore Byron, In 1764, and Captains Wallls 
and Carteret, In 1766, sailed on voyages of search 
and survey which located some islands not known 
before, and learned many things of Importance to c%tT^ ° 


geography and trade. Then came the famous Cook, 
three voyages of Captain Cook, which occupied 
most of the years from 1768 to 1779. In those 
voyages the original discoveries of Cook were less 
important than the careful examinations that he 
made of many Islands and coasts which Portu- 
guese, Dutch and Spanish navigators had seen or 
visited long before. He explored two thousand 
miles of the coast of Australia (known then as 
New Holland), and took formal possession of the taken of 
country in the name of the king, naming Botany Australia 
Bay, from the wealth of the botanical collections 

984 From Louis XIV to Washington 

that were gathered on its shores, and caUIng the 

whole region New South Wales. This led, a few 

years later, to the establishment of an English 

First con- pcnal colony, not at Botany Bay, but on the 

vict settle- neighboring great harbor of Port Jackson, where 

ment, 1788 ^ . ?CJ JT-ui-rT 

the city 01 bydney now stands. 1 he ILnglish 
occupation of Australia was thus begun. New 
Zealand and New Guinea were extensively 
coasted by Cook; he rediscovered the 
Hawaiian Islands (sighted more than two 
centuries before by one Gaetano), and he 
explored more than two thousand miles of 
the western North American coast, searching 
for the long-coveted northern passage from sea 
to sea. 

Prussia and Frederick the Great 

As between Prussia and Austria, the glories of 
the Seven Years War were won entirely by the 
former. Frederick came out of it, " Frederick the 
Great," the most famous man of his century, as 
warrior and as statesman, both. He had defended 
his little kingdom for seven years against three 
great powers, and yielded not one acre of its ter- 
ritory. He had raised Prussia to the place in 
Germany from which her subsequent advance 
became easy and almost inevitable. But the 
great fame he earned is spotted with many falsi- 
ties and much cynical indifference to the com- 
monest ethics of civilization. His greatness is of 
that character which requires to be looked at 
from selected standpoints. 

Catherine I 


Frederick the Great — ^The Tzarinas 985 


Another character, somewhat resembling that 
of Frederick, was now drawing attention on the 
eastern side of Europe. Since the death of Peter 
the Great, the interval in Russian history had 
been covered by six reigns, with a seventh just 
opening, and the four sovereigns who really ^^^^ 
exercised power were women. Peter's widow, tzarinas 
Catherine I., had succeeded him for two years. 
His son, Alexis, he had put to death; but Alexis 
left a son, Peter, to whom Catherine bequeathed 
the crown. Peter II. died after a brief reign, and 
the nearest heirs were two daughters of Peter the 
Great, Anne and Elizabeth. But they were set 
aside in favor of another Anne — Anne of Courland 
— daughter of Peter the Great's brother. Anne's 
reign of ten years was under the influence of 
German favorites and ministers, and nearly half 
of it was occupied with a Turkish war, in coopera- 
tion with Austria. For Austria the war had most 
humiliating results, costing her Belgrade, all of 
Servia, part of Bosnia and part of Wallachia. 
Russia won back Asov, with fortifications for- 
bidden, and that was all. Anne willed her crown 
to an infant nephew, who appears in the Russian 
annals as Ivan VI.; but two regencies were over- 
thrown by palace revolutions within little more 
than a year, and the second one carried to the 
throne that princess Elizabeth, younger daughter 
of Peter the Great, who had been put aside eleven ,74^-1761' 
years before. Elizabeth, a woman openly licen- 
tious and intemperate, reigned for twenty-one 


From Louis XIV to Washington 


of South 


ski, The 
Romance of 
an Empress 

years, during the whole important period of the 
War of the Austrian Succession, and almost to the 
end of the Seven Years War. She was bitterly 
hostile to Frederick the Great, whose sharp 
tongue had offended her, and she joined Maria 
Theresa with eagerness in the great effort of 
revenge, which failed. In the early part of her 
reign, war with Sweden had been more successful 
and had added South Finland to the Russian 
territories. It is claimed for her domestic govern- 
ment that the general prosperity of the country 
was advanced. 

On the death of Elizabeth, near the end of the 
year 1761, the crown passed to her nephew, Peter 
of Holstein, son of her eldest sister, Anne, who 
had married the duke of Holstein. This prince 
had been the recognized heir, living at the 
Russian court, during the whole of Elizabeth's 
reign. He was an ignorant boor, and he had 
become a sot. Since 1744 he had been married to 
a young German princess of the Anhalt Zerbst 
family, who took the baptismal name of Cather- 
ine when she entered the Greek church. Cather- 
ine possessed a superior intellect and a strong 
character; but the vile court into which she came 
as a young girl, bound to a disgusting husband, 
had debauched her in morals and lowered her to 
its own vileness of life. She gained so great an 
ascendancy that the court was subservient to her, 
from the time that her incapable husband, Peter 
III., succeeded to the throne. He reigned by 
sufference for a year and a half, and then he was 

Catherine II. of Russia — George III. of England 987 

deposed and put to death. In the deposition, ^J°^'^'°" 
Catherine was the leading actor. Of the subse- ofPeteriii. 
quent murder, some historians are disposed to 
acquit her. She did not scruple, at least, to 
accept the benefit of both deeds, which raised 
her, alone, to the throne of the tzars. 

Great Britain and her colonies under George III. 

In October, 1760, the crown of Great Britain 
passed from George II. to his grandson, George 
III. It was the year in which France had been 
driven from both India and America, and the 
young sovereign found his kingdom expanded 
suddenly into the greatest of world-empires, 
dominant in both extremities of the globe and 
unmatched on the wide sea. There was much in 
the circumstances of his accession to fill him with 
the pride of a "grand monarch," and he had been 
trained by his mother to hold German ideas of ^^^^ 
the prerogatives of a king. With no small reason, George's 

r o o 1 • 1 notions oi 

as we have seen, those who leaned to such ideas kingship 
could look on the English system of ministerial 
government as an accidental growth of recent 
years, having no constitutional stamp. The 
foreignness of the late kings had given their 
ministers an opportunity to encroach on the 
prerogatives of the crown; but the accession of 
an English-born and English-bred sovereign 
brought that opportunity to an end. The young 
king was taught to believe that such encroach- 
ments should be checked. 

With not much difficulty, the king's notions of 




(2d Essay) 

and the 


From Louis XIV to Washington 

his kingship were carried Into the government, 
sustained by a new Tory party that he drew 
around him. Pitt and other statesmen of inde- 
pendence were driven out of the cabinet, and It 
was filled with men known as "the king's 
friends," — chief among them Lord Bute, an un- 
distinguished Scotchman, but a special favorite 
at court, Bute became soon so unpopular that 
even royal favor could not keep him at the head 
of affairs, and he withdrew. He was able, how- 
ever, to name his successor, George Grenvllle, and 
Grenvllle carried the principles of the new Tory- 
ism Into practice with no hesitating hand. His 
opening move was an attempt to make criticism 
of the king's speeches to parliament a punishable 
offense. One John Wilkes, a member of parlia- 
ment, and proprietor and conductor of a journal 
entitled The North Briton^ presumed to publish 
such a criticism, and was pursued for years with 
prosecutions and persecutions that created the 
most serious political Issue of the time. He was 
not a reputable man; but he was raised to the 
distinction of a popular hero by the questions of 
freedom for opinion and speech that were In- 
volved In his case. A great constituency in 
London elected him to parliament again and 
again, and the house of commons, more servile 
than the courts of law, refused to admit him to 
his seat. This went on till public feeling had 
been excited to a dangerous heat, and, in the end, 
king, ministers and parliament had to bow to the 
will of the constituency that elected Wilkes. 

Patrick Henry Addressing Virginia Assembly 

From the painting by Peter F. Rothermel (1817-1895), now in the Academy at Philadelphia 

George III. and the American Colonies 989 

The king and "the king's friends" had done 
badly in their undertakings at home; they did 
worse in the colonies, so far as ultimate conse- 
quences were concerned. Naturally their Ideas coionia"^' 
of colonial policy were the Ideas of a paternal policy 
government, administered with a stern face, a 
heavy hand and an unspared rod. Grenvllle, 
acting with Charles Townshend, president of the 
board of trade, began the realizing of those ideas, 
in 1763, with a proposal to parliament that 
twenty regiments should be kept In America, at 
the cost of the colonies after the first year. The 
next step was a measure authorizing the employ- 
ment of the navy in the service of the custom- 
house, to enforce the "acts of trade." The third 
was a revival, with some amendment, of an 


exasperating old law, called "the Sugar Act," or Molasses 
"the Molasses Act," which had for Its object to ^ct, 1763 
prevent the New Englanders from buying sugar 
or molasses in the French West Indies instead of ^^)^' , 

Jtlistory of 

in the English Islands. By exchanging fish, England, 
lumber and staves with the French planters for Century,y. 
molasses, which they converted into rum and 332-337 
sold elsewhere, the New England merchants were 
able to obtain money in hand wherewith to buy 
English goods; and this was their principal 
source of cash. Former English governments had 
seen that the Molasses Act would strike a stupid 
blow at English as well as colonial trade, and it 
had not been enforced, until Grenvllle and 
Townshend took it up and made it an effective 
irritant of colonial discontent. A fourth measure 


From Louis XIV to Washington 

of settlers 
from the 

The Stamp'' 
Act, 1765 

History for 
(Full text) 

Life of 
son, ch. iv 


"Sons of 

tion agree- 

in the same year was the immediate act of the 
king, who issued a proclamation ordering all 
white settlers away from the region west of the 
Alleghenles, setting apart that whole vast 
domain, just wrested from France, for the use of 
the Indian tribes, proposing thus to bar the 
colonies from any further westward growth. 
Then came the crowning measure of the new 
colonial policy, in the famous "Stamp Act," fore- 
shadowed in 1764 by a series of "declaratory 
resolves," and made law in the following spring. 
This long-threatened and long-postponed taxa- 
tion by parliament of an unrepresented people 
roused only some vigorous remonstrance in the 
colonies at first; but feeling warmed against it as 
the time for introducing the obnoxious stamps 
drew near, especially after the famous speech of 
Patrick Henry, in Virginia, had been published 
far and wide. A congress of delegates, held at 
New York, in October, 1765, adopted a temperate 
declaration of "the most essential rights and 
liberties of the colonists," while less orderly 
people, forming associations called "Sons of 
Liberty," Indulged in demonstrations that be- 
came riotous at times, and that led in a few 
instances, at Boston and elsewhere, to shameful 
doings by senseless mobs. Generally, the officials 
appointed to sell the stamps were frightened Into 
resigning, and a large part of the stamps sent out 
were destroyed; but the most effectual expression 
of colonial feeling was in agreements to wear 
homespun and to use no English-made goods. 

a -; 

^ Co 


< c 


Various Causes of Discontent 991 

This was done to an extent that became serious to 
English trade. British merchants and manu- 
facturers were thus aroused against the Stamp 
Act, bringing an influence that helped Pitt and 
other statesmen, who opposed the measure on 
principle, to bring about its repeal. 

Before this occurred, Grenville had lost favor 
with the king and a more moderate cabinet had 
been formed. It was this ministry, under the Rgpe^i ^f 
marquis of Rockingham, that carried the repeal the Stamp 
of the offensive act; but parliament, at the same 
time, recorded a formal assertion of its right to 
legislate for the colonies "in all cases whatso- 
ever." The Rockingham ministry was short- 
lived, and gave way to one which Pitt was per- 
suaded to lend his name to, but over which he 
exercised no control. He was broken in health, 
and gave up service in the house of commons, _ 
acceptmg a peerage as earl 01 Chatham, and eariof 
Charles Townshend, champion of a rigorous ^^^^^^'^ 
colonial policy, became the ruling spirit in the 
government. Townshend's measures, which 
parliament made law for him, were sharp. By he°i!dT 
one bill he imposed duties in the colonies on wine, measures 
oil, fruits, glass, paper, lead, painters' colors and 
tea, for a revenue to support civil government in 
them and provide for their defense. By another 
he created a colonial civil list of crown officials, 
dependent wholly on the pleasure of the king. 
These and other measures of the same antagonism 
to local self-government aroused even more feel- 
ing than the Stamp Act had done. The feeling 


From Louis XIV to Washington 







ch. 7 

Repeal of 
ezcept on 
tea, 1770 

was deepened profoundly by a series of "Farmer's 
Letters," as they came to be known, published by 
John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, in which the 
"dangerous innovation" of the Townshend acts 
was discussed in a soberly impressive way. 
Another powerful influence on colonial feeling 
was exercised at this time by addresses to the 
king and his ministers, and by circular letters to 
the colonial assemblies, sent forth by the Massa- 
chusetts assembly, probably all from the vigorous 
pen of Samuel Adams, who now stands forth, a 
commanding figure in the American history of 
the next few years. 

Once more an effectual pressure on the sensitive 
nerves of British commerce was brought to bear, 
by a systematic organization of agreements to 
abstain from the use of English-made goods. 
Virginia led the way In this movement, and 
Washington drew up the resolutions that gave It 
form. Townshend was now dead, and Lord 
North, who succeeded him as the mouthpiece of 
the king's wishes, gave way to the renewed com- 
plaints of the business world, and proposed a 
repeal of all the Townshend duties except the 
duty on tea. It was the king's demand that the 
tea duty should remain "as a mark of the suprem- 
acy of parliament," and parliament obeyed his 
wish. This deprived the repeal of any con- 
ciliatory effect, and became a cause of new aliena- 
tions which nothing could repair. 

On the day of Lord North's motion (March 5, 
1770) for the partial repeal of the Townshend Act, 

Organizing of the Colonial Discontent 993 

Boston was the scene of a deplorable collision 
between some of the king's troops, quartered In 
that city, and a crowd of rude people, who pro- 
voked them by Insulting jeers. The angry 
soldiers fired and killed six, wounding five more. "Boston 
This "massacre," as It was styled, gave rise to rnassacre," 

, , .^ ' o March s, 

intense excitement, and the governor was com- 1770 

pelled to remove the soldiers from the town; but 

no grave consequences ensued. The next two 

years were peaceable generally, except In North 

Carolina, where a body of frontier settlers, having 

some grievances of their own against the govern- 

ment of the province, were In arms, under the Carolina 

name of "Regulators," until defeated In a fierce ^^^"i^^°" 

battle on the Alamance. 

The next agitation of feeling In Massachusetts 

was occasioned by an order from the kin? that the 

. . 1772 

judges In that provmce, whose appointments had 

already been made subject to his majesty's 

pleasure, should take their salaries from the 

crown. Anxiety was deepened by this new blow 

at the Independence of the judiciary; and it was 

now that an effective organization of the 

patriotic party throughout the colony was tees of' ' 

set on foot by Samuel Adams, who planned ^°"^' 

, -^ spondence, 

a system of "committees of correspondence" 1772-1773 
to be formed in every town. The committees Hosmer, 
were kept in constant communication and co- ^iams 
operation with the Boston leaders, of whom 190-206 
Samuel and John Adams, Dr. Joseph Warren 
and John Hancock were the recognized 
chiefs. Virginia adopted and enlarged the 


The king's 


tea party," 
Dec. 6, 1773 

ment of 
Boston and 
setts, 1774 

From Louis XIV to Washington 

idea of such committees, weaving the system into 
a strong Intercolonial bond. 

Generally the duty on tea was evaded, either 
by smuggling from Holland or by abstention from 
the use of the herb. King George or his ministers 
conceived a scheme for inducing the obstinate 
colonists to swallow taxed tea, by means of the 
payment of a drawback in England to the East 
India Company, on tea sent to America, thus 
enabling its agents to undersell the smugglers 
from the Dutch. Such an arrangement was made, 
and several cargoes of tea were shipped to Boston, 
New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston. In the 
three cities last named the consignees of these tea 
cargoes were persuaded by the patriot party to 
decline receiving them; but the Boston consign- 
ees refused consent to such a course, and the 
governor of Massachusetts, Thomas Hutchinson, 
would not permit the ships to be sent back. 
Thereupon, after a great town meeting, presided 
over by Samuel Adams, a resolute body of men, 
partly disguised as Indians, proceeded to the 
ships, broke open the tea chests and poured their 
contents into the sea. 

Naturally there was wrath in government 
circles when news of the Boston doings reached 
England, and no time was lost in making provi- 
sion for the punishment of the offending province 
and town. By one act the charter of Massachu- 
setts was annulled, the authority of the royal 
governor and his council was made supreme, and 
town meetings were forbidden to be held without 

The First Continental Congress in America 995 

the governor's permit. B7 another, the port of Treveiyan, 
Boston was closed against the entrance or clear- American 
ance of any ship. Events now moved rapidly ft^^fj^^^""' 
toward the crisis of armed revolt. General Gage, 
with four additional regiments, was sent to Bos- 
ton to supersede Governor Hutchinson and place 
Massachusetts under military rule. He was 
instructed to arrest Adams and other leaders and 
send them to England for trial; but prudence led 
him to postpone the attempt. Boston, while 
suffering severely from the destruction of its 
trade, received liberal contributions of aid, as 
well as warm messages of encouragement and 
sympathy, from every side. 

Virginia declared the attack on Massachusetts 
to be an attack on all the colonies, needing to^be 
resisted by all, and advised the holding of a 
"continental congress," — that Is, a congress 
representative of all the English colonies on the 
continent, — and the advice was approved. The 
first continental congress was assembled accord- continental 
ingly at Philadelphia, in September, 1774, 1774, 
including Washington in its membership, and 
many more whose names were to become famous 
in the coming years. The action of the congress 
was temperate but firm. It adopted a Declara- john ' 
tlon of Rights, setting forth the claim of the ^^'ff"-^' 
people of America to "a free and exclusive power 
of legislation in their provincial legislatures. . . 
in all cases of taxation and Internal polity;" 
together with a respectful petition to the king, an 
address to the people of England, and another to 


From Louis XIV to Washington 

sions of the 

cial non- 

setts "com- 
mittee of 

the people of British America, including Quebec. 
To the English people it was said: "Permit us to 
be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem 
a union with you to be our greatest glory and our 
greatest happiness;" and this expressed, without 
doubt, the feeling of a large majority of the 
Americans of the day, though great numbers had 
grown hopeless by this time of the freedom 
described. The resolutions of the congress 
recommended that the support of "all America" 
be given to Massachusetts, in her opposition to 
the oppressive measures against her government; 
and it instituted a new movement of commercial 
non-intercourse with Great Britain, organizing 
an association to give it effect. The agreements 
of the association included a pledge to discontinue 
the importation of slaves after the first day of the 
next December. 

In Massachusetts, General Gage was making 
little headway in his undertaking to bring the 
province under military rule. He suppressed the 
regular meetings of its assembly, but the mem.bers 
met elsewhere as a convention, or congress, and 
established, practically, a provisional govern- 
ment, under a "committee of safety," with Dr. 
Warren at its head. The committee exercised an 
authority which Gage could not bring to bear. 
He lacked officials to serve him, fev/ Tories being 
bold enough to accept commissions at his hands. 
As for arresting the patriot leaders, a public con- 
vention in Suffolk County gave notice that the 
crown officers in the province would be seized and 


Outbreak of American Revolutionary War 997 

held as hostages if a single arrest for political 
reasons should be made. Behind such resolves 
there was a vigorous activity in the collection of 
military stores and in organizing the militia, 
which the committee was empowered to call out, 
— one fourth of the embodied militia to be styled 
"minute men," and to be always ready for instant 
obedience to any call. Similar armed organiza- 
tions were springing up in all parts of the land. 

Proof of the alertness of the minute men and 
the efficiency of the militia system in Massachu- 
setts was given on the 19th of the next April 
(1775), when 800 British troops, sent out from 
Boston by General Gage, to capture Sam. Adams 
and Hancock, at Lexington, and to seize certain 
military stores at Concord, were encountered by 
the "embattled farmers," who "fired the shot "embattled 

f3.rinfirs" 3.t 

heard round the world." It is needless to repeat Lexington 

the familiar tale of that first bloodshed on Lexing- concord, 

ton green, of the fight at Concord, of the pitiful 1775 ^^' 

suffering of the king's troops in their retreat to 

Boston, ambushed by an enraged people along 

the whole road. Ninety-three of the Americans 

and 273 of the British fell that day, and the War jmeHcan 

of American Independence was begun. Revolution 

111 1 ^ • 120-126 

As fast as the news of battle could spread, 

minute men from every part of New England 

were on the march toward Boston, and Gage 

found himself beleaguered by 13,000 before the ^"""^'^^ 

° J •'^ lorces be- 

end of the week. At New York, when the Sons of jeaguered 
Liberty heard of Lexington, they rose and took 
control of the city. Even the Quakers of Phila- 



998 From Louis XIV to Washington 

delphia were moved by the excitement of the 
event to prepare for war. In Virginia and South 

in arms Carolina the patriots had already taken arms to 
secure the military stores in those provinces, and 
were actually in revolt. As quickly as the travel 
of the time could bring it, the New Englanders 
had assurances of support from every British- 
American community except Quebec; and the 
same assurance was repeated by collective action 

continental of the coloulcs In the second continental congress, 

congress, whlcli asscmblcd at Philadelphia on the loth of 
May. Again the congress addressed a respectful 
petition to King George, and a calm declaration 
of "the causes and necessity for taking up arms;" 
but it made common cause with New England In 
the hostilities already begun, adopted the forces 
in arms as a "continental army," and, by an 
inspiration that can never be thought of without 
wonder and awe, it appointed George Washington 

mentof to the chlcf commaud. To that appointment, 

Washington , n 1 1*11 

to chief more than to all other causes combmed, the suc- 
june 15, ' cess of the struggle for American Independence 
was due. 

In nothing else was the action of the continental 

Timidity . ax-^Ti m • 1 • 

of the congress SO Wise. While assummg the responsi- 

congress bllltles of the Impending struggle, It assumed no 

power to enforce an order It might give, or 

authority to levy a dollar of taxation for the 

^tj/i/M- expenses Incurred. Its whole exercise of a 

iionaJLaw nominal authority to direct the common action 

S-12 * of the thirteen colonies was left dependent on the 

willingness of each provincial government to be 

Washington in Command of a Continental Army 999 

submissive to its advice. . . . State govern- 
ments, when formed, became the only govern- 

T J 

ments felt and known in reality by the people, fjl^^^:„f 
who struggled through their war of independence the United 
with nothing that could be called a governing 1^-200 

As far as one commanding personality could 
make good the defect In government, Washington 
supplied it, by his massive strength of character. 
Without that majestic Influence In the struggle, 
one finds It very hard to believe that the American 
cause would have escaped wreck. But the strain 
on him who gave it was such as has tested the ^^^^ "^ 
greatness of very few men. Let those who would greatness 
know what he was to his country, what difficulties 
he contended with, what slender means he worked 
with, through what disheartenments he kept his 
courage and his faith, — let them read his cor- 
respondence and take the painful record from his 

own pen. 


The protection which the Christian mission- 
aries had enjoyed in China under Kanghl was 
withdrawn by his successor, and they were 
exposed to the hostility of the literati and the 
important "board of rites." Excepting a few 
Jesuits who were employed in public services, 
and whose knowledge was too useful to be dis- 
pensed with, they were sent to the Portuguese o/mbsS«- 
settlement at Macao, and more than three hun- aries 
dred churches were destroyed. Replying to a 
deputation from the missionaries, who remons- 

looo From Louis XIV to Washington 

trated against these measures, the emperor asked 
Dcmgias, them: "What would you say if I were to send a 

China, I3S . , . / / 

troop oi bonzes and lamas mto your country to 
preach their doctrines? How would you receive 
them?" Their answer is not recorded. 

Under the fourth of the Manchu sovereigns, 
Keen-lung, Kashgar and Yarkand were added to 
the empire by conquest, and both Burmah and 
Cochin China were made tributary states. 



(1775 TO 1799) 

Continuity of revolutionary influence from the English Long Parliament to 
the French States-general. The War of American Independence: Campaigns 
and battles of the war. — Discouraging conditions. — Trials of Washington. — ■ 
Surrender of Cornwaliis. — Treaty of peace. " The critical period of American 
history:" Weakness of the Confederation. — Framing and adoption of the 
federal con.9titution. The British empire: Hostilities with France, Spain and 
Holland. — Wars in India. — Concessions to Ireland. — Industrial revolution in 
Great Britain. France: The approaching political revolution. — Its causes. — 
Its outbreak. — Meeting of the States-general. — Assumption of supremacy 
by the third estate. — The Girondists. — The Jacobins. — Overthrow of the 
monarchy. — Execution of the king. — Fall of the Girondists. — Crusade against 
all monarchies. — "The reign of terror." — The Jacobin factions devouring one 
another. — End of "the terror." — Advent of Napoleon Bonaparte. — His cam- 
paign in Italy. — His expedition to 'Egypt, and return. — His domination as 
first consul. The P'lriitioning of Poland: The three partitions. 7'he United 
States of America: Organization of federal government under Washington. — ' 
Financial measures of Hamilton. — Lasting division of political parties. — 
Troubles with England and France. — Administration of John Adams. — 
Overthrow of the Federalists. British America: The Quebec Act. — United 
Empire Loyalists. — Act of 1791. 

In this last quarter of the eighteenth century, 
the period we have described as an "epoch of 
political revolutions" was rounded to a startling 


close. The epoch had been opened, in the first rounding 
half of the preceding century, by a movement of rrvo°ut*!on- 
revolution in England, where long-nurtured ary epoch 
principles and practices in government, politically 
favorable to the people, were developed suddenly, 
by exciting violations, into a precocious and 
untimely republicanism. Discredited by unfor- 
tunate results, they seemed for a time to lose their 
hold in the English mind; but the reaction did 
not last to the end of the generation in which it 



The Period of Washington 

From the 
to the 

From the 
to the 

occurred. Then came the vigorous revival of 
1688, which, acting on more moderate lines, 
carried forward the attempted revolution of 1649, 
not to the construction of an impracticable 
republic, but to a monarchy constitutionally 
restrained. On that formulation and affirmation 
of English principles in government, the people 
of the English colonies in America began to make 
claims of right to a measure of provincial self- 
government which the home country would not 
concede. From the consequent breach came the 
American revolution, in which English political 
principles were pressed finally to their logical 
conclusion, and realized In a democratic republic. 
This fired the train which exploded a passionate 
discontent in France, with shattering effects in 
Europe on hoary structures of absolutism, far 
and wide. One by one they went down in the 
next century, to be replaced by constitutional 
governments, so universally that the few excep- 
tions now remaining are but marks of the sur- 
vival of a half-civilized social state. From the 
English Long Parliament of 1640 to the French 
States-general of 1789, the continuity of the 
revolutionary influence is plainly to be traced. ; 

Fiske, The 



The War of American Independence 

Before Washington assumed command of the 
American army, which he did at Cambridge, on 
the 2d of July, two important events of war had 
occurred. Forts Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
had been surprised and captured In May, by 

Opening of American War of Independence 1003 

Ethan Allen and the "Green Mountains Boys" Treveiyan, 
of Vermont, giving two hundred cannon to the American 
provincials, with a quantity of ammunition and ■^'^^°^"*»°" 
other stores; and the battle of Bunker Hill had 
been fought. A defeat that had the Influence of a 
victory was experienced in the Bunker Hill fight, g^^^er^^ 
The New Englanders besieging Boston had been Hiu, June 
driven from a position they attempted to secure; ^^' '^^^ 
but their raw militiamen had repulsed two 
assaults by British veterans, inflicting a loss more 
than double their own, and giving good proof of 
the firmness of their nerve. The worst conse- 
quence of the battle was the death of Dr. Warren, 
who joined the defenders of the hill as a volun- 

While Washington labored for months to form 
an effective army for operations against the „ 

•' ^ ^ ^ ° ^ Expedition 

British in Boston, two expeditions were sent into to Canada 
Canada, which had no useful result, but cost 
some valuable lives. Including that of General 
Richard Montgomery, who fell in an assault on 
Quebec. Meantime, King George was heating 
and hardening the rebellious temper of the 
colonies by hiring Hessians and other German mercen" 
soldiers for service against them, and Thomas ^"^^ 
Paine, a late comer to Philadelphia from England, 
was persuading them to declare for Independence, Paine's 
in his powerful pamphlet, entitled "Common "Common 
Sense." At the beginning of March, Washington 
felt prepared, with men, guns, and ammunition, fvTcuation 
for an aggressive move. On the night of the 4th ^^ Boston, 
he seized and fortified a position on Dorchester 1776 


The Period of Washington 

ton defend- 
ing the 

The form- 
ing of 
into States 

of Inde- 
July 4, 

Heights which compelled General Howe, who had 
superseded Gage, to evacuate Boston, sailing to 
Halifax with his army and with 900 of his Tory- 

With all possible haste, Washington moved the 
greater part of his army to New York, assuming 
what he recognized, then and always throughout 
the war, as his most important task, — namely, 
that of holding the valley of the Hudson against 
the British, to prevent their cutting New England 
from connection and cooperation with the middle 
and southern colonies, and to separate them, at 
the same time, from their savage allies, the Six 
Nations of the Iroquois. But the American 
commander could take to New York no more 
than about 8,000 men, while Howe, at Halifax, 
was preparing a large army for his next cam- 
paign, backed by a powerful fleet. Till late in 
summer, however, all things looked cheering on 
the American side. One by one, in May and 
June, the several colonies declared for indepen- 
dence, and before June ended there were seven 
which had organized independent governments, 
based on "the authority of the people," thus 
casting their colonial swaddling clothes and tak- 
ing on the political vesture of American States. 

It was then, on the Fourth of July, 1776, that 
the general wish for a united Declaration of 
Independence was obeyed by the continental 
congress, and the republic of the United States of 
America proclaimed itself to the world. The 
Declaration was received everywhere with rejoic- 

repulse at 

Declaration of Ajmerican Independence 1005 

ing, heightened by news from Charleston, where a 
British fleet, attempting to enter the harbor, had 
been repulsed by a rude log fort on Sullivan's Charleston, 
Island, defended by Colonel Moultrie with 1,200 1776^^' 
men. But these were the last good tidings that 
rejoiced the country for almost half a year. The 
end of July brought Howe, with 30,000 troops, 
and his brother, Vice-Admiral Howe, with a great 
fleet, into New York Bay, and Washington was 
overwhelmed. He had collected about 20,000 
men, but they were mostly undisciplined and 
poorly equipped, in comparison with the army of 
Howe. Defeated on the 27th of August, in a 
battle on Long Island, which expelled them from Washing- 
Brooklyn Heights, the Americans retreated from i°" ^^°"^, 

■' . . . New York 

New York up the river to positions among the 

Then came the first of the dark periods of the 
war, — a time, as Paine expressed it, "that tried 
men's souls." Washington was assailed, with 
hostile criticism and undermined by jealous 

, . ^ ,. Til • Intrigues 

intrigues, congress taking a discreditable part in against him 
both. Subordinate officers were encouraged to 
disregard the orders of the commander-in-chief. 
A military adventurer from England, Charles 
Lee, unfortunately commissioned among the 
American major-generals, and supposed to be a 
great soldier, became especially mischievous; and 
the whole situation was deplorably wrong. 
Washington, as a consequence, was compelled, His retreat 
at the beginning of December, to retreat from the >nto Penn- 
Hudson (maintaining forts, however, on the Dec, 1776 

ioo6 The Period of Washington 

upper parts of the river), falling back, through 
New Jersey, until he had placed the Delaware 
between the pursuing enemy and himself. The 
short terms of so many of his men had expired 
that hardly 3,000 remained In his immediate 
command. And now It was that the high quali- 
ties of this great soldier and great man received 
their first full proof. The almost ruined cause of 
the States was borne up by his grand courage and 
faith. He and his officers borrowed money on the 
pledge of their private estates for the pay of their 
men, to keep them in the field. By Christmas he 
had got together 6,000, and planned to recover 
the ground he had lost. His pursuers, com- 
manded by Lord Cornwallis, were waiting care- 
lessly for the ice In the river to bridge them over 
it, and let them strike what they expected to 
make a finishing blow. Suddenly, on Christmas 
Washin - ^^^' Washington forced a crossing of the half- 
tonresumes frozcn rlvcr, wIth boats enough to land himself 
offensive, ^^^ 2,40O of hIs troops ou the Jersey shore; 

Dec-Jan., marched through a sleety winter storm to Tren- 
1776-1777 , 

ton; surprised and captured 1,000 Hessians, with 

abundant stores; slipped from the fingers which 

Cornwallis felt certain of closing upon him; took 

more prisoners and more stores at Princeton, and 

moved on to a secure position at Morristown; 

recovering from the enemy, in a campaign of ten 

days, all the advantages they had gained from his 

temporary retreat. 

The helpful efi^ect of this brilliant operation, at 

home and abroad, was Immense. It decided the 

Burgoyne's Surrender 1007 

French government to give secret aid to the Helpful 
States, in money, stores, and privateers, and it of the 
inspired fresh confidence in America, when the "^P^'^n 
next serious undertaking of the British was faced. 
This was an invasion from Canada, attempted in 
the summer of 1777, to meet a northward move- 
ment from New York, and to gain possession of 
the Hudson from end to end. The story of Bur- invasion, 
goyne's invasion and its defeat, — of the obstruct- defeat and 

o J y-> r" surrender, 

ing of his march by forces under General Schuy- juiy-Oct., 
ler; of the cutting of his communications with *''^'' 
Canada by New England and New York militia- 
men, directed by General Lincoln; of the disas- 
trous fate of St. Leger's column, coming by way 
of Lake Ontario and the Mohawk to join him; of 
the failure of Howe to move northward from New 
York and meet him; of the victory won by shirt- 
sleeved farmers at Bennington, under Stark; of 
the two desperate battles which Burgoyne was 
forced to fight at Freeman's Farm, on Bemis 
Heights, near Saratoga, and of his surrender, on 
the 17th of October, with 6,000 men, — the story 
is too long to be told in this place. Undeserved 
credit for the great success was won by General 
Horatio Gates, an intriguing officer, whom con- 
gress had put in Schuyler's place, and who came 
on the scene after the fate of Burgoyne had prac- 
tically been sealed. Schuyler had directed the 
resistance to Burgoyne with great prudence and 
skill, and the glory of the two victories on Bemis 
Heights belonged to Benedict Arnold and Daniel 
Morgan; but the laurels were carried off by 



The Period of Washington 

on Phila- 

Battle of 

Sept. II, 

The winter 
at Valley 

General Gates, who became now an Intriguing 
and strongly backed candidate for Washington's 

When General Howe should have been moving 
up the Hudson to cooperate with Burgoyne, he 
turned his army in the contrary direction and 
effected a useless capture of Philadelphia. Orders 
directing him to meet Burgoyne had been pigeon- 
holed in London by a careless minister, and, act- 
ing on his own judgment, he went wildly astray. 
Washington hindered and delayed the Phila- 
delphia movement to the best of his ability, forc- 
ing the British general to transport his troops by 
sea to the head of Chesapeake Bay; but when he 
fought them at the Brandywine his forces were 
not adequate and he gave way. Howe entered 
Philadelphia, and congress fled to York. A week 
later, Washington attempted to surprise the 
British headquarters, in the Germantown suburb, 
by a night attack, but his plans were spoiled by 
disastrous mishaps. 

Howe passed the winter with gayety In Phila- 
delphia; Washington placed his army in winter- 
quarters at Valley Forge, on the Schuylkill, 
twenty-one miles away. That winter of 1777-8 is 
memorable for the sufferings of the half-clad and 
ill-fed American army, and for the sore personal 
trials of its great-souled commander-in-chief. To 
shallow lookers-on, the latter seemed to have 
done nothing to be compared with the boasted 
exploit of Gates at Saratoga, and intrigues to 
supplant him were begun anew. Congress was 

United States in Alliance With France 1009 

tainted deeply by the envies and ignorances at the 
root of the intrigue; for many of its high-minded 
and able men had left their seats for service 
abroad or in the several States. As for the Gates 
faction in the army, — called the "Conway cabal," ^^^ 
from the active prominence of a certain General "Conway 
Conway, — it was virulent, but not large. The 
conspiracy had no substantial success, and it was 
not long in so exposing its own meanness of 
spirit, by contrast with the loftiness of character 
in Washington, that public opinion crushed it 
with contempt. 

The time was far from being altogether one of 
darkness on the American side; for France, in ^u^nce 
February, signed a treaty of open alliance with with 
the United States, challenging England to war, Feb"ri778 
which the latter declared in the following month. 
Personal alliances, too, of great value to the 
cause, had been formed of late. Lafayette, w^ith 
his fine temper, his warm enthusiasm, his affec- 
tionate admiration of Washington, his useful 

1.313 VCttC 

influence in France, — Steuben, with his Prussian steuben, ' 
training, and his thorough military knowledge, — p^^t!^' 
De Kalb and Pulaski, with their splendid valor, 
— had come to give their services to the young 
republic, — two of them to die in its defense. 

Spring brought overtures of peace from Great 
Britain, but not the recognition of independence, 
without which no peace could be made. Military 
operations were reopened in June, when Sir 
Henry Clinton, who had superseded Howe in the 
British command, abandoned the useless occupa- 

loio The Period of Washington 

Battle of -tion of Philadelphia, movin? back to New York. 

Monmouth , , j j • i 

Court Washington broke camp and pursued, with an 

j!in"e 2*8 army about equal to that In retreat. At Mon- 
1778 mouth Court House, New Jersey, he overtook the 

enemy and prepared to attack; but, unfortu- 
nately, his advance was commanded by General 
Charles Lee, who Is now known to have been 
treacherous on former occasions, and who acted, 
probably, with traitorous Intentions again. Lee's 
bewildering orders produced a disorderly retreat, 
instead of an attack, until Washington reached 
the front and saved the army from disaster; but 
the promising opportunity for an important 
stroke was lost. Clinton made his way to New 
York, and the military situation in that region 
settled to inactivity for the remainder of the war. 
ton again Washington kept his post at the center of the 
theHudI whole field, specially on guard over the Hudson, 
while detaching forces from his immediate com- 
mand to meet exigencies at other points. 

Plans of cooperation with a French fleet, under 
Count d'Estaing, In a movement on New York, 
were baffled by the inability of the larger French 
vessels to cross the bar. There was failure, too, 
in a subsequent undertaking with the French 
fleet, in the same summer (1778), to dislodge the 
British from Newport, their sole foothold, outside 
of New York, in the whole thirteen States. 
Marauding parties from Newport and New York 
continued to harass the New England coast, and 
this, for a long period, was the only warfare con- 
ducted by the regular British forces in any part 

Washington Guarding the Hudson ioii 

of the north. But bands of malignant Tories, Tory and . 
who had taken refuge in western New York and raids 

Canada, with their headquarters at Fort Niagara, 
led war parties of Indians in savage raids upon 
Wyoming, Cherry Valley, and other frontier 
settlements of Pennsylvania and New York. In ^ „. , 

/^ 1 o IT 1 Sullivan s 

the summer of 1779 General bullivan was sent by expeditioQ 
.Washington Into western New York, with a force 
of 5,000 men, to chastise the white-sklnned and 
red-skinned barbarians who did this bloody work. 
Sullivan executed his commission relentlessly, so 
far as the offending Indians in the Genesee valley 
were concerned, but Fort Niagara was not 

Farther west, a young surveyor, George Rogers 
Clark, commissioned by Governor Patrick Henry, western 
of Virginia, and leading a small force of hardy conquests 
frontier riflemen, had been operating in an inde- 
pendent way since the summer of 1778. Clark 
captured the British posts at Kaskaskia and j^nnJngof 
Kahokia, on the Mississippi, and VIncennes, on the West, 
the Wabash, thereby establishing claims of con- ch. i, iii/viu 
quest which assumed importance when bounda- 
ries were in question at the end of the war. 

At sea the British possessed every advantage, 
and their commerce suffered little from American 
privateers, compared with the destruction they 
were able to Inflict on American trade. But 
Captain Paul Jones, a Scotch sailor, commis- exploits of 
sioned by the continental congress and equipped ^f^Uones, 
in 1779 with a small squadron, In France, began 
then to make himself a terror to the British 


The Period of Washington 

British sub- 
jugation of 
and South 

capture of 
May, 1780 

warfare in 

coasts, as well as to British merchant fleets. The 
desperate battle of his flagship, the Bon Homme 
Richard, with the English frigate Serapis, in 
September, that year, is one of the heroic inci- 
dents of the war. 

The main seat of war had now been transferred 
by the British to the southern States. Beginning 
near the close of the year 1778 with the capture of 
Savannah, they accomplished, substantially, the 
subjugation of Georgia and South Carolina in the 
course of the next eighteen months. An attempt 
by General Lincoln, commanding in the south, 
and Count d'Estaing, with the French fleet, to 
recover Savannah, in the fall of 1779, failed, with 
the loss of a thousand men. Count Pulaski, the 
gallant Pole, was among those who fell in a disas- 
trous assault. In the following spring Sir Henry 
Clinton, coming from New York v/ith heavy 
reinforcements, inclosed Lincoln and his army in 
Charleston and captured the whole. Soon after 
that important exploit he returned to New York, 
leaving Cornwallls in the southern command. 
The condition of South Carolina was then pitiable 
in the extreme. In attempts to compel the entire 
people to swear allegiance to King George, and to 
give active assistance to the king's troops, a cruel 
hunting of stubborn patriots was carried on. 
The war assumed a partisan or guerrilla charac- 
ter, more than elsewhere or at any other time; 
and the adventures, of Marion, Sumter, and other 
dashing captains of small bands, who harassed 
Tarleton and Ferguson, the active commanders of 

The War in the Southern States 1013 

British and Tory forces, have given to revolu- 
tionary history some of Its most romantic tales. 

Against the wish of Washington, congress sent 
Gates to command In the south, and he made the the^^uth 
situation worse by rushing his small army to 
dreadful defeat and destruction at Camden, where 
De Kalb came to his death. 

At this time the discouragements of the coun- 
try were, apparently, the heaviest it had known. 
Congress had issued paper promises ("continental 
currency," so-called), based on no resources of 
taxation or any substantial authority, until that 
fictitious money had lost all worth. Most of the 
States had been doing the same. Of real money ageme^nts 
there was almost none in the land. There was no of the time, 
public credit; there was no foreign trade. Wash- 
ington was driven to the levying of forced con- 
tributions for the feeding of his men, who re- 
ceived no pay, practically, and little promise of 
any to come. Desertions were increasing and 
recruits were few. Six thousand French troops, 
under General Rochambeau, had arrived at New- Fr"ndi ° ^ 
port (from which the British withdrew in the ^''^^ 
previous autumn), but the fleet that brought 
them was blockaded immediately, and they were 
held to support it if attacked. To crown these 
many disheartenments came the discovery of the Benedict" 
treason planned by Benedict Arnold, then com- Arnold, 
manding at West Point. Arnold's services as a 
soldier had been very great, and men less deserv- 
ing had been put above him in rank. He brooded 
over his grievances till they poisoned his soul, and 

I0I4 The Period of Washington 

he became willing to ruin the cause of his country 
for the sake of revenge. West Point was the 
American stronghold on the Hudson; to lose it 
was to lose all that Washington had guarded so 
carefully and so long. Arnold sought and ob- 
tained the command there, for the purpose of 
betraying the fort, and had arranged all the 
details of the betrayal with Major John Andre, of 
Sir Henry Clinton's staff, who came to confer 
with him inside of the American lines. The 
unfortunate Andre was captured on his way back 
to New York, and suffered death as a spy. The 

Major traitor, Arnold, received warning of the discovery 

Andr4 gf his plot in time to escape. 

The darkest hours were now past, and there 
began to be a breaking of light in the south, — the 
herald of a coming day of independence and 
peace. Its first gleam shone from the mountain 
border of the Carolinas, where the British major 
Ferguson, pursuing armed patriots too vigor- 
ously, stirred up the Scotch-Irish and Huguenot 
frontiersmen, who had taken no part, hitherto, in 
the war. They swarmed out of their mountain 

Ktng'^s° settlements, and Ferguson, with 400 of his men, 

Mountain, fgH in battle with them, at King's Mountain. 

Oct. 7, 1780 . . . ° 

This was the beginning of events that wrought a 
complete change in the situation at the south. 
Washington was permitted in December to send 
General Nathanael Greene to supersede Gates, 
with Daniel Morgan and Henry Lee ("Light 
Horse Harry," father of Robert E. Lee), in sub- 
ordinate commands. Morgan defeated Tarleton, 

CoRNWALLis' Blunder 1015 

In a remarkable battle at the Cowpens, and 
Greene fought Cornwallis at Guilford Court General 
House, with sufficient success to hold his ground, Greene's 
while the latter withdrew to Wilmington, and in the 
moved presently into Virginia, leaving others to ^°^^^' '''^^ 
contest the Carolinas with Greene. Within a ^ 


few months that able general, winning good fruits ii/> of 
even from battles that were not victories, at Greene, 
Hobklrk's Hill and Eutaw Springs, wrested both 3:bk.<t 
States from the enemy, excepting only the city of 

While Greene achieved deliverance for the 
Carolinas, the last and grandest act in the drama 
of war was performed, by other actors, on the 
Virginia stage. Considerable British forces had „ . . 

° , ... Beginning 

been ravaging the eastern parts of Virginia for of the end 
some months before Cornwallis came to join 
them, at Petersburg, In May. Lafayette, at 
Richmond, was opposing them with a little army 
of about 3,000 men, and Steuben was raising and 
organizing a few more. Lafayette retreated when Lafayette 
Cornwallis moved against him, and was pursued, in Virginia 
the British laying waste a wide region of country, 
almost to the Rapldan. Then Cornwallis com- 
mitted the fatal error of returning to the sea- 
board and taking a position with his army at 
Yorktown, In the narrow part of the peninsula 
between the York River and the James. It was a 
safe position so long as the British controlled the 
sea; but, unknown to Cornwallis, a strong French 
fleet was expected from the West Indies at this 
time, for a planned attack on New York. Wash- 


The Period of Washington 

trapped at 

of Corn- 
wallis, Oct. 
19, 1781 

The effect 
in England, 

tion of 

History of 

4 : 218-232, 

Ington saw instantly that something better than 
the movement against New York could be done 
with the help of this fleet. Concerting arrange- 
ments with the French admiral, Count de Grasse, 
and with Rochambeau, the French general, while 
deceiving Sir Henry Clinton, at New York, he 
suddenly transferred 2,000 of his own troops and 
4,000 of Rochambeau's, with great celerity, from 
the Hudson to the James. Lafayette had fol- 
lowed Cornwallis and was intrenched in his rear, 
and the French fleet had secured possession of 
Chesapeake Bay. The trap was complete. At 
the end of a short, sharp siege, the English com- 
mander, hopeless of relief, surrendered, with a 
few more than 8,000 men. 

This blow broke the party in England which 
upheld the American War, drove Lord North and 
his colleagues to resign, and forced the king to 
accept ministers who desired peace. A private 
agent, sent to Paris, opened conferences there 
with Dr. Franklin, which led to more formal 
negotiations between commissioners from both 
governments, and, finally, to the signing of a 
provisional treaty, at Paris, on the 30th of 
November, 1782. This was not to have effect, 
however, till the arrangement of peace between 
Great Britain and France, which came to com- 
pletion on the third of September, 1783. By the 
definite treaty then signed, the United States 
secured western territory to the Mississippi, and 
from the Floridas to the Great Lakes; but with 
northeastern and northwestern boundaries so 

End of the War of American Independence 1017 
Ill-defined that they gave trouble for many years. '^"'"^ °^ 

^ ° "^ ■" , the treaty 

Important rights were conceded to American 
fishermen on the British-American coasts. On 
two questions, serious difficulties in the framing 
of the treaty arose from the want of any national 
authority In the government of the loose con- 
federation of the United States. One related to J^^ ^^^ 
the treatment of the American loyalists, or American 

, , . .... I- loyalists 

Tories, against whom the bitter feeling in most of 
the States led to cruelly persecuting acts, con- 
fiscating their property and driving them from 
their homes. Some of these people had provoked ^J^'^' '" 
that feeling by malignant and barbarous hos- and Critical 
tilities In the war; but a large part of them vv^ere X^v^t^ 
men of character and culture, whose loyalty to 
Great Britain had been conscientious, and whose 
expulsion from the country was a serious mistake. 
The British government felt bound to protect character 
them; but that of the United States had no power 
to control the action of the States, and could only 
promise the exercise of an Influence which proved 
to have no effect. On the other question, relating 
to debts that were due to British creditors when to^rkisT 
the war began, the difficulty was the same. The creditors 
treaty stipulated that those creditors should meet 
with no lawful Impediment in the collection of 
their dues; but many of the States interposed 
such impediments, and congress was powerless to 
interfere. These matters became Irritating for 
many years, provoking the English government 
to refuse the surrender of a number of Important 
frontier and western forts. 


The Period of Washington 

Disbanding When the time came for disbandin? the con- 

the con- , ^ " 

tinentai tlneiital army, nothing but the personal influence 
^™y of Washington prevented a dangerous outbreak 

of bad feeUng, stirred up by some mischievous 
agitators, In consequence of the arrears of pay 
that were due to officers and men. Thanks to the 
Illimitable trust reposed In the great commander- 
in-chief, a pacifying arrangement was brought 
Retirement about and the army was dissolved. Washington 
of Wash- took leave of his officers at New York on the 4th 
Dec, 1783 of December, 1783, resigned his commission to 
congress, at Annapolis, submitted a statement of 
the large expenditures he had made from his 
private fortune on public account, exceeding 
$64,000, and declined all pay beyond the reim- 
bursement of that sum. On Christmas eve he 
reached his home at Mount Vernon, which he 
had seen but once In eight years. 

The critical period of American history 

And now the United States entered on what 
Dr. FIske has described correctly as being "the 
critical period of American history." The 
States were United only In name. They had 
taken their place among the nations without 
being a nation, in any right sense of the term. 
They had no government that could exercise a 
national authority or power. Their congress 
nationality could pledge nothing to any other government 
and guarantee that some or all of the States 
would not repudiate Its pledge. This barred 
them from commercial treaties, to restore their 




in the 

















y. li 




































1— , 



Adoption of American Federal Constitution 1019 

ruined trade. They could not even establish free 
commerce among themselves. They could build 
up no public credit, by creating any method for 
the payment of their general war debt. There 
was no money in the country to speak of, since 
the "continental currency" had sunk to utter of°the^°" 
worthlessness, and no agency existed, or could country 
exist, in the circumstances, that Would establish 
a monetary system.] The political and economical 
situation was one of chaos; and the prevailing 
political ideas, for some years, were such as 
appeared to put anything better beyond hope. 
Experience under British rule had filled the minds 
of the majority with a dread of strong govern- 
ment that was greater than their dread of any- 
thing else. Articles of Confederation, agreed "^^^^^^ ^ 
upon with slowness and difficulty during the war, Confedera- 
and not adopted until 1781, had been so mal- 
formed by that dread that no more than a feeble 
"league of friendship" was contemplated in their 
design. For five years after the conclusion of 
peace every attempt to amend these futile 
articles was baffled; and when, at last, in 1787, 
favoring circumstances brought together, at andAdoi>. 
Philadelphia, a convention which undertook Federll^^ 
boldly, not proposals of amendment to the ^^r"*"'' 
Articles of Confederation, but the framing of a i787-i788 
real constitution of national government, nothing 
less than a miracle seemed likely to secure the 
ratification of its work by a sufficient number of History for 
States. Prodigious exertions on the part of the -?^f^y 

1 • r 1 r J 1 • • r Reference 

champions 01 the new federal constitution, — tore- (Full text) 


The Period of Washington 

History of 
the Origin 
[etc.] oftlt£ 

most among whom were Alexander Hamilton and 
James Madison, — did win the needed ratification, 
however, and the constitution went into eiFect in 
the spring of 1789, with George Washington as 
the first president of a nationalized federal union 
of the States. 

Spain and 

Wars in 



The British empire during and after the American 

Not only France, but Spain after 1779 and 
Holland after 1780, were drawn into conflict with 
Great Britain during the American War; while a 
hostile league of "armed neutrality" among the 
nations of northern Europe crippled her attempts 
to break up the trade of her enemies. All these 
combinations, however, failed to overthrow the 
naval supremacy of England, which Admiral 
Rodney confirmed anew by two great victories, in 
1780 and 1782, over Spanish and French fleets. 

In India, France renewed her attempts to shake 
the ascendancy of the English company, and very 
nearly with success. A self-made ruler, Hyder 
AH, of remarkable capacity and energy, had 
erected a new throne in Mysore, establishing a 
power which does not seem to have been esti- 
mated rightly by the English till too late. They 
made him their enemy, while the French gave 
him all possible help. The consequence was a 
a war in southern India, raging from July, 1780, 
till the end of 1782, during which the whole fabric 
of British power in the east seemed near to over- 
throw more than once. It was saved by the 

' India — Ireland 1021 

administrative energy of Warren Hastings, the Warren 
governor-general, and by the military skill of Sir govemor- 
Eyre Coote. Hyder Ali died, and his son, Tippoo, fjl'^[f' 
made peace. 

The political government in India had been 
transferred by act of parliament, in 1774, from the fVarr'en 
London directors of the East India Company to a '"""^'^ 
resident governor-general and council, appointed 
by the company, but subject to the approval of 
the crown. Warren Hastings was the first of the 
governors-general, and not even Clive did more 
than he in the founding of the British empire in 
the east. At the end of his administration of ten 
years he came home to undergo one of the most 
famous of trials, on charges of infamous oppres- 
sion, spoliation, and corruption of justice; charges 
prosecuted with the eloquence of Burke, Sheridan 
and Fox, and made more damning in later years 
by Macaulay's immortalizing pen. Hastings was 
kept upon trial by the dilatory lords of the high 
court of parliament for eight years, and then 
acquitted on every charge. The search-light of 
recent historical study has confirmed that acquit- 
tal, so far as concerns the specific accusations of 
Burke and Macaulay; but has shown with glaring 
certainty that neither Clive nor Hastings, nor 
many others of their generation, were scrupulous 
as to the means by which they gathered wealth 
for the great company and for themselves, nor as 
to methods in their subjugation of feeble states. 

Ireland derived some important advantages 
from the struggle in which England was engaged 


The Period of Washington 

sions to 

since the 
ch. 3 

progress in 

with so many enemies. To repel threatened 
invasions from France, the government was 
constrained to permit the raising of volunteers in 
that much oppressed island, and found itself con- 
fronted by 60,000 organized men, who began to 
make demands which could not safely be refused. 
By consequent acts passed in 1780 and 1782, 
independence was given to the Irish parliament 
and to Irish courts, with more freedom to Irish 
industries and trade, and more liberty to Irish 
Catholics than they had ever enjoyed before. 
But the Catholics, forming a great majority of the 
population, were still shamefully excluded from 
representation in the parliamerkt of their kingdom, 
and the independence of that body only hardened 
its bigotry and made it corrupt. 

In England itself, the very reaction which King 
George and his "friends" had undertaken to 
bring about, towards arbitrary government, 
brought gains to the people in the end. Especially 
the freedom of speech and the press, and the 
exposure of government to publicity and criti- 
cism, were made complete and secure, not only by 
the proceedings against Wilkes, but by futile 
attempts made in 1771 to stop the reporting of 
parliamentary debates. Religious bigotry, too, 
was compelled to begin the relaxation of its anti- 
Catholic laws, and a few of the most atrocious 
measures that had stood on the statute book 
since the end of the last century were repealed in 
1778. This gave rise to dreadful rioting by Ignor- 
ant mobs, stirred up especially by a weak-minded^ 

Political Progress in England 1023 

Scotch nobleman, Lord George Gordon, with ^he^^^ 
grave consequences of destruction and pillage in riots, 1780 
London for four days. The Gordon riots are 
described with vividness in Dickens's story of 
Barnahy Rudge. 

Late in 1783 the younger William Pitt, son of ^^ 
the earl of Chatham, a young man of but twenty- younger 
four years, was called to the lead in government pii^'^™ 
by the king, and began his remarkable career. 
Before long, he had won the confidence of the p°J^^"^' 
country, had obtained the election of a parlia- 
ment that obeyed his will, and held power by a 
tenure that was nearly independent of the king. 
France was then approaching that crisis of revolu- 
tion which shook all society and every govern- 
ment in Europe, and the abilities of the young 
premier of Great Britain were brought soon to a 
remarkable test. 

"England, itself, at this time, was entering 
upon a revolution, very different from that which 
Impended In France, but the silent effects of 
which were of even greater moment to mankind. J"^",'Jj"on 
There exists an immense difference between the in England, 
methods and the organization of industry in the 
twentieth century and those that were practiced 
before. It is a difference that has been brought 
about by mechanical Inventions of labor-saving 
machinery, and by scientific discoveries, which 
have increased the power of man to produce 
things for the satisfaction of his wants. Such 
invention began, of course, when civilization 
began; but it went forward very crceplngly 

I024 The Period of Washington 

through all the centuries until the last third of the 
eighteenth. Then a sudden, tremendous leap in 
it nearly broke all connection between the ways 
in which the work of the world was done before 
and the ways in which it has since been done. 

"It was principally in England that the revolu- 
tionary leap of inventive enterprise was made, 
and, consequently, England won then the indus- 
trial as well as the commercial leadership of the 
Spinning ^°^^^- Hargrcavcs,^ in 1764, Arkwright, in 1769, 
and weav- Crompton, in 1779, invented spinning machinery, 
ibn's™" ^^^ Cartwright, in 1784, invented a power loom, 
1764-1784 which ended the hand-spinning and hand-weaving 
of the past; James Watt, in 1776, made the 


steam stcam cngmc a cheap and practicable source of 

power tor movmg such machmes; Smeaton, 
Cort, and others, between 1760 and 1790, 
improved and cheapened the making of English 
iron, and Brindley began the building of many 
canals for internal trade, while Arthur Young, in 
that period and after, was laboriously teaching 
better agriculture to the tillers of the soil. While 
England was being thus armed with new powers, 
and better highways were being opened to trade, 
Smtth's a book appeared, entitled The Wealth of Nations, 
fafls! ^y -^^^"^ ^m\l\ which taught the English people 
i776 to see that when labor is most free to produce and 

to exchange what it produces, with least inter- 
ference from the makers of law, the result of 
general wealth is greatest and most sure. It was 
a truth learned slowly, but with extraordinary 
effect in the end. 

Industrial Revolution in England 1025 

"So England, at the outbreak of the French 
Revolution, was passing the beginnings of a 
momentous revolution within herself. It was a 
revolution as much social as economic. It gave 
rise to the factory system, to huge manufacturing 
establishments, to powerful combinations of 
capital, to new and greater inequalities of wealth. 
It built up cities, increased their population 
enormously, and created in them a class of work- 
ingmen easily stirred by ideas, easily combined, 
and certain to become a power In the state. It 
made the region of coal and Iron, in the north, the 
most thickly peopled part of the land. It raised 
up an interest In the country which soon out- 
weighed the landowning Interest, that had ruled 
It before. It worked great and rapid changes in nl^ory of 
the structure of English society, and In Its whole England, 

character and tone." 

The French Revolution 


While England was passing the early stages of 
this great social transformation, France was 
drawing near to the convulsions of a political 
revolution which ended the old modern order, not 
for France only, but for Europe at large. It was 
a catastrophe toward which the abused French prolchbg 
people had been slipping slowly for generations, political 

11 -iii-ii 11 J- revolution 

pushed to It by bimd rulers and a besotted aris- 
tocracy. By nature a people ardent and lively In 
temper, hopeful and brave In spirit, full of Intel- 
ligence, they had been held down in dumb repres- 
sion: silenced In voice, even for the uttering of 
their complaints; the national meeting of their 


The Period of Washington 


State of the 
Louis XIV, 
and XV. 




representative states-general suppressed for 
nearly two centuries; taxes wrung from them on 
no measure save the will of a wanton-minded and 
ignorant king; their beliefs prescribed, their laws 
ordained, their courts of justice commanded, 
their industries directed, their trade hedged 
round, their rights and permissions in all particu- 
lars meted out to them by the same blundering 
and irresponsible autocracy. How long would 
they bear it? and w* " 1 their deliverance come by 
the easing or the brt 'dng of their yoke? — these 
were the only questions. 

Their state was probably at its worst in the 
later years of Louis XIV. That seems to be the 
conclusion which the deepest study has now 
reached, and the picture drawn formerly by his- 
torians, of a society that sank continually into 
lower miseries, is put aside. The worst state, 
seemingly, was passed, or nearly so, when Louis 
XIV. died. It began to mend under his despicable 
successor, Louis XV., — perhaps even during the 
regency of the profligate Orleans. Why it 
mended, no historian can be said to have ex- 
plained. The cause was not in better govern- 
ment; for the government grew worse. It did 
not come from any rise in character of the privi- 
leged classes; for the privileged classes abused 
their privileges with increasing selfishness. But 
general influences were at work In the world at 
large, stimulating activities of all kinds, — indus- 
try, trade, speculation, combination. Invention, 
experiment, science, philosophy, — and whatever 

Preludes to the French Revolution 1027 

Improvement occurred in the material condition 
and social state of the common people of France 
may find its explanation in these. There was an 
augmentation of life in the air of the eighteenth 
century, and France took some Invigoratlon from 
it, despite the many maladies in Its social system, 
and the oppressions of government under which 
it bent. 

But the difference between the France of Louis 
XIV. and the France of Louis XVL was more in 
the people than In their state. If their misery 
was a little less, their patience was still less. The 
stimulations of the age, which may have given The people 
more effectiveness to labor and more energy to ^^^^'j^;^'^^ 
trade, had likewise set thinking astir, on the same 
practical lines. Men whose minds in former 
centuries would have labored on riddles dialecti- 
cal, metaphysical and theological, were now bent 
on the pressing problems of daily life. The 
mysteries of economic science began to challenge 
them. Every aspect of surrounding society 
thrust questions upon them, concerning its 
origin, its history, its inequalities, its laws and 
their principles, its government and the source of 
authority in It. The so-called "philosophers" of 
the age, — Rousseau, Voltaire and the ency- Rousseau, 
clopedlsts — were not the only questioners of the 3°^^^!,^^ 
social world, nor did the questioning all come "encydo- 
from what they taught. It was the Intellectual 
epidemic of the time, carried into all countries, 
penetrating all classes, and nowhere with more 
diffusion than in France. 


The Period of Washington 

of the 

in France 

After the successful revolt of the English 
colonies in America, and the conspicuous blazon- 
ing of democratic doctrines in their declaration of 
independence and their republican constitution, 
the ferment of social free-thinking in France was 
increased. The French had helped the colonists, 
fought side by side with them, watched their 
struggle with intense interest, and all the issues 
involved in the American revolution were dis- 
cussed among them, with partiality to the repub- 
lican side. Franklin, most republican repre- 
sentative of the young republic, came among 
them and captivated every class. He recom- 
mended to them the ideas for which he stood, 
perhaps more than we suspect. 

And thus, by many influences, the French 
people of all classes except the privileged nobility, 
Louis XVI. ^^^ even in that class to some extent, were made 
increasingly impatient of their misgovernment 
and of the wrongs and miseries going with it 
Louis XVI., who came to the throne in 1774, 
was the best in character of the late Bourbon 
kings. He had no noxious vices and no baleful 
ambitions. If he had found right conditions 
prevailing in his kingdom he would have made 
the best of them. But he had no capacity for 
reforming the evils that he inherited, and no 
strength of will to sustain those who had. He 
accepted an earnest reforming minister with more 
than willingness, and approved the wise measures 
of economy, of equitable taxation, and of emanci- 
pation for manufactures and trade, which Turgot 

1 774-1 793 

Conflict of the Three Estates 1029 

proposed. But when protected Interests, and the 
privileged order which fattened on existing Dismissal 

, . , c • • L ofTurgot, 

abuses, raised a storm or opposition, he gave way 1776 
to it, and dismissed the man who might possibly 
have made the inevitable revolution a peaceful 
one. Another minister, the Genevan banker, 
Necker, who aimed at less reform, but demanded ofNecker, 
economy, suffered the same overthrow. The ^78i 
waste, the profligate expenditure, the jobbery, 
the leeching of the treasury by high-born pen- 
sioners and sinecure office-holders, went on, 
scarcely checked, until the beginnings of actual 
bankruptcy had appeared. 

Then a cry, not much heeded before, for the 
convocation of the states-general of the kingdom 
— the ancient great legislature of France, extinct 
since the year 1614 — became loud and general. 
The king yielded. The states-general was called 
to meet on the ist of May, 1789, and the royal ^^^fj- 
summons decreed that the deputies chosen to It Hay^'^i^ss 
from the third estate — the common people — 
should be equal In number to the deputies of the ^j^^^' , 
nobility and the clergy together. So the dumb the French 
lips of France as a nation were opened, its tongue 
unloosed. Its common public opinion and public ^ . 
feeling made articulate, for the first time in one The French 
hundred and seventy-five years. And the word bk!"!" '"" 
that it spoke was the mandate of revolution. 

The states-general assembled at Versailles on 
the 5th of May, and a conflict between the third be°meen 
estate and the nobles occurred at once on the the three 
question between three assemblies and one. 


The Period of Washington 

The third 



as a 



of revolu- 
tion, July, 

Should the three orders deliberate and vote 
together as one body, or sit and act separately 
and apart? The commons demanded the single 
assembly. The nobles and most of the clergy 
refused the union, in which their votes would be 

After some weeks of deadlock on this funda- 
mental issue, the third estate brought it to a 
summary decision, by asserting its own suprem- 
acy, as representative of the mass of the nation, 
and organizing itself in the character of the 
"national assembly" of France. Under that 
name and character it was joined by a con- 
siderable part of the humbler clergy, and by 
some of the nobles, — additional to a few, like 
MIrabeau, who sat from the beginning with the 
third estate, as elected representatives of the 
people. The king made a weak attempt to annul 
this assumption of legislative sufficiency on the 
part of the third estate, and only hurried the ex- 
posure of his own powerlessness. Persuaded by 
his worst advisers to attempt a stronger demon- 
stration of the royal authority, he filled Paris 
with troops, and inflamed the excitement, which 
had risen already to a passionate heat. 

Necker, who had been recalled to the ministry 
when the meeting of the states-general was 
decided upon, now received his second dismissal, 
and the news of it acted on Paris like a signal of 
insurrection. The city next day was in tumult. 
On the 14th the Bastille was attacked and taken. 
The king's government vanished utterly. His 

Outbreak of the French Revolution 103 i 

troops fraternized with the riotous people. 
Citizens of Paris organized themselves as a 
national guard, on which every hope of order 
depended, and Lafayette took command. The 
frightened nobility began flight, first from Paris, 
and then from the provinces, as mob violence Jj/^^J"^^^ 
spread over the kingdom from the capital. In Lafayette,!-. 
October there were rumors that the king had 
planned to follow the "emigres" and take refuge 
in Metz. Then occurred the famous rising of the 
women; their procession to Versailles; the 
crowd of men which followed, accompanied but 
not controlled by Lafayette and his national 
guards; the conveyance of the king and royal ^^^i^^^iy 
family to Paris, where they remained during the brought to 

, . „ . . . , Paris 

subsequent year, practically m captivity, and at Oct., 1789 
the mercy of the Parisian mob. 

Meanwhile, the national assembly, negligent of 
the dangers of the moment, while actual anarchy 
prevailed, busied itself with debates on consti- 
tutional theory, with enactments for the abolition 
of titles and privileges, and with the creating of 
an inconvertible paper money, based on confis- 
cated church lands, to supply the needs of the 
national treasury. Meantime, too, the members 
of the assembly and their supporters outside of 
it were breaking into parties and factions, divided 
by their different purposes, principles and aims, 
and forming clubs, — centers of agitation and dis- 
cussion, — clubs of the Jacobins, the Cordeliers, po^^jcai 
the Feuillants and the like, — where fear, distrust ^'ubs, 

, . , 1 • r • Jacobin, 

and jealousy were soon engendering lerocious etc. 


The Period of Washington 

The French 
Z : bk. 4 

Death of 
April, 1 79 1 

of a consti- 

Election of 
a legislative 
Oct., 1791 


in power, 

conflicts among the revolutionists themselves. 
And outside of France, on the border where the 
fugitive nobles lurked, intrigue was always 
active, striving to enlist foreign help for King 
Louis against his subjects. 

In April, 1 791, Mirabeau, whOse influence had 
been a powerful restraint upon the revolution, 
died. In June, the king made an attempt to 
escape from his durance in Paris, but was cap- 
tured at Varennes and brought back. Angry 
demands for his deposition were now made, and a 
tumultuous republican demonstration occurred, 
on the Champ de Mars, which Lafayette and the 
mayor of Paris, Bailly, dispersed by force. 
Republicanism had not yet got its footing. In the 
constitution, which the assembly completed at 
this time, the throne was left undisturbed. The 
king accepted the instrument, and a constitu- 
tional monarchy appeared to have taken the 
place of the absolute monarchy of the past. 

It was an appearance maintained for little 
more than a year. The constituent national 
assembly being dissolved, gave way to a legis- 
lative assembly, elected under the new constitu- 
tion. In the legislative assembly the republicans 
appeared with a strength which soon gave them 
control. They were divided into various groups; 
but the most eloquent and energetic of these, 
coming from Bordeaux and the department of the 
Gironde, fixed the name of Girondists upon the 
party to which they belonged. The king, as a 
constitutional sovereign, was forced presently to 

Adoption of a Constitution in France 1033 

choose ministers from the ranks of the Girondists, Lamartine, 

History oj 

and they conducted the government for several the 
months in the spring of 1792. The earliest use ^"""'^"'^ 
they made of their control was to hurry the 
country into war with the German powers, which 
were accused of giving encouragement to the 
hostile plans of the emigres on the border. It is 
now a well-determined fact that the emperor 
Leopold was opposed to war with France, and 
used all his influence for the preservation of 
peace. It was revolutionary France which theGlrman 
opened the conflict, and it was the Girondists powers 
who led and shaped the policy of war. 

In the first encounters of the war, the undis- 
ciplined French troops were beaten, and Paris 
was alarmed. Measures were adopted which the 
king refused to sanction, and his Girondist minis- 
ters were dismissed. Lafayette, who commanded 
one division of the army in the field, approved the 
king's course, and wrote an unwise letter to the 
assembly, intimating that the army would not 
submit to a violation of the constitution. The Rgpub- 
republicans were enraged. Everything seemed I'cans 

, . enraged 

proof to them of a treasonable connivance with 
the enemies of France, to bring about the subju- 
gation of the country, and a forcible restoration 
of the old regime, absolutism, aristocratic privi- 
lege and all. On the 20th of June there was 
another unchecked rising of the Paris mob. The 
rioters broke into the Tuileries and humiliated "^'^f '^'"s 

, • 1 • 1 1 -1 and queen 

the kmg and queen with msults, but no violence mobbed, 
was done. Lafayette came to Paris and at- J""^''792 


The Period of Washington 

of the 

History of 
the French 
R£V., Z : ch. 

in exile 

tempted to reorganize his old national guard, for 
the defense of the constitution and the preserva- 
tion of order, but failed. 

The extremists then resolved to throw down 
the toppling monarchy at once, by a sudden blow. 
In the early morning of August 10, they expelled 
the council-general of the municipality of Paris 
from the Hotel de Ville, and placed the govern- 
ment of the city under the control of a provisional 
commune, with Danton at its head. At the same 
hour, the mob which these conspirators held in 
readiness, and which they directed, attacked the 
Tuileries and massacred the Swiss guard, while 
the king and the royal family escaped for refuge 
to the chamber of the legislative assembly, near 
at hand. There, in the king's presence, on a 
formal demand made by the new self-constituted 
municipality or commune of Paris, the assembly 
declared his suspension from executive functions, 
and invited the people to elect without delay a 
national convention for the revising of the con- 

Commissioners, sent out to the provinces and 
the armies In the field, were received everywhere 
with submission to the change of government, 
except by Lafayette and his army, in and around 
Sedan. The marquis placed them under arrest 
and took from his soldiers a new oath of fidelity 
to the constitution and the king. But he found 
himself unsupported, and, yielding to the sweep 
of events, he obeyed a dismissal by the new 
government from his command, and left France, 

Overthrow of the French Monarchy 1035 

to wait in exile for a time when he might serve his 
country with a conscience more assured. 

Pending the meeting of the convention, the 
Paris commune, increased in number to two 
hundred and eighty-eight, and dominated by ruled by 
Danton and Robespierre, became the governing the Pans 

^ ' _ ^ " ^ commune, 

power in France. The legislative assembly was Aug.-Sept., 
subservient to it; the kingless ministry, which *^^^ 
had Danton in association with the restored 
Girondists, was no less so. The fierce vigor of 
the commune caused the king and the royal _ 

, . . J Impnson- 

f amily to be imprisoned in the Temple ; mstituted ment of the 
a special tribunal for the summary trial of "^ 
political prisoners: searched Paris for "suspects," 

1 • 1 r A ^ .U J *U The "Sep- 

on the night of August 29-30; gathered three te^^ber 
thousand men and women into the prisons and Massa- 


convents of the city; planned and ordered the Sept. 2-7, 
"September Massacres" of the following week, *^^^* 
and thus thinned the whole number of these 
"suspects" by a half. 

On the 22d of September the national conven- 
tion assembled. The Jacobins, who controlled 
the commune, were found to have carried Paris 
overwhelmingly, and all France largely with 
them, in the election of representatives. A furi- Ja^lonai 
ous, fanatical democracy, a bloodthirsty anarch- convention 
ism, was in the ascendant. The republican 
Girondists were now the conservative party in the 
convention. They struggled to hold their 
ground, and very soon they were struggling for J^^^'° 
their lives. The Jacobin fury was tolerant of no 
opposition. What stood in its path, with no 


The Period of Washington 

of the king, 
Jan. 21, 

bk. 2, ch. 

Fall of the 
June, 1793 

History of 
the French 
2 : ch. vii- 


The mad- 
ness of un- 

deadlier weapon than an argument or an appeal, 
must be, not merely overcome, but destroyed. 
The Girondists would have saved the king from 
the guillotine, but they dared not adopt his 
defense, and their own fate was sealed when they 
gave votes, under fear, which sent him in January 
to his death. Five months longer they contended 
irresolutely, as a failing faction, with their terrible 
adversaries, and then, in June, 1793, they were 
proscribed and their arrest decreed. Some 
escaped and raised futile insurrections in the 
provinces. Some stayed and faced the death 
which awaited them in the fast approaching 
"reign of terror." 

The fall of the Girondists left the Jacobin 
"Mountain" (so-called from the elevation of the 
seats on which its deputies sat in the convention) 
unopposed. Their power was not only absolute In 
fact, but unquestioned, and they went mad In the 
exercise of it. The same madness overcame them 
in the mass which overcame Nero, Caligula, 
Caracalla, as individuals; for the unnatural and 
awful feeling of unlimited dominion can turn the 
brain of a suddenly triumphant faction as surely 
as it can madden a single shallow-minded man. 
The men of the "Mountain" were not only 
masters of France — except In La Vendee and the 
neighboring region south of the Loire, where an 
obstinate Insurrection had broken out — but the 
armies which obeyed them had driven back the 
invading Germans, had occupied the Austrian 
Netherlands and had taken possession of Savoy 

The "Reign of Terror" 1037 

and Nice. Intoxicated by these successes, the 
convention had proclaimed a crusade against all Crusade 

, . , rr ' against 

monarchical government, offermg the help of monarchies 
France to every people which would rise against 
existing authorities, and declaring enmity to 
those who refused alliance with the revolution. 
Holland was attacked and England forced to 
war. The spring of 1793 found a great European 
coalition formed against revolutionary France, 
and justified by the aggressions of the Jacobinical 

For effective exercise of the power of the 
Jacobins, the convention as a whole proved too 
large a body, even when it had been purged of 
Girondist opposition. Its authority was now 
gathered into the hands of the famous committee mk^^^^' 
of public safety, which became, in fact, the P"t>Hc 
revolutionary government, controlling the 
national armies and the whole administration of 
domestic and foreign affairs. Its reign was the 
Reign of Terror, and the fearful "revolutionary ofterS" 
tribunal," which began its bloody work with the juiy.' 1794" 
guillotine in October, 1793, was the chief instru- 
ment of its power. Robespierre, Barere, St. Just, frlnch 
Couthon, Billaud-Varennes, Collot d' Herbois ^'■^oiuiion,^ 
and Carnot — the latter devoted to the business of 
the war — were the controlling members of the 
committee. Danton withdrew from it, refusing 
to serve. 

In September, the policy of terrorism was ^Hut^'^^of 
avowedly adopted, and, in the language of the the French 

PIC ,t . r 111 Revolution, 

aris commune, the reign of terror became 2:ch.x-xi 


The Period of Washington 


of the 
queen, Oct. 
1 6, 1793 



of "the 





(in Critical 
ies, 2.) 


of Danton, 

the order of the day." The arraignment of 
"suspects" before the revolutionary tribunal 
began. On the 14th of October Marie Antoinette 
was put on trial; on the i6th she met her death. 
On the 31st the twenty-one imprisoned Girondist 
deputies were sent to the guillotine; followed on 
the loth of November by the remarkable woman, 
Madame Roland, who was looked upon as the 
real leader of their party. From that time until 
the midsummer following, the blood-madness 
raged; not in Paris alone, but throughout France, 
at Lyons, Marseilles, Toulon, Bordeaux, Nantes, 
and wherever a show of insurrection and resist- 
ance had challenged the ferocity of the commis- 
sioners of the revolutionary government, who had 
been sent into the provinces with unlimited 
death-dealing powers. 

But when Jacobinism had destroyed all ex- 
terior opposition, it began very soon to break into 
factions within itself. There was a pitch in its 
excesses at which even Danton and Robespierre 
became conservatives, as against Hebert and the 
atheists of his faction. A brief struggle ensued, 
and the Hebertists, in March, 1794, passed under 
the knife of the guillotine. A month later Dan- 
ton's enemies had rallied and he, with his fol- 
lowers, went down before their attack, and the 
sharp knife in the Place de la Revolution silenced 
his bold tongue. Robespierre remained dominant 
for a few weeks longer in the still reigning com- 
mittee of public safety; but his domination was 
already undermined by many fears, distrusts and 














— • 
















Quarrels Among Revolutionists 1039 

jealousies among his colleagues and throughout 

his party. His downfall came suddenly on the 

27th of July. On the morning of that day he was 

the dictator of the convention and of its ruling J'^'"^" 

committee; at night he was a headless corpse, pierre, 

• • July 27 

and Paris was shouting with joy. 1794 

On the death of Robespierre the reign of terror 
came quickly to an end. The reaction was sudden R";g°o5 ^ 
and swift. The committee of public safety was Terror 
changed; of the old members only Carnot, indis- 
pensable organizer of war, remained. The revolu- 
tionary tribunal was remodeled. The Jacobin 
club was broken up. The surviving Girondist 
deputies came back to the convention. Prosecu- 
tion of the terrorists for their crimes began. A 
new struggle opened, between the lower elements 
in Parisian and French society, the sansculotte 
elements, which had controlled the revolution 
thus far, and the middle class, the bourgeoisie, 
long cowed and suppressed, but now rallying to 
recover its share of power. Bourgeoisie tri- \^^^^l^^^^ 
umphed in the contest. The sansculottes made rising, 

, :, _. .. , -r)*'! J May, 179S 

their last effort m a rismg on the ist rrairial, and 
were put down. 

A new constitution was framed, which organ- 
ized the government of the republic under a 
leelslaturc in two chambers, — a council of five Anew 

, , 1 1 -1 r • -^1 republican 

hundred and a council oi ancients, — with an constitu- 
executive directory of five. But only one-third s^t.^j^g- 
of the legislature first assembled was to be 
elected freely by the people. The remaining two- 
thirds were to be taken from the membership of 


Advent of 
Oct. 5, 1794 


War with 


The Period of Washington 

the existing convention. Paris rejected this last- 
mentioned feature of the constitution, while 
France at large ratified it. The national guard of 
Paris rose in insurrection on the 13th Vendemiare 
(October 5), and it was on this occasion that the 
young Corsican officer, Napoleon Bonaparte, got 
his foot on the first round of the ladder by which 
he climbed afterward to so great a height. Put in 
command of the regular troops in Paris, which 
numbered only 5,000, against 30,000 of the 
national guards, he crushed the latter in an 
action of an hour. That was the opening hour of 
his career. 

The government of the directory was instituted 
on the 27th of October following. Of its five 
members, Carnot and Barras were the only men 
of note, then or after. 

While France was cowering under "the Ter- 
ror," its armies, under Jourdan, Hoche and 
Pichegru, had withstood the great European 
combination with astonishing success. The allies 
were weakened by ill feeling between Prussia and 
Austria, over the second partition of Poland, and 
generally by a want of concert and capable 
leadership in their action. On the other side, the 
democratic military system of the republic, under 
Carnot's keen eyes, was bringing fresh soldierly 
talent to the front. The fall of the Jacobins made 
no change in that vital department of the admin- 
istration, and the successes of the French were 
continued. In the summer of 1794 they carried 
the war into Germany, and expelled the allies 

Advent of Napoleon Bonaparte 1041 

from the Austrian Netherlands. Thence they Holland 


Invaded Holland, and before the end of January, Jan., 1795 
1795, they were masters of the country; the 
stadtholder had fled to England, and a Batavian 
republic had been organized. Spain had suffered 
losses in battle with them along the Pyrenees, and 
the king of Sardinia had yielded to them the 
passes of the Maritime Alps. In April the king 
of Prussia made peace with France. Before the 
close of the year 1795 the revolt In La Vendee 
was at an end; Spain had made peace; Pichegru 
had attempted a great betrayal of the armies on 
the Rhine, and had failed. 

This, in brief, was the situation at the opening 
of the year 1796, when the "little Corslcan 
officer," who won the confidence of the new gov- pint's 
ernment of the directory by saving Its constitu- f^mpaign 
tlon on the 13th Vendemlare, planned the cam- 1796 
paign of the year, and received the command of 
the army sent to Italy. He attacked the Sar- 
dinians in April, and a single month sufficed to 
break the courage of their king and force him to a 
treaty of peace. On the loth of May he defeated 
the Austrlans at LodI; on the 15th he was in 
Milan. Lombardy was abandoned to him; all Lodi^° 
central Italy was at his mercy, and he be- 
gan to act the sovereign conqueror in the 
peninsula, with a contempt for the govern- 
ment at Paris which he hardly concealed. 
Two ephemeral republics were created under 
his direction, the Cisalpine, in Lombardy, Creation of 
and the CIspadane, embracing Modena, Ferrara republics 


The Period of Washington 

Treaty of 
Oct., 1797 

of the 
republic of 

under the 

and Bologna. The papacy was shorn of part of 
its domain. 

Every attempt made by the Austrians to shake 
the hold which Bonaparte had fastened on the 
peninsula only fixed it more firmly. In the spring 
he began movements beyond the Alps, in concert 
with Hoche on the Rhine, threatening Vienna 
itself and frightening Austria into proposals of 
peace. Preliminaries, signed in April, fore- 
shadowed the hard terms of the treaty concluded 
at Campo Formio in the following October. 
Austria gave up her Netherland provinces to 
France, and part of her Italian territories to the 
Cisalpine republic; but received, in partial com- 
pensation, the city of Venice and a portion of the 
dominions of the Venetian states; for, between 
the armistice and the treaty, Bonaparte had 
attacked and overthrown the venerable republic, 
and now divided it with his humbled enemy. 

The masterful Corsican, who handled these 
great matters with the air of a sovereign, may 
already have known himself to be the coming 
master of France. For the inevitable submission 
again of the many to one was growing plain to 
discerning eyes. The frightful school-teaching of 
the revolution had not impressed practical lessons 
in politics on the mind of the untrained democ- 
racy, so much as suspicions, distrusts and 
alarms. All the sobriety of temper, the confi- 
dence of feeling, the constraining habit of public 
order, without which the self-government of a 
people Is impracticable, were yet to be acquired. 

France Under the Directory 1043 

French democracy was not more prepared for French 

. 1 • 1 1 1 democracy 

republican institutions m 1797 than it had been unprepared 
in 1789. There was no more temperance in its [anTnS- 
factions, no more balance between parties, no tions. 
more of a steadying potency in public opinion; 
but it was brought to a state of feeling that 
would prefer the sinking of all factions under 
some vigorous autocracy, rather than another 
appeal of their quarrels to the guillotine. And 
events were moving fast to a point at which that 
choice would require to be made. The summer 
of 1797 found the members of the directory in 
hopeless conflict with one another and with the 
legislative councils. On the 4th of September a 
^''coup d' Hat^'' to which Bonaparte contributed coup d'etat 
some help, purged both the directory and the of 1797 
councils of men obnoxious to the violent faction, 
and exiled them to Guiana. Perhaps the moment 
was favorable then for a soldier, with the great 
prestige that Bonaparte had won, to mount to 
the seat of power; but he did not so judge. 

He planned, instead, an expedition to Egypt, g^^^_ 
directed against the British power in the east, parte's 
It was an expedition that failed in every object it ^ Egypt" 
could have, except the absence in which it kept 1798 
him from increasing political disorders at home. 
He was able to maintain some appearance of suc- 
cess, by his subjugation of Egypt and his invasion 
of Syria; but of harm done to England, or of gain 
to France in the Mediterranean, there was none; 
since Nelson, at the battle of the Nile, destroyed Battle of 

1 rr. 1 1 J 1 .the Nile, 

the French fleet, and Turkey was added to the Aug.1,1798 


The Period of Washington 

Influence of 
Sea Power 
on French 
Rev., I : ch. 

sions, 1798 

reverses in 

Anglo-Austrian coalition. The blunder of the 
expedition, as proved by its whole results, was 
not seen by the French people so plainly, how- 
ever, as they saw the growing hopelessness of 
their own political state, and the alarming 
reverses which their armies in Italy and on the 
Rhine had sustained since Bonaparte went away. 

Continued aggressions on the part of the 
French had provoked a new European coalition, 
formed in 1798. In Switzerland, the French had 
overthrown the ancient constitution of the con- 
federacy, organizing a new Helvetic republic on 
the Gallic model, but taking Geneva to them- 
selves. In Italy they had set up a third republic, 
the Rorhan, removing the pope forcibly from his 
sovereignty and from Rome. Every state within 
reach had then taken fresh alarm, and even Russia, 
undisturbed in the distance, was now enlisted 
against the troublesome democracy of France. 

The unwise king of Naples, entering rashly into 
the war before his allies could support him, and 
hastening to restore the pope, had been driven 
from his kingdom, which underwent transforma- 
tion into a fourth Italian republic, the Partheno- 
peian. But this only stimulated the efforts of the 
coalition, and in the course of the following year 
the French were expelled from all Italy, saving 
Genoa alone, and the ephemeral republics they 
had set up were extinguished. On the Rhine they 
had lost ground; but they had held their own in 
Switzerland, after a fierce struggle with the Rus- 
sian forces of Suwarrow. 

The Napoleonizing of the Revolution 1045 

When news of these disasters, and of the ripe- 
ness of the situation at Paris for a new coup d* 
Hat, reached Bonaparte, In Egypt, he deserted his pace's 
army there, leaving It, under Kleber, In a helpless return from 


situation, and made his way back to France. He Oct., 1799 
landed at Frejus on the 9th of October. Precisely 
a month later, by a combination with Sleyes, 
a veteran revolutionist and maker of constitu- 
tions, he accomplished the overthrow of the ^^ ^"g ^^"^ 
directory. Before the year closed, a fresh consti- Directory. 
tutlon was In force, which vested substantially Bonaparte, 

. . nil ^rst consul, 

monarchical powers in an executive called the Nov., 1799 
first consul, and the chosen first consul was 

Napoleon Bonaparte. Two associate consuls, mstlry'of 

who sat with him, had no purpose but to conceal ^"poi^'^jj: 

I ; ch. Xlll- 

for a short time the real absoluteness of his xiv 

From that time, for fifteen years, the history of 
France — it is almost possible to say the history of 
Europe — is the story of the career of the extra- 
ordinary Corsican adventurer who took posses- 
sion of the French nation, with unparalleled 
audacity, and who used It, with all that pertained 
to It — lives, fortunes, talents, resources — In the Career of 

the cxtr^— 

most prodigious and the most ruthless under- ordinary- 
takings of personal ambition that the modern ^jvent^urer 
world has ever seen. The French revolution was 

Germany after the Seven Years War 

After the Seven Years War and before the dis- 
turbance of Europe by the French revolution, 

1046 The Period of Washington 

Germany enjoyed a period of thirty years that 

was generally peaceful, and generally one of 

advancement In many ways. In the twenty-three 

^ater years j-gj^^jj^jj^g ygars of the Tclgn of Frederick the 

Frederick Great he did much to repair the exhaustion pro- 

the Great, 1 • -n • 1 1 • 1 1 • 

1763-1786 duced m rrussia by his wars, and his sagacious 
practical measures to that end furnished lessons 
to his neighbors that were not entirely lost. On 
the Austrian throne, the emperor Joseph 11. , who 

emperor, camc first Into assoclatlon with his mother, Maria 

i76s-?79o' Theresa (1765), and then (1780) In succession to 
her, with exalted aspirations and ideals, but less 
of practical judgment, went sometimes too 
fast and too far in superb undertakings of 

Among the results of his reign were the abolition 
of slavery (not serfdom) in Austria; suppression 
of serfdom in Hungary; abolition of torture in 
criminal procedure; freedom of Protestant wor- 
ship in Austria; diminution of monasteries, with 
an appropriation of many monastic estates to the 
support of public instruction. Naturally, the 
church was his enemy, and worked against him 
among the people, troubling his life to the end. 
He died In 1790, at the early age of forty-nine. 
It was in this time, following the wars of Freder- 
d ick the Great, that the classical period of German 

philosophy ii^gj.^^yj.g^ opened about the middle of the century 
by Klopstock and Lessing, came to its acme in the 
work of Goethe and Schiller; and it was now that 
philosophical thought in Germany was awakened 
newly by Kant. 

His reforms 


Germany After the Seven Years War 1047 

The partitioning of Poland 

Of political events in the period, the most 
important was the partitioning of Poland, a crime 
planned by Catherine II. of Russia, but shared In 
the perpetration by Prussia and Austria. As j^3^jj.ijj. 
Catherine entertained the design at first, there tosh, The 
was probably no thought of the partitioning that inglf°^ 
was afterward contrived. Her purpose was to -f^^'^^f/'" 

. ,. , Miscellane- 

keep the Polish kmgdom m disorder and weak- ous Works) 
ness, and to make Russian Influence supreme In 
it, with views, no doubt, that looked ultimately „ 

1 • ^ 1 1 1 r 1 o Preceding 

to somethmg more. Un the death 01 the baxon events, 
king of Poland, Augustus III., in 1763, Catherine ^763-1768 
put forward a native candidate for the vacant 
throne, in the person of Stanislaus Ponlatowsky, 
a Russianized Pole and a former lover of her own. 
The king of Prussia supported her candidate, and 
Poniatowsky was elected, with 10,000 Russian 
troops In Warsaw to see that it was properly done. 
The Poles were submissive to the invasion of their 
political independence; but when Catherine 
sought to create a Russian party in Poland, by 
protecting the members of the Greek church and 
the Protestants, against the intolerance of the 
Polish Catholics, and forced a concession of civil 
equality to the former, there was a widespread 
Catholic revolt. 

In the fierce war which followed, a band of 
Poles was pursued across the Turkish border, and 
a Turkish town was burned by the Russian 
pursuers. The sultan, who professed sympathy 
with the Poles, then declared war against Russia. 


The Period of Washington 




The first 



The Russo-Turkish war, in turn, excited Austria, 
which feared Russian conquests from the Turks, 
and another wide disturbance of the peace of 
Europe seemed threatening. In the midst of the 
excitement there came a whispered suggestion, to 
the ear of the courts of Vienna and St. Petersburg, 
that they might satisfy their territorial cravings 
and mutually assuage each other's jealousy, at the 
expense of the crumbling kingdom of Poland. 
The whisper may have come from Frederick II. 
of Prussia, or it may not. There are two opinions 
on the point. From whatever source it came, it 
found favorable consideration at Vienna and St. 
Petersburg, and, between February and August, 
1772, the details of the partition were worked out. 

Poland, however, was not extinguished. The 
kingdom was only shorn of some 160,000 square 
miles of territory, more than half of which went 
to Russia, a third to Austria, and the remainder, 
less than 10,000 square miles, to Prussia. This 
last mentioned annexation was the old district of 
West Prussia, which the Polish king, Casimir IV., 
had wrested from the Teutonic Knights in 1466, 
before Brandenburg had aught to do with 
Prussian lands or name. After three centuries, 
Frederick reclaimed it. 

The diminished kingdom of Poland showed 
more signs of a true national life, of an earnest 
national feeling, of a sobered and rational 
patriotism, than had appeared in its former 
history. The fatal powers monopolized by the 
nobles, the deadly "liberum veto," the corrupting 

The Partition of Poland 1049 

elective kingship, were looked at in their true 
light, and in May, 1791, a new constitution was 
adopted which reformed those evils. But a few Pv^^"* 

■^ rolish con- 

nobles opposed the reformation and appealed to stitution, 

Russia, supplying a pretext to Catherine on ^^^^ 
which she filled Poland with her troops. It was in 
vain that the patriot Kosciusko led the best of his 
countrymen in a brave struggle with the invader. Kosciusko, 
They were overborne; the unhappy nation was 
put in fetters, while Catherine and a new king of 
Prussia, Frederick William II., arranged the 
terms of a second partition. This gave to Prussia 
an additional thousand square miles, including and third 
the important towns of Danzig and Thorn, while j"!'^'°"'' 
Russia took four times as much. Two years 
later, the small remainder of Polish territory was 
dismembered and divided between Russia, Prus- 
sia and Austria, and thus Poland disappeared 

from the map of Europe as a state. ' 


Meantine, in her conflicts with the Turks, 
Catherine was extending her vast empire to the 
Dnelster and the Caucasus, and opening a passage 
for her fleets from the Black Sea to the Medlter- of°CatiS 
ranean. By treaty in 1774 she placed the Tatars '"^ 11. from 

r ■, /-, • .., . -,— ^, , tlie Turks, 

01 the Crimea m mdependence of the Turks, and 1774-1783 
so Isolated them for easy conquest. In 1783 the 
conquest was made complete. By the same 
treaty she secured a right of remonstrance on 
behalf of the Christian subjects of the sultan, in 
the Danublan principalities, and In the Greek 
church at Constantinople, which opened many 



The Period of Washington 

pretexts for future Interference and for war at 
Russian convenience. 

The aggressions of the strong-willed and power- 
ful tzarina, and their dazzling success, filled her 
subjects with pride, and effaced all remembrance 
of her foreign origin and her want of right to the 
seat which she filled. She was ambitious to 
improve the empire, as well as to expand it; for 
her liberal mind took in the large ideas of that 
speculative age and was much moved by them. 
She attempted many reforms; but most things 
that she tried to do for the bettering of civiliza- 
tion and the lifting of the people were done 
imperiously, and spoiled by the autocratic 
method of the doing. In her later years, her 
inclination towards liberal ideas was checked, 
and the French revolution put an end to it. 

tion of 
ment, 1789 

The United States of America 

The organization of the federal government of 
the United States, under the presidency of George 
Washington (inaugurated April 30, 1789), hap- 
pened colncidently with the opening scenes of the 
French revolution, and the first quarter-century 
of the life of the young American republic was 
troubled by that dread convulsion, and by influ- 
ences that sprang from the wars to which It led. 
There were four years, however, of the adminis- 
tration of Washington, before the European dis- 
turbance of American politics and economics 
became serious, in which time the new govern- 
ment acquired a firm footing, and overcame the 

Rise of Political Parties in the United States 105 i 

chaos of conditions in the country with remarka- 
ble success. 

In forming his administration, the president 
called Alexander Hamilton to the treasury ton's '"^" 
department, Thomas Jefferson to the department ^^^^'"^^ 
of state, and General Henry Knox to that of war. 
These, at the outset, were the only departments 
created. Hamilton received the post of chief 
importance, in the circumstances of the time, and 
no wiser selection was ever made. His financial 
measures, carried through congress by convincing 
arguments, against strong opposition, founded the , 

credit of the young nation with enduring solidity, financial 
and inspired faith in the stability and efficiency ^^'J'J."'^'^'; 
of its government, at home and abroad. They 
included, (i) provisions for the funding of the gchouier, 
indebtedness of the late confederation, in the History of 

. , s. . the United 

various forms of its existence; (2) an assumption states, 
of the war debts of the several States, to be J^g-iS'"^^' 
funded in like manner, as a national obligation; 
(3) provision of revenues from customs dues and 
excise tax on whisky, sufficient for meeting these 
obligations, in current interest and in principal at 
maturity; (4) the creation of a national bank of 
the United States, to strengthen the organization 
of capital and credit in the country, and to assist 
the financial operations of the government. 

The two features of Hamilton's policy that 
encountered the most earnest opposition were the 
assumption of the war debts of the States and the -p,^g 
institution of a national bank. It was easy to see political 


that these measures, beyond their financial bear- involved 


The Period of Washington 

dread of 

division of 



History of 

the United 


I : ch. vii-x 

ing, would have powerful political effects. They 
tended to magnify the functions, the attributes, 
the sovereignty, of the federal government, and, 
apparently, at least, to set the States in a rank 
more subordinate than many people were willing 
to have them accept. The jealous dread of any 
kind of strong overlordship in the government of 
the federated States was felt widely and deeply, 
even yet. It had given way just far enough to 
assent to the federal constitution of 1787; but 
many, like Madison, who had labored ardently to 
procure that assent, were anxious watchers of the 
working of the constitution, determined that the 
government formed under it should have no more 
of power and no more of supremacy above the 
States than the common interests and the neces- 
sities of public order would require. This feeling 
was at the bottom of the opposition to Hamilton's 
measures; while he and a large part of his sup- 
porters were inspired by the desire to solidify and 
nationalize the federal union, and to give positive 
supremacy and strength to its government, as 
much as by financial opinions and aims. 

From that day to this the main division of 
political parties in the United States has been on 
the line of cleavage that opened then. It has 
been upon issues between national sovereignty 
and State sovereignty; between strength and 
weakness in the general government; between 
centripetal and centrifugal forces in the working 
of the federal system. Generally, too, the party 
issues In American politics have turned at all 

Hamilton's Wise Financial Plans 1053 

times, as they did at the beginning, on questions 
that relate to the scope and meaning of provisions 
embodied in the federal constitution. Hamilton's 
opponents contended that the constitution gave 
congress no authority to charter a bank. He 
argued, in reply, that the authority is implied in national 
that clause of the eighth section of the first ^^"'^ 

. , .J. ... question 

article, coming aiter an enumeration 01 the 
powers given in express terms to congress, which 
adds to them the broad authority "to make all 
laws which shall be necessary and proper for 
carrying into execution the foregoing powers.'* 
The proposed bank, he held, was a necessary and 
proper instrument of government, for the con- 
ducting of financial operations and promoting the 
general welfare, and, therefore, the power to 
create it is implied. This doctrine of "implied 
powers" in the constitution gives an elasticity 
to the great instrument — especially to that 
most "elastic clause" — which minds of one doctrine of 
order welcome, as essential to its best working, "'™piied" 

" powers' 

and which minds of another order fear and 

Those who supported Hamilton's measures 
and his broad construction of the constitution, 
desiring to make the most of the federal constitu- 

^1 -1 r >.• 11 1 Federalists 

tion, as the organic law ot a nation, were called andRepub- 
Federalists; the opposing party, contending for ^'""* 
strict constructions of the constitution and 
limited powers in the general government, found 
its chief in Jefferson, and was content for a time 
to be known as the party of the Anti-Federalists. 


The Period of Washington 

Later, It was organized as the Democratic- 
Republican, or, in common usage, the RepubHcan 
party, under which designation it needs to be 
distinguished with care from the Republican 
party of later times. 

During the first term of the administration of 
President Washington, as said before, the atten- 
tion of the Americans was undistracted from their 
domestic affairs, and a remarkable settlement of 
conditions among them was accomplished, start- 
ing them with signal success on their new political 
career. Then a mischievous intrusion In their 

Disturbing . . . ... 

effects of politics oi cxcitmg qucstious irom abroad, arising 
revoktion f^m the French revolution, began to fever them 
with an alien factiousness that distempered the 
whole American body politic for twenty years. 
Ardent sympathy with the revolutionary move- 
ment in France had been almost universal at the 
beginning; but the awful violence into which it 
ran, the savagery of the rising Jacobins, the 
despairing flight of Lafayette from France, 
changed the feeling of the conservative classes of 
people, found generally In the ranks of the 
Federalists, while the more democratic Anti- 
Federalists or Republicans clung still to beliefs or 
hopes In an outcome of right. When, in 1793, the 
French revolutionists declared war with England, 
this division of feeling toward them produced 
partisans of France on one side, partisans of 
England on the other, — a French faction and an 
French and English factlon, — the quarrels of which, un- 
factions natural in American politics and unwholesome, 

France, England and the United States 1055 

did infinite harm to the poHtical spirit of the 
generation in which they occurred. 

Troubles arising from the Anglo-French war 
began in the spring of 1793, on the arrival of ^^ 
"Citizen Genet," as an envoy from the revolu- Genet," 
tionary government in France, claiming aid from '793-1794 
the United States, to fulfill obligations under the McMaster, 
treaty of alliance made in 1778. That treaty. History of 
with the king of France, pledged help to him for o/t/wU.s. 
the defense of his West India possessions. Was it 2 :ch. vm 
binding in present circumstances, since the royal 
government in France was overthrown, and 
France was not defensively but aggressively at 
war.'' Washington and his advisers decided that 
it was not, and a proclamation of neutrality was 
issued, with the acquiescence of Jefferson, as 
secretary of state. But the friendliness of Jeffer- 
son's party to France was so warm that neutrality 
became hard to preserve. Genet, misled by the conduct 
enthusiasm of the welcome they gave him, 
imagined that the American people would over- 
rule their government and allow him to push 
them into war. His conduct, in violation of the 
neutrality proclaimed, became intolerable, and 
the government was forced to demand his recall. 

At the same time England, using her great 
naval power with arrogance, and assuming to 
dictate the narrowest possible rules of neutral 
commerce, dealt most offensively with the United 
States, not only in the matter of American trade of England 
with France and her colonies, but in another that 
exasperated American feeling much more. She 



of neutral 

The Jay 



John Jay, 

The Period of Washington 

asserted a right to search the ships of other 
nations for seamen who had deserted from her 
own, or whom she claimed for naval service as 
subjects of her crown. Naturally, this right of 
search which she claimed was exercised mostly on 
American ships, where British seamen were most 
likely to be found, but where, among people of the 
same race and same speech, nativity would be 
hardest to prove. Many native-born Americans 
were said to have been dragged into the British 
navy by this barbarous impressment at sea. 
These fresh irritations, added to the old feeling 
against England which the War of Independence 
had left, kindled an anger in the country that 
seemed likely to be satisfied by nothing short of 
war. Hostilities were averted, however, by the 
unwilling acceptance of a treaty which the chief 
justice of the ' Jnited States, John Jay, went to 
England to negotiate, in 1794. Though a tempest 
of rage against the treaty was raised when its 
provisions became known, it represented, un- 
doubtedly, the best that could be done at the 
time, and the ratification of it was wise. It did 
not bind Great Britain to stop impressments from 
American ships, but it secured indemnity for 
recent illegal captures of merchant vessels, 
secured the surrender of western forts, obtained 
some privileges of trade in the British West 
Indies, settled the claims of British creditors, and 
postponed a war which the country was in no 
condition to undertake. 

The Jay treaty gave much offense to France 

The Jay Treaty 1057 

and Spain, and nearly caused the latter country 
to repudiate a recent convention, which freed the 
navigation of the Mississippi and conceded 
important privileges to American merchants at mentofthe 
New Orleans. American settlement of the southwest 
country south of the Ohio was now advancing 
with great rapidity, and two new States (Ken- 
tucky, 1792, Tennessee, 1796) were formed in 
that region and admitted to the union in the Vermont, 
period of the presidency of Washington. These Kentucky, 
stand second and third in the long list of States nessee 
added to the original thirteen, Vermont, formed f^'^yf^" 

D ' ' the Union, 

from territory that had been in dispute between 1791-1796 
New Hampshire and New York, and admitted in 
1791, being the first. Exit to the Gulf for their 
trade was a matter of prime importance to all the 
settlements in the Ohio Valley, and they were 
restive under the control held by Spain over the 
mouth of the Mississippi and its whole western 

Washington could not be persuaded to serve in 
the presidency for a third term, and announced 
his decision in the memorable Farewell Address 
to his countrymen that was published in Septem- ^^^^^ 
ber. 1796. John Adams, of Massachusetts, who president, 
had been vice-president, was chosen for president, 
and Thomas Jefferson for vice-president, at the ^, 
ensuing election, and took office in the following joim ' 
March. Early in the administration of President ^'^""^ 
Adams a serious rupture with France occurred. 
The revolutionary government of that country 
had resented the refusal of the United States to 



History of 
the People 
of the U.S., 
2 : ch. z 






The Period of Washington 

become Its ally against Great Britain; and its 
resentment had been heightened, first, by the Jay 
treaty, and then, still further, by the recall from 
France of Mr. James Monroe, sent there as 
American minister, in 1794. Monroe had been 
warmly in sympathy with the French republicans, 
and Washington, who thought his course unwise, 
sent General C. C. Pinckney to take his place. 
The French government not only refused to 
receive Pinckney, but ordered him out of the 
country in a most offensive way. At the same 
time it proceeded to hostile acts against American 
ships and merchandise, and war appeared inevita- 
ble; but President Adams and congress, seeking 
anxiously to avoid that result, sent John Marshall 
and Elbridge Gerry as special envoys, to join 
General Pinckney in an effort to restore friendly 
understandings with the republic In France. 
The envoys were not treated discourteously, but 
they could get no official hearing for months, and 
were beset, meantime, by emissaries, who seemed 
to speak for Talleyrand, the French minister for 
foreign affairs, and who demanded gifts for the 
members of the directory, then governing 

When reports of this experience were published 
in America the French go-betweens were not 
named, but designated as X. Y. Z., which caused 
the matter to be known as the "X. Y. Z. affair." 
Intense Indignation was caused, and an outbreak 
of actual hostilities occurred, In which the United 
States frigate Constellation fought sharp battles 

Presidency of John Adams 1059 

with two French ships, one of which she captured. 
Hurried military preparations were made, and 
Washington was appointed commander-in-chief, 
with Hamilton next in command. But the man- 
ners and tone of the French government took on 
a sudden change. It had to face a formidable 
coalition of hostile European powers, while its 
remarkable young general, Napoleon Bonaparte, 
had placed himself badly in Egypt, and a quarrel restored 
in America was not to be desired. Negotiations 
were opened which resulted in a new treaty, 
abrogating that of 1778. 

While the war excitement lasted. Republican 
friendship for France was chilled so much that the 
Federalists enjoyed a too Intoxicating sense of 
power, and ran to excesses in the use of it. By 
two acts which they passed, the Alien Act, ^^^^ '^" 
so-called, and the Sedition Act, aimed especially Sedition 

'. 1 . ' , ^ . Acts, 1798 

at certam abusive newspapers 01 opposmg 
politics and at certain foreign writers, they made 
a startling attack on personal rights, as well as on 
the freedom of the press. In denouncing and 
opposing these high-handed measures, the Repub- 
licans went as far in the other direction on a 
vicious line. Jefferson and Madison gave coun- 
tenance to the constitutional theory that each 
State may nullify and refuse obedience to acts of 
the general government which exceed, in its 
judgment, the powers delegated to that govern- Kentucky 
ment; and this dangerous doctrine, which Virginia 
imperiled the union at a later day, was embodied ^^^^"g""^"^"^* 
in resolutions adopted by the Kentucky legisla- 


The Period of Washington 

Const, and 
Pol. History 
of the U. S., 
1 : 143-167 

Death of 

Ion, Dec. 
14, 1799 

of the 
party, iSoo 

John Mar- 
shall, chief 

ture, and In Virginia resolutions, more guarded, 
at nearly the same time. 

The Federalists gave offense to the country, 
not only by their arbitrary measures, but by 
many expressions and signs of undemocratic 
feelings and views. Their party suffered, more- 
over, from factious quarrels among its leaders, 
after the restraining influence of Washington was 
withdrawn by his sudden death, on the 14th of 
December, 1799. The Father of his Country had 
been in no sense a partisan; but his inclination 
toward Federalist views was plain, and his closest 
relations in public life were with men on that side. 
In the election of 1800, the Federalists, support- 
ing Adams for reelection, were defeated, and 
never had power in the general government again. 
Jefferson was elected president, and Aaron Burr 

Before quitting office in the following spring, 
President Adams improved an opportunity to fill 
the office of chief justice of the United States by 
appointing John Marshall, of Virginia, who 
presided in the supreme court for the next thirty- 
four years. In the long term, the profound 
decisions of Chief Justice Marshall stamped con- 
structions upon the federal constitution which 
can never be effaced, and which have made it, in 
theory and in fact, the supreme law of the land. 

British America 

Until 1774, no government was provided for 
any part of the vast continental territory ceded 

Death of Washington io6i 

by France to England in 1763, except a section of Formation 
eastern Canada, which the king, by proclamation, province of 
had named Quebec, and for which he appointed a , "g!'^^ 
governor and council, giving them large discre- 
tionary powers. All other territory covered by 
the cession of French claims, including all that 
lies west of the Appalachian mountain range, 
which various English colonies had regarded as 
their own, was treated as a great Indian reserve, 
open to no settlement, and outside the jurisdic- 
tions of colonial law. In 1774, parliament passed 990) 
the Quebec Act, which extended the boundaries 
of the province of Quebec to the Ohio on the south 

d, - _. . . . , , , . . , TheQuebcc 

the Mississippi on the west, thus taking in the Act, 1774 

greater part of this lawless wild land, and attach- 
ing it, not to the neighboring colonial govern- 
ments, but to that of the remote French province 
in the north, where free institutions were un- „ . 

^ counnot, 

known. The act gave to the French settlers of Manual of 
Quebec the only freedom for which they greatly ofcanada,' 
cared, and that was freedom for the rites of their ch.ii-iii 
church. It secured to the Catholic clergy their 
"accustomed dues and rights," and those wise 
concessions made most of the existing population 
indifferent, for a time, to the fact that parliament 
had imposed upon it a purely arbitrary govern- 
ment, conducted by appointees of the crown. 
But the act was a new sting of provocation to the }^^ ofTens- 
neighboring English colonics, and they denounced the English 
it the next year, in their declaration of indepen- <=°'°"'^^ 
dence, "for abolishing," as they set forth, "the 
free system of English laws in a neighboring 

io62 The Period of Washington 

province, establishing therein an arbitrary gov- 
ernment, and enlarging its boundaries so as to 
render it at once an example and fit instrument 
for introducing the same absolute rule into these 

Possibly the Roman Catholics of Quebec and 
Nova Scotia might have joined the Protestants 
of the English colonies in their revolt, if the 
representatives of the latter, when they composed 
an address to the people of England, had not 
vented their religious prejudice by declaring that 
parliament had established in Canada "a religion 
that had deluged their land In blood and dispersed 
impiety, bigotry, persecution, murder and rebel- 
lion through every part of the world." This most 
offensive utterance was worth some regiments to 
the British, no doubt, in the subsequent war, 
helping them to hold the lately French provinces, 
and to offer them, in the end, as a place of refuge 
to the loyalists who fled or were driven from the 
colonies in revolt. These "united empire loyal- 
"United ists," as they came to be known, are computed to 
empire havc numbered not less than <? c;,ooo men, women 

loyalists . 

and children, of whom about 25,000 found homes 
in Nova Scotia, mostly in the part of that prov- 
ince which became New Brunswick, and about 
Eihs, in 10,000 were settled in Canada, generally on and 

r^arrative ' . 

and Critical near the St. Lawrence, west of the Ottawa River, 
Jm.^-j: and along the Niagara frontier. They received 
185-214 . liberal grants of public lands, and became an 

element of great influence and importance in the 

British-American population. 

British American Provinces. — China 1063 

The Ottawa River formed substantially a line 
of division between French and English Canadi- 
ans; and that racial separation was confirmed tionaf^Tt 
politically in 1791, by a new constitutional act of of 1791 
the British parliament, which divided the former 
province of Quebec into the two provinces of 
Upper and Lower Canada, the former mostly 
English in population, the latter French. With a lo^J ^"^ 
property qualification of the sufi"rage, both Canada 
peoples were then given representation in one 
branch of their provincial legislatures, the other 
branch being of royal selection, appointed for life. 

In Nova Scotia, the colonists had been repre- 
sented in a legislative assembly since 1758. The ^°J^i^ 
province then included what are now New Bruns- 
wick, Cape Breton and Prince Edward Island, 
and the general population had been increased 
quite largely, since the removal of the Acadlans, 
by accessions from New England, Great Britain 
and Germany. In 1784, that part of the old 
French Acadia which lies on the northern side of 
the Bay of Fundy was separated from Nova 
Scotia, and organized as the province of New 
Brunswick. The "U. E. Loyalists," so-called, Brunswick 
had made it their special domain. 

The Chinese Empire 

Late in the reign of Keen-lung the first British 
embassy to the court at Peking was received with 
every manifestation of gracious friendliness and 
hospitality, but no practical concessions to its 
request for commercial openings and privileges 





of Keen- 

The Period of Washington 

were made. Lord Macartney, who headed the 
embassy, bore an immense number of gifts to the 
emperor, and had the mortification of learning, 
too late, that certain Chinese characters on the 
flag of the vessel in which he was conveyed up the 
Peiho to Peking announced him as a "tribute- 
bearer from England." For some time past 
English traders had been doing a little business 
on sufferance at Canton, undergoing many an- 
noyances and humiliations, and that contemptu- 
ous sufferance was still extended to them; but 
Lord Macartney gained nothing more. 

In 1796 Keen-lung, who had reached a great 
age, abdicated in favor of his son. "The native 
historians state with justice that during the sixty 
years of his reign the empire reached its acme of 
greatness. From the northern steppes of Mon- 
golia to Cochin China, and from Formosa to 
Nepal, the Chinese armies had fought and con- 
















FROM Bismarck's founding of the german empire 






In describing this last epoch of history as one 
characterized by ^Uhe transforming of the world^'' 
the writer reverts to a view of it which he had 
presented in a former book. Speaking then of the 
nineteenth century, he remarked that the genera- 
tions before it, "whether ancient or modern, had 
found the world in which they lived much the 
same, so far as concerns the common conditions rp, , 

' Ihe trans- 

of life; but for us of the present age it has been formation 

, J- J T 1 • , . of the world 

Utterly trans] or me a. Its distances mean nothmg 
that they formerly did; its dividing seas and 
mountains have none of their old effect; its ter- 
rifying pestilences have been half subdued, by 
discovery of the germs from which they spring; 
its very storms, by being sentinelled, have lost 
half their power to surprise us in our travels or 
our work. Netting the earth with steam and 
electric railways, seaming it with canals, wire- 
stringing it with telegraphic and telephonic lines; j^^j^^ 
ferrying its oceans with swift, steam-driven ships; ditions of 
ploughing, planting, harvesting, spinning, weav- 
ing, knitting, sewing, writing, printing, doing 
everything, with cunning machines and with tire- 
less forces borrowed from coal mines and from 
waterfalls, men are making a new world for 
themselves out of that in which they lived at 


io68 Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

» the dawning of the era of mechanism and steam. 

"These, however, are but outward features of 
the change that is being wrought In the world. 
Socially, politically, morally, it has been under- 
going in this epoch a deeper change. The growth 
of fellow-feeling that began In the last century 
has been an increasing growth. It has not ended 

In social war, nor the passions that cause war, but it is 

relations rouslug an Opposition which gathers strength 
every year, and it Is forcing nations to settle their 
disputes by arbitration, more and more. It has 
made democratic institutions of government so 
common that the few arbitrary governments now 
remaining in civilized countries seem disgraceful 
to the people who endure them so long. It has 
broken many of the old yokes of conquest, and 
revived the independence of many long-sub- 
jugated states. It has swept away unnatural 
boundary lines, which separated peoples of 
kindred language and race. It Is pressing long- 
neglected questions of right and justice on the 
attention of all classes of men, everywhere, and 
requiring that answers shall be found. 

"And, still, even these are but minor effects of 

the prodigious change that the nineteenth cen- 

. tury has brought into the experience of mankind. 

pecttothe rar beyond them all In importance are the nev^ 
conceptions of the universe, the new suggestions 
and inspirations to all human thought, that 
science has been giving In these later years. If 
we live In a world that is different from that which 
our ancestors knew. It Is still more the fact that we 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1069 

think of a different universe, and feel differently Lamed, 

History oj 

in our relations to it." England, 

This view of the epoch leads us naturally to ^^^'^ 
think first of the men whose genius or work or 
influence is conspicuous among the causes of a 
change so prodigious in the conditions of life in 
the world. Naturally, too, our thoughts turn 
primarily to the swifter movements of the great 
transformation, which have been on the side of 
the physical environments of life. That those 
took their first marvelous acceleration from the 
introduction of the steam engine is a plain fact. 
The steam engine was made a practicable motor 
by James Watt about 1775; but results from it in 
the directions now considered were hardly visible Puiton, 
before the opening years of the next century. '765-1815 
Numerous inventors, in several countries, had 
then been busy for some years with devices for 
putting the steam engine afloat, as a propelling 
power for ships; but Robert Fulton, the Ameri- 
can, is the one among them who succeeded first 
in carrying the invention quite beyond the experi- 
mental stage into that of practical use. This was 
accomplished in 1807; but it was not until 1838 
that the revolutionizing of ocean navigation 

By that time the humble-born, self-educated 
Englishman, George Stephenson, had opened a 
greater revolution in traffic and travel by mount- Stephenson 
ing the steam engine on locomotive wheels and '781-1848 
setting the wheels upon iron tracks. The floated 
engine and the wheeled engine came then into use 

1 070 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 













together about two generations ago, as the main 
agents in two processes of human development: 
(i) hy the commingHng of men, through travel 
and migration, and (2) by bringing them into 
cooperations of labor as wide as the world. Thus 
far in history, no other single agencies have acted 
on the circumstances of life with such penetrating 
social effects. 

Next to the inventions that brought steam into 
the service of mankind, those later ones which 
subdue and employ the mysterious electric energy 
have been most wonderful in their transforming 
eifects. Behind the practical inventors in this 
field lies the work of a long succession of the 
purely scientific students of electrical phenomena, 
who brought to light the facts and formulated the 
laws which invention applied to use. Oersted, the 
Dane, had to make the discovery of electro- 
magnetism, before even the true conception of an 
electric telegraph could be formed; and studies of 
electric currents and of electro-magnetic action, 
by Ampere and Arago, in France, by Faraday, in 
England, and by Ohm, in Germany, were needed 
to guide the inventors of the telegraph to success. 
There were several close competitors for the prize 
of that invention: Henry and Morse, in America, 
Wheatstone and Cooke in England, — Morse 
winning the lead, by devising an alphabet of 
easily recorded dots and lines, and by being the 
first to offer a telegraphic line of wires for public 
use. Distinction equal to that of the inventors 
seems due to Cyrus W. Field, whose persevering 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1071 

enterprise accomplished the laying of the first 
great oceanic cable, in 1866. 

In the later perfecting of electric telegraphy, 
carried even to Its emancipation from dependency 
on conducting wires, and In the more amazing 
development of electric telephony, the scientific 
achievements of Edison, Bell, Gray, and Marconi ^^^^^^^ 
appear greater, by far, than the simpler feats of Edison, 
the pioneers In the field. 

Until about 1867, the nimble messenger-service ham Beii, 
of electricity was all of much practical Importance '^^7- 
that It gave to man. Then the dynamic genera- 
tion of powerful currents, or the transmutation of 
power from other sources into electromagnetic 
force, was begun. From that, within the next 
two decades, sprang the electric railway and the 
electric light. These were followed. In another 
decade, by bold captures from Nature of the 
mighty gravitational force in her great cataracts, 
flashing it into electric currents and over miles of 
distance, to places of convenience for Its use. 
Out of the host of savants, mechanicians and 
engineers who have borne important parts in that 
later exploitation of electricity we may distinguish 
without injustice, perhaps, the Siemens brothers, 
Werner and Sir William, Professor Thomson, 
now Lord Kelvin, Nikola Tesla and Elihu Thom- Thomson 
son, with Wheatstone and Edison again in the list. (^°''<? , 

A • • 1 1, Kelvin), 

Great engmecrmg works, as well as extraor- 1824-1907 

dinary improvements in connected processes and Nikola 
arts, have been associated at every stage with the "^'' ^^' 
mastery and utilization of electricity and steam; 


Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

Sir Henry 












George W. 



and these have been made so common by their 
multitude that personal distinction from them, 
publicly recognized, seems hard to win and is 
quickly lost. Bessemer's revolution in the pro- 
duction of steel, cheapening it to the level of iron 
and bringing it to common uses, has made an 
impression that stamps his name on the public 
memory; De Lesseps' triumph in the construc- 
tion of the Suez canal, and his pitiable failure at 
Panama, have marked him with a double nota- 
bility; Ericsson's dramatic opening of a new era 
in naval warfare by the timely production of the 
Monitor links him with an enduring episode of 
history; the conquest of the air by the Wright 
brothers has opened new avenues of industry and 
adventure, and added a new factor to warfare; 
but most of the marvelous work of late years in 
applied science and mechanics is appropriated by 
the world with no more than a momentary 
identification of the brain from which it comes. 

The crowning engineering achievement of the 
present epoch is the completion of the Panama 
Canal, a titanic project carried through by the 
United States at a cost of about ^375,000,000 
(including the payment made to the French 
syndicate). What is even more remarkable than 
the actual building of the Canal is the transfor- 
mation of a fever-stricken zone into one of the 
healthiest places in the western hemisphere, with 
a death rate lower than that of the average 
American city. The chief engineer of this vast 
undertaking, Colonel G. W. Goethals, was 

George Stephenson 

From painting by Briggs 


From a photograph 

^HIk" vb 



^JpP%, „ 



» ,1 ■ .; 


From a photograph 


From a photograph 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1073 

fittingly appointed first civil governor of the 
Canal Zone, in 1914. 

Generally, the gifts of science — the splendid 
and abounding gifts of the present age and the 
recent past — are taken in that way, with scanty 
recognition of the givers, beyond some small 
circle in a professional class. Hundreds of 
laborious investigators, for example, have con- 
tributed to that present-day knowledge of malig- 
nant living organisms in nature, — germs of 
disease, — which it is reasonable to value above 
any other learning of our time; yet how many 
among them are known memorably, even in the 
medical schools? Pasteur, who found the secret 
of fermentation, who led the way in tracing ^"^gy^ 
particular maladies to cognizable germs, and who 1822-1895 
robbed hydrophobia of half its terrors, did too 
much to be overlooked in his life or forgotten 
when he died. Lister, too, the pioneer in anti- 
septic surgery, MechnikofF, the Russian patholo- 
gist, who traced the functions of beneficial and 
pathogenic bacteria, and Koch, whose discoveries 
of the bacilli of cholera and tuberculosis have 
checked the terrifying outbreaks of the one and 
armed all communities with power to eradicate 
the other, may be tolerably sure of lasting names. Lis/e°^^^'^ 
An unscientific writer can hardly venture to 1827- 
specifymore. ^ ^ ^ ^^^^^^ 

The present writer is fully conscious of the Koch, 1843- 
hazard of an undertaking like this, to enroll, 
without specialized knowledge, the men of most 
notable achievement in the scientific work of 


Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 



de Laplace, 




Alex, von 


Jean Louis 






Sir Charles 



Asa Gray, 



later times. Errors of unjust omission are 
inevitable, without doubt; errors on the other 
side ought not to occur. There can be no mistake 
in giving places here to Laplace, the great French 
mathematician and astronomer; to Cuvier, 
recognized head. If not creator, of the science of 
comparative anatomy; to Herschel, of the 
famous telescope, who has been called "the 
virtual founder of sidereal science;" to Hum- 
boldt, who seems to have been the master of all 
knowledge in his day; to Pinel, who humanized 
the treatment of the Insane; to Dalton, originator 
of the atomic theory In chemistry; to Davy, 
analyst of the fixed alkalies and contriver of the 
safety-lamp for miners; to Agassiz, the demon- 
strator of glacial action in geology; to Fraun- 
hofer, Bunsen and Kirchoff, who began the 
decipherment of the revelations of the spectrum; 
to Joule, who determined the mechanical equiva- 
lent of heat; to Grove, originator of the concep- 
tion of the correlation of forces; to Helmholtz, 
foremost of modern discoverers in optics and 
acoustics; to Lyell and Dana, Gray and Hooker, 
who hold the highest rank among geologists and 
botanists of the age; to Tyndall, the Interpreter 
of physical science to common understanding, 
and the fruitful investigator in many of its fields; 
to Clerk Maxwell, formulator of the most 
accepted mathematical theory of electrical phe- 
nomena; to Schwann, whose cell theory became 
the basis of modern histology, and to Virchow, 
the founder of cellular pathology; to Jackson, or 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1075 

Morton, or both, in recognition of their proof that 
surgery can be made painless by anesthetics; 
to Carrel, of the Rockefeller Institute, New York, Alexis 
who was awarded the Nobel prize for medicine ^a"^'' 
for his researches and discoveries in the cultiva- 
tion of tissues in vitro, the grafting of limbs and 
peripheral parts, and the transplantation of 
tissues and organs from one animal to another; 
to Crookes, Hertz and Rontgen, whose successive 
discoveries have led to knowledge of the mysteri- crookes, 
ous so-called "X-rays," the usefulness and mean- '^32- 
ing of which have not yet been half learned; to 
Becquerel, who discovered the radiating proper- 
ties of uranium; to Pierre and Madame Curie, pi^^^^ 

the ioint discoverers of radium, the radioactive ^'^"^' , 
. . • . 1859-1906 

properties of which have been enlisted in the Marie 

treatment of disease. jg"^"^' 

With the Increased knowledge of electromag- 
netic waves, and Improved methods of producing 
and detecting them made by Sir Oliver Lodge, 
Marconi, and others, wireless telegraphy was 
made possible. The wireless system from the 
outset proved itself of incalculable value In saving 
life at sea, and Introduced a new factor in the art 
of naval warfare. Not the least important of its 
uses is the widening of the area of meteorological 

Photography now plays such an important part j^^-^^ 
in the life of mankind, being at once the handmaid Jacques 
of science and Industrial art and the bringer of all Daguerre, 
countries and peoples before the eyes of the '789-1851 
multitude, that we are apt to forget our debt to 


Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

Henry Fox 

Charles R. 
1 809-1882 

Alfred R. 



Niepce, Daguerre, Talbot, and others whose 
experiments and improvements have made this 
wide usefulness possible. To Edison again we 
owe the cinematograph or moving pictures, a 
development of photography which has created 
a new industry and a new source of popular 

But the great name of the nineteenth century 
In science is still unwritten on our scroll. If it is 
true, as was said at the beginning of this sketch, 
that science, in these later years, has been giving 
"new conceptions of the universe" and "new 
suggestions and inspirations to all human 
thought," it is mainly because Darwin, the 
patient open-minded seeker for the truth of 
things, gathered convincing evidences of the 
process of "natural selection" by which an 
evolution of higher from lower forms of life is 
brought about. The thought of such a process, 
with an ascending evolution of being as its con- 
comitant, had occurred to other minds. Wallace, 
simultaneously with Darwin, described the pos- 
sible working of natural selection in the varying 
of species. Spencer had already arrived at the 
conception of a universal process of evolution in 
the organic world, had formulated its law and 
planned an all-embracing philosophy founded 
thereon. But the long-pursued, careful observa- 
tions and inductions of Darwin, prejudiced by no 
theorizing a priori^ were what made the new 
doctrine of material creation irresistible and fixed 
it in scientific belief. In the strong body of ardent 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch lojr 

champions who rose promptly to support and ?"^"J 
confirm the conclusions of Darwin, Huxley, the 1820-1903 
most lucid and eloquent of all scientific writers, 
shines brilliantly preeminent. His agency seems Thomas H. 
next to that of Darwin In the conversion of man- 1825-1^95 
kind to a view which changes the standpoint of 
all thinking on the deeper problems of existence. 
The results of recent research mark an epoch 

i.. f |. jf*'!* Cambridge 

m the history 01 natural science and 01 civiliza- Modem 
tlon. "Perhaps the most striking feature of the ^"'ory. 

. . . .12 :79i 

more recent discoveries has been their cumulative 
effect. A new branch of physics at once bears 
chemical fruit, while knowledge gained in physical 
chemistry Is applied alike by physicists, chemists, 
and physiologists. Archaeology throws light on 
anthropology, and anthropology on the com- 
parative history of religion. Academic study of 
the problems of heredity has Immediate bearing 
on agriculture and sociology, while the mechani- 
cal arts are lying in wait for the results of research 
In the laboratory, and In using extend them. We 
understand at last that knowledge Is one, and 
that only for convenience sake has It been 
divided into subjects and sections along lines 
determined by historical reasons." 

In literature, no less than In science, splendid 
promises at the opening of the late century were 
fulfilled with amplitude during two-thirds, at 
least, of its years. The wakening that had been 
signaled in the song of Burns, to simpler influ- 
ences from nature, touching warmer depths of 
feeling, became manifest decisively In Words- 


Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 


Sir Walter 



Noel Gor- 
don, Lord 




1 769- 1 860 




worth's more spiritual verse. At the same time, 
a corresponding and collateral wakening to more 
vivid consciousness of the poetry in human life 
was inspiring, on one hand, the school of bards 
whose imagination followed Scott's into the 
unfamiliar past, and the less adventurous school 
of Byron, on the other hand, which found motives 
in the life of its own time. Scott, passing from 
verse to prose fiction, created the romantic 
historical novel; while Jane Austen perfected 
the design of the novel of contemporary domestic 

The three movements or tendencies of imagina- 
tive feeling, toward nature, romance and con- 
temporary life, ran everywhere, and were inter- 
mingled, more or less, in subsequent poetry and 
prose fiction, but always with one dominating 
strain. Goethe's genius was great enough to 
comprehend them all; yet its own personality 
was so controlling as to give to his poetry the 
classic tone of restraint. Patriotic and political 
feeling entered largely into all German literature 
during much of the first half of the century, 
expressing itself warmly in the lyrics of Korner 
and Arndt, and deeply coloring the satire, the wit 
and the fancies of the brilliant, cynical Heine; 
but the romantic tendenz is manifest generally in 
the imaginative writing of the time. This, in the 
early years, was stimulated ardently by Tieck 
and Novalis, and satisfied more perfectly, a little 
later by Uhland, the master balladlst of his day. 

After Rousseau, the starting Impulse of the 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1079 

movement that liberated French literature from Madame 

De Stael 

its long bondage to the old canons called classical Hoistdn, 
is attributed most largely to Madame de Stael, ^766-1817 
who roused discontent with the literary spirit and 
tone that prevailed. Chateaubriand and Lamar- 

• ^1- • ^' _ Alphonse 

tme were pioneers m the emancipation move- Lamartine, 
ment; but Victor Hugo Is the conspicuous chief 1790-1869 
of what became, In the third and fourth decades Victor 
of the century, a singularly passionate revolt 1802-1885 
against the traditional judgments and tastes of 
the literary public in France. An almost riotous 
exuberance of freedom obtained indulgence then, 
for a time; but It underwent, presently, a taming, 
in poetry and prose fiction, from extreme roman- 
ticism to extreme realism, with an ultimate deca- 
dence in many writers to sheer animalityof senti- 
ment and imagination. Hugo, Vigny and Dumas, 
— Balzac, George Sand and Beranger, — Gautler 
and Musset, — Stendhal and Merlmee, — Flaubert Balzac, 
and Zola, Baudelaire and Verlaine, — may be said ^''^^'^ ^° 
to represent different phases of the change. The 
charming Erckmann-Chatrlan tales, In their pure 
simplicity, seem to stand by themselves, quite Dudevant 
apart from the general stream of tendency in their P^'V.^^ 
time. Criticism, as exercised by such writers as 1804-1876 
Villemaln, Sainte-Beuve and Taine, has been an 
influence of unusual force in France; and the ^ . ^, 

,. 1- . • • • 1-1 1 ^ r LouisChas. 

literary quality in serious writmg, like that 01 Alfred de 
Renan, is more than commonly an element of 181^1857 

Turning eastward, we see Russian literature 
entering upon its most glorious era, with Pushkin, 


Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 


Leo Niko- 







BaratynskI, and Lermontov in the vanguard of 
the poets. Gogol, the creator of the Russian 
novel, established the school of realism and was 
followed by Turgenev, Goncharov, Dostoevski, 
Pisemski, and the most famous of them all, Tol- 
stoy, a nihilist and mystic in whose writings 
Russian naturalism would seem to have cul- 

Scandinavia too has contributed generously to 
the world's literature in modern times. A race of 
intellectual giants was brought to a close with 
the four Danish poets, Grundivig, Bodtcher, 
Hans Christian Andersen, Paludan-Miiller, and 
the celebrated critic, Brandes. Frederika Bremer, 
the Swedish novelist, is well known in the United 
States; so too is Viktor Rydberg, one of the fore- 
most writers of our day. The wave of realism 
that swept over Europe is manifest in the works 
of the Finlander, Runeberg, the greatest poet that 
has ever used the Swedish tongue, and of the 
celebrated Norwegians, Ibsen and Bjornson. 

More in English literature than in any other, 
the rewakened Inspirations from nature and from 
human life were soon harmonized and fused, with 
rich variations of effect. The fusion appears even 
in Wordsworth, who caught suggestions of 
thought or feeling from simple incidents of com- 
mon life, as readily as his eye caught the beauty 
and the hint of simple objects that he found In his 
walks. It does not appear in Coleridge, fatally 
compounded as he was of the poet and the 
analyzing critic, — a positive deformation of 


From a photograph 


From painting by Haydon 

Victor Hugo 

From a photograph 


From a portrait by Kramer 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch io8i 

genius. All that is finest in his poetry is from ^amud 

.,.,. ,. ...... Taylor 

sources within himself; romantic in the spirit, but CoieHdge, 
fabricated from nothing out of any known past, ^772-1834 
and showing little sign of the seeing eye. But the 
poems of Shelley are one product of the fusion we 
speak of, while another, very different, is found 
in the poetry of Keats. The inexhaustible Bysshe 
delightfulness of nature was felt intensely by jJ^J-Ts'zz 
both. Shelley blended it with profounder feel- 
ings, from the depths of a heart that was pained 
by the sufferings of humanity and angered by its 
wrongs. Keats, on the contrary, Greek-like in l^^^.^szl^ 
his genius, could take no inspiration from pain or 
wrong, or from anything adverse to the joy of life 
and the beauty of the world. He had to look into 
some twilighted past for visions of imagined life 
that would harmonize with the aspects of nature 
that he loved. 

And now we approach a generation that began 
to be moved profoundly by those great revela- 
tions of science that have changed the tenor of all 
thought. The pondering, questioning spirit of a 
scientific age entered poetry, charging the highest 
efforts in It with a deeper thoughtfulness, turning 
them on the problems of existence that fret our 
minds. This graver tone and weightier substance 
came slowly Into the poetry of Tennyson, took ^^^d^^' 
possession of Browning's and gave its finest Tennyson, 
quality to Matthew Arnold's verse. The three ^ 

pre-Raphaellte poets, Rossetti, Morris, and Swin- 
burne, were the foremost singers of a revived Robert 

,1 , . r 1 • T Browning, 

romanticism, and show nothing or the scientmc 1812-1889 


Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

Henry W. 






influence; nor do any of the chief American poets 
of the same generation. Bryant ceased to sing 
when his youth was passed, and a busy city took 
him into its life, and he lost touch with nature. 
To Longfellow all influences from nature and 
life, past and present, were inspiring; but he was 
not moved to deal with the problems of his age. 
Nor was Lowell, critic, humorist, satirist, — 
warmly romantic at the bottom of all. Least of 
all did Whittier, equal lover of God, nature and 
man, touch any such questioning in his sweet and 
simple song. As for Poe, he was like a Coleridge 
of lighter genius on the critical and philosophic 
side. He took little from and gave little to any 
outward influence, drawing his poetry from 
sources of suggestion and imagination within 
himself. Emerson, alone, in America, tinctured 
a subtly pregnant verse, as well as a rarely cogent 
prose, with the profoundest thinking of the 

Romantically as the Imagination of the English 
novel-reading world had been excited by Scott, 
the pure romance did not hold its place long in 
English literature. There were no masters to 
uphold it after Sir Walter died, except Haw- 
thorne, thi American, who found a realm of 
psychological romance in the Puritan past of New 
England, and explored it with a dark-lanterned 
imagination. In constructive art and purity of 
English prose the work of Hawthorne has hardly 
been surpassed. The other great writers of prose 
fiction who followed Scott found more to interest 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1083 

and move them in the life of their own day than 
in that of the past. 

Thackeray, with his fine discernment of charac- 
ter and of the play of mixed motives in human Make^ace 
action, could and did compose historical novels Thackeray, 

1 r • 1 r c ^ 1811-1863 

that are nearer to perfection than any 01 bcott s; 
but his art was still finer and more perfect in the 
keenly satirical and no less keenly true pictures 
that he drew of society as he saw it in the living 
state. Dickens had none of that artistic fineness 
in his work, but he was far beyond Thackeray in 
creative power. He went to real life, not so much 
for characters as for hints of eccentricity, out of 
which to create characters that have the seeming 
of reality, while they bear their maker's stamp. 
They are not real to our experience, but easily 
become real to our imagination; and the same is 
true of the whole structure of the society into 
which we are carried by one of Dickens's tales. 
We know nothing quite like it; it has no actuality 
but that which it takes from his pen; yet that 
seems to be enough. His creative achievement, 
in fact, is unique: it is nothing less than the 
fabrication of a Dickens zvorld, peopled wonder- 
fully with a multitudinous community of Dickens 
characters, all consistent with it and with them- 
selves. There is nothing else in imaginative 
literature with which it can rightly be compared. 
After Thackeray and Dickens, the name of 

1-1 ,. , |. . Charles 

greatest emmencc among iLnglish novelists is Dickens, 
unquestionably that of George Eliot, who brought '^^--'^70 
to the study of character, and to the artistic 


Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 
























observation of life, a quality of intellectual power 
very different from that of any other great 
writer of fiction, unless Balzac may be thought to 
show somewhat the same. It seems to be the 
power of a profoundly rational mind, lending 
itself to imaginative tasks, not spontaneously, 
but under the constraint of a marvelous self- 

If these masters of prose fiction stand apart, in 
a class of their own, that most fertile field of 
English literature has been thronged for six 
decades, at least, with writers of the second rank. 
The number is too great for more than mention 
in this place: Kingsley, Bulwer, Disraeli, Char- 
lotte Bronte, Mrs. Gaskell, Reade, Hughes, 
Trollope, Stevenson (whose higher rank as a 
great literary artist is in another company), 
Macdonald, Mrs. Oliphant, Mrs. Ewing, George 
Meredith, Blackmore, Walter Besant, Black, in 
Great Britain, and Cooper, Mrs. Stowe, Bret 
Harte, S. L. Clemens (Mark Twain), F. Marion 
Crawford, in America, — who will question the 
right of these to a place in our list.'* From living 
writers we will venture no choice of names. 

Outside of fiction, in English prose, what 
brilliant, beautiful, powerful work has been done 
within the last hundred years, in widely differing 
styles! Lamb, in the first generation of the 
century, Stevenson in the last, — each from his 
own delightful personality and in the spirit of his 
own age, — exemplify the high charm of that 
limpid, natural flow of written discourse which 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1085 

nothing but a genius of perfect naivete and 
sincerity can yield. De Quincey tests the _, _ 
flexibility of the language in subtle intricacies of Quincey, 
inconclusive thought. Ruskin develops its pic- ^'' ^'^ ^^ 
torial capacities and brings to light new beauties Ruskin, 
of verbal effect. Carlyle moulds it into strange 1819-1900 
and striking forms of expression, which he uses 
with a power that is more extraordinary than the 
power of the thought conveyed. Hazlitt, Hunt, 
Landor, Mill, Bagehot, Huxley, Martineau, New- cariyie! 
man, Symonds, Matthew Arnold, in England, 1795-1881 
and Irving, Emerson, Thoreau, Holmes, Curtis, ^eo old 
in America, — each for his own purpose makes it von Ranke, 
a potent, satisfying vehicle of such message as he ^^ ' 
has for the world. 

No branch of the literature of knowledge has 
more to give distinction to its work in this period 
than the historical; and that is true equally if we 
judge it by the carefulness of preparatory investi- 
gation, by the conscientious candor of treatment, 
or by the literary excellence of composition. In 
Ranke, Mommsen, Hausser, Curtius, of Ger- 
many, Thierry, Guizot, Barante, Micheiet, Mar- Louis 
tin, Thiers, of France, Hallam, Macaulay, Grote, Thiers, 
Stubbs, Freeman, Green, Lecky, Gardiner, of '797-1877 
England, Bancroft, Prescott, Motley, Parkman, JJ^ilJ^ton 
Fiske, Rhodes, of the United States, we have a Baron 
list of historians which all the preceding centuries, is^i^ssg' 
together, from Thucydides to Gibbon, cannot Francis 

match. Parkman, 

Apart from Germany, the notable and influ- 
ential contributions to philosophical thinking, in 


Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 


1770-183 1 








the nineteenth century, were few. From France, 
Comte's skeptical system of "positive philoso- 
phy" made, for some time, a marked impression, 
which has waned since the project of a new re- 
ligion was erected upon it. Hamilton, in Scot- 
land, gave rise to wide discussion in his day by 
attempts to mediate between the transcendental- 
ism of Kant and the common sense of Reid. The 
later movements of British thought in these 
regions have turned to controversy over the 
evolutionary principle worked out by Herbert 
Spencer and his school. It is in Germany that 
philosophy has had its chosen home since it was 
domiciled by Kant; and every generation there 
has taken famous new systems from famous new 
teachers, — Fichte, Hegel, Herbart, Schelling, 
Schopenhauer, Lotze, Hartmann, — in an un- 
broken line. The twentieth century sees the eyes 
of philosophical students turned once more to 
France where Bergson's teachings of "creative 
evolution" have opened up new horizons of 
thought. No such impression has been made by 
any contribution to philosophy since Kant 
launched his "Critique of Pure Reason." 

In religious movements, the two most con- 
spicuous are probably the Salvation Army, 
organized and firmly established by General 
Booth, and Christian Science, discovered and 
founded by Mary Baker Eddy, both of which 
achieved worldwide success during the lifetime 
of their founders. General Booth built up a 
militant organization outside the churches, bear- 


From portrait by Kramer 


From a photograph 


From a photograph 

Mary Baker Eddy 

From a photograph copyrighted by 

The Christian Science PubHshing 

Society, Boston 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1087 

ing the message of the Cross into the darkest ^^jy 

• 1 1 • • 1 • Baker 

abodes of vice and destitution, and working out Eddy, 
a radical scheme of social reform. Mrs. Eddy, '^-^-'^'o 
unusually gifted and spiritually minded, seems ^^dHeliih, 
to have been the inspired leader needed to turn ^'^'^^ Key to 
the world's thought away from its sordid materi- tures" 
ality into spiritual channels. Her discovery, in 
1866, of what she afterwards called the "Science 
of Christianity" has certainly produced pro- 
digious results from whatever point viewed. 
Many thousands have been healed of hopeless 
disease, both of mind and body. Following the 
demonstration of such healing power, the estab- 
lishment of Christian Science churches has spread 
with unprecedented rapidity to all parts of the 
globe, particularly in the English-speaking coun- 
tries, while the influence of this teaching has 
permeated every branch of thought, scientific, 
philosophical, and religious. Though Mrs. Eddy 
claimed no personal glory, the fruit of her work 
surely entitles her to a place among the world's 
greatest benefactors. 

Now, at last, we may turn to the conspicuous 
actors in public affairs. In any former century 
they would have filled most of the stage and 
dominated the history of the time; for no period 
of equal length was ever productive of more 
stirring or more pregnant political events; but 
the greater marks on humanity and the world are 
made no longer by the energies that operate in 
politics and war. What are the marks that Napo- 
leon left, compared with those visible or felt by all 

io88 Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

mankind, to-day, from the work of Watt and 
Stephenson or from the thoughtful studies of 
Darwin and Pasteur? Large as he looks in the 
story of his brutal career, the great Corsican 
adventurer shrinks to a poor figure when the real 
outcome of his life is measured up. He was the 
incarnation of genius in those modes of intel- 
lectual power which bear upon the mastery of 
momentary circumstances and the command of 
men. But he had no spark of the higher genius 
that might have directed such powers to great 
ends. The soul behind his genius was ignoble, the 
spirit was mean; and his genius had its narrow- 
ness even on the intellectual side. His selfish 
projects were never sagacious, never far-sighted, 
thoughtfully studied, wisely planned. There is 
no appearance in any part of his career of a pon- 
dered policy, guiding him to a well-determined 
result from what he did. The circumstances of 
any moment, whether on the battlefield or in the 
political arena, he could handle with a swift 
apprehension, a mastery and a power that may 
never have been surpassed. But much commoner 
men have apprehended and have commanded in 
a larger and more successful way the general 
sweep of circumstances in their lives. It is that 
Bon°pane, ^^^^ which belittles Napoleon in the comparison 
if69-i82i often made between him and Csesar. Probably 
he was Caesar's equal in war; but who can 
imagine Caesar, in Napoleon's place, committing 
the blunders of blind arrogance which ruined the 
latter in Germany and Spain, or undertaking his 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1089 

fatuous "continental system" against British 

On his own plane of character and genius, as a 
heartless warrior, Napoleon was unrivaled, — a 
prodigy, such as Providence has rarely permitted 
to be born, for the affliction of mankind. None Weiiesky, 
who contended with him in war were nearly his ^g^i^^g^on 
equals, — neither Wellington and Bliicher, who 1769-1852 
overcame him finally at Waterloo, nor Nelson, Horatio, 
who forbade him the use of the sea; and opposing Nelson, 
statesmanship was paralyzed by his military ^758-1805 
success. Moreover, unfortunately, no statesman wiiiiam 
of the first order came to power in Europe in that P'"- ^^^ 

r J -n- 1 • r younger, 

time 01 great need, ritt, his loremost opponent, 1759-1806 
was a skillful parliamentarian, an effective 
speaker, a financier of ability, and he organized 
the European resistance with considerable skill; james Fox, 
but he had nothing of his father's inspiring genius '749-1806 
or force. Fox, the warm-hearted, the eloquent, 
the reckless, pleasure-loving man of personal better- 
charm, is hardly to be thought of as an efficient "'ch- • 

... . , , , . , Winne- 

master 01 ministerial power. Mettermch was too burg, 
narrow, too limited in every way for dealing with '773-1859 
situations like those which the French revolution „ . . , 


and Napoleon had brought about. Stein and Friedrkh, 
Hardenberg, who raised Prussia from her pros- stdn? ^°" 
trate state, and prepared her for the subsequent '757-1831 
leadership that made Germany what it is, found 
their opportunity too late for effects upon the 
European conflict till its end approached; but August^J,^ 
their work counts in history, from its durable Harden- 
results, for infinitely more than time has sifted 1750^1822 


Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

I 743 -I 826 





out of the wreckage of ephemeral empire which 
Napoleon left. 

American statesmanship, In the Napoleonic 
period, took from Jefferson a cast or spirit that 
was strangely misfitted to that stormy and 
strenuous time. It applied humanitarian and 
philosophic principles to circumstances In which 
philosophy and humanitarian sentiment were 
least likely to have force, and the experiment did 
not succeed. Measured by the lasting Influence 
of his political opinions In the United States, — the 
profound impress of his thought and feeling on 
American democracy, and the fundamental 
quality which that shows in them, — ^Jefferson 
was more than a great statesman, for he was a 
great political chief, — the founder of an inde- 
structible political creed; but his practical 
administration of government showed more 
weakness than strength. So, too. did Madison's, 
when he came to the helm of government In those 
difficult years. Madison the president was far 
from being the peer of Madison the chief architect 
of the federal constitution. As for those who 
took, practically, the reins from Madison, and 
drove the young republic Into what was no less 
than an alliance with Napoleon against Great 
Britain, they were mere boyish minded young 
patriots and politicians, with no maturity of 
experience and judgment, such as statesmanship 
requires. Clay, their leader, kept something of 
the same buoyant boyishness in his nature 
through life, and It gave him no small part 


From painting by David 


From painting by Hickel 


From painting by Gilbert Stuart 

Andrew Jackson 

From painting by Healy 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 109 i 

of his personal charm and his political success. 

It was one of the misfortunes to the United 
States of the war of 1812-15 that it created a 
popular hero who was not qualified for usefulness 
in that part. The prodigious force of will, the 
unlimited self-confidence and the thorough ^^^^^^ 
honesty of purpose in Andrew Jackson, were Jackson, 
elements of a measureless personal power, when 
the masses of the people gave their confidence to 
him; and the rude training of the man, undis- 
ciplined and ill-informed as he was, made It a very 
dangerous power. It is a matter for wonder that 
the country suffered no more harm than it did 
from his autocracy of eight years and his domi- 
nating influence for a much longer time. 

In the years between Jefferson and Jackson, 
the character of most importance In American 
history is that homely man, of inerrable logic, the {?'^", 
chief-justice Marshall, whose Interpreting deci- 1755-1835 
sions were then giving to the federal constitution 
of the republic a nationalizing base, so solid In 
principle that it has resisted every shock. 

The European revolutions of 1830, which 
started the undoing of the work of the "holy alli- 
ance," brought no striking character into promi- 
nence; but it was then that Mazzini's life of exile Mazzi^T 
and laborious conspiracy, to rouse Italy against 1805-1872 
its many oppressors, was begun. On the surface 
of history there is little to be seen of the fruits of 
his labor; but no small part of the spirit that 
unified Italy at last, under a constitutional gov- 
ernment, sprang undoubtedly from the seed 


1 807-1882 

1 802- 1 894 







CniEr Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

which Mazzini, with faithful patience, had been 
sowing for forty years. 

The dramatic revolutions of 1848 brought 
figures of more distinction on the scene. The 
picturesque Garibaldi, simple in habit, romantic 
in spirit, audacious in boldness, ready for any 
enterprise and any responsibility, came from 
fourteen years of exile in South America, to serve 
a few months of revolutionary apprenticeship in 
Italy, and then retired to exile again, and to 
humble candle-making, at New York. Kossuth, 
in Hungary, emerged from quiet missionary 
labors in patriotic journaUsm, to be raised, first, 
to sudden fame in the leadership of a great 
national revolt, and then to greater fame when 
failure drove him from his country, sending him 
to amaze and dazzle the English-speaking world 
with his marvelous eloquence in a newly-learned 
tongue. In France, an infatuated people took 
up a shallow adventurer, and lifted him to the 
summit of distinction and power, merely because 
he bore a name that ought to have carried warn- 
ing in itself. It was according to the plainest 
probability that a second Napoleon Bonaparte 
would be a poor imitator of the first, impelled by 
like meannesses of nature, but weakly, with no 
imposing brilliancy and force; and so there was 
nothing to disappoint any reasonable expectation 
in that ignoble career which ended, after twenty- 
two years, in the crumbling of a rotten "second 
empire," with France crushed beneath the ruins 
of its fall. 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1093 

Great Britain passed through both of the 
periods of revolutionary excitement without 
serious disturbance of public order, because 
peaceful revolution, through pressure of public 
opinion and force of law, had been made prac- 
ticable to the English race by centuries of con- 
stitutional experience. Englishmen, in 1830, 
were demanding a more real representation in 
parliament, and would, if necessary, have made 
the demand with arms in hand; but there was no 

« Chsrlcs 

such need. Two years later the reform of parlia- Earl GrW, 
ment was won by Earl Grey ("a pure and lofty 1764-1845 
character," says Goldwin Smith), who had 
persisted In contention for the measure since the 
days of Fox and Pitt. Possible rebellion in Ire- 
land had been averted in 1829 by the great . 
measure of partial justice known as "Catholic cconneii, 
emancipation," which Daniel O'Connell, the ^775-1847 
most gifted and powerful leader that has ever 
arisen in Ireland, forced even a Tory government 
to concede. Similarly, in 1848, England had been 
pacified in advance of the continental convulsions 
by the repeal, in 1846, of the oppressive and 
iniquitous corn-laws, brought about by a great 
"campaign of education," organized and led by ^oblkn 
Cobden, the invincible champion of freedom for 1804-1865 
industry and trade. 

Peel, the Conservative premier who accepted 51^^01,^^ 
and adopted that measure of repeal, deserves Peel, 
high honor for the open mind, the candor, the 
spirit above party, which led him, then and 
after, to break away from the old class-protective 



Earl of 

1 804-1 879 

John C. 



Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

Toryism In which he had been schooled. The 
same honor, in a measure even greater, is due to 
Gladstone, who went with Peel in the notable 
departure of 1846, turning toward liberaHsm, to 
become in time the chief of a new party of 
political progress and courageous reform. In his 
freedom from bondage to his own mistakes of 
opinion or act, in his capacity for large and larger 
convictions, in the intrepidity of his respect for 
public opinion, in the ethical authority that he 
acquired, Gladstone is a nobly shining character 
in British history, whatever the final verdict on 
his statesmanship may be. If Disraeli (Beacons- 
field), his life-long opponent in politics and his 
opposite in every attribute of character, keeps a 
place of distinction in history, it will be, as he 
would probably prefer it to be, among the prac- 
titioners of dexterity in politics, who make the 
most of opportunity when it comes their way. 

In most parts of Europe, the last supports of 
arbitrary monarchy and class domination were 
being shaken down; but chattel slavery, the 
worst relic of barbaric institutions, appeared to be 
fastening itself more fixedly, as a hideous and 
incongruous parasite, on the democracy of the 
United States. It was strengthened by the pas- 
sionate recklessness of the disunion spirit in 
Garrison's abolition crusade, until Calhoun, the 
accepted champion and counselor of the slave- 
holding interest, destroyed that effect by the 
more alarming spirit of his defense. Believing in 
slavery as a righteous social system, and confident 

John IVIarshall 


From a photograph 


From a photograph 


From a pliotograph 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1095 

of its perpetuity, while recognizing its incom- 
patibility with the freedom of thought and speech 
that democracy had developed in the non-slave- 
holding States, Calhoun persuaded himself and 
his followers that the daunting and restraining 
of that freedom, on the one subject of slavery, 
was a practicable thing to do. For some years 
there was astonishing success in their measures to 
that end. Mere politicians were daunted and 
made submissive to their resolute dictation. The 
inevitable revolt of northern spirit was tardy and 
slow, but it grew. The voice that roused it most Quincy 
was the voice of John Quincy Adams, the vener- ^-"^61^1^848 
able ex-president, who would not and could not 
be silenced on the floor of congress, in his vindica- 
tion of the constitutional right of petition, which 
the Calhounists had denied. 

Then came the period of a dozen years in which 
the old parties crumbled steadily, and the politi- 
cal forces of the country were drawn by degrees 
into two sectional camps, while statesmen of the 
elder school, like Clay, "the great compromiser," 
and Webster, — worshiper of the Union and the webs^ter 
constitution, greatest of American senators, most 1782-1852 
superb of American orators, — made vain attempts 
to hold the middle ground. Douglas, the adroit, Douglas, 
resourceful, vigorous "opportunist" of a younger ^^^3-1861 
generation, was the last to make that hopeless 

In 1 861 the two political camps became armies, 
and civil war began. Many reasons may be 
found for explaining why slavery perished in the 





William H. 



Edwin M. 



Salmon P. 
1 808-1 873 




Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

war and the Union was saved from dissolution, 
but the one discernible reason that outweighs all 
others is in the fact that Abraham Lincoln led the 
winning cause. His wise mind, his simple magna- 
nimity of temper, his perfection of lucid speech, 
his plain straightforwardness in thought and deed, 
his unequaled discernment and understanding of 
the people, — all, in fact, that made him the 
beloved "Father Abraham" of the country, — 
were factors in the conflict of more final potency 
than measures in congress or armies in the field. 
He was wise with a wisdom which nothing but 
genius bestows. It was not in the shrewd, 
diplomatic brain of Seward, nor in the resolute 
and willful mind of Stanton, nor in the large, 
strong intellect of Chase. Lincoln could feel the 
argument and meaning of events. And so it 
happened that all he did and all he said in the 
great crises of the conflict were done and said 
with a timeliness, a fitness, an eflfect, which no 
calculating sagacity could have hit. 

Providence did not favor the rebellious Con- 
federacy with so choice a gift. Davis, its chief, 
was an able, strong, experienced man, but only 
of the better grade in a common political class. 
There was nothing of a fatherly character in his 
relations to the cause for which he stood; nothing 
in his personality that centered the cause in him- 
self, as Lincoln's did, warming devotion to it 
from his own devotion, and strengthening public 
faith by his own abiding faith. It was Lee, not 
Davis, who held that place in the Confederacy, 

Jefferson Davis 

From a photograph 

General Lee 

From a photograph 

General Grant 

From a photograph 


From a photograph 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1097 

when he came to be known for what he was. He 
was the high-souled great character, as well as 
the great soldier of the contest, on Its southern 
side; a figure more nearly companioned to that 
of Lincoln than any other in the history of the 
civil war. 

That Lee was the ablest soldier of all who „ , 

Robert E. 

fought in the war, on either side, can hardly be Lee, 

questioned by a candid mind. Who can believe ^ °^'^ ^° 

that Grant or Sherman, with Lee's resources and 

his task, would have accomplished what he did. Gran" 

or that Stonewall Jackson could have taken 1822-1885 

Lee's place.'' They deserve their fame, as William T, 

admirable soldiers, each notably representative 1820^891 

of a type; but Lee seems entitled to a rank with xhomas t 

Frederick the Great, with Marlborough, with (Stonewaii) 

Cromwell, who represent a superior type. Far- 1824-1863 

ragut's exploits in the war are equaled by nothing p^^ij q 

that has been done in naval warfare since Nelson Farragut, 
, . , . 1801-1870 

ended his career. 

During the conflict In America and within a 
few subsequent years, two achievements of con- 
structive statesmanship that are not surpassed in 
history were accomplished in the European world. 
That of Cavour, the architect of a united Italy, 
was, perhaps, the finer work of art; for his Be^o'° 
resources were slender and his difiiculties were Count di 
great. His footing was a small kingdom, of no i8io-i86i 
prestige, till he won a little for it by engaging in 
the Crimean war. His source of authority was a 
not very popular king. His main dependence 
was on foreign help and Italian revolution, both 


Prince von 







IL, of 










Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

serving him with intentions adverse to his own. 
His most effective military instrument was 
Garibaldi, self-commissioned and independent 
commander of an army formed without authority 
of law. On the other hand, Bismarck, builder of 
a federated German empire, had, for the base of 
his structure, a compact Prussian nation; for his 
masterworkman, a strong king; for his mighty 
implement of force an army moulded, marshaled 
and directed by Moltke, the most consummate 
military organizer of modern times. The great- 
ness of Bismarck's work was in his powerful 
bending of circumstances, to produce the oppor- 
tunities for which he had prepared. That of 
Cavour's was in the fitting of his means and his 
tools to such circumstances as came. 

Our list of famous names is nearly filled. We 
must take into it the tzar who gave freedom to 
the Russian serfs, though he angered his subjects 
by later oppressions and was horribly slain. 
We must include the President who maintained 
the inviolability of the Monroe doctrine, and who 
stamped his individuality upon the life of the 
United States in no uncertain manner. Nor can 
we omit his successor, William McKinley, a man 
of less force and originality, who fell a victim to 
an anarchist's bullet. We must give a place to 
the good English queen whose long influence in 
her own wide realm and in the world was all for 
good. We must enroll her universally beloved 
son whose reign was all too brief, but who will 
live in history as Edward the Peacemaker. We 

Count di Cavour 

From a painting by Mitzmacher 


From a photograph 


From a photograph 

John Bright 

From a photograph 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 1099 

must surely admit to It the great-hearted, golden- 
tongued apostle of peace and righteousness, John 
Bright. Thiers, who did notable work in the 
founding of the third republic of France on the Bright, 
ruins of the second empire, cannot with justice i8"-i889 
be left out; nor can Deak, the master-spirit of the p^j-encz 
movement that restored Hungary to a footing of Deak, 

1 A TT • IS03-I876 

distinct nationality, m the Austro-Hunganan 
empire; nor yet can George, the Danish king of 
the Hellenes, whose life was cut off by an assassin 
in the hour of Greece's triumph. 

For a moment, we may turn to Africa, and 
note the work of Livingstone, whose missionary ingJtoner" 
explorations were the first to waken a wide, 1813-1873 
general interest in the bringing of that vast 
unknown part of the earth into relations with the 
civilized world; then of Speke, Burton, and 
Baker, who solved the mysteries of the Nile; then ^^^^^ j^_ 
of Stanley, who revealed the enormous stretch of Stanley 
the Congo and the expanse of its valley; and Rowian 
lastly of Rhodes and Kruger, representatives of '^41-190+ 
rival ambitions, whose antagonized projects of ^^^\^^ 
African dominion caused the terrible Boer war. 1853-1902 
These are but a few among the men, in our own 
generation, who have been drawing a long- Kruger, 
obscured continent out of prehistoric darkness '^'^'^ ^^04 
into historic light. 

When we come to living men we deem it best 
to pause. It will be left for future historians to 
characterize the work of present European ^^^ 
rulers, notably George V. of England, William H. George v., 
of Germany, Nicholas H, of Russia, Alfonso 


Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch 

II., i8s^ 








Pius X., 







XIII. of Spain, Francis Joseph of Austria- 
Hungary, Constantine of Greece, Emmanuel III. 
of Italy, Christian X. of Denmark, Ferdinand of 
Bulgaria, Gustav V. of Sweden, Albert of 
Monaco, Haakon VII. of Norway, Albert of 
Belgium, Mehmed V., successor of the ill-fated 
Abdul-Hamid of Turkey, and President Poincare 
of France; of Yuan Shi-kai, first president of the 
Chinese Republic, and of President Wilson and 
his immediate predecessors, William Howard 
Taft and Theodore Roosevelt of the United 
States; of Pius X., whose singleheartedness and 
apostolic zeal have commanded the esteem of 
Catholics and non-Catholics alike; of the 
two British queens, the widowed Alexandra 
and the consort of the King-Emperor; of 
eminent statesmen and diplomats, such as 
Asquith, Chamberlain, Balfour, Lloyd George, 
Bonar Law, Curzon, Morley, and Bryce of Great 
Britain, Laurier and Borden of Canada, Seddon 
and Stout of New Zealand, Deakin, Joseph Cook, 
and Forrest of Australia, Vice-President Mar- 
shall, Bryan, Champ Clark, and Cannon of the 
United States; of the eminent British generals 
Roberts, Kitchener, and French; of the renowned 
admirals Noel, Fanshawe, May, and the veteran 
Beresford of Great Britain, and Dewey of Manila 
fame; of the princely benefactors Carnegie, 
Rockefeller, and Mrs. Russell Sage. 

Finally, we recall the exploits of the men who 
pierced the frozen solitudes of the polar regions, 
wresting therefrom the secrets that civilization 

Chief Characters of the Sixth Epoch iioi 

wished to learn. Nansen and the Duke of F"dtjof 


Abruzzi made splendid efforts to reach the North 1861- 
Pole, getting within 225 miles and 206 miles 

respectively; but it was left to Peary to achieve Robert 

the goal of centuries. Peary reached the North pea^r^" 

Pole in 1909. The South Pole still remained to ^^56- 

be explored. The British explorers Scott and Robert 

Shackleton had already penetrated to within a 5^^^°" 

comparatively short distance of the coveted 1868-1912 

objective; Shackleton, after locating the mag- ^''_^™"'^ 

netic South Pole, reachmg a pomt only 97 miles ton, 1873- 
from the terrestrial Pole. The final struggle 

became virtually a race between Amundsen, the ^"^'"^ , „ 

' ' Amundsen, 

Norwegian, and Captain Scott, the Englishman, 1872- 
the former reaching the South Pole in December 
1911, followed by Scott a month later. On the 
return journey, Captain Scott, with four of his 
companions, perished of starvation, leaving 
behind them a splendid record of bravery and 
self-sacrifice. Disaster also attended the Aus- 
tralian Antarctic Expedition (1912-1914), Dr. Dr. 
Douglas Mawson, leader of this scientific expedi- po^gia* 

'^ ' ^ _ / Mawson, 

tion, losing two of his comrades, leaving him to 1882- 
press forward to his distant base alone and 
undaunted. Mawson's expedition has defined a 
considerable part of the coast of Antarctica, and 
has added greatly to the store of scientific and 
geographical knowledge. With these brave men 
and their inspiring achievements we may prop- 
erly close our scroll. 






of absolute 

(1799 TO 1830) 

The days of absolute government numbered. — History assuming a new 
tenor.— Beginning of a transformation of the world. The Napoleonic Wars: 
Second defeat of Austria. — Reconstruction of Germany. — Napoleon emperor. 
— Austerlitz and Trafalgar. — Subjugation of Prussia. — Warfare by destruc- 
tion of trade.— Napoleon's crime against Spain. — The Spanish uprising. — The 
humiliation of Germany. — The making of Prussia.— Napoleon in Russia. — 
Beginning of his overthrow. His fall. — His return from Elba. — Waterloo. — 
St. Helena. The United Slates of America during the Napoleonic Wars. 
Neutral trade. — Humiliations endured. — Presidency of Jefferson. — The 
Louisiana purchase. — ^^Wrongs and insults from England and France. — 
English claim to a right of search. — Madison's presidency. — Napoleon's 
knavery. — War of 1812 with England.- — Beginning of a conscious national 
life. Europe after the fall of Napoleon: The English com laws. — Reconstruc- 
tion work of the Congress of Vienna. — The Holy Alliance. — Revolutions of 
1820 and 1830. ^Ireland and Catholic emancipation. New departure in social 
progress: Effects of steamboat and railway. The United States after the war 
of 1812: Steam navigation. — Canal building. _ "The cotton gin." — Its effects 
on slavery. Question of slavery in the Territories. — The Missouri compro- 
mise. — The " Monroe doctrine." British America: Discontent in the 
Canadas. Spanish America: Revolt and Independence of Spanish provinces. 
Santo Domingo: Revolt. — Slave rising. — Toussaint L'Ouverture. Brazil: 
Founding of the independent empire. Australia: Growth of New South 
Wales. India: Extension of British rule. 

When the nineteenth century began, the days 
of absolute government had been numbered for 
all Christendom, excepting possibly for the 
empire of the Russian tzar. Though It seemed to 
have been not much Injured by the great shock 
from France, yet Its bases had been broken 
beyond repair, and gave way In Its formidable 
seats, one after the other, till the tzar -was left 
alone In his autocracy, among the princes of the 
Christian world. Napoleon, with all his prestige 
and his masterfulness, failed to found a new 


Emergence of the Masses Into History 1103 

absolutism in France, even for the term of his own 
life; and the subsequent labors of the "holy 
alliance" of European kings were undone in a 
generation. B7 the middle of the nineteenth 
century it had been determined, past disputing, 
that civilized peoples, within the range of Chris- 
tendom at least, would have a voice in their own 
government, and that the powers of government 
would be constitutionally defined. The funda- 
mental political issue, between sovereigns and 
subjects, that had filled so much of past history, 
was thus settled substantially, and cleared away, 
so far as concerned the leading nations of the 

Hence history has assumed a new tenor. 
Room has been made in the life of the peoples for History 
so many more energies to become active, — for so assuming a 

' , . ° . . new tenor 

many more interests to acquire a motive force, — 

that the whole plot and character of the human 

drama have undergone a prodigious change. 

Multitudes are on the stage, where a few figures 

were in action before. Parties are casting ballots 

where kings used to be signing decrees. The oUheT"'^^ 

masses — the populace — that were curtained for- "passes mto 

merly out of historical sight, are now busy and activity 

conspicuous In every scene, using the freedom of 

opportunity that has been opened to men, for 

each to make the most of his faculties and powers. 

In scientific discovery, in mechanical invention, 

in commercial and industrial enterprise, in 

educational and reformative social work, millions, 

of the last two or three generations, have been 


History of 
I., vol. 2, 
and vol. 3, 
ch. i-ix 

defeat of 
1 800-1 801 

Treaty of 
Feb. 9, 

struction of 


April I, 

From Washington to Stephenson 

contributing to the improvement of the condi- 
tions of human life, where thousands were con- 
tributing before; and the result of their labors 
already is a "transformation of the world." 

First period of the Napoleonic wars 

In the first year of his consulate, Bonaparte 
recovered Italy by an extraordinary campaign, 
in which his main army, of 40,000 men, crossing 
the Alps at the Great St. Bernard pass, struck the 
Austrians in the rear of their position, defeated 
them on the plain of Marengo, and won back all 
the losses of the previous year. At the same 
time, Moreau, on the northern side of the Alps, 
gained the victory of Hohenlinden, and Austria 
was forced to make peace on Bonaparte's terms. 
In the treaty of Luneville she renewed the con- 
cessions of Campo Formio, and assented to a 
reconstruction of Germany under the victor's 
dictation. The ecclesiastical states were secular- 
ized, the freedom of all save six of the forty-eight 
imperial cities was extinguished, and Bavaria, 
Wurtemberg, Baden and Saxony were aggran- 
dized as proteges and dependencies of France. 

England was now left alone in the war, with 
hostile feeling raised against her in Europe and 
America by the arrogant use she had made of her 
mastery of the sea. The neutral powers had been 
embittered by her maritime pretensions, and 
Bonaparte brought about the organization among 
them of a northern league of armed neutrality. 
England broke it with a single blow, by Nelson's 

Napoleon's Continental System 1105 

bombardment of Copenhagen and seizure of the 
Danish fleet. Napoleon, however, had conceived 
the plan of starving English industries and ruin- 
ing British trade by a "continental system" of 
blockade, which involved the compulsory exclu- ^^ , , 

. . . . . f f Napoleon s 

sion of British ships and British goods from continental 
Europe at large. This impossible project com- '^"^"^ 
mitted him to a desperate struggle for the sub- 
jugation of Europe. It was the fundamental 
cause of his ruin. 

"The significance then of the Peace of Luneville 
lay in this: not only that it was the close of the 
earlier revolutionary struggle for supremacy in 
Europe, the abandonment by France of her effort 
to 'liberate the peoples,' to force new institutions 
on the nations about her by sheer dint of arms; 
but that it marked the concentration of all her 
energies on a struggle with Britain for the 
supremacy of the world. . . . To strike at 
England's wealth had been among the projects of 
the directory: it was now the dream of the first 
consul. It was in vain for England to produce, History 
if he shut her out of every market. Her carrying- "/'^^f. , 
trade must be annihilated if he closed every port People, 
against her ships. It was this gigantic project of ch_y^^' 
a 'continental system' that revealed Itself as soon 
as Bonaparte became finally master of France." 

In 1802 the first consul advanced his restora- 
tion of absolutism in France a second step, by 
securing the consulate for life. A short interval ^^l^^f 
of peace with England was arranged, but war March, 
broke out anew the following year, and the 


From Washington to Stephenson 

Dec. 2, 
1804; also, 
king of 
April, 1805 

1 80s 

English had no allies for a time. The French 
occupied Hanover, and the Germans were 
quiescent. But, in 1804, Bonaparte shocked 
Europe by the abduction from Baden and execu- 
tion of the Bourbon prince, Due d'Enghien, and 
began again to challenge the interference of the 
surrounding powers by a new series of aggressive 
acts. His ambition had thrown off all disguise. 
He transformed the republic of France into an 
empire, so-called, and himself, by title, from 
consul Bonaparte into emperor Napoleon, com- 
pelling the pope to crown him as such, in the 
ancient cathedral of Notre Dame. The Cisalpine 
or Italian republic received soon afterward the 
constitution of a kingdom, and he took the crown 
to himself, as king of Italy. Genoa and surround- 
ing territory (the LIgurian republic) were an- 
nexed, at nearly the same time, to France; 
several duchies were declared to be dependencies, 
and an Italian principality was given to Napo- 
leon's elder sister. 

The effect produced in Europe by such arbi- 
trary and admonitory proceedings as these 
enabled Pitt, the younger, now at the head of the 
English government, to form an alliance, first 
with Russia, afterward with Austria, Sweden and 
Naples, and finally with Prussia, to break the 
yoke which the French emperor had put upon 
Italy, Holland, Switzerland and Hanover, and to 
resist his further aggressions. 

The amazing energy and military genius of 
Napoleon never had more astonishing proof than 

Napoleon Crowned Emperor 1107 

in the swift campaign which broke this coalition 
at Ulm and Austerlitz. Austria was forced to 
another humiliating treaty", which surrendered 
V^enice and Venetia to the conqueror's new king- AuTted'hz, 
dom of Italy; gave up Tyrol to Bavaria; yielded Oct. 19 and 
other territory to Wiirtemberg, and raised both 
electors to the rank of kings, while making Baden 
a grand duchy, territorially enlarged. Prussia 
was dragged by force into alliance with France, 
and took Hanover as pay. 

But England triumphed at the same time on 
her own element, and Napoleon's dream of carry- 
ing his legions across the Channel, as Caesar did, 
was dispelled forever by Nelson's dying victory oct. 21, ' 
at Trafalgar. That battle, which destroyed the ^^°^ 
combined navies of France and Spain, ended 
hope of contending successfully with the Britons 
at sea. 

France was never permitted to learn the seri- 
ousness of Trafalgar, and it put no check on the 
vaulting ambition in Napoleon, which now began 
to o'erleap itself. He gave free reign to his ar- 
rogance in all directions. The king of Naples was 
expelled from his kingdom and the crown con- 
ferred on Joseph Bonaparte; Louis Bonaparte 
was made king of Holland; southern Germany 
was reconstructed again. The little German 
kingdoms of Napoleon's creation and the small 
states surrounding them were declared to be 

- - , . . , Confedera- 

separated irom the ancient empire, and were tionofthe 
formed into a Confederation of the Rhine, under ^^^^^ 
the protection of France. Warned by this rude 

iio8 From Washington to Stephenson 

announcement of the precarious tenure of his 

imperial title as the head of the H0I7 Roman 

the Holy empire, Francis II. resigned it, and took to him- 

Em™^e, self, instead, a title as meaningless as that which 

Aug. 6. 1806 Napoleon had assumed,— the title of emperor of 

Austria. The venerable fiction of the Holy 

Roman empire disappeared from history on the 

6th of August, 1806. 

Subjuga- But, while Austria had become submissive to 

Prussia the offensive measures of Napoleon, Prussia 

became fired with unexpected, sudden wrath, and 

Jena and declared war in October, 1806. It was a rash 

On^H,^^' explosion of national resentment, and the rash- 

1806 ness was paid for dearly. At Jena and Auerstadt 

(two battles fought on the same day) Prussia 

sank under the feet of the merciless conqueror, as 

helplessly subjugated as a nation could be. 

Russia, attempting her rescue, was overcome at 

Eylau and Friedland; and both the vanquished 

Treaty of powcrs camc to tcrms with the victor at Tilsit. 

Tilsit, July, The king of Prussia gave up all his kingdom west 

1807 *-» 1 o 

of the Elbe, and all that it had acquired in the 
second and third partitions of Poland. A new 
German kingdom, of Westphalia, was con- 
structed for Napoleon's youngest brother, 
Jerome. A free state of Danzig, dependent on 
France, and a grand duchy of Warsaw, were 
rj^ ,.^ The Russian tzar, bribed by some pieces of 

Thebnbery . •'. ^.., 

of the tzar -Tolisn rrussia, and by prospective acquisitions 
from Turkey and Sweden, became an ally of 
Napoleon and an accomplice in his plans. By 

Napoleon's Subjugation of Europe 1109 

the treaty of Tilsit, he enlisted his empire in the 
"continental system" against England, and 
agreed to the enforcement of a decree which 
Napoleon issued from Berlin, declaring the 
British islands in a state of blockade. 

Great Britain and Ireland 

The younger Pitt, who had been the master- ^ 
spirit of the resistance to French aggressions and Pitt, Jan. 
Napoleonic ambitions, was dead. Feeble in ^^' ' 
health and worn out with labors and cares, he had 
succumbed to the shock of the news of Austerlitz, 
which frustrated all his plans. Early in 1806 he 
died, and the direction of the government was 
undertaken by a ministry made up of brilliant 
men from differing parties, who could not act g^. . , 
effectively together, nor with the king. Charles "ministry- 
James Fox, the most distinguished member of talents," 
this ministry, died within the year, but not till he ^^°^ 
had insured the passage of an act against the 
slave trade, which was the measure he had most 
at heart. The colleagues of Fox, in what came to 
be described as "the ministry of all the talents,'* 
were not long in office after his death. They 
resigned because the bigoted king would not 
listen to proposals for some relief to the Roman 
Catholics of the kingdom, who had writhed under 
shameful disabilities for more than two hundred 

In that period, and through all the prior cen- treftment 
turies of their subjection, the treatment of the of Iceland 
Irish people by the English was as cruel and as 


From Washington to Stephenson 

History oj 
from iSis, 
2 : ch. viii 

of the 

The Protes- 
tant Irish 

heedless of justice and right as the treatment of 
Poles by Russians or of Greeks by Turks. They 
were trebly oppressed: as conquered subjects of 
an alien race, as religious enemies, as possible 
rivals in production and trade. They were 
deprived of political and civil rights; they were 
denied the ministrations of their priests; the 
better employments and more honorable profes- 
sions were closed to them; the industries which 
promised prosperity to their country were sup- 
pressed. A small minority of Protestant colonists 
became the recognized nation, so far as a nation- 
ality in Ireland was recognized at all. When 
Ireland was said to have a parliament, it was the 
parliament of the minority alone. No Catholic 
sat in it; no Catholic was represented in it. 
When Irishmen were permitted to bear arms, 
they were Protestant Irishmen only who formed 
the privileged militia. Seven-tenths of the 
inhabitants of the island were politically as non- 
existent as actual serfdom could have made 
them. For the most part they were peasants 
and their state as such scarcely above the condi- 
tion of serfs. They owned no land; their leases 
were insecure; the laws protected them In the 
least possible degree; their landlords were mostly 
of the hostile creed and race. No country in 
Europe showed conditions better calculated to 
distress and degrade a people. 

This was the state of things in Ireland until 
nearly the end of the eighteenth century. In 1782 
legislative independence was conceded; but the 

English Treatment of Ireland iiii 

independent legislature was still the parliament 
in which Protestants sat alone. In 1793 Catholics 
were admitted to the franchise; but seats in 
parliament were still denied to them and they 
must elect Protestants to represent them. History of 

England in 
in the iSth 

Pitt had planned a great measure of states- 

manship and justice, contemplating not only the century, 
union of Ireland with England and Scotland, "^ -"^ 
under one parliament and one system of law, 
but, likewise, the admission of Catholics to that 
parliament, and their general liberation from the 
disabilities under which they were kept. One 
part of his measure was carried through; the 
other failed. By acts of the parliaments in both 
islands, "the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
and Ireland" was created in the year 1800, and 
the British realm assumed that name on the ist 
day of January, 1801. But when Pitt then 

, . , II r Union of 

attempted to give substance as well as lorm to Ireland 
the union of Ireland with Great Britain, by ^'^^ Great 

' •' Britain, 

placing its Catholic citizens on a footing of Jan. i, isoi 
political equality with their Protestant fellow 
citizens, he found his course blocked by the 
immovable bigotry of the king. Thereupon he 
resigned, and was out of office during the period 
of the Peace of Amiens; but when war broke out 
afresh, and Napoleon began formidable prepara- 
tions to invade England, Pitt was recalled to the ^'"'^ ''"'5' 

° ' _ _ _ nation and 

helm, and the new coalition against Napoleon recall, 
was his final work. As said before, he died when jgoj^ ' 
it failed. Nelson, at Trafalgar, had foiled the ^^^y- ^s°4 
project of invasion, by destroying the united 

1 1 12 From Washington to Stephenson 

fleets of France and Spain; but the coalition was 
broken at Austerlitz. 

Warfare with bloodless weapons 

For the time being that failure ended effort on 
the part of the British government to array con- 
tinental armies against those of France. The 
deadly combat between England and Napoleon 
took on a different form, was fought with other 
weapons than the musket and the cannon, and 
The com- inflicted other wounds. As described by Captain 
newTom Mahan: "England had no army wherewith to 
meet Napoleon; Napoleon had no navy to cope 
with that of his enemy. As in the case of an 
impregnable fortress, the only alternative for 
influaiceof either of these contestants was to reduce the 
Sea Power other by starvation. On the common frontier, 

■upon the . i • i • i 

French thc coast Ime, they met m a deadly strife in 
f^"'"''"" which no weapon was drawn. The imperial 
Empire, soldicrs wcrc turned into coast-guardsmen, to 
shut out Great Britain from her markets; the 
British ships became revenue cutters, to prohibit 
the trade of France." But this was a kind of 
warfare that wounded neutral nations as sorely 
as the combatants themselves, and many coun- 
tries — the United States of America more, 
perhaps, than any other — suffered the conse- 
quences of hostilities in which they had no part. 
Napoleon had been the first challenger to this 
reckless scheme of warfare; but the really 
desperate attempt of the two antagonists to 
destroy each other's traffic with the outer world 

Attempted Suppression of Neutral Trade 1113 

was opened by the British government in May, 
1806. This was done by an "order in council" 
which declared the whole western coast of Europe »"^jj^ -^^ 
from the Elbe to Brest (all controlled by Napo- council," 

N 1 • r ui 1 J U May, 1806 

leon) to be m a state of blockade, even where no 
British war vessels were present to maintain an 
actual blockade, and that neutral vessels bound 
to that coast or sailing from it would be prize of 
war, wherever caught. This declaration of what 
is described as a "paper blockade" was an arro- 
gant assumption of the right to dictate rules of 
war. Napoleon, then lording it at Berlin, Berlin 
retorted in November by a decree which declared ^^1^%^^^ 
the British islands to be in a state of blockade; 
prohibited all commerce and correspondence 
with them; ordered all British merchandise and 
property found in any country occupied by the 
troops of France or her allies to be seized, and all 
British subjects within similar reach of his arm 
to be made prisoners of war. 

The Berlin decree drew fresh orders in council 
from Great Britain, extending the earlier ones to 
every port from which British ships were shut 
out. Napoleon met these by a new decree, from 
Milan, declaring that every vessel, of any nation, 
that submitted to the British orders in council, 
should be deemed British property, subject to orde'ijan. 
seizure and condemnation. And so the warfare and Nov., 

ana iNa- 

of orders and decrees, contemptuous of all neutral poieon's 
rights of trade, went on for years, culminating in ^^[^^^ 
a mandate from Fontainebleau, that all British Dec, 1S07 
goods found in France, Germany, Holland, 


Oct., 1810 

The effects 

From Washington to Stephenson 

Italy, Spain, and other regions obedient to 
Napoleonic commands, should be burned. 

Neither orders nor decrees wrought the ruin 
that their authors desired, since the power of 
Napoleon could not suppress an extensive 
smuggled commerce with Great Britain, nor 
could the fleets of England catch half of the 
neutral ships that became carriers for France; 
but the suff^ering produced on all sides was 
undoubtedly very great, and the insolence of the 
powerful belligerents toward neutral nations, 
especially toward the young republic of the 
United States, was hard to endure. 

History of 
/., vol. 3, 
ch. ix-xv, 
and vol. 4 

attack on 

Oct. 27, 

Second period of the Napoleonic wars 

Having prostrated Germany, in 1807, and 
captivated the tzar. Napoleon turned toward 
another field, which had scarcely felt, as yet, his 
intrusive hand. Spain had been in servile alliance 
with France for ten years, while Portugal adhered 
steadily to her friendship with Great Britain, 
and now refused to be obedient to the Berlin 
decree. Napoleon took prompt measures for the 
punishment of a defiance so bold. A delusive 
treaty with the Spanish court, for the partition of 
the small kingdom of the Braganzas, won permis- 
sion for an army under Junot to enter Portugal, 
through Spain. No resistance to it was made. 
The royal family of Portugal quitted Lisbon, 
setting sail for Brazil, and Junot took possession 
of the kingdom. 

This accomplished only half of Napoleon's 

Napoleon's Crime Against Spain 1115 

design. He meant to have Spain, as well; and Napoleon's 


he found, in the miserable state of the country, against 
his opportunity to work out an ingenious, ^^^'" 
unscrupulous scheme for its acquisition. His |;;^^7' 
agents set on foot a revolutionary movement, in History of 

, ft 11 • T-< T 1 Napoleo7i 

favor of the worthless crown prince, rerdmand, /., ch. v 
against his equally worthless father, Charles IV., 
and pretexts were obtained for an interference by 
French troops. Charles was coerced into an 
abdication; then Ferdinand was lured to an 
interview with Napoleon, at Bayonne, was made 
prisoner there, and compelled In his turn to 
relinquish the crown. A vacancy on the Spanish 
throne having been thus created, the emperor 
brought together at Bayonne a small assembly 
of Spanish notables, who offered the seat to 
Joseph Bonaparte, already king of Naples. 
Joseph, obedient to his imperial brother's wish, 

. ,. -_ .. Joseph 

resigned the Neapolitan crown to Murat, his Bonaparte 

sister's husband, accepted the crown of Spain, °^^^^i^ 

and was established at Madrid with a French throne, 

... , 1808 

army at his back. 

This was one of the two most ruinous of the 

political blunders of Napoleon's life. He had 

cheated and insulted the whole Spanish nation, 

in a way too contemptuous to be endured, even 

by a people long cast down. The consequence 

was a revolt which did not spring from any jngofSpain 

momentary passion, but which had an obstinacy 

of deep feeling behind. French armies could beat 

Spanish armies, and disperse them, but they 

could not keep them dispersed; and they could 


From Washington to Stephenson 

in the 

The exas- 
perating of 


of the 

of a new 

not break up the organization of a rebellion which 
organized itself in every province, and which 
went on, when necessary, without any organiza- 
tion at all. England sent forces to the peninsula, 
under Wellington, for the support of the insur- 
gent Spaniards and Portuguese; and thencefor- 
ward, to the end of his career, the most inex- 
tricable difficulties of Napoleon were those in 
which he had entangled himself on the southern 
side of the Pyrenees. 

The other cardinal blunder in Napoleon's 
conduct, which proved more destructive to him 
than the crime in Spain, was his exasperating 
treatment of Germany. There was neither 
magnanimity on the moral side of him nor wisdom 
on the intellectual side, to restrain him from 
using his victory with Immoderate insolence. 
He put as much shame as he could invent into 
the humiliations of the German people. He had 
Prussia under his heel, and he ground the heel 
upon her neck with the whole weight of his power. 
The consequence was a pain and a passion which 
wrought changes like a miracle in the temper and 
character of the abused nation. Springs of feeling 
were opened and currents of national life set in 
motion that might never, otherwise, have been 
brought into play. 

Enlightened men and strong men from all parts 
of Germany found themselves called to Prussia 
and to the front of its affairs, and their way made 
easy for them in labors of restoration and reform. 
Stein and Hardenberg remodeled the administra- 

Napoleon's Treatment of Germany and His Fall i i 17 

tlon of the kingdom, uprooted the remains of 
serfdom in it, and gave new freedom to its 
energies. Scharnhorst organized the military ^^yJ^J;^ 
system, on which arose in time the most for- Times of 
midable of miUtary powers. Humboldt planned 
the school system which educated Prussia beyond 
all her neighbors, in the succeeding generations. 
Even the philosophers came out of their closets 
and took part, as Fichte did, in the stirring and 
uplifting of the spirit of their countrymen. So it 
was that the outrages of Napoleon in Germany 
revenged themselves, by summoning into exist- 
ence an unsuspected energy that would turn 
against him to destroy him, in the end. 

But the time of destruction was not yet come. 
He had a few years of triumph still before him, — 
of triumph everywhere except in Portugal and ^agram, 
Spain. Austria, resisting him once more, was Juiy6,i8o9 
crushed once more at Wagram, to such submis- 
siveness that she gave a daughter of the imperial 
house in marriage to the parvenu sovereign of jj^^^orsi- 
France, next year, when Josephine, his wife, was can at the 
divorced. The Corsican was at the summit of his ^'^s'^cTreer, 
renown that year, but declining already from the iSio-iSn 
greatest height of his power. 

The fatal expedition of Napoleon to Russia, in 
18 1 2, was the beginning of the end of his career. 
In the next year Prussia, half regenerated within 
the brief time since Jena and Tilsit, went into 
alliance with Russia, and the War of Liberation _, „^ . 

, , , . The War of 

was begun. Austria joined the alliance; and at Liberation, 
Leipsic the three nations shattered at last the 


From Washington to Stephenson 

in Elba, 

His return 
to France 

18. 1816 

at St. 

yoke of oppression that had bound Europe so 
long. At the same time, the French armies in 
Spain were expelled, and Wellington entered 
France through the Pyrenees, to meet the allies, 
who pursued Napoleon across the Rhine. Forced 
to abdicate and retire to the little island of Elba 
(the sovereignty of which was ceded to him), he 
remained there in quiet from May, 18 14, until 
March, 181 5, when he escaped and reappeared in 
France. Army and people welcomed him. The 
Bourbon monarchy, which had been restored by 
the allies, fell at his approach. The king, Louis 
XVIII. , fled. Napoleon recovered his throne and 
occupied it for a few weeks; but the allies who 
had expelled him from it refused to permit his 
recovery of power. The question was settled 
finally at Waterloo, on the i8th of June, when a 
British army under Wellington and a Prussian 
army under Bliicher won a victory which left the 
beaten emperor without hope. He surrendered 
himself to the commander of a British vessel of 
war, and was sent to confinement for the remain- 
der of his life on the remote island of St. Helena. 

A troubled 

The United States of America during the Napoleonic wars 

The fifteen years of the Napoleonic wars were 
a troubled pepod for the American people, — a 
time of many excitements, of many humiliations, 
of sore trial to their undeveloped national spirit, 
and of grave harm. So prolonged a state of wide- 
spread war, involving half of Europe and every 
European colony, opened extraordinary oppor- 





^ I 








A Troubled Period in American History 1119 

tunitles for neutral trade, which the Americans American 

1 . ry-ii activity in 

were well prepared to improve. They entered the neutral 
field with eager enterprise and made it almost ^^^'^^ 
their own. Their ships swarmed in every sea and 
their flag became familiar in every port. England 
saw reason to fear that the carrying trade of the 
ocean would pass into their hands, and began a 
sharp narrowing of neutral rights, by dictatorial 
rulings which her naval supremacy gave her 
power to enforce. Then came Napoleon's 
attempt to exclude British products from Euro- 
pean marts, and the finally frantic endeavor of 
both belligerents, abusing land-power on one side 
and sea-power on the other, to destroy all neutral 
trade. Struck unsparingly by both, the Ameri- 
cans suffered heavy losses; and yet large profits 
remained to them in the commerce which neither The attack 
cruisers nor coast guards could stop. Their more ^gh^"^"^" 
serious suffering came from the humiliations 
which their national weakness and their govern- 
mental policy required them to endure. 

Mr. Jefferson, who became president in 1801, 
held views of the federal constitution and general President 
theories of government which differed extremely J^^^''^** 
from those of his two predecessors. In his opin- 
ion, and that of his party, the functions of the 
federal government should be restricted as nearly 
as possible to foreign affairs, and should touch 
nothing beyond a strict necessity in even those. 
His declared aim was a *' frugal government," 
"which shall restrain men from injuring one 
another, which shall leave them otherwise free 

1 1 20 

From Washington to Stephenson 

(Ford's ed.) 
7 : 451-2; 


^ee pages 

tions for 
and Florida 

to regulate their own pursuits." He believed the 
commerce of America to be so necessary to 
European countries that merely withholding it 
would compel them to redress any wrong they 
might do to the United States, without need of 

Unfortunately the circumstances of the time 
were singularly adverse to the working in practice 
of this noble philosophy of government. At the 
outset of his term the president was forced to 
chastise the pirates of the Barbary states of north 
Africa, opening a war with the insolent pasha of 
Tripoli which lasted for four years. A little later 
he was confronted by a question which went to 
the core of his doctrines concerning the constitu- 
tion of the American Union and the powers of its 
general government. Napoleon, then first consul 
of France, was found to have extorted from Spain 
a secret cession of that great territory, called 
Louisiana, which France made over to Spain in 
1763, including New Orleans, on the eastern bank 
of the Mississippi, as well as the whole western 
watershed of the river. To have such complete 
control of the mouth of the Mississippi pass from 
the weak kingdom of Spain to a power so aggres- 
sive as Napoleonic France was profoundly alarm- 
ing to every western interest of the United States. 
In the face of this danger the scruples of Presi- 
dent Jefferson as to functions and powers in the 
federal government, and even as to war, gave 
way. He opened negotiations with Napoleon for 
the purchase of New Orleans and the Floridas 

The American Purchase of Louisiana 1121 

(supposing the latter to have been embraced in 
the transfer from Spain to France), and pressed 
his proposals with a plain intimation that the 



United States would go into alliance with Great >^^,^,- 
Britain "on the day that France takes possession ^ = ^5 
of New Orleans." 

Fortunately, Napoleon became embarrassed in 
his colonial schemes, by the failure of an attempt 
to re-enslave the revolted negroes of Santo 
Domingo, or Hayti, and by the re-opening of war 
with England, after the brief peace of Amiens. 
He abandoned those projects, accordingly, and 
offered, not New Orleans alone, but Louisiana as 
a whole, to the United States. The welcome TheLouisi- 
proposal was accepted promptly, and, at a price *°^ ''"I'aos 
equivalent to about ^15,000,000, the magnificent 
territory in question, extending from the Missis- 
sippi, throughout Its length, to the Rocky Moun- 
tains, was conveyed to the American government 
by a treaty signed in May, 1803. 

No reasoning could reconcile this momentous 
transaction with the constitutional theories of 
President Jefferson and the party which he led. 
It implied attributes of nationality in the federal 
union and attributes of sovereignty in the federal 
government which they had refused to concede, tudonar '" 
Mr. Jefferson made frank acknowledgment of the question 
fact, and desired a constitutional amendment to 
sanction what had been done; but he yielded to 
the judgment of political friends, who believed 
the purchase to be justified and authorized 
sufficiently by the practical exigencies of the case. 

1 1 22 

From Washington to Stephenson 


Hoist, Con- 
and Politi- 
cal History 
of the U. S., 
I : 1 83-185 

to the pur- 

A disunion 
1 803 -1 804 

The Burr- 
duel, July 
II, 1804 

If the Republicans, In this matter, did violence 
in practice to their political theories, so, too, and 
even more, did their opponents of the Federalist 
party. On every principle for which the Federal- 
ists had contended, they might have been 
expected to approve and welcome the Louisiana 
purchase. Hamilton, the great statesman of the 
party, did so, without reserve; but most of the 
New England Federalists allowed sectional jeal- 
ousies and party animosities to pervert their 
minds. They denied the existence of any power, 
anywhere, even by constitutional amendment, to 
incorporate new territory in the Union against 
the will of a single State. On this ground they 
opposed the treaty and resisted, even with threats 
of secession, the legislation that gave it effect. 

This evil temper in the opposition had de- 
plorable results. It led to a disunion conspiracy 
between certain New England Federalists and 
Vice-President Aaron Burr. Burr's trickeries and 
treacheries in politics had turned the leaders of 
his party against him, and provoked slights which 
he sought to avenge. In prosecuting the scheme 
of secession he became a candidate for governor 
of New York, and was opposed by Hamilton, 
whose plain speaking in the canvass furnished 
Burr with a pretext for demanding the barbarous 
satisfaction of the duel. Hamilton felt con- 
strained by the false notions of the time to accept 
his challenge, and received a mortal wound. 

Burr was abhorred and shunned as a murderer, 
and became, apparently, a desperate man. At the 

Political Inconsistencies and Their Results 1123 

close of his vice-presidential term he went into the 
southwest and was busy for months in a mysteri- 
ous undertaking, the full objects of which have 
never, with certainty, been ascertained. A 
filibustering conquest of Mexico and other plotting 
Spanish provinces was in his plan, without g^^Jlt^g^^^ 
doubt; but, beyond that, he is supposed to have 1805-1806 
been working for a separation of western States 
and Territories from the Union, to form an inde- 
pendent power in the Mississippi Valley and on 
the Gulf. Discontent among the French of New 
Orleans, and a restless spirit in the American 
population of the western border, seem to have 
given some encouragement to his schemes. At 
length, in November, 1806, his preparations went 
so far, mustering men, boats, and munitions, on 
the Ohio and its tributaries, that the president 
issued a proclamation, commanding the arrest of 
all concerned. Burr was taken and brought to 
trial at Richmond, but escaped conviction on 
technical grounds. 

During the, first years of the second term of 
President Jefferson the country was in a highly Prospenty 
prosperous state. Though Great Britain had United 
narrowed her own former rules for determining i8os!^i'8o6 
what merchandise should be treated as neutral, 
and had increased her captures and confiscations 
to an enormous extent, the ocean trade yielded 
great gains. The revenue of the federal govern- 
ment rose far above its frugal expenditures, 
promising an early extinction of the public debt. 
Anticipating a surplus in the treasury, the presi- 

1 1 24 

From Washington to Stephenson 

views of 
Mr. Jeffer- 


1 807- 1 808 

(See page* 

right of 

History of 
the People 
of the U. S., 
3 : 240-246, 

An experi- 
ment in 

dent recommended an amendment of the consti- 
tution, to authorize its use for "great purposes of 
the public education, roads, rivers, canals, and 
.... other objects of public improvement." 
This indicated a very notable modification of Mr. 
Jefferson's political views, and one creditable to 
the statesmanlike openness of his mind. 

Unfortunately, the expected surplus was not 
acquired. The prosperous trade of a few years 
was checked by the British orders in council and 
the French decrees. To those high-handed 
measures the British government added one still 
more offensive, by asserting a right on the part of 
its cruisers to search the ships of other nations for 
deserters from Its own, and for British subjects 
whose services it claimed and impressed. That 
assumed "right of search" was exercised upon 
American ships, especially, with increasing inso- 
lence on the part of British naval officers, until 
the climax of insult was reached in June, 1807. 
The Chesapeake^ an American frigate, sailing then 
out of Norfolk navy yard, wholly unready for 
battle, was attacked by a waiting English frigate, 
disabled by three broadsides, which she could not 
return, and compelled, on a false claim, to give 
up three of her crew. 

The cry for war which this crowning outrage 
provoked was resisted calmly by President 
Jefferson, who acted upon his belief in the prac- 
ticability of extorting justice from other nations 
without resorting to arms. His extraordinary 
influence caused a singular experiment in the 

Jefferson's "Peaceable Coercion" Experiment 1125 

policy of "peaceable coercion" to be tried. It 
took the form of an "embargo act" of congress, 
forbidding the exportation of any merchandise 
from the United States to any foreign port, hold- 
ing every American ship tied fast to her wharf, 
and commanding all foreign ships to depart. 
This made a strange demand on the American 
people, for an heroic endurance of great loss and 
suffering, as a means of inflicting some lighter History of 
suffering on other peoples. It ruined the shipping J^'^^-^^ ^^ 
interests of New England, stopped the marketing ^dminis- 
of southern cotton and tobacco, and p^aralyzed Jefferson, 
many industries in every part of the country, +:'^^^-"^"- 
without a sign of effect on the conduct of Great xx 
Britain or France. The former was pinched in 
her supplies of cotton and breadstuffs, and her 

. . Effects of 

West India colonies were half starved; but there the 
was nothing In those results that moved her embargo 

o ^ act 

government to rectify the abuse of her naval 
power. As for Napoleon, the embargo touched 
his own empire so lightly and hurt England so 
much more, that he used influence at Washington 
to have it prolonged. The experiment, though a 
failure, was persisted In till the end of President theexperi- 
Jefferson's term. Then the embargo was with- ^^^^ 
drawn, but a conditional measure of non-inter- 
course was adopted instead. This forbade 
importations from England and France so long 
as they, severally, persisted in their violation of 
neutral rights. 

Had the opponents of the embargo policy been 
able to act together, it is not at all probable that 

I I 26 

From Washington to Stephenson 

of James 

Mr. Ers- 

kine's mis- 
take, 1809 

The situa- 
tion made 

trick, Aug., 

the Republicans could have carried the ensuing 
presidential election; but they could not unite, 
and President Jefferson was succeeded, conse- 
quently, by his disciple and intimate friend, Mr. 
Madison, In the spring of 1809. In the first 
month of the new administration an unfortunate 
blunder, committed by the British minister at 
Washington, Mr. Erskine, gave rise to a new 
disturbance in the relations of the United States 
with both England and France. Mr. Erskine 
entered Into an agreement with President Madi- 
son, that the British orders In council, on one 
side, and the American non-intercourse act, on 
the other (so far as concerned Great Britain), 
should be annulled. Thereupon the president 
proclaimed a suspension of the non-intercourse 
act, and there was great joy and busy trade in the 
country for about three months, — until news 
came from England that Mr. Erskine had mis- 
understood his Instructions, and that his govern- 
ment refused to be bound by the agreement he 
had made. Feeling was then embittered on all 
sides and the situation made worse. Congress 
repealed the non-intercourse act, but authorized 
the president to prohibit Intercourse with either 
one of the belligerent powers, if the other should 
withdraw Its offending decrees. 

This suggested to Napoleon a characteristic 
fraud. He gave notice to the American minister 
at Paris that "the decrees of Berlin and Milan 
are revoked," and called upon the United States 
to enforce the act (as above described) against 

The Situation Growing Worse 1127 

England if her orders in council were not with- Adams, 
drawn. Trusting the notice so given, President ihe u. s. 
Madison proclaimed it, and interdicted commerce ^]2^lJ^_ 
with Great Britain; but only to learn, after trationof 
months of questioning and expostulation, that he Jnd^'°'^ 
had been duped by a shameless knave. The ^^'^ffwoo- 

, S : ch. VII- 

seizure of American vessels and cargoes, wherever xiv, xvi, 
they came within the clutch of the great Corsican ^^"' 
brigand, went on without check, and there was 
never a sign that his decrees had been revoked. 

The conduct of the French government toward 
the United States at this time was more insulting, 
if possible, and more injurious, than that of Great 
Britain; but the feeling of the party in power 
leaned strongly against the latter, and made the 
most of offenses which came from that side. Of iis"h feenng 
such offenses a new one was supposed to be added 
in 1811 by an Indian rising in the west, under 
Tecumseh or Tecumthe, a Shawnee chief. The 
hostile tribes were defeated by General William 
Henry Harrison, the territorial governor of 
Indiana, in a battle fought on the Tippecanoe, 
and Tecumseh took refuge in Canada, which can^ 
strengthened a belief that he had acted under Si'i '^' 
instigations from the authorities there. 

Despite these irritations, the opposition to war 
was very strong in New England and In parts of 
the middle States; but the old anger against 
England burned yet in the south and in the new 
western States, and the impetuous spirit of a few 
young men in Congress from those sections — 
Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun conspicuously 




From Washington to Stephenson 

tion of war, 
June 1 8, 

too late 

A war for 






Soley, in 

and Critical 
History of 
Am., 7: ch. 

Hull's sur- 
Aug. 16, 

in the lead — was able to fan it into a flame. With 
much reluctance President Madison yielded to 
pressure from his party, and recommended a 
declaration of war with Great Britain, which 
Congress adopted and which he signed on the 
1 8th of June, 1812. A month later news came 
that the British government had actually revoked 
its offensive orders in council and had announced 
the fact in parliament one day before the Ameri- 
can declaration of war. It offered no concession, 
however, in the matter of impressments from 
American ships, and its proposal of a truce, to 
reopen negotiations, was declined. To vindicate 
"sailors' rights" remained, therefore, the sole 
purpose of the war. That it failed to accomplish 
that purpose, and that every plan and expecta- 
tion of those who undertook it was disappointed, 
has never surprised any student of the period 
who learned how entirely the country was unpre- 
pared for war. It had neither trained soldiers, 
nor officers of experience (excepting aged veterans 
of the Revolution), nor any real military organiza- 
tion, nor any system of administration that 
would allow such an organization to be evolved. 
The results that followed were inevitable. 

The war party had counted on a speedy con- 
quest of Canada; but every attempt on the 
Canadian frontier found the British forces better 
prepared than their assailants and more alert. 
General Hull, who led the first movement of 
invasion, from Detroit, was not only driven back, 
but followed, and forced to surrender after a 

War of the United States with Great Britain 1129 

short siege. The next attempt to enter Canada, 
made on the Niagara frontier, was repulsed at 
Queenston, in October, with heavy loss. An q"^^"'^°"' 
undertaking to recover Detroit, by General Har- 1812 
rison, with forces assembled in Indiana, had no 
better success. General Winchester, who led 
Harrison's advance, allowed his column to be 
surprised at Frenchtown, on the Raisin River, jan. 22, 
and the whole body, nine hundred In number, '^'3 
was captured or slain. 

Meantime the small American navy was having 
triumphs which went far toward redeeming the 
military disasters of the year. The famous frigate American 
Constitution (known familiarly as Old Ironsides), "avaivic- 
commanded m the iirst mstance by Captam Isaac 
Hull and by Captain Bainbridge In the second, 
won two signal victories, capturing the frigate 
Guerriere, In August, and destroying the frigate 
Java, four months later, after a fierce fight off the 
coast of Brazil. A third British frigate, the Mace- ThTNami 
donian, surrendered to Captain Decatur, com- ^^'^''of^^^^ 
manding the American frigate United States. 
Probably It was the satisfaction produced by 
these naval achievements that enabled the war 
party to reelect President Madison In November, ofPres^ent 
notwithstanding the military disappointments of Madison, 
the war. But the triumphs at sea were soon 
ended. The next season brought a grievous 
downcasting of the pride of the Americans in 
their ships. Captain James Lawrence, command- 
ing the unfortunate frigate Chesapeake, sailed out 
of Boston Bay to accept a challeaige from 


Duel of the 

non," Juna, 
I, 1S13 

battle of 
Lake Erie, 
Sept. 10, 

of tlie 
Oct. s, 



July S and 
25. 1814 

Siege of 
Fort Erie, 

From Washington to Stephenson 

Captain Broke, of the British frigate Shannon, 
and fought a naval duel in which he fell mortally- 
wounded and his ship was overcome. 

On the fresh water of the Great Lakes, how- 
ever, the navy still gathered most of the few 
laurels of the war. By a hard won victory on 
Lake Erie, near the mouth of the Sandusky River, 
Captain Oliver H. Perry made the position of the 
British and Indian forces at Detroit untenable 
and compelled them to retreat. They were fol- 
lowed into Canada by General Harrison, defeated 
in a battle fought on the river Thames, and 
Tecumseh, the Indian leader, was slain. 

Practically these successes had no important 
effect, and a fresh failure was experienced soon 
afterward, in an expedition undertaken against 
Montreal. The last attempt of the Americans to 
carry the war into Canada was made in the 
summer of 18 14, by General Jacob Brown, who 
crossed from Buffalo and had two engagements 
with the enemy near Niagara Falls, the first at 
Chippewa, the second at Lundy's Lane. Both 
armies claimed a victory in the latter engage- 
ment; but the Americans fell back to Fort Erie, 
opposite BuflFalo, where they withstood a deter- 
mined siege for two months, and then withdrew 
to their own side of the river, destroying the fort. 

The circumstances of the war had been 
changed immensely at this time by the fall of 
Napoleon, which liberated British forces from 
service in Europe and allowed them to be brought 
to the American field. The military authorities 

Campaigns of the War of i8 12-15 ^^3^ 

in Canada were then prepared for an aggressive 
movement toward the Hudson, on the old route 
of Burgoyne. At the head of Lake Champlain 
they fitted out a squadron of small vessels and 
gunboats, to attack a similar small fleet which ^^^^^ 
the American commodore, Macdonough, had put battle 
afloat on the lake. The decisive battle — in some champhin, 
views the most important of the war — was fought Sept. n, 
at Plattsburg, on the nth of September, and won 
by Macdonough, stopping the British advance. 

With more success the British were opening 
attacks upon the coast. Their blockade of 
American ports had been nearly complete for a 
year, and most of the few vessels of the regular 
navy of the United States were shut in; but 
swift privateers were active, as they had been 
from the beginning of the war, and English com 
merce suffered severely from their attacks. In ing 
August a considerable British force was landed in 
Patuxent River, Maryland, and marched, with ^^ ^^^^ 
slight resistance at Bladensburg, to Washington, and 

, 111 1 r '^ destruction 

where, under barbarous orders from its com- ofWashing- 
mander, most of the government buildings were ^°^' ^"g- 
destroyed. A little later Baltimore was assailed, 
but saved by the defense of Fort McHenry, which 
the enemy's fleet could not pass. It was the 
bombardment of Fort McHenry that inspired the 
composition of the song of "The Star Spangled 
Banner," by Francis Scott Key. 

Everywhere, all heartiness In the war had dis- Span^gied"^ 
appeared; the feeling against it, especially in New Banner" 
England, had become intense. In December, on 



From Washington to Stephenson 

The Hart- 
ford Con- 
Dec, 1814 

tions for 

The treaty 
of Ghent, 
Dec. 24, 

Life of 
Henry Clay, 
J :99-i2S 

the invitation of Massachusetts, a convention 
representing the New England opposition was 
assembled at Hartford and remained in secret 
session for three weeks. On adjourning It pub- 
lished a report, demanding certain amendments 
to the federal constitution and recommending 
another convention, "to decide on the course 
which a crisis so momentous might seem to 
demand." What ultimate action was contem- 
plated is a question that has been always in dis- 
pute; but the men of the Hartford convention 
were stigmatized as disunlonlsts to the end of 
their lives. So far as disloyalty to the Union had 
arisen in New England it expired then. Peace 
came unexpectedly, so soon after the Hartford 
convention adjourned that all the feelings 
represented in it were swept away. 

Negotiations for peace had been in progress at 
Ghent since August, 18 14. "With all her advan- 
tages in the war, England was most anxious for 
peace. She was weary of war; the situation In 
Europe was still precarious, and her commerce 
was badly broken by American privateers. 
Hence the American commissioners, by stout 
Insistence, secured better terms In the end than 
the condition of their country gave them reason 
to expect. But the treaty signed on the 24th of 
December, 18 14, contained no mention of the 
naval searches and Impressments that had been 
the chief provocation to war. The question about 
them was settled by being dropped; for the 
English stopped practicing what they still held 

Treaty of Ghent — End of the War 1133 

to be their right. Other important questions, 
relating to the Newfoundland fisheries and the 
navigation of the Mississippi, were postponed 
for future settlement; and so the treaty was 
scarcely more than an agreement that matters 
between the two nations should be as they were History of 
before the war. There was little to show for the {.. ' '' 
30,000 lives it was estimated to have cost the 
country, and the hundred millions, or nearly, 
that it had added to the national debt." 

Fifteen days after the signing of the treaty of Battle of 
peace, but before news of it could reach America, |^^^ ^l' 

• r 1 -KT leans, Ja*. 

the bloodiest battle of the war was fought at New 8, 1815 
Orleans. Defending that city against an expedi- 
tion from Jamaica, General Jackson intrenched 
his riflemen so well that 2,000 British veterans 
fell in a rash attempt to carry his works by 
assault, while the loss of the Americans was but 
seventy-one. The British commander. General 
Pakenham, was among the killed. Naturally 
General Jackson became the hero of the war. 

The ending of the War of 1812-15 with Great Beginning 
Britain was the ending of a period of great harass- scious°°' 
ment and trial to the young American republic, national 
and brought it, we may say, to the real beginning 
of its conscious national life. Thus far in its cor- 
porate existence it had been struggling with cir- 
cumstances which made a common consciousness 
and general spirit of nationality among its people 
impossible. Its peculiar relations to the warring 
powers in Europe, with its youthfulness, its weak- 
ness, its insignificance as a nation In their eyes, 


From Washington to Stephenson 

Ending of 
foreign dis- 

The west "] 
and its 


The Win- 
ning of tfu 
West, 4 : 

exposed It to an exasperating ill treatment, which 
angered half of its people against one offender and 
half against the other. For this reason the roused 
temper that ought to have flamed patriotically, 
and welded them to unity, was burned out in their 
party politics and went to worse than waste. In 
reality there had been next to nothing in their 
politics, — next to nothing in their conflicts of 
party, — but heats of feeling against England in 
one faction and against France in the other. Now 
the situation was cleared for a different working 
of the American public mind. For the first time 
since the early years of Washington's administra- 
tion, it was free from foreign distractions, and 
could give an undivided attention to its own 
domestic concerns. In these circumstances a 
more common national spirit could not fail to 

This was stimulated, too, by the rapid spread 
of population westward and the creation of new 
States. Before the opening of the war, four 
States (Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio and Louisi- 
ana) had been formed in the Mississippi Valley, 
and four more (Indiana, Mississippi, Illinois and 
Alabama) were added to the Union within four 
years after it closed. The conditions of the 
pioneer life In these newer communities moulded 
society in them more democratically than In the 
older States of the east, and gave It a more dis- 
tinctly American character and tone. 

A natural consequence of all that had taken 
place was the quick final decay of the Federalist 

The United States at the End of the War 1135 

party. It represented the old Federalism of Decay of 
Hamilton and his day no longer. It had per- Federalist 
mitted the opposing party of the Democratic ^^"^ 
Republicans to appropriate the better part of its 
original principles; for both parties had been Link doc- 
faithless alike to the doctrines of government on tdnai dif- 
which they divided at the beginning. Each, beTwSn 
when controlling the federal government, had ^^^ parties 
been eager to magnify its powers by broad con- 
structions of the constitution, and each, when in 
opposition, had shown equal eagerness to mini- 
mize those powers. As exemplified practically in 
legislation and administration, there was little of 
doctrinal difference to distinguish the one party 
from the other in 181 5. At the same time, the 
Republican party was recommended to popular 
favor by the democratic spirit which it drew from 
its founders and which never was lost. So it 
became for a time the sole occupant of the field in 
American politics, and the Federalist party was 
left with no substantial ground on which to stand. 
Discredited by its opposition to the late war, it 
was hardly able to contest the presidential Election of 
election of 18 16. Tames Monroe, of Virginia, was President 

•^ _ ' o 7 Monroe, 

elected by a large majority of electoral votes. 1816 
Before the next election the Federalist party, as a 
national organization, had disappeared. 

Great Britain after the fall of Napoleon 

To large classes of the working people of Great 
Britain, the interruption of trade in the long con- Distress of 

' *• the work*" 

flict with revolutionary France and with Napo- ,ng people 

1 1 36 From Washington to Stephenson 

leon had been a cause of heavy distress. Indus- 
tries had been checked and wages lessened, while 
the prices of food were raised. Suffering from 
these causes was deepened by temporary dis- 
turbances, resulting from the great industrial 
_ revolution through which the country was passing 

1023-4-S at the time. At every stage of the transition 
from hand work to machine work, and from 
home spinning and home weaving to the factory 
system, the nation as a whole was made richer, 
by economy and increase of production, but 
multitudes of individuals lost employment, or 
were starved in a hopeless endeavor to labor and 
live in the old ways. The period of adjustment 
to the new industrial conditions of the age of 
Period of machinery and steam was a sad one, on the whole, 

adjustment . . . 

to new con- in the wagc-workmg world. 

Two classes in England — the landlords and the 
farmers — were enriched by the high prices to 



ment of which breadstuffs were raised by the long wars, 
^"d ° Peace should have lowered those prices; but, 


iarmers unfortunately, the landlord class, controlling 
parliament, had power to prevent that result. 
For some time past they had upheld prices for the 
farm produce on which their high rents depended, 

_. „ by what were known as "corn laws" (all cereals 

The corn \ , ^ ^_ ^ 

law" of being called "corn"), imposing protective duties 
on imported grain. Now they passed a corn law 
which practically prohibited the importation of 
RecoUec- ' whcat whcucver its price fell below eighty shil- 
iionsof lings (about $20) a quarter (eight bushels); and 
ch. i. ' that atrocious law, which starved many for the 

England at the End of the Napoleonic Wars 1137 

enrichment of a few, was enforced for thirteen 
years. In the light of this glaring exhibit of the 
class-government then maintained in Great 
Britain, the common people were wakened fast 
to a sense of the political rights which they ought 
to claim and which they had power to take. The and'^^js^'* 
demand for a better representation in parliament order 
began to be peremptory in tone, and a period of 
agitation and disorder, both political and indus- 
trial, ensued. In the midst of these conditions 
George III., who had been hopelessly insane for GMrge°iil 
ten years, died, and his son, the fourth George, Jan. 29, 
acting regent since 18 10, became king. 

Europe at large after the fall of Napoleon 

Delivered from one tyrannical master by the 
overthrow of Napoleon, Europe, thereupon, was 
given over to a combination of despots who 
oppressed it for another generation. The sover- 
eigns who had united to dethrone Napoleon, with 
the two emperors, of Austria and Russia, at their 
head, and with the Austrian minister, Metternich, 
for their most trusted counselor, assumed first, 
in the congress of Vienna, a general work of gressof 
political rearrangement, to repair the revolu- '^""^ 
tionary and Napoleonic disturbances, and then Fyffe, i/iV- 
to assume an authoritative supervision of Euro- ^7,°^ 

^ Modern 

pean politics which proved as meddlesome as Europe, 
Napoleon's had been. 

Their first act was to restore the Bourbon 
monarchy In France, indifferent to the wishes of 
the people. In Spain, Ferdinand had taken the 

2 :ch. 



The "holy 

From Washington to Stephenson 

throne, when Joseph fled. In Italy, the king of 
Sardinia was restored and Genoa transferred to 
him; Lombardy and Venetia were given back to 
Austria; Tuscany, Modena and some minor 
duchies received Hapsburg princes; the pope 
recovered his States, and the Bourbons returned 
from Sicily to Naples. In Germany, the Prussian 
kingdom was enlarged again by several absorp- 
tions, including part of Saxony, but some of its 
Polish territory was given to the tzar; Hanover 
became a kingdom; Austria resumed the prov- 
inces which Napoleon had conveyed to his 
Rhenish proteges; and, finally, a Germanic con- 
federation was formed, to take the place of the 
extinct empire, and with no more efficiency in its 
constitution. In the Netherlands, a new kingdom 
was made up, to bear the Netherland name, and 
to embrace Holland and Belgium in union, with 
the house of Orange on the throne. 

Between the tzar, the emperor of Austria and 
the king of Prussia, there was a personal agree- 
ment that went with these arrangements of the 
congress of Vienna, and which was prolonged for 
a number of years. In the public understanding, 
this was associated, perhaps wrongly, with a 
written declaration, known as "the holy alli- 
ance," in which the three sovereigns set forth their 
intention to regulate their foreign and domestic 
policy by the precepts of Christianity, and 
invited all princes to join their alliance for the 
maintenance of peace and the promotion of 
brotherly love. Whether Identical as a fact with 

The Work of the "Holy Alliance" in Europe 1139 

this "holy alliance" or secreted behind it, there 
was, and long continued to be, an undoubted 
league between these sovereigns and others, 
which had aims very different from the promo- 
tion of brotherly love. It was wholly reactionary, 
hostile to all political liberalism, and repressive 
of all movements in the interest of the people, to all 
Metternich was its skillful minister, and the liberalism 
deadly, soulless system of bureaucratic abso- 
lutism which he organized in Austria was the 
model of government that it strove to introduce. 

In Italy, the governments generally were j^ . 
reduced to the Austrian model, and the political 
state of the peninsula, for forty years, was 
scarcely better, if at all, than it had been under 
the Spanish rule in the sixteenth and seventeenth 

Germany, as divided as ever, under a federal ^ 

. . . Germany 

constitution which federated nothing else so much 
as the big and little courts and their reactionary 
ideas, was profoundly depressed in political 
spirit, while prospering materially and showing 
notable signs of intellectual life. 

France was not slow in finding that the restored under the 
Bourbons and the restored emigres had forgotten restored 
nothing and learned nothing, in the twenty-five 
years of their exile. They put all their strength 
into the turning back of the clock, trying to make 
it strike again the hours in which the revolution 
and Napoleon had been so busy. It was futile 
work; but it sickened and angered the nation 
none the less. After all the stress and struggle it 

1 140 

From Washington to Stephenson 

had gone through, there was a strong nation yet 
to resist the Bourbonism brought back to power. 
It recovered from the exhaustion of its wars with 
a marvelous quickness. The miUions of peasant 
landowners, who were the greatest creation of the 
Peasant revolution, dug wealth from its soil with untiring 
landowners free arms, and soon made it the most prosperous 
land in Europe. Through country and city, the 
ideas of the revolution were in the brains of the 
common people, while Its energies were in their 
brawn, and Bourbonism needed more wisdom 
than it ever possessed to reconcile them to its 

It was not In France, however, but in Spain, 
that the first rising against the restored order of 
things occurred. Ferdinand VIL, when released 
from his French imprisonment in 18 14, was 
received warmly in Spain, and took the crown 
with quite general consent. He accepted the con- 
stitution under which the country had been 
governed since 181 2, and made large lying 
promises of a liberal rule. But, when seated on 
the throne, he suppressed the constitution, 
restored the Inquisition, revived the monasteries, 
d Portu- called back the expelled Jesuits, and opened a 
deadly persecution of the liberals in Spanish 
tions, 1820 politics. In 1820 a revolutionary movement took 
form, which forced the king to reestablish the 
constitution and call different men to his council. 
Portugal, at the same time, adopted a similar 
constitution, and it was accepted by the exiled 
king, John VL, who returned from Brazil. 




Revolutionary Movements in Europe 1141 

The revolution in Spain set fire to the discon- 
tent that had smouldered in Italy. The latter 
broke forth, in the summer of 1820, at Naples, italy/i'slTo- 
where the Bourbon king made no resistance to a 1821 
sudden revolt of soldiers and citizens, but yielded 
the constitution they demanded at once. Sar- 
dinia followed, in the next spring, with a rising of 
the Piedmontese, requiring constitutional govern- 
ment. The king, Victor Emmanuel I., who was 
very old, resigned the crown to his brother, 
Charles Felix. The latter refused the demands 
of the constitutionalists and called uoon Austria 
for help. 

These outbreaks of the revolutionary spirit 
were alarming to the sovereigns of the "holy the "holy 
alliance" and excited them to a vigorous activity, alliance" 
The congenial duty of restoring absolutism in the 
Tv/o Sicilies, and of helping the king of Sardinia 
against his subjects, was imposed upon Austria, 
and willingly performed; while the Bourbon 
court of France was solicited to put an end to the 
bad example of constitutional government in 
Spain. Both commissions were executed with 
fidelity and zeal. Italy was flung down and 
fettered again; French troops occupied Spain. 
England, alone, protested against this flagrant 
policing of Europe by the "holy alliance." Can- protest 
ning, its spirited minister, "called in the New 
World," as he described his policy, "to redress 
the balance of the old," by recognizing the inde- 
pendence of the Spanish colonies in America, 
which, Cuba and Porto Rico excepted, were now poUcy 

1 142 

Rising of 
the Chris- 
tian sub- 
jects of the 

Greek war 
of inde- 

From Washington to Stephenson 

separated forever from the crown of Spain. 
Brazil in like manner was cut loose from the 
Portuguese crown, and assumed the constitution 
of an empire, under Dom Pedro, the eldest son 
of John VI. 

These stifled revolutions in western Europe 
failed to discourage a more obstinate insurrection 
which began in the east, among the Christian 
subjects of the Turks. The Ottoman government 
had been growing weaker and more vicious for 
many years. The corrupted and turbulent 
janissaries were the masters of the empire, and a 
sultan who attempted, as Selim III. had done, to 
introduce reforms, was put to death. Russia, 
under Alexander L, had been continuing to gain 
ground at the expense of the Turks, and assuming 
more and more of a patronage of the Christian 
subjects of the Porte. 

There seems to be little doubt that the rising 
begun in 1821, which had Its start in Moldavia, 
and its first leader in a Greek, Ypsilanti, who had 
been an officer in the Russian service, received 
encouragement from the tzar. But Alexander 
turned his back on It when the Greeks sprang to 
arms and appealed to Europe for help. England 
alone showed sympathy, but did nothing as a 
government, and left the struggling Greeks to 
such help as they might win from individual 
friends. Lord Byron, with others, went to Greece, 
carrying money and arms. Generally, however, 
these volunteers lost much of their ardor In the 
Greek cause when they came Into close contact 

1 825 

Greek War of Independence 1143 

with Its native supporters. But, If the Greeks 
lacked high qualities, they made an obstinate 
fight, and held their ground against the Turks, 
until the feeling of sympathy with them had 
grown strong in England and in France. In 
Russia, Alexander I. had been succeeded by the 
aggressive tzar Nicholas, who had not patience to 
wait for the slow crumbling of the Ottoman 
power, but was determined to break it as sum- 
marily as he could. To that end he joined France 
and England in a naval demonstration against 
the Turks, which had its result in the battle of 
Navarino, and the destruction of the combined Navarino, 
Turkish and Egyptian fleets. ^g"" ^°' 

Egypt, at this time, was under the practically 
independent rule of an adventurer, Mehemet AH, 
who went to it In 1801 as one of the officers of the 
Turkish force sent to act with the English in 
expelling the French. In the confusions that uS* 
followed he succeeded in rising to a position which Mehemet 
forced the sultan to make him governor. His 
authority was disputed by the Mameluke beys, — 
chiefs of the old military organization that had 
held and ruled Egypt for a long period before 
they yielded, in the sixteenth century, to the 
sovereignty of the Ottoman sultan. By a general 
massacre, accomplished through treachery, he 
swept them from his path, and went steadily 
forward in the pursuit of plans which aimed at 
the establishment of an independent state. His 
project was promoted by the troubles in which 
Turkey was now involved. 

1 144 

The king- 
dom of 



of 1830 

In France 

Exile of 
Charles X. 

of Louis 

From Washington to Stephenson 

After the battle of Navarino, the French and 
EngUsh went no farther in hostlHties; but tzar 
Nicholas pursued the undertaking, in a war which 
lasted till the autumn of 1829. Turkey at the end 
of it conceded the independence of Greece, and 
practically that of Wallachia and Moldavia. 
In 1830, a conference at London established the 
Greek kingdom, and in 1833 a Bavarian prince, 
Otho I., was settled on the throne. 

Before this result was reached, revolution in 
western Europe, arrested in 1821-23, had broken 
out afresh. Bourbonism had become unen- 
durable to France. Charles X., who succeeded 
his brother, Louis XVIIL, in 1824, showed not 
only a more arbitrary temper, but a disposition 
more deferential to the church. He was fond of 
the Jesuits, whom his subjects very commonly 
distrusted and disliked. He attempted to put 
shackles on the press, and, when elections to the 
chamber of deputies went repeatedly against the 
government, he undertook practically to alter 
the suffrage by ordinances of his own. A revolu- 
tion seemed then to be the only remedy that was 
open to the nation, and it was adopted in July, 
1830, the veteran Lafayette taking the lead. 
Charles X. was driven to abdication, and left 
France for England. The crown was transferred 
to Louis Philippe, of the Orleans branch of the 
Bourbon family, — son of the Philip Egalite who 
joined the Jacobins in the revolution. 

The July Revolution in France proved a signal 
for more outbreaks in other parts of Europe than 

European Revolutions of 1830 1145 

had followed the Spanish rising of ten years 

Belgium broke away from the union with 
Holland, which had never satisfied its people, ^^"^" 
and, after some struggle, won recognized inde- 
pendence, as a new kingdom, with Leopold of 
Saxe Coburg raised to the throne. 

Russian Poland, bearing the name of a con- 
stitutional kingdom since 181 5, but having the 
tzar for its king and the tzar's brother for viceroy, 
found no lighter oppression than before, and made 
a hopeless, brave attempt to escape from its 
bonds. The revolt was put down with unmerciful 
severity, and thousands of the hapless patriots 
went to exile in Siberia. 

In Germany, there were numerous demonstra- 
tions in the smaller states, which succeeded more ^"™^"y 
or less in extorting constitutional concessions; 
but there was no revolutionary movement on a 
larger scale. 

Italy remained quiet in both the north and the ^^^^ 
south, where disturbances had arisen before; but 
commotions occurred in the papal states, and in 
Modena and Parma, which required the arms of 
Austria to suppress. 

Ireland had been at the point of rebellion In 
1 820, but was pacified by a tardy yielding to the , , , 

T rclflnd 

demand of the Catholics for representation in 
parliament by members of their own faith. The 
agitation which extorted this concession had been 
led with extraordinary eloquence and resolution 
by Daniel O'Connell, who became then a great o-conneii 

1 146 


tion, 1829 




in social 

The railway 







From Washington to Stephenson 

power in the realm. The Tory ministry of the 
day, headed by the duke of WelHngton and Sir 
Robert Peel, had given signs already of a relaxing 
conservatism, by moderating the iniquitous corn 
laws, and by opening the doors of public office to 
Protestant dissenters from the established church, 
who could enter no such office hitherto without 
an infringement cf law. Now the same ministry 
abrogated the test oath which barred Catholics 
from parliament and from all public life. 

The movements of feeling and opinion which 
accomplished these results were hurrying the 
British people toward a greater reform; toward 
one that would surpass all other revolutions of 
the time In the lasting Importance of Its effects, 
and exhibit In their grandest early triumph the 
peaceful forces of the platform and the press. 
The account of this belongs to our next chapter. 

By several tokens it can be seen that a fresh 
point of departure In the social progress of the 
world had been reached at this time. For more 
than half a century past, scientific discovery and 
mechanical invention had been marking such 
points, by setting new agencies in action, with 
wonder-working effects on the relations between 
men and communities of men. The early appli- 
cations of the steam engine, to mining and manu- 
facturing industries and to the propulsion of 
boats, had produced Influences that are traceable 
in all the lines of the stretch of history just sur- 
veyed. And now the mounting of the steam 
engine upon wheels and the wheels upon a railway 

Catholic Emancipation and First Railway 1147 

was the beginning of another revolution, in travel 
and transportation, which transformed the world 
in every circumstance of civilized life. George 

_ , 1 T- 1 • 1 1 J 1 Smiles, Life 

Stephenson, the Englishman who proved the of George 
practicability of the railway and the steam suphenson 
locomotive, did so first, on a small scale, in 1825, 
when he ran his "traveling engine" from Stockton 
to Darlington, and more effectively in 1830, when 
a railway from Liverpool to Manchester was 
opened with triumphant success. A new chapter 
in human history was opened by that event. 

The United States of America 

At this time no other country was gaining so 
much as the United States from the service of that 
floated locomotive, the steamboat, because no 
other possessed such natural waterways, opening 
such broad and rich expanses of unoccupied land. 
The first practical success in steam navigation Na^™a- 
had been attained in America, by Robert Fulton, Jsot-isso 
on the Hudson River, in 1807. Within five years 
there were steamers on the Mississippi; within 
ten years they were launched on the Great Lakes; 
and from that time they were everywhere hurry- History of 
ing the movement of emigrants and merchandise, Jj^^^^'^^^^m 
to populate the American interior and develop Engine, 
trade. Where nature had not given the needed 
waterway, men were stimulated to dig it for 
themselves, and astonishing enterprises of canal- 
making were set on foot. As early as 18 17 the 
State of New York, then containing no more than The Erie 

1 1 Canal, 

a million and a quarter of mhabitants, began the 1817-1825 

1 148 

gin," 1793 

Effects of 
the cotton 
gin upon 

From Washington to Stephenson 

building of the great Erie Canal, which it opened 
to travel and transportation, from the Hudson 
River to Lake Erie, in 1825. Then the streams 
of emigration flowing westward became a mighty 
flood, sweeping away forests, effacing the wilder- 
ness, creating farms, towns and cities, along the 
line of its swift advance. 

From a simpler mechanical invention than the 
steam engine or the paddle wheel, the southern 
section of the Union had received still another 
and more powerful impulse to the extension of its 
settlements, the increase of its population, and 
the enlargement of its wealth. Cotton culture 
had been unprofitable till Eli Whitney, in 1793, 
perfected his "gin," for separating the fiber of 
cotton from the seed. At the same time an eager 
and unlimited demand for the fiber had been 
created in England, by the inventions for 
machine-spinning and weaving and by the 
development of the factory system, with the use 
of steam power. At once Whitney's " cotton gin " 
enabled southern planters to supply that demand, 
with large profit to themselves, and cotton-grow- 
ing was spread over the States and Territories of 
the warmer belt as fast as slaves for new planta- 
tions could be procured. 

In American history there is no occurrence of 
graver moment than this; for it fastened the 
institution of slavery on the States of the south. 
Previously there had been reason to hope that the 
system of enslaved labor would be extinguished 
gradually throughout the country, in a natural 

Cotton and Slavery in the United States 1149 

way. A sentiment repugnant to it was gaining 
force in all the border States of the slaveholding 
section, and emancipation in those States would 
weaken the institution in its small remaining 
seats. But a sudden and sinister change in the 
whole prospect was produced by the simple work- 
ing of the Whitney "gin." Not only was slave 3,^^^,^^^^^ 
labor made doubly profitable in the regions where made 
cotton could be grown, but slaves were made profitable 
doubly valuable in all the marts of the neighbor- 
ing States. After 1808, no further introduction 
of slaves from outside of the Union was permitted, 
and the cotton planters must depend on a home 

. Ill* Develop- 

supply. This gave rise to slave-breeding as a mentof 

business, and established it in the border slave jj^^^^djng 

States, creating an interest in the perpetuation of 

slavery which moral sentiment could not over- and slave 


corns* ^ ^ 1819-1820 

Of twenty States that formed the Union in 

1 819, slavery had been abolished or prohibited in 
exactly one-half. Hence the free labor and the 
slave labor interests were represented equally in cotSan.^ 
the federal senate; but the slave-holding States Pol. Hist. 
had lost and were losing ground in the other , ; 350-378* 
branch of congress, notwithstanding the repre- 
sentation of three fifths of their slaves. The 
greater streams of emigration flowing into the 
country were drawn to the regions where labor 
was free, and there could not be a doubt that the 
weight of numbers in population, and therefore of 
votes in the federal house of representatives, 
would always be adverse to the slaveholding 


ing interest 
in the 

Question of 
slavery in 
the Louisi- 
ana Pur- 

The "Mis- 
souri com- 

From Washington to Stephenson 

States. Alarmed by this prospect, the latter 
strove to hold the senate as a citadel of political 
defense, by keeping at least an even balance In 
that body between free and slave States. By 
tacit agreement and without much discussion 
this equilibrium had, so far, been maintained. 
The States added to the Union from territory 
south of the Ohio came in with slavery permitted; 
those formed in the old northwestern domain 
were secured against it by the Ordinance of 1787, 
— and each section counted ten States, with 
twenty senatorial votes. 

But how should it be in the making of more 
States, from the great new domain bought from 
France.? That vast territory, beyond the Missis- 
sippi, had come into the possession of the United 
States with slavery sanctioned in it by Spanish 
and French laws. One slaveholding State, 
Louisiana, had been carved from it already, and 
a slaveholding population was spreading along 
its southern streams. Should the nation take 
care of its future in this matter, or leave it to be 
ruled by events.? The question came to congress 
in 1 8 19, when a bill to authorize the organization 
of the State of Missouri was taken up, and an 
amendment prohibiting the further introduction 
of slavery, with provision for emancipating the 
future children of slaves, was offered by a member 
from New York. A passionate debate ensued, 
and the first stormy agitation of slavery questions 
convulsed the whole country for two years. It 
resulted in the famous "Missouri compromise," 

The "Missouri Compromise" 1151 

agreed to in March, 1820, but not determined 
until February, 1821, by the terms of which 
Missouri came into the Union with no restriction 
concerning slavery, but slaveholding was for- 
bidden in all that part of the Louisiana Purchase 
which lies north of 36° 30', north latitude. 
Maine, detached from Massachusetts, was ad- 
mitted to the Union at the same time. 

The larger part of the Louisiana Purchase was 
secured for free labor by this compromise; but 
the slaveholding interest had acquired, just prior 
to it, another considerable extension of territory, 
by the purchase of Florida from Spain. That Florida, 
transaction was sequent to a war with the ^^^^ 
Seminole Indians of Florida, in the prosecution of 
which General Jackson, pursuing the Indians to igis 
their home in the Spanish province, took practical 
possession of East Florida, in a lawless way, 
expelling Spanish garrisons from Pensacola and 
St. Marks. West Florida, claimed by the United 
States, rather groundlessly, as forming part of the 
Louisiana Purchase, had been dealt with as 
American territory since 18 10. After Jackson's 
performance, the Spanish government seems to 
have abandoned the hope of holding any part of 
the province, and consented to a cession of the 

Four months prior to this, a convention with 
Great Britain established joint occupancy for ten ji^gOre on 
years of the region called Oregon, lying west of question, 
the Rocky Mountains, between Mexico and 
Russian America, which both nations claimed. 


From Washington to Stephenson 

of Presi- 
dent Mon- 
roe, 1820 

"era of 
good feel- 

measures of 
the Jeffer- 

tion of "the 

Thereafter the northern boundary question in 
that region stood unsettled till 1846. 

In 1820 President Monroe was reelected with- 
out opposition, — a distinction which he shares 
with President Washington alone. He owed it 
to no special popularity, but simply to the dis- 
organized conditions in politics, which broke up 
the old Federalist party and left the Democratic 
Republicans in sole possession of the field. 
Somebody described the time as an "era of good 
feelings," and the pleasing phrase was much in 
use; but the political feeling of the period was 
pacified only by being confused. The Repub- 
licans as a party had lost their bearings. Many 
had strayed from Jeffersonian to Hamiltonian 
principles; had chartered a second United States 
bank in 1816; had framed and passed a distinctly 
protective tariff in the same year; had declared 
for a policy of "internal Improvements" by the 
general government; had upheld Chief Justice 
Marshall in constitutional decisions which 
affirmed the sovereign nationality of the federal 
government. But Jeffersonian beliefs were not 
extinct, nor sectional oppositions reconciled; 
they had only lost organization for a time. They 
were soon to reappear in a new array, and the 
old battles, on the old issues, would be renewed. 

The second administration of President Mon- 
roe was distinguished only by the famous 
declaration of American policy known as the 
"Monroe Doctrine," which appeared in the 
president's message of 1823. It was called out 

The Monroe Doctrine Promulgated 1153 

(i) by the movements of the "holy alliance" in J^^^^Jj^.^J;^ 
Europe, which seemed to be meditating some of the 
attempt to restore the sovereignty of Spain over ^7//^. s., 
her revolted American provinces, and (2) by signs s =28-48 
of an ambition in Russia to broaden her American 
claims. In substance, the president gave notice 
that the United States would oppose any attempt 
of European powers to make conquests in the 
western hemisphere, or to overturn the govern- 
ments existing in it, or to extend their own 
political system to it; and, further, that the 
American continents could be regarded no longer 
as open fields for new colonies under European 
control. This firm attitude on the part of the q^^j^-^^^^ 
American government was encouraged by Can- proposal 
ning, the then British secretary for foreign 
affairs, who had made a recent proposal that the 
United States and Great Britain act together in 
resisting the American projects of the "holy 
alliance." It is probable that the president's 
message received much of its tone from John 
Quincy Adams, who was Monroe's secretary of 

Mr. Adams was made president by the election 
of 1824. The issues in that election were purely pl2dent°^ 
personal, between five candidates, all professing John 
the same political principles and stamped with Adams, 
the same party name. General Jackson, "the ^^^^ 
hero of New Orleans," received the largest vote, 
Henry Clay received the smallest, and there was 
a majority for none. This carried the election 
into the house of representatives, and Clay's 

1 1 54 From Washington to Stephenson 

Influence gave it to Adams. The fact that 
Cry of President Adams invited Clay to be secretary of 
"bargain state gavc the partisans of Tackson an oppor- 

andcorrup- . " '■ , '' ^^ 

tion" tunity to charge that a bargam had been made, — 

that the presidency had been sold and the people 
cheated of their choice. It was an utterly 

Schurz, . ■' 

Life of groundless charge; no men m public were less 
^cia^i: capable of such corruption than Adams and 
236-257, Clay; but the public mind in large sections was 
poisoned by the venomous slander, and embit- 
tered against one of the purest of presidents 
throughout his term. 

Many circumstances conspired to weaken the 
administration of the second Adams and expose 
It to humiliations and defeats. The Inevitable 
stmcdonof reconstructlou of parties was begun. All the 
parties JefFersonlan reaction of the time, toward new 
assertions of "State sovereignty" and "State 
rights," went Into a movement which accepted 
Jackson for its leader and conducted a long 
campaign for his election in 1828. All the 
Hamiltonian and Federalistic leanings that sur- 
vived were rallied to the support of the Adams 
administration, but In a disheartened way. The 
latter party took the name of National Repub- 
Democrats jj^an; the former kept the old title of Democratic 
National Republican, but liked best to be called Demo- 
cans cratlc. President Adams was nominated for 
reelection by the National Republicans, but with 
small chance of success. General Jackson was 
elected by an overwhelming Democratic vote In 
the south and the west. 

Disaffection in the Canadas 1155 

British America 

In the war of 1812-15 with the United States, 
the Canadians, French as well as English, History of' 
showed loyalty to the British flasf. Nevertheless, OwOwn 

•' ■' ^ ° . Times, i: 

even before that time, both provinces were ch.iii 
seething with discontent, which came hotly to 
the surface in the years after the war. In Lower 
Canada, race antagonisms were at the bottom of tbns in 
the feeling. The French Canadian majority of c^^'^da 
population, dominant in the representative as- 
sembly, claimed a right of control over revenues 
and expenditures which the executive branch of 
government, wholly English, would not concede. 
The contentions that arose from this cause grew 
in bitterness from year to year. In Upper 
Canada, the popular irritant was a small, exclu- 
sive party, or class, formed within the established 
church of England, which had contrived to get 
impregnable possession, for its members and 
their church, not only of every office of honor or 
emolument in the province, but of most other The 
desirable things, such as bank charters, land compact" 
grants, and the like. In the parlance of the day, »" Upper 
their snug little bureaucratic organization, which 
successive governors seemed to look upon as the 
only part of Canada that merited their attention, 
was described as "the Family Compact," and the 
political literature of the time is full of the wrath 
which its pretensions stirred up. In the maritime 
provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick maritime 
there was much the same friction as in Lower p''^^'""* 
Canada, between legislative assemblies and irre- 

1 1 56 From Washington to Stephenson 

sponsible executives; but it lacked the passion 
that came in the other case from jealousies of 

in Narra- 
tive and 
History of 
Am., 8 : ch. 




ments, 1 8 10 


Spanish America 

At least from the time of the American revolu- 
tion, thoughts of attempting to escape from the 
rule of Spain appear to have been working in 
many of her American provinces. The first man 
to act on them was Francisco Miranda, a Vene- 
zuelan of considerable military experience, ac- 
quired in the service of France. Miranda's 
undertaking, in 1806, received no support; but 
the next four years, during which Napoleon stole 
the Spanish crown for his brother, wrought a 
change of feeling, and Venezuela was one of five 
presidencies and viceroyalties in which inde- 
pendent governments were formed and revolt 
begun in 18 10. The movements in Venezuela 
and in the neighboring viceroyalty of New 
Granada (which embraced the Colombia, the 
Ecuador and the Panama of the present day) 
were connected closely, and were promising 
success, till the awful earthquake of 18 12, at 
Caraccas, was construed by the superstitious 
people as a chastisement for their revolt. This 
caused a quick collapse of the revolution in 
Venezuela, and Miranda, who led it, was sent to 
imprisonment in Spain, where he died. Miranda's 
work was then taken up by Simon Bolivar, a 
native of Caraccas, who, from New Granada, 
where the independent government held its 

Spanish-American Revolt and Independence 1157 

ground, organized a fresh rising in Venezuela, 

with temporary success; but, again, the Spanish independ- 

authorities recovered power, not only in Vene- ^"" °^ , 

*^ ' , Venezuela 

zuela, but in New Granada, and it was not until and New 
18 18 that they were overcome. In fact, the ^lll^^^^^ 
independence of the two provinces was not fully 
secured until 1822. Bolivar had been the military 
chief of both, throughout the contest, and had 
proved himself a soldier of the higher class. Now, 
he entered upon a political career, with less 
advantage to his fame. New Granada, Vene- 
zuela, and the presidency of Quito (Ecuador), 
were united in a single republic of Colombia, and 
Bolivar was elected to its presidential seat. Colombia"^ 
Meantime, events elsewhere were calling him to 
a wider field. 

The viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres was one of Buenos 
those in which revolutionary governments were ^y" (A""- 

. gentine 

set up in 1810; and there the revolution had confedera- 
immediate and complete success, so far as con- 
cerned the extinction of Spanish rule. The 
difficulty of the revolutionists was in establishing 
any authority in the capital city which the rude 
cattle-breeders of the pampas would submit to, 
or any kind of efficient bond of union between the 
provinces of the confederacy which they tried to 
form. It was a difficulty they could not over- 
come. In their independence, however, they 
were so secure that they could lend their neigh- 
bors a helping hand. The Chileans, in 18 10, had 
renounced their allegiance to Spain, intrusted Revolution 
their government to a junta, and upheld it for 18101826 

1 1 58 From Washington to Stephenson 

three years. Then the viceroy of Peru, the firmest 
seat of Spanish power in America, attacked them 
with forces which they could not resist, and they 
would have been hopelessly crushed if the 
San Martin ^^g^^tincs, or Bucnos Ayrcans, had not come to 
in Chili, their relief. Early in 1 8 17, San Martin, one of the 
^ '''"' ^° leaders of the latter, crossed the Andes with 
4,000 men, and, joining forces with O'Higglns, the 
Chilean leader, defeated the Spaniards at Chaca- 
buco and established an independent government 
with O'Higglns at its head. Nevertheless, the 
Chilean struggle was not entirely ended till 1826. 
Before that time, Spanish authority in Peru, its 
last stronghold, had been overturned by attacks 
from the independent provinces on both sides. 
San Martin San Martin, with a force of Argentines, Chileans 
'182^1822 ^"^ European volunteers, greatly aided by a 
small Chilean fleet under the command of the 
English Lord Cochrane (afterward earl of Dun- 
donald), entered Peru in 1820, forced the Span- 
iards out of Lima in the following year, pro- 
claimed independence, and assumed for a time 
dictatorial power. Friction with jealous Peruvian 
leaders nearly caused the loss of all that he had 
gained, and in 1822 he resigned authority, 
returned to Chile, and departed thence to France. 
Bolivar was then approaching Peru with forces 
^o^ivarin ^^^^ ^^^ north, and the two liberators had an 
1822-1824 interview and an understanding before San 
Martin withdrew. The final victory which won 
Peruvian independence was won at Ayacucho, by 
Bolivar's able general, Sucre, in December, 1824. 

Work of San Martin and Simon Bolivar 1159 

In the region called Upper Peru (now Bolivia), a 

Spanish force held its ground for another year. ^^^^^^ 

That region was then declared to be a separate Peru 

state, taking the name of Bolivia, and received a Bdi'^^ 

constitution from Bolivar, under which Sucre, his ^825 
lieutenant, was chosen president for life. 

Bolivar was now dictator of Peru (formally 

declared so in 1823), being president, at the same g^u^^r's 

time, of the republic of Colombia, and practical autocratic 

- , 111* T disposition 

master of the new state that bore his name, in ^nd sus- 
possession of this great power and prestige, he pectedaims 
showed an autocratic disposition, adopted oppres- 
sive measures, was suspected of designs hostile to 
republican institutions, and his popularity waned 
fast. The suspicion was only strengthened by 
his endeavor to form a general confederation of 
the Spanish-American states, in South, Central 
and North America, for which purpose he pro- 
posed a congress at Panama, which assembled in 
1826. The United States were invited to send g^f^";"' 
delegates, and did so; but the appointment of 1826 
delegates was delayed so long, by opposition in 
the congress at Washington, that the Panama 
congress had adjourned (with no result) before 
they reached the ground. By this time, Bolivar's 
Colombian confederation was undergoing disso- 
lution, Venezuela and Ecuador breaking away 
from it, and the liberator was losing both prestige 
and power. In 1830 he withdrew from public 
life, and died the same year. Generally, in the ^^".^"'^ 

' _ •' ^ ^ ■' ' death of 

field of his liberating services, and in all the new Bolivar, 
Spanish-American republics, factious contentions ^ ^° 


From Washington to Stephenson 

under the 

Dr. Fran- 
cia's dicta- 

in Mexico, 

made settled governments Impossible for many 
years, — even, in some Instances, to the present 
day. It may be that Bolivar's alienation from 
republican aims was due, with reason, to the 
experience he had had. 

An exception to the prevailing disorder was 
found In Paraguay. Jesuit missionaries had been 
supreme in that province down to 1767, and the 
natives had been trained like children to be sub- 
missive to control. Spanish authority over them 
was exercised from the viceroyalty of Buenos 
Ayres; but they refused to acknowledge the 
independent government that was seated there 
by the revolution of 18 10. The result was a local 
dictatorship, extraordinarily despotic, which a 
native advocate. Dr. Francia, was able to set up, 
in the Napoleonic way, and to maintain for 
twenty-six years. In that period the Para- 
guayans were absolutely, in every particular, 
submissive to his will, having no trade with and 
receiving no visitors from the outer world, save 
rarely, by special permit. 

Revolt in Mexico was set In motion In 18 10; 
but after seven years of repeated risings and cruel 
warfare, In which leader after leader had suffered 
defeat, capture and death, the cause of inde- 
pendence seemed hopelessly lost. It was won 
selfishly, at last, by one who had fought against 
it, but who saw an opportunity to win power for 
himself. This was after the constitution of 1820 
had been conceded in Spain. Many of the ruling 
party in Mexico disliked the concession, and this 

The Independence of Mexico ii6i 

created a situation which an ambitious colonel in 
the army, Agustin de Iturbide, thought favor- 
able for a bold stroke. Securing the support of 

, . 11-1 • ^ Pronuncia- 

his own command, he issued a pronunciamento, mentoof 
declaring for the independence of Mexico, as a iturbide, 
separate kingdom, under a resident Bourbon 
prince, with guarantees for the maintenance of 
the Catholic church. The scheme met with so 
much favor that small opposition appeared, and 
it was referred for consideration to Spain. When 
rejected by the Spanish government, as was 
expected, no doubt, Iturbide had become so con- 
spicuous a national hero that his partisans pro- 
claimed him emperor, with the title of Agustin I.; proclaimed 
but Mexico at large was not quite prepared for \^^"°^' 
this, and Iturbide wore his crown no longer than 
ten months. Forced then to abdicate and accept 
exile, with a large pension, he had the folly to 
return in the next year, whereupon he was 
arrested and shot. A federal republic had been fan an J"' 
organized meantime, with a constitution modeled 'leath, 
on that of the United States. Santa Anna, an 

rr f 1 1111 • • Santa Anna 

orncer oi the army, who had been promment m 

the overthrow of Iturbide, became the ruling 

spirit of the country, and, whether in the office of 

president or out of it, and whether leading or 

resisting revolution, controlled its affairs for 

many years. 

It was not until 1821 that the Central American 

provinces declared for independence and set aside American 

the Spanish captain-gcneralcy, seated in Guate- p™^'"^"=^' 
^ _ ^ ° ^ -^ ' 1821-1829 

mala. During the brief reign of Iturbide in 


1 162 From Washington to Stephenson 

Mexico they were annexed to his empire, but 
escaped from the Mexican connection when he 
fell, and united themselves in a federal republic, 
which was broken up in 1826 and reconstructed 
in 1829. For many years thereafter their history 
is a record, in the main, of factious and sectional 
contests and revolutions, not profitable to pursue. 
In Cuba there were formidable risings of the 
Creole (non-Spanish or mixed) population, in 1823 
and 1829, against the oppressive domination of 
the "Spanish party," but the latter were in- 
trenched in power too strongly to be overthrown. 
For those who controlled its advantages, the 
J. island was in a highly prosperous state. Ever 

from the siucc the Scvcn Years War, when the English 
Slfition^o'f captured Havana, held it for a year, and showed 
Havana, [^ ihsit short time what could be made of its pro- 


ductions and trade by throwing open its ports, 
there had been an improvement in the manage- 
ment of both. Sugar and tobacco culture gave 
great wealth to the planter class, with consequent 
power, against which the less favored elements of 
the population were never able to contend. 

Hayti (Santo Domingo) 

The island which the Caribs called Hayti, 

s. Hazard which Columbus named Espanola, and which is 

Santo sometimes known as Santo Domingo, from one 

of its divisions, was half lost to Spain in the 

Divided seventeenth century, when French buccaneers 

between ■' \ 

Spain and took posscssiou of its wcstcm part. French 
1697*^' settlements were then so established that France 

Central America — Santo Domingo 1163 

obtained title to that western part by treaty with 
Spain in 1697. Soil and climate were both 
favorable to sugar, cotton, coffee, cocoa and gin- 
ger culture, with negro slave labor, and the spread 
of plantations went rapidly on. When the 
eighteenth century approached its close there 
were 38,000 inhabitants of European origin in 
this French colony, 28,000 free people of color, 
mostly mulattoes, and a great number of slaves. 
The free colored people, though many of them 
were wealthy and well educated, had no political 
rights. Then came the French revolution, and a 
decree by the French national assembly that 
people of color, born of free parents, were French 
citizens, entitled to all political privileges as such. 
The whites resisted and delayed the operation of 
the decree; the free mulattoes and blacks were 
determined to secure the rights it conferred; 
both parties were more or less divided between 
republicans who sympathized with the revolution 
in France and royalists who abhorred it; and out races, and 
of the whole ferment came a conflict that was rection'!^"'^ 
made hideous by savage risings among the slaves. 1791-1793 
Then, to make the situation worse, the French 
assembly revoked its decree, while Great Britain, 
appealed to by the white royalists, landed forces 
for a conquest and pacification of the island, and 
Spain made a rival attempt of the same kind. 
Commissioners sent from France to act for the 
revolutionary government proclaimed universal 
freedom, and thus won the general support of the 
blacks, who turned their arms against both the 1793 

1 164 




iure (con- 

and rule of 
in Hayti 

His fate 

H. Adams, 
«ssay 4 

From Washington to Stephenson 

foreign invaders and drove them out. To this 
course the insurgent blacks were drawn by a 
remarkable leader, who had been raised by his 
own force of intellect and high character to an 
influence among them that was very soon 
supreme. He was a slave and the son of slaves, 
but had been educated by a priest. His name 
was Toussaint, to which the surname L'Ouverture 
was added when he came to be a personage of 
note; but why and with what meaning seems an 
unsettled question. 

For some years Toussaint held dictatorial 
power over the whole Haytian island, and dis- 
played an extraordinary political genius, com- 
parable with that of the greater statesmen of 
history. He restored order, peace and prosperous 
industry to a land blackened with ruins and 
stained horribly with blood. Until 1801 he ruled 
it in the name of the French republic; then he 
did in Hayti what Napoleon had done in France 
— setting the repubhc aside. But Napoleon was 
not willing to be so imitated by a black, and dis- 
patched an army, not merely to arrest Haytian 
independence, but to restore slavery, as well. 
By treacherous means, the French commander 
lured Toussaint into his hands and sent him a 
captive to France, where he died in a dungeon, in 
1803. That he was treated inhumanly in his 
prison, with intention to cause his death, and 
that his jailers were obedient to the wishes of 
Napoleon in what they did, has been made plain 
by documents drawn from the archives of France. 


Then came evil days for Haytl, which have 
never reached their end. Insurrection blazed 
anew, and yellow fever thinned the ranks of the 
French till they abandoned the island and gave abandon- 
it up to the triumphant blacks. Leaders very mentofthe 

^ . island 

different in character from Toussamt rose among 
them; first Dessalines, then Christophe, who 
established despotisms of the worst oriental 
pattern, one styling himself emperor and the Reignof 
other king. Then, in 1820, a better period was "«sro 

IT -r»- -0 despots 

opened by an able mulatto, Jean Pierre boyer, 
who contented himself with a republican presi- 
dency, and ruled intelligently, though despoti- 
cally, till 1843. 


Driven from Lisbon by Napoleon in 1807, the 
prince-regent of Portugal, afterward King John 1114)' 
VL, transferred his court to Brazil, and Rio de Ja- 
niero became the capital of the Portuguese king- 
dom for the next fourteen years. In many ways rj^gp^^^. 
Brazil, and especially Rio, profited immensely by guese court 
the change, which broke the trammels of the old igoj-igzi 
colonial system, while Portugal suffered loss. 
After the fall of Napoleon in 181 5, the regent 
(who became king the next year, on the death of 
his Insane mother) still hesitated to return to 
Portugal, finding it hard to reconcile the opposed 
interest In the two parts of his realm, and seeming 
to value the great American dominion most. His 
difficulties were not removed by a decree which 
incorporated Brazil and Portugal In one kingdom. 
To the Portuguese, Brazil was a colony, and must 


From Washington to Stephenson 

Return of 
the king to 

Brazil an 

dent em- 
pire, 1822 


be kept under colonial bonds. In 1820 they 
resorted to revolutionary proceedings which 
forced King John to return to Lisbon the follow- 
ing year, leaving his son, Dom Pedro, to rule as 
regent in Brazil. He found the cortes of Portugal 
uncontrollable in the matter of the treatment of 
the Brazilians, determined to reduce them to their 
old colonial dependence and restraint in trade. 
Its fatuous measures drove the Brazilians to a 
declaration of independence, with the regent's 
consent, and Dom Pedro accepted the title and 
crown of emperor in December, 1822. Portugal 
resisted feebly for three years and then acknowl- 
edged the accomplished fact. The reign of Pedro 
I. was not satisfactory to his subjects, and in 1831 
he gave up the throne to his son, Dom Pedro 11. , 
who occupied it for nearly sixty years. Shortly 
before the abdication of the father an important 
province had been lost to Brazil, by a successful 
revolt, which established the republic of Uruguay 
in 1828. 

New South 

of sheep- 


In 1800, twelve years after the founding of the 
settlement (mostly of convicts) at and near 
Sydney, in New South Wales, its numbers had 
increased to a little more than 6,000, and that 
was the total white population of Australia. The 
vast flocks and herds of a later time were pio- 
neered then by no more than 1,000 cattle and 6,000 
sheep; but the fitness of the country for sheep- 
breeding had been proved, and that profitable 

The Beginnings of Australia 1167 

industry was beginning to engage capital and 
men. Hitherto, the colony had gone through 
much suffering, in a struggle with natural condi- 
tions, which were overcome. It still had serious 
troubles to meet, due to a dominating body of 
military officers, who defied the governors, 
assumed special privileges and monopolized wool- 
growing, as well as various branches of trade. 
After the removal of this troublesome corps, in 
1 8 10, affairs settled into a better state. Under 
Governor McQuarie, then appointed, exploration McQuane 
was pushed through the Blue Mountains, which 
had shut the colony into a narrow strip of coast 
land; broad expanses of pasture and farm land 
were found, and roads were constructed to open 
them up. The incoming of free settlers was rapid 
from that time. In 1823, the previous autocratic 
government of the colony was modified, by an 
act of the British parliament which created a 
legislative council and a supreme court. At this 
time, and for some years after, there was no other 
settlement on the continent; but a branch colony 
had been founded on the island at the south 
(Tasmania), known then as Van Dieman's Land. ^^"P'^ 

'^ ' ' man sLana 

Some missionaries were in New Zealand, but no (Tasmania) 
settlement on those islands had been undertaken. 


In this period, of the first third of the nine- 
teenth century, the British subjugation of India 
made its most important advances. An enlarge- 
ment of imperialistic ambitions was carried into 


From Washington to Stephenson 



1803, 1817- 




of suttee 
and the 

the administration of the East India Company by 
Richard Wellesley, earl of Mornington, afterward 
marquis of Wellesley, who was appointed gov- 
ernor-general in 1798. On the military side of his 
policy, Wellesley was assisted with great ability 
and vigor by his younger brother, Arthur, who 
found then the full opening to a career which 
made him duke of Wellington and gave him his 
splendid fame. Tippoo Sahib, successor to his 
father, Hyder Ali, as sultan of Mysore, and con- 
tinuing his father's alliance with the French, was 
the first enemy to be crushed by the British arms. 
Two wars with the powerful confederacy of 
Mahratta chiefs of central and western India, 
conducted by the Wellesleys and Lord Lake in 
the first instance, and by Lord Hastings in the 
second, put an end to their power. Aggressions 
by the warlike Ghorkas of Nepal, on the northern 
frontier of British territory, and by the Burmese, 
on the eastern border, were stopped decisively, by 
governor-general Hastings, in 18 16, and by Lord 
Amherst in 1824-6. Without war, the once 
famous Sikh ruler in the Punjab, Runjeet Singh, 
was checked in his projects of conquest south of 
the Sutlej, and his arms turned against Afghanis- 
tan and Kashmir. Within the bounds of the 
company's government, important measures of 
administration were the suppression of the dread- 
ful Hindu practice of suttee — the burning of 
widows — and the extermination of the secret 
society of Thugs, which made murder a religious 

India — Africa 1169 


Prior to the nineteenth century there had been 
little of European action in Africa south of the 
great desert. The Portuguese had established 
settlements and stations on both the east and 
west coasts; the Dutch, between 1652 and 1795, 
had been in possession of the Cape of Good Hope ^^'"l^ 

_ -^ , '■ ^ '^ settlements 

and adjoining territory; an English settlement andex- 
for freed slaves had been founded (1787) at p°"^°°* 
Sierra Leone; an African association formed in 
England had sent Mungo Park to explore the 
western interior, from the Gambia; Bruce had 
ascended the Blue Nile; England, in 1795, had 
seized the Dutch Cape Colony, to keep it from 
passing, with Holland, under French control; 
some Christian missions had been undertaken in 
a few parts of the continent: — and the substance 
of known central and south African history, 
down to 1800, Is in those facts. 

In 1802, England restored Cape Colony to the 
Dutch, but in 1806, after Holland had been trans- ^"^'"'^ , 

' ^ ' ^ _ conquest of 

formed into a Napoleonic kingdom, she took the Cape 
settlement again, and gave it back no more. 1806"^' 
Between that time and 1830, more active investi- 
gations of the African Interior were carried on, by 
British explorers, — Mungo Park, Campbell, 
Lyon, Laing, Clapperton, Denham, and others, — 
by Lichtenstein, a German, by Burchhardt, a tions°Ind 
Swiss traveler, and by Caille, a Frenchman, who mission* 
penetrated to Timbuctoo. Missions, too, of 
great importance in their effect, were undertaken, 
especially in South Africa, where the labors of 

1 170 From Washington to Stephenson 

Robert Moffat were begun. The republic of 
Liberia was founded by the American Coloniza- 
tion Society, in 1822, to receive a population of 
free negroes from the United States. 



Santa Barbara 


Series 9482 

A A 000 272 308 8